A NARRATIVE OF THE TROUBLES With the Indians in NEW-ENGLAND, From Pascataqua to Pemmaquid.  
THe Occasion, Rise and Progress of the War with the Indians in the Southern and Western parts of New-England, together with the Issue, and Success thereof, hath in the former part of this Narrative, been already declared. Before an Entrance be made into a Relation of those Troubles that befell the Eastern and Northern parts of the said Country from the Indians inhabiting those parts; it will be requisite to give some general Description of the place, as being less frequented, and so more unknown than the other, like Heralds that use to Blazon the Field before they meddle with the Charge, as an Historian once said, That so the Reader may not miss the Truth in Story, by being unacquainted with the places whereon the discourse proceedeth; Briefly therefore, that more cost and pains be not spent in the surveying a barren, and Rocky Country, then will quit cost; The List or Border here being known to be more worth than the whole Cloth; That whole Tract of Land, being of little worth, unless it were for the Borders thereof upon the Sea-Coast, and some Spots and Skirts of more  Land upon the Banks of some Rivers, how much soever it be valued by them that know nothing thereof, but by the uncertain and fallible Reports of such as have only Sailed by the Country, or viewed some of the Rivers and Havens, but never passed through the heart of the Continent. The whole being scarce worth half those men's lives, that have been lost these two last years, in hope to save it.  
This North part of New England, did first like Zarah put forth its hand, thereby inviting the Adventurers to twist the Scarlet Thread of their hopes about the same, by that Auspicious beginning they were ready to promise themselves great prosperity in having that Advantage before others, to plant and people that part of the Country.  
But that fair opportunity was almost quite lost, by some Fatal, and mischievous Accidents, happening soon after that noble Enterprise was first set a foot, as hath been already in part, and may hereafter more fully be declared.  
The first place that ever was possessed by the English, in hope of making a Plantation in those parts was a Tract of Land, on the Westside of the River of Kennibeck, then called Sagatawocke, since Saga-de-hocke: other places adjoining were soon after seized, and improved for Trading and fishing. The more remote, & furthest Northward at this time belonging to the English (Penobsot forty years since being surprised by the French, and by them held to this day) is called Pemmaquid, distant seven or eight Leagues from Kennibeck, and is the utmost Boundary of New-England, being about forty Leagues distant from the mouth of Pascataqua River. That Pemmaquid is a very Commodious Haven for Ships, and hath been found very Advantageous to such as use to come upon these Coasts to make fishing Voyages; South West, or South East, from whence about six or seven Leagues lies an Island called Monhiggon, of much use on the same account for fishing, it lying three or four Leagues into the Sea from Damarils' Cove, (a place of like Advantage for the Stages of Fishermen in former times) There have been for a long time seven or eight considerable dwellings about Pemmaquid, which is well accommodated with Pasture Land about the Haven for feeding Cattle, and some Fields also for Tillage; All the Land improvable for such uses being already taken up, by such a number of Inhabitants as is already mentioned.  
In the mouth of the River of Kennibeck lies a considerable Island cal●ed Aro●ck, some years since purchased by Major Clerk and Capt. Lake two Merchanes of Boston; on which they built several large dwellings with a Warehouse, and many other Edifices near the water side, 〈◊〉 being intended by the Owners for a place of Trading, as well as Planting; there being many of late seated there, fit to carry on each design, where also was built a fort, which if it had been carefully defended, might have proved the defence, and Security of all that side of the Country, as it used to be their Magazine, up higher beyond the River of Kennibeck, four Leagues Eastward toward Pemmaquid, in another considerable River called Ships-Coat, upon the Banks of which were many scattered Planters, who lately flying from their dwellings for fear of the Indians, left as was judged, a thousand head of neat Cattle for the use of the Indians, that made the late Insurrection against the Inhabitants of those parts, besides their Fields and Barns full of Corn  
There is another River that issues into Kennibeck, a little higher up into the Country called Pegypscot, that comes down from behind Casco Bay. This Pegypscot is the seat of the Amoscogging Indians, who have had a great, if not the principal hand in the late mischiefs.  
Some few Leagues to the South of Kennibeck lies that famous and spacious Haven called Casco Bay, The North East Cape of which is made by an Island called Saguin; The Southern or opposite point of Land is called Cape Elizabeth, which is in the Bosom of this Bay, being about eight or nine Leagues over at the mouth of it, and abundance of small Islands, many of them being inhabited by Fishermen, and others; one of the principal of that sort, is called Jewels Island. There are many places about this Bay fit to make commodious habitations; and on the South side of it is a small Village called Falmouth; All, or most of it, lately destroyed by the Indians.  
Not far from Casco to the Southward, or South-west, still is a River called Spurnuik, over against which lies Richmond Island, not far from the main Land, being divided therefrom by a small Channel foordable at Low water; It hath for a long time been the Seat of Mr. Jordan, in right of Mr. Winter, the former, if not the first promoter thereof whose daughter he married.  
The next Plantation Southward is called Scarborough, a small Village seated upon black point, over against which is another point, for distinction from the former called blue point: This black point was lately the Seat of M. Josselin, being a parcel of the Province of main, or falling within the Precincts thereof, and was formerly by Patent granted to the said Josselin or his Predecessors, since purchased by Mr. Scotto of Boston.  
Saco River lies next in order to Pascataqua, a Navigable River; where Major Philip's had a commodious Situation ●ately; at the mouth of which River lies winter Harbour, encompassed on one side by a Neck of Land, formerly the Propriety of one Mr. Winter whose Name it still retains, but lately purchased by Major Pendleton, where he enjoyed a very comfortable Seat and habitation.  
There is another Harbour lying a little Southward of Saco made by that which is called Cape Porpuise; a convenient Seat for Fishermen, as are most of the other places above named. Between Cape Porpuise & Pascataqua there are but two small Towns more, (though ambitious of great Names) the one called Wells, the other York, Wells is seated upon a small River or Creek affording a small Harbour fit only for Barks & smalle● Vissels; on each side of which Town lies a small River, the first called Kennibunk, the second Maguncuck the other Town is called York, formerly known by the Name of Agamenticus, from an high Hill of that Name not far off therefrom. The point of Land which lies between the said Towns, is called Cape Nidduck, making a small Harbour likewise, into which issues another pretty River, on the Banks of which is Scituate the Town of York. All or most of the forementioned Towns and Plantations are seated upon and near, some River greater or lesser, whose streams are principally improved for driving of Sa●-Mills; Those late Inventions, so useful for destruction of Wood and Timber, specially of Fir Trees, which do so abound in those Coasts; that there is scarce a River or Creek in those parts that hath not some of those Engine● erected upon them.  
The upper Branches of the famous River of Pascat●qua, being also employed all of them that way, namely, Sturgeon Creek, Salmon Falls, Newechewannick, Quechecho, Oyster River, Swamscot, Greenland, Lamprey-Eele River, together with the Towns of Exeter, and Dover, seated upon, or near some of the main Branches thereof, whose principal Trade is in Deal Board's, cut by those Saw-Mills, since their Rift Timber is near all consumed. On each side of that brave Navigable River of Pascataqua down towards the mouth of it, are seated on the North side the Town of Kittary (a long scattering Plantation made up of several Hamlets.) on the South side the Town of Portsmouth, to which belongs the great Island, lying in the mouth of the said River, a place of considerable Trade, these late years, the which together with Strawberry Bank the upper part of the said Town of Portsmouth, are the Magazine, and chief, or only place of Commerce & Trade for all the Plantations, betwixt it, and Casco Bay; All the said Plantations have in these last two years, viz. 1675. 1676. felt more or less of the Rage and Cruelty of the Barbarous and perfidious Indians belonging to that side of the Country, As shall more particularly be declared in what follows, after a short discourse of the first planting that side of the Country which may serve as a kind of Prologue to the following Tragedy.  
This part of New-England began first to be planted about the same time with Virginia, viz. in the year 1606. There the first Letters Patents granted by the King for the Limitation of Virginia, did extend from 34 to 44 Degrees of North Latitude, and was divided into two parts, namely the first, and the second Colony; The former was appropriated to the City of London, The other, to the Cities of Bristol, Exeter, and Town of Plymouth, each of which had Laws, Privileges, and Authority for the Government, and advancing their several Plantations alike, As saith, Capt. Smith in his general History of Virginia, and New-England. This second Colony of New-England promising but little Advantage to the Undertakers, by reason of its Mountainous and Rocky Situation, found but few Adventurers forward to promote the planting thereof, after the death of Sir John Popham, who was the first that ever procured men, or means to possess it; for when the main Pillars are removed, what can be expected but that the whole building should fall to the ground. Yet, notwithstanding the discouragements the first Planters met withal in their first Winter seasoning, in that cold and rocky desert (which made them all return home in the year 1608) did Sir Francis Popham his Son, having the Ships and Provision which remained of the Company, and supplying what was necessary for his purpose, send divers times to the Coasts for Trade and Fishing, of whose loss or gain, as saith my Author, himself was best able to give account. And some of the Ships sent by him, and the Earl of Southampton, with other Noble Adventurers, did bring home some of the Natives of the place in one of the next following years, by whose Informations, some of the first Undertakers were encouraged once more to try the verity of their hopes, and see if possibly they might find something that could induce a fresh Resolution to prosecute so pious and Honourable a work.  
But in the mean time before there was yet any Speech, or endeavour to settle any other Plantation in those parts, That about Saga de hook being thus abandoned for the present by the first Undertakers, The Frenchmen immediately took the opportunity to settle themselves within our Limits, which being understood by those of Virginia, they discreetly taking into their consideration the inconveniences that might arise by suffering them to harbour there, Sir Samuel Argal was sent with Commission to displace them, which he with great discretion, dexterity and Judgement performed about the year 1613. The which made way for the Plantation at Nova Scotia, granted afterwards by King James to Sir William Alexander one of his Majesty's most Honourable Council of Scotland. The said Argal seized the Forts which the Frenchmen had built at Mount Mansel, St. Croix, and Port Rual, and carried away their Ordnance, with other Provisions to the Colony of Virginia, to their great Benefit. The said places were held by the English divers years after, till about the year 1635. by Commission from the Scotch Lord aforesaid, but how his right came afterwards to be alienated to any of the French Nation, doth not concern us with Reference to the business in hand, further to inquire.  
Things remaining in this posture for the space of near seven years, some of the first Adventurers apprehensive of better hopes of good that might ensue by a fresh Attempt, Resolved to set the design a foot a second time, to which End several Ships were sent on that account in the year 1615. but with as bad Success as the former; for in the year before, viz. 1614 Capt. Smith desirous to promote the Colony of New-England, as well as that of Virginia came thither with two Vessels, and returned back to England in the lesser of them, with intent to be there again that next year, to promote the said Plantation; But after he was gone, one Thomas Hunt master of the Ship, he left behind, like a wicked Varlet, to prevent the carrying on the Plantation, that he & a few Merchants might wholly enjoy the benefit of the Trade of the Country, after he had made his Voyage, seized upon four & twenty of the poor Innocent Natives, that in confidence of his honesty, had put themselves into his hands, then clapping them under Hatches, carried them away to Malego, whither he was bound with the fish he had made upon the Coast, for that Market: But this vile act, although it kept him for ever after from any more employment in those parts, yet that was the least part of the mischief that attended his wicked practice; for upon the Arrival of the Adventurers Ships the next year; Two Natives of the place that had been some years in England, and coming back unto the said Ships, as soon as they understood the injury so Treacherously done to their Country men, they contracted such an hatred against our whole Nation, that although one of the said Natives died soon after, yet the other called Epenow, studied how to be Revenged, which he so far found means to Effect, that he frustrated this second Attempt of settling a Plantation in these parts.  
Yet did not the Adventurers cast off all hope of carrying on their design, wherein Providence within a few years after so favoured them, that one or more of the Savages called Tisquamtum and Samoset, carried away by Hunt, was brought back to Newfound Land, from whence he was soon after conveyed by the prudent endeavour of Capt. Mason (than Governor of the Plantation begun upon Newfound Land) into the hands of some of the Adventurers by whose means they hoped to work a peace betwixt the said Natives on that Coast where the fire had been kindled before; for the Adventurers employed Capt. Thomas Darmer, a prudent and industrious Gentleman to settle the affairs of the Plantation, now a third time revived again about Kennibeck, in the year 1619, or thereabouts. By his prudence and care a lasting peace was made betwixt the Natives of the place, and the English, who were but a little before so abhorred by them, for the wrong formerly received, so as the Plantation began at last to prosper, and continue in good liking, and Assurance of the Friendship of their Neighbours, that had been lately so exasperated against them. This Tisquantum forementioned, was not a little Instrumental, and helpful to the Plantation begun at New Plymouth about the following year, viz. 1620. in their weak beginnings, there being frequent mention of his Name, as also of one Samoset, a Native of the same place, by the like Providence brought back to Kennibeck, and from thence with Tisquantum came to the New-planters at Patuxet, or Plymouth, and brought them into acquaintance with Massasoit, the great Sachem about those parts; without whose Friendship that new Plantation would hardly have subsisted long.  
This Story premised is the more to be minded in this place, because the Friendship upon the means and occasions aforesaid, confirmed betwixt the Indians in these Eastern parts, & the English, had continued steadfast and Constant to this year, when it was broken by another Treacherous and wicked practice, of a like nature, and parallel to that of the foresaid Hunt. As may more fully be declared afterwards.  
Possibly the like sacisfaction may prove the more probable means to procure a settled peace. But to return, whence this Digression hath been made. Some years were spent to bring things to this Issue: The Adventurers were put to much care and pains before they could get their Patent confirmed, and Renewed again; many Obstructions they met withal from some Interlopers that began to look into the Trade of this Country, and would irregularly have had a share therein, or made it common to all Traders, to which End they petitioned to a Parliament then called, to bring about their Ends, but at the last it was settled firmly in the hands of sundry Noble and worthy Patentees, Lords, Knights, Gentlemen, and Merchants, commonly known by the Name of the Council of Plymouth, who had the absolute power under the King, for making all Grants, and disposing of all Lands from the 40th. to the 48th. Degrees of North Latitude; All which was accomplished about the year 1621. Some printed Relations that speak of these Transactions, writ much of the flourishing state, and hopeful prosperity of this Plantation, published about forty or fifty years since, yet did it never appear by what followed, that any considerable Advantage did ever accrue to the first Undertakers from this their New-Plantation of the Eastern parts, unless by the Trade of Fish, and Furs, which latter continued not long; As for the former, The chief benefit redounded only to them that managed it by their own particular Stocks, and personal Endeavours: And if without offence it may be spoken, the multitude of Patents soon after granted to several Gentlemen of Broken Fortunes, have provided but places of an Honourable Exile or Confinement, whither many deserving persons of better Education than Fortune, were sent to shift for themselves in a Foreign Land, without being further Troublesome to those nearer home, on whom they had their hopes and Dependence; yet it must not be denied but that some of the Undertakers were at vast Expenses, casting their Bread upon these waters, where none of their Friends and Relations have as yet had opportunity to find it. The Reason of which is not hard to give, in Reference to all those Lands and Territories that lie to the Eastward of Pascataqua River. One main Cause hath been the multiplicity of Grants and Patents for the dividing of the said Tract of Land, for beside the strife that hath been occasioned by the Intricacy and indistinctness of their Liberties and Bounds, (enough to have maintained a greater number of Lawyers, than ever were the Inhabitants) If the Grantees had been supplied with monies proportionable to their writts and Controversies about their bounds and Jurisdictions, which sometimes they have been ready to decide with their Swords, witness those fatal Names imposed on such Accounts upon some places belonging to those parts, as Bloody point, Black and Blue point, and every considerable Parcel of Land being by Patent granted to several particular persons, hindered the erecting of Town-ships and Villages, which if it had been otherwise disposed of, might have been full of Towns, and well peopled, and thereby the Inhabitants had been able to have stood upon their Guard, and defended themselves against the common Enemy, whereas now they were but like scopae dissolutae, or like his Arrows that being bound up in one bundle could not be broken by an ordinary Force, but being lose, were easily snapped asunder, by any single hand. Another Reason might be, the employing of such Agents & Instruments as either wanted Skill or Fidelity to manage what they were betrusted with, which made many of the Adventurers long ago complain, that (in stead of Bills of Exchange & other Returns which they expected) they received nothing but large Inventoryes of the wants of their several Plantations, and the Servants sent over to improve them, which were all the Returns that many of them ever received for the large Sums of money many disbursed for the carrying on their affairs A third Reason may be the several Changes of Government the Inhabitants have passed under, which have occasioned not only much vexation, & Expenses to such as were upon the place; but much discouragement to several others, who by the commodiousness of the Soil, would willingly have chosen Station in those parts, had they seen any hope of a settled Government, ever like to have been obtained; which is not hard to demonstrate, by giving a little touch as we pass along, on the several changes of Government, the places forementioned have been moulded into, & the several Proprietours of, have claimed Interest in the Land. In the year 1624. A Patent was granted by the Council of Plymouth, the grand Proprietours, to Captain Mason for a large Tract of Land about Pascataqua, but it not being distinctly bounded, himself, with Sir Ferdinando Gorges obtained a joint Patent in the year 1629. for the Land betwixt Saga de-Hock East, & Naum Keag West, but that also interferring with the Bounds ganted before that time to sundry Gentlemen & Merchants that had obtained a Patent from the South of Charles River to the Northward of Merrimack; Capt. Masons bounds were afterwards by Consent, (as is said) of his Agent or Agents, reduced to some Branches about Pascataqua River (who yet could not agree with those that acted in the Name of Shrewsbury men) but being wholly neglected by the pretended Proprietour or his Successors, (till of late days) was by the desire of the Inhabitants yielded up to the Massachusets Government, near twenty years since.  
In the year 1630. A Patent was granted by the said Council of Plymouth (signed by the Earl of Warwick, and Sir Ferdinando Gorgeri, and sealed with the common Seal of the Council aforesaid) to John Die, Thomas Imp, Grace Harding, and John Roach of London, for a large Tract of Land on the South of Saga-de Hock forty mile square by the Sea side, and so up into the Country: John Die afore said, and his Partners took in another as Partner, and Associate with them, Mr. Richard Dummer of Newbury in New-England, in the year 1638. to whom they delivered the Oreginal Patent, with an order from them and in their Name, to take up the Land described in the Patent, but, he being denied opportunity to Effect it, as also a Ship formerly sent by the Patentees for that End, not accomplishing their desire, they not long after sold all their Interest in the said Patent, to one Mr. Rigby a Lancashire Gentleman, who made Mr. Cleaves his Agent to manage the business of his purchased Interest in the said Patent; To whom Mr. Dummer was ordered to deliver the Original Patent, which accordingly he did: what trouble was occasioned soon after between the said Mr. Cleaves and Mr. Vines Agent for Sir Ferdinando Gorges, is well known to the Inhabitants of the place, and need not be here mentioned; nor yet how the said Mr. Rigby came afterward to lose his Interest (at least with the Inhabitants) in the Patent.  
In the year 1632. Sir Ferdinando George's not resting in the joint Patent obtained for himself, and Capt. Mason, obtained a distinct Patent for himself, and got it confirmed by King Charles the first of blessed and famous memory, for all that large Tract of Land from Sagadehock to Pascataqua River, and so about an hundred miles up into the Country, by the Name of the Province of Maine. What benefit and Improvement was ever made thereof by his Agents, or Successors, is best known to themselves; But for the Inhabitants, who upon one account or another had been induced, either by any precedaneous grant or liberty from himself, or his Agents, to take up any Land within the Bounds of the said Province; They finding much inconvenience and trouble for want of an orderly and settled Government, did at the last petition the general Court of the Massachusets to be taken under their Jurisdiction and Government (reserving the Liberties and Privileges of their former purchases and Grants, as to Title, possession and propriety to themselves) which was granted them, though not only, and altogether upon the grounds on which it was desired by the Petitioners. Yet notwithstanding all this, were not things settled either to the comfort or content of the Inhabitants: for sometimes some demanded Right of Jurisdiction over them by virtue of Sir Ferdinando's Patent, sometimes Commissioners employed by his Highness the Duke of York, attempted to settle a Government amongst the people, sometimes they tried what might be done by Agreement amongst themselves, but after their Return for England, by one means or other, the Government relapsed again into the hands of the Massachusets, although a Supersedeas thereunto seems to have been put by an order from his Majesty this last year.  
By these several Vic●ssitudes and changes of Government, the flourishing of the said Province hath been much obstructed, which else might have been much advanced, and the Inhabitants been put into a Capacity to have secured themselves against the late Barbarous Incursions of the Indians; and possibly those Exorbitancies that many of the present Proprietours have run into, to the just provocation of the Indians, might thereby have been prevented, and so the mischief also which hath ensued, might thereby have been averted: For a well ordered Government would never have suffered those things that now were connived at, which if they had been timely looked into by such as had absolute or positive and unquestioned power of Rule in their hands, would have been otherwise ordered, the present mischief that is come upon those places, might thereby have been, if not prevented, yet more easily redressed, then now is like to be.  
As for the Tract of Land that lies Eastward beyond Kennibeck, betwixt that and Pemmaquid, it is said to have belonged to one Mr. Aldworth, and his Successors; who was Alderman of Bristol, and one that had a Patent thereof, and employed some as his Agents, that did sometimes reside upon the place; And was lately settled in some order of Government by his Highness the Duke of Yorks Commissioners, by whom also was an Agreement made betwixt the Sagamores of the Indians in those parts, and the English, at a Court kept by their Appointment in Kennibeck, which if it had been observed, might in all probability have prevented in great measure the quarrel which is now fallen out betwixt the English and the said Indians: For upon some Jealousies of the Rising of those Indians about twelve or thirteen years since, it was agreed, that if any mischief should happen to be done by the English or Indians, one against another, though it were to the killing any person, neither side should right themselves, but complaint should be made to the Sagamores if the Indians did the wrong, and to the Court, if it were done by the English, Both which did promise satisfaction should be made, for the preventing any quarrel: The Names of the Sachems, as likewise of them that were in power at the Court, do still remain upon public Record. But matters of Government in those parts being since collapsed; no Authority more than what was merely voluntary and persuasive being owned. Things are now brought to that miserable state, which follows next to be declared.  
Ever since the first settling of any English Plantation in those parts about Kennibeck for the space of above fifty years the Indians always carried it fair, and held good Correspondence with the English, until the News came of Philip's Rebellion, and Rising against the Inhabitants of Plymouth Colony in the End of June 1675. After which time, it was apprehended by such as had the Examination of the Indians about Kennibeck, That there was a general surmise amongst them, that they should be required to assist the said Philip, although they would not own, that they were at all engaged in the Quarrel. The like Jealousy did appear in all the Indians that inhabited to the Eastward of Pascat●qua, which plainly shows that there was a design of a general Rising of the Indians against the English, all over the Country, (possibly as far as Virginia, the Indians there making Insurrection the same year,) & that many if not most of them were willing it should succeed, although the Elder & wiser of them liked it not, fearing the Issue, as they had cause: But many of the young men about Casco Bay, and Amonoscoggan were certainly known to flock thither the last year, and did, sundry of them, come short home. Forherein they acted but like Savages, as those in Virginia did, fifty year before, showing themselves friendly and Courteous to their new neighbours, till they had an opportunity to do them mischief. So that notwithstanding many of the Inhabitants in the Eastern, as well as in the Western parts of the Country, that were wont to Trade with the Indians, were not willing to believe any such purpose amongst them, but were ready to think, some of the Ruder sort of the Engglish, by their imprudent & irregular actings, had driven them into this Rebellion; yet is it too to evident, that the said Indians (who naturally delight in bloody & deceitful actions (did lay hold of any opportunity that might serve for a pretence to be put upon their barbarous practices. The Indians about Wammeset & Pascataqua, that had joined with their Country men in their rising against the English the last winter, when they were pinched with hunger in the cold Winter following returned back to the English, & desired to make peace, & firmly engaged to continue their wont Friendship; yea, some of them, as if they were really sorry for their murders, & Cruelty, of their own voluntary motion came with the Prisoners they had taken, & resigned them up to the English; yet when their own Ends were Answered, & another opportunity was offered of doing further mischief of like nature: they presently returned to their former practice, as is well known of Simond & Andrew, that had killed some, & led others Captive in the last spring from Bradford & Haverhill, who came in the End of June to Major Walderns, bringing home English Prisoners with them, yet did the very same Indians within less than two Months after join with the Amonoscoggan & Kennibeck Indians, in a committing the sad tragedies that were list acted in those parts; Yet was he & the other his Partner suffered to escape, for want of sufficient guarding the Prison, where they were put, in order to further Trial. But seró sapiunt Phryges'; It is hoped that we shall after some few more Experiences of this nature, learn to beware of this subtle Brood, and Generation of Vipers, ever since Enmity was put between the Seed of the woman & the Seed of the Serpent; It hath been the portion of her Seed in every Generation, & in every Nation to meet with the sad Effects of that Enmity; Nor can they ever expect to find better dealing from any of the other sort, further than either fear of their power, or hope of benefit by their favour, may induce them to another disposition, as we the Inhabitants of New-England have found by this late, & sad Experience in Reference to these Pagans in the West amongst whom our Lot is cast, they proving, as one says of the Mahometans in the East, like a nest of Hornets, that if any one of them chance to be provoked, they will be all about his Ears that comes near them. But it is now time to begin with the particulars of the Tragedy itself, that the Reader account not the Prologue too long. It was on the 24th. of June 1675. when the first mischief was done by the Indians about Mount-Hope, before twenty days were over, the fire began to kindle in these the most remote & most Northerly bounds of the said Country, or two hundred & fifty mile's distance, & upon this occasion; July the 11th. 1675. A Letter was brought to Kennibeck from one Henry Sawyer an Inhabitant of York, signifying the news of the Indians rising about Plymouth, & that a course was taken to disarm the indian's along the shore. This rumour did so far awaken the Inhabitants of those parts that the very next day at a general meeting of the English at one Capt. Pattisbals bouse, several offered themselves as Volunteers, to go up the said River of Kennibeck, to make discovery of the Indians Fidelity, or else to fight them, if occasion were. The third day after, marching up the River to Quegeseck, they met with the Inhabitants of Ships Cot River, which is a River lying about twelve or fourteen miles to the North East of Kennibeck. Divers of the Indians thereabouts, by the persuasions of one Mr. Walker, that used to trade with them, brought down an inconsiderable part of their Ammunition, as a few Guns, a little Powder & Shot, with a few knives: About seven of the Kennibeck Indians, & five of those called Ammoscogging Indians, about Pegypscot, (a river more Southward toward Casco) made this show of bringing in their Arms Capt. Lake, Capt. Partishal, with Mr. Wiswal, in whose hands was settled a kind of military power for those parts, were sent for to examine the said Indians further, of whom upon Examination they saw Reason to suspect some, if not all, whereupon they sent Messengers the second time to the Ammoscogging Indians; & also a Letter to Mr. Walker, to send down their Arms and Ammunition to them for their greater Security. After Mr. Wiswal was returned home, the five Ammoscogging Indians aforesaid brought in their Guns, but with no good intent probably; for an Indian called Sown, having an Axe in his hand, struck at one Hosea Malier a French man, but was prevented from doing him mischief, however the said Indian was presently bound and put into a Cellar. Some of the English that used to Trade with those Indians were ready to excuse the Indian, saying he was drunk, or that he was a distracted Fellow, but Mr. Wiswall with the other two examinants, looked upon those as mere Excuses, and altogether groundless, for one of them to this day affirms, that he was as Rational and sensible as any of the rest.  
The ancient Indians being asked what they thought was meet to be done in the said Case, said, he was worthy to die for such an affront, yet they would be glad if his life might be spared, offering to be jointly bound in his behalf, to pay forty Beaver Skins at the next Fall-Voyage, giving their hands in token of their Fidelity, and also leaving their Arms in the hands of the English as a Pledge of their faithful keeping those Articles of Peace concluded on betwixt them. If they proved themselves honest men, they were to have their Arms delivered them again, which was accordingly performed the last June, 1676. They having in the mean time carried themselves peaceably toward the English. The day after, viz. July 19 1675. An Indian of great note amongst them, called Robin hood with great Applause of the rest, made a dance, and sung a Song to declare their content in what was transacted. And so they parted, setting the Indians at liberty, that had engaged thus for their friend Sown, the Indian; but yet to this day one Skin of Beaver was never paid to the English, as was promised; The Indians all this time were well provided for of victuals by Capt. Lake, with other supplies of Rhum and Tobacco, even to the disgusting of some English then present.  
But the Indians left as Hostages upon Sowens account, how Civilly soever they were treated, ran all away at the last, trusting more to the Celerity of their own feet, then to the Civility of their English Friends; who after they were escaped, joined with a parcel of their Fellows soon after about twenty in all, in robbing the house of one Mr. Purchase an ancient Planter about Pegypscot River, and a known Trader with the Indians, what ever wrong may be pretended by the said Indians, as done them in their Trading, (of which more may be spoken afterwards) that will no whit excuse their perfidious Treachery, and falsehood in breaking Covenant with the English, dissembling, and seeking all Advantages of Cruelty against their English Neighbours, of which in the following Winter and Summer, 1676. there will be a more full and undeniable discovery. This was done in the beginning of September, 1675. Those Indians that first assaulted Mr. Purchase his house, did no other mischief, save plundering it of strong Liquor, and Ammunition, also killing a Calf or two, with a few Sheep, but no more than what they eat, and spoiling a Feather bed by ripping it open, to turn out the Feathers, contenting themselves with the Case, which they might more easily carry away. They offered no incivility to the Mistress of the house, (her husband, and her Sons, being at that time from home) yet one of her Sons approaching near the house, and finding it possessed of those new Inhabitants, he road away with all speed, and yet no faster than there was need; for an Indian followed him with a Gun under his Coat, to have shot at him, if he could by his flattery, and dissembling, have got him within the reach of his Piece.  
It is said, that at the first they used fair words, and spoke of Trading, but as they went away, told those of the house, that there were others coming after that would deal far worse with them, which within a short time after came to pass, for these were but the messengers of Death, which was soon after inflicted, and that in a most Barbarous manner upon sundry Inhabitants of the Neighbouring Plantations.  
The English in those parts being much incensed hereat, Twenty five of them soon after going up Cas●o Bay in a Sloop and two Boats to gather Indian Corn, and to look to what they had upon the said Bay near Amocoscoggen River; when they came near the houses, they heard a knocking, and a noise about the houses, and presently espied two or three Indians, who did not yet see them: The English being come a good way from their Vessel, endeavoured to get between the Indians, and the woods, which when they perceived, they ran toward the water side, but the English in pursuit killed one of them, and wounded another, who yet escaped away in a Canow cross the River, a third running back toward the woods, fled to the other Indians, and acquainted them with what was done, who presently came down, and lay in wait to intercept the English, that thought of no danger, but scattered themselves all about the place to gather their Corn, and lad the Boats therewith, but before they were ready to go away, The Indians coming down, fi●ed upon them, and forced them all into the Sloop; had not some of them been better prepared then the rest, they might all have been cut off, for some little resistance being made by them that were ready with their Guns, it gave the rest an opportunity to get all into the Sloop; yet not without many wounds: So with much ado, they all escaped with their lives, leaving the two Boats almost laden with Corn for a prey to the Indians, who presently burned one, and plundered the other of all that was therein; some are ready to think that the English did imprudently to begin the Quarrel, and not first inquire into what the Indians were about in the house, and seek Redress according to the forementioned Agreement, made at the Court in Kennibeck. But if this happened after what follows next to be related viz. that which was done to Old Waterly, and his Family; (the English can be blamed for nothing, but their negligence & Security, in that having alarmed their enemies, they stood not better upon their guard), which is not very certain. For 'tis thought that within a few days after, or the next week more horrible outrage was committed upon the Family of an ancient man, whose Name was Waterly, an Inhabitant of Casco Bay, who had some years before removed from Gloucester, or Cape Anne out of some discontent, which afterwards he often bewailed, resolving either to have returned back, or else to have removed to some securer place, but he was arrested by the Sons of violence, before he could Effect his purpose. This old man with his wife, his Son, and his daughter in Law (at that time great with Child) with three grand Children were cruelly murdered by those barbarous Savages, at one time: another of his grand Children was taken alive, and led into Captivity, a daughter of his was said to be carried to Narhagauset, which shows they joined with the Southern Indians in the Rebellion; when once these Indians had embrued their hands in English blood, they were emboldened to the like bloody Attempts in the Adjacent places.  
This Waterly lived so far from Neighbours, or else was encompassed with Creeks or Rivers, that no Relief could presently be sent to him, however Lieut. Ingerson of Casco the next day with a File of men, repaired to the place where his house-stood, to see what was the Reason of the Fire they discerned the day before, there they found the house burned to ashes, the bodies of the old man and his wife half consumed with the fire, the young woman killed, and three of the grand Children, having their brains dashed out, and their bodies were laid under some Oaken Planks, not far from the house; one girl of about eleven years old, was carried Captive by them, and having been carried up and down the Country some hundreds of miles, as far as Narhaganset Fort, was this last June returned back to Major Walderns, by one Squando the Sagamore of Saco; A strange mixture of mercy and Cruelty.  
Soon after Capt. Bonithon's and Major Philip's Dwellings were assaulted, one on the East, the other on the West side of Saco River. It is said, they had seasonable notice of what was intended against them, by their Barbarous Enemies, Those Amonoscoggan Indians; viz. by an Indian of Saco, their Neighbour, better minded then the rest of his Country men: who observing a strange Indian coming to his Wigwam in Company with some of his acquaintance, one of whom informed him, after the rest, (with the stranger) were gone; That the said stranger came from the Westward, and that his business was to persuade the Eastern Indians to fall upon the English in their dwellings here, as the rest had done to the Westward. Captain Bonithon, either upon this Information, or upon the knowledge of what was done a little before at Casco, had left his house, and was retired over the River with his Family to Major Philip's his Garrison. Thus two are better than one: for otherwise, both might have been destroyed: For upon the 18th. of September following, being the 7th. day of the week, about eleven a Clock, they at Major Philip's his Garrison saw Capt. Bonithon's house on fire on the East side of Saco River, which by the good Providence of God was to them as the firing of a Beacon, giving them notice to look to themselves, their Enemies being now come; for otherwise, they might to their great disadvantage have been too suddenly surprised, for within half an hour after, they were upon them, when a Sentinel placed in the Chamber gave notice that he saw an Indian by the Fence side, near a Corn Field, Major Philip's not willing to believe till he might see with his own Eyes, ran hastily up; another of his men, coming after, cried Mr. what mean you? do you intent to be killed, at which words, he turned suddenly back from the window, out of which he was looking, when presently a Bullet struck him on the shoulder, grazing only, upon it without breaking the bone. The Indians upon the shot, thinking he had been slain thereby, (as they heard afterwards) gave a great shout, upon which they discerned that they were surrounded by them, whereupon they presently fired on the Enemy from all Quarters, and from the Flankers of the Fortification, so as they wounded the Captain of the Indians, who presently leaving the Assault retired three or four miles from the place, where be soon after died, as they were informed: He counselled them to leave the siege, but they were resolved not so to quit the place; nor were those within less resolute to defend it: one of the best men was soon after disabled from any further Service, by a wound which he received in one of the Volleys made upon them by the Assailants; But that no whit daunted the rest of the Defendants, who continuing still firing amain upon the Enemy: This Dispute lasted about an hour, after which the Enemy despairing to take the house by Assault, thought upon a device how to burn it.  
First, firing the house of one of his Tenants, than his Saw-Mill, after that his Corn Mill, hoping by that means to draw them out of the Garrison to put out the fire, but missing of their purpose in that, they called out, you English Cowardly Dogs, come out and quench the Fire: They continued this sport all the afternoon, continually almost without any Intermission firing upon them: The besieged hoped for Relief from the Town, but none came, The Major still encouraging his men to stand it out, which they manfully did all that night, when they were alarmd almost every half hour: and betwixt whiles they could hear their Axes and other Instruments, knocking about the Mills till the next day: They within the house conceived they were preparing some Engine wherewith to burn the house, which proved accordingly, for about 4 or 5 a Clock in the morning at the setting of the Moon, the Major was called by his men to look out, when he saw a Cart with four Wheels, having a Barricado built in the fore part, to keep off Shot, and filled with combustible matter, birch rinds, straw, powder, and Poles twenty Foot long, apt to fire the house: he bid them let them drive it within Pistol shot, before they made any shot against them; His men were a little discouraged at the sight of this Engine: but he bid them, be of good Courage, and use the means, putting their trust in God, who, he was confident would deliver them: The Cart, when brought a little nearer, became unwieldy by Reason of the Barricado planted in it, and being to pass through a small gutter, one Wheel stuck fast in the Slough, which brought the Cart suddenly to the Left, whereby the Drivers lay all open to their right Flanker, when presently they fired upon them out of the said Flanker, and having so fair a shot upon them, and not being above Pistol shot from the place, they killed six of the Enemy, and wounded fifteen, as they found afterwards, which no doubt made them too late to repent of their Resolution, not to follow their Captain's Counsel and Example in leaving the Siege; for now they presently departed: So as at Sun rise, they within the house espied forty of them marching away, but how many more were in the Company they could not tell.  
The Indians it seemed went toward Blue point, where it is said they killed several persons: but those in the house feared they went for more help, and expected their Return, but it seems their Courage failed them, as to another Attempt, upon an house so well garrisoned, and manfully defended. Major Philip's sent to the Town for help, acquainting them with what had passed, but none was sent them, either that day, or the next, so as having spent almost all their Ammunition, the people that were with him, would not be persuaded to tarry longer, than the Monday morning: which constrained him and his Family to remove to the Town; about a Fortnight after, the Indians hearing thereof, came and burnt down the empty house. There were fifty persons in the said house during the time of the Siege, and but ten able hands; they had five more that could do something, but through Age, or minority, not able to make any notable Resistance; yet so it pleased God, in whose hands are all men's lives and limbs, and who is never wont to fail them, who in time of danger are ready so to confide in his power, and goodness, as not to neglect the use of due means for their own Preservation, so to order things, that not one person of all those fifty, was either killed, or mortally wounded. Major Philips himself was wounded, but not dangerously at the beginning of the Assault, his M●l's with other Edifices were the first day burned by the Enemy, & so were all the houses at Saco, or most of them soon after, that were above the fisher-men's stages. One Mrs. Hitcock being carried Captive by the Enemy from the same place, died in the Winter following, by eating some poisonous Root, in stead of a ground nut, as was reported by the Indians afterwards.  
Much about the same time, five persons going up to the River of Saco, were all killed by the same Indians.  
These Tragedies being thus acted at Casco Bay, and Saco, those Barbarous Enemies dispersed themselves in parties, intending to do all the mischief they could to all the English, inhabiting about that side of the Country; In the same Month of September they came down towards Pascataqua, doing the like Spoil upon the Inhabitants of the several Branches of that River, which they had been doing elsewhere; In the first place they burned the two Cheslyes houses about Oyster River, and killed two men that were passing along the River in a Canoe; and carried away an old Irishman, with a young man taken from about Exeter, who yet both of them soon after made an escape to a Garrison at Salmon-Falls in Kittary by the help of an Indian better minded then the rest, the first after seven weeks, the other after a Month's Captivity.  
Much about that time, one Goodman Robinson of Exeter with his Son were travelling toward Hampton, where, as they passed along, they were waylaid by three Indians, viz. John Samson, Cromwell, and John Lined, who shot down the old man, whom they left dead upon the place; his Son, hearing the Guns escaped their hands, by running into a Sw●mp, whither the Indians pursued him, but could not overtake him, so as he got safe into Hampton about midnight, where he declared what befell him by the way, and how narrowly he avoided the danger, intimating likewise, that he feared his Father was killed, which was found too true, by Lieut. Swet, who the next day with a dozen Soldiers of the Town, went to search those woods, where they found the poor old man, shot through at his back, the bullet having pierced through his body, and was stopped by the skin on the other side: Another of Exeter, called Foulsam, was at the same time driving a pair of Oxen in the same Road, where, soon after he heard the Report of the Guns when Robinson was killed, he espied the three Indians creeping upon their bellies towards him, to do as much for him as they had done for Robinson, but leaving his Oxen, he put on his horse with all speed, and so was delivered from the danger that the other fell into, it is reported that one of the Indians made a shot at him; but he was either gotten out of their reach, or else they m●ssed their aim at that time. The same Indians had a little before met with another English man in those woods, one Charles Randlet, whom they carried Captive, although he soon after escaped out of their hands, by the help of another Indian called James. It is said there were four Indians of that Company, and that the fourth was sent away with Randlet, so that there were but three seen together at the kill, and pursuing the other forementioned. One of the said Indians, viz. John Samson was killed by some of Capt. Hathorns Soldiers at Casco Bay in September following 1676. when the Scouts of our forces came upon the Indians on the sudden, and had a small brush with them; but all the rest made a shift to get away: As for the other two, viz Cromwell, and John Lined; one of them, it is said, is since killed, or taken and sold away, the other is at Kennibeck, whom vengeance may also in due time overtake, as it hath done the other.  
Within a few days after that barbarous Fact at Oyster River, two Indians, viz one named Andrew, and the other Hope-hood, the Son of him called Robin Hood, assaulted the house of one Tozer at Newechewannick, wherein were fifteen persons, yet all women and Children, who without all doubt had all of them fallen into the merciless hands of the two cruel and barbarous caitiffs, had not a young maid of about Eighteen years of Age first espied them, who being endued with more Courage then ordinarily the rest of her Sex use to be, (the blessing of Jael light upon her) first shut to the door, whereby they were denied Entrance, till the rest within escaped to the next house, that was better Fortified; That young Virago kept the door fast against them so long till the Indians had chopped it in pieces with their Hatchets, when entering the house, they knocked the poor maid down with their Hatchets, and gave her many other wounds, leaving her for dead upon the place; after which, they passed on toward the next dwelling, in their way meeting with two Children, that had escaped the house first broken open by them, they killed one of them, of three years old, which could not follow fast enough, or else they that carried it, could not convey it over a Fence soon enough to save themselves and it; And carried away the other of seven year old, which yet was returned safe within half a year after: The poor Maid that had ventured her own Life so far, to save many others, was by a strange Providence enabled to recover so much strength after they were gone, as to repair to the next Garrison, where she was soon after healed of her wounds, and restored to perfect health again.  
The next day toward night more of the Barbarous Enemies being gathdred together they made another Assault upon the neighbouring dwellings.  
The English, as many as could be spared out of the Garrison, (not above eight in number) pursued after them about half a mile, but night coming on, it was judged best to retreat, lest otherwise they might have been Intercepted in their return home, by any of them lying in Ambush, which is their usual way of doing mischief. After divers shot made on both sides, but five of the Enemies appeared: who yet took the Advantage of Captain Wincals absence, (whose dwelling was not far off) to burn his house and Barn, with another house, and two Barns more, wherein was much English Corn; above an hundred Bushels was supposed to be in one of them. After they had done this mischief they fled away.  
The next day after, the same Indians, or others of their Fellows, came upon the other side of the River, from whence they shot over several times, to some that were grinding in the Mill, but after the exchanging of many shot on both sides of the River, betwixt them, six of the Enemy shown themselves in the Twilight, uttering several Insolent and barbarous Speeches calling our men English dogs, etc. yet all this while out of reach of their shot, and then they ran all away like dogs after they had done barking.  
After this, those very Indians, as was supposed, burned five or six houses about Oyster River, and killed two men, viz. one William Roberts and his Son in Law. The Inhabitants of Do●er, with some other Resolute young men, being much provoked by these many Insolences, and injuries done by the Enemies, obtained liberty from the Major of the Regiment, to try whether they could not meet with some of the Indians, by secret Ambushes, and skulking amongst the Bushes and Trees, as the Indians used to do with them, to which End about twenty divided themselves into several small parties: soon after as they were looking after the Enemy, a party of ours espied five of the Indians, some gathering Corn in the Field while the rest of them were busied in beating of an Oven to bake some of the fruit which they gathered also in the same Field.  
The English were at such a distance that they could not make any sign to their Fellows, without being discovered by the Indians in the Field; wherefore two of them crept as near as they could to the house, at one end of the Field, where they suddenly rushed upon two of the wretches, and knocked them down with the Butt end of their Muskets, which was not done so silently, but the other three in the Field took the Alarm, and fled away, who else might as easily have been surprised as the other two.  
These Outrages thus daily committed, filled all the Plantations about Pascataqua with fear and confusion; scarce any place, where there was not either Reason for some to complain of the loss of their Friends, or burning of their houses; which caused most of them that lived scatteringly, at any distance from Neighbours, either to garrison their houses, or else to desert their own dwellings, and to repair to their next Neighbours that were better fortified then themselves; But all the Inhabitants in those parts in general, were Alarmed to stand upon their Guard.  
On the seventh of October following, being a day of public Humiliation, a man was shot down as he was riding between two garrison houses about Newechewannick, and died of his wounds within two hours after; About the same instant of time two young men were shot dead about a mile from that place; These two had their Arms or Guns with them, which were carried away by them that killed them, together with their upper garments; It is not said that these three last, (though killed upon a day of Humiliation) were surprised in their repairing to, or returning from the place of public worship, which would in a great measure have abated the sorrow of their sad Funerals, if when they were suddenly arrested by the Harbingers of Death, they had been found so doing.  
Soon after this, they Assaulted another house at Oyster River, the which, although it was garrisoned, yet meeting with a good old man, whose Name was Beard without the Garrison, they killed him upon the place, and in a barbarous manner cut off his head, and set it upon a Pole in derision, not far off about the same time they burned another house and Barn.  
Upon the sixteenth of October being Saturday, about an hundred of the Indiaas were gathered together, to Assault Newechewannick; They began with one named Tozer, half a mile from the upper Garrison, at Salmon Falls. The said Tozer was presently killed his Son taken Captive, (but returned after some Month's Restraint) several Guns being shot at this Assault, Alarmed Lieut. Plaisted at the next Garrison, who like a man of a public Spirit immediately sent out seven men from the Garrison under his Command, to see what the matter was, but being met by an Ambush laid in the way as they went, lost two or three of their Company, the rest hardly escaping back to the place whence they came, whereupon, the said Lieut. Plaisted immediately dispatched away a Messenger to Major Walderns at Quechecho, which because it seems to be the last time that ever that good and useful man set pen to paper, shall here be Inserted.  
Salmon Falls October 16. 1675.  
Mr. Richard Waldern and Lieut. Coffin, these are to inform you, that just now the Indians are engaging us with at least one hundred men, And have slain four of our men already, Richard Tozer, James Barny, Isaac Bottes, and Tozer Son, and burned Benoni Hodsdans' house; Sir, if ever you have any love for us, and the Country, now show yourself with men to help us, or else we are all in great danger to be slain, unless our God wonderfully appear for our Deliverance. They that cannot fight, let them pray; Not else, but I Rest,  
Yours to serve you 
 Signed by, 

Roger Plaisted,  
George Broughton.    
What Answer was returned to this importunate and pathetical Letter is not fully known at present; most probably he that was most concerned in the Contents of it was either absent from home, or in no Capacity to send the Relief desired; which if it could have been had, might have prevented the sad mischief that fell out the next day; when Lieut. Plaisted being more earnestly bend to perform that last office of love to his deceased Friends, whom he could not by all his Endeavours save from the danger of death, while they were in the Land of the living would needs venture himself with twenty Soldiers out of his Garrison, to fetch off the dead bodies.  
To that end he ordered a pair of Oxen to be yoked to bring them to his Garrison, in order to their Christian burial, not considering that the Indians lay skulking thereabouts, waiting for such opportunityes. They went first to the furthest place, where they found Ro. Tozers body, and put it into their Cart, but coming back to take up the other two bodies, which were fallen in a little Swampe nearer to the Garrison, they were set upon by an hundred and fifty of the Enemy, that had hid themselves in the bushes, and under a stone wall, and Logs in the way as they were to pass; By the sudden noise of the guns, the Cattle being frighted ran away to the garrison with such of the dead, as were first laid up thereon, (and possibly with one of them wounded at that instant) leaving their Owners to fight it out with their Enemies. Lieut. Plaisted being thus desperately Assaulted, he with his twenty men, was forced to retreat to a place of better Advantage; but being there so hotly pursued, they were not able to abide it long; Although they killed and mortally wounded several of the Indians, as themselves have since confessed: but they most of them being so much overmatched, took the opportunity of a fair Retreat, and so got safe to their Garrison, while Lieut. Plaisted out of the height of his Courage, disdaining either to fly from, or yield himself (for 'tis said) the Indians were loath to kill him, but desirous rather to take him Prisoner) into the hands of such cursed caitiffs, did fight it out disperately, till he was slain upon the place, his Eldest Son and another man were slain in their too late Retreat, and his other Son was sorely wounded, so that he died within a few weeks after.  
The Indians were contented with this mischief for the present (and indeed if all the English they had to deal with, had showed the like Resolution with this Plaisted they would not have done half the mischief, that since hath been done by them) and slunk away into the woods before the next day, when Captain Frost came up from Sturgeon Creek, (a few miles below the River) with a party of his friends, and buried the dead: During these onsets, the Enemy also took their Advantage to burn three houses, and two barns before they left the place.  
The latter End of the same Month they burned a Mill near the same place belonging to Mr. H●tchinson a Merchant of Boston; from whence they came down lower toward Sturgeon Creek, where they burned one house, and killed two men, not far from Captain Frost's dwelling, he escaping himself very narrowly, being shot at by the Enemy, about Ten in Number, who might easily have burned his house, and taken all that were in it, being but three boys besides himself, had he not used this policy, to call out to some to march this, and the other way, to look after the Indians, as if he had had many at hand to Command, which under God was the means of his escape; for his house was neither Fortified, nor well manned, yet was far from Neighbours.  
The next day the said Indians passed down the River on Kittary side, killed one man, whose house they first plundered, and then set it on fire; All this was done just over against Portsmouth, from whence out of a small Battery was discharged a piece of Ordnance, which by a good Providence was directed so to fling its shot as it fell very near a party of the Indians, for they were so affrighted therewith, (if none of them were killed) that they left a good part of their plunder near the place: They were pursued by some of the English, before they could recover their home, and by the help of the Snow that fell about that time, were traced till they were overtaken, but being near a Swamp, themselves escaped, for haste leaving two of their Packs behind them.  
Soon after they went up the River again to Quechecho, where they burned an house, and two or three Barns. Another Party of them got over or beyond the other branches of Pascataqua River, toward Exeter, and Lampny Eyle River, where they killed one man: sundry of them were seen in the woods about Exeter; and between Hampton and Exeter, where they killed one or two men in the woods as they were travelling homewards, occasioning the people of those Towns to stand continually upon their guard, which proved a great annoyance to the Inhabitants.  
But to look a little back to the Plantations more Eastward from Pascataqua River, where these outrages of the Indians first began.  
At Casco Bay Lieut. Ingersons Son, with another man going out a fowling about this time, were both killed before they returned home, his Father's houses being burned, with wany others also thereabouts.  
At Black point, Lieut. Augur with two more were assaulted by the Indian●, where after many shot exchanged betwixt them, himself was so wounded, that he died soon after, and his brother also was killed within a few days afterwards, not far from the same place.  
When the rising of the Indians first began in those Eastern parts, (with us called the County of Yorkshire) Captain Wincol of Newechewannick, with some others, having a Sympathy for the sufferings of the Neighbours, marched up that way with a small party of men; In his first Skirmish with the Enemy he chanced to lose two or three of his Company; the rest being not above eleven in all, as they were marching along by the Sea side were assaulted by a great number of the Indians, judged to be an hundred and fifty: he being hard beset with so great a number retreated to an heap of Bolts that lay near the water side, by the shelter of which they lay safe from the Indians Guns, and so well plied their few Guns, that they slew many of their Enemies, and put them all to a kind of Rout at the last: After which by the help of an old Canoe, they recovered safe to the other side of the Bank. But nine Saco men had worse success, who yet came with a very good Intention to help their friends, upon the hearing of their Guns; but as they came to Rescue Captain Wincol with his small party, they themselves fell into an Ambush of the Indians, and so were all cut off, with two other men also, near the place where the first Skirmish was, for the Indians from the shore side could discern any that were coming towards them, when they were a great way off, and so might easily waylay them, before they could come up to them. Near upon seven houses were burned about this time, and some persons killed at Black point.  
Two persons likewise were killed at Wells in the beginning of the winter, one of them were servant to Mr. William Simonds (one of the principal men in the Town aforesaid) the Gentleman himself with his Family were removed to a Garrison house in the middle of the Town, his servant going early in the morning to look after some business there; tarried longer then was needful to provide something for himself, the Indians i●●ited themselves to breakfast with him, making the poor Fellow pay the shot, when they had done, with the loss of his life.  
A week after one Cross was slain at Wells likewise, who was a kind of a distracted Fellow. Also one Isaac Cousins was there killed in the beginning of Winter, after there had been some Overtures of peace betwixt Major Walderns and the Indians.  
With such kind of mutual Encounters was the latter part of the year spent betwixt the Indians and the English from Pascataqua River to Kennibeck, from the beginning of August to the End of November, wherein many were slain on both sides: In one place, and in another; of the English in those parts were slain upward of fifty. The Enemy lost as appeared afterward by their own Confession, above ninety, partly in the foresaid Skirmishes, and partly in their joining with the Indians to the Westward, whither it is said, many of them were invited to repair, to help destroy the English, in hope to enjoy their possessions afterwards; But God had otherwise determined, who did arise at last to save the meek ones of the Earth, and plead the Cause of his People.  
The Governor and Counsel of Massachusets, had, at this time, their hands full with the like Attempts of Philip and his Complices to the Westward, yet were not unmindful of the deplorable Condition of these Eastern Plantations; having committed the care thereof to the Majors of the Respective Regiments of the several Counties on that side of the Country, but more especially to the care and prudence of the Honoured Major D. Denison, the Major General of the whole Colony, a Gentleman, who by his great insight in, and long Experience of all Martial Affairs, was every way accomplished for the managing that whole Affair; He had, to ease the other side of the Country, drawn out a sufficient number of Soldiers from the next Counties, to have reduced all the Indians Eastward to their obedience; but just as they were intended to march up to the head Quarters of the Indians, to fall upon them there, viz. to Ossapy, and Pigwauchet, about an hundred miles up into the Country Northward.  
The Winter setting in so sharp and severe in the beginning of December, and latter end of November, It was not possible to have marched a day's Journey into the woods, without hazarding all their lives that should venture up; The Snow being found generally in those woods, four foot thick on the 10th. of December, so as it was not possible for any to have traveled that way, unless they carried Rackets under their feet, wherewith to walk upon the top of the Snow: This alone Consideration forced them to lay aside their design for the present, but soon after it was done to their hands; for the depth of the Snow, and sharpness of the cold were so extreme, that the Indians in those parts were so pinched therewith, that being hunger starved, they began to sue for peace, making their Address first to Major Walderns on that account, by whose mediations that whole body of Indians Eastward were brought to an hopeful Conclusion of peace, which was mutually agreed upon, and possibly might have remained firm enough to this day had there not been too just an occasion given, for the breaking of the same by the wicked practice of some lewd persons, which opened the door, and made way for the bringing in all those sad Calamities, and mischiefs that have since fallen upon those parts of the Country; As shall hereafter be declared.  
In the latter end of June, 1676 The Indians that had made a general Conspiracy against the English were strangely dispersed, and dispirited, so as they from that time began to separate one from another, and every Nation of them to shift for themselves, as hath been already mentioned in the former part of this Narrative. Canonicus the great Sachem of the Narrhagansets distrusting the proffers of the English, was slain in the woods by the Mohawks, his Squaw surrendering herself, by this means her Life was spared.  
Many of those about Lancaster, and the places adjoining thereunto, did cunningly endeavour to hid themselves amongst those Indians about Pascataqua, that had newly made their submission to the English, by Major Walderns means and concluded a peace, yet could neither dissemble their nature and disposition passed before from suspicion of mischief, nor yet so artificially conceal their persons, but they were easily discerned by such as in former times had any acquaintance with the Eastern Indians by way of Trade, or other Converse: Whereupon the forces newly raised in the Massachusets, under the Command of Captain William Hathorne, and Captain Joseph syl, designed for the subduing of those Indians about the River of Merrimack, and Pascataqua, that still stood out in Hostility against the English, meeting with those under the Command of Major Waldern aforesaid, and Capt. Frost of Kittary; It was mutually agreed detwixt those several Commanders to seize upon all those Indians that at that time were met together about Major Walderns dwelling at Quechecho; The Contrivement succeeded according to expectation, & all the said Indians were handsomely surprised, September 6th. 1676. without the loss of any persons life, either Indian or English; to the number of near four hundred: by which device, after our Forces had them all in their hands, they separated the peaceable from the perfidious, that had been our Eeemies, during the late Troubles; finding above two hundred involved in the former Rebellion, more or less, accordingly they were sent down to the Governor and Council at Boston; who adjudged seven or eight of them Immediately to die; such as were known to have had their hand in the blood of the English, or that had been shed by their means, the rest, that were found only Accessaries to the late mischiefs, had their lives spared, but were sent into other parts of the world, to try the difference between the Friendship of their Neighbours here, and their Service with other Masters elsewhere.  
Those who had been always either peaceable and true to the English, never intermeddling in the quarrel, as Wannalancet the Sagamore of Pennicook and some others were quietly dismissed to their own places.  
Besides these that were surprised at the time aforesaid; there were several others, who had been the chief Actors, that were taken up and down in those woods beyond Merrimack, and so were delivered up to Justice; As John Monoco, Sagamore Sam, old Jethro, with some others, as hath been already mentioned, yet young Jethro brought in forty at one time. It was a special favour from God, so to order it, that the Indians aforesaid, were so surprised; for had they continued in their former Rebellion, and had taken the opportunity to have joined with the Eastern Indians, as some of them did a few Months before, they would in all likelihood have utterly destroyed all the Plantations of the English beyond Pascataqua River; As manifestly appears by the mischief which was lately done by the means of a few, that by too much Connivance of some in those parts, that entertained a better opinion of them than it seems they deserved. For whereas mention formerly was made of a small party of Indians that on the third of May in this present year, had murdered one Thomas Kembel of Bradford, and carried away his wife & five Children Captive, yet two or three of the Actors did, upon what Consideration is not known, return the woman and Children again within six weeks, and because of their voluntary returning of them, were dealt more favourably withal; being only put into prison at Dover for a time, yet possibly conceiving that a prison was but a preparation for a worse evil, they took an opportunity (two of the chief Actors in the foresaid mischief, called the one Simond, the other Andrew) to convey themselves out of the place of Restraint, and afterwards going amongst the Amo●oscoggan and Kennibeck Indians, have joined with them in those bloody and cruel depredations lately made in those parts, which follow in order next to be related.  
Some little Colour or pretence of injury was alleged before those Eastern Indians began their outrage both in the former, as well as in the present year, the chief Actor or rather the beginner of all the foresaid mischiefs Eastward, is one Squando, the Sagamore of Saco Indians, whose Squaw as is said was abused by a rude and indiscreet act of some English Seamen in the last Summer, 1675. who either overset the Canoe wherein the said Squaw with her Child were swimming in a River thereabouts, or else to try whether the Children of the Indians as they had heard, could Swim as naturally as any other Creatures, wittingly cast her Child into the water; but the Squaw immediately diving into the water after it, fetched it up from the bottom of the River, yet it so falling out that within a while after the said Child died, (which it might have done if no such Affront had been offered) The said Squando Father of the Child hath been so provoked thereat, that he hath ever since set himself to do all the mischief he can to the English in those parts, and was never as yet since that time truly willing to be Reconciled. Although he is said to have sent home some that were taken Captive the last year. Surely if their hearts had not been secretly filled with malice and Revenge before, they might have obtained satisfaction for the wrong done, at an easier Rate More probable it is, that this was only an occasion to vent the mischief they formerly had conceived in their hearts.  
There is an injury of an higher nature, mentioned as the ground of their quarrel with us, who live about Pemmaquid, and Kennibeck, which happened the last Spring, viz. one Laughton with another person or more who having obtained under the hand of Major Waldern a warrant to seize any Indians Eastward, that had been guilty of any Murder or spoil done to the English in those parts; did most perfidiously and wickedly entice some of the Indians about Cape Sables, who never had been in the least manner guilty of any injury done to the English, aboard their Vessel, or else some other way, and then carried them away to sell them for slaves; which the Indians in those parts look upon as an injury done to themselves, and have alleged it to the Inhabitants of Pemmaquid, as one of the principal grounds of their present quarrel: The thing alleged is too true as to matter of Fact, and the persons that did it were lately committed to prison in order to their further trial. Yet all those Indians do, or may know full well that they who did them that wrong, were liable to due punishment, (or else their quarrel might be accounted just, and they considered as Indians, must have the more allowance) if they could be found, nor ever were any countenanced amongst us, that had done them any kind of injury, nor did those that take upon them the revenging of the injury, know that they were Inhabitants of this Country that did the wrong; nor was then ever any orderly Complaint made thereof, but this cannot excuse their perfidiousness and Cruelty, some other pretences were alleged by the said Indians that yet do bear no proportion to the mention of a wrong or injury, viz. because our Traders were forbidden to sell any Ammunition to any Indians whatsoever; which those Indians say they cannot live without; yet seeing themselves, as well as the Westward Indians have so ill improved, that which they had before, there was little Reason why they should quarrel with us, for selling no more:  
Further also it is affirmed by some persons worthy of Credit, that for divers years past have lived in those parts, that the Indians thereabouts, need not have wanted powder or shot, only they wanted something wherewith to cloak their malicious and barbarous practices of late committed against us; but there being different opinions about this point, we shall leave it at the present.  
But this being premised in Reference to the pretended ground, or occasion of the quarrel; It remains that the Effects thereof, be now related.  
Before the War with Philip was well ended to the Southward, there was a fresh Alarm sounded again to the Eastward, for on the eleventh of August, 1676. The very day before Philip's heart (that had harboured so many mischievous and Treacherous devices against the English was by one of his own Company shot through) did a party of Indians begin their Outrages at Casco in a most perfidious and treacherous manner, killing and carrying away Captive to the number of thirty persons, and burning their houses, amongst whom was the Family of one Antony Bracket Inhabitant of Casco, who was thought to have been killed, but he himself with his wife and one of his five Children carried away Captive with a Negro, did happily make an escape from their bloody and deceitful hands, In November next ensuing  
The manner how Antony Bracket and his wife made their escape was very remarkable, and therefore judged worthy to be inserted here although out of due place, the Indians that led them Captive, having brought them to the North side of Casco Bay: News was brought to the said Indians of the surprisal of Arowsick house in Kennibeck, withal the store therein, which did so rejoice them, that they made all haste to share in the good things there to be had. Thus eager to be gone they promised Bracket and his wife that they should have also a share therein if they would make haste after them, bringing along a burden allotted to each of them: The woman having a little before observed an old Burchin Canoe lying by the water side, hoped it was an opportunity Providence offered for their escape; whereupon she first prudently asked of the Indians to let the Negro their own servant (at the same time carried Captive by them) help them to carry their burdens, which was granted: then she begged of them a piece or two of meat, which was not denied them. Thus being furnished with help and provision, the Indians leaving them thus behind to come after with their several burdens and a young Child; They could not but look upon it as a nutus Divinus, to bid them, shift for themselves: the woman also found a needle and thread in the house, where they stayed on that side of the Bay, with which having mended the Canoe, they ventured to get away; which prosperously succeeded: for in that old Canoe they crossed a water eight or nine miles broad, and when they came on the South side of the Bay, they might have been in as much danger of other indian's, that had lately been about Black point, and had taken it; but they were newly gone: So things on all sides thus concurring to help forward their Deliverance, they came safely to the Fat at Black point, where also by special Providence they met with a Vessel bound for Pascataqua, that came in to that Harbour, but a few hours before they came thither, by which means they Arrived safe in Pascataqua River, soon after, all which Circumstances are very worthy to be noted.  
Amongst those Indians that seized this Brackets Family, the chief was one Simond, that newly or a little before had escaped out of Dover Prison, where he was not over carefully looked to, he had had his hand in the murder of sundry English, as himself confessed; not missing save one in the which he had discharged his gun upon, but because he came in voluntarily, bringing in a woman and five Children of the English, who had been carried Captive a little before, it was questioned, whether his last act of submission might not balance his former transgression, and therefore was he committed to that, not so secure a Prison, till his Case might be further considered of,. It is said that coming to that Brackets house over night he pulled forth a counterfieted pass, under the hands of some public Officers, or men entrusted with that Service, making show of all Friendship, but in the morning or soon after, he pulled off his Vizour of a friend, and discovered what he was, yet granting Life to this person and his Family, that did not, or could not resist, which he denied to some of the Neighbours not far off, who were many of them killed by this bloody Villainy, and his Partners.  
There are some Circumstances in the Assault of Anthony Brackets house very considerable, which, because it was the first Outrage committed by the Indians in this their second Insurrection, 1676. are worthy of a more particular remembering.  
This Indian forementioned called Simond, after he had escaped out of Prison at Dover, came up to Gasco, and either in the end of July, or beginning of August, acquainted himself with this Antony Bracket, and oft frequented his house: Upon the ninth of August, some of the Indians having killed a Cow of his, the Indian Simond coming to his house promised to bring the Indians to him that had killed his Cow. In the mean time they of the place sent two men to Major Walderns at Dover, to complain of this injury done by the Indians; but before their return, very early in the morning on the eleventh of August, Simond with a party of Indians came to Antony Brackets house, and told him there were the Indians that had killed his Cow; but as soon as they had said that, the Indians went further into his house and took hold of all the Guns they could see, Antony Bracket asked what was the meaning of that, Simond presently replied, that so it must be, ask him withal, whether he had rather serve the Indians, or be slain by them, Antony Bracket Answered, that if the Case were so, he would rather choose to serve them, then be killed by them: Simond replied, that then they must be bound, which presently was done. The said Bracket, his wife, and a Negro were all bound by the Indians, his wife had a Brother, who offering to resist was killed forthwith, the rest with five Children were led away Prisoners.  
Two hours after one Pike that lived not far off, but knowing nothing of all this, went up in a Canoe toward one Robert Corbins' house, where he found one Humphrey Durham, and Benjamin Atwel at work about their Hay, after a little stay, he left them intending to go up higher with his Canoe, but as soon as he was a little past, he heard Guns shot off, which made him with another man he had with him, presently return back; before he came beyond Corbins' house he saw an English boy running with all haste, which made him fear some mischief was in hand, and presently a Volley of shot came against them, but the Bullets flying over their heads, did them no hurt: presently Simond Indian appeared, and called them to come a shore; but they liked not his Courtesy, but presently turning their Canoe into the stream got out of the reach of their Guns, hasting down to his own house with all speed; when he came near to his house, he called to the People to make hast away, towards the Garrison house, and bid the rest look to themselves, and fire upon the Indians, that were coming against them: In the mean while, the Indians passing from Anthony Brackets to Corbins', killed Corbin himself, with Humphrey Durham, and Benjamin Atwel forementioned: Then passing on to other houses, carried away some of them Captive, and killed others. At one of the next houses, the women and Children got off into the water by a Canoe; but one James Ross, his wife and Children were carried away: Corbins' wife with one of the other men's wives; and the Children of another of them, they likewise carried away.  
In another side of the Town, three were as they were going to reap at Antony Brackets, passing from an house where they left their Canoe, met with John Mount-joy and one Wakely, to whom they told what had happened, soon after they heard two Guns shot of, whereby it seems two men were killed, wherefore coming back toward Thomas Brackets where they had left their Canoe, they saw him shot down by the Indians; one of the three not so well able to run hid himself in the bushes in hope to make his escape more conveniently afterwards, which accordingly he did; but in the mean time he saw the Indians carry away Thomas Brackets wife and Children; Soon after the three men aforesaid got safe to My. Mount joys Garrison, but not trusting to the Security of that Garrison, they soon after repaired to an Island in the Bay, called James Andrew, Island.  
One George Lewes and his wife tarried all this time in their house fill the next day, when they had opportunity to get safe to the Island aforesaid, together with the two men that were now returned from Major Walderns; whither they had been sent, but too late, to make complaint of the Indians that had counterfieted his pass to travail into those parts, and had done this mischief.  
The day after one George Felt suspecting the worst by reason of a smoke, he saw on the opposite side of the Town, took his wife and Children into a Canoe to see what the matter was, but when he came near a point of Land not far off, he found several of his Neighbour's goods which made him conclude their Owners were killed, which was a sufficient warning to him likewise to fly for his Life, which he did to the same Island. After they had sundry of them escaped thither, some of them remembered that they had left powder behind them in one or two places; whereupon they resolved to venture a party of them in the night, partly to prvent the Indians from having any Advantage thereof, and partly for their own defence if occasion should be; Their Attempt succeeded well, for they brought away a barrel of powder from one Wills his house, and likewise a considerable quantity out of a Chest in a Store house, where the Indians had been ransacking, & had taken things out of the other end of the Chest, yet overlooked the Powder: In this surprisal of the Plantation in Casco Bay, called Falmouth, there were thirty four persons killed and carried Captive.  
That this was not a casual Attempt, but a designed plot, it will appear, in that just about the very same time, the Indians at Kennibeck, made the like Insurrection, whereby it is concluded, either that the Indians which escaped from Dover, stirred them up thereunto, or else that the said Indians finding them in a disposition tending that way, by reason of some injuries done them that dwell farther Northward, they offered their Service to help forward the design.  
It is to be noted here, that the Indians about Kennibeck were persuaded to continue their former amity with the English notwithstanding the report of Philip's rising that year before, and the Outrages committed the last Autumn, and winter following, yet which is more, they had lately renewed their League with the English in those parts, although they had often complained to those of Pemmaquid, of the injury they suffered, in the withholding from them the Trade of Powder, and shot, without which they said they cannot subsist, and for want of which it is alleged by themselves, that some of them perished the last Winter.  
But the Quarrel of late fallen out betwixt the English, and the Indians about Kennibeck, and Eastward thereof, being a matter of great Consequence; For the farther satisfaction of the Reader, it shall in what follows, be more particularly described; It being the duty of every one that publisheth thing's of this nature, to to do the right of an Historian to all sorts of persons, any way concerned in what is made public; The Information was received from a prudent person, an Eye and Ear witness of all that happened amongst the said Indians, both the former and present year, and one that was of more public Concernment in those Transactions than some others, therefore may the more heed be given thereto. Mention is already made of what happened in September, 1675. to the Company belonging to a Sloop, and two other Boats, that went up Casco Bay to gather Indian Corn; Upon that Accident it is said, divers Indians on the East side of Kennibeck River repaired to their Fort at Totonnock (a place up higher into the Country beyond Kennibeck and Shipscot River) where was an English trading house. And the Indians Eastward of the said River, had as yet done no harm to any of the English, yet did Captain Sylvanus Davis Agent for Major Clerk and Captain Lake of Boston, upon these Overtures think it fit to fetch down the Powder and Shot with other goods from the said Trading house, telling the Indians, by the Messenger sent up, he would have them come down and live below in that River, ro take off Jealousies, and that he would then supply rhem with what was needful.  
But the Messenger told them, in Case they would not come down, and deliver up their Arms, the English would kill them. He that sendeth a Message by the hand of a Fool saith Solomon, cutteth off the feet, and drinketh damage; This Message was delivered by him that went, as was confessed by himself, who put it into his mouth, or whether it was devized in his own heart, it concerns not us now to inquire, but the damage that side of the Country hath been made to drink thereby, is not easy to recount; for upon this Threatening Message the Indians forsook their Fort presently, and went Eastward, and sent abroad to John's River and to the Sea side to get all the Indians they could together to come up Penobscot River.  
A Gentleman who at that time lived at Pemmaquid, a kind of Superintendent over the Affairs of that place, considering the sad state things were running into, laboured to obtain a Parley with the said Indians, or some of them, which after much trouble and cost, he did accomplish. But in the mean time, such was the violence used by some refractory English in those parts, that they could scarce be restrained from offering violence to the persons he sent up as Messengers, or others that lived quietly amongst them, and did also as violently set themselves to oppose himself, or any others that acted with more moderation, than the rest; protesting against them, as those who for gain supplied the Indians with Powder and Shot, and said they would kill any Indian they met; others at Monhiggan offered five pound for every Indian that should be brought, yet would not these persons that were so violent against the Indians in their discourse, be persuaded upon any Terms, then, or afterward, to go out to fight against the Indians in an orderly way; as appeared both by their Security in not standing better upon their guard, and by their sudden flight afterward, running away like a Flock of Sheep, at the barking of any little dog: Things being in this posture, what could be expected but a present war with the Indians, although as it seems, there were few or none like to be found, willing to undertake it, or fit to manage it in those parts. How ever, the person aforesaid, understanding, the General Court at Boston had appointed a Counsel of War at Kennibeck, applied himself to them, laying before them the desperate state things were falling into; whereupon they issued out warrants to restrain all manner of persons from meddling with the Indians without farther order, which within few days should be had. In the mean time the Sachems of the Indians meet at Pemmaquid; where, after many complaints made of the hard dealing of the English in Kennibeck River, they came to Terms of Peace, promising to keep true Friendship with the English; and to hinder the Amonoscoggan Indians from meddling with the English, if by any means they could, and also to return peaceably in the Spring of the year. This Gentleman aforesaid, having a long time waited to go to Boston; was willing to take the opportunity of the present Winter, hoping things were now pretty well settled in those parts betwixt the Indians and the English; found soon after, that he was cited thither to Answer some Complaints (though made without ground) for selling Powder & Shot to the Indians contrary to Order.  
But those false opinions being easily blown away by his own appearance at Boston, and so having dispatched his occasions there, he returned before the winter was over to Pemmaquid, where hearing of a Vessel that intended to take Indians in those parts, and carry them away to a market, the which he had many strong Reasons to believe, (it being no hard matter to surprise many such, that suspecting by fraud, would easily be enticed aboard a Vessel to trade, or may be to drink Liquor) sent both the Master and Company, if they had any such intent to forbear, seeing those Indians were at peace with us, and likewise to the Indians, to inform them of such a Vessel, and to beware thereof, but yet it seems the Master and Company took several Indians Eastward, who were also at peace with us, and to our geeat sorrow shipped them aboard for a market.  
The winter being now over, the forenamed Agent of Pemmaquid, went to a meeting of the Indians Eastward, to persuade them, of the Country's willingness to continue a peace with them. They seemed very joyful thereat, and in the Spring brought some Presents to confirm the Peace, and to that end also delivered up an English Captive Boy to those of Kennibeck. But when the Summer came on, that the said Indians had liberty to travail up and down the Country to visit their Friends as they used to do; they miss those their Friends who had in the winter perfidiously been carried away, and as is related, they fell into a Rage against the English, making Complaint thereof to the said Agent, Mr. Earthy, Mr. Richard Oliver, and others: They were told means should be used for bringing them back again, which had been so Transported, those to whom the Complaint was made, did scarce believe it to be true, as not having heard thereof from any other hand, and probably hoping none, especially after solemn warning, would deal so perfidiously with Heathens, to lay such a stumbling block before them.  
The Indians being certain of the thing done, could not be easily pacified, being likewise incensed against the English, for withholding the Trade of Powder and Shot the last winter, saying, they were frighted from their Corn the last year by the People about Kennibeck, so as many of them died in the following winter for want of Powder and Shot, wherewith to ●ll Venison and Foul; Adding withal, that if the English were their Friends as they pretended, they would not suffer them to die, for want thereof: However, the said Agent making the best he could of a bad Cause, used all means to pacify the Complaynents, and to that end promised them, that if they could meet with any of the Amonoscoggan Indians (who it seems all along had the bitterest Enmity against the English) he would give them a meeting to treat in order to a Peace, Major Waldern having already concluded a Peace with the Pascataqua & Casco Indians, & by that means, if they could conclude the like peace with the Amonoscoggan men, (that could not yet be found) there would be a general Peace with all the Indians Eastward of Pascataqua, which the Indians that were present at this discourse, seemed very joyful at: yet still by one fatal Accident or other, jealousies still seemed to increase in their minds, or else the former injuries began to boil a fresh in their Spirits, as not being easily digested, what ever had been said, or done to allay the offensiveness thereof. Soon after comes a Post from Totonnock, to desire him to repair thither according to his promise, where they told him be should meet with Squando, and divers Amonoscoggan Sachems, and that Mug was sent Post to fetch the said Squando: This Gentleman mindful of his promise, went with the Post to Kennibeck, and finding Captain Lake at his house in Aro●sick; It was judged meet, that Captain Sylvester Davis should go along with him, with instructions from the Counsel then sitting in Kennibeck, how to carry on their Treaty. After they had gone part of their way towards Totonnock, they came to an English house, where they were told, what great jealousies of deceit in the Indians were upon their Spirits, from what they had heard of Muggs and Tarumkin, an Amonoscoggan Sachem: going farther to a place called Kedonu-Cook, they met with Indians, who were very shy of telling them any thing, which added to the former Intimation, greatly increased their fears: but being resolved of their voyage, they went onward still in their way, yet falling short of the place on purpose, that they might finish their business with them the next day: when they came to their Fort, they were first saluted with a Volley of Shot, then brought into a Wigwam where their Sachems were: Madockawando sat as chief, who now styles himself their Minister: Being set in Council, they made Assiminasqua their speaker; whose Adopted Son was the said Madochewando: He told them it was not their Custom, if any came as Messengers to treat with them, to seize upon their persons, as sometimes the Mohawks did with such as had been sent to them: Captain Davis and the other Gentleman told them, therein they dealt like men: Answer was presently made them; you did otherwise by our men, when fourteen came to treat with you; And set a Guard over them, and took away their Guns: And not only so, but a second time you required our Guns, and demanded us to come down unto you, or else you would kill us, which was the Cause of our leaving both our Fort, and our Corn to our great loss.  
It was without doubt no small trouble to their minds, in a Treaty with these Pagans, Haec diei potuisse, & non potuisse refelli: Yet to put the best Construction might be, on such Irregular actions, which could not well be justified. They told them, the persons who had so done, were not within the Limits of their Government, and therefore though they could not call them to an account for so acting, yet they did utterly disallow thereof: Adding farther, as soon as we understood thereof, we sent for you to Pemmaquid, and Treated you kindly, and kept you, as you know, from the violence of the English; The Indians Replied, we do but inform you, and will Treat further in the Afternoon. But when the Afternoon came, our Two Messengers told them, their business was to Treat with the Amonoscoggan Sachems, and that they were sorry, Squando was not there: Then having confirmed their Peace with those Eastward Indians, they entreated the Amonoscoggan men to speak, who likewise urged Tarumkin, the chief Amonoscoggan Sachem to speak, who after some pauze, said he had been to the Westward, where he had found many Indians unwilling for Peace: but says he, I found three Sachems (whom he named, though those he spoke to knew them not) willing to have peace; And for my own part, I am willing for peace, and gave them his hand with Protestation of his continuing in Friendship, so did seven or eight more of the Amonoscoggan men; whose Names they took, of whom Mug and Robin Hoods Son were two After this Madochewando asked them what they should do for Powder and Shot, when they had eaten up their Indian Corn, what they should do for the Winter, for their hunting Voyages? ask withal, whether they would have them die, or leave their Country, and go all over to the French. Our Messengers told him, they would do what they could with the Governor, some might be allowed them for Necessity: He said they had waited long already, and therefore would have them now say yea, or nay, whether they should have powder as formerly, or not? Our Messengers then Replied, you yourselves say, many of the Western Indians would not have Peace, And therefore if we sell you powder, and you give it to the Western men, what do we but out our own Throats? Adding further, It is not in our power without leave, if you should wait ten year more, to let you have powder, at which words they seemed much to be offended.  
But yet the next day they resolved to go down with them, & to speak with the Western men, thereby, if it might be, to stop their farther proceeding.  
So going down with them the next day, they met with some Indians who had got strong Liquor, with whom they fell a drinking: Our Messengers stayed at two places for them, and finding that still they tarried behind, not knowing what farther to do, they went home, it being the sixth day of the week. But the next night save one, news came to Kennibeck, that the Indians had killed divers English in Casco, although it was not yet known at Pemmaquid. Upon this News Capt. Davis set out one Sentinel the next night. The rest, (such was their Security) went all else to bed. And in the morning, were all like Laish surprised, thus might it be said, Invadunt Aedem somno (si non) vinoque sepultam. The particulars of the surprising of Kennibeck, and Arowsick house are thus related by such as were acquainted therewith.  
Upon the thirteenth of August, 1676. several Indians repaired in the Evening to the house of one Mr. Hammond, an ancient Inhabitant, and Trader with the Indians up Kennibeck River, His daughter or a maid that was servant in the house, either naturally afraid of the Natives, or else upon something she observed in their Countenance, or Carriage, manifested so much fear, as made her run out of the house to hid herself in some place abroad; The Indians perceiving it, the more to dissemble their Treachery, ran after her, and brought her into the house, telling her (although they could not persuade her so to believe) that there was no Reason to be afraid of them: presently after more of the Barbarous Villains coming into the house, she grew more afraid than before, being now more strongly persuaded that they came on purpose to kill or surprise those in the Family, whereupon she suddenly made an escape out of the house, and presently passed into a Field of Indian Corn, whereby she might the better avoid the danger of any pursuer, and so ran cross over the land that night ten or twelve miles, to give them notice that lived at Shipscot River, It is said that after she got out, she heard a noyze in the house, as if they were fight or scuffling within doors; but she did not count it wisdom to go back to see what the matter was, knowing enough before of their Villainies, how well soever her Mrs. (that was more versed in the Trade of the Indians) might think of them. Those of Shipscot taking this warning escaped away as soon as they could leaving their Cattle and their dwellings as a Prey to the Indians. What befell Master Hammond and his Family is not yet certainly known: Reports pass up and down, that some who came down the River afterwards, saw some of the dead stripped upon the Bank of the River, which makes us fear the worst, concerning all the rest; for certainly the whole Family sixteen in Number, were all at that time either killed, or carried away Captive, none save the maid aforesaid, being known to make any other escape, to inform their Friends like Jobs Messengers, what befell the rest of the Family.  
The Indians having in this manner surprised Mr. Hammonds house, they passed down the River the same night; but going by another house, meddled not with the people, only turned their Canoes a drift, that they might not find means afterwards to escape themselves, or help others so to do: possibly their chief aim being at Arowsick house, they would not, for fear of being discovered, make any Attempt upon any place near by: wherefore August the fourteenth very early in the morning, having in the night, or before break of day passed over on to the Island called Arowsick, several of them undiscovered lay hid under the Walls of the Fort, and behind a great Rock near adjoining, till the Sentinel was gone off from his place, (who went off it seems sooner than was Reason, considering the danger) when presently some Indians followed him in, at the Fort gate, (as some report) while others of them immediately seized the Port holes thereof, and shot down all they saw passing up and down within the Walls, and so in a little time became Masters of the Fort, and all that was within it: Captain Lake (joint Owner with Major Clerk of the whole Island) hearing the bustle that was below, betwixt the Indians and those that belonged to the place, was strangely surprised, yet himself with Captain Sylvanus Davis and two more, understanding that the Indians had seized the Fort, & killed divers of the English, apprehending it bootless, or rather heartless to stay, as not being able to stand upon their guard, or make any resistance, made a shift to find some passage out at a back door, whereby they escaped to the waterside, where they found a Canoe, into which they all entered and made away toward another Island near by: This was not done so secretly but the Indians discerned them before they were gone far; four of them therefore hasted after those that had escaped; in another Canoe, and coming within shot, discharged their Guns upon them, whereby Sylvanus Davis was sorely wounded; yet making haste, as generally they use to do, that fly for their lives, timor addidit alas, they got a shore before the Indians overtook them. It is said they were strangely dispirited, or else they might easily have defended themselves against their pursuers: But when once men's hearts are sunk with fear, and discouragement upon a sudden surprisal, it is hard to buoy them up, to make any competent resistance: Capt. Davis being sadly wounded, could neither trust to his legs to fly, nor yet make use of his hands to fight; yet was strangely preserved; Providence directing him to go into the Cleft of a Rock hard by the place, where he first landed; The Indians by the glittering of the Sun beams in their Eyes as they came a shore, did not discern him; so as lying hid under the Covert of the band of Providence, for two days, he at last crawled a little about the water side, till he found a Canoe, whereby he escaped away with his Life, much a do. The other two men, were better foot men, and parting from Captain Lake, made their escape ten or a dozen mile, to the further end of the Island, and so escaped from the Indians, till they found means to get off: Poor Captain Lake, that a few hours before, slept quietly in his Mansion house, surrounded with a strong Fortification, defended with many Soldiers, is now forced to fly away with none to attend him. And as the Awful hand of Divine Providence ordered things, was as some say, pursued by such Indians as were mere strangers to the place, that knew not the Master from the man, by one of whom he was shot down, as is supposed, soon after his coming ashore; Lieut. Davis heard two Guns, by which 'twas thought, & soon after was known so to be by an Indian which since hath confessed to Captain Davis that he shot him that day Arowsick was taken, which he intended not to have done, but that he held up his Pistol against him, whereas if he had but asked qua●ter, he should have had his Life. Captain Lake was slain at that time, although many hopes were for some time maintained, that he was taken alive, and kept with other Captives, amongst the Indians; And 'tis said the Indians of those parts did not intent to kill him, if they could have helped it: But it was known, that his hat was seen upon an Indians head not long after, which made his Friends conclude what had be fallen the Owner that good man, who might Emphatically be so termed in distinction from them that may truly be called Just men, and no more: For it seems according to the just Agreement betwixt himself and his part owner of Arowsick Island, it was not his turn this year to have been upon the place, but such was his goodness, that he yielded to the desire of his Friend and Partner, as in his room and stead to take upon himself that Service in this time of danger, it is hoped his goodness in future time will not be forgotten by such as were any way concerned therein, or had Advantage thereby.  
This Island (called Arowsick from an Indian so named, that formerly possessed it, and of whom it was purchased by one Mr. Richards who sold it to Captain Lake and Major Clerk) lies up ten miles within the mouth of Kennibeck River; it is some miles in length, and containeth many thousand Acres of very good Land; where meadow and arable ground are in a good proportion well suited together; within the Fort aforesaid were many convenient buildings for several Offices, as well for wares and Trading, as habitation: six several Edifices are said to have been there erected. The Warehouse at that time was well furnished with all sorts of goods; besides a Mill and other Accommodations, and dwellings within a mile of the Fort and Mansion house; some of whose Inhabitants hardly made their escape, upon the first surprisal of the Fort.  
All which considered, the loss that befell the Proprietours at the surprisal of this Island seems to be very great, valued at many thousands: but those that were the Owners with others of late times, have found in their own Experience, what Solomon said of old, There is a Time to get, and a Time to lose, a Time to keep, and a Time to cast away; A Time to break down, as well as a Time to build up. The persons killed and taken at Kennibeck, both at Mr. Hammonds, and at Arowsick, are said to be fifty three.  
Upon the Report of this sad disaster, all the Plantations of the English in those parts were soon after left, and forsaken by degrees. All the rest of the Inhabitants of Kennibeck River, Shipscot River, Sagadehock, Damanicottee, fearing to be served in the same kind, fled to the Islands of Cape-bonawagan and Damorils Cove.  
On the second day at night a Post was sent to Pemmaquid to inform them of what had happened, who being but eight or ten men, were minded to go to the Island called Monhiggon, having secured the best of their goods, but the wind taking them short, they were forced to turn into Damarils' Cove, where they found Mr. Wiswal, and Mr. Colicot, there they laboured two days to settle a Garrison; But partly by the mutinousness of the People, and partly by the want of Provision nothing could be done to secure the Island, so that it was presently deserted: From thence they went to Monhiggon, resolving there to tarry till they heard from Boston, from whence Mr. Colicot, and Mr. Wiswel promised to do their utmost endeavour to send help. There they settled three Guards, and appointed five and twenty to watch every night, not knowing but that the Indians might come every hour. But continuing these a Fortnight, and finding no Relief like to come; and seeing all the Country burned round about. (For after they had gotten all that could be saved from Pemmaquid, they saw all the other Island, Windgins, Corbins' sound, New-Harbour, Pemmaquid all on fire in two hours' time) then considering what was best to be done, they found no Boats could be sent to sea for fear of weakening the Island, and that most of those that were upon the Island, were Strangers, Coasters, and such as came from the Main, and were ready to be gone upon every occasion, they laid an Imbargoe for one week's time, after which a Letter was received from Major Clerk, desiring their Assistance for enquiring after Capt. Lake if alive, saving, what could be had at Kennibeck etc. but intimating nothing of any help like to come, besides those that brought the Letter told them, it was in vain to expect any help from Boston. It being questioned there, what they had to do with those parts, upon which the Inhabitants considered, that if they should tarry there, and spend all their Provision, and neither be able to go to Sea, nor yet to live, or be safe a shore for want of help, it were better for them to remove, while they had something left to live upon, and seek employment else where; so by Consent they resolved forthwith to Transport themselves, and what they had saved of their goods to some place of Security, so they took the first opportunity to set sail, some for Pascataqua, some for Boston, and some for Salem, at one of which three places they all safely arrived.  
Having thus escaped at first as Lot out of Sodom, but not counting themselves safe in that Zoar, where for a little while they made shift to hid their heads, till they might escape to some surer place, there waiting for better times, when they may with peace and quietness return to their former habitations, or seek some other else where.  
When the foresaid Exploits were done by the Indians in and about Casco Bay, several of the English removed to Jewels Island, where they hoped to be more secure from the Indians, but their barbarous Enemy finding so little Resistance made against them on the main Land, a considerable party of them came with their Canoes to destroy that Island also, about three weeks after the forementioned mischiefs.  
There was a fortified house upon the said Island, where the English that either kept upon the Island, or repaired thither, hoped to have secured themselves. But at that time when the Indians assaulted the place, many of the English were absent, few left in the Garrison, but women and Children: some were gone to other places to fetch Indian Corn, others were in a Boat employed about Fish, amongst whom was one Richard Pots with two more; The wife of the said Pots was washing by the water side, where she was surprised with her Children, and carried away in fight of her husband, who was not a little distressed with that sad Spectacle, but was not able to afford any Relief either to wife or Children; although one of the Children espying his Father in his boat, ran into the water, calling out for help, but an Indian ran after him to catch him up; the poor man in a great Agony being within half shot, was about to have fired upon the Indian, but then fearing he might wound his Child which the Villain had laid hold of, he forbore, rather suffering him to be carried away alive, then be exposed to so manifest danger of his Life, or Limbs, by shooting at the Indian.  
It is said that some of the Indians were killed by them in the Garrison: They speak of a Lad that at one shot killed two or three of them, some Guns were found afterwards under the Fort, which were supposed to have belonged to some of the Indians that were killed. Some that were abroad when the Fort was assaulted, desperately broke in through the Indians, whereby at the last, many of the People were preserved: some flying away from Jewels Island in a Canoe toward Richmond's Island, met with a K●tch, to which they made known the distress the People were in, who thereupon went to the place, and took in all the People they found there, and carried them off to a place of more safety. Yet were there several persons said to be killed and carried away at that time viz. three men, who were known to be killed, two women and two Children, that are supposed to be yet alive, though in the Enemy's power.  
From thence they went to Spurwinks, where they assaulted one place or more, and killed one man, wounded another, and carried another away Captive: Amongst them that were in danger of surprisal, one that could not run, hid himself in a garden of Cabbages so as he was not found, yet was very near them, for he over heard several questions, they asked him they took; by which means he was the better enabled afterward to prevent the danger two more were coming into, for the poor Fellow that they had taken, told them, that one Shendal with another man were to come that way by and by; whereupon this man that had hid himself, meeting that Shendal and the other man gave them notice of the danger, whereby they were delivered out of the snare, for that time; not long after one of them, viz Mr. Shendal fell into their hands as shall be declared afterwards. Within a while after, or much about that same time, another sad Accident befell six or seven of them that belonged to Casco. For upon the twenty third of September some persons that belonged to a Sloop, and a Shallop, that were pressed into the Service (one Reason of which was to prevent their straggling they being persons that belonged to those parts about Casco) were over desirous to save some of their Provision, to which end they first made their Address to Captain Hathorne, (under whom they were ordered to serve) desiring they might be released; the Captain told them he could not do it, but desired them to have patience for a while, they told him, that they must and would go, else their Families must starve at home: The Captain told them further of the danger, and bid them not stir at their peril: However they would go, and soon after went to Mountjoyes Island to fetch sheep, where they landed seven men; but the Indians presently set upon them, they presently betook themselves to the Ruins of a stone house, where they defended themselves as long as they could; but at last they were all destroyed either with stones cast in upon them, or else with the Enemy's shot, except one, who, though at the first it was hoped his wounds were not mortal, yet soon after dy●d thereof; Amongst these was one George Felt much lamented, who had been more active than any man in those parts against the Indians, but at the last he lost his own Life amongst them, in this too desperate an Adventure.  
The Indians growing more bold by these Attempts in those remote places, drew down nearer towards Pascataqua, for not long after a party of them came upon Cape Nidduck, where they killed and carried away all the Inhabitants of a few scattering houses, to the number of seven in all, and such was their Savage Cruelty exercised in this place, as is not usually heard of, for having dashed out the brains of a poor woman that gave suck, they nailed the young Child to the dead body of its mother, which was found sucking in that rueful manner, when the People came to the place. The day before a man and his wife were killed by them at Wells, and two men more soon after. On the twelfth of October following near an hundred of the Indians made an Assault upon Black point, all the Inhabitants being gathered into one fortified place upon that point, which a few hands might have defended against all the Indians on that side of the Country. But as it seems, one called Mugg was the Leader of the Indians; one that had from a Child been well acquainted with the English, and had lived some years in English Families, who though a cunning Fellow, and had prevailed much in his Attempts, yet at this time shown more Courtesy to the English, then according to former Outrages could be expected from any of those barbarous miscreants; and was willing to make offer of a Treaty to Mr. Josselin, chief of the Garrison, to whom the said Mugg promised liberty for all that were there, to departed with their goods upon the surrender of the place: The said Josselin reports, that when he came back from his treating with Mugg, that all the People were fled away out of the Garrison, having carried away their goods by water before his return, in so much that having none but his Household Servants to stand by him, he was capable to make no Resistance, and so surrendered.  
When People have once been frighted with Reports and Sense of danger, they are ready to fly away like a Hart before the Hunter or his Hounds, one of the Inhabitants of the place affirmed he saw an hundred and fifty Indians, which was more by an hundred than any body else ever saw near the Fort. But when a place is designed to Ruin, every thing they take in hand shall tend that way.  
The loss of Black point was accompanied with another sad Accident, that fell out about the same time at Richmond's Island. For young Mr. Friar with some others at Pascataqua, to whom it seemed grievous that the Indians should make all that Spoil in every place in those farther Plantations, ventured upon the great Importunity of Mr. Shendal, with a Catch to try what they could save of such things that the Indians had left. But things were so ordered, that before they had laden their Catch, coming too near the Stage head, they presently found themselves in danger of a surprisal, for part of their Company being a shore, were seized by the Indians, or in danger thereof, whom they were not willing to leave behind; and besides the wind blowing in hard upon them, they could not get out of the Harbour, but were forced to abide the danger of an Assault. The Indians getting many of them into the stage head annoyed them so fast with their shot, that not a man of them was able to look above deck, but he was in danger of being shot down, amongst the rest Mr. James Friar venturing too much in view of the Enemy received a wound in his knee, which appeared not dangerous at the first, but for want of better looking to, then could be found amongst that black Regiment, into whose hands he soon after fell; It proved Mortal unto him, within a few days after: he being by a strange Accident brought home to his Father's house at the great Island in Pascataqua. Mr. Friar being thus wounded, the rest of the Company defended themselves for a while with much Courage and Resolution, till they were brought to the sad choice of falling into the hands of one of these three bad Masters, the Fire, the water, or the Barbarous Heathen, to whom at last they thought it best to yield, in hope of liberty afterwards, at least of lengthening out their lives a little longer, for the Indians had manned out a Canoe with several hands to cut their Cable, and others stood ready within the defence of the stage head to fire upon any one that stirred in the Catch, by which means the Vessel after the Cable was cut soon drove a shore; and then was it threatened to be presently burned, if they did not all yield, to which they all at last consented.  
The Indians how barbarous soever in their own nature, yet civilly entreated their Prisoners, and upon farther discourse sent one or two of them to Pascataqua, to give them there an opportunity to Ransom their Friends. The persons sent home to procure a Ransom, were to return with such a quantity of goods as the Indians had desired; by such a precise time: but they that brought the things for their Ransom, coming a day or two before the time, when those that sent them were gone up the River at Black point, and not returned: Some other Indians waiting for such an opportunity seized the goods, at least that part which they most desired, and through mistake, killing one of the three men hat brought them, dismissed the other two, without return of the Prisoners as was expected.  
As to what happened afterward, we are yet much in the dark, and for the present can write but by guess: for within a few days after the return of Mr. Shendal, and the other man that went to carry the Ransom, before November 1. Mugg himself came to Pascataqua, bringing Mr. James Friar, who soon after died of his wound, one of the Prisoners along with him complaining that without his knowledge some of the Indians had seized what was sent for the Ransom of the rest, promising upon his Faith, that he would make good his word for the sending home all the Prisoners, and offered also in the Name of the other Indians, to confirm a new Peace with the English for the future: The Major General of the Massachusets Colony was then at Pascataqua, but not willing to Transact a matter of that nature and moment by his sole Authority, ordered the said Mugg (supposed to be the chief Leader of the Indians) to be carried down to Boston to the Governor and Council there, to conclude the business, with whom he soon after agreed upon a firm Peace with the English of the Massachusets in the Name of Madockawando, the chief of all the Indians in the Eastern parts about Penobscot, engaging also to remain himself, as hostage aboard the Vessel (in which he was sent home from Boston November the 21st. following) until the Prisoners (which are said to be fifty or sixty that they have still in their hands) be sent home, and the rest of the Articles performed. The Issue of which we as yet wait to hear in God's good time, this 12th. of December following, 1676. when they there have made an end of the reckoning, 'tis hoped we may have our right again.  
There are two principal Actors amongst the Indians that have all along promoted these designs amongst them, one named Squando, Sagamore of Saco, and the forementioned Madockawando, the chief Commander of the Indians Eastward about Penobscot, who are said to be, by them that know them, a strange kind of moralised Savages. Grave and Serious in their Speech and Carriage, and not without some show of a kind of Religion, which no doubt but they have learned from the Prince of darkness, (by the help of some papist in those parts) that can Transform himself into an Angel of Light; under that shape, the better to carry on the designs of his Kingdom. It is said also, they pretend to have received some Visions and Revelations, by which they have been commanded to worship the great God, and not to work on the Lord's day. We know where that Fountain hath its Rise, that sendeth forth at the same place sweet and bitter waters. And from whence their hearts are inspired, that join blessing of God, with cursing and killing his Servants.  
It is reported by some that came lately from those parts, that the Indians there do as yet refuse to have any peace with the English, and will not as yet return any of our Captive Friends, till God speak to the foresaid Enthusiasts, that are their Leaders, that they should no longer make war with us, and the like.  
But not to trouble ourselves farther with those Ministers of Satan, or those that are acted by the Angel of the bottomless pit, (who possibly since their delusions are but two fold more the Children of Hell than they were before.) We know better how to understand the mind of the great Lord of Heaven & Earth then to depend on such lying Oracles.  
That God who hath at present turned their hearts to hate his People, and deal subtly with his Servants; we hope in his time, will either turn the stream, and cause them to deal friendly and sincerely with his People, as heretofore, or give us an opportunity to destroy them.  
In the next place it remains, that some account be given of our Forces under Captain Hathorne, and of their several Expeditions into the Eastern parts, since the middle of September last; first up toward Casco, by the Seaside, than afterwards through the woods directly Northward, toward Ossapy, and Pigwauchet, in hope to have found the Enemy there at their head Quarters.  
Upon the first Report of those Devastations and Spoils that had been made by Fire and Sword in those Eastern Plantations. It was judged necessary to send some Forces that way to put a stop unto the current of those Outrages, before the Remainders of the Southern Indians could have opportunity to join with them: To that end about an hundred and thirty English, with forty Indians were dispatched away into those parts, under the Command of Captain William Hatborne, Captain Syl, and Captain Hunting, who were to join with such as could be raised in those parts, under Major Waldern, and Captain Frost: After they had surprised the Indians that flocked into those parts, (as was Related before) which was done upon September the 6th. 1676. Captain Hathorne who was Commander in chief, marched the Forces by the Seaside towards Casco; For at that time they were upon some demur, whether to march directly toward Ossapy, and Pigwauchet, where the head Quarters of the Enemy was supposed to be, or else to march directly toward Casco Bay, where they heard Parties of the Enemy were daily spoiling the Plantations of the English; At the last it was judged most Expedient to try if they could not meet with some parties of the Enemy amongst those Plantations near the Seaside, by that means at least to prevent them from doing more mischief if they could not find an opportunity to fall upon some of them, and destroy them: But their time was not yet come, nor were all the Desolations as yet accomplished, which God had a purpose to bring about by their means. For notwithstanding there was a sufficient Force to have suppressed all the numbers of the Enemy, if they had been many more than they were; yet being emboldened and grown subtle by their former successes, they had so dispersed themselves all about the woods in those p●rts, that when our Forces were in one place, they would be in another, and so did much mischief thereabouts, while our Soldiers were out after them: For after they had by several steps in ten day's time gotten to Casco, from Newechewannick (about the eight of September) they marched to Wells, and from Wells to Winter Harbour, and so from thence to Black point they passed by water, and then arrived at Casco Bay, about the twentieth of September, yet about that very time, were several of the English cut off at Mount joys Island, and that in sight of our Forces, when they were not able to come at them, for want of Boat, the Island lying two Leagues off in the Bay; This happened the twenty third of the same month, as was said before, and within two days after, another party of the Enemy were doing mischief at Wells, and Cape Nidduck, and yet escaped away, when they had done.  
Nor could our Forces in all their Expedition meet with any of them, but two; one of which soon after he was taken, was let go, by the Treachery or Carelessness of them that held him. For when our Forces were come within a few miles of the hither side of Casco Bay, some of our Natick Indian Scouts going in Company with the Indians under Blind Will, (a Sagamore of Pascataqua, who went in Company with eight of his men, supposed to be good Pilots for the places more Eastward) met with some of the Enemy, and laid hold of a couple of them; Justice was done upon one of them, the other, although he was led by two of Blind Wills Indians, they made a shift to let go, who escaping away, got over a River, and gave notice to the Indians who were on the other side, & were heard but a little before threshing in a Barn that belonged to one Anthony Bracket, (whom they had lately surprised) Another disappointment our Forces met withal about the same time, for when Captain Hathorne was up at Casco Bay with his Soldiers, he n●ver could come up with the Indians, either through want of Skill in them that were his Scouts, or rather want of Faithfulness in one that should have been his guide, who had got his living by Trading with the Indians, therefore seemed unwilling to have the Brood of them destroyed: As was known afterwards. And by that means a party of the Enemy escaped the hands of our Soldiers. Yet it pleased God at one time to bring the Forlorn of our Forces upon a party of the Enemy, who espying the English, presently fled away into the woods, like so many wild Dear, yet one of them, viz. that J. Samson who had been of the Company, that killed Robinson the year before, was by the special hand of Divine Justice, suffered to fall, by some of our Forces: He was a very lusty, stout man, and one that was armed with several sorts of Weapons, but there is no Weapon shall defend them, whom death hath a Commission to destroy: There is no Ransom in that War: The rest of the Indians that were scattered about Casco Bay, having discovered our Forces, made their escape: But, we hope their time is short, and that God will find some way to cut off the bloody and deceitful Enemies of his People, and not suffer them to live out half their days.  
But by one such Accident or other; our Soldiers could not meet with any of them that had done all the mischief about those parts And while out Forces lay about Casco Bay; A small party of the Enemy came down upon the Borders of the Town of Wells, where they lay in Ambush near a Garrison house, at one end of the Town, and shot down Mr. James Gouge from his horse, September the twenty fourth, being Lords day, as he was going home from the Meeting; and then knocked down his wife, giving her several wounds with their Hatchets about the head, of which she died within three days after.  
The next day September the twenty fifth, the same party being not above seven in number went toward York, and surprised Cape Nidduck in a barbarous manner, killing most of the poor people belonging thereunto: Some of their Neighbours hearing of the Guns, came to their Rescue: The Indians being on the further side of a River, dared them to come over and fight with them man to man: using several Reproachful Terms to them, making a Shot at them also, which some of the Company not being able to bear, did very resolutely adventure through the River after them; but they were not willing to try the valour of the English; when they perceived they found a way to pass over the River upon them, but returned back towards Wells; where they killed another, one George Farrow, September the twenty seventh, as he was too carelessly venturing to his house without any Company: These things happened while our Forces were at Casco, where they tarried seven or eight days. And hearing of these Outrages committed in some of those places which they left behind them; and not being able to meet with any of them in the place where they were, they returned back toward Wells, and York; but the Indians were escaped away into the woods after their Companions, before they came there: Our Soldiers having thus spent much time and pains in a fruitless Expedition toward Casco, they resolved to venture another march after them, up towards Ossapy, supposing they might by that time be drawn homewards toward their Winter Quarters; or else, that they might destroy what they had left behind them, to prevent their harbouring there for the future: But it seemed good to him, who by his Sovereign Power and Infinite wisdom ordereth all Events and purposes (wherein his People or others are concerned) to disappoint all endeavours used at that time for the suppressing of the Enemy, or putting any stop to their wont Successes: For soon after our Forces were returned back from Casco, news was brought of the surprisal of Black point, on the twelfth of October, as was mentioned before; which notwithstanding; It was judged more adviseable to venture and proceed on with the Expedition toward Ossapy, (whether it was supposed by this time, the greatest number of them were retired) rather than to return back again to recover Black point, where was nothing to be expected but an empty Fort, and some deserted houses, which it seems the Indians had forsaken by that time.  
And besides that other Forces were about the same time ordered to repair thither, sufficient for the repairing & securing of the place with what else was left remaining from the hands of the Enemy; And likewise several Soldiers were ordered to Garrison the Towns thereabouts, to prevent them from making any further Assault upon them. However, they were so far emboldened by the taking of black point, and the Catch at Richmond Island with several Prisoners also which were surprised at the same time; That a party of them came the very next week after, toward Wells, hoping to attain that, and all the Towns, and places else betwixt Cas●o Bay and Pascataqua, as they had done black point. For a party of them under Mugg their chief Leader, brought Mr. Shendal along with them to Wells, where they summoned the first Garrison at the Towns end To facilitate the business, they sent the said Shendal as their Agent, or Messenger to move them to surrender, without hazarding an onset; But the People were not so despondent, to yield up the place upon so slight an occasion; which when the Enemy discerned, they soon drew off, after they had done some little mischief to the Inhabitants: For first they killed Isaac Lit●lefield not far from the Garrison, It is said, they would willingly have had him yield himself Prisoner, but he refusing, they shot him down, yet they were so Civil, as to suffer his Friends to fetch away his body, without offering any further act of Inhumanity to it, or Hostility toward them that fetched it off. An old man called Cross, was killed by them likewise about the same time, and another, Joseph Bigford by name, belonging to the Garrison, was sorely wounded at that time, so as he died soon after: Thirteen head of ●at Cattle were also killed by them, out of which they only for haste, took the Tongues, leaving the bodies of all the rest whole to the Owners, unless it were the Leg of one of them, which was also taken away.  
This was all the mischief was done by them, after the taking of Black point: The Inhabitants of Winter Harbour, near adjoining thereto, being alarmed with the surprisal of the other place; fled away with their goods, for a time; till they heard the Enemies were removed farther Eastward, and then it was said, they returned to their place again; In this posture have things in those places remained ever since, in those Eastern Plantations betwixt Pascataqua and Casco Bay.  
But our Forces under the Command of Captain Hathorne, and Captain Syl, having at the last obtained all things necessary for a Winter march into the woods, did upon the first of November following, set forth toward Ossapy, where, after four days march of very difficult way, over many Rivers, not easy to pass at that time of the year, they arrived; but found never an Indian, either there, or in the way, as they marched along: The Indians belonging to those parts, had not many years before hired some English Traders to build them a Fort, for their security against the Mohawks, which was built very strong for that purpose fourteen Foot high with Flankers at each corner. But at this time the Soldiers intending to disappoint them of their Refuge, made Fuel thereof, which at that time was very needful for our People, who had marched many miles through deep Snow in a very cold Season, when they could hardly keep themselves from freezing as they passed along, so early in the Winter: None of the Enemy being to be found there in their strongest Fort; It was not counted worth the while for all the Company to march any farther: Wherefore a small party being sent up eighteen or twenty miles farther Northward amongst the woods, whereas they passed along they met with many vast Lakes, (supposed to be the Cause of the sharpness of the cold, in that side of the Country) making the place scarce habitable for any besides those Savages that use to hunt thereabouts, for Moose in the Winter, and Beaver in the Summer, (a sort of Creatures, whose Skins are of more Account than all their bodies.) But at this time it is supposed they were all gone lower toward the Sea side, to share the Spoils of the English Plantations, lately surprised by them; which is all the Reward they have met withal, who in former years, for the sake of a little Lucre by Traffic with them, have run themselves there into the very Jaws of destruction, either by Irregular dealing with them; or by their too much confidence in their deceitful Friendship.  
November the ninth, our Forces having spent nine days in this Service, returned safe to Newechewannick, from whence they set forth at the first, having run more hazard of their Limbs, by the sharpness of the Frost, than of their lives by any Assault from their Enemies.  
There was great probability that the design might have had some good Effect, if Mugg a chief Leader of them, did not much abuse those he fled unto, with a proffer of Peace; for he told them that there were about an hundred of them about Ossapy, not many days before: But it becomes us to look beyond second Causes, in Events of this nature; and conclude, that God had raised up these Barbarous Enemies to bring a like Chastisement upon the English in this side of the Country, with that which others had endured elsewhere, in the end of the former, and beginning of this present year.  
Whereas mention was formerly made of a Peace concluded at Boston betwixt the Governor and Council of the Massachusets, and Mugg an Eastward Indian, in the name of Madockawando chief Sagamore of all the Indians about Pemmaquia and Penobscot; which said Mugg, was sent from Boston, November the 21st with two Vessels, to receive the Prisoners there detained by the Indians, and also to see the Ratification of the several Articles of the said peace concluded upon. Which Articles for the better satisfaction of those that have not been acquainted with them, are thouhgt fit here to be Inserted.  

Boston, Novemb. the 6th. 1676.  
Covenants and Agreements made and concluded by, and between the GOVERNOR and COUNCIL of the Massachusets Colony in New-England of the one part: and Mugg Indian, in the Name and behalf of Madockawando, and Cheberrina Sachems of Penobscot, on the other part. Witnesseth.  

Impr. WHereas the said Mugg hath been sent & employed by the said Sachems upon a Treaty with the said GOVERNOR and COUNCIL relating to a Conclusion of Peace, doth hereby Covenant and engage for himself, and in behalf of the said Sachems, that from henceforth they will cease all Acts of Hostility, and hold an entire and firm Union, and Peace with all the English of the Colonies in New-England.  
2dly. That immediately upon the said Muggs Return, the said Sachems shall deliver up unto such English man, or men, as shall by order of the said Governor and Council, be sent with him, all such English Captives, Vessels, and Goods whatsoever, Arms and great Artillery belonging to the English, as are in their Custody, or under their power, as have been taken from them during the time of the late Hostility.  
3dly. That they will use their uttermost endeavour with all possible speed to procure pay; wherewith to make full satisfaction unto the English for all such Injuries, Losses, and Damages, as they have sustained by them, in their housing, Cattle, or other Estate, during the time of the late Hostility; or else to pay such a number of Beaver Skins yearly, in order thereunto, as shall be agreed on between the said Sachems, and such person or persons as shall be sent unto them from the said Governor and Council for the Ratification hereof, to be paid at such time and place as shall be then agreed upon.  
4ly. That upon Condition of the English furnishing of them with Powder and Ammunition for their necessary Supplies and maintenance, they do Covenant and promise not to Trade for, or buy any Powder, or Ammunition, but of such persons as shall from time to time be deputed by the Governor for that end.  
5ly. That if it do appear that Walter Gendal and the men sent with him in the Vessel from Pascataqua (with Goods from Mr. Friar for the Redemption of the Captives according to Agreement) or any of them are surprised and slain by any of their Indians, or any others whom they can bring under their power, that they shall forthwith Execute such Murderer, or Murderers, or otherwise, deliver them up into the hands of the English.  
6ly. That if the Amonos-Coggin, or any other Indians in the Eastern parts, that are in Hostility with the English, shall not fully Consent unto these Covenants and Agreements, but shall persist in Acts of Hostility against the English, that then the said Sachems shall, and will hold all such Indians to be their Enemies, and take up Arms against them, and engage them as such.  
Lastly. The said Mugg as a Pledge and Assurance of his own Fidelity, and that he is empowered by the said Sachems for the end aforesaid, and for the performance of the aforementioned Agreements, doth freely and willingly deposit himself, and his Life in the hands of the English; to remain with them as a Hostage until the said Captives, goods and Vessels shall be delivered up.   
Boston, Novemb. 13. 1676. Signed in the Presence of 

john Earthy.  
Richard Oliver.  
Isaac Addington.  
The mark of Mugg W Indian    
The said Mugg lifting up his hand to Heaven for the true performance thereof, esteemed amongst them, a strong Obligation to perform what they promise.   
Things were so ordered by the good Providence of God, that the said Vessels arrived safely at Penobscot in the beginning of the next month, where they found the said Madockawando, who was ready to confirm and make good the Articles of the Peace concluded at Boston by his Agent in his Name; And was willing also to deliver all the Prisoners that were then in his Power, or under his Command, which were but two, who were taken in the Vessel at Richmond's Island, the twelfth of October last. The said Mugg likewise being sensible of the Obligation he lay under, to make good his word, did venture to go up himself to another Plantation of the Indians, where was supposed some more of the English Prisoners were, to see whether he could obtain their Release, as also to persuade with the rest of the Indians thereabouts to join in the confirmation of the Peace; It appeared to the persons belonging to the Vessels, that the said Mugg went with some Reluctancy, as fearing the Indians he was going amongst, would either kill him, or keep him Prisoner; To which end, he ordered the Commanders belonging to the Vessels to tarry for him, about three days, or four at the most, assuring them, that if he did not return by that time, they might certainly conclude that either his Life or Liberty was taken from him; However the Vessels tarried about or near a week beyond the time limited, in expectation of his coming; But after so long stay, they neither seeing, nor hearing from him, were ready to fear the worst, viz. that his Country men had made him sure from having more to do with the English. Whereupon for fear of being shut up by the sharpness of the Winter from returning themselves, they took the opportunity of the next fair wind of setting Sail for Boston, (only turning in to Pemmaquid to see if they could hear any farther News there) where they arrived with such Prisoners, as were freely delivered by Madockawando, the twenty fifth of December following, Anno, 1676. Amongst which Prisoners, besides the two forementioned, who were found at Penobscot, there was a third, by a more remarkable Providence then ordinary, added unto them, Mr. Thomas Cobbet, Son of that Reverend and worthy Minister of the Gospel, Mr. Thomas Cobbet (Pastor of the Church at Iptwitch, a Town within the Massachusets' Jurisdiction) who had all the time of his Son's Captivity together with his friends wrestled with God in their daily Prayers for his Release, and accordingly he was with the more joy received by his friends, as an Answer and Return of their Prayers. The said young man had lived with Mr. Friar, Merchant of Portsmouth for some years before, and had been oft at Sea with Mr. James Friar the eldest Son of the said Merchant, and who had after much Experience of his Faithfulness, dexterity, and Courage on all such Accounts, borne him so much Respect, that when he was urged by his Father to go along with Mr. Shendal, as was said before, he would not venture unless his Friend Thomas Cobbet would go along with him; the which Service he only for his Friend's sake accepted, which proved a fatal Adventure to Mr. James Friar, and might have done to the other also, had not God otherwise disposed of him, having, as is hoped, more Service for him in the Land of the living. Amongst all the Prisoners at that time taken, the said Thomas Cobbet seemed to have had the hardest portion: For besides the desperate dangers that he escaped, before he was taken. First, by a bullet, shot through his Waistcoat. Secondly, by a drunken Indian, who had a knife at his Throat to cut it, when his hands were bound, when the Indians came to share the Prisoners amongst them, he fell into the hands of one of the ruggeddest Fellows, by whom within a few days after his surprisal, he was carried first from Black point, to Shipscot River in the Catch, which the Indians made them to Sail for them, into the said River, from thence he was forced to travel with his Pateroon Four or five miles over land to Damariscottee, where he was compelled to row or paddle in a Canoe about fifty five miles farther to Penobscot, and there taking leave of all his English Friends and acquaintance, at least for the Winter, he was put to paddle a Canoe up fifty or sixty miles farther Eastward, to an Island called Mount Desert, where his Pateroon used to keep his winter station, and to appoint his hunting Voyages; and in that Desart-like Condition was the poor young man forced to continue nine weeks in the Service of a Savage miscreant, who sometimes would Tyrannize over him, because he could not understand his Language, and for want thereof, might occasion him to miss of his Game, or the like. What ever sickness he was obnoxious unto, by change of diet, or other account, he could expect no other allowance than the Wigwam will afford: If Joseph be in the Prison, so long as God is with him there, he shall be preserved, and in due time remembered.  
After the end of the nine weeks, the Indian whom he was to serve, had spent all his powder, whereupon on the sudden he took up a Resolution to send this young man down to Penobscot to Mouns●re Casteen to procure more powder to kill Moose and Dear, which it seems is all their way of living at Mount Desert; The Indian was certainly over ruled by Divine providence in sending his Captive down thither, for a few days before, as it seems, after the Indians in that place, has been powawing together, he told him, that there were two English Vessels than come into Pemmequid, or Penobscot, which proved so indeed: yet was it not minded by him surely, when he sent his Captive-thither for powder, for it proved the means of his escape; which his Pateroon might easily have conjectured, if it had not been bid from him As soon as he Arrived at Penobscot, he met with Magg, who presently saluted him by the Name of Mr. Cobbet, and taking him by the hand, told him, he had been at his Father's house, (which was November the first or second before, as he passed through Ipswitch to Boston) and had promised to send him home, so soon as he returned. Madockawando taking notice of what M●gg was speaking that way, although he were willing that he should be released according to Agreement, (his Pateroon being one of this Sagamores Subjects, though during the Hunting Voyage of the winter, he lived at such a distance from him) began to demand something for satisfaction, in a way of Ransom, not understanding before that his Father was, a great Preachman, as they use to call it: Reply mass made to him, that he should have something in lieu of a Ransom, viz. a fine Coat, which they had for him aboard the Vessel; the which the Sagamore desired to see, before he would absolutely grant his Release: but upon sight of the said Coat, he seemed very well satisfied, and gave him free liberty to return home. Whilst this Mr. Thomas Cobbet was a Prisoner at Mount Desert going along with the Indians to hunt, in an extreme cold day; he was so overcome with the sharpness thereof, that all his Senses were suddenly benumbed, so as he fell down upon the Snow, not being able to stir hand or foot, and had without doubt there perished in a little time but that the Indians he was going along with, missing him, presently ran about the woods to seek him, and when they found him, they were either so pitiful to him, or so careful of their own good, as not to cast away a likely young man, from whom they expected either much service, or a good Ransom, for want of a little Care, and pains to preserve his life; wherefore, taking him upon their shoulders, they carried him into the next Wigwam, so as he soon after revived, and came to himself again, without any farther mischief.  
At another time, the Savage Villain whose Prisoner he was, so long as he had strong Liquor, for five days together was so drunk, that he was like a furious mad Beast, so as none durst come near him, his Squaws he almost brained in one of those drunken fits.  
The said Thomas was forced to get out of his sight into the woods all that night, for fear of being mischiefed by him. Where making a fire he kept himself alive: The Squaws being by God's special Providence so inclined to pity, that they came to him daily with Victuals, by which means he was at that time also preserved: All which put together, makes his Deliverance the more Remarkable, as an Answer of prayer.  
As for the Rest of the Prisoners, (which are said to be fifty or sixty) They were left with them who first surprised them at Kennibeck, and Shipicot River: The Women are employed it seems to sew and make Garments for them; They having plundered much English goods at Arowsick. They are so much elevated with their late succesles, in spoiling so many of the English habitations, that they seem not very ready to hearken to Terms of peace, as their Sagamore Madockawando doth desire: Nor are the English able to come near them with any of their Forces this Winter season, in regard both of the Remoteness of the place, and sharpness of the Cold, which uses to be extreme in those parts: How their hearts may be inclined in the following year, or what the English may be enabled to do against them, is known unto God only, on whom we desire to wait for a comfortable Issue of these our Troubles. But until they have spent all the plunder that is taken, it is no doubt, but they will seem averse from having peace; As others to the Westward did, whole hearts were hardened against all proffers of that nature, till they were destroyed; Possibly some Remnants of them that escaped in those other parts, are got hither amongst these, and do animate them all they can to Hostility against us, till they make these as miserable as themselves, and so forced at the last to fly their Country. Many have been the Troubles we have met withal from these our Barbarous Neighbours round about us, but God we trust will deliver us out of them all, as he hath promised to do for the Righteous, who may in the darkest night of Affliction say, Eight is sown for them, which shall spring up in the appointed Time thereof.  
No farther News came to hand concerning the English Prisoners at Kennibeck, after the Return of Captain M●or from Penobscot, till the fifth of January. When one Francis Card with another young man formerly an Inhabitant of some place about Kennibeck, or of Arowsick, (but then a Prisoner with the Indians, made an escape from the Indians, and so got over Casco Bay, and then to Black point, from thence he was conveyed to Pascataqua soon after, and then to Boston.  
The manner of his escape, as he reports was this: He was employed by the Indians to thresh Corn at a Barn a little lower in the River, than the place where the Indians commonly kept being trusted alone, to go and come of himself, because there was no suspicion of any coming to carry him away, or seeming possibility to get away without being discovered, he found means to plot with another young man, who was sent to look horses; whose flesh it seems is by those wild Savages, preferred before the best Beef, so as having their choice of both, they took what they liked best; And this being the Employment of the young man, he had the fit opportunity when he was in the woods to make any Contrivance to get away. Thus being resolved upon their design, they provided necessaries accordingly, and sent such a Message home to their Maesters, as might occasion them not to expect them very soon that night; Thus resolved, they marched away, as soon as ever they perceived the Coast was clear; And having provided a Canoe accordingly fit for the design, by the help of it they got over the waters, by which they were to pass which were not frozen; And in the night time turned into a Swampe, where they might make a fire to keep them from starving with the Cold, without being discerned; So as within two or three days they recovered the Fort, and Garrison at black point, from whence they were soon conveyed to Boston.  
This Francis Card made this Relation of matters when he came to Boston, viz. that the Prisoners which he left behind were well, and not much misused, only put to do the Servile work about the Indians: woe must it needs be with Christians, when put not only to sojourn, but to serve in those Tents of Kedar. Such of the women as were gifted at knitting, and Sewing, were improved to make stockings, and garments for their Pateroons: So as it seems the Aware house at Arowsick furnished them with Cloth, Stuff, and Linen, and the Inhabitants served for Artificers to cut it out, and make it up.  
He reported also that the Indians spoke nothing of any Peace; but rather being heightened with their late and great Successes, were contriving how to get possession of the other places in the hands of the English, on that side of the Country, which God forbidden should ever come to pass; but finding so easy work of their former Exploits, they hope they shall accomplish their purposes with the like facility in all other places where they come.  
It seems Squando is their chief Leader, that Enthusiastical, or rather Diabolical Miscreant; who yet hath put on a garb of Religion, and orders his People to do the like; performing Religious worship amongst the Indians in his way, yet is supposed to have very familiar Converse with the Devil, that appears to him as an Angel of Light in some shape or other very frequently. This Francis Card also affirmeth, that there is nothing so great a number of the Indians as is here reported, for he saith, when they were going out upon some design, while he was in their hands, he had an opportunity to count them all, and could find but ninety eight of them, that were men: Neither could he discern that there were any of the Western Indians, unless Simon and Andrew, that formerly escaped out of Dover Prison: Although it was before apprehended there were multitudes of them flocked thither.  

Francis Card his Declaration of their Beginning, August the fourteenth.  
The Indians came to Richard Hammonds, and there killed Richard Hamond, Samuel Smith, Joshuah Grant, there parting their Company, eleven men came up Kennibeck River to my house, and there took me, and my Family. Therefore the rest of their Company went to Arowsick, and there took the Garrison: about a Fortnight after came down Kennibeck River, and so went down to Damaris Cove, and there burned houses, and killed , there coming back parted their Company, one party went to jewels Island, and the other party went to Saga-de-Hock, being in number eighty one; Those that went to Saga-de-Hock took a Shallop, from thence came to Kennibeck River, and then went to killing and destroying of  and housing, for they had Intelligence of a Catch and a Shallop at Damaris Cove, and going there they took the Shallop, and killed two men, being in number about eighty; The next day made up their Forces, went out to Black point, being about one hundred fight men, and are now in two Forts about sixty at a place, with six or eight Wigwams between the two Forts.  
Now the best place to land men is in Casco Bay, and in Kennibeck River, the one place being eight miles, the other about fourteen miles from the Fort where I was kept: And if the Army do not go now with speed, they will be gone forty miles farther up in the Country; at the first taking of me they carried me up to Taconet, and the men coming down they brought me and two men more down for fear of our killing their women and Children, for they kept their Women and Children at Taconet all the Summer. As soon as the warm weather doth set in, they do intent to go away to Taconet, and there to build two Forts, for there is their fishing places, and planting ground. Squando doth inform them that God doth speak to him, and doth tell him that God hath left our Nation to them to destroy, and the Indians do take it for a Truth all that he doth tell them; because they have met with no Affront. Now Mugg the Rogue, he being come again to the Fort, he doth make his Brags and laughs at the English, and saith, that he hath found the way to burn Boston, and doth make Laughter at your kind Entertainment, they make their brags how they do intent to take Vessels, and so to go to all the fishing Islands; and so to drive all the Country before them: so reckoning to be a great Number in the Spring, there is a great many Indians at Cannada that have not been out this Summer, both of Kennibeck and Damarascoggin, therefore a great many of these Indians at Kennibeck do intent to go to Cannada in the Spring to them. And they do give Gifts both of Captives, and of Goods to the Eastern Indians, to have them to go out with them; but as yet I do not know what they will do. For Madockawando & Squando are of several Judgements, and so have parted, and Madockawando doth pretend love to the English, they do use our English Captives as Civilly as we can expect by such a People.  
That this is Truth is declared by me Francis Card, jan. the 22. 1676.   
By the Report which he brings it doth not appear so difficult a matter to make an Attempt to recover the place, and destroy them that hold it, as was before apprehended: Insomuch, as that design, that was under debate before the GOVERNOR and COUNCIL a little before, and was let fall for the present, as a matter not Feasible, hath since been set a foot with a fresh Resolution: And another thing also occurred about the same time, which put new Life into the said design, viz. an apprehension that there were several of the Narrhagansets scattered about in these woods near Pascataqua, who it was feared might join with those of Kennibeck in the Spring, and so come down upon the English Plantations, and spoil them all that are thereabouts. For soon after Francis Card coming to Boston, some of Major Wardens Indians at Quechecho, as they were hunting in the woods chanced to meet with three strange Indians, the which had Guns, at least two of them; but those of Quechecho were without. The other Indians began to insinuate into them, to see if they could make way for their acceptance with the English: Those Indians that this motion was made unto, in a most perfidious manner gave them encouragement in the business,; And appointed a place where to meet them the next day, saying, they would not have them now go home with them to their Wigwams, lest their Women and Children should be frighted with the sight of their Guns; All which was spoken upon a Treacherous Account, by that means to betray them, for they had neither Women nor Children at their Wigwams; but not having Guns themselves, as the other had, they durst not then seize upon them: The next day therefore according to Appointment, their guests expecting a Treaty, and a Friendly Compliance, (yet coming apart, as was ordered the day before to be the more easily surprised) arrived at the place Appointed; And there presently the first being thus Treacherously brought into the snare was dispatched out of hand. The like was also done to the second; The third was not at such a distance, but he either discerned or suspected, what became of his Fellows, and therefore made the more baste to escape; but his deceitful Friends were too quick for him, who shot him down before he could get out of their reach: So as they took him alive, as is said; but he could not live much longer by Reason of his wounds: These Quechecho Indians cut off the Scalps of their poor Countrymen, (which is their usual manner, when it is too far to carry the heads) which being brought to Major Walderns Indians, they were presently discerned to be Narrhagansets by the cut of their hair. This Instance is a sufficient Evidence of the Subtilety, guile, and Falsehood natural to all these Indians; and may satisfy any Rational person, what little trust there is to be put in their words, promises, or Engagements, though never so solemnly made, farther than they that make them; see Advantage in the keeping and performing. Subtilety, malice, and Revenge, seems to be as inseparable from them, as if it were part of their Essence.  
What ever hopes may be of their Conversion to Christianity in after Time, there is but little appearance of any Truth in their hearts at present, where so much of the contrary is so ordinarily breathed out of their mouths.  
These were the manners of the Gentiles in former times, while they remained Children of Disobedience, until they were renewed after another Image: Nor are these uncapable Subjects for Divine grace to work upon, yet are there some natural vices proper to every Nation in the world, as Paul speaks of the Grecians, from the Testimony of one of their own Poets: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
But to Return; These things so concurring, and several Gentlemen from about Pascataqua repairing to Boston, so represented the states of things Eastward before the GOVERNOR and COUNCIL, as that it was apprehended not only necessary, but Feasible also to suppress the foresaid Indians in those parts: Whereupon it was forthwith concluded that an Expedition should be made against them; To which end two hundred Soldiers, whereof about sixty were of the Natick Indians, that have given good proof of their Valour, and Faithfulness to the English; All which were immediately dispatched away, the first week in February by water, under the Conduct of Major Walderns as Commander in chief; A person well approved for his Activity, as well as Fidelity and Courage in concernments of that nature: They had to Encounter with Rough and contrary Winds, and much cold weather the first week after their setting forth; But having so much Experience of the favour and goodness of the Almighty, who is wont always to be present with his Servants in like Cases, though he hath often for a time deferred for the trial of their Faith, & exercise of their patience; yet useth not to fail his people, that put their trust in him, and diligently seek his face; A solemn time being appointed for that end; To the which we expect a comfortable Answer: we that have sent forth our Friends on the public Service, being thus engaged to follow them with our Prayers, at the present in silence wait upon the Lord of Hosts to give a blessing to the design; Hoping our Friends in this necessary, though difficult Service, thus called forth, have gone out with the like Encouragement, and Resolution, that sometimes Joab did; Let us be of good Courage, and play the men for our People, and for the Cause of our God; And let the Lord do that which seemeth him good.  
Upon the eleventh of February two Indian Squaws, that had run away from Major Walderns in the beginning of winter, out of discontent, because the husband of one of them, and some of the Relations of the other were sent away, came back again with more wit, than they carried with them, though with less flesh upon their backs: for having wandered up toward Pigwachet, till they were almost starved there, they say, some Indians were seen by them, pretending they were going to the head of Connecticut River, with Hostile Intents against the English; but they going away as they did, little heed is given to the Stories they tell upon their Return.  
February the nineteenth following, John Abbot, the Master of Mr. Friars Catch taken October the Twelfth, before at Black Point, came in to the Isle of Shoales, having made a desperate Adventure to escape; he gave a more probable Account of things in those parts.  
He saith, they were first carried to Shipscat River, where the Vessel in which they were taken, was moored for all the Winter: In which time, the Indians having spent all their Ammunition, and most of their Provision, counted it high time now to be looking out for more: to which end, they caused the said Abbot to fit up the Vessel, (being a Pinnace of about thirty Tun) as well as he could, with such assistance as they could afford him; and ten of them shipped themselves in the same, intending for Penchscot; from thence to Sail up that River, as far as they could; and then leaving their Vessel to proceed on with their Canoes, as high up the River as the stream would permit, and so to pass on to Cannada to buy powder of the French there; It being at this time two and thirty Shillings a pound amongst the Indians at Kennibeck. But, as Providence ordered it, after these Mariners were launched into the deep, a small storm with a contrary wind began to arise; of which the English Skipper found ways in his steering to make the danger seem more than really it was. in so much that they resolved to put in at Cape-bona-waggon, three Leagues to the Eastward of Shipscot, where eight of them went a shore, leaving two Indians aboard with the English Skipper: After he had got so well rid of them, he contrived how to get shut of the other also: Therefore he persuaded them, that the Vessel would not ride safely in that place, so as he prevailed with them to let him go to another Harbour, called Damaris Cove, two or three Leagues more Eastward: In the way as he Sailed, he so ordered his steering, that sometimes the waves were ready to overrake the Vessel, which put his two Indians into a fright, so as they made all the hast they could to get a shore, as soon as ever they came within the Harbour, urging him to go along with them; but he pretended a necessary Excuse to stay behind to look after the Vessel but with intent, as soon as ever he should see them a shore, to boys Sail for some English Harbour, having no body aboard with him, but a small English Child about three ●ears old: It seems the Indians had a Child or two of their own dead in the Vessel, who dying after they began their Voyage, they were the forwarder to go a shore with them, for burial: The said Abbot now perceiving he had obtained his purpose; (for he oft resolved on this Project before) first tallowing the Mast with a piece of fat Pork left by the Indians, as high as he could reach; that he with his own hands might the more easily hoist the Sail, so choosing rather to cast himself upon the Providence of God in the waters, than to trust himself any longer with perfidious Savages on the dry Land; he came safe to Isle of Shoales before the Evening of the next day, February the nineteenth.  
Within a few days after John Abbot aforesaid, made his escape in the Vessel; There came an express from Major Walderns that commanded in chief over our Forces sent to Kennibeck to subdue the Indians in those parts, & deliver the English Captives that have been detained in their hands, since August last, which giveth this Account of their proceeding.  
February the seventeenth, this morning the wind North East, soon after South, and South West, we sat Sail with our Vessels from Black Point, for Portland, but on the East-side of Cape Elizabeth, we espied John Pain, (who was sent out a Scout) who brought word the way was clear of Ice, and Indians whereupon we steared for Mary Point at the head of Casco Bay, and got there this night, but too late to get to the Fort before morning.  
February the eighteenth, we sent this morning our Scouts out by Land, who returning about eight of the Clock brought word they espied the Tracts of three Indians, and found a Birch Canoe at Muckquitt about four miles off, by which we feared we were discovered, the Companies about four a Clock were drawn forth, and just beginning their march, when we espied five Canoes of the Enemy about half a mile off, they landed over against us on an Island, and holloed to us, whereby we perceived they desired a Trea●y, hoping to gain the Captives, we sent John Pain to them, they promised him to bring the Captives by morning, and desired peace: After this John Pain was sent again, and stayed among the Indians in the room of Simon, who came to the Major, he was questioned, and Answered as followeth:  Quest. 
How came you to know we were here?  Answ. 
We continually kept out our Scouts, and Yesterday our Indians left a Canoe at Muckquitt, which this day we miss, and perceived the English had taken it, and our Men that left the Canoe, espied you a a great way off at Portland.  Quest. 
Why did you break your Covenant with me?  Answ. 
Blind Will stirred us up to the War here, and said, he would kill you at Quechecho; Simon having said this, asked the Major what his business was here? to whom it was Answered, we came to fetch off the Captives and make War as we see good, Simon also told us that the Captives were all well, that we should have them by morning, that Squando was there, and would give the Captives to Major Walderns that they intended peace, had sent to Boston before now, but that Mugg told them the English would be here shortly.  
The Major upon this dismissed Simon, and sent for Squando, to which Squando Answered, he would meet him half way if he would come alone in a Birch Canoe. To this the Major Answered, he would not venture himself in our Leakie Canoe, and that if he had no more to say the Treaty was ended: To this Squando Answered, he would be with us again at Ten a Clock, and bring the Captives.  
On the Nineteenth. Wind North East, the weather thick; About Noon we discovered a party of Indians in fourteen Canoes about three mile above us in the Bay: they landed on a point of Land and burnt one English house, and shouted to some of our men that were Scouts, challenging them to fight: Immediately on the Return of our Scouts we marched against them as secretly as we could: upon sight of us they fled; but Captain Frost came upon them with his whole body before they were half out of Gun shot: in this Skirmish we judged, we killed and wounded several of them without any damage, yet some of their Bullets hit some of our men. For the Captives sake immediately after this, we hung out a Flag of Truce, and the Enemy did the like: John Pain was sent to them to demand the Reason why they fired the house, and broke their Promise.  
Simon met him half way, and Answered, the house was fired Accidentally without Order from Squando: that they had sent for the Captives who were a great way off, and the foul weather hindered their coming: He questioned john Pain also why we fought them while we were in Treaty.  
Pain Answered they broke it themselves in not performing their promise, challenging our Soldiers to fight; this latter Simon denied, and Answered the other as before: Simon told him they had two men wounded, and expected satisfaction, but also promised the Captives the next day, and so left us.  
On the twentieth. The wind North East, and Snow, it was resolved to Sail for Kennibeck the first fair wind, whether we had immediately gone upon our knowledge, that we were discovered by the Enemy, but that the wind and weather hindered us hitherto.  
February the twenty first, this morning the wind North West, we set Sail for Kennibeck, and arrived at the Harbour's mouth at four a Clock: About Sun set we set Sail up the River, and got to the lower end of Arowsick.  
Twenty second, we set Sail this morning, but could not get to the head of the River for Ice, whereupon we landed our Soldiers about two a Clock, about twelve miles off Aboundessit Fort, and immediately began our march, about eight a Clock at night came to the Fort, we found no Indians, there we took up our Quarters this night.  
Twenty third we sent out Scouts to discover the march of the Enemy, but found so many Tracts every way, that we knew not what way to follow them; At a Council of War it was resolved that Major Walderns should Sail for Penobscot, with two of the Ketches, and part of the Soldiers to seek after the Captives, and fight the Enemy If he had opportunity: the rest to build a Garrison. In the absence of our Forces, the Vessels espied several Fires below the River, and one English ho●se was burnt, about Sun set, the Soldiers returned to the Vessels:  
Twenty fourth this morning the Major with two Boats and a Shallop went to spy out a place to settle a Garrison, and found one against the lower end of Arowsick Island, and the Vessels are brought to it  
Twenty fifth. We rested here this Sabbath.  
john Baker's house opposite to the lower end of Arowsick, being judged the most convenient place for their purpose, as well for the convenience of water for the Soldiers, as of a Cove wherein Ships might R●de, within Command thereof, their Vessels therefore were immediately Anchored there, where they rested on the Lord's day, February the twenty fifth.  
The next day according to the Advice of the Commanders, Major Waldern embarked sixty men in two Vessels, with which he set Sail immediately for Peno●scot, leaving the rest to be employed in making preparation for settling a Garrison in the said place.  
In their way, off from Gy-obscut Point, they espied two Indians in a Canoe, that waved their Caps, as if they desired speech with them. john Pain and Wat. Ghendal were presently sent; they gave them Intelligence that many Indians were at Pemmaquid with English Captives, upon which they bent their Course thither● where arriving they Anchored at four a Clock, the same day; soon after two Indians holloed to them from Mr. Gardeners Fort. john Pain was sent a shore to inquire who they were, and what was become of the Captives: Sundry sorts of Indians were found upon the place, with several Sagamores, the chief of whom, was Mattahando, who told them he was glad to see English men there, and that he desired peace, and promised to deliver such Captives as were at Penobscot, the next morning; adding also, that he desired to speak with Captain Davis. After John Pain returned to the Major, he was sent back with the said Davis, and stayed a shore, till three Sagamores went a board, and signified as much to Major Waldern, as they had said before to John Pain. While they were in discourse, an English Captive was espied in a Canoe with his Pateroon, with whom they desired to speak, but it was not granted at that time, he being carried farther up the River out of fight.  
Soon after the Major went a shore with six men, yet carrying no Arms with them. He found their words smother than Oil, yet were there drawn Swords in their hearts, of which some of their actions, gave no small ground of Suspicion: for they deferred all till the next morning; nor were they willing to let the man that was espied before in the Canoe come a board to see his Friends without leaving an Hostage in his room, of which the Major was very glad, that he might have an opportunity of a little discourse with one whom they might trust. When they returned from the shore, a sign was promised to be given for the Appearance of the Indians by the firing of three Guns. The next morning, February the twenty seventh, the Major with the same number as before, went to Treat with them: They with John Pain having first holloed to them; upon their coming a shore their persons were searched on both sides, and all Arms laid aside. The whole Forenoon was spent in a Treaty, whereat they seemed much to rejoice in expectation of a Peace with the English; yet when Major Waldern desired a present delivery of the Captives, with Assistance of men and Canoes to fight the Monoscoggin Indians, Enemies to them both, it was denied, though they could not have had a fit Testimony of their Fidelity.  
They alleged that the Captives were given them by Kennibeck Indians, and they must have something for keeping them all Winter, and therefore were not willing to let them go without Ransom; And for their Canoes, they said they had them in present Service, being then bound for Penobscot. The price demanded, viz. twelve Skins a person, was yielded to; upon which they presently delivered William Chadburn, john Whinnick, and john Worwood, which were all that they would own, or could be proved they had.  
That part of the pay, which was to be in Liquor, was presently laid down, the rest was promised to be sent in the Afternoon. The Commanders debated what was farther to be done, one or two of the old Sagamores, (who were believed) seemed sincere about the Peace, professed that none of them had any hand in the War, but only some of their young men, whom they could not Rule: But several of the Company affirming they saw some of the said Indians at Casco engaged in Hostility against the English, it was resolved not to enter into any League of Peace with them, but rather to fight them, or surprise them after they had dispatched the business about the Captives.  
This being determined, the Major with five of his men went a shore, with part of the Ransom, the better to beget a Confidence in them; and then presently to return a board, and fit his men for farther Service; But if he had not wisely provided against all Exigencies aforehand, he might have been prevented from ever going aboard more; for stepping aside a Rod or two from the place, for better Circumspection, he espied the point of a Lance from under a board, hid there, as were other Arms near by for a Treacherous design that was in their minds, soon after, upon the receiving the rest of the Pay, to have been put in Execution. Whereupon Major Waldern took up the Lance, and came towards them, changing them with falsehood and Treachery, for hiding Weapons just by, wherewith to destroy them as soon as they had delivered the goods: The Indians discovered their guiltiness by their Countenances, some of them making towards him, thinking to get the said Weapon out of his hands; but he bid them stand off, threatening to kill every one that offered to touch him; And immediately waved his Cap over his head, (which was the sign agreed upon, for the Soldiers to come all a shore, in Case of need) upon which Token the Soldiers all hasted away. In the mean while the English that went a shore to wait upon the Major, were forced to bestir them, both to secure the goods from being carried away, and to defend Major Waldern: Some of the Squaws with others of the Enemy ran away, one of them catched up a Bundle of Guns that were hid near by, and ran away with them, Captain Frost seized an Indian called Megunnaway, a Notorious Rogue, (that had been in Arms at Connecticut last june, at the Falls, and saw that brave and Resolute Captain Turner, when he was slain about green River; and helped to kill Thomas Bracket at Casco, August last.) And with the help of Lieutenant Nutter, according to the Major's Order carried him a board, while himself searching about farther found three Guns hid in a Cowhouse just at hand, wherewith he armed the other three men that were with him: By this time some of the Soldiers were got a shore, and instantly according to their Majors Command pursued the Enemy towards their Canoes; In the Chaso, several of the Enemies were slain, whose bodies they found at their Return; to the number of seven, amongst whom was Mattahando the Sagamore, with an old Powaw, to whom the Devil had revealed, as sometimes he did to Saul, that on the same day he should be with him; for he had a little before told the Indians, that within two days, the English would come and kill them all, which was at the very same time verified upon himself: The body of our men overtook them before they all recovered their Canoes, so as without doubt, divers others of them were slain likewise: for they sunk a Canoe, wherein were five drowned before their Eyes: and many others were not able to paddle: four they took Prisoners, whom they brought away with them. There being about five and twenty of the Indians present at this Encounter.  
Much more damage might have been done by our men upon the Enemy, if they had known the ready way to their Canoes; but the Indians having prepared all things ready for flight, in Case, as well as for fight, the more easily made their escape. One of the Captives taken was Madockawando's Sister, who was Entertained very Courteously by the Commander in chief, and had been carried forth with to her brother, in hope by her means to have gained the better Terms for our remaining English Captives, but it was certainly known that he was gone from home upon an Hunting Design, and not to return in two Months.  
The English took much Plunder from the Indians, about a thousand weight of dried Beef, with other things, Megunnaway was shot to Death, the same day or the next, so as Justice is by degrees pursuing those perfidious Villains, and one after another they are brought under the Wheel of Destruction. Simon, that Arch Traitor, seems as is said, by his Consumptive looks, to have received the Sentence of Death, which may bring him into the same place or State with the rest.  
Feb. 28th. they set Sail for Shipscot, but the wind failing, they were put in at Kennibeck, from whence Captain Fisk with forty men were sent to the said place to seek after Plunder, where they found between thirty and forty Bushels of good wheat, which they brought away with them, several other things they lighted upon here, and there, some of which were brought away; As one or two great Guns, and some Anchors, from Saga de Hock, Board's from Arowsick, where they found an hundred thousand Foot, of which they brought home, enough for the lading of their Vessels, leaving the rest to be Transported in a more convenient Season.  
While our Soldiers were upon Arowsick, two of the Enemy chancing to come upon the place, one of them presently received his Reward, the other received his Payment, which yet is supposed to amount to the whole; The Canoe wherein he seemed to escape, being found the next day all bloody, and split asunder.  
March the first, one of the Indian Squaws a Captive was sent to Ta●anet Fort, with a Message to the Sagamores to Treat for the rest of the Captives: Five days were given her for her Return, which were not expired, when Major Waldern, with most of the Soldiers were called to return home towards Boston, where they arrived March the eleventh, 1676. 77. having first put in at Portsmouth. Bringing along with them the bones, or rather the body of Captain Lake, preserven entire and whole and free from putrefaction by the coldness of the long winter, so as it was when found by the discretion of one that was near him when he was slain, easily discerned to be his, by such as bade known him before.  
It is hoped by those that returned, the Enemies are by this Encounter of the English so scattered and broken, that they will not be able to rally again suddenly, or make any after Attempt, if the present Advantage be seriously pursued. And thus have our Enemies themselves many of them fallen into the pit, which they have been digging for others.  
This day also Letters were received from Major Pinchon of Springfield, but without mention of any appearance of Enemies in that Quarter, whereby we are encouraged to believe, that they have stumbled and fallen down backward, so as they shall never rise any more to make farther disturbance. That which crowned the present Service was the performing it without loss of blood; They all returning home in safety, not any one being miss; Let them accordingly remember to pay a suitable Tribute of Thankfulness to him, under whose Banner they went forth, and returned in Safety; And say with Moses the Servant of the Lord, JEHOVAH NISSI.  

TO this Issue were our Troubles with the Indians brought in the end of the year, 1676.  
That which hath been already said in that kind, may serve to give an Account of the Murders, Slaughters, Captivities of several persons of the English Inhabitants of New-England: together with the burning and spoiling of divers of their Villages and houses, spoiling of their Estates, by those their perfidious and barbarous Enemies. That which remains, is only to satisfy the Inquisitive Reader about some other particulars, which have a Relation unto, or dependence upon the former: as to show what may be the principal and leading Causes Civil or moral, of those strange Successes of the Indians, in some of their first Encounters with the English there, what presages or other ominous Accidents were observed aforehand, what assistance they received from other Foreign Nations, French, or Dutch, what is since become of those Indians that were the Authors of the foresaid mischiefs, what progress Christian Religion hath already made, or is like furtherto make amongst the rest, all which may serve as an Epilogue to the Tragical History foregoing.  
It is no doubt but that (as sometimes was said of the Divisions of Reubin) there have been, and are great thoughts of heart amongst them that wish well to this poor Country; for the Calamities that of late have here fallen out, every one taking occasion to put that Construction upon what hath happened, which suits best with his own understanding and humour. Possibly those that live at a distance have made many uncertain guesses at things which have passed here. For those that lived upon the place have very sad Apprehensions both concerning the Rise and Issue of them. In a matter therefore of so much difficulty to give the best account we can of the things under debate; It cannot be denied but that things ever since the planting of these Colonies of New-England, they have been signally blessed of God, and made to flourish above many other Foreign Plantations, both for the number of Towns and Villages, Increase of Families, growth of Trade, flourishing of Religion, probably therefore, this sudden and unexpected turn of Providence, may occasion many to think, that either there hath been some notable Declension from former Principles and ways, or else the world hath been much abused by former reports of our prosperous proceed here. But it should be observed that Arguments taken barely from Success, and the Event of things, like Ciphers standing alone and not joined with others, as some have said, do not increase the number, when the whole Sum is to be made up, they will signify what they were intended for; Every thing is beautiful in its Season, but in the mean time sad Events should rather be improved to our own Instruction than the condemning of others: following the dark Cloud of Providence without the fiery Pillar of the Scripture, will lead into uncertain paths. This is not the first time that Christian People have been exposed to many Outrages, and barbarous Calamities from their Pagan Neighbours, to whom they have been many ways Officious. It is well known what happened in the Neighbour Colony of Virginia on the twenty second of March, 1622. when by a general Conspiracy of the Indians three hundred and forty seven persons of the English Planters, were barbarously massacred; at that time when they had the greatest hopes of Converting them to Christianity; yet need not this any whit discourage charitable Endeavours that way; for if it had not been for one Converted Indian, that revealed the Plot, in all likelihood all the rest of the English there planted, had been in like manner cut off at the same time. The Heathen in New-England are situate in the same Climate, therefore cannot be supposed to be much differing in their manners and disposition. But besides that we are hemmed in on both sides, and almost round about, with People of Foreign Nations, whose design is neither Religion, nor yet planting Colonies of Civil People, so much as present Emolument by Commerce and Traffic with the Indians, who notwithstanding their barbarous manner of living, are yet furnished with some rich and useful Commodities, for the obtaining of which, those that come amongst them have not been unwilling to offer them in way of Exchange, such Commodities as the Indians most fancy and desire, as Powder and Ammunition, not considering how destructive the Trade thereof may prove to others, which hath made some wise men both fear and foretell the dangerous Issue of Trading those things with the Indians here. It hath been said the Hollanders used so to deal with the Spaniards, at such times as they had their fiercest Wars with them, saying, that if they did not, others would carry those Commodities to their Enemies, which they thought they were as good to do themselves, that so in Case of bad Success in the Wars, the gain of the Barter might help to make amends for the loss of the Battle. The same Reason possibly put them upon the like practice in that part of this Country called the New-Netherlands: for which they have pretty well smarted themselves, as now they have helped others to do by their Example. Some prudent Gentlemen that governed in Virginia at the first, were ware of this mischief; wherefore it was strictly forbidden them, upon pain of death to show an Indian the use of a Gun; if the like Course had been continued here, it had scarce been possible according to the Eye of Reason that so much mischief could have been done us by our Indian Neighbours, at this time more than in former years. Their wills were as good heretofore, but when they had nothing but Bows and Arrows to trust unto, they were capable of no such mischief: But now by their frequent Converse and Trading with the Dutch and French on each side of us, they are as well skilled in the use of small Artillery as many other Nations.  
Their young men so much delighting therein, that upon point they mind little else, and are so proud of their Skill, that they thought they could easily deal with, if not over-match their Masters; that first instructed them.  
It is reported by an Ancient Mariner yet living in these parts, a person of good Credit, that above twenty years since being in the Eastern parts about Kennibeck, he heard an old Indian tell this story, that when he was a Youth, there was a Fort built about Saga-de-Hock (the Ruins of which were then shown this Relater, supposed to be that called St. George's Fort in honour of Captain George Popham, the Precedent of the Company sent over Anno, 1607.) And possessed for some time by the English: But afterward upon some Quarrel that fell out betwixt the Indians and them, the English were some of them killed by the said Indians, and the rest all driven out of the Fort, where there was left much of their Provision and Ammunition; amongst which there was some Barrels of Powder, but after they had opened them, and not knowing what to do therewith, they left the Barrels carelessly open, and scattered the Powder about, so as accidentally it took fire, and blew up all that was within the Fort, burnt and destroyed many of the Indians, upon which they conceived their God was Angry with them for doing hurt to the English; It had been well these Indians never had had any other acquaintance with the nature of that Commodity, then by such Experimental knowledge of its Force and power. But Covetousness was and will be the Root of all evil in every Age of the World, of which this may be reckoned one, and not the least, that for the sake of a little Lucre, Civil and Christian Nations have been induced to instruct a barbarous and Savage People (before ever they had been reduced to good order or Civil manners, much less Christianity, in the use of our Artillery, and furnish them likewise with Ammunition, to improve that Skill to the destruction of themselves, and their Posterity. Thomas Martin was said to be the first that like Epimetheus opened this Pandora's Box but he was not the Vulcan, that forged all their Guns, with other weapons of War they are found so well furnished withal.  
The Commissioners of our united Colonies have for a long time carefully and seriously endeavoured the preventing this Inconveniency in every of the three Colonies, by strict prohibition of Trading Ammunition with the Indians; Nor hath it been given way unto, till of late years, when by the continual Solicitation of some of our own People (that possibly since have paid dearly for their forwardness therein) who alleged the Example of the French and Dutch, and of some of our own Nation bordering upon us; The former restraint hath been taken off, and it is verily supposed that as to some of our People, that in the last Insurrection of the Indians amongst us, have felt both the first and worst part of their Rage and Cruelty; it was Effected by the Ammunition not long before purchased of themselves, which it may be was reserved for that very end and purpose. It is no small Aggravation of the misery befalling a place or person, when it is known to be brought about, by means of their own projecting; As sometimes was said to the Tyrant slain by a weapon of his own forging, suo sibi hunc jugulo gladio.  
But if Enquiry be made into the moral and procuring Causes, whereby God hath been provoked to let lose the Rage of the Heathen thus against us; It is not hard to give an Answer. The Sovereign Ruler of the World need never pick a Quarrel with any sort of men (the best of his Servants at all times giving him too just occasion of Controversy with them) or be to seek of a ground why to bring a Scourge upon them, having also other holy ends why he contends with his People; of which he is not bound to render the world an account: It may be Reason enough to work in them a Sympathy for the Sufferings and Calamities of others: or to keep them from being exalted above measure; or to humble and prove them, that they should not by their long Peace and Prosperity be ready to look upon themselves as less sinners than others, who have drunk deep of the Cup of Trembling before them: To prevent what Evil may, as well as reform what is already grown up amongst them. Standing waters are most apt to corrupt, God's Dispensations of this nature in the world, are usually observed to be for Correction of the Vices, as well as for the Trial of the Virtues found in his Servants. And what people or person is there upon the face of the Earth, who hath not Reason to lay their hand upon their mouths, and to abhor themselves in dust and asher, if the Almighty should go about to enter into Judgement with them: No doubt but after so long a time of Peace and Prosperity, as hath been enjoyed, the like Corruptions have begun to bud forth, as are usual in such a Gaze, as Pride, Luxury, Inordinate Love of the World, etc. Nor need He be instructed by men, what Instruments to make use of, in the● hastening of his People: Why may not God as well as Gideon teach the men of Succoth, and of other places, by the Briers and Thorns of the Wilderness. If a more particular Indagation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the very original Offence in this matter be expected; All things considered, it may be feared to spring from some Irregularities and miscarriages in our Transactions and deal with the Indians themselves, according to that known Rule. In quo quis peccat in eo punitur, yet must not this be understood, so as to reflect upon the People of the United Colonies in the Gross: Whose supreme Courts in their several Jurisdictions, have endeavoured by the sharpest and severest Laws imaginable to prevent any miscarriage of such a nature; But it hath arisen only from such places & persons as border upon us round about, both Southward and Eastward, yet never were, nor would be, subject to the Laws of our Jurisdiction, nor had any Reprover in the Gate, or Magistrate to put the Offenders to shame Such as make the Advantage they have in their heads the Rule for their Consciences to act by; It is no wonder if they be ready to transgress the Rules both of Sobriety and Righteousness in their deal with men, as well as Piety before God. The things that the Indians are more eager to Trade for, being known to be either strong Liquor or Powder, and Ammunition: And many have been found Indirectly and under hand to gratify their humour therein. The one hath proved always most hurtful to themselves, the other feared (and justly as it hath been proved) most destructive to ourselves. The more sober and prudent of the Indians have always most bitterly complained of the Trading of strong Liquor in our English, as well as in the French and Dutch, whose ordinary Custom is first, to make them, or suffer them to make themselves drunk with Liquors, and then to Trade with them, when they may easily be cheated both in what they bring to Trade, and in the Liquor itself, being one half or more nothing but Spring water, which made one of the Amonoscoggin Indians once complain that he had given an hundred Pound for water drawn out of Mr. P. his Well. But this is not all the Evil that attends this wicked Trade of strong Liquor, for when they are drunk therewith, they are ready to fight with their Friends, Parents, Brethren, etc. Yea, often have murdered one another. Should I not be avenged on such a People, or persons as these saith the Lord? Good old Jacob sometimes complained after the Villainy of his two Sons, committed upon the Sch●chemites, that he was made to stink in the sight of the People of the Land, and that he should be destroyed he and his house: It is well if some of our Borderers have not had cause, not only to fear, but to feel the like Calamity in Reference to themselves, or some of theirs, thus what hath been gotten over the back of the evil Fiend is lost under his belly according to the Proverb.  
Besides all this, it hath been observed of many of these scattering Plantations in our Borders, that many were contented to live without, yea, desirous to shake off all yoke of Government, both sacred and Civil, and so Transforming themselves as much as well they could into the manners of the Indians they lived amongst, and are some of them therefore most deservedly (as to Divine Justice) left to be put under the yoke and power of the Indians themselves, and hence it is that in many parts, the people void of Council and common prudence as well as Courage, have so frightfully deserted, or Cowardly delivered up several places of strength (though Tenable enough of themselves) into the hands of Contemptible Enemies; and so like Ripe Figs upon the first shaking of the Tree, have been ready to fall into the mouth of the Eater, as the Prophet speaks; As hath been too sadly verified in some of the Southern, and all the Eastern parts.  
If it be here Objected, that the same or like Calamities have befallen many of those places and persons; where no such Evils could justly be complained of; It may as easily be Answered, and that from the observation of Heathen themselves, that in such public Calamities, it is not easy to distinguish between the good and the bad, saepe Diespiter, iratus incesto addidit integrum. The Righteous many times have an equal share with the wicked. In these Cases saith Solomon, all things come alike to all, no man knoweth love or hatred by all that is before him: The Confused Events of worldly Affairs, are oft times so limited and restrained by the holy hand and wise Providence of God, that it is hard to find a difference; therefore concerning such places, which may be thought not touched with the guilt of the forementioned miscarriages, yet have by the overruling hand of Providence been notwithstanding made to suffer as deeply as others. I judge them not, yet hope, if they have aught for which to judge themselves before him that searcheth the hearts, they will take occasion hereby to humble themselves under the mighty hand of God, that in his due time they may be Exalted to their former Tranquillity and Peace.  
When Gods Judgements are abroad in the Earth, then should the Inhabitants of the World learn Righteousness. This Caution is judged the more necessary here to be added, in that it is the general observation of all indifferent and unconcerned persons about the like Troubles; That they have ordinarily either begun, or have fallen heaviest upon those places and persons that have had most to do in the Trading with Indians.  
If any such have as yet escaped their hands, to be sure they have been Threatened, as if they had been before others, particularly looked upon by them, as the Object of their Revenge, which makes some moderate persons fear, that those men have either themselves offended in that kind, or else have connived at others under them, to carry on the Traffic with the Indians, by such ways and means, that have been as well offensive to God, as injurious to those they have Traded with.  
In the second place, touching the various Success we have met withal, in our several Encounters with the Indians, Victory and Conquest did for a long time seem to stand Neuter, and our Condition and Warfare not much unlike the Conflict between Israel and Amalek in the Wilderness, nor can it be denied out that our Enemies for a time had great Success in their Outrages, Providence as it were seeming to offer them opportunities of doing us much mischief; when we could find none of taking just Revenge: Things of that nature being strangely either hid from the Eyes of the Leaders, or else the weather hath so fallen out as that it was not possible for our men to have pursued them: Although both the Commanders and Soldiers, sent forth from all the three Colonies, have jointly and severally pursued their Advantages, with in-Credible hazard and diligence, and with as Invincible Courage as ordinarily hath been found amongst men. But as it is said, the Battle is not always to the strong, nor the Race to the swift, but Time and Chance hath strangely Interposed to the prolonging of our miseties, and the hardening and embolding of our Enemies: Much of our disappointments, and the loss of many of our Forces engaging with them, must be imputed in a great measure to our men's unacquaintedness with the manner of their fight, they doing most of their mischiefs, either by Ambushments, sudden surprisals, or over-matching some of our small Companies with greater numbers, having had many times six or seven to one: Possibly also many of our Overthrows have proceeded from our too much Confidence in our own weapons, Courage and Martial Discipline (Not making Allowance for the difference of Times, when they before engaged us, only with Bow● and Arrows, but now came to fight us with our own weapons) which hath proved no small Advantage to our Enemies, and disadvantage to ourselves; or else to the distance of our Towns one from the other so as ofttimes they were destroyed, or in danger thereof, before any notice was taken of their danger. If that be a sure Rule whereby Valour is to be judged, plus animi est inferenti p●riculum quam propulsanti, sc. that there is more Courage seen in the Assailants, than in the Defendants; a few of our men have frequently defended themselves against multitudes of them, unless at such times when Providence seemed as it were to trouble the Wheels of our Motions, and fight against us, so as ordinarily our people used not to want Courage: For at Lancaster where they seemed to have had the greatest Cause of boasting for their Success in any Assault (although it were since known, that they had five hundred fight men when they Assaulted that small Town of about fifty Families) yet were they able to surprise but one garrison house; which neither was fenced round, nor were the Defendants able to ply their shot behind it, but so as the Enemy came to the very Walls and Roof on the back side with their Fuel, or else they had never been able to have dispossessed the Inhabitants. The same Indians within a while after, had not been able to have done the mischief at Groaton which they did, had not a Garrison been unadvisedly as it were delivered into their hands. In one word they were more beholding to their perfidious Subtlety and Falsehood, or to the Advantage of Season, place, and Number than any Valour or Courage in all their Victories, showing only a Belluine Rage and fierceness, when they had an opportunity in their hands to destroy or do mischief. For soon after when the time of Vengeance was come, and God seemed to own the Cause of his People, a small handful of our men hath surprised hundreds of theirs, as hath been already declared in the Narrative. The Dispensations of the Almighty have been very awful towards us, for a long time, not seeming to go forth with our Armies, nor helping us in defending, ourselves, or defeating of our Enemies, as if he had a purpose and design to bring a sharp Scourge upon us, by that means to humble us, and prove us, and then (as we trust) to do us good in our latter end: acting therein as wise Parents that after they have corrected their Children, to cast the Rod into the Fire. For our Enemies to the Southward, were in the beginning of these Troubles, possessed of many goodly Havens, many rich and Fertile places, as at Mount-Hope, and all along the Narrhagansit Country. But are by this occasion, (quarrelling with us without cause) themselves in a manner all destroyed by the special hand of God, and their Posterity quite rooted out, as were the Pequots before them, whereby it may be gathered as we hope, that God is making way to settle a better people in their rooms, and in their stead; when the whole frame of God's Counsels, and purposes are put together, and accomplished by the Issues of his Providence, it will, no doubt, appear a work very beautiful in its Season, not only for the glory of the Author but for the good and benefit of his people, that are concerned therein.  
As for predictions, or presages of these late Troubles,  
Something of that nature hath been observed by some Judicious persons in reference to the present Calamities, of which something hath already been published to the World, concerning which I have nothing to add, only that some such things have been affirmed by credible persons, as presages of what hath lately come to pass. The noise of Guns is affirmed by many, to have been heard in the Air, in sundry places not many years before; Concerning which the Judicious Reader may take what notice he pleaseth. Although I would not be too forward in obtruding uncertain Reports upon the belief of the far distant Reader, especially considering how much the world hath oft been abused with false Coin of the like nature.  
But for other predictions of the present Calamities, some wise men have thought it not unworthy to be communicated to Posterity what hath been observed amongst the Indians themselves, as if either God himself had left some Impression on the minds of some of them this way, or that by some strange Instinct or other, they had some Reason to forbade the Troubles now begun, although not yet ended, sed dabit Deus his quoque finem, in his own time.  
There was within the Compass of the last seven years now current, a Sagamore about Ki●tary, or the North-East side of Pascataqua River, called Rolls, or Rolls; who lying very sick, and bed rid, (being an old man) he expected some of the English, that had seized upon his Land, should have shown him that Civility, as to have given him a visit in his Aged Infirmities, and sickness; It matters not much, whether it was totally neglected or not; to be sure at the last, he sent for the chief of the Town, and desired a favour of them, viz. that though he might, as he said, challenge all the Plantation for his own, where they dwelled, that yet they would please to sell or give him a small Tract of Land, possibly an hundred or two of Acres, and withal desired it might be Recorded in the Town Book, as a public Act, that so his Children which he left behind, might not be turned out, like Vagabonds, as destitute of an habitation amongst, or near the English, adding this as the Reason; That he knew there would shortly fall out a War between the Indians and the English all over the Country, and that the Indians at the first should prevail, and do much mischief to the English, and kill many of them; But after the third year, or after three years, all the Indians which so did, should be rooted out, and utterly destroyed.  
This Story is reported by Major Waldern, Mr. Joshuah Moodey, Captain Frost, that live upon, or near the place. And one of the three forementioned persons was desired by the said Sagamore to make a Record hereof. Valeat quantum valere potest aut debet. Many Stories of like nature are confidently told, by such as have been more conversant with the Indians, which shown that either the Conspiracy was a long while in Contriving, or else that some Impression was by a Divine hand made upon the minds of some of them.  
For the actings of our Neighbour Nations round about us, whether they have had actually any hand in our Sufferings, either instigating of our Enemies, or secretly and underhand supplying them with necessaries where with to carry on their design against us, without whose Assistance, it is supposed they could hardly thus long have held out. It is no question but there are those in the world, that say Aha, at the Calamities of our Zion, and that like Edom in Jerusalem's day, cry, Raze it, Raze it, even to the Foundation thereof: But for our near Neighbours, whether Dutch or French, their design in their several Plantations, being solely, or principally Trade, and knowing that as formerly they had, so may they still have more benefit, and Advantage by our Commerce and Traffic than by our Ruin; it seems therefore not so probable, that they should promote or design such a wicked end to themselves, much less that they should join with Pagan Infidels therein; more Charity we judge is due to them that profess the Christian Name, whatever Error or Superstition their Religion or worship may be blinded with  
We may well conceive that either of them would not be much unwilling to part with any thing they have to sell for Beaver, nor would they very scrupulously inquire what the Indians do with their Powder, provided they could get their pay for it, no more than the Cutler did, to know (as the Tale goes) what the Cutpurse did with the knife he made him: But that purposely either of them have furnished our Enemies with means to do us mischief, we are not forward to believe.  
As for the French at Cannada they live at too great a distance, to have much Commerce with our Enemies: And besides they are not themselves so secure of the Indians they deal with as to be forward to ●et them against others, lest thereby they come to learn the way to fall upon themselves. And besides it hath been affirmed by some of their own Nation, that not long since were there, and passed home this way, that they are more afraid of Attempts from hence, than we have cause to be from them.  
Other Reports possibly have been taken up concerning us, as if we were divided in our Counsels, and were too tenacious of our goods, and readier to keep them for our Enemies, than prudently to lay out what was necessary for our own defence and preservation: no question but many such Rumours as these have taken place, in the m●nds of some; But it is hoped that such as are wise and serious, will not give too much to sinister Report till they are rightly informed. Greater Unity of minds in things of such a nature, hath seldom been found amongst men, that might all along have been observed here. If in any thing propounded for the better carrying on the war against the Indians, there hath been some difference of apprehension either from the seeming Impossibility and Arduousness of the Attempt, or difficulty of the Season; it never occasioned the least Remora of the Action, though in things of the greatest moment. Nor was there ever any difficulty in the disbursing what was necessary for carrying on the Affairs of the War, how chargeable soever and Expensive it hath been found. The scarcity of Coin hath occasioned a little Trouble in some present Exigent, otherwise no Reason hath been given of any just complaint this way. But it being the usual Lot of them that are most sorely afflicted of God, to be most deeply censured of men, but we must expect to pass through Evil as well as good Report.  
Possibly a so some may here take notice of a very distinguishing Providence in these our late Troubles, in that this Rod of Affliction hath seemed not to lie in an equal proportion upon the body of the people of New-England; which is no new thing to observe in Calamities of this nature; wherein it is very ordinary for those parts of a Country that lie next boraering upon the Coast of the common Enemy to be most obnoxious to their Incursions, and to be more frequently than others harnessed thereby; As hath been the Case of us here in these parts of the Earth, ever since the first planting thereof: The great numbers of the Savages being swept away by some unusual mortality in all those places, where the body of the people that came over hither, first seated themselves; so as they were not so liable to their Injuries and Insolences, as those were, who not long after were called to plant the more remover parts of the Country, where were greater numbers of them left. Which was the occasion that the said Colony of Connecticut was then sorely afflicted with the Pequods at their first planting, when above thi●ty of them fell into the hands of those cruel miscreants, they bordering next or near upon them, so as they had an opportunity to assault them in their first Attempt for planting that side of the Country, as sometimes Amalek did unto Israel of old. Further also it may be considered, that our Brethren of Connecticut have had no small part of this present trial, in that they have been necessarily called to lend their assistance to the other Colonies, which they have upon all occasions (to their honour be it spoken) most readily and freely done, not only by their Articles of Confederation, but as they were of necessity constrained in common prudence for their own safety to do— ●am proximus ardet Vcalegon: he that will not help to quench the fire kindled in his Neighbour's house, may justly fear to lose his own. It may truly be said also, that they have had their turn in like troubles at the first hand, their Fleeces being only wetred with a like bloody shower, when the ground all about was dry; as now the contrary hath ●emed to fall out. To be short we are all but one Political body, which ought to be sensible of the Sorrows that befell any particular members thereof: we all came over into these parts of America, with one and the same end and aims viz. to enjoy the libertyes of the Gospel in purity and peace, and to advance the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, and b●ing in our first settling, (by the wise Providence of God) farther dispersed upon the Sea Coasts and Rivers, than was at first intended, so that we could not according to our desire communicate, in one Government a●d Jurisdiction, and being likewise where we live, encompassed with people of several Nations, which may prove injurious, as they have formerly committed Insolences, and Outrages upon several of our Plantations, we were necessitated to enter into a Consociation amongst ourselves for mutual help and strength in such concernments as have now fallen out, as is expressed in the Preface to the Articles of Confederation, agreed upon May twenty ninth, 1643.  
In the last place, upon the consideration of these late Uproars amongst the Indians, some may be like to inquire, what is become of the Conversion of the Natives, so much famed abroad, and what progress the Gospel hath made amongst them, fearing (as well they may) it is like to be not a little obstructed hereby. It may probably be supposed, that the pious endeavours of some to preach the Gospel amongst several of the Indian Natives, hath given the first occasion of the Quarrel, as usually it hath done in the world, But that Opposition meeting with no better Success in the Southern parts, than the Ruin of those that made the first Rebellion against us, Satan hath lately changed himself into an Angel of Light, under that shape, making this his last Attempt, to the Eastward. For the chief Leader of those Indians is a Sagamore called Squando, who hath (as is said by them that lately escaped from their hands familiar Converse with the Prince of Darkness, though under the notion of a good Deity, putting him upon a form of Religion, and forbidding any acts of Cruelty and murder to be used against any they oppose, if they be willing to yield, and in that way promising great Success to his Followers, what the Issues of his proceed will be, God only knows, and a little time may discover. But for those that before these troubles have professedly owned the Christian Name, many of them have given notable proof of their sincerity, by fight against their, and our Enemies, and have been very successful in their Endeavours: as well these in the upper parts of Cape-God, commonly called Cape Indians. as those about Natick, and Hassinameset, within the Massachuset Jurisdiction. It is not my purpose to enlarge much on this hand, that I might not raise the expectation of the world to greater matters than for the present do appear.  
There are about six Societies of Indians in the Country, who have professedly owned themselves Christians; In every one of which it is supposed there are some, that do make a serious profession of the Christian Religion. The Salvation of whose Souls is worth far more pains and cost than ever yet was laid out upon that work.  
It is not a small thing, that in these dark places of the Earth, which in all Ages past, since mankind had any knowledge thereof, have been full of nothing but the habitations of Cruelty, the light of the Gospel should take so much place, as to cause any number of those Vassals of Satan where he so long hath had his Throne, professedly to own the Name of the Lord jesus Christ. What Harvest is like to be of the Boa● of them, in the present, or in the future time, is not for any of us to speak: neither at what hour, or under what Vial, they shall be sent to labour in God's Vineyard, lest we should thereby seem to entrench upon the Sovereignty of the Almighty, in whose hands are the times and Seasons of grace, as well as of nature. There are many Nations in the world, to this day, lying out from the Kingdom of the Lord jesus, who were never yet known professedly to own his Sceptre, although probably the Gospel hath at some time or other been preached unto them, or sent amongst them; It may be, only to be a Testimony unto them, and so to leave them without excuse another day.  
Whether any farther end in Reference to these amongst ourselves is aimed at, in the wise and unsearchable Counsels of the great God, is known only to himself, and may be thought more convenient for him that writes, and them that read the present Narrative, to leave to the after determination of future Events, rather than to intrude ourselves into that which is out of our Line, or beyond our Sphere. Thus much without offence may be affirmed, that in all the habitable places of the Earth, wherever God hath, or ever had a People calling upon his Name, never any notable work of Religion was known to take much place, where some kind of Civility, and Culture of good manners, had not gone before.  
Add quod ingenuas, didicisse Fideliter Artes:  
Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros.  
God in his natural Providence, hath taught the Husbandman to plough the ground, to break and open the Clods thereof, before he casts in the Seed: In the dispensation of his grace he usually observes the same method; to break up the fallow grounds of the Nations of the world, and not to sow among Thorns. When he that sits upon the white horse, with his Bow and his Crown, and went forth conquering and to conquer, it was amongst the Civil, and not amongst the Barbarous and Savage Nations of the World: They that preach the Gospel else will have a double Task, (the least of which hath been found hard enough for the best of men, who is sufficient for these things, saith St. Paul) the great Apostle of the Gentiles to convert men, First, from Savage Paganism, then to Ghristianity. It is commonly said that the Turks will not admit a Jew to become a Mahometan, till he hath first turned Christian; To be sure we rarely find any Gentle Nation turned Christian before they became Humane. Divine Providence hath improved the Roman Sword to make way for the Sceptre of the Gospel of Peace. That Civility that is found amongst the Natives of this Country, hath hitherto been carried on and obtained, only by the gentle means of Courtesy, Familiarity, and such like civil behaviour, which in other places was never yet attended with any eminent Success that way. It seems some Religious Gentlemen in Virginia, had great hopes of the Conversion of the Indians to Christianity, a little before the Massacre there; The means principally used by them was Familiarity and kindness: One Mr. Thorps' well reputed for Religion, and in Command, one of the principal in Virginia, did so truly affect the Conversion of the Indians there, that whosoever under him did them the least displeasure, were punished severely. He thought nothing too dear for them: And to content them in all things, he caused many English Mastiffs to be killed, and would have taken a Course to have sufficiently tamed the rest. He conferred often with their great Sachem about Religion, and made him confess that the English man's God was better than the Indians: This Gentleman out of his good meaning was so full of Confidence and void of Suspicion, that he would never believe an● hurt of them, till he felt their cruel hands imbrued in his own blood; they barbarously murdering him amongst the rest. Mr. Stockain a serious and Judicious Minister in Virginia, & Pious also, for aught is here of his Life at that time when all things were so prosperous there, & the Savages were thought to be at the point of Conversion, against the Opinions of all others, both Governors and Council, wrote his mind to the Council and Company in England about this point in these words.  
For the Conversion of the Savages, I wonder you use not the means: I confess you say well to have them converted by fair means; but they scorn to acknowledge it; As for the gifts bestowed on them, they devour them, and so they would the givers if they could: Many have endeavoured by kindness to convert them, yet find nothing from them, but derision and Ridiculous Answers: We have sent Boys among them to learn their Language, but they return worse than they went: But I am no States man, nor love I to meddle with any thing but my Books; But I can find no probability, by this Course to draw them to goodness: And I am persuaded if Mars and Minerva go hand in hand, they will effect more good in an hour than those Verbal Mercurians in their lives: Adding that there will be no hope of their Conversion till their Priests (possibly he meant their Powaws) be removed from them. The natural barbarousness and perfidiousness of their disposition may in part be gathered by this Story  
When some of Pocasse● Indians in Plymouth jurisdiction had professed their Service to Captain Church; as they were in pursuit of the Indians our Enemies, one of the said Indians from the top of an hill discerned a Company of Wigwams, where those they went to seek, had taken up their Stations, he called to his Captain, and pointing to one of the outermost Wigwams, told him that was his Fathers Wigwam, and asked if he must now go and kill his Father; No saith Captain Church, do b●t show me where he is and I will deal with him, do you fall upon some others: to which th● said Indian only replied in broken English; That very good speak; whereby their natural perfidiousness even to their nearest Relations may be observed, which makes their Treachery towards us their Foreign Neighbours, the less to be wondered at. And therefore till they be reduced to more Civility, some wise men are ready to fear Religion will not take much place amongst the body of them.  
Likewise when Philip was kept in the Swamp at Pocasset, it is certainly affirmed that several of their young Children were killed by themselves, that they might not be betrayed by their crying, or be hindered with them in their flight, when they made their escape.  
The generality of the Indians in New-England are in their manners and natural disposition, not much unlike those in Virginia living much in the same Climate; who have likewise made an Insurrection, much about the same time this year, as our Indians did with us: But God who is able to graft in again the unbelieving Jews, is able also of these stones to raise up Children unto Abraham: And if it be the pleasure of the Sovevereign Lord of Heaven and Earth, to impart the Salvation of the Gospel to any of these, far be it from any of us to repine at his grace, or neglect any due means lying in our Capacity or reach to help forward that blessed work, who knows what tendency the present troubles may have to such an End. For though a great number that are implacable and embittered against us in their Spirits, may be for the sake of our Religion found hardened to their own destruction, yet a Remnant may be reserved, and afterward called forth, by the power of the Gospel, to give glory to the God of all the Earth.    

Errata.  
PAge 2. l. 20. for to r. at. l. 36. r. Arowsick. pag. 3. l. 1. Magazine. pag. 5. l. 5. for in r. is. l 18. for which r. within. l. 19 for and r. are l. 26. r. Spurwinke. l. 29. for promotor r. Proprietour. pag. 6. l. 5. r. real. p. 8 l. 30. for writes r. Suits. p. 9 l. 12 for Soil r. Seat. l. 17. for off r. that of late. l. 22. for 29. r. 39 l. 34. r. Tho. jupe. p. 13. l. 1. Vipers a full point. l. ult. r. Mallet. p. 16. l. 5. for Waterly. r. Wakely and so else where. p. 19 l. 4. leave out so. p. 18. l. 38. r. Tuesday. p 45. r Ghendal. p. 56. l. 12. r. 11. p. 30. pass before. r. pass free, p. 67 l. 8. your for ours. p 71. l. 36. for Payments r. in part. p. 76. l. 29. leave out things. p. 76. l. 2. for Martin r. Morton. p. 77. l. 21. for head r. hand. l. 28. leave out best. p. 82. l. 27. for blinded r. blended. p. 83. l. 24: leave out but. l. 31. for harnessed r. harrassed. p. 87. l 4 for Stockain r. Stockam.  
FINIS.