The Second Part OF THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.   


By the Lords.  
Die Lunae 3. Januarij 1680.  
ORdered by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament Assembled, That the Thanks of this House be given to Dr. Burnet, for the great Service done by him to this Kingdom, and the Protestant Religion, in writing the History of the Reformation of the Church of England, so truly and exactly; And that he be desired to proceed in the perfecting what he further intends therein with all convenient speed.  
Jo. Brown Cleric. Parliamentorum.   

By the Commons.  

Jovis 23. Die Decemb. 1680.  
ORdered, That the Thanks of This House be given to Dr. Burnet, for his Book Entitled The History of the Reformation of the Ch●rch of England.  
Will. Goldesbrough. Cleric. Dom. Com.   

Mercurij 5. Die Januarij 1680.  
ORdered, That Dr. Burnet be desired to proceed with, and complete that Good Work by him begun in Writing and Publishing The History of the Reformation of the Church of England.  
Will. Goldesbrough Cler. Dom. Com.     

THE HISTORY of the REFORMATION of the Church of England The Second Part  
Printed for Rich: Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church yard.   engraved title page 
The Holy Bible   

THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION OF THE Church of England.  
The Second Part.  
OF THE Progress made in it till the Settlement of it in the beginning OF Q. Elizabeth's Reign.  
By GILBERT BURNET, D. D.  
LONDON, Printed by T. H. for Richard Chiswell, at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard, MDCLXXXI.   

THE PREFACE.  
THE favourable reception which the former Part of this Work had, together with the new Materials that were sent me from Noble and Worthy Hands, have encouraged me to prosecute it, and to carry down the History of the Reformation of this Church till it was brought to a complete settlement in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, which I now offer to the World.  
The great zeal of this Age for what was done in that, about Religion, has made the History of it to be received and read with more than ordinary attention and care: and many have expressed their satisfaction in what was formerly published, by contributing several Papers of great consequence to what remained: and since I found no Part of the first Volume was more universally acceptable, than that wherein I was only a Transcriber, I mean the Collection of Records and Authentic Papers, which I had set down in confirmation of the more remarkable and doubtful parts of the History; I continue the same method now. I shall repeat nothing here that was in my former Preface: But refer the Reader to such things as concern this History in general, and my encouragement in the undertaking and prosecution of it, to what is there premised to the whole Work: and therefore I shall now enlarge on such things as do more particularly relate to this Volume.  
The Papers that were conveyed to me from several Hands are referred to, as the occasion to mention them occurs in the History, with such acknowledgements as I thought best became this way of writing, though far short of the merits of those who furnished me with them. But the Storehouse from whence I drew the greatest part both of the History and Collection, is the often-celebrated Cotton Library, out of which, by the noble favour of its truly learned Owner, Sir John Cotton, I gathered all that was necessary for composing this Part, together with some few things which had escaped me in my former Search, and belong to the First Part: and those I have mixed in the Collection added to this Volume upon such occasions as I thought most pertinent. But among all the Remains of the last Age, that are with great industry and order laid up in that Treasury, none pleased me better, nor were of more use to me, than the Journal of King Edward's Reign, written all with his own Hand: with some other Papers of his, which I have put by themselves in the beginning of the Collection: Of these I shall say nothing here, having given a full account of them in the History of his Reign, to which I refer the Reader. I find most of our Writers have taken Parcels out of them, and Sir John Heyward has transcribed from them the greatest part of his Book; therefore I thought this a thing of such consequence, that upon good advice I have published them all faithfully copied from the Originals.  
But as others assisted me towards the perfecting this Part, so that learned Divine, and most exact Enquirer into Historical Learning, Mr. Fulman, Rector of Hamton-Meysey in , did most signally oblige me, by a Collection of some mistakes I had made in the former Work. He had for many years applied his thoughts with a very searching care to the same Subject, and so was able to judge more critically of it, than other Readers. Some of those had escaped me, others had not come within my view, in some particulars my Vouchers were not good, and in others I had mistaken my Authors. These I publish at the end of this Volume, being neither ashamed to confess my faults, nor unwilling to acknowledge from what Hand I received better information. My design in writing is to discover Truth, and to deliver it down impartially to the next Age; so I should think it both a mean and criminal piece of vanity to suppress this discovery of my Errors. And though the number and consequence of them had been greater than it is, I should rather have submitted to a much severer Penance, than have left the World in the mistakes, I had led them into: yet I was not a little pleased to find that they were neither many, nor of importance to the main Parts of the History: and were chief about Dates or small variations in the order of Time. I hope this Part has fewer faults since that worthy Person did pursue his former kindness so far, as to review it beforehand: and with great judgement to correct such errors as he found in it: Those I had formerly fallen into, made me more careful in examining even the smallest matters. Yet if after all my care, and the kind Censures of those who have revised this Work, there is any thing left that may require a further Retractation, I shall not decline to make it so soon as I see there is need of it, being, I hope, raised above the poor vanity of seeking my own reputation, by sacrificing Truth to it.  
Those to whose censure I submitted this whole History in both its Parts, were chief three great Divines, whose Lives are such Examples, their Sermons such Instructions, their Writings such unanswerable Vindications of our Church, and their whole deportment so suitable to their profession, that as I reckon my being admitted into some measure of friendship with them, among the chief Blessings of my Life, so I know nothing can more effectually recommend this Work than to say that it passed with their hearty approbation, after they had examined it with that care, which their great zeal for the Cause concerned in it, and their goodness to the Author, and freedom with him obliged them to use. They are so well known, that without naming them, those of this Age will easily guests who they are; and they will be so well known to Posterity, by their excellent Writings, that the naming them is so high an advantage to my Book, that I much doubt whether it is decent for me to do it. One of them, Dr. Lloyd, is now, while I am writing, by His Majesty's favour, promoted to the Bishopric of St. Asaph: a Dignity to which how deservedly soever his great Learning, Piety, and Merit, has advanced him, yet I particularly know how far he was from any aspire to it. It was he I described in my former Preface, that engaged me first to this design, and for that reason he has been more than ordinary careful to examine it, with that exactness that is peculiar to him. The other two are the Reverend, Learned, and Judicious Deans, of Canterbury and St. Paul's, Dr. Tillotson, and Dr. Stillingfleet, too well known to receive any addition from the Characters I can give of them.  
Others gave me Supplies of another sort, to enable me to go through with an undertaking that put me to no small expense. I am not ashamed to acknowledge, that the straitness of my condition, made this uneasy to me, being destitute of all public provision: but I should be much ashamed of my ingratitude, if I did not celebrate their bounty who have taken such care of me, as not to leave this addition of charge, on one who lives not without difficulties. I must again repeat my Thanks, for the generous kindness, protection, and liberal Supplies of Sir Harbotle Grimstone, Master of the Rolls, this being the sixth year of my subsistence under him, to whom I must ever acknowledge that I am more beholding than to all Men living. The noble Mr. boil, as he employs both his Time and Wealth, for the good of Mankind, (for which he considers himself as chief born, and which he has promoted not only in his own excellent Writings, that have made him so famous over all the World, but in many other designs that have been chief carried on at his cost,) so hath he renewed his kindness to me in largesses suitable to so great a Mind. Others were also pleased to join their help. The Right Honourable the Lord Finch, now Lord High Chancellor of England, whose great Parts, and greater Virtues, are so conspicuous, that it were a high Presumption in me to say any thing in his commendation, being in nothing more eminent than in his zeal for, and care of this Church, thought it might be of some importance to have its History well digested, and therefore as he bore a large share of my expense, so he took it more particularly under his care, and under all the Burdens of that high Employment which he now bears, yet found time for reading it in Manuscript, of which he must have rob himself, since he never denies it to those who have a Right to it on any public account; and hath added such Remarks and Corrections as are no small part of any finishing it may be judged to have. The Lord Russel, the Inheritor of that Zeal for true Religion, and the other Virtues that have from the first beginnings of the Reformation, in a continued Entail, adorned that Noble Family of Bedford, beyond most others of the Kingdom, did espouse the Interests of the Protestant Religion in this particular, as he has done on all other more public occasions: and by a most liberal Supply encouraged me to prosecute this Undertaking. That Worthy Counsellor, whose celebrated Integrity and clear Judgement have raised him so high in his Profession, Anthony Keck Esquire, did also concur in easing me of the charge that Searching, Copying, and gathering Materials put me to: And having received as much from these my Noble Benefactors, as did enable me to carry on my Design, I did excuse myself at other Persons Hands, who very generously offered to supply me in the expense which this Work brought with it. That was done in a most extraordinary manner, by the Right Honourable the Earl of Halifax, whom, if I reckon among the greatest Persons this Age has produced, I am sure all that know him will allow, that I speak modestly of him: He indeed offered me the yearly continuance of a Bounty, that would not only have defrayed all this expense, but have been an entire and honourable subsistence to me; and though my necessities were not so pressing as to persuade me to accept it; yet so unusual a generosity doth certainly merit the highest acknowledgements I can make for it.  
But I now turn to that which ought to be the chief Subject of this Preface to remove the prejudices, by which weak and unwary Persons have been prepossessed in their Judgements concerning the Reformation, during that Period of it that falls within this Volume. I know the Duty of an Historian leads him to write as one that is of neither Party, and I have endeavoured to follow it as carefully as I could, neither concealing the faults of the one Party, nor denying the just Praises that were due to any of the other side; and have delivered things as I found them, making them neither better nor worse than indeed they were: But now that I am not yet entered into that Province, and am here writing my own Thoughts, and not relating the Actions of other Men, I hope it will be judged no indecent thing to clear the Readers mind of those Impressions, which may either have already biased him too much, or may upon a slight reading of what follows, arise in his thoughts: unless he were prepared and armed with some necessary Reflections, which every one that may possibly read this History, has not had the leisure, or other opportunities, to make to such a degree as were needful.  
It is certainly an unjust way of proceeding, in any that is to be a Judge, to let himself be secretly possessed, with such Impressions of Persons and Things, as may bias his thoughts: for where the Scales are not well adjusted, the Weight cannot be truly reckoned. So that it is an indirect Method to load men's Minds with Prejudices, and not to let them in to the trial of Truth, till their Inclinations are first swayed such a way. I deny not but in matters of Religion most commonly Men receive such Notions, before they can well examine them, as do much determine them in the Inquiries they make afterwards, when their understandings grow up to a fuller ripeness: but those Preoccupations, if rightly infused, are rather such as give them general Notions of what is good and honest in the abstracted Ideas, than concerning matters of Fact: for every wise and pious Man must avoid all such Methods of Instruction, as are founded on Falsehood and Craft: and he that will breed a Man to love Truth, must form in him such a liking of it, that he may clearly see he would bribe him into no Opinion or Party by false or indirect Arts: But since Men are generally so apt to let some easy Notions enter into their Minds, which will pre-engage their Affections, and for most part those who set themselves to gain Proselytes, do begin with such Arts, it will not be amiss to give the Reader such an account of these, as may prepare him against them, that so he may with a clearer mind consider what is now to be delivered to him, concerning the Reformation of Religion among us.  
I shall begin with that which is most commonly urged; that the whole Church being one Body, the Changes that were made in Religion, did break that Unity, and dissolve the Bond by which the Catholic Church is to be knit together, and that therefore the first Reformers began, and we still continue a Schism in the Church.  
In answer to this, it is to be considered that the Bishops and Pastors of the Church are obliged to instruct their People in the true Faith of Christ, according to the Scriptures: The nature of their Function, being a Sacred Trust, binds them to this; they were also at their Consecration engaged to it, by a formal Sponsion, according to the Questions and Answers that are in the Roman Pontifical to this day. Pastors own it as a Debt to their People to teach them according to the Scriptures: They own a Charity to their Brethren, and are to live with them in the terms of Brotherly Love, and Friendly Correspondence; but if that cannot be had on easier terms, than the concealing necessary Truths, and the delivering gross errors to those committed to their charge, it is certain that they ought not to purchase it at so dear a rate. When the Pastors of this Church saw it overrun with errors and corruptions, they were obliged by the duty they owed to God and to their People, to discover them; and to undeceive their misled Flocks. It is of great importance to maintain Peace and Unity, but if a Party in the Church does set up some Doctrines and Practices, that do much endanger the Salvation of Souls, and makes advantages by these, so that there is no hope left to gain them by rational and softer Methods, then as St. Peter was to be withstood to his Face, in a lesser matter, much more are those, who pretend no higher than to be his Successors, to be withstood, when the things are of great moment and consequence. When Heresies sprung up in the Primitive Church, we find the neighbouring Bishops condemned them without staying for the concurrence of other Churches; as in the Case of Samosatenus, Arius, and Pelagius: and even when the greatest part of the Church was become Semi-Arian, and many great Councils, chief that at Ariminum, consisting of above 800 Bishops, as some say, had through ignorance and fear complied, the Orthodox Bishops did not forbear to instruct those committed to their care according to the true Faith. A general concurrence is a thing much to be laboured for; but when it cannot be had, every Bishop must then do his duty so as to be answerable to the chief Bishop of Souls.  
So that instead of being led away by so slight a prejudice, we must turn our Inquiries to this, Whether there were really such abuses in the Church, as did require a Reformation? and whether there was any reason to hope for a more general concurrence in it? In the following History the Reader will see what corruptions were found to be both in the Doctrine and Worship of this Church: from whence he may infer what need there was of Reformation. And it is very plain, that they had no reason to expect the concurrence of other Churches; for the Council of Trent had already made a great progress, and it was very visible, that as the Court of Rome governed all things there, so they were resolved to admit of no effectual Reformation, of any considerable matters; but to establish by a more formal decision, those errors and abuses that had given so much scandal to the Christian World for so many Ages.  
This being the true state of the Case, it is certain, that if there were really great corruptions, either in Belief or Manners in this Church, than the Bishops were bound to reform them: since the backwardness of others in their duty, could not excuse them from doing theirs, when they were clearly convinced of it. So that the Reader is to shake off this prejudice, and only to examine whether there was really such need of a Reformation? since if that be true, it is certain the Bishops of this as well as of other Churches, were bound to set about it; and the faultiness of some could be no excuse to the rest.  
The second Prejudice is, That the Reformation was begun and carried on, not by the major part of the Bishops and Clergy; but by a few selected Bishops and Divines, who being supported by the Name of the King's Authority, did frame things as they pleased; and by their Interest at Court got them to be Enacted in Parliament: and after they had removed such Bishops as opposed them, than they procured the Convocation to consent to what was done: So that upon the matter, the Reformation was the Work of Cranmer, with a few more of his Party, and not of this Church, which never agreed wholly to it, till the Bishops were so modelled as to be compliant to the designs of the Court. In short, the resolution of this, is to be taken from a common Case; when the major part of a Church is according to the Conscience of the Supreme Civil Magistrate in an Error, and the lesser part is in the right. The Case is not hard, if well understood: for in the whole Scripture there is no promise made to the major part of the Pastors of the Church; and there being no Divine Promise made about it, it is certain that the Nature of Man is such, that Truth separated from Interest hath few Votaries: but when it is opposite to it, it must have a very small Party. So that most of those things which needed Reformation, being such as added much to the Wealth and Power of the Clergy, it had been a wonder indeed, if the greater part had not opposed it. In th●t Case, as the smaller part were not to departed from their Sentiments, because opposed in them by a more numerous Party that was too deeply concerned in the matter: so it was both natural for them, and very reasonable, to take Sanctuary in the Authority and Protection of the Prince and the Law. That Princes have an Authority in things Sacred, was so universally agreed to in King Henry's Reign, and was made out upon such clear Evidence of Reason and Precedents, both in the Jewish State, and in the Roman Empire, when it turned Christian, that this ground was already gained. It is the first Law in Justinians Code, made by Theodosius when he came to the Empire, That all should every were, under severe pains, follow that Faith which was received by Damasus Bishop of Rome, and Peter of Alexandria. And why might not the King and Laws of England give the like Authority to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York.  
When the Empire, and especially the Eastern part of it, had been, during the Reign of Constantius, and Valens succeeding him after a short Interval, so overspread with Arianisme, it is scarce to be imagined how it could have been reform in any other manner: for they durst not at first trust it to the discretion of a Synod; and yet the Question then on foot was not so linked with Interest, being a Speculative Point of Divinity, as those about which the Contests were in the beginnings of the Reformation.  
It is not to be imagined how any Changes in Religion can be made by Sovereign Princes, unless an Authority be lodged with them of giving the Sanction of a Law, to the sounder, though the lesser part of a Church: for as Princes and Lawgivers are not tied to an implicit obedience to Clergymen, but are left to the freedom of their own discerning, so they must have a Power to choose what side to be of where things are much enquired into. The Jurisdiction of Synods or Councils, is founded either on the Rules of Expediency and Brotherly Correspondence, or on the force of Civil Laws: for when the Christian Belief had not the support of Law, every Bishop taught his own Flock the best he could, and gave his Neighbours such an account of his Faith, at, or soon after his Consecration, as satisfied them, and so maintained the Unity of the Church. The formality of Synods grew up in the Church, from the division of the Roman Empire, and the Dignity of the several Cities; which is a thing so well known, and so plainly acknowledged by the Writers of all sides, that it were a needless imposing on the Readers patience, to spend time to prove it. Such as would understand it more perfectly, will find it in De Marca the late Archbishop of Paris' Books de Concordia Imperii & Sacerdotii, and in Blondells Works, De la Primaute de l'Eglise. None can imagine there is a Divine Authority in that which sprang from such a beginning. The major part of Synods cannot be supposed to be in matters of Faith, so assisted from Heaven, that the lesser part must necessarily acquiesce in their Decrees, or that the Civil Powers must always measure their Laws, by their Votes: especially where Interest does visibly turn the Scales. And this may satisfy any reasonable Man as to this prejudice; that if Archbishop Cranmer and Holgate, the two Primates and metropolitans of this Church, were in the right, in the things that they procured to be reform, though the greater part of the Bishops being biased by base ends, and generally both superstitious and little conversant in the true Theological Learning, did oppose them, and they were thereby forced to order matters so, that at first they were prepared by some selected Bishops and Divines, and afterwards Enacted by King and Parliament, this is no just exception to what was so managed. And such a Reformation can no more be blasted by being called a Parliament-Religion, than the Reformations made by the Kings of Israel without or against the Majority of the Priests, could be blemished by being called the King's Religion.  
A third Prejudice is, that the Persons who governed the Affairs at Court, were weak or ill Men: that the King being under Age, things were carried by those who had him in their Power. And for the two great Ministers of that Reign, or rather the Administrators of it, the Dukes of Somerset and Northumberland, as their violent and untimely deaths, may seem to be effects of the indignation of Heaven, for what they did; so they were both eminently faulty in their Administration, and are supposed to have sought too much their own ends. This seems to cast a blemish on their Actions, and to give some reason to suspect the things were not good which had such Instruments to advance them.  
But this Prejudice, compounded of many Particulars, when taken to pieces, will appear of no force to blast the credit of what they did. By our Law, the King never dies, and is never young nor old, so that the Authority of the King is the same, whether administered by himself or by his Governors, when he is under Age: nor are we to judge of Men by the events that befall them. These are the deepest Secrets of Divine Providence, into which it is impossible for Men of limited understandings to penetrate: and if we make Judgements of Persons and Things by accidents, we shall very often most certainly conclude falsely. Solomon made the Observation, which the Series of Humane Affairs ever since hath fully justified, That there are Just Men to whom it happens according to the Work of the Wicked; and Wicked Men to whom it happens according to the Work of the Righteous: and the enquiring into these seemingly unequal steps of Gods Governing the World, is a vanity. As for the Duke of Northumberland, the Reformation is not at all concerned in him, for if we believe what he said, when there was the least reason to suspect him, on the Scaffold, he was all the while a Papist in his Heart. And so no wonder if such a Man, striking in for his own ambitious ends, with that which was popular, even against the persuasions of his Conscience, did very ill things. The Duke of Somerset was indeed more sincere, and though he was not without his faults, (which we may safely acknowledge, since the Man of Infallibility is not pretended to be without sin) yet these were not such heinous transgressions, but rather such as humane infirmity exposes most Men to, when they are raised to an high condition. He was too vain, too much addicted to his own Notions, and being a Man of no extraordinary Parts, he was too much at the disposal of those, who by flatteries and submissions insinuated themselves into him; and he made too great haste to raise a vast Estate to be altogether innocent: but I never find him charged with any personal disorders, nor was he ever guilty of falsehood, of perverting Justice, of Cruelty, or of Oppression. He was so much against the last of these, that he lost the affections of the Nobility for being so careful of the Commons, and covering them from the oppression of their Landlords. The Business of his Brother, though it has a very ill appearance, and is made to look worse by the lame account our Books give of it, seems to have been forced on him: for the Admiral was a Man of most incurable ambition, and so inclined to raise disturbance, that after so many relapses and such frequent Reconciliations, he still breaking out into new disorders, it became almost necessary to put him out of a capacity of doing more mischief. But if we compare the Duke of Somerset with the great Ministers even in the best Courts; we shall find him better than most of them: and if some few have carried their Prosperity better, many more even of those who are otherwise recorded for extraordinary Persons, have been guilty of far greater faults. He who is but a little acquainted with History, or with the Courts of Princes, must needs know so much of this Argument, that he will easily cure himself of any ill effects which this Prejudice may have on him.  
A fourth Prejudice is raised from the great Invasions which were then made upon the Church-Lands, and things dedicated to Pious Uses; which is a thing hated by Men of all Religions, and branded with the odious Names of Sacrilege, and robbing of God; so that the Spoils of Religious Houses and Churches, seem to have been the secret Motives that at first drew in, and still engage so many to the Reformation. This has more weight in it than the former, and therefore deserves to be more fully considered.  
The Light of Nature teaches, that those who are dedicated to the Service of God, and for instructing the People, aught to be so well provided for, that they may be delivered from the distractions of Secular Cares, and secured from the contempt which follows Poverty; and be furnished with such means as may both enable them to know that well wherein they are to instruct others, and to gain such an Interest in the affections of those among whom they labour, as modest Hospitality and liberal  may procure. In this all Nations and Religions have so generally agreed, that it may be well called a Law of Nations, if not of Nature. Had Churchmen been contented with this measure, it is very probable things had never run to the other Extreme so much as they have done. But as the Pope got to himself a great Principality, so the rest of his Clergy defigned to imitate him in that, as much as was possible: they spared no pains, nor thought they any Methods too bad, that could set forward these Projects. The belief of Purgatory, and the redeeming of Souls out of it by Masses, with many other public Cheats imposed on the World, had brought the Wealth of this and other Nations into their Hands. Upon the discovery of this imposture, it was but a reasonable and just proceeding of the Government to reassume those Lands, and dispose otherwise of them, which had been for most part fraudulently drawn from the former Ages: for indeed the best part of the Soil of England, being in such ill Hands, it was the Interest of the whole Kingdom to have it put to better uses. So that the Abbeys being generally raised and endowed by the efficacy of those false Opinions, which were infused into the People, I can see no just exception against the dissolution of them, with the Chantries, and other Foundations of like superstition; and the fault was not in taking them away, but in not applying a greater part of them to uses truly Religious.  
But most of these Monasteries had been enriched by that, which was indeed the Spoil of the Church: for in many Places the Tithes which belonged to the Secular Clergy were taken from them, and by the Authority of Papal Bulls were given to the Monasteries. This was the Original of the greatest mischief that came on this Church at the Reformation: The Abbot's having possessed themselves of the Tithes, and having left to those who served the Cure either some small Donative or Stipend, and at best the small Tithes or Viccarage, those who purchased the Abbey-Lands from the Crown in the former Reign, had them with no other charge reserved for the Incumbents, but that small Pittance that the Abbots had formerly given them: and this is now a much less allowance, than the Curates had in the times of Popery: for though they have now the same Right by their Incumbency that they then had, yet in the time of Superstition, the Fees of Obits, Exequys, Soul Masses, and such other Perquisites did furnish them so plentifully, that considering their obligation to remain unmarried, they lived well, though their certain maintenance was but small: but these things falling off by the Reformation, which likewise leaves the Clergy at liberty in the matter of Marriage, this has occasioned much ignorance and scandal among the Clergy. I shall not enter into the debate about the Divine Right of Tithes, this I am sure of, a decent maintenance of the Clergy is of natural Right, and that it is not better looked to, is a public reproach to the whole Nation; when in all other Religions and Nations, those who serve at the Altar live by it. The ancient Allowances for the Curates in Market Towns, being generally so small, because the Number and Wealth of the People made the Perquisites so considerable, has made those Places to be too often but ill supplied: and what way this makes for the seducers of all hands, when the Minister is of so mean a condition, and hath so incompetent a Maintenance that he can scarce secure himself from extreme want, and great contempt, I leave it to every Man to judge.  
This is as high a contempt of Religion and the Gospel as any can be, and is one of those things for which this Nation has much to answer to God; that now in one hundred and twenty years' time, so little has been done by public Authority for the redress of such a crying oppression. Some private Persons have done great things this way, but the public has yet done nothing suitable to the occasion: Though their Neighbour Nation of Scotland, has set them a very good Example, where, by the great zeal and care of King James, and the late blessed King, Acts and Orders of Parliament have been made, for examining the whole state of the Clergy, and for supplying all poor Live so plentifully, that in Glebe and Tithes all Benefices are now raised to at least fifty Pounds Sterling yearly. What greater scorn can be put on Religion, than to provide so scantly for those that are trusted with the care of Souls, that some hundreds of Parishes in England pay not Ten Pounds a year to their Pastors, and perhaps some thousands not Fifty? This is to be numbered among those crying sins that are bringing down vengeance on us, since by this many Souls are left to perish, because it is not possible to provide them with faithful and able Shepherds. I shall not examine all the particular Reasons that have obstructed the redress of this mischief, but those concerned in it may soon find some of them out in themselves. And here I acknowledge a great and just prejudice lies against our Reformation, which no man can fully answer. But how faulty soever we may be in this Particular, they of the Church of Rome have little reason to object it to us, since the first and true occasion of it was of their own doing. Our fault is, that at the dissolution of the Monasteries, restitution was not made to the Parish Priests of what the Popes had sacrilegiously taken from them. And now that we are upon the utter extirpation of Popery, let us not retain this Relic of it. And I pray God to inspire and direct His Majesty and His two Houses of Parliament effectually to remove this just and, for aught I know, only great scandal of our English Reformation.  
A fifth Prejudice, which seems to give ill impressions of our Reformation, is, that the Clergy have now no interest in the Consciences of the People, nor any inspection into their manners; but they are without yoke or restraint. All the Ancient Canons for the public Penance of scandalous offenders are laid aside, and our Clergy are so little admitted to know or direct the Lives and Manners of their Flocks, that many will scarce bear a reproof patiently from them: Our Ecclesiastical Courts are not in the Hands of the Bishops and their Clergy, but put over to the Civilians, where too often Fees are more strictly looked after, than the correction of Manners. I hope there is not cause for so great a Cry, but so it is, these Courts are much complained of; and public vice and scandal is but little enquired after, or punished: Excommunication is become a kind of Secular Sentence, and is hardly now considered as a Spiritual Censure, being judged and given out by Laymen, and often upon Grounds which, to speak moderately, do not merit so severe and dreadful a Sentence. There are besides this a great many other Abuses, brought in in the worst Times, and now purged out of some of the Churches of the Roman Communion, which yet continue, and are too much in use among us, such as Pluralities, Non-residencies, and other things of that nature: so that it may be said, that some of the manifest corruptions of Popery, where they are recommended by the advantages that accompany them, are not yet throughly purged out, notwithstanding all the noise we have made about Reformation in matters much more disputable, and of far less consequence.  
This whole Objection, when all acknowledged, as the greatest part of it cannot be denied, amounts indeed to this, that our Reformation is not yet arrived at that full perfection, that is to be desired. The want of public Penance, and Penitentiary Canons, is indeed a very great defect: our Church does not deny it, but acknowledges it in the Preface to the Office of Commination. It was one of the greatest Glories of the Primitive Church, that they were so governed, that none of their number could sin openly without public Censure, and a long separation from the Holy Communion; which they judged was defiled by a promiscuous admitting of all Persons to it. Had they consulted the Arts of Policy, they would not have held in Converts by so strict a way of proceeding, lest their discontent might have driven them away; at a time when to be a Christian was attended with so many discouragements, that it might seem dangerous by so severe a Discipline, to frighten the World out of their Communion. But the Pastors of that time, resolved to follow the Rules delivered them by the Apostles, and trusted God with the success, which answered and exceeded all their expectations: for nothing convinced the World more of the truth of that Religion, than to see those trusted with the care of Souls, watch so effectually over their Manners, that for some sins, which in these lose Ages in which we live, pass but for common effects of humane frailty, Men were made to abstain from the Communion for many years, and did cheerfully submit to such Rules as might be truly medicinal for curing those Diseases in their Minds.  
But alas! the Churchmen of the latter Ages being once vested with this Authority, to which the World submitted, as long as it saw the good effects of it, did soon learn to abuse it; and to bring the People to a blind subjection to them. It was one of the chief Arts by which the Papacy swelled to its height: for Confessors in stead of bringing their Penitents to open Penance, set up other things in the room of it; pretending they could commute it, and in the Name of God accept of one thing for another: and they accepted of a Penitents going, either to the Holy War, or which was more Holy of the two, to one of the Pope's Wars against Heretics, or deposed Princes; and gave full Pardons to those who thus engaged in their designs. Afterwards (when the Pope had no great occasion to kill Men, or the People no great mind to be killed in his Service) they accepted of Money, as an Alms to God: and so all public Penance was laid down, and Murder or Merchandise was set up in its room. This being the state of things at the Keformation, it is no wonder if the People could not be easily brought to submit to public Penance; which had been for some Ages entirely laid aside: and there was reason why they should not be forward to come under the Yoke of their Priests, lest they should have raised upon that Foundation, such a Tyrannical Dominion over them, as others had formerly exercised. This made some Reformed Churches beyond Sea bring in the Laity with them, into their Courts; which if they had done merely as a good Expedient, for removing the jealousy which the World then had of Ecclesiastical Tyranny, there was no great Objection to have been made to it; but they made the thing liable to very great exception, when they pretended a Divine Institution for those Lay-Elders. Here in England, it is plain the Nation would not bear such Authority to be lodged with the Clergy at first; but it will appear in the following Work, that a Platform was made of an Ecclesiastical Discipline, though the Bishops had no hope of reducing it into practice, till the King should come to be of Age, and pass a Law for the authorising of it: but he dying before this was effected, it was not prosecuted with that zeal that the thing required in Queen Elizabeth's time: and then those who in their Exile were taken with the Models beyond Seas, contending more to get it put in the method of other Churches, than to have it set up in any other Form, that contention begat such heat, that it took Men off from this and many other excellent designs: and whereas the Presbyters were found to have had anciently a share in the Government of the Churches, as the Bishop's Council and Assistants, some of them that were of hot tempers demanding more than their share, they were by the immoderate use of the Counterpoise kept out of any part of Ecclesiastical Discipline; and all went into those Courts commonly called the Spiritual Courts; without making distinction between those Causes of Testaments, Marriages, and such other suits, that require some learning in the Civil and Canon Law, and the other Causes of the Censures of the Clergy and Laity, which are of a more Spiritual Nature, and aught indeed to be tried only by the Bishops and Clergy; for they are no small part of the Care of Souls, which is incumbent on them: and by them only Excommunications ought to be made, as being a Suspension from the Sacred Rights of Christians, of which none can be the competent Judges, but those to whom the charge of Souls is committed. The worst that can be said of all these Abuses, is, that they are Relics of Popery, and we own it to the unhappy Contests among ourselves, that a due correction has not been yet given to them.  
From hence one evil has followed, not inferior to these from whence it flows, that the Pastoral Charge is now looked on by too many, rather as a device only for instructing People, to which they may submit as much as they think fit, than as a Care of Souls, as indeed it is: And it is not to be denied but the practice of not a few of us of the Clergy, has confirmed the People in this mistake, who consider our Function as a Method of living, by performing Divine Offices, and making Sermons, rather than as, a watching over the Souls of the Flocks committed to us, visiting the Sick, reproving scandalous Persons, reconciling differences, and being strict at least in governing the Poor, whose necessities will oblige them to submit to any good Rules, we shall set them for the better conduct of their Lives. In these things does the Pastoral Care chief consist, and not only in the bare performing of Offices, or pronouncing Sermons, which every one almost may learn to do after some tolerable fashion. If Men had a just Notion of this Holy Function, and a right sense of it before they were initiated into it, those scandalous abuses of Plurality of Benefices with Cure, (except where they are so poor and contiguous, that both can scarce maintain one Incumbent, and one Man can discharge the duty of both very well) Non-residencies, and the hiring out that Sacred Trust to pitiful Mercenaries at the cheapest rates, would soon fall off. These are things of so crying a nature, that no wonder if the wrath of God is ready to break out upon us. These are abuses that even the Church of Rome, after all her impudence, is ashamed of, and are at this day generally discountenanced all France over. Queen Marry here in England in the time of Popery, set herself effectually to root them out. And that they should be still found among Protestants, and in so Reform a Church, is a scandal that may justly make us blush. All the honest Prelates at the Council of Trent endeavoured to get Residence declared to be of Divine Right, and so not to be dispensed with upon any consideration whatsoever: and there is nothing more apparently contrary to the most common impressions, which all Men have about matters of Religion, than that Benefices are given for the Office to which they are annexed: and if in matters of men's Estates, or of their Health, it would be a thing of high scandal, for one to receive the Fees, and commit the Work to the care of some inferior or raw Practitioner, how much worse is it to turn over so important a concernment, as the care of Souls must be confessed to be, to mean hands? And to conclude, those who are guilty of such disorders, have much to answer for, both to God, for the neglect of those Souls for which they are to give an account, and to the World, for the reproach they have brought on this Church and on the Sacred Functions, by their ill practices; nor could the divisions of this Age ever have risen to such a height, if the People had not been possessed with ill impressions of some of the Clergy, from those inexcusable faults, that are so conspicuous in too many that are called Shepherds: Who Cloth themselves with the Wool, but have not fed the Flock, that have not strengthened the diseased, nor Healed the sick, nor bound up that which was broken, nor brought again that which was driven away, nor sought that which was lost, but have ruled them with force and cruelty: And if we would look up to God who is visibly angry with us, and has made us base and contemptible among the People, we should find great reason to reflect on those words of Jeremy. The Pastors are become Brutish, and have not sought the Lord, therefore they shall not prosper, and all their Flocks shall be scattered.  
But I were very unjust if having ventured on so plain and necessary a reprehension; I should not add, that God has not so left this Age and Church, but there is in it a great number in both the holy Functions, who are perhaps as Eminent in the exemplariness of their Lives, and as diligent in their Labours, as has been in any one Church in any Age since Miracles ceased. The humility and strictness of Life in many of our Prelates and some that were highly Born, and yet have far outgone some others from whom more might have been expected, raises them far above censure, though perhaps not above envy. And when such think not the daily instructing their Neighbours a thing below them, but do it with as constant a care, as if they were to earn their Bread by it, when they are so affable to the meanest Clergymen that come to them, when they are so nicely scrupulous about those whom they admit into holy Orders, and so large in their Charities, that one would think they were furnished with some unseen ways, these things must raise great esteem for such Bishops, and seem to give some hopes of better times. Of all this I may be allowed to speak the more freely, since I am led to it by none of those Bribes, either of gratitude, or fear, or hope, which are wont to Corrupt men to say what they do not think: But I were much to blame, if in a Work that may perhaps Live some time in the Word, I should only find fault with what is amiss, and not also acknowledge what is so very Commendable and Praiseworthy. And when I look into the Inferior Clergy, there are, chief about this great City of London, so many, so Eminent, both for the strictness of their Lives, the constancy of their Labours, their Excellent and plain way of Preaching, (which is now perhaps brought to as great a Perfection, as ever was since men spoke as they received it immediately from the Holy-Ghost) the great gentleness of their Deportment, to such as differ from them, their mutual Love and Charity, and in a Word for all the qualities that can adorn Ministers or Christians, that if such a number of such Men cannot prevail with this debauched Age, this one thing to me looks more dismally than all the other affrighting Symptoms of our Condition; that God having sent so many faithful Teachers, their Labours are still so ineffectual.  
I have now Examined all the prejudices that either occur to my thoughts, or that I have not met with in Books or Discourses, against our Reformation; and I hope upon a free enquiry into them, it will be found that some of them are of no force at all, and that the other, which are better Grounded, can amount to no more than this, that things were not managed with that care, or brought to that Perfection that were to be desired: so that all the use we ought to make of these Objections, is to be directed by them, to do those things which may complete and adorn that Work, which was managed by Men subject to Infirmities, who neither could see every thing, nor were able to accomplish all that they had Projected, and saw fit to be done.  
But from the matter of the following History, another Objection of another sort may arise, which though it has no Relation to the Reformation, yet leaves no small Imputation on the Nation, as too apt to change, and be carried about with every Religion in Vogue, since in little more than 20 years' time, there were four great changes made in Religion; and in all these the main Body of the Nation turned with the Stream: and it was but a small number that stood firm and suffered for their Consciences. But if the State of the Nation be well considered, there will be nothing in all this so strange as at first view it may perhaps appear: for in the times of Popery the People were kept in such profound ignorance, that they knowing nothing of Religion, beyond the outward Forms and Pageantry, and being highly dissatisfied with the ill Lives of the Clergy, and offended with their Cruelty against those that contradicted their Opinions, it is no wonder that they were inclined to hear Preachers of any sort, who laid out to them the reasons of the Doctrine they delivered, and did not impose it on them in gross, as the others had done. These Teachers being also Men of Innocent tempers, and good Lives, and being recommended to the Compassion of the Nation, by their sufferings, and to their esteem, by their zeal and readiness to run all hazards for their Consciences, had great advantages to gain on the Belief and affections of the People. And to speak freely I make no doubt, but if the Reformation had been longer a hatching under the heat of Persecution, it had come forth perfecter than it was. This disposition of the People, and King Henry's Quarrelling with the Pope, made the way easy for the first Change: But then the severities about the Supremacy on one hand, and the six Articles on the other, made People to stagger and reel between the two Religions. And all People being fond of new things, and the discoveries of the Impostures of the Priests and lewdness of the Monks, increasing their dislike of them, it was no wonder the Reformation went on with so little Tumult and Precipitation till King Edward's time. But though there were then very Learned and Zealous Divines, who Managed and carried on the changes that were made, yet still the greater part of the Clergy was very Ignorant, and very Corrupt; which was occasioned by the Pensions that were reserved out of the Rents of the suppressed Monasteries to the Monks during their Lives, or till they were provided with live. The Abbey Lands that were sold with the Charge of these annexed to them, coming into the Hands of Persons who had no mind to have that Burden lie longer on them, they got these Monks Provided with Benefices, that so they might be eased of that Charge. And for the other Abbeys that still remained with the Crown, the same Course was taken: for the Monks were put into all the small Benefices that were in the King's gift. So that the greatest part of the Clergy, were such as had been formerly Monks or Friars, very Ignorant for most part, and generally addicted to their former Superstition, though otherwise Men, that would Comply with any thing rather than forfeit their Live. Under such Incumbents nothing but Ignorance and unconcernedness in Religion could prevail. By this means it was that the greater part of the Nation was not well Instructed, nor Possessed with any warmth and sincere Love to the Reformation, which made the following change under Queen Mary more easily effected. The Proceed in King Edward's time were likewise so gentle and Moderate, flowing from the calm temper of Archbishop Cranmer, and the policy of others, who were willing to accept of any thing they could obtain, hoping that time would do the business, if the overdriving it did not precipitate the whole affair; that it was an easy thing for a Concealed Papist to weather the difficulties of that Reign. There were also great scandals given by the Indiscretion of many of the New Preachers. The misgovernment of Affairs under the Duke of Somerset, with the restless Ambition of the Duke of Northumberland did alienate the Nation much from them; and a great aversion commonly begets an universal dislike of every thing that is done by those whom we hate.  
All these things concurred to prepare the minds of the People to the change made by Queen Mary: but in her Reign Popery did more plainly discover itself in the many repeated B●rnings, and the other Cruelties then openly exercised. The Nation was also in such danger of being brought under the uneasy Yoke of Spanish Government, and they were many of them in fear of losing their new got Church Lands; These things, together with the loss of Calais in the end of her Reign, which was universally much resented as a lasting dishonour to the Nation, raised in them a far greater aversion to her Government, and to every thing that had been done in it, than they had to the former. The Genius of the English leads them to hate Cruelty and Tyranny; and when they saw these were the necessary Concomitants of Popery, no wonder it was thrown out with so general an agreement, that there was scarce any considerable Opposition made to it, except by some few of their Clergy: who having changed so oft, were ashamed of such repeated recantations: and so resolved at last to stand their ground; which was the more easy to resolve on under so merciful a Prince, who punished them only by a Forfeiture of their Benefices; and that being done, took care of their Subsistence for the rest of their Lives: Bonner himself not being excepted, though so deeply died in the Blood of so many Innocents'.  
All these things laid together, it will not seem strange that such great Alterations were so easily brought about in so short a time. But from the days of Queen Elizabeth that the Old Monks were worn out, and New Men better Educated were placed in Churches, things did generally put on a new Visage: and this Church has since that time continued to be the Sanctuary and shelter of all Foreigners, and the chief Object of the Envy and Hatred of the Popish Church, and the great Glory of the Reformation; and has wisely avoided the splitting asunder, on the high Points of the Divine Decrees, which have broken so many of the Reformed beyond Sea; but in these has left Divines to the freedom of their several Opinions: nor did she run on that other Rock, of Defining at first so peremptorily the manner of Christ's Presence in the Sacrament, which divided the Germane and the Helvetian Churches, but in that did also leave a Latitude to Men of different persuasions. From this great temper it might have reasonably been expected, that we should have continued United at Home, and then for things Sacred, as well as Civil, we had been out of the Danger of what all our Foreign Enemies could have Contrived or done against us.  
But the Enemy, while the Watchmen slept, sowed his Tares even in this Fruitful Field; of which it may be expected I should give some Account here, and the rather because I end this Work at the time when those unhappy differences first arose; so that I give them no part in this History: and yet I have in the search I made, seen some things of great Importance, which are very little known, that give me a clearer light into the beginnings of these Differences than is commonly to be had; of which I shall discourse so, as becomes one who has not blindly given himself up to any Party, and is not afraid to speak the truth even in the most critical matters.  
There were many Learned and Pious Divines in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, who being driven beyond Sea had observed the New Models set up in Geneva, and other places, for the Censuring of Scandalous Persons, of mixed Judicatories of the Ministers and Laity: and these reflecting on the great looseness of Life which had been universally Complained of in King Edward's time, thought such a Platform might be an Effectual way for keeping out a return of the like disorders. There were also some few Rites reserved in this Church, that had been either used in the Primitive Church, or though brought in of later time, yet seemed of excellent use to beget Reverence in Holy Performances: which had also this to be said for them, that the keeping these still, was done in Imitation of what Christ and his Apostles did in Symbolising with the Jewish Rites, to gain the Jews th' reby as much as could be; so it was Judged necessary to preserve these, to let the World see that though Corruptions were thrown out, yet the Reformers did not love to change only for change sake, when it was not otherwise needful: and this they hoped might draw in many, who otherwise would not so easily have forsaken the Roman Commnaion. Yet these Divines excepted to those, as Compliances with Popery, and though they Professed no great dislike to the Ceremonies themselves, or doubt of their Lawfulness, yet were they against their Continuance, upon that single Account, which was indeed the chief reason why they were continued. But all this Debate was modestly Managed, and without violent Heat or Separation: afterwards some of the Queen's Courtiers had an eye to the fair Manors of some of the greater Sees, and being otherwise Men of ill Tempers and Lives, and probably of no Religion, would have persuaded the Queen, that nothing could Unite all the Reformed Churches so effectually, as to bring the English Church to the Model beyond Sea, and that it would much Enrich the Crown, if she took the Revenues of Bishoprics and Cathedrals into her own Hands. This made those on the other hand who laid to Heart the true Interest of the Protestant Religion, and therefore endeavoured to preserve this Church in that strong and well Modelled Frame to which it was brought (particularly the Lord Burleigh, the Wisest Statesman of that Age, and perhaps of any other) study how to Engage the Queen out of Interest to support it, and they Demonstrated to her that these New Models would certainly bring with them a great Abatement of her Prerogative: since if the Concerns of Religion came into Popular Hands, there would be a Power set up distinct from hers, over which she could have no Authority.  
This she perceived well, and therefore resolved to Maintain the Ancient Government of the Church, but by this means it became a matter of Interest, and so these differences which might have been more easily reconciled before, grew now into form Factions: so that all Expedients were left unattempted which might have made up t●● Breach: And it becoming the Interest of some, to put it past reconciling, this was too easily effected. Those of the Division finding they could not carry their main design; raised all the Clamours they could against the Churchmen; and put in Bills into the Parliament against the abuses of Pluralities, Non-residences, and the Excesses of the Spiritual Courts. But the Queen being possessed with this, that the Parliaments meddling in these matters tended to the lessening of her Authority, of which she was extremely sensible, got all these Bills to be thrown out. If the abuses that gave such occasion to the mal-contented to complain, had been effectually redressed, that Party must have had little to work on: but these things furnished them with new Complaints still: the Market-Towns being also ill provided for, there were Voluntary Contributions made, for Lectures in these places. The Lecturers were generally Men that overtopped the Incumbents in diligent and Zealous Preaching, and they depending on the bounty of the People for their Subsistence, were engaged to follow the humours of those who Governed those Voluntary Contributions. All these things tended to the increase of the Party; which owed its chief growth to the scandalous Maintenance of the Ministers of great Towns, for which reason they were seldom of great Abilities, and to the scandals given by the Pluralities and Non-residences of others, that were over-provided. Yet the Government in Civil matters was so steady all the Queen's Reign, that they could do no great thing, after she once declared herself so openly and resolutely against them.  
But upon King James' coming to the Crown; and the divisions that came to be afterwards in Parliaments, between the too too often named Parties, for the Court and Country; and Clergymen being linked to the interests of the Crown, all those who in Civil matters Opposed the designs of the Court, resolved to cherish those of the Division, under the Colour of their being hearty Protestants, and that it was the interest of the Reformed Religion to use them well; and that all Protestants should Unite: And indeed the differences between them were then so small, that if great Art had not been used to keep them asunder, they had certainly United of their own accord. But the late unhappy Wars, engaged those who before only complained of Abuses, into a form separation, which still continues to the great danger and disgrace of the Protestant Religion. I shall not make any Observations on latter Transactions which fall within all men's View; but it is plain that from the beginning there have been laboured designs to make Tools of the several Parties; and to make a great breach between them; which lays us now so open to our common Enemy. And it looks like a sad forerunner of Ruin, when we cannot after so long Experience of the mischievous Effects of these Contests, learn to be so wise as to avoid the running on those Rocks, on which our Fathers did so unforutnately split; but on the contrary many steer as steadily towards them, as if they were the only safe Harbours, where they may securely weather every Storm.  
But being now to lead the Reader into so agreeable a Prospect, as I hope the Reformation of the Church will be to him, I will hold him yet a little longer before I open it, and desire him for his better preparation to it to reflect on the nature of Religion in general, and of the Christian in particular. That Religion is chief designed for perfecting the nature of Man, for improving his Faculties, governing his Actions, and securing the Peace of every Man's Conscience, and of the societies of Mankind in common, is a truth so plain, that without further arguing about it all will agree to it. Every part of Religion is then to be Judged by its Relation to the main ends of it; And since the Christian Doctrine was revealed from Heaven, as the most perfect and proper way that ever was, for the advancing the good of Mankind, nothing can be a part of this holy Faith but what is proportioned to the end for which it was designed. And all the additions that have been made to it, since it was first delivered to the World, are justly to be suspected; especially where it is manifest at first view that they were intended to serve carnal and secular ends. What can be reasonably supposed in the Papacy, where the Popes are chosen by such intrigues, either of the two Crowns, the Nephews of the former Pope, or the craft of some aspiring men, to entitle them to Infallibility or Universal Jurisdiction? What can we think of redeeming souls out of Purgatory, or preserving them from it by tricks, or some mean Pageantry; but that it is a foul piece of Merchandise? What is to be said of Implicit Obedience, the Priestly Dominion over Consciences, the keeping the Scriptures out of the people's hands, and the Worship of God in a strange Tongue? but that these are so many Arts to hoodwink the world, and to deliver it up into the hands of the ambitious Clergy. What can we think of the superstition and idolatry of Images, and all the other pomp of the Roman Worship? but that by these things the People are to be kept up in a gross notion of Religion, as a splendid business, and that the Priests have a trick of saving them, if they will but take care to humour them, and leave that matter wholly in their hands. And to sum up all, what can we think of that constellation of Prodigies in the Sacrament of the Altar, as they pretend to explain it, and all really to no purpose? but that it is an art to bring the World by whole sale to renounce their reason and sense, and to have a most wonderful veneration for a sort of men who can with a word perform the most astonishing thing that ever was.  
I should grow too large for a Preface, if I would pursue this Argument as far as it will go. But if on the other hand we reflect on the true ends of this holy Religion, we must needs be convinced that we need go no where else out of this Church to find them; but are completely instructed in all parts of it, and furnished with all the helps to advance us to that which is indeed the end of our faith, the salvation of our souls. Here we have the Rules of holy Obedience, and the Methods of Repentance and Reconciliation for past sins clearly set before us: we believe all that Doctrine which Christ and his Apostles delivered, and the Primitive Church received: we have the comfort of all those Sacraments which Christ instituted, and in the same manner that he appointed them: All the helps to devotion that the Gospel offers are in every one's hand. So what can it be that should so extravagantly seduce any who have been bred up in a Church so well constituted, unless a blind superstition in their temper, or a desire to get heaven in some easier method than Christ has appointed, do strangely impose on their understandings, or corrupt their minds. Indeed the thing is so unaccountable that it looks like a curse from heaven on those who are given up to it, for their other sins; for an ordinary measure of Infatuation cannot carry any one so far in folly. And it may be laid down for a certain Maxim, that such as leave us, have never had a true and well form Notion of Religion, or of Christianity in its main and chief Design; but take things in parcels, and without examining them suffer themselves to be carried away by some prejudices which only darken weaker Judgements.  
But if it is an high and unaccountable folly for any to forsake our Communion, and go over to those of Rome, it is at the same time an unexcusable weakness in others who seem full of zeal against Popery, and yet upon some inconsiderable Objections do departed from the unity of this Body, and form separated Assemblies and Communions; though they cannot object any thing material either to our Doctrine or Worship: But the most astonishing part of the wonder is, that in such differences there should be so little mutual forbearance or gentleness to be found: and that these should raise such heats as if the substance of Religion were concerned in them. This is of God, and is a stroke from Heaven on both sides, for their other sins: We of the Church Communion have trusted too much to the supports we receive from the Law, we have done our duties too slightly, and have minded the Care of Souls too little; therefore God to punish and awaken us has suffered so many of our People to be wrested out of our hands: and those of the Separation have been too forward to Blood and War, and thereby have drawn much guilt on themselves, and have been too compliant with the Leaders of their several Factions, or rather apt to outrun them. It is plain, God is offended with us all, and therefore we are punished with this fatal blindness, not to see at this time the things that belong to our peace.  
And this leads me to Reflections of another sort, with which I shall conclude this Preface, which I have now drawn out to a greater length than at first I intended. It is apparent the Wrath of God hangs over our heads, and is ready to break out upon us. The Symptoms of our ill condition are as sad as they are visible: and one of the worst is, that each sort and Party is very ready to throw the guilt of it off themselves, and cast it on others, with whom they are displeased: But no man says, What have I done? The Clergy accuse the Laity, and the Laity condemn the Clergy. Those in the City charge the Country, and the Country complains of the City: every one finds out somewhat wherein he thinks he is least concerned, and is willing to fix on that all the Indignation of Heaven, which, God knows, we ourselves have kindled against ourselves. It cannot be denied, since it is so visible, that universally the whole Nation is corrupted, and that the Gospel has not had those effects among us which might have been expected, after so long and so free a course as it has had in this Island. Our wise and worthy Progenitors reform our Doctrine and Worship; but we have not reform our Lives and Manners: what will it avail us to understand the right Methods of worshipping God, if we are without true Devotion, and coldly perform public Offices, without sense and affection, which is as bad as a Bead-roll of Prayers in what ever Language they be pronounced. What signifies our having the Sacraments purely administered among us, if we either contemptuously neglect them, or irreverently handle them, more perhaps in compliance with Law, than out of a sense of the Holy Duties incumbent on us? for what end are the Scriptures put in our hands, if we do not read them with great attention, and order our lives according to them? and what does all preaching signify, if Men go to Church merely for Form, and hear Sermons only as set Discourses, which they will censure or commend as they think they see cause, but are resolved never to be the better for them? If to all these sad Considerations we add the gross sensuality and impurity, that is so avowedly practised that it is become a fashion, so far it is from being a reproach; the oppression, injustice, intemperance, and many other immoralities among us, what can be expected, but that these abominations receiving the highest aggravation they are capable of, from the clear light of the Gospel which we have so long enjoyed, the just Judgements of Heaven, should fall on us so signally, as to make us a reproach to all our Neighbours. But as if all this were not enough, to fill up the measure of our iniquities, many have arrived at a new pitch of Impiety, by defying Heaven itself, with their avowed Blasphemies and Atheism: and if they are driven out of their Atheistical Tenets which are indeed the most ridiculous of any in the World, they set up their rest on some general Notions of Morality and Natural Religion, and do boldly reject all that is revealed: and where they dare vent it, (alas! where dare they not do it?) they reject Christianity and the Scriptures, with open and impudent scorn, and are absolutely insensible of any obligation of Conscience in any thing whatsoever: and even in that Morality which they for decencies sake magnify so much, none are more bare-facedly and grossly faulty. This is a direct attempt against God himself, and can we think that he will not visit for such things, nor be avenged on such a Nation? And yet the hypocrisy of those who disguise their flagitious Lives, with a Mask of Religion, is perhaps a degree above all; though not so scandalous till the Mask falls off, and that they appear to be what they truly are. When we are all so guilty, and when we are so alarumed by the black Clouds that threaten such terrible and lasting Storms, what may be expected but that we should be generally struck with a deep sense of our crying sins, and turn to God with our whole Souls? But if after all the loud awakenings from Heaven we will not hearken to that Voice, but will still go on in our sins, we may justly look for unheardof Calamities, and such miseries as shall be proportioned to our offences: and then we are sure they will be great and wonderful.  
Yet if on the other hand there were a general turning to God, or at least if so many were rightly sensible of this, as, according to the proportion that the Mercies of God allow, did some way balance the wickedness of the rest, and if these were as zealous in the true methods of imploring God's favour, as others are in procuring his displeasure; and were not only mourning for their own sins, but for the sins of others; the Prayers and Sighs of many such, might dissipate that dismal Cloud which our sins have gathered; and we might yet hope to see the Gospel take root among us: since that God who is the Author of it is merciful, and full of compassion, and ready to forgive; and this holy Religion which by his Grace is planted among us is still so dear to him, that if we by our own unworthiness do not render ourselves incapable of so great a Blessing, we may reasonably hope that he will continue that which at first was by so many happy concurring Providences brought in, and was by a continued Series of the same indulgent care advanced by degrees, and at last raised to that pitch of perfection which few things attain in this World. But this will best appear in the ensuing History, from which I fear I may have too long detained the Reader.  
10. September 1680.   

THE CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.  

BOOK I.  
OF the Life and Reign of King Edward the Sixth. Pag. 1.   

BOOK II.  
Of the Life and Reign of Queen Mary. Page 233.   

BOOK III.  
Of the Settlement of the Reformation in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign. Page 373.   

COLLECTION OF RECORDS.  
King Edward's Journal and Remains. Page 1. 

Ad Librum Primum. Page 89.  
Ad Librum Secundum. Page 239.  
Ad Librum Tertium. Page 327.    
An APPENDIX concerning the Errors and Falsehoods in Sanders' Book of the English Schism. Page 383.    

ERRATA.  
PAge 10. Line 22. usual r. unusual. p. 20. l. 15. levy Taxes hand r. heavy Taxes laid. p. 36. l. 47. after it r. did. p. 31. l. 31. deal of. p. 40. Marg. l. 7. after In r. Cor. p. 82. l. 43. deal the Marginal Note. Ibid. l. ult. run used to r. used to run. p. 94. l. 38. for in r. the. p. 136. l. 20. for when r. where. l. 41. ad Marg. r. Collection Numb. 42. so the Numbers 42, 43, 44, 45. are for Numb. 43, 44, 45, 46. p. 155. Alesse r. Alesse. p. 166. l. 20. Pactors r. Pastors. p. 205. Marg. 23. r. 3. p. 219. l. 44. for John r. Richard. p. 220. l. 7. the same error. p. 237. l. 42. Suffolk r. Sussex. p. 249. l. 21, Ring r. King. p. 252. l. 1. Sanders r. Sandy. p. 253. l. penult. no r. on. p. 283, 284, 285, 286. r. 267, 268, 269, 270. p. 273. Marg. deserve r. severe, p. 274. Marg. deal two. p. 275. l. ult. Wales r. Wells. p. 277. l. 28. racked r. raked. p. 304. Marg. considered r. censured. p. 305. l. ult. deal be. p. 307. l. 44. before where r. Father's house. l. 49. deal Father's house. p. 319. Marg. Numb. 24. r. 23. the error in the Number continues to the end of the Book. p. 320 l. 16. before that r. few. l. 46. Anne r. Elizabeth 6th r. 4th. p. 396. l. 44. for was so r. so was. p. 412. l. 6. for five r. free.   

 engraved portrait of King Edward VI 
EDWARDUS SEXTUS ANGLIAE GALLIAE & HIBERNIAE REX  R: White sculp:  royal blazon or coat of arms HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE 
Natus 12 Octob 1537. Regnare cepit. 28  
Januarij 15●7. Obijt 6. to Julij 1553.  
Printed for Richard Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church yard.    

The Second Part OF THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION OF THE Church of England. BOOK I. Of the Life and Reign of King Edward the Sixth.  
EDward, the Sixth King of England of that Name, 
1547.  was the only Son of King Henry the 8th, by his best beloved Queen Jane Seimour, or St. Maur, Daughter to Sir John Seimour, who was descended from Roger St. Maur, that married one of the Daughters and Heirs of the Lord Beauchamp of Hacche. Their Ancestors came into England with William the Conqueror, and had at several times made themselves considerable by the Noble Acts they did in the Wars. 
* 1537. Oct. 12. Edward VI born.  He was born at Hampton-Court on the 12th day of October, being St. Edward's Eve, in the Year 1537. 
* The Queen died on the 14th, say Hall, Stow, Speed, and Herbert: on the 15th saith Hennings: on the 17th, if the Letter of the Physicians be true in Fuller's Church Hist. p. 422. Cott. libr.  and lost his Mother the day after he was born; who died, not by the cruelty of the Surgeons ripping up her Belly to make way for the Prince's Birth, (as some Writers gave out, to represent King Henry barbarous and cruel in all his Actions; whose report has been since too easily followed:) but as the Original Letters that are yet extant, show, she was well delivered of him, and the day following was taken with a distemper incident to Women in that condition, of which she died.  
He was soon after Christened, the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
And Christened.  and the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk being his Godfathers, according to his own Journal, though Hall says the last was only his Godfather when he was Bishopped; He continued under the charge and care of the Women, till he was six years old; and then he was put under the Government of Dr. Cox and Mr. Cheek: The one was to be his Preceptor for his Manners, and the knowledge of Philosophy and Divinity: The other for the Tongues and Mathematics. And he was also provided with Masters for the French, and all other things becoming a Prince, the Heir of so great a Crown.  

His disposition.  He gave very early many indications of a good disposition to Learning, and of a most wonderful probity of mind, and above all, of great respect to Religion, and every thing relating to it. So that when he was once in one of his childish diversions, somewhat being to be reached at, that he and his Companions were too low for, one of them laid on the floor a great Bible that was in the Room, to step on; which he beholding with indignation, took up the Bible himself, and gave over his play for that time. He was in all things subject to the Orders laid down for his Education, and profited so much in Learning, that all about him conceived great hopes of extraordinary things from him, if he should live: But such unusual beginnings seemed rather to threaten the too early end of a Life, that by all appearance was likely to have produced such astonishing things. He was so forward in his learning, that before he was eight years old he wrote Latin Letters to his Father, who was a Prince of that stern severity, that one can hardly think those about his Son durst cheat him by making Letters for him. He used also at that Age to write both to his Godfather the Archbishop of Canterbury, and to his Uncle, who was first made Viscount Beauchamp, as descended from that Family, and soon after Earl of Hartford. It seems Q. Catherine Parr understood Latin, for he wrote to her also in the same Language. But the full Character of this young Prince is given us by Cardan, who writ it after his death, and in Italy, where this Prince was accounted an Heretic, so that there was nothing to be got or expected by flattering him; and yet it is so Great, and withal so agreeing in all things to Truth, that as I shall begin my Collection of Papers at the end of this Volume with his words in Latin, 
Collection. Number 1.  so it will be very fit to give them here in English.  

Cardanes Character of him.  All the Graces were in him. He had many Tongues when he was yet but a Child: Together with the English his natural Tongue, he had both Latin and French: nor was he ignorant, as I hear, of the Greek, Italian, and Spanish, and perhaps some more. But for the English, French and Latin, he was exact in them; and apt to learn every thing. Nor was he ignorant of Logic, of the Principles of natural Philosophy, nor of Music. The sweetness of his temper was such as became a Mortal, his gravity becoming the Majesty of a King, and his disposition suitable to his high degree. In sum, that Child was so bred, had such Parts, was of such expectation, that he looked like a Miracle of a Man. These things are not spoken Rhetorically, and beyond the truth, but are indeed short of it. And afterwards he adds, He was a marvellous Boy: When I was with him, he was in the 15th Year of his Age, in which he spoke Latin as politely and as promptly as I did: He asked me what was the Subject of my Books, de rerum Varietate, which I had dedicated to him? I answered, That in the first Chapter I gave the true cause of Comets, which had been long enquired into, but was never found out before. What is it, said he? I said, it was the concourse of the light of wand'ring Stars. He answered, How can that be, since the Stars move in different Motions? How comes it that the Comets are not soon dissipated, or do not move after them according to their Motions? To this I answered, They do move after them, but much quicker than they, by reason of the different Aspect, as we see in a Crystal, or when a Rainbow rebounds from the Wall: for a little change makes a great difference of place. But the King said, How can that be, where there is no Subject to receive that Light, as the Wall is the Subject for the Rainbow? To this I answered, That this was as in the Milky-way, or where many Candles were lighted, the middle place where their shining met was white and clear. From this little taste it may be imagined what he was. And indeed the ingenuity and sweetness of his disposition had raised in all good and learned Men the greatest expectation of him possible. He began to love the Liberal Arts before he knew them, and to know them before he could use them: and in him there was such an attempt of Nature, that not only England, but the World has reason to lament his being so early snatched away. How truly was it said of such extraordinary Persons, That their Lives are short, and seldom do they come to be old? He gave us an Essay of Virtue, though he did not live to give a Pattern of it. When the gravity of a King was needful, he carried himself like an Old Man; and yet he was always affable and gentle, as became his Age. He played on the Lute: he meddled in Affairs of State: and for Bounty, he did in that emulate his Father; though he even, when he endeavoured to be too good, might appear to have been bad: but there was no ground of suspecting any such thing in the Son, whose mind was cultivated by the study of Philosophy.  
It has been said in the end of his Father's Life, 
A design to create him Prince of Wales.  that he then designed to create him Prince of Wales: For though he was called so, as the Heirs of this Crown are, yet he was not by a formal Creation invested with that dignity. This pretence was made use of to hasten forward the Attainder of the Duke of Norfolk; since he had many Offices for life, which the King intended to dispose of; and desired to have them speedily filled, in order to the creating of his Son Prince of Wales. 
King Henry dies.  In the mean time his Father died, and the Earl of Hartford, and Sir Anthony Brown, were sent by the Council to give him notice of it, being then at Hartford, and to bring him to the Tower of London; and having brought him to Enfield, with his Sister the Lady Elizabeth, they let him know of his Father's death, and that he was now their King: On the 31st of January 
Jan. 31.  the King's Death was published in London, and he Proclaimed King.  
At the Tower, his Father's Executors, 
King Edward came to the Tower.  with the rest of the Privy-Council, received him with the respects due to their King: So tempering their sorrow for the death of their late Master, with their joy for his Sons happy succeeding him; that by an excess of joy they might not seem to have forgot the one so soon, nor to bode ill to the other by an extreme grief. The first thing they did, was the opening King Henry's Will: 
King Henry's Will opened.  by which they found he had nominated sixteen Persons to be his Executors, and Governors to his Son, and to the Kingdom, till his Son was eighteen years of age. These were the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Wriothesley Lord Chancellor, the Lord St. John Great Master, the Lord Russel Lord Privy-Seal, the Earl of Hartford Lord Great Chamberlain, the Viscount Lisle Lord Admiral, Tonstall Bishop of Duresme, Sir Anthony Brown Master of the Horse, Sir William Paget Secretary of State, Sir Edward North Chancellor of the Court of Augmentations, Sir Edward Montague Lord Chief-Justice of the Common-Pleas, Judge Bromley, Sir Anthony Denny, and Sir William Herbert Chief gentlemans of the Privy-Chamber, Sir Edward Wotton Treasurer of Calais, and Dr. Wotton Dean of Canterbury and York. These, or the major part of them, were to execute his Will, and to administer the Affairs of the Kingdom. By their consent, were the King, and his Sisters, to be disposed of in Marriage. But with this difference, that it was only ordered, That the King should marry by their Advice; but the two Sisters were so limited in their Marriage, that they were to forfeit their Right of Succession, if they married without their consent: it being of far greater importance to the Peace and Interest of the Nation who should be their Husbands, if the Crown did devolve on them, than who should be the King's Wife. And by the Act passed in the 35th Year of King Henry, he was empowered to leave the Crown to them, with what limitations he should think fit. To the Executors, the King added by his Will, a Privy-Council who should be assisting to them. These were, the Earls of Arundel, and Essex, Sir Thom. Cheyney Treasurer of the Household, Sir John Gage controller, Sir Anthony Wingfield Vice-Chamberlain, Sir William Petre Secretary of State, Sir Richard Rich, Sir John Baker, Sir Ralph Sadler, Sir Thom. Seimour, Sir Richard Sowthwell, and Sir Edmund Peckham. The King also ordered, That if any of the Executors should die, the Survivors, without giving them a Power of substituting others, should continue to administer Affairs. He also charged them to pay all his Debts, and the Legacies he left, and to perfect any Grants he had begun, and to make good every thing that he had promised. The Will being opened and read, all the Executors, Judge Bromley and the two Wottons only excepted, were present, and did resolve to execute the Will in all points, and to take an Oath for their faithful discharge of that Trust.  

Debate about choosing a Protector.  But it was also proposed, That for the speedier dispatch of things, and for a more certain order and direction of all Affairs, there should be one chosen to be Head of the rest, to whom Ambassadors and others might address themselves. It was added to caution this, That the Person to be raised to that Dignity, should do nothing of any sort without the Advice and Consent of the greater part of the rest. But this was opposed by the Lord Chancellor, who thought that the Dignity of his Office, setting him next the Archbishop of Canterbury, who did not much follow Secular Affairs, he should have the chief stroke in the Government; therefore he pressed, That they might not departed from the Kings Will in any particular, neither by adding to it, nor taking from it. It was plain, the late King intended they should be all alike in the Administration, and the raising one to a Title or Degree above the rest was a great change from what he had ordered. And whereas it was now said, that the Person to be thus nominated was to have no manner of Power over the rest, that was only to exalt him into an high Dignity with the less envy or apprehension of danger; for it was certain great Titles always make way for high Power. But the Earl of Hartford had so great a Party among them, that it was agreed to, the Lord Chancellor himself consenting when he saw his opposition was without effect, 
The Earl of Hartford chosen.  that one should be raised over the rest in Title to be called the Protector of the King's Realms, and the Governor of his Person: The next Point held no long debate, who should be nominated to this high Trust; for they unanimously agreed, That the Earl of Hartford, by reason of his nearness of Blood to the King, and the great experience he had in Affairs, was the fittest Person. So he was declared Protector of the Realm, and Governor to the King's Person; but with that special and express Condition, that he should not do any Act but by the Advice and Consent of the other Executors, according to the Will of the late King. Then they all went to take their Oaths, but it was proposed, that it should be delayed till the next day, that so they might do it upon better consideration. More was not done that day, save that the Lord Chancellor was ordered to deliver up the Seals to the King, and to receive them again from his Hands; for King Henry's Seal was to be made use of, either till a new one was made, or till the King was Crowned: He was also ordered to renew the Commissions of the Judges, the Justices of Peace, the Precedents of the North, and of Wales, and of some other Officers. This was the issue of the first Council-day under this King: In which, the so easy advancement of the Earl of Hartford to so high a Dignity gave great occasion to censure: it seeming to be a change of what King Henry had designed. But the King's great kindness to his Uncle made it pass so smoothly; For the rest of the Executors, not being of the Ancient Nobility, but Courtiers, were drawn in easily to comply with that which was so acceptable to their young King. Only the Lord Chancellor, who had chief opposed it, was to expect small favour at the new Protectors hands. It was soon apparent what emulation there was between them. And the Nation being then divided, between those who loved the old Superstition, and those who desired a more complete Reformation; The Protector set himself at the Head of the one, and the Lord Chancellor at the Head of the other Party.  
The next day the Executors met again, 
Which is declared in Council.  and first took their Oaths most solemnly for their faithful executing the Will. They also ordered all those who were by the late King named Privy-Councellors to come into the King's Presence, and there they declared to the King the choice they had made of his Uncle; who gave his Assent to it. It was also signified to the Lords of the Council, who likewise with one voice gave their Consent to it. And Dispatches were ordered to be sent to the Emperor, the French King, and the Regent of Flanders, giving notice of the King's Death, and of the Constitution of the Council, and the Nomination of the Protector during the Minority of their young King. All Dispatches were ordered to be Signed only by the Protector; and all the Temporal Lords, with all the Bishops about the Town, were commanded to come and swear Allegiance to the King. On the 2d of Feb. 
Feb. 2.  the Protector was declared Lord Treasurer, and Earl Marshal, these Places having been designed for him by the late King upon the Duke of Norfolk's Attainder. Letters were also sent to Calais, Boulogne, Ireland, the Marches of Scotland, and most of the Counties of England, giving notice of the King's Succession, and of the order now settled. The Will was also ordered to be Enrolled, and every of the Executors was to have an Exemplification of it under the Great Seal: and the Clerks of Council were also ordered to give to every of them an account of all things done in Council under their Hands and Seals. 
The Bishops take out Commissions for their Bishoprics.  And the Bishops were required to take out new Commissions of the same form with those they had taken out in King Henry's time, (for which see Page 267. of the former Part;) only with this difference, That there is no mention made of a Vicar-General in these Commissions, as was in the former, there being none after Cromwell advanced to that Dignity. Two of these Commissions are yet extant, one taken out by Cranmer, the other taken out by Bonner. But this was only done by reason of the present juncture, because the Bishops being generally addicted to the former Superstition, it was thought necessary to keep them under so arbitrary a Power as that subjected them to; for they hereby held their Bishoprics only during the King's pleasure, and were to exercise them as his Delegates in his Name, and by his Authority. Cranmer set an Example to the rest, 
Collection Number 2.  and took out his Commission, which is in the Collection. But this was afterwards judged too heavy a Yoke, and therefore the new Bishops that were made by this King were not put under it; (and so Ridley, when made Bishop of London in Bonner's room, was not required to take out any such Commission;) but they were to hold their Bishoprics during life.  

The reason of the new Creation of many Noblemen.  There was a Clause in the King's Will, requiring his Executors to make good all that he had promised in any manner of ways. Whereupon Sir William Paget, Sir Anthony Denny, and Sir William Herbert, were required to declare what they knew of the King's Intentions and Promises; the former being the Secretary whom he had trusted most, and the other two those that attended on him in his Bedchamber during his sickness; though they were called Gentlemen of the Privy-Chamber; for the Service of the Gentlemen of the Bedchamber was not then set up. Paget declared, That when the Evidence appeared against the Duke of Norfolk, and his Son the Earl of Surrey, the King, who used to talk oft in private with him alone, told him, that he intended to bestow their Lands liberally: and since by Attainders, and other ways, the Nobility were much decayed, he intended to create some Peers; and ordered him to write a Book of such as he thought meetest: who thereupon proposed the Earl of Hartford to be a Duke; the Earl of Essex to be a Marquis; the Viscount Lisle to be an Earl; the Lords St. John, Russel, and Wriothesley, to be Earls; and Sir Tho. Seimour, Sir Thom. Cheyney, Sir Richard Rich, Sir William Willoughby, Sir Tho. Arundel, Sir Edmund Sheffield, Sir Jo. St. Leaguer, Sir _____; Wymbish, Sir _____ Vernon of the Peak, and Sir Christopher Danby, to be Barons. Paget also proposed a distribution of the Duke of Norfolk's Estate. But the King liked it not, and made Mr. Gates bring him the Books of that Estate; which being done, he ordered Paget to tot upon the Earl of Hartford (these are the words of his Deposition) a Thousand Marks; on the Lord Lisle, St. John, and Russel, 200 Pounds a year; to the Lord Wriothesley 100; and for Sir Tho. Seimour 300 Pounds a year. But Paget said it was too little, and stood long arguing it with him: yet the King ordered him to propose it to the Persons concerned, and see how they liked it. And he putting the King in mind of Denny, who had been oft a Suitor for him, but he had never yet in lieu of that obtained any thing for Denny, the King ordered 200 Pounds for him, and 400 Marks for Sir William Herbert, and remembered some others likewise. But Paget having, according to the King's Commands, spoken to these who were to be advanced, found that many of them desired to continue in their former Ranks, and thought the Lands the King intended to give were not sufficient for the maintenance of the Honour to be conferred on them: which he reported to the best advantage he could for every Man, and endeavoured to raise the King's favour to them as high as he could. But while this was in consultation, the Duke of Norfolk, very prudently apprehending the ruin of his Posterity, if his Lands were divided into many Hands, out of which he could not so easily recover them; whereas if they continued in the Crown, some turn of Affairs might again establish his Family; and intending also to oblige the King by so unusual a Compliment, sent a desire to him that he would be pleased to settle all his Lands on the Prince, (the now King) and not give them away: for, said he, according to the Phrase of that Time, They are good and stately Gear. This wrought so far on the King, that he resolved to reserve them for himself, and to reward his Servants some other way. Whereupon Paget pressed him once to resolve on the Honours he would bestow, and what he would give with them, and they should afterwards consider of the way how to give it. The King growing still worse, said to him, That if aught came to him but good, as he thought he could not long endure, he intended to place them all about his Son, as Men whom he trusted and loved above all other: and that therefore he would consider them the more. So after many Consultations he ordered the Book to be thus filled up, The Earl of Hartford to be Earl Marshal, and Lord Treasurer, and to be Duke of Somerset, Exeter, or Hartford, and his Son to be Earl of Wiltshire, with 800 l. a year of Land, and 300 l. a year out of the next Bishop's Land that fell void; the Earl of Essex to be Marquis of Essex; the Viscount Lisle to be Earl of Coventry; the Lord Wriothesly to be Earl of Winchester; Sir Tho. Seimour to be a Baron and Lord Admiral; Sir Richard Rich, Sir Jo. St. Leaguer, Sir William Willoughby, Sir Ed. Sheffield, and Sir Christopher Danby, to be Barons; with yearly Revenues to them, and several other Persons. And having at the Suit of Sir Edw. North promised to give the Earl of Hartford six of the best prebend's that should fall in any Cathedral, except Deaneries and Treasurerships; at his suit he agreed, that a Deanery and a Treasurership should be in stead of two of the six Prebendaries. And thus all this being written as the King had ordered it, the King took the Book and put it in his Pocket, and gave the Secretary order to let every one know what he had determined for them. But before these things took effect the King died. Yet being on his Deathbed put in mind of what he had promised, he ordered it to be put in his Will, that his Executors should perform every thing that should appear to have been promised by him. All this Denny and Herbert confirmed, for they then waited in his Chamber; and when the Secretary went out, the King told them the substance of what had passed between them, and made Denny read the Book over again to him; whereupon Herbert observed that the Secretary had remembered all but himself; to which the King answered, He should not forget him, and ordered Denny to write 400 l. a year for him. All these things being thus declared upon Oath, and the greatest part of them having been formerly signified to some of them, and the whole matter being well known and spread abroad, the Executors, both out of Conscience to the Kings Will, and for their own Honours, resolved to fulfil what the King had intended, but was hindered by death to accomplish. But being apprehensive both of Wars with the Emperor and French King, they resolved not to lessen the King's Treasure nor Revenue, nor to sell his Jewels or Plate, but to find some other ways to pay them; and this put them afterwards on selling the Chantry Lands.  

The Affairs of Scotland.  The business of Scotland was then so pressing, that Balnaves, who was Agent for those that had shut themselves within the Castle of St. Andrews, had this day 1180 l. ordered to be carried to them for an half years pay to the Soldiers of that Garrison: There were also Pensions appointed for the most leading Men in that Business. The Earl of Rothes eldest Son had 280 Pound, Sir James Kircaldy had 200, and many others had smaller Pensions allowed them, for their amity, as it is expressed in the Council Books. 
1547. Feb. 6. the King Knighted.  That day the Lord Protector Knighted the King, being authorized to do it by Letters Patents. So it seems, that as the Laws of Chivalry required that the King should receive Knighthood from the Hand of some other Knight; so it was judged too great a presumption for his own Subject to give it, without a Warrant under the Great Seal. The King at the same time Knighted Sir John Hublethorn the Lord Major of London. When it was known abroad what a distribution of Honour and Wealth the Council had resolved on, it was much censured: many saying, that it was not enough for them to have drained the dead King of all his Treasure, but that the first step of their proceed in their new Trust was to provide Honour and Estates for themselves; whereas it had been a more decent way for them to have reserved their Pretensions till the King had come to be of Age. Another thing in the Attestations seemed much to lessen the credit of the Kings Will, which was said to be Signed the 30th of Decemb. and so did bear date: whereas this Narration insinuates, that it was made a very little while before he died, not being able to accomplish his design in these things which he had projected: but it was well known that he was not so ill on the 30th of December.  

Secular Men had their Ecclesiastical Dignities.  It may perhaps seem strange, that the Earl of Hartford had six good prebend's promised him; two of these being afterwards converted into a Deanery and a Treasurership. But it was ordinary at that time. The Lord Cromwell had been Dean of Wells; and many other Secular Men had these Ecclesiastical Benefices without Cure conferred on them. For which, there being no charge of Souls annexed to them, this might seem to be an excuse. Yet even those had a sacred charge incumbent on them in the Cathedrals; and were just and necessary encouragements, either for such as by Age or other defects were not fit for a Parochial Charge, and yet might be otherwise capable to do eminent service in the Church; or for the support of such as in their Parochial labours did serve so well as to merit preferment, and yet perhaps were so meanly provided for as to need some farther help for their subsistence. But certainly they were never intended for the enriching of such lazy and sensual Men, who having given themselves up to a secular course of life, had little of a Churchman but the Habit and Name; and yet used to rail against Sacrilege in others, not considering how guilty themselves were of the same crime, enriching their Families with the Spoils of the Church, or with the Goods of it, which were put into their Hands for better uses. And it was no wonder that when Clergymen had thus abused these Endowments, Secular Men broke in upon them: observing plainly, that the Clergy who enjoyed them made no better use of them than Laics might do. Though in stead of reforming an abuse that was so generally spread, they, like Men that minded nothing more than the enriching of themselves, took a certain course to make the mischief perpetual, by robbing the Church of those Endowments and Helps it had received from the Munificence of the Founders of its Cathedrals, who were generally the first Christian Kings of this Nation; which had it been done by Law would have been a thing of very bad consequence; but as it was done, was directly contrary to the Magna Charta, and to the King's Coronation Oath.  
But now they that were weary of the Popish Superstitions observing that Archbishop Cranmer had so great a share of the young King's affection, and that the Protector and he were in the same Interests, began to call for a further Reformation of Religion; and some were so full of zeal for it, that they would not wait on the slow motions of the State. 
Images removed without Authority out of one Church in London.  So the Curate and Churchwardens of St. Martin's in Ironmonger-lane in London, took down the Images and Pictures of the Saints, and the Crucifix out of their Church, and painted many Texts of Scripture on the Walls; some of them according to a perverse Translation, as the Complaint has it; and in the place where the Crucifix was, they set up the King's Arms with some Texts of Scripture about it. Upon this the Bishop and Lord-Major of London complained to the Council. And the Curate and Churchwardens being cited to appear, answered for themselves, That the Roof of their Church being bad, they had taken it down, and that the Crucifix and Images were so rotten, that when they removed them they fell to powder: That the charge they had been at in repairing their Church was such, that they could not buy new Images: That they had taken down the Images in the Chancel, because some had been guilty of Idolatry towards them. In conclusion, they said, what they had done was with a good intention; and if they had in any thing done amiss, they asked pardon, and submitted themselves. Some were for punishing them severely; for all the Papists reckoned that this would be a leading Case to all the rest of this Reign: and if this was easily passed over, others would be from that remissness animated to attempt such things every where. But on the other hand, those at Court who had designed to set forward a Reformation, had a mind only so far to check the heat of the People, as to keep it within compass, but not to dishearten their Friends too much. Cranmer and his Party were for a general removing of all Images; and said that in the late King's time order being given to remove such as were abused to Superstition; Upon that there were great Contests in many Places what Images had been so abused, and what not; and that these Disputes would be endless unless all were taken away.  
In the purest Times of Christianity they had no Images at all in their Churches. One of the first Councils, namely that at Elvira in Spain, 
An account of the Progress of Image-worship.  made a Canon against the painting what they worshipped on the Walls. Epiphanius was highly offended when he saw a Veil hanging before the door of a Church with a Picture on it, which he considered so little as not to know well whose Picture it was, but thought it might be Christ's, or some other Saints; yet he tore it, and gave them of that Place Money to buy a new Veil in its room. Afterwards, with the rest of the pomp of Heathenism, Images came to be set up in Churches; yet so as that there was no sort of Worship paid to them. But in the time of Pope Gregory the first, many went into extremes about them; some were for breaking them, and others worshipped them; That Pope thought the middle way best, neither to break, nor to worship them, but to keep them only to put the People in mind of the Saints. Afterwards there being subtle Questions started about the Unity of Christ's Person and Will, the Greek Emperors generally inclined to have the animosities raised by these, removed by some comprehensive words to which all might consent: which the Interest of State as well as Religion seemed to require; for their Empire every day declining, all methods for uniting it were thought good and prudent. But the Bishops were stiff and peremptory: So in the sixth general Council they condemned all who differed from them. Upon this the Emperors that succeeded would not receive that Council, but the Bishops of Rome ordered the Pictures of all the Bishops who had been at that Council to be set up in the Churches: Upon which the Emperors contended against these or any Pictures whatsoever in Churches. And herein that happened which is not usual, that one Controversy rising occasionally out of another, the Parties forsake the first Contest, and fall into sharp Conflicts about the occasional differences. For now the Emperors and Popes quarrelled most violently about the use of Images, and ill Names going a great way tomards the defaming an Opinion, the Popes and their Party accused all that were against Images, as favouring Judaisme, or Mahometanism, which was then much spread in Asia and afric: The Emperors and their Party accusing the others of Gentilism and Heathenish Idolatry. Upon this occasion Gregory the third first assumed the Rebellious Pretention to a Power to depose Leo the Emperor from all his Dominions in Italy. There was one General Council at Constantinople that condemned the use or worship of Images; and soon after another at Nice did establish it: and yet at the same time Charles the Great, though not a little linked in Interest to the Bishops of Rome, holding both the French and Imperial Crowns by the favour of the Popes, wrote, or employed Alcuinus (a most learned Countryman of ours as these times went) to write in his Name against the Worship of Images. And in a Council at Frankfort it was condemned, which was also done afterwards in another Council at Paris. But in such Ages of Ignorance and Superstition any thing that wrought so much on the senses and imaginations of the People was sure to prevail in conclusion. And this had in a Course of seven more Ages been improved by the craft and impostures of the Monks, so wonderfully, that there was no sign of Divine Adoration that could be invented that was not applied to these Images. So in King Henry's time that temper was found that such Images as had been abused to Superstition should be removed; and for other Images external Worship, such as kneeling, censing, and praying before them, was kept up, but the People were to be taught that these were not at all intended to the Image, but to that which was represented by it. And upon this there was much subtle arguing. Among Cranmers' Papers I have seen several Arguments for a moderate use of Images. But to all these they opposed the second Commandment as plainly forbidding all visible Objects of Adoration, together with what was in the Scriptures against the Idolatry of the Heathens, and what the Fathers had written against the Gentiles. And they added, that how excusable soever that practice might have been in such dark and barbarous Ages in which the People knew little more of Divine Matters than what they learned from their Images, yet the horrible abuses that followed on the bringing them into Churches, made it necessary now to throw them all out. It was notorious that the People every where doted on them, and gave them Divine Honour: Nor did the Clergy, who were generally too guilty themselves of such abuses, teach them how to distinguish aright: and the Acts of Worship that were allowed, were such, that beside the scandal such Worship had in it, and the danger of drawing People into Idolatry, it was in itself inexcusable to offer up such external parts of Religious Adoration to Gold or Silver, Wood or Stone. So Cranmer and others, being resolved to purge the Church of this abuse, got the worst part of the Sentence that some had designed against the Curate and Churchwardens, to be mitigated into a Reprimend; and as it is entered in the Council Books, In respect of their submission, and of some other Reasons which did mitigate their offence, (These were Cranmers Arguments against Images) they did pardon their Imprisonment, which was at first determined, and ordered them to provide a Crucifix, or at least some painting of it till one were ready, and to beware of such rashness for the future. But no mention is made of the other Images.  
The carriage of the Council in this matter discovering the inclinations of the greatest part of them, 
Many begin to pull down Images,  and Dr. Ridley having in his Lent-Sermon preached against the Superstition that was generally had to Images and Holy Water, it raised a great heat over England: So that Gardiner hearing that on May-day the People of Portsmouth had removed and broken the Images of Christ and the Saints, writ about it with great warmth to one Captain Vaughan, that waited on the Protector, and was then at Portsmouth. He desired to know whether he should send one to preach against it; though he thought that was the casting Precious Stones to Hogs, or worse than Hogs, as were these Lollards. He said that Luther had set out a Book against those who removed Images, 
At which Gardener is much offended.  and himself had seen them still in the Lutheran Churches: and he thought the removing Images was on design to subvert Religion and the state of the World: he argues for them from the King's Image on the Seal, Caesar's Image on the Coin brought to Christ, the King's Arms carried by the Heralds: he condemns false Images; but for those that were against true Images, he thought they were possessed with the Devil. Vaughan sent his Letter to the Protector, with one from Gardiner to himself, who finding the reasoning in it not so strong but that it might be answered, wrote to him himself, That he allowed of his zeal against Innovations, 
The Protector writ to him about it. The Letters are in Fox's Acts and Monuments.  but that there were other things that needed to be looked to as much. Great difference there was between the Civil respect due to the King's Arms, and the Worship given to Images. There had been a time in which the abuse of the Scriptures was thought a good reason to take them from the People, yea and to burn them: though he looked on them as more sacred than Images; which if they stood merely as Remembrancers, he thought the hurt was not great; but it was known that for the most part it was otherwise: and upon abuse the Brazen Serpent was broken, though made at God's Commandment: and it being pretended that they were the Books of the People, he thought the Bible a much more intelligible and useful Book. There were some too rash, and others too obstinate. The Magistrate was to steer a middle Course between them; not considering the Antiquity of things so much, as what was good and expedient. Gardener writ again to the Protector, complaining of Bale and others, who published Books to the dishonour of the late King; and that all were running after Novelties; and often inculcates it, that things should be kept in the state they were in, till the King were of Age: and in his Letters reflects both on the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Duresme for consenting to such things.  

Gardiner writ to Ridley who had preached against Images.  But finding his Letters had no effect on the Protector, he wrote to Ridley: That by the Law of Moses we were no more bound not to have Images than not to eat Blood-Puddings. Image and Idol might have been used promiscuously in former times, as King and Tyrant were; yet there was a great difference between these, according to the Notions we now have. He citys Pope Gregory who was against both adoring and breaking them: and says the Worship is not given to the Image, so there is no Idolatry but to him represented by it: and as the sound of Speech did by the Ear beget Notions in us, so he did not see but the sight of an Image might stir up devotion. He confessed there had been abuses, as there is in every thing that is in men's Hands: he thinks Imagery, and Graving, to be of as good use for instruction, as Writing or Printing: and because Ridley had also preached against the Superstition of Holy Water to drive away Devils, he added, That a Virtue might be in Water, as well as in Christ's Garment, St. Peter's Shadow, or Elisha's Staff. Pope Marcellus ordered Equitius to use it, and the late King used to bless Cramprings both of Gold and Silver, which were much esteemed every where, and when he was abroad they were often desired from him. This Gift he hoped the young King would not neglect. He believed the Invocation of the Name of God might give such a Virtue to Holy Water as well as to the Water of Baptism. For Ridley's Answer to this, I never saw it; so these things must here pass without any Reply: though it is very probable an ordinary Reader will with a very small measure of common Sense and Learning, see how they might have been answered. The thing most remarkable here is about these Cramprings which King Henry used to bless, of which I never met with any thing before I saw this Letter; but since I understand the Office of Blessing of these Rings is extant, as it was prepared for Queen Maries use, as shall be told in her Reign: It must be left to conjecture whether he did it as a practice of former Kings, or whether upon his being made Supreme Head, he thought fit to take on him, as the Pope did, to consecrate such things, and send them about. Where to be sure Fancy and Flattery would raise many Stories of the wonderful effects of what he had so blessed; and perhaps these might have been as true as the Reports made of the Virtues of Agnus This, touched Beads, blessed Pebbles, with such other goodly Ware which the Friars were wont to carry about and distribute to their Benefactors as things highly sanctified. This I set down more fully, and have laid some things together that fell not out till some months after this, being the first step that was made towards a Reformation in this Reign.  
Upon this occasion it is not unlikely that the Council wrote their Lette●s to all the Justices of Peace of England, 
1547. Feb. 12. The Commission of the Justices of the Peace.  on the 12th of Feb. letting them know, that they had sent down new Commissions to them for keeping the Peace: ordering them to assemble together, and first to call earnestly on God for his Grace to discharge their Duties faithfully according to the Oaths which they were to take: and that they should impartially, without corruption, or sinister affection, execute their Office, so that it might appear that they had God and the good of their King and Country before their Eyes: and that they should divide themselves into the several Hundreds, and see to the public Peace: and that all Vagabonds and disturbers of the Peace should be duly punished; and that once every six weeks they should write to the Lord Protector and Council the state in which the County was, till they were otherwise commanded. That which was sent into the County of Norfolk will be found in the Collection. 
Collection Number 3.   
But now the Funeral of the deceased King, and the Coronation of his Son were to be dispatched. In the Coronation-Ceremonies that had been formerly used, there were some things that did not agree with the present Laws of the Land: as the Promise made to the Abbots for maintaining their Lands and Dignities: They were also so tedious, that a new Form was ordered to be drawn, which the Reader will find in the Collection. The most material thing in it is the first Ceremony, 
Collection Number 4.  whereby, the King being showed to the People at the four Corners of the Stage, the Archbishop was to demand their Consent to it: and yet in such terms as should demonstrate he was no Elective Prince; for he being declared the rightful and undoubted Heir both by the Laws of God and Man, they were desired to give their good Wills and Assents to the same, as by their Duty of Allegiance they were bound to do. This being agreed on the 13th of Feb. on the day following King Henry's Body was with all the pomp of a Royal Funeral removed to Sheen in the way to Windsor. 
1547. Feb. 13. King Henry buried.  There great observation was made on a thing that was no extraordinary matter: He had been extreme corpulent, and dying of a Dropsy, or some thing like it, it was no wonder if a fortnight after, upon so long a motion, some putrid Matter might run through the Coffin. But Sheen having been a House of Religious Women, it was called a signal Mark of the displeasure of Heaven, that some of his Blood and Fat droped through the Lead in the night: and to make this work mightily on weak People, it was said, that the Dogs licked it next morning. This was much magnified in Commendation of Friar Peto, afterwards made Cardinal, who (as was told Page 151. of the former Part) had threatened him in a Sermon at Greenwich, That the Dogs should lick his Blood. Though to consider things more equally, it had been a Wonder indeed if it had been otherwise. But having met with this Observation in a MS. written near that time, I would not envy the World the Pleasure of it. Next day he was brought to Windsor, and interred in St. George's Chapel. And he having by his Will left that Church 600 l. a year for ever for two Priests to say Mass at his Tomb daily, for four Obits yearly, and a Sermon at every Obits, with 10 l. to the Poor, and for a Sermon every Sunday, together with the maintenance of thirteen poor Knights; The Judges were consulted how this should be well settled in Law. Who advised that the Lands which the King had given, should be made over to that College by Indentures Tripartite, the King being one Party, the Protector and the other Executors a second, and the Dean and Chapter of Windsor a third Party. These were to be Signed with the King's Hand, and the Great Seal put to them, with the Hands and Seals of all the rest: and then Patents were to be given for the Lands, founded on the King's Testament, and the Indentures Tripartite.  

Soul-Masses examined.  But the Pomp of this Business ministered an occasion of enquiring into the use and lawfulness of Soul-Masses and Obits, which came to be among the first things that were reform. Christ had instituted the Sacrament to be celebrated in remembrance of his Death, and it was a Sacrament only to those who did participate in it: but that the consecrating the Sacrament could be of any use to departed Souls, seemed a thing not easy to be conceived. For if they are the Prayers of the Living that profit the Dead, than these would have done as well without a Mass. But the People would not have esteemed bare Prayers so much, nor have paid so dear for them. So that the true original of Soul-Masses was thought to have been only to increase the Esteem and Wealth of the Clergy. It is true, in the Primitive Church there was a Commemoration of the Saints departed in the Daily Sacrifice, so they termed the Communion, and such as had given any offence at their death were not remembered in it: So that for so slight an offence, as the leaving a Priest Tutor to ones Children, which might distract them from their Spiritual care, ones Name was to be left out of that Commemoration in Cyprians time; which was a very disproportioned punishment to that offence, if such Commemorations had been thought useful or necessary to the Souls departed. But all this was nothing to the private Masses for them, and was indeed nothing at first but an honourable mention of such as had died in the Faith. And they believing then generally that there was a Glorious Thousand Years to be on Earth, and that the Saints should rise some sooner and some later to have their part in it, they prayed in general for their quiet Rest, and their speedy Resurrection. Yet these Prayers growing, as all superstitious devices do, to be more considered, some began to frame an Hypothesis to justify them by; that of the Thousand Years being generally exploded. And in St. Austin's time they began to fancy there was a state of punishment even for the Good in another Life, out of which some were sooner and some later freed, according to the measure of their Repentance for their Sins in this Life. But he tells us, this was taken up without any sure ground, and that it was no way certain. Yet by Visions, Dreams, and Tales, the belief of it was so far promoted, that it came to be generally received in the next Age after him: and then as the People were told that the Saints interceded for them, so it was added that they might intercede for their departed Friends. And this was the Foundation of all that Trade of Souls-Masses and Obits. Now the deceased King had acted like one who did not believe that these things signified much; otherwise he was to have but ill reception in Purgatory, having by the subversion of the Monasteries deprived the departed Souls of the benefit of the many Masses that were said for them in these Houses: yet it seems at his death he would make the matter sure, and to show he intended as much benefit to the Living, as to himself being dead, he took care that there should be not only Masses and Obits, but so many Sermons at Windsor, and a frequent distribution of Alms for the relief of the Poor. But upon this occasion it came to be examined what value there was in such things. Yet the Archbishop plainly saw that the Lord Chancellor would give great opposition to every motion that should be made for any further alteration; for which he and all that Party had this specious pretence always in their Mouths; That their late Glorious King was not only the most learned Prince, but the most learned Divine in the World, (for the flattering him did not end with his Life) and that therefore they were at least, to keep all things in the condition wherein he had left them, till the King were of Age. And this seemed also necessary on Considerations of State; For Changes in matter of Religion might bring on Commotions and Disorders, which they as faithful Executors ought to avoid. But to this it was answered, That as their late King was infinitely learned, (for both Parties flattered him dead, as well as living) so he had resolved to make great Alterations, and was contriving how to change the Mass into a Communion: that therefore they were not to put off a thing of such consequence, wherein the Salvation of People's Souls was so much concerned, but were immediately to set about it. But the Lord Chancellor gave quickly great advantage against himself to his Enemies, who were resolved to make use of any Error he might be guilty of, so far as to ease themselves of the trouble he was like to give them.  
The King's Funeral being over, 
The Creation of Peers.  order was given for the Creation of Peers. The Protector was to be Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Essex to be Marquis of Northampton, the Viscount Lisle to be Earl of Warwick, the Lord Wriothesley Earl of Southampton; beside the new Creation of the Lords Seimour, Rich, Willoughby of Parham, and Sheffield: the rest it seems excusing themselves from new Honours, as it appeared from the Deposition of Paget, that many of those on whom the late King had intended to confer Titles of Honour had declined it formerly. 
1547. Feb. 20. Coronation.  On the 20th of Feb. being Shrove-Sunday the King was Crowned by the Archbishop of Canterbury, according to the form that was agreed to. The Protector serving in it as Lord Steward, the Marquess of Dorset as Lord Constable, and the Earl of Arundel as Earl Marshal, deputed by the Protector. A Pardon was proclaimed, out of which the Duke of Norfolk, Cardinal Pole, and some others were excepted.  
The first Business of importance after the Coronation, 
The Lord Chancellor is removed from his Office.  was the Lord Chancellor's fall. Who, resolving to give himself wholly to Matters of State, had on the 18th of Feb. put the Great Seal to a Commission, directed to Sir Richard Southwell Master of the Rolls, John Tregonnel Esq; Master of Chancery, and to John Oliver, and Anthony Bellasis, Clerks, Masters of Chancery; setting forth, that the Lord Chancellor being so employed in the Affairs of State, that he could not attend on the hearing of Causes in the Court of Chancery, these three Masters, or any two of them, were empowered to execute the Lord Chancellor's Office in that Court, in as ample manner as if he himself were present: only their Decrees were to be brought to the Lord Chancellor to be Signed by him, before they were Enrolled, This being done without any Warrant from the Lord Protector, and the other Executors, it was judged a high presumption in the Lord Chancellor thus to devolve on others that Power which the Law had trusted in his Hands. The Persons named by him increased the offence which this gave, two of them being Canonists, so that the common Lawyers looked upon this as a Precedent of very high and ill consequence. And being encouraged by those who had no good will to the Chancellor, they petitioned the Council in this Matter, and complained of the evil consequences of such a Commission, and set forth the fears that all the Students of the Law were under, of a Change that was intended to be made of the Laws of England. The Council remembered well they had given no Warrant at all to the Lord Chancellor for the issuing out any such Commission; so they sent it to the Judges, and required them to examine the Commission with the Petition grounded upon it: Who delivered their Opinions on the last of Feb. That the Lord Chancellor ought not without Warrant from the Council to have set the Seal to it; 
Feb. 28.  and that by his so doing he had by the Common Law forfeited his Place to the King, and was liable to Fine and Imprisonment at the King's pleasure. 
March 6.  This lay sleeping till the sixth of March, and then the Judges Answer being brought to the Council, Signed with all their Hands, they entered into a debate how far it ought to be punished. The Lord Chancellor carried it very high; and as he had used many Menaces to those who had petitioned against him, and to the Judges for giving their Opinions as they did, so he carried himself insolently to the Protector, and told him he held his Place by a better Authority than he held his: That the late King being empowered to it by Act of Parliament, had made him not only Chancellor, but one of the Governors of the Realm during his Son's Minority; and had by his Will given none of them Power over the rest to throw them out at pleasure: and that therefore they might declare the Commission void if they pleased, to which he should consent, but they could not for such an error turn him out of his Office, nor out of his share of the Government. To this it was answered, That by the late Kings Will they, or the major part of them, were to Administer till the King was of Age; That this subjected every one of them in particular to the rest; That otherwise if any of them broke out into Rebellion, he might pretend he could not be attainted nor put from the Government: Therefore it was agreed on, That every of them in particular was subject to the greater part. Then the Lord Chancellor was required to show what Warrant he had for that he had done: Being now driven from that which he chief relied on, he answered for himself, That he had no Warrant; yet he thought by his Office he had Power to do it; that he had no ill intention in it, and therefore submitted himself to the King's mercy, and to the gracious consideration of the Protector and the Council; and desired that in respect of his past Services he might forego his Office with as little slander as might be; and that as to his Fine and Imprisonment they would use moderation. So he was made to withdraw. The Councillors (as it is entered in the Council-Book) considering in their Consciences his abuses sundry ways in his Office, to the great prejudice and utter decay of the C●mmon Laws, and the prejudice that might follow by the Seals continuing in the Hands of so stout and arrogant a Person, who would as he pleased put the Seals to such Commissions without Warrant, did agree, That the Seal should be taken from him, and he be deprived of his Office, and be further fined as should be afterwards thought fitting; only they excused him from Imprisonment. So he being called in, and heard say all he could think of for his own justification, they did not judge it of such importance as might move them to change their mind. Sentence was therefore given, That he should stay in the Council-Chamber and Closet till the Sermon was ended, that then he should go home with the Seal to Ely House where he lived: but that after Supper, the Lord Seimour, Sir Anthony Brown, and Sir Edw. North, should be sent to him, and that he should deliver the Seal into their Hands; and be from that time deprived of his Office, and confined to his House during pleasure, and pay what Fine should be laid on him. To all which he submitted, and acknowledged the justice of their Sentence. So the next day the Seal was put into the Lord St. John's Hands, till they should agree on a fit Man to be Lord Chancellor; and it continued with him several months. On the day following, the late Kings Will being in his Hands for the granting of Exemplifications of it under the Great Seal, it was sent for, and ordered to be laid up in the Treasury of the Exchequer: and the Earl of Southampton continued in his Confinement till the 29th of June, but then he entered into a Recognisance of 4000 l. to pay what Fine they should impose on him, and upon that he was discharged of his Imprisonment. But in all this Sentence, they made no mention of his forfeiting his being one of the late King's Executors, and of the present Kings Governors; either judging that, being put in these Trusts as he was Lord Chancellor, the discharging him of his Office did by consequence put an end to them; or perhaps they were not willing to do any thing that might seem to change the late Kings Will; and therefore by keeping him under the fear of a severe Fine, they chose rather to oblige him to be absent, and to carry himself quietly, than by any Sentence to exclude him from his share in that Trust. Which I incline the rather to believe, because I find him afterwards brought to Council without any Order entered about it: So that he seems to have come thither rather on a former Right than on a new choice made of him. Thus fell the Lord Chancellor, and in him the Popish Party lost their chief support, and the Protector his most emulous Rival. The Reader will find the Commission with the Opinion of the Judges about it in the Collection, 
Collection Number 5.  from which he will be better able to judge of these Proceed against him. Which were summary, and severe, beyond the usage of the Privy Council, and without the common forms of legal Processes. But the Councils Authority had been raised so high, by the Act mentioned Page 263. of the former Part, that they were empowerd sufficiently for Matters of that nature.  
That which followed a few days after made this be the more censured, 
The Protector holds his Office by Patent.  since the Lord Protector, who hitherto held his Office but by the choice of the rest, and under great restrictions, was now resolved to hold it by Patent, to which the late Chancellor had been unwilling to consent. The pretence for it was, That the Foreign Ministers, the French Ambassador in particular, desired to be satisfied concerning his Power, and how far they might treat with him, and depend on the assurances and promises he gave. So the Protector and Council did on the 13th of March 
March 13.  petition the King that they might act by a Commission under the Great Seal, which might empower and justify them in what they were to do. And that was to be done in this manner. The King and the Lords were to Sign the Warrant for it, upon which the Lord St. John (who, though he had the keeping of the Great Seal, was never designed to be Lord Keeper, nor was empowered to hear Causes) should set the Seal to it. The Original Warrant was to be kept by the Protector, and Exemplifications of it were to be given to Foreign Ministers. To this Order Sir Thom. Cheyney set his Hand, upon what Authority I do not so clearly see, since he was none of the Executors. By this Commission, (which will be found in the Collection) it is set forth, 
Collection Number 6.  That the King being under Age, was desired by divers of the Nobles and Prelates of the Realm to name and authorise one above all others, to have the Charge of the Kingdom, with the Government of his Person; whereupon he had formerly by word of mouth named his Uncle to be Protector and Governor of his Person; yet for a more perfect Declaration of that, he did now ratify and approve all he had done since that Nomination, and constituted him his Governor and the Protector of his Kingdom till he should attain the full Age of 18 years: giving him the full Authority that belonged to that Office, to do every thing as he by his Wisdom should think for the Honour, Good, and Prosperity of the King and Kingdoms: and that he might be furnished with a Council for his aid and assistance, he did by the advice of his Uncle and others, Nobles, Prelates, and wise Men, accept of these Persons for his Councillors, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord St. John Precedent, the Lord Russel Lord Privy-Seal, the Marquis of Northampton, the Earls of Warwick, and Arundel, the Lord Seimour, the Bishop of Duresme, the Lord Rich, Sir Thomas Cheyney, Sir Joh. Gage, Sir Anth. Brown, Sir Anthony Wingfield, Sir William Paget, Sir William Petre, Sir Ralph Sadler, Sir John Baker, Doctor Wotton, Sir Anth. Denny, Sir William Herbert, Sir Edw. North, Sir Ed. Montague, Sir Ed. Wotton, Sir Edm. Peckham, Sir Tho. Bromley, and Sir Richard Southwell: giving the Protector Power to swear such other Commissioners as he should think fit: and that he, with so many of the Council as he should think meet, might annul and change what they thought fitting: restraining the Council to act only by his Advice and Consent. And thus was the Protector fully settled in his Power, and no more under the curb of the Co-executors, who were now mixed with the other Councillors, that by the late King's Will were only to be consulted with as they saw cause. But as he depressed them to an equality with the rest of the Councillors, so he highly obliged the others who had been formerly under them, by bringing these equally with them into a share of the Government. He had also obtained to himself an high Authority over them; since they could do nothing without his consent, but he was only bound to call for so many of them as he thought meet, and was not limited to act as they advised, but clothed with the full Regal Power: and had it in his Hands to oblige whom he would, and to make his Party greater by calling into the Council such as he should nominate. How far this was legal I shall not inquire. It was certainly contrary to King Henry's Will. And that being made upon an Act of Parliament, which empowred him to limit the Crown and the Government of it at his pleasure, this Commission, that did change the whole Government during the King's Minority, seems capable of no other defence, but that it being made by the consent of the major part of the Executors, it was still warrantable even by the Will, which devolved the Government on them, or the major part of them.  
All this I have opened the more largely, both because none of our Historians have taken any notice of the first Constitution of the Government during this Reign, and being ignorant of the true account of it, they have committed great errors: and because having obtained, by the favour of that most industrions Collector of the Transactions of this Age Mr. Rushworth, the Original Council-Book, for the two first years of this Reign, I had a certain Authority to follow in it: the exactness of that Book being beyond any thing I ever met with in all our Records. For every Council-day the Privy-Councellors that were present set their Hands to all that was ordered; judging so great caution necessary when the King was under Age. And therefore I thought this a Book of too great consequence to lie in private Hands: so the owner having made a Present of it to me, I delivered it to that Noble and Virtuous Gentleman Sir John Nicolas, one of the Clerks of the Council, to be kept with the rest of their Books.  
And having now given the Reader a clear Prospect of the state of the Court, I shall next turn to the Affairs that were under their consideration. 
The state of Affairs in Germany.  That which was first brought before them was concerning the state of Germany. Francis Burgartus Chancellor to the Duke of Saxe, with others from the other Princes and Cities of the Empire, were sent over upon the news of the former King's death to solicit for Aids from the new King toward the carrying on the War with the Emperor. In order to the clearing of this, and to give a just account of our Councils in reference to Foreign Affairs, especially the cause being about Religion, I shall give a short view of the state of Germany at this time. The Emperor, having form a design of an Universal Monarchy, laid hold on the differences of Religion in Germany, as a good mean to cover what he did, with the specious pretence of punishing Heresy, and protecting the Catholics. But before he had form this design, 
1531. Jan. 11. Ferdinand Crowned King of the Romans.  he procured his Brother to be chosen King of the Romans, and so declared his Successor in the Empire; which he was forced to do, being obliged to be much in Spain and his other hereditary Dominions; and being then so young as not to enter into such deep Counsels as he afterwards laid. But his Wars in Italy put him oft in ill terms with the Pope; and being likewise watched over in all his Motions by Francis the I. and Henry VIII. and the Turk often breaking into Hungary and Germany, he was forced to great compliances with the Princes of the Empire: Who being animated by the two great Crowns, did enter into a League for their mutual defence against all Aggressors. And at last in the Year 1544. 
1544. Feb. 20. Diet began at Spire.  in the Diet held at Spire, the Emperor, being engaged in War with France, and the Turk, both to secure Germany, and to obtain Money of the Princes, was willing to agree to the Edict made there; which was, That till there was a free Council in Germany, or such an Assembly in which Matters of Religion might be settled, there should be a general Peace, and none was to be troubled for Religion; the free exercise of both Religions being allowed; and all things were to continue in the state they were then in. And the Imperial Chamber at Spire was to be reform: for the Judges of that Court being all Papists, there were many Processes depending at the Suit of the ecclesiastics against the Protestant Princes who had driven them out of their Lands: and the Princes expecting no fair dealing from them, all these Processes were now suspended, and the Chamber was to be filled up with new Judges, that should be more favourable to them. They obtaining this Decree, contributed very liberally to the Wars the Emperor seemed to be engaged in. 
1544. Sept. 24. Emperor has Peace with France.  Who having his Treasure thus filled, presently made Peace both with France and the Grand Signior, and resolved to turn his Wars upon the Empire, and to make use of that Treasure and Force they had contributed, 
1545. Oct. Peace with Turk.  to invade their Liberties, and to subdue them entirely to himself. Upon this he entered into a Treaty with the Pope, that a Council should be opened in Trent; upon which he should require the Princes to submit to it, which if they refused to do, he should make War on them. The Pope was to assist him with 10000 Men, besides levy Taxes hard on his Clergy; to which he willingly consented. But the Emperor knowing, That if Religion were declared to be the ground of the War, all the Protestants would unite against him, who were the much greater number of the Empire; resolved to divide them among themselves, and to pretend somewhat else than Religion as the cause of the War. There were then four of the Electors of that Religion; the Count Palatine, the Duke of Saxe, the Marquis of Brandenburg, and the Archbishop of Colen; besides the Landgrave of Hesse, the Duke of Wittenberg, and many lesser Princes: and almost all the Cities of the Empire. Bohem and the other hereditary Dominions of the House of Austria were also generally of the same Religion. The Northern Kings and the Swiss Cantons were firmly united to them: The two Crowns of England and France were likewise concerned in Interest to support them against the Austrian Family. But the Emperor got France and England engaged in a War between themselves. So that he was now at leisure to accomplish his designs on the Empire; where some of the Princes being extreme old, as the Count Palatine, and Herman Archbishop of Colen, others being of soft and unactive tempers, as the Marquis of Brandenburg, and others discontented and ambitious, as Maurice of Saxony, and the Brothers of Brandenburg, he had indeed none of the first Rank to deal with, but the Duke of Saxe and the Landgrave of Hesse. Who were both great Captains, but of such different tempers, that where they were in equal Command, there was no great probability of success. The former was a Prince of the best composition of any in that Age, he was sincerely religious, and one of the most equally tempered Men that was then alive, neither lifted up with success, nor cast down with misfortunes: He had a great capacity, but was slow in his resolutions. The Landgrave on the other hand had much more heat, was a quicker Man, and of an impatient temper, on which the accidents of Life made deep impressions.  
When the Emperor began to engage in this design, the Pope, being jealous of his greatness, and desirous to entangle him in a long and expenceful War, published the secret ends of the League; and opened the Council in Trent in Novem. 1545. where a few Bishops and Abbots, with his Legates presiding over them, usurped the most Glorious Title of The most Holy Ecumenical Council representing the Catholic Church. They entered by such slow steps, as were directed from Rome, into the discussion of Articles of Doctrine; which were, as they were pleased to call it, explained to them by some Divines, for most part Friars, who amused the more ignorant Bishops with the nice speculations with which they had been exercised in the Schools; where hard and barbarous words served in good stead to conceal some things not so fit to be proposed bare-faced, and in plain terms. The Emperor having done enough towards his design, that a Council was opened in Germany, endeavoured to keep them from determining Points of Doctrine, and pressed them to examine some abuses in the Government of the Church, which had, at least given occasion to that great alienation of so many from the See of Rome and the Clergy. There were also divers wise and learned Prelates, chief of Spain, who came thither, full of hopes of getting these abuses redressed. Some of them had observed, That in all times, Heresies and Schisms did owe their chief growth to the scandals, the ignorance, and negligence of the Clergy, which made the Laity conceive an ill opinion of them, and so disposed them both in inclination and interest to cherish such as opposed them; and therefore they designed to have many great corruptions cast out: and observing that Bishop's Nonresidence was a chief occasion of all those evils, they endeavoured to have Residence declared to be of Divine Right: intending thereby to lessen the Power of the Papacy, which was grown to that height, that they were slaves to that See, taxed by it at pleasure, and the care of their Dioceses' extorted out of their hands by the several ranks of exempted Priests; and also to raise the Episcopal Authority to what it was anciently, and to cut off all these encroachments which the See of Rome had made on them at first by craft, and which they still maintained by their Power: But the Court of Rome was to lose much by all Reformations, and some Cardinals openly declared, That every Reformation gave the Heretics great advantages, and was a Confession that the Church had erred, and that these very things so much complained of were the chief Nerves of the Popedom, which being cut, the greatness of their Court must needs fall: and therefore they did oppose all these motions, and were still for proceeding in establishing the Doctrine. And though the opposing a Decree to oblige all to Residence was so grossly scandalous that they were ashamed of it, yet they intended to secure the greatness of the Court by a Salvo for the Pope's Privilege and Dignity in granting Dispensations. These Proceed at Trent discovered what was to be expected from that Council, and alarmed all the Protestants to think what they were to look for, if the Emperor should force them to submit to the Decrees of such an Assembly, where those whom they called Heretics could expect little, since the Emperor himself could not prevail so far as to obtain or hinder delays, or to give preference for Matters of Discipline to Points of Doctrine. So the Protestants met at Frankfort, 
1546. January, Princes meet at Frankfort.  and entered into Councils for their common safety, in case any of them should be disturbed about Religion; chief for preserving the Elector of Colen whom the Pope had cited to Rome for Heresy. They wrote to the Emperor's Ministers, That they heard from all Hands that the Emperor was raising great Forces, and designing a War against them; who thought themselves secured by the Edict of Spire, and desired nothing but the confirmation of that, and the regulation of the Imperial Chamber, as was then agreed on. A Meeting being proposed between the Emperor and the Landgrave, the Landgrave went to him to Spire, where the Emperor denied he had any design of a War, with which the other charged him: only he said he had with great difficulty obtained a Council in Germany, and therefore he hoped they would submit to it. But after some expostulations on both hands, the Landgrave left him; and now the thing was generally understood, though the Emperor did still deny it, and said he would make no War about Religion, but only against the disturbers of the Peace of the Empire. By this means he got the Elector Palatine to give little or no aid to the other Princes. The Marquis of Brandenburg was become jealous of the greatness of Saxe, and so was at first Neuter, but afterwards openly declared for the Emperor. But Maurice the Duke of Saxe's near Kinsman, who by that Duke's means was settled in a fair Principality, which his Uncle George had left him only on condition that he turned Papist, notwithstanding which he got him to be possessed of it; was made use of by the Emperor as the best Instrument to work his ends. To him therefore he promised the Electoral Dignity with the Dominions belonging to the Duke of Saxe, if he would assist him in the War against his Kinsman the present Elector; and gave him assurance under his Hand and Seal, That he would make no change in Religion, but leave the Princes of the Ausburg Confession the free exercise of their Religion. And thus the Emperor singled out the Duke of Saxe and the Landgrave from the rest, reckoning wisely, that if he once mastered them, he should more easily overcome all the rest. He pretended some other quarrels against them, as that of the Duke of Brunswick, who having begun a War with his Neighbours was taken Prisoner, and his Dominions possessed by the Landgrave. That with some old Quarrels was pretended the ground of the War. Upon which the Princes published a Writing to show that it was Religion only, and a secret design to subdue Germany, that was the true cause of the War; and those alleged were sought Pretences to excuse so infamous a breach of Faith, and of the public Decrees: that the Pope who designed the destruction of all of that Confession, had set on the Emperor to this; who easily laid hold on it, that he might master the liberty of Germany. Therefore they warned all the Princes of their danger. The Emperor's Forces being to be drawn together out of several Places in Italy, Flanders, Burgundy, and Boheme, they whose Forces lay nearer had a great advantage if they had known how to use it: 
1546. June, The Elector and Landgrave arm.  For in June they brought into the Field 70000 Foot and 15000 Horse, and might have driven the Emperor out of Germany, had they proceeded vigorously at first. But the divided Command was fatal to them, for when one was for Action, the other was against it. So they lost their opportunity, and gave the Emperor time to gather all his Forces about him, which were far inferior to theirs in strength: but the Emperor gained by time, whereas they who had no great Treasure lost much. All the Summer and a great deal of the Winter was spent without any considerable Action, though the two Armies were oft in view one of another. 
1546. Jul. 20. Duke of Saxe and Landgrave proscribed.  But in the beginning of the Winter, the Emperor having proscribed the Duke of Saxe, and promised to bestow the Principality on Maurice, he fell into Saxony, and carried a great many of the Cities which were not prepared for any such impression. 
Nou. 23. The Elector returns into Saxony.  This made the Duke separate his Army, and return to the defence of his own Country; which he quickly recovered; and drove Maurice almost out of all his own Principality. The States of Boheme also declared for the Elector of Saxony.  
This was the state of Affairs there. The Princes thought they had a good Prospect for the next Year, having mediated a Peace between the Crowns of England and France, 
1546. Jan. 7. Peace concluded between England and France.  whose Forces falling into Flanders must needs have bred a great distraction in the Emperor's Councils. But King Henry's death gave them great apprehensions, and not without cause. For when they sent hither for an Aid in Money to carry on the War, the Protector and Council saw great dangers on both hands: if they left the Germans to perish, the Emperor would be then so lifted up, that they might expect to have an uneasy Neighbour of him: on the other hand it was a thing of great consequence to engage an Infant King in such a War. Therefore their Succours from hence were like to be weak and very slow. Howsoever the Council ordered Paget to assure them that within three or four Months they should send 50000 Crowns to their assistance: which was to be covered thus; The Merchants of the Still-yard were to borrow so much of the King, and to engage to bring home Stores to that value; they having the Money, should send it to Hamburg, and so to the Duke of Saxe. But the Princes received a second Blow in the loss of Francis the first of France. Who having lived long in a familiarity and friendship with King Henry, not ordinary for Crowned Heads, was so much affected with the news of his death, that he was never seen cheerful after it. He made Royal Funeral Rites to be performed to his memory in the Church of Notre dame: to which the Clergy (who one would have thought should have been glad to have seen his Funerals Celebrated in any fashion) were very averse. But that King had emancipated himself to a good degree from a servile subjection to them, and would be obeyed. He outlived the other not long, 
1557. Mar. 31. Francis I. died.  for he died the last of March. He was the chief Patron of Learned Men and advancer of Learning that had been for many Ages. He was generally unsuccessful in his Wars, and yet a great Commander. At his death he left his Son an Advice to beware of the Brethren of Lorain, and to depend much on the Councillors whom he had employed. But his Son, upon his coming to the Crown, did so deliver himself up to the charms of his Mistress Diana, that all things were ordered as Men made their Court to her; which the Ministers that had served the former King scorning to do, and the Brothers of the House of Lorain doing very submissively, the one were discharged of their employments, and the other governed all the Councils. Francis had been oft fluctuating in the business of Religion. Sometimes he had resolved to shake off the Pope's Obedience, and set up a Patriarch in France; and had agreed with Henry the 8th to go on in the same Councils with him. But he was first diverted by his Alliance with Clement the 7th; and afterwards by the Ascendant which the Cardinal of Tournon had over him, who engaged him at several times into severities against those that received the Reformation. Yet he had such a close Eye upon the Emperor's motions, that he kept a constant good understanding with the Protestant Princes, and had no doubt assisted them if he had lived. But upon his death new Councils were taken; the Brothers of Lorain were furiously addicted to the Interests of the Papacy, one of them being a Cardinal, who persuaded the King rather to begin his Reign with the recovery of Bulloine out of the hands of the English. So that the state of Germany was almost desperate before he was ware of it. And indeed the Germans lost so much in the death of these two Kings, upon whose assistance they had depended, that it was no wonder they were easily overrun by the Emperor. Some of their Allies, the Cities of ulm and Frankfort, and the Duke of Wittenberg, submitting themselves to the Emperor's mercy, the rest were much disheartened: which is a constant forerunner of the ruin of a Confederacy. Such was the state of Religion abroad.  

The design laid for a further Reformation at home.  At home men's minds were much distracted. The People, especially in Market Towns and Places of Trade, began generally to see into many of the corruptions of the Doctrine and Worship, and were weary of them; Some preached against some abuses: Glazier at Paul's Cross taught, that the observance of Lent was only a Positive Law; others went further, and plainly condemned most of the former abuses; But the Clergy were as much engaged to defend them. They were for the most part such as had been bred in Monasteries and Religious Houses. For there being Pensions reserved for the Monks, when their Houses were surrendered and dissolved, till they should be otherwise provided; The Court of Augmentations took care to ease the King of that Charge, by recommending them to such small Benefices as were at the King's disposal; and such as purchased those Lands of the Crown, with that Charge of paying the Pensions to the Monks, were also careful to ease themselves by procuring Benefices for them. The Benefices were generally very small, so that in many Places three or four Benefices could hardly afford enough for the maintenance of one Man. And this gave some colour for that abuse of one Man's having many Benefices that have a care of Souls annexed to them; and that not only where they are so contiguous, that the duty can be discharged by one, and so poor that the maintenance of both will scarce serve for the encouragement of one Person, but even where they are very remote, and of considerable value. This Corruption that crept in, in the dark Ages of the Church, was now practised in England out of necessity. By an Act made in King Henry the 8th's time none might hold two Benefices without a Dispensation, but no Dispensation could enable one to hold three: yet that was not at this time much considered. The excuses made for this were, That in some Places they could not find good Men for the Benefices, but in most Places the Live were brought to nothing. For while the Abbeys stood, the Abbots allowed those whom they appointed to serve the Cure in the Churches that belonged to them, (which were in value above the half of England) a small Stipend, or some little part of the Vicarage Tithes; and they were to raise their subsistence out of the Fees they had by the Sacraments, and other Sacramentals; and chief by the singing Masses for the Poor that died; for the Abbeys had the profit of it from the Rich. And Masses went generally for 2 d. a Groat was thought a great Bounty. So they all concluded themselves undone if these things were withdrawn. This engaged them against any Reformation, since every step that was made in it took their Bread out of their Mouths. But they being generally very ignorant could oppose nothing with the force of Reason or Learning. So although they were resolved to comply with any thing, rather than forfeit their Benefices; yet in their hearts they abhorred all Reformation, and murmured against it where they thought they might do it safely; some preached as much for the old abuses, as others did against them. Dr. Peru at St. Andrews Vndershaft justified the Worship of Images on the 23d of April: yet on the 19th of June he preached a Recantation of that Sermon. Besides these, there were great Prelates, as Gardiner, Bonner, and Tonstall, whose long experience in Affairs, they being oft employed in Foreign Ambassies, together with their high preferment, gave them great Authority; and they were against all Alterations in Religion. But that was not so decent to profess, therefore they set up on this pretence, That till the King, their Supreme Head, were of Age, so as to consider things himself, all should continue in the state in which King Henry had left them: and these depended on the Lady Mary the King's eldest Sister as their Head, who now professed herself to be in all Points for what her Father had done: and was very earnest to have every thing Enacted by him, but chief the six Articles, to continue in force.  
On the other hand Crunmer, being now delivered from that too awful subjection that he had been held under by King Henry, resolved to go on more vigorously in purging out abuses. He had the Protector firmly united to him in this design. Dr. Cox and Mr. Cheek, who were about the young King, were also very careful to infuse right Principles of Religion into him; and as he was very capable of understanding what was laid before him, so he had an early liking to all good and generous Principles; and was of so excellent a temper of mind, that as he naturally loved Truth, so the great probity of his Manners made him very inclinable to love and cherish true Religion. Cranmer had also several Bishops of his side; Holgate of York, Holbeach of Lincoln, Goodrick of Ely, and above all Ridley Elect of Rochester, designed for that See by King Henry, but not Consecrated till September this Year. Old Latimer was now discharged of his Imprisonment, but had no mind to return to a more public Station, and did choose rather to live private, and employ himself in Preaching. He was kept by Cranmer at Lambeth, where he spent the rest of his days, till he was imprisoned in Queen Mary's time, and attained the glorious end of his innocent and pious Life. But the apprehensions of his being restored again to his old Bishopric, put Heath, than Bishop of Worcester, into great anxieties; sometimes he thought if he consented to the Reformation, than Latimer, who left his Bishopric on the account of the six Articles, must be restored, and this made him join with the Popish Party: at other times, 
Journal of the House of Commons.  when he saw the House of Commons moved to have Latimer put in again, than he joined in the Councils for the Reformation, to secure Friends to himself by that compliance. Others of the Bishops were ignorant and weak Men, who understood Religion little, and valued it less; and so, although they liked the old Superstition best, because it encouraged Ignorance most, and that was the only sure Support of their Power and Wealth, yet they resolved to swim with the Stream. It was designed by Cranmer and his Friends to carry on the Reformation but by slow and safe degrees, not hazarding too much at once. They trusted in the Providence of God, that he would assist them in so good a Work. They knew the corruptions they were to throw out to be such that they should easily satisfy the People with what they did, and they had many Learned Men among them who had now for divers years been examining these matters. There were also many that declared they had heard the late King express his great regret for leaving the state of Religion in so unsettled a condition; and that he had resolved to have changed the Mass into a Communion, besides many other things. And in the Act of Parliament which he had procured, (see Pag. 263. first Part) for giving force and Authority to his Proclamations, a Proviso was added; That his Sons Councillors while he should be under Age might set out Proclamations of the same Authority with these which were made by the King himself. This gave them a full Power to proceed in that Work; in which they resolved to follow the method begun by the late King of sending Visitors over England with Injunctions and Articles. 
A Visitation is made over England.  They ordered them six several Circuits or Precincts. The first was London, Westminster, Norwich, and Ely. The second Rochester, Canterbury, Chichester, and Winchester. The third Sarum, Exeter, Bath, Bristol, and Gloucester. The fourth York, Durham, Carlisle, and Chester. The fifth Peterborough, Lincoln, Oxford, Coventry, and Litchfield. And the sixth Wales, Worcester, and Hereford. For every Circuit there were two Gentlemen, a Civilian, a Divine, and a Register. They were designed to be sent out in the beginning of May, as appears by a Letter to be found in the Collection, 
Collection Number 7.  written the fourth of May to the Archbishop of York. (There is also in the Registers of London another of the same strain.) Yet the Visitation being put off for some Months, this Inhibition was suspended on the 16th of May, till it should be again renewed. The Letter sets forth, That the King being speedily to order a Visitation over his whole Kingdom, therefore neither the Archbishop nor any other should exercise any jurisdiction while that Visitation lasted. And since the minds of the People were held in great suspense by the Controversies they heard so variously tossed in the Pulpits, that for quieting these the King did require all Bishops to preach no where but in their Cathedrals, and that all other Clergymen should not preach but in their Collegiate or Parochial Churches, unless they obtained a special Licence from the King to that effect. The design of this was to make a distinction between such as preached for the Reformation of abuses, and such as did it not. The one were to be encouraged by Licences to preach wherever they desired to do it, but the others were restrained to the Places where they were Incumbents. But that which of all other things did most damp those who designed the Reformation, was the misery to which they saw the Clergy reduced, and the great want of able Men to propagate it over England. For the Rents of the Church were either so swallowed up by the suppression of Religious Houses, to whom the Tithes were generally appropriated, or so basely alienated by some lewd or superstitious Incumbents, who, to preserve themselves, being otherwise obnoxious, or to purchase Friends, had given away the best part of their Revenues and Benefices; that there was very little encouragement left for those that should labour in the Work of the Gospel. And though many Projects were thought on for remedying this great abuse, yet those were all so powerfully opposed, that there was no hope left of getting it remedied, till the King should come to be of Age, and be able by his Authority to procure the Churchmen a more proportioned maintenance.  
Two things only remained to be done at present. The one was to draw up some Homilies for the instruction of the People, which might supply the defects of their Incumbents, 
Some Homilies compiled.  together with the providing them with such Books as might lead them into the understanding of the Scripture. The other was to select the most eminent Preachers they could find and send them over England with the Visitors, who should with more Authority instruct the Nation in the Principles of Religion. Therefore some were appointed to compile those Homilies; and Twelve were at first agreed on, being about those Arguments which were in themselves of the greatest importance. The 1st was about the use of the Scriptures. The 2d of the misery of Mankind by sin. 3d. Of their Salvation by Christ. 4th. Of True and Lively Faith. 5th. Of Good Works. 6th. Of Christian Love and Charity. 7th. Against Swearing, and chief Perjury. 8th. Against Apostasy, or declining from God. 9th. Against the fear of Death. 10th. An Exhortation to Obedience. 11th. Against Whoredom and Adultery, setting forth the state of Marriage how necessary and honourable it was. And the 12th against Contention, chief about Matters of Religion. They intended to set out more afterwards, but these were all that were at this time finished. The chief design in them was to acquaint the People with the method of Salvation according to the Gospel; in which there were two dangerous Extremes at that time that had divided the World. The greatest part of the ignorant Commons seemed to consider their Priests as a sort of People who had such a secret trick of saving their Souls, as Mountebanks pretend in the curing of Diseases; and that there was nothing to be done but to leave themselves in their hands, and the business could not miscarry. This was the chief Basis and support of all that superstition which was so prevalent over the Nation. The other Extreme was of some corrupt Gospelers, who thought if they magnified Christ much, and depended on his Merits and Intercession, they could not perish, which way soever they led their Lives. In these Homilies therefore special care was taken to rectify these errors. And the Salvation of Mankind was on the one hand wholly ascribed to the Death and Sufferings of Christ, to which Sinners were taught to fly, and to trust to it only, and to no other devices for the pardon of sin. They were at the same time taught that there was no Salvation through Christ, but to such as truly repent, and lived according to the Rules of the Gospel. The whole matter was so ordered to teach them, that avoiding the hurtful errors on both hands, they might all know the true and certain way of attaining Eternal Happiness. For the understanding the New Testament Erasmus' Paraphrase, which was translated into English, was thought the most profitable and easiest Book. Therefore it was resolved, that together with the Bible there should be one of these in every Parish-Church over England. They next considered the Articles and Injunctions that should be given to the Visitors. The greatest part of them were only the renewing what had been ordered by King Henry during Cromwel's being Vicegerent, which had been much neglected since his fall. For as there was no Vicegerent, so there was few Visitations appointed after his death by the King's Authority; but the executing former Injunctions was left to the several Bishops, who were for the most part more careful about the six Articles, than about the Injunctions.  
So now all the Orders about renouncing the Pope's Power, and asserting the King's Supremacy, about Preaching, teaching the Elements of Religion in the Vulgar Tongue, 
Articles and Injunctions for the Visitation.  about the Benefices of the Clergy, and the Taxes on them for the Poor, for Scholars, and their Mansion-Houses, with the other Injunctions for the strictness of Churchmen's Lives, and against Superstitions, Pilgrimages, Images, or other Rites of that kind, and for Register-Books, were renewed. And to these, many others were added: as, That Curates should take down such Images as they knew were abused by Pilgrimages or Offerings to them; but that private Persons should not do it. That in the Confessions in Lent they should examine all People whether they could recite the Elements of Religion in the English Tongue. That at High-Mass they should read the Epistle and Gospel in English, and every Sunday and Holiday they should read at Matins one Chapter out of the New Testament, and at Evensong another out of the Old in English. That the Curates should often visit the Sick, and have many places of the Scripture in English in readiness wherewith to comfort them. That there shoul● be no more Processions about Churches, for avoiding contention for precedence in them. And that the Litany formerly said in the Processions, should be said thereafter in the Choir in English, as had been ordered by the late King. That the Holiday being instituted at first that Men should give themselves wholly to God, yet God was generally more dishonoured upon it than on the other days, by idleness, drunkenness, and quarrelling, the People thinking that they sufficiently honoured God by hearing Mass and Matins, though they understood nothing of it to their edifying; therefore thereafter the Holiday should be spent, according to God's Holy Will, in hearing and reading his Holy Word, in public and private Prayers, in amending their Lives, receiving the Communion, Visiting the Sick, and reconciling themselves to their Neighbours. Yet the Curates were to declare to their People, that in Harvest-time they might upon the Holy and Festival-days labour in their Harvest: That Curates were to admit none to the Communion, who were not reconciled to their Neighbours: That all dignified Clergymen should preach personally twice a year. That the People should be taught not to despise any of the Ceremonies not yet abrogated, but to beware of the Superstition of sprinkling their Beds with Holy Water, or the ringing of Bells, or using of Blessed Candles for driving away Devils. That all Monuments of Idolatry should be removed out of the Walls or Windows of Churches, and that there should be a Pulpit in every Church for preaching: That there should be a Chest with a hole in it for the receiving the Oblations of the People for the Poor, and that the People should be exhorted to  as much more profitable than what they formerly bestowed on Superstitious Pilgrimages, Trentals, and decking of Images. That all Patrons who disposed of their Live by Simoniacal Pactions should forfeit their Right for that vacancy to the King. That the Homilies should be read. That Priests should be used charitably and reverently for their Office sake. That no other Primer should be used but that set out by King Henry. That the Prime and the Hours should be omitted where there was a Sermon or Homily. That they should in Bidding the Prayers remember the King their Supreme Head, the Queen Dowager, the Kings two Sisters, the Lord Protector, and the Council, the Lords, the Clergy, and the Commons of the Realm; and to pray for Souls departed this life, that at the last day we with them may rest both Body and Soul. All which Injunctions were to be observed, under the pains of Excommunication, Sequestration, or Deprivation, as the Ordinaries should answer it to the King, the Justice's of Peace being required to assist them.  
Besides these, there were other Injunctions given to the Bishops. 
Injunctions to the Bishops.  That they should see the former put in execution, and should preach four times a year in their Dioceses: once at their Cathedral, and three times in other Churches, unless they had a reasonable excuse for their omission. That their Chaplains should be able to preach God's Word, and should be made labour oft in it: That they should give Orders to none but such as would do the same; and if any did otherwise, that they should punish him, and recall their Licence. These are the chief Heads of the Injunctions, which being so often printed, I shall refer the Reader that would consider them more carefully, to the Collection of these and other such curious things made by the Right Reverend Father in God Anthony Sparrow now Lord Bishop of Norwich.  
These being published, 
These were much censured.  gave occasion to those who censured all things of that nature to examine them.  
The removing Images that had been abused, gave great occasion of quarrel; and the thing being to be done by the Clergy only, it was not like that they, who lived chief by such things, would be very zealous in the removing them. Yet on the other hand, it was thought necessary to set some restraints to the heats of the People, who were otherwise apt to run too far where Bounds were not set to them.  
The Article about the strict observance of the Holiday seemed a little doubtful, whether by the Holiday was to be understood, only the Lordsday, or that and all other Church-Festivals. The naming it singularly the Holiday, and in the end of that Article adding Festival-days to the Holy day, seemed to favour their opinion that thought this strict observance of the Holiday was particularly intended for the Lordsday, and not for the other Festivals. And indeed the setting aside of large portions of time on that day for our Spiritual Edification, and for the Service of God, both in public and private, is so necessary for the advancement of true Piety, that great and good effects must needs follow on it. But some came afterwards, who not content to press great strictness on that day, would needs make a Controversy about the Morality of it, and about the fourth Commandment, and framed many Rules for it, which were stricter than themselves or any other could keep, and so could only load men's Consciences with many scruples. This drew an opposition from others who could not agree to these severities, and these Contests were, by the subtlety of the Enemies of the Power and Progress of Religion so improved, that in stead of all men's observing that time devoutly as they ought, some took occasion from the strictness of their own way, to censure all as irreligious, who did not in every thing agree to their notion concerning it: Others by the heat of contradiction did too much slacken this great Bond and Instrument of Religion; which is since brought under so much neglect, that it is for most part a day only of Rest from men's bodily labours, but perhaps worse employed than if they were at work: So hard a thing it is to keep the due mean, between the Extremes of Superstition on the one hand, and of Irreligion on the other.  
The corruption of Lay-Patrons in their Simoniacal Bargains, was then so notorious, that it was necessary to give a Check to it, as we find there was by these Injunctions. But whether either this, or the Oath afterwards appointed to be taken, has effectually delivered this Church of that great abuse, I shall not determine. If those who bestow Benefices, did consider, that the charge of Souls being annexed to them, they shall answer to God severely for putting so sacred a Trust in mean or ill hands, upon any base or servile accounts, it would make them look a little more carefully to a thing of so high consequence; and neither expose so holy a thing to sale, nor gratify a Friend or Servant by granting them the next Advowson, or be too easily overcome with the solicitations of impudent Pretenders.  
The Form of Bidding Prayer was not begun by King Henry, as some have weakly imagined; but was used in the times of Popery, as will appear by the Form of Bidding the Beads in King Henry the 7th's time, which will be found in the Collection. 
Collection Number 8.  Where the way was, first for the Preacher to name and open his Text, and then to call on the People to go to their Prayers, and to tell them what they were to pray for; after which, all the People said their Beads in a general silence, and the Minister kneeled down likewise, and said his. All the change King Henry the 8th made in this, was, That the Pope and Cardinal's names being left out, he was ordered to be mentioned with the addition of his Title of Supreme Head, that the People hearing that oft repeated by their Priests, might be better persuaded about it, but his other Titles were not mentioned. And this Order was now renewed. Only the Prayer for departed Souls was changed from what it had been. It was formerly in these words. Ye shall pray for the Souls that be departed, abiding the Mercy of Almighty God, that it may please him, the rather at the contemplation of our Prayers, to grant them the Fruition of his Presence; which did imply their being in a state where they did not enjoy the Presence of God; which was avoided by the more general words now prescribed.  
The Injunctions given the Bishops directed them to that which, if followed carefully, would be the most effectual means of Reforming, at least the next Age, if not that wherein they lived. For if Holy Orders were given to none, but to those who are well qualified, and seem to be internally called by a Divine Vocation, the Church must soon put on a new face: whereas, when Orders are too easily given, upon the credit of emendicated Recommendations, or Titles, and after a slight trial of the knowledge of such Candidates, without any exact scrutiny into their sense of things, or into the disposition of their minds; no wonder if by the means of Clergymen so ordained, the Church lose much in the esteem and love of the People, who being possessed with prejudices against the whole Society for the faults which they see in particular Persons, become an easy prey to such as divide from it.  
Thus were the Visitors instructed, and sent out to make their Circuits, in August, 
August. The Protector went into Scotland.  about the time that the Protector made his Expedition into Scotland. For the occasion of it I shall refer the Reader to what is already said in the former part of this Work. Before they engaged deeper in the War, Sir Francis Brian was sent over to France, to congratulate the new King, and to see if he would confirm these Propositions that were agreed to during his Father's life; and if he would pay the Pension that was to be given yearly till Boulogne were restored; and chief to obtain of him to be neutral in the War of Scotland: 
Thuanus  complaining of that Nation that had broken their Faith with England in the matter of the Marriage. To all which the French King answered, That for these Articles they mentioned he thought it dishonourable for him to confirm them; and said his Father's Agent Poligny had no Warrant to yield to them, for by them the English were at liberty to fortify what they had about Boulogne, which he would never consent to; That he was willing to pay what was agreed to by his Father, but would have first the conditions of the delivery of Boulogne made more clear; As for the Scots, they were his perpetual Allies, whom he could not forsake if they were in any distress. And when it was pressed on him, and his Ambassador at London, 
Questions made, whether Scotland was a free Kingdom or Subject to England.  That Scotland was subject to the Crown of England, they had no regard to it. When the Council desired the French Ambassador to look on the Records which they should bring him for proving their Title: He excused himself, and said his Master would not interpose in a Question of that nature, nor would he look back to what was pretended to have been done two or three hundred years ago; but was to take things as he found them; and that the Scots had Records likewise to prove their being a free Kingdom. So the Council saw they could not engage in the War with Scotland, without drawing on a War with France; which made them try their Interest with their Friends this year to see if the Marriage could be obtained. But the Castle of St. Andrews was now lost by the assistance of that Leo Strozi brought from France. And though they in England continued to send Pensions to their Party, (for in May 1300 l. was sent down by Henry Balnaves, and in June 125 l. was sent to the Earl of Glencairn for an half years payment of his Pension) yet they could gain no ground there; for the Scots now thought themselves safer than formerly; the Crown of England being in the hands of a Child, and the Court of France being much governed by their Queen Dowagers Brothers. They gave way to the Borderers to make Inroads; of whom about 2000 fell into the Western Marches, and made great Depredations. The Scots in Ireland were also very ill Neighbours to the English there. There were many other Complaints of Piracies at Sea, and of a Ship-Royal that rob many English Ships; but how these came to be complained of, I do not see, for they were in open War, and I do not find any Truce had been made. The French Agent at London pressed much that there might be a Treaty on the Borders before the Breach were made wider. But now the Protector had given Orders for raising an Army; so that he had no mind to lose that Summer. Yet to let the French King see how careful they were of preserving his Friendship, they appointed the Bishop of Duresme, and Sir Robert Bowes, to give the Scotch Commissioners a Meeting on the Borders the 4th of August: but with these secret Instructions, That if the Scots would confirm the Marriage, all other things should be presently forgiven, and Peace be immediately made up; but if they were not empowered in that particular, and offered only to treat about Restitutions, that then they should immediately break off the Treaty. The Bishop of Duresme was also ordered to carry down with him the Exemplifications of many Records, to prove the Subjection of the Crown of Scotland to England: some of these are said to have been under the Hands and Seals of their Kings, their Nobles, their Bishops, Abbots, and Towns. He was also ordered to search for all the Records that were lying at Duresme, where many of them were kept, to be ready to be showed to the Scots upon any occasion that might require it. The Meeting on the Borders came to a quick issue, for the Scottish Commissioners had no Power to treat about the Marriage. But Tonstall searching the Registers of his See, found many Writings of great consequence to clear that Subjection, of which the Reader will see an account, in a Letter he writ to the Council, 
Collection Number 9  in the Collection of Papers. The most remarkable of these was, the Homage King William of Scotland made to Henry the second, by which he granted, That all the Nobles of his Realm should be his Subjects, and do Homage to him: and that all the Bishops of Scotland should be under the Archbishops of York: and that the King of England should give all the Abbeys and Honours in Scotland, at the least they should not be given without his consent, with many other things of the like nature. It was said that the Monks in those days, who generally kept the Records, were so accustomed to the forging of Stories and Writings, that little credit was to be given to such Records as lay in their keeping. But having so faithfully acknowledged what was alleged against the freedom of Scotland, I may be allowed to set down a Proof on the other side, for my Native Country, copied from the Original Writing yet extant under the Hands and Seals of many of the Nobility and Gentry of that Kingdom. It is a Letter to the Pope: and it was ordinary that of such public Letters there were Duplicates Signed; The one of which was sent, and the other laid up among the Records, of which I have met with several Instances. So that of this Letter the Copy which was reserved being now in Noble Hands, was communicated to me, and is in the Collection. 
Collection Number 10.  It was upon the Pope's engaging with the King of England to assist him to subdue Scotland that they writ to him, and did assert most directly that their Kingdom was at all times free and independent. But now these Questions being waved, the other difference about the Marriage was brought to a sharper decision.  
Aug. 21 On the 21st of August the Protector took out a Commission to be General, and to make War on Scotland: and did devolve his Power during his absence on the Privy Council; and appointed his Brother to be Lord-Lieutenant for the South, and the Earl of Warwick (whom he carried with him) Lord-Lieutenant for the North; and left a Commission of Array to the Marquis of Northampton for Essex, Suffolk, and Norfolk; to the Earl of Arundel, for Sussex, Surrey, Hampshire, and Wiltshire; and to Sir Thom. Cheyney for Kent. All this was in case of any Invasion from France. Having thus settled Affairs during his absence, he set out for Newcastle, having ordered his Troops to march thither before: and coming thither on the 27th of that Month, Aug. 27 he saw his Army mustered on the 28th, and marched forward to Scotland. The Lord Clinton commanded the Ships that sailed on as the Army marched; which was done, that Provisions and Ammunition might be brought by them from Newcastle or Berwick, if the Enemy should at any time fall in behind their Army. He entered into Scotch Ground the second of September, 
Sept. 2.  and advanced to the Paths the 5th, 
5.  where the Passage being narrow and untoward, they looked for an Enemy to have disputed it, but found none; the Scots having only broken the Ways, which in that dry Season signified not much, but to stop them some hours in their March. When they had passed these, some little Castles, Dunglas, Thornton, and Innerwick, having but a few ill provided Men in them, rendered to them. On the 9th they came to Falside, 
Sept. 9  where there was a long Fight in several Parties, in which there were 1300 of the Scots slain. And now they were in sight of the Scotch Army, which was for numbers of Men one of the greatest that they had ever brought together, consisting of 30000 Men: of which 10000 were commanded by the Governor, 8000 by the Earl of Angus, 8000 by the Earl of Huntley, and 4000 by the Earl of Argile, with a fair Train of Artillery, nine Brass, and 21 Iron Guns. On the other side, the English Army consisted of about 15000 Foot, and 3000 Horse, but all well appointed. The Scots were now heated with the old National Quarrel to England. It was given out that the Protector was come with his Army to carry away their Queen, and to enslave the Kingdom. And for the encouraging of the Army it was also said, that 12 Galleys and 50 Ships were on the Sea from France, and that they looked for them every day.  
The Protector finding an Army brought together so soon, 
The Protectors Offers to the Scots.  and so much greater than he expected, began to be in some apprehension, and therefore he writ to the Scots to this effect: That they should remember they were both Christians, and so should be tender of the effusion of so much Blood; that this War was not made with any design, but for a perpetual Peace, by the Marriage of their two Princes which they had already agreed, and given their public Faith upon it; and that the Scots were to be much more gainers by it than the English: The Island seemed made for one Empire; It was pity it should be more distracted with such Wars, when there was so fair and just a way offered for uniting it: and it was much better for them to marry their Queen to a Prince of the same Language, and on the same Continent, than to a Foreigner: but if they would not agree to that, he offered that their Queen should be bred up among them, and not at all contracted, neither to the French, nor to any other Foreigner, till she came of Age, that by the consent of the Estates she might choose a Husband for herself. If they would agree to this, he would immediately return with his Army out of Scotland, and make satisfaction for the damages the Country had suffered by the Invasion. This Proposition seems to justify what the Scotch Writers say, though none of the English mention it, That the Protector, what for want of Provisions, and what from the apprehensions he had of so numerous an Army of the Scots, was in great straits, and intended to have returned back to England, without hazarding an Engagement. But the Scots thought they were so much superior to the English, and that they had them now at such a disadvantage, that they resolved to fall upon them next day. And that the fair offers made by the Protector might not raise division among them, the Governor having communicated these to a few whom he trusted, was by their advice persuaded to suppress them; but he sent a Trumpeter to the English Army with an Offer to suffer them to return without falling upon them: 
Rejected by them.  which the Protector had reason to reject, knowing that so mean an Action in the beginning of his Administration, would have quite ruined his Reputation. But to this, another that came with the Trumpeter added a Message from the Earl of Huntley, That the Protector and he with ten or twenty of a side, or singly, should decide the Quarrel by their Personal Valour. The Protector said, This was no private Quarrel, and the Trust he was in obliged him not to expose himself in such a way: and therefore he was to fight no other way but at the Head of his Army. But the Earl of Warwick offered to accept the Challenge. The Earl of Huntley sent no such Challenge, as he afterwards purged himself when he heard of it. For as it was unreasonable for him to expect the Protector should have answered it, so it had been an affronting the Governor of Scotland to have taken it off of his hands, since he was the only Person that might have challenged the Protector on equal terms. The truth of the matter was, a Gentleman that went along with the Trumpeter, made him do it without Warrant, fancying the Answer to it would have taken up some time, in which he might have viewed the Enemies Camp.  

Sept. 10. The Ba●tel of Pinkey near Musselburgh.  On the 10th of September the two Armies drew out, and fought in the Field of Pinkey near Musselburgh. The English had the advantage of the Ground. And in the beginning of the Action, a Canon Ball from one of the English Ships killed the Lord Grames eldest Son, and 25 Men more; which put the Earl of Argiles Highlanders into such a fright, that they could not be held in order. But after a Charge given by the Earl of Angus, in which the English lost some few Men, the Scots gave ground; and the English observing that, and breaking in furiously upon them, the Scots threw down their Arms and fled: The English pursued hard, and slew them without mercy. 
A great defeat given the Scots.  There were reckoned to be killed about 14000 and 1500 taken Prisoners, among whom was the Earl of Huntley, and 500 Gentlemen; and all the Artillery was taken. This loss quite disheartened the Scots, so that they all retired to Striuling, and left the whole Country to the Protectors mercy. Who the next day went and took Lieth, and the Soldiers in the Ships burned some of the Sea-Towns of Fife, and retook some English Ships that had been taken by the Scots, and burned the rest. They also put a Garrison in the Isle of St. Columba in the Frith of about 200 Soldiers, and left two Ships to wait on them. He also sent the Earl of Warwick's Brother Sir Ambrose Dudley to take Broughty, a Castle in the Mouth of Tay; in which he put 200 Soldiers. He wasted Edinburgh, and uncovered the Abbey of Holyrood-house, and carried away the Lead and the Bells belonging to it. But he neither took the Castle of Edinburgh, nor did he go on to Striuling where the Queen with the stragglers of the Army lay. And it was thought, that in the consternation wherein the late defeat had put them, every Place would have yielded to him. But he had some private reasons that pressed his return, and made him let go the advantages that were now in his hands, and so gave the Scots time to bring Succours out of France; whereas he might easily have made an end of the War now at once, if he had followed his success vigorously. The Earl of Warwick, who had a great share in the Honour of the Victory, but knew that the errors in conduct would much diminish the Protectors glory, which had been otherwise raised to an unmeasurable height, was not displeased at it. So on the 18th of September 
Sept. 18.  the Protector drew his Army back into England, and having received a Message from the Queen and the Governor of Scotland offering a Treaty, he ordered them to send Commissioners to Berwick to treat with those he should appoint. As he returned through the Merch, and Teviotdale, all the chief Men in these Counties came in to him, and took an Oath to King Edward, the Form whereof will be sound in the Collection, 
Collection Number 11.  and delivered into his hands all the Places of strength in their Counties. He left a Garrison of 200 in Home Castle, under the Command of Sir Edw. Dudley; and fortified Roxburgh, where, for encouraging the rest, he wrought two hours with his own hands, and put 300 Soldiers and 200 Pioners into it, giving Sir Ralph Bulmer the Command. At the same time the Earl of Lennox and the Lord Wharton made an inroad by the West Marches; but with little effect.  
On the 29th of September the Protector returned into England 
Sept. 29. The Protector returned to England.  full of Honour, having in all that Expedition lost not above 60 Men, as one that then writ the account of it says: The Scotch Writers say he lost between 2 and 300. He had taken 80 Piece of Canon, and bridled the two chief Rivers of the Kingdom by the Garrisons he left in them; and had left many Garrisons in the strong Places on the Frontier. And now it may be easily imagined how much this raised his reputation in England; since Men commonly make Auguries of the Fortune of their Rulers, from the Successes of the first Designs they undertake. So now they remembered what he had done formerly in Scotland; and how he had in France with 7000 Men, raised the French Army of 20000 that was set down before Boulogne, and had forced them to leave their Ordnance, Baggage, and Tents, with the loss of one Man only in the year 1544, and that next year he had fallen into Picardy, and built New-haven with two other Forts there. So that they all expected great success under his Government. And indeed if the breach between his Brother and him, with some other errors, had not lost him the advantages he now had, this prosperous Action had laid the foundation of great Fortunes to him.  
He left the Earl of Warwick to treat with those that should be sent from Scotland. But none came; for that Proposition had been made only to gain time. The Queen Mother there, was not ill pleased to see the interest of the Governor so much impaired by that misfortune, and persuaded the chief Men of that Kingdom to cast themselves wholly into the Arms of France, and to offer their young Queen to the Dolphin, and to think of no Treaty with the English. So the Earl of Warwick returned to London, having no small share in the Honour of this Expedition. He was Son to that Dudley, who was attainted and executed the first year of King Henry the 8th's Reign. But whether it was that the King afterwards repent of his severity to the Father, or that he was taken with the qualities of the Son, he raised him by many degrees to be Admiral and Viscount Lisle. He had defended Boulogne, when it was in no good condition, against the Dolphin, whose Army was believed 50000 strong; and when the French had carried the Bassetown, he recovered it, and killed 800 of their Men: The Year after that, being in Command at Sea, he offered the French Fleet Battle; which they declining, he made a descent upon Normandy with 5000 Men, and having burnt, and spoiled, a great deal, he returned to his Ships with the loss only of one Man. And he shown he was as fit for a Court as a Camp; For being sent over to the French Court upon the Peace, he appeared there with much Splendour, and came off with great Honour. He was indeed a Man of great Parts, had not insatiable ambition with profound dissimulation stained his other Noble Qualities.  
The Protector at his return was advised presently to meet the Parliament, (for which the Writs had been sent out before he went into Scotland) now that he was so covered with Glory, to get himself established in his Authority, and to do those other things which required a Session. 
The Visitors execute the Injunctions.  He found the Visitors had performed their Visitation, and all had given obedience. And those who expounded the secret Providences of God with an Eye to their own opinions, took great notice of this; that on the same day in which the Visitors removed, 
Acts and Monuments.  and destroyed, most of the Images in London, their Armies were so successful in Scotland in Pinkey Field. It is too common to all Men to magnify such Events much, when they make for them; but if they are against them, they turn it off by this, That God's Ways are past finding out. So partially do Men argue where they are once engaged. Bonner and Gardiner had showed some dislike of the Injunctions. Bonner received them with a Protestation, that he would observe them, if they were not contrary to God's Law and the Ordinances of the Church. Upon which Sir Anthony Cook, and the other Visitors, complained to the Council. So Bonner was sent for, where he offered a submission, but full of vain Quiddities, (so it is expressed in the Council-Book, 
But they were not well received by Bonner. Collection Number 12. ) But they not accepting of that, he made such a full one as they desired, which is in the Collection. Yet for giving terror to others he was sent to lie for some time in the Prison called the Fleet. Gardiner seeing the Homilies, was also resolved to protest against them. 
Nor by Gardiner.  Sir John Godsalve, who was one of the Visitors, wrote to him not to ruin himself, nor lose his Bishopric by such an Action. To whom he wrote a Letter, that has more of a Christian, and of a Bishop in it, than any thing I ever saw of his. He expresses in handsome terms a great contempt of the World, and a resolution to suffer any thing rather than departed from his Conscience. Besides that, (as he said) the things being against Law, he would not deliver up the Liberties of his Country, but would petition against them. This Letter will be found in the Collection, 
Collection Number 13.  for I am resolved to suppress nothing of consequence on what side soever it may be. 
Sept. 15.  On the 25th of September it being informed to the Council, that Gardiner had written to some of that Board, and had spoken to others, many things in prejudice and contempt of the King's Visitation; and that he intended to refuse to set forth the Homilies and Injunctions; he was sent for to the Council. Where being examined, he said, he thought they were contrary to the Word of God, and that his Conscience would not suffer him to observe them. He excepted to one of the Homilies that it exclude Charity from justifying Men, as well as Faith. This he said was contrary to the Book set out in the late King's time, which was afterwards confirmed in Parliament in the Year 1542. he said further, that he could never see one place of Scripture nor any ancient Doctor that favoured it. He also said Erasmus' Paraphrase was bad enough in Latin, but much worse in English, for the Translator had oft out of ignorance, and oft out of design, misrendred him palpably, and was one that neither understood Latin nor English well. He offered to go to Oxford to dispute about Justification with any they should send him to, or to enter in conference with any that would undertake his Instruction in Town. But this did not satisfy the Council. So they pressed him to declare what he intended to do when the Visitors should be with him. He said, he did not know; he should further study these Points, for it would be three weeks before they could be with him; and he was sure he would say no worse than that he should obey them as far as could consist with God's Law and the Kings. The Council urged him to promise that he would without any limitation set forth the Homilies and the Injunctions, which he refusing to do, was sent to the Fleet. Some days after that Cranmer went to see the Dean of St. Paul's, having the Bishops of Lincoln and Rochester with Dr. Cox and some others with him. He sent for Gardiner thither, and entered into discourse with him about that Passage in the Homily, excluding Charity out of our Justification: and urged those Places of St. Paul, That we are justified by Faith without the Works of the Law: He said his design in that Passage was only to draw Men from trusting in any thing they did: and to teach them to trust only to Christ. But Gardiner had a very different Notion of Justification. For as he said, Infants were justified by Baptism, and Penitents by the Sacrament of Penance: and that the Conditions of the justifying of those of Age were Charity as well as Faith, as the three Estates make a Law all joined together: for by this Simile he set it out in the report he writ of that Discourse to the Lord Protector, reckoning the King one of the three Estates, (a way of Speech very strange, especially in a Bishop, and a Lawyer.) For Erasmus it was said, that though there were faults in his Paraphrase, as no Book besides the Scriptures is without faults, yet it was the best for that use they could find: and they did choose rather to set out what so learned a Man had written, than to make a new one which might give occasion to more Objections; and he was the most indifferent Writer they knew. Afterwards Cranmer knowing what was likely to work most on him, let fall some words (as Gardiner writ to the Protector) of bringing him into the Privy-Council, if he would concur in what they were carrying on. But that not having its ordinary effect on him, he was carried back to the Fleet.  
There were also many complaints brought by some Clergymen, of such as had used them ill for their obeying the King's Injunctions, and for removing Images. Many were upon their submission sent away with a severe rebuke; others that offended more heinously were put in the Fleet for some time, and afterwards giving Bond for their good behaviour were discharged. But upon the Protectors return, the Bishop of Winchester writ him a long Letter in his own vindication. He complained of the Visitors proceeding in his absence in so great a matter. He said the Injunctions were contrary to themselves, for they appointed the Homilies to be read, and Erasmus' Paraphrase to be put in all Churches: so he selected many passages out of these, that were contrary to one another. He also gathered many things out of Erasmus' Paraphrase that were contrary to the Power of Princes, and several other censurable things in that Work, which Erasmus wrote when he was young, being of a far different strain from what he writ when he grew older, and better acquainted with the World. But he concluded his Letter with a discourse of the extent of the King and Councils Power, 
Collection Number 14.  which is all I transcribed of it, being very long, and full of things of no great consequence. He questions how far the King could command against Common or Statute Law: of which himself had many occasions to be well informed. Cardinal Wolsey had obtained his Legatine Power at the King's desire, but notwithstanding that, he was brought into a Praemunire: and the Lawyers upon that Argument cited many Precedents of Judges that were fined when they transgressed the Laws, though commanded by Warrants from the King; and Earl Typteft, who was Chancellor, lost his Head for acting upon the Kings Warrant against Law. In the late King's time the Judges would not set Fines on the breakers of the King's Proclamations, when they were contrary to Law, till the Act concerning them was passed, about which there were many hot words when it was debated. He mentions a Discourse that passed between him and the Lord Audley in the Parliament concerning the King's Supremacy. Audley bid him look the Act of Supremacy, and he would see the Kings do were restrained to Spiritual Jurisdiction: and by another Act no Spiritual Law could take place against the Common Law or an Act of Parliament: otherwise the Bishops would strike in with the King, and by means of the Supremacy would order the Law as they pleased: but we will provide, said he, that the Praemunire shall never go off of your backs. In some late Cases he heard the Judges declare what the King might do against an Act of Parliament, and what danger they were in that meddled in such matters. These things being so fresh in his memory he thought he might write what he did to the Lords of Council. But by this it appears, that no sort of Men is so much for the King's Prerogative, but when it becomes in any instance uneasy to them, they will shelter themselves under the Law. He continued afterwards by many Letters to the Protector to complain of his ill usage: That he had been then seven weeks in the Fleet without Servants, a Chaplain, or a Physician: that though he had his Writ of Summons, he was not suffered to come to the Parliament, which might be a ground afterwards of questioning their Proceed: He advised the Protector not to make himself a Party in these matters, and used all the insinuations of decent flattery that he could invent, with many sharp reflections on Cranmer, and stood much on the force of Laws, that they could not be repealed by the Kings Will. Concerning which he mentions a Passage that fell out between Cromwell and himself before the late King. Cromwell said, That the King might make or repeal Laws as the Roman Emperors did, and asked his opinion about it, whether the Kings Will was not a Law? To which he answered facetiously, That he thought it was much better for the King to make the Law his Will, than to make his Will a Law. But notwithstanding all his Letters, (which are printed in the second Volume of Acts and Monum. Edit. 1641.) yet he continued a Prisoner till the Parliament was over, and then by the Act of Pardon he was set at liberty. This was much censured as an invasion of Liberty; and it was said these at Court durst not suffer him to come to the House, lest he had confounded them in all they did. And the explaining Justification with so much nicety in Homilies that were to be read to the People, was thought a needless subtlety. But the former abuses, of trusting to the Acts of Charity that Men did, by which they fancied they bought Heaven, made Cranmer judge it necessary to express the matter so nicely; though the expounding those Places of St. Paul, was, as many thought, rather according to the strain of the Germans, than to the meaning of these Epistles. And upon the whole matter, they knew Gardiner's haughty temper, and that it was necessary to mortify him a little, though the pretence on which they did it seemed too slight for such severities. But it is ordinary, when a thing is once resolved on, to make use of the first occasion that offers for effecting it. The Party that opposed the Reformation, 
The Lady Mary dissatisfied with the Reformation.  finding these attempts so unsuccessful, engaged the Lady Mary to appear for them. She therefore wrote to the Protector, that she thought all changes in Religion till the King came to be of Age, were very much contrary to the respect they owed the memory of her Father, if they went about to shake what he had settled; and against their duty to their young Master, to hazard the Peace of his Kingdom, and engage his Authority in such Points before he was capable of judging them. 
The Protector writ to her. Collection Number 15.  I gather this to have been the substance of her Letter, from the Answer which the Protector wrote, which is in the Collection. In it he wrote, That he believed her Letter flowed not immediately from herself, but from the instigation of some malicious Persons. He protests they had no other design, but the Glory of God, and the Honour and Safety of the King, and that what they had done was so well considered, that all good Subjects ought rather to rejoice at it than find fault with it. And whereas she had said, That her Father had brought Religion to a godly order and quietness, to which both Spiritualty and Temporalty did without compulsion give their assent; he remembers her what opposition the stiffnecked Papists gave him; and what Rebellions they raised against him; which he wonders how she came so soon to forget: Adding, that death had prevented him before he had finished these Godly Orders which he had designed; and that no kind of Religion was perfected at his death, but all was left so uncertain, that it must inevitably bring on great disorders, if God did not help them; and that himself and many others could witness what regret their late Master had, when he saw he must die before he had finished what he intended. He wondered that she, who had been well bred, and was learned, should esteem true Religion, and the knowledge of the Scriptures, Newfangledness, or Fantasy. He desired she would turn the Leaf, and look on the other side, and would with an humble Spirit, and by the assistance of the Grace of God, consider the matter better.  
Thus things went on, till the Parliament met, 
The Parliament meets.  which was summoned to meet the fourth of November. The day before it met, 
Novemb. 3.  the Protector gave too public an instance how much his prosperous success had lifted him up. For by a Patent under the Great Seal, 
Rot. Pat. 1. Reg. 7. Part.  he was warranted to sit in Parliament on the Right Hand of the Throne under the Cloth of State; and was to have all the Honours and Privileges that at any time any of the Uncles of the Kings of England, whether by the Fathers or Mother's side, had enjoyed; with a Non obstante to the Statute of Precedence. The Lord Richardo had been made Lord Chancellor on the 24th of October; but whether the Protector, or he, opened the Parliament by any Speech, does not appear from the Journal of the Lords House. On the 10th of Decemb. 
Decemb. 10.  a Bill was brought in for the repealing several Statutes. It was read the second time on the 12th, and the third time on the 16th day. On the 19th 
19  some Prouisoes were added to it, and it was sent down to the Commons, who sent it up the 23d of December, 
23. Dec.  to which the Royal Assent was given. The Commons had form a new Bill for repealing these Statutes, which upon some Conferences they were willing to let fall; only some Prouisoes were added to the old one; upon which, the Bishops of London, Duresme, Ely, Hereford, and Chichester, dissented. 
An Act repealing former severe Laws.  The Preamble of it sets forth, That nothing made a Government happier than when the Prince governed with much clemency, and the Subjects obeyed out of love. Yet the late King and some of his Progenitors, being provoked by the unruliness of some of their People, had made severe Laws; but they judging it necessary now to recommend the King's Government to the affections of the People, repealed all Laws that made any thing to be Treason, but what was in the Act of 25 of Edw. the 3d, as also two of the Statutes about Lollardies, together with the Act of the six Articles, and the other Acts that followed in explanation of that. All Acts in King Henry the 8th's time declaring any thing to be Felony that was not so declared before, were also repealed, together with the Acts that made the King's Proclamations of equal Authority with Acts of Parliament. It was also Enacted, That all who denied the King's Supremacy, or asserted the Popes, in words, should for the first offence forfeit their Goods and Chattels, and suffer Imprisonment during pleasure; For the second offence should incur the Pain of Praemunire; and for the third offence be attainted of Treason. But if any did in Writing, Printing, or by any overt Act or Deed, endeavour to deprive the King of his Estate, or Titles, particularly of his Supremacy; or to confer them on any other, after the first of March next, he was to be adjudged guilty of High Treason: and if any of the Heirs of the Crown should usurp upon another, or did endeavour to break the Succession of the Crown, it was declared high Treason, in them, their Aiders and Abettors. And all were to enjoy the Benefit of Clergy, and the Privilege of Sanctuary, as they had it before King Henry the 8th's Reign; excepting only such as were guilty of Murder, Poisoning, Burglary, Robbing on the Highway, the stealing of , or stealing out of Churches or Chapels. Poisoners were to suffer as other Murderers. None were to be accused of Words, but within a Month after they were spoken. And those who called the French King by the Title of King of France, were not to be esteemed guilty of the Pains of translating the King's Authority, or Titles, on any other. 
In Ch. Coll. Camb. among Parker's Papers.  This Act was occasioned by a Speech that Archbishop Cranmer had in Convocation, in which he exhorted the Clergy to give themselves much to the study of the Scripture, and to consider seriously what things were in the Church that needed Reformation, that so they might throw out all the Popish trash, that was not yet cast out. Upon this some intimated to him, that as long as the six Articles stood in force, it was not safe for them to deliver their Opinions. This he reported to the Council, upon which they ordered this Act of Repeal. By it the Subjects were delivered from many fears they were under, and had good hopes of a mild Government, when in stead of procuring new severe Law, the old ones were let fall. The Council did also free the Nation of the jealousies they might have of them by such an abridgement of their own Power. But others judged it had been more for the interest of the Government, to have kept up these Laws still in force, but to have restrained the execution of them. This Repeal drew on another, which was sent from the Commons on the 20th of December, and was agreed to by the Lords on the 21st. It was of an Act in the 28th year of the last King by which all Laws made while his Son was under 24 years of Age might be by his Letters Patents, after he attained that Age, annulled as if they had never been. Which they altered thus, That the King, after that Age, might by his Letters Patents void any Act of Parliament for the future; but could not so void it from the beginning, as to annul all things done upon it between the making and annulling of it, which were still to be lawful Deeds.  
The next Bill of a public nature was concerning the Sacrament. 
Act about the Communion.  Which was brought in, and read the first time, on the 12th of Novemb. the second time on the 15th, and was twice read on the 17th. And on the 24th a Bill was brought in for the Communion to be received in both kinds; on the third of December it was read the second time, and given to the Protector; on the 5th read again, and given to two Judges; on the 7th it was read again, and joined to the other Bill about the Sacrament. And on the 10th the whole Bill was agreed to by all the Peers, except the Bishops of London, Hereford, Norwich, Worcester, and Chichester, and sent down to the Commons. On the 17th a Proviso was sent after it, but was rejected by the Commons, since the Lords had not agreed to it. On the 20th it was sent up agreed to, and had afterwards the Royal Assent. By it, first, the value of the Holy Sacrament, commonly called the Sacrament of the Altar, and in the Scripture the Supper and Table of the Lord, was set forth; together with its first Institution; but it having been of late marvellously abused, some had been thereby brought to a contempt of it, which they had expressed in Sermons, Discourses, and Songs, (in words not fit to be repeated;) therefore whosoever should so offend after the first of May next was to suffer Fine and Imprisonment at the King's Pleasure; and the Justices of the Peace were to take Information, and make Presentments of Persons so offending within three Months after the offences so committed, allowing them Witnesses for their own purgation. And it being more agreeable to Christ's first Institution, And the practice of the Church for 500 years after Christ, that the Sacrament should be given in both the kinds of Bread and Wine, rather than in one kind only; Therefore it was Enacted, That it should be commonly given in both kinds, except necessity did otherwise require it. And it being also more agreeable to the first Institution, and the primitive Practice, that the People should receive with the Priest, than that the Priest should receive it alone; therefore the day before every Sacrament, an Exhortation was to be made to the People, to prepare themselves for it, in which the benefits and danger of worthy and unworthy receiving were to be expressed, and the Priests were not without a lawful cause to deny it to any who humbly asked it.  
This was an Act of great consequence, 
Communion appointed in both kinds.  since it reform two abuses that had crept into the Church. The one was the denying the Cup to the Laity, the other was the Priests communicating alone. In the first Institution it is plain, that as Christ bade all drink of the Cup, and his Disciples all drank of it, so St. Paul directed every one to examine himself, that he might eat of that Bread and drink of that Cup. From thence the Church for many Ages continued this practice: and the Superstition of some who received only in one kind was severely censured, and such were appointed either to receive the whole Sacrament or to abstain wholly. It continued thus till the belief of the Corporal Presence of Christ was set up; and then the keeping and carrying about the Cup in Processions, not being so easily done, some began to lay it aside. For a great while the Bread was given dipped in the Cup, to represent a bleeding Christ, as it is in the Greek Church to this day. In other Places the Laity had the Cup given them, but they were to suck it through Pipes that nothing of it should fall to the ground. But since they believed that Christ was in every crumb of Bread, it was thought needless to give the Sacrament in both kinds: So in the Council of Constance the Cup was ordered to be denied the Laity, though they acknowledged it to have been instituted and practised otherwise. To this the Bohemians would never submit; though to compel them to it much Blood was shed in this Quarrel. And now in the Reformation this was every where one of the first things with which the People were possessed, the opposition of the Roman Church herein to the Institution of Christ being so manifest.  

And all private Masses put down.  At first this Sacrament was also understood to be a Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ, of which many were to be partakers: while the fervour of devotion lasted, it was thought a scandalous and censurable thing if any had come unto the Christian Assemblies, and had not stayed to receive these Holy Mysteries: and the denying to give any one the Sacrament was accounted a very great punishment. So sensible were the Christians of their ill condition when they were hindered to participate of it. But afterwards the former Devotion slackening, the good Bishops in the 4th and 5th Centuries complained oft of it, that so few came to Receive: yet the Custom being to make Oblations before the Sacrament, out of which the Clergy had been maintained during the poverty of the Church, the Priests had a great mind to keep up the constant use of these Oblations; and so persuaded the Laity to continue them, and to come to the Sacrament, though they did not receive it: and in process of time they were made to believe that the Priest received in behalf of the whole People. And whereas this Sacrament was the Commemoration of Christ's Sacrifice on the Cross, and so by a Phrase of Speech was called a Sacrifice, they came afterwards to fancy that the Priests consecrating and consuming the Sacrament was an Action of itself expiatory, and that both for the Dead and the Living. And there risen an infinite number of several sorts of Masses; some were for commemorating the Saints, and those were called the Masses of such Saints; others for a particular Blessing, for Rain, Health, etc. and indeed for all the accidents of Humane Life, where the addition or variation of a Collect made the difference: So that all that Trade of Massing was now removed. An Intimation was also made of Exhortations to be read in it, which they intended next to set about. These abuses in the Mass gave great advantages to those who intended to change it into a Communion. But many in stead of managing them prudently, made unseemly Jests about them: and were carried by a lightness of temper to make Songs, and Plays, of the Mass: for now the Press went quick, and many Books were printed this year about matters of Religion; the greatest number of them being concerning the Mass; which were not written in so decent and grave a style as the matter required. Against this Act only five Bishops protested. Many of that Order were absent from the Parliament, so the opposition made to it was not considerable.  
The next Bill brought into the House of Lords, 
An Act about the Admission of Bishops.  was concerning the admission of Bishops to their Sees by the King's Letters Patents. Which being read, was committed to the Archbishop of Canterbury's care on the fifth of November, and was read the second time on the 10th, and committed to some of the Judges, and was read the third time on the 28th of November, and sent down to the Commons on the 5th of December. There was also another Bill brought in, concerning the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in the Bishop's Courts, on the 17th of November, and passed, and sent down on the 13th of December. But both these Bills were put in one, and sent up by the Commons on the 20th of that Month, and assented to by the King. By this Act it was set forth, That the way of choosing Bishops by Congee d'Eslire was tedious and expenceful, that there was only a shadow of Election in it, and that therefore Bishops should thereafter be made by the King's Letters Patents, upon which they were to be consecrated: And whereas the Bishops did exercise their Authority, and carry on Processes, in their own Names, as they were wont to do in the time of Popery; and since all Jurisdiction both Spiritual and Temporal was derived from the King, that therefore their Courts and all Processes should be from henceforth carried on in the King's Name, and be sealed by the King's Seal, as it was in the other Courts of Common-Law, after the first of July next; excepting only the Archbishop of Canterbury's Courts, and all Collations, Presentations, or Letters of Orders, which were to pass under the Bishop's proper Seals as formerly. Upon this Act great advantages were taken to disparage the Reformation, as subjecting the Bishops wholly to the pleasure of the Court.  
At first, 
The ancient ways of electing Bishops.  Bishops were chosen and ordained by the other Bishops in the Countries where they lived. The Apostles, by that Spirit of discerning, which was one of the extraordinary gifts they were endued with, did ordain the first Fruits of their Labours; and never left the Election of Pastors to the discretion of the People: Indeed when they were to ordain Deacons, who were to be trusted with the distribution of the public Alms, they appointed such as the People made choice of; but when St. Paul gave directions to Timothy and Titus about the choice of Pastors, all that depended on the People by them was that they should be blameless and of good report. But afterwards, the poverty of the Church being such, that Churchmen lived only by the free bounty of the People, it was necessary to consider them much; so that in many Places the choice began among the People; and in all Places it was done by their approbation and good liking. But great disorders followed upon this, as soon as by the Emperors turning Christians, the Wealth of Church-benefices made the Pastoral Charge more desirable: and the vast numbers of those who turned Christians with the Tide, brought in great Multitudes to have their Votes in these Elections. The inconvenience of this was felt early in Phrygia, where the Council of Laodicea made a Canon against these Popular Elections. Yet in other parts of Asia, and at Rome, there were great and often Contests about it. In some of these many Men were killed. In many Places the inferior Clergy chose their Bishops. But in most Places the Bishops of the Province made the choice, yet so as to obtain the consent of the Clergy and People. The Emperors by their Laws made it necessary that it should be confirmed by the Metropolitans: They reserved the Elections of the great Sees to themselves, or at least the Confirmation of them. Thus it continued till Charles the Great's time. But then the nature of Church-employments came to be much altered. For though the Church had Predial Lands with the other Rights that belonged to them by the Roman Law, yet he first gave Bishops and Abbot's great Territories, with some branches of Royal Jurisdiction in them, who held these Lands of him, according to the Fewdal Laws. This, as it carried Churchmen off from the humility and abstraction from the World which became their Function, so it subjected them much to the Humours and Interests of those Princes on whom they had their dependence. The Popes, who had made themselves Heads of the Hierarchy, could not but be glad to see Churchmen grow rich and powerful in the World; but they were not so well pleased to see them made so much the more dependent on their Princes: and no doubt by some of those Princes that were thus become Patrons of Churches, the Bishoprics were either given for Money, or charged with reserved Pensions. Upon this the Popes filled the World with the complaints of Simony, and of enslaving Churchmen to court Interests; and so would not suffer them to accept of Investitures from their Princes; but set up for free Elections, as they called them, which they said were to be confirmed by the See-Apostolick. So the Canons Secular or Regular in Cathedral Churches were to choose the Bishops, and their Election was to be confirmed at Rome: yet Princes in most Places got some hold of those Elections, so that still they went as they had a mind they should. Which was oft complained of as a great slavery on the Church; and would have been more universally condemned, if the World had not been convinced that the matter would not be much the better, if there should have been set up either the Popular or Synodical Elections, in which Faction was like to sway all. King Henry had continued the old way of the Elections by the Clergy, but so, as that it seemed to be little more than a mockery; but now it was thought a more ingenuous way of proceeding, to have the thing done directly by the King, rather than under the thin covert of an involuntary Election.  
For the other Branch about Ecclesiastical Courts, The Causes before them concerning Wills and Marriages, being matters of a mixed nature, and which only belong to these by the Laws of the Land, and being no parts of the Sacred Functions; it was thought no Invasion of the Sacred Offices to have these tried in the King's Name. But the Collation of Benefices, and giving of Orders, which are the chief parts of the Episcopal Function, were to be performed still by the Bishops in their own Names. Only Excommunication, by a fatal neglect, continued to be the punishment for contempts of these Courts; which belonging only to the Spiritual Cognisance, aught to have been reserved for the Bishop with the assistance of his Clergy. But the Canonists had so confounded all the Ancient Rules about the Government of the Church, that the Reformers being called away by Considerations that were more obvious and pressing, there was not that care taken in this that the thing required. And these errors or oversights in the first concoction have by a continuance grown since into so form a strength, that it is easier to see what is amiss, than to know how to rectify it.  
On the 29th of November the Bill against Vagabonds was brought in. 
An Act against Vagabonds.  By this it was Enacted, That all that should any where loiter without work, or without offering themselves to work, three days together; or that should run away from work, and resolve to live idly, should be seized on, and whosoever should present them to a Justice of Peace, was to have them adjudged to be his Slaves for two years; and they were to be marked with the Letter V imprinted with a hot Iron on their Breast. A great many Prouisoes follow concerning Clerks so convict, which show that this Act was chief leveled at the idle Monks and Friars, who went about the Country, and would betake themselves to no employment; but finding the People apt to have compassion on them, they continued in that course of life. Which was of very ill consequence to the State. For these Vagrants did every where alienate the People's Minds from the Government, and persuaded them that things would never be well settled, till they were again restored to their Houses. Some of these came often to London, on pretence of suing for their Pensions; but really to practise up and down through the Country: To prevent this, there was a Proclamation set out on the 18th of September, requiring them to stay in the Places where they lived, and to send up a Certificate where they were, to the Court of Augmentations; who should thereupon give order for their constant payment. Some thought this Law against Vagabonds was too severe, and contrary to that common liberty, of which the English Nation has been always very sensible, both in their own, and their Neighbour's particulars. Yet it could not be denied but extreme Diseases required extreme Remedies: and perhaps there is no punishment too severe for Persons that are in health, and yet prefer a loitering course of life to an honest employment. There followed in the Act many excellent Rules for providing for the truly poor and indigent in the several Places where they were born, and had their abode. Of which this can only be said, That as no Nation has laid down more effectual Rules for the supplying the Poor, than England, so that indeed none can be in absolute want; so the neglect of these Laws is a just and great reproach on those who are charged with the execution of them, when such numbers of poor Vagabonds swarm every where without the due restraints that the Laws have appointed.  
On the 6th of December the Bill for giving the Chantries to the King was brought into the House of Lords. 
An Act giving the Chantries to the King.  It was read the second time on the 12th, the third time on the 13th, and the fourth time on the 14th of that Month. It was much opposed, both by Cranmer on the one hand, and the Popish Bishops on the other. The late King's Executors saw they could not pay his Debts, nor satisfy themselves in their own pretensions formerly mentioned, out of the King's Revenue; and so intended to have these to be divided among them. Cranmer opposed it long. For the Clergy being much empoverished by the Sale of the impropriated Tithes, that aught in all reason to have returned into the Church, but upon the dissolution of the Abbeys were all sold among the Laity; he saw no probable way remaining for their supply, but to save these Endowments till the King were of Age, being confident he was so piously disposed, that they should easily persuade him to convert them all to the bettering of the Condition of the poor Clergy that were now brought into extreme misery. And therefore he was for reforming and preserving these Foundations, till the King's full Age. The Popish Bishops liked these Endowments so well, that upon far different Motives, they were for continuing them in the state they were in. But those who were to gain by it were so many that the Act passed; the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of London, Duresme, Ely, Norwich, Hereford, Worcester, and Chichester, dissenting. So it being sent down to the House of Commons, was there much opposed by some Burgesses; who represented that the Boroughs, for which they served, could not maintain their Churches, and other public Works of the Guilds and Fraternities, if the Rents belonging to them were given to the King, for these were likewise in the Act. This was chief done by the Burgesses of Linn, and Coventry; who were so active, that the whole House was much set against that part of the Bill for the Guild-Lands. Therefore those who managed that House for the Court, took these off by an assurance that their Guild-Lands should be restored to them. And so they desisted from their opposition, and the Bill passed on the promise given to them, which was afterwards made good by the Protector. In the Preamble of the Act it is set forth, That the great superstition of Christians, rising out of their ignorance of the true way of Salvation by the death of Christ, in stead of which they had set up the vain conceits of Purgatory, and Masses satisfactory, was much supported by Trentals and Chantries. And since the converting these to godly uses, such as the endowing of Schools, Provisions for the Poor, and the augmenting of Places in the Universities, could not be done by Parliament; they therefore committed it to the care of the King. And then reciting the Act made in the 37th year of his Father's Reign, they give the King all such Chantries, Colleges, and Chapels, as were not possessed by the late King, and all that had been in being any time these five years last passed: as also all Revenues belonging to any Church, for Anniverssaries, Obits, and Lights; together with all Guild-Lands, which any Fraternity of Men enjoyed, for Obits, or the like: and appoint these to be converted to the maintenance of Gramar-Schools, or Preachers, and for the increase of Vicarages. After this followed the Act giving the King the Customs known by the Name of Tonnage and Poundage, besides some other Laws, of Matters that are not needful to be remembered in this History. Last of all came the King's general Pardon; with the common mon Exceptions, among which, one was of these who were then Prisoners in the Tower of London, in which the Duke of Norfolk was included. So all business being ended, the Parliament was Prorogued from the 24th of December to the 20th of April following.  

Acts that were proposed but not carried.  But having given this account of these Bills that were passed, I shall not esteem it an unfruitful piece of History to show what other Bills were designed. There were put into the House of Lords, two Bills that were stifled. The one was, for the use of the Scriptures, which came not to a second reading. The other was a Bill for erecting a new Court of Chancery for Ecclesiastical and Civil Causes, which was committed to some Bishops and Temporal Lords, but never more mentioned. The Commons sent up also some Bills, which the Lords did not agree to. One was about Benefices with Cure, and Residence. It was committed, but never reported. Another was for the Reformation of divers Laws, and of the Courts of Common-Law; and a third was, that married Men might be Priests, and have Benefices. To this the Commons did so readily agree, that it being put in on the 19th of December, and read then for the first time, it was read twice the next day, and sent up to the Lords on the 21st. But being read there once, it was like to have raised such debates, that, it being resolved to end the Session before Christmas, the Lords laid it aside.  
But while the Parliament was sitting, 
The Convocation meets.  they were not idle in the Convocation; though the Popish Party was yet so prevalent in both Houses, that Cranmer had no hopes of doing any thing, till they were freed of the trouble which some of the great Bishops gave them. 
The lower House made some Petitions. Number 16.  The most important thing they did, was the carrying up four Petitions to the Bishops, which will be found in the Collection. 1. That according to the Statute made in the Reign of the late King there might be Persons empowered for reforming the Ecclesiastical Laws. The second, That according to the ancient Custom of the Nation, and the Tenor of the Bishops Writ to the Parliament, the inferior Clergy might be admitted again to sit in the House of Commons, or that no Acts concerning matters of Religion might pass without the sight and assent of the Clergy. The third, That since divers Prelates, and other Divines, had been in the late King's time appointed to alter the Service of the Church; and had made some progress in it, that this might be brought to its full perfection. The fourth, That some consideration might be had for the maintenance of the Clergy, the first year they came into their Live, in which they were charged with the First-fruits; to which they added, a desire to know whether they might safely speak their minds about Religion, without the danger of any Law. For the first of these four Petitions, an account of it shall be given hereafter. As to the second it was a thing of great consequence, and deserves to be farther considered in this place.  
Anciently, all the free Men of England, 
The Inferior Clergy desire to be admitted to have Representatives in the House of Commons.  or at least those that held of the Crown in chief, came to Parliament; and then the inferior Clergy had Writs as well as the Superior, and the first of the three Estates of the Kingdom were the Bishops, the other Prelates and the Inferior Clergy. But when the Parliament was divided into two Houses, than the Clergy made likewise a Body of their own, and sat in Convocation, which was the third Estate. But the Bishops having a double capacity, the one of Ecclesiastical Prelature, the other of being the King's Barons, they had a Right to sit with the Lords as a part of their Estate, as well as in the Convocation. And though by parity of reason it might seem that the rest of the Clergy, being Freeholders as well as Clarks, had an equal Right to choose, or be chosen, into the House of Commons; yet whether they were ever in possession of it, or whether according to the Clause Premonentes in the Bishop's Writ, they were ever a part of the House of Commons, is a just doubt. For besides this assertion in the Petition that was mentioned, and a more large one in the second Petition, which they presented to the same purpose, which is likewise in the Collection, 
Number 17.  I have never met with any good reason to satisfy me in it. There was a general Tradition in Queen Elizabeth's Reign, that the Inferior Clergy departed from their Right of being in the House of Commons; when they were all brought into the Praemunire upon Cardinal Wolsey's Legatine Power, and made their submission to the King. But that is not credible: for as there is no footstep of it, which in a time of so much writing and printing must have remained, if so great a change had been then made; so it cannot be thought, that those who made this Address but 17 years after that Submission, (many being alive in this, who were of that Convocation, Polidore Virgil in particular, a curious observer since he was maintained here to write the History of England) none of them should have remembered a thing that was so fresh, but have appealed to Writs and ancient Practices. But though this design of bringing the Inferior Clergy into the House of Commons did not take at this time, yet it was again set on foot, in the end of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, and Reasons were offered to persuade her to set it forward. Which not being then successful, these same Reasons were again offered to King James, to induce him to endeavour it. The Paper that discovers this was communicated to me by Dr. Borlace the Worthy Author of the History of the Irish Rebellion. It is corrected in many places by the Hand of Bishop Ravis, then Bishop of London, a Man of great Worth. This, for the affinity of the matter, and the curiosity of the thing, I have put into the Collection, 
Number 18.  with a large Marginal Note, as it was designed to be transcribed for King James. But whether this Matter was ever much considered, or lightly laid aside, as a thing unfit and unpracticable, does not appear; certain it is, that it came to nothing. Upon the whole matter it is not certain what was the Power or Right of these Proctors of the Clergy in former times: Some are of opinion, that they were only assistants to the Bishops, 
Coke 4. Inst. 3.4  but had no Voice in either House of Parliament. This is much confirmed by an Act passed in the Parliament of Ireland, in the 28th Year of the former Reign, which sets forth in the Preamble, That though the Proctors of the Clergy were always summoned to Parliament, yet they were no part of it; nor had they any right to Vote in it, but were only Assistants in case Matters of Controversy or Learning came before them, as the Convocation was in England, which had been determined by the Judges of England after much enquiry made about it. But the Proctors were then pretending to so high an Authority, that nothing could pass without their consents; and it was presumed they were set on to it by the Bishops, whose Chaplains they were for the most part. Therefore they were by that Act declared to have no right to Vote.  
From this some infer, they were no other in England, and that they were only the Bishop's Assistants and Council. But as the Clause Premonentes in the Writ, seems to make them a part of the Parliament; so these Petitions suppose that they sat in the House of Commons anciently, where it cannot be imagined they could sit, if they came only to be Assistants to the Bishops, for than they must have sat in the House of Lords rather; as the Judges, the Masters of Chancery, and the King's Council do. Nor is it reasonable to think they had no Voice: for then their sitting in Parliament had been so insignificant a thing, that it is not likely they would have used such endeavours to be restored to it since their coming to Parliament, upon such an account must have been only a charge to them.  
There is against this Opinion an Objection of great force from the Acts passed in the 21st Year of Richard the second's Reign. In the second Act of that Parliament it is said, That it was first prayed by the Commons, and that the Lords Spiritual, and the Proctors of the Clergy, did assent to it, upon which the King, by the assent of all the Lords and Commons, did enact it. The 12th Act of that Parliament was a Repeal of the whole Parliament that was held in the 11th Year of that Reign; and concerning it, it is expressed, That the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, the Proctors of the Clergy, and the Commons, being severally examined, did all agree to it. From hence it appears, that these Proctors were then not only a part of the Parliament, but were a distinct Body of Men that did severally from all the rest deliver their Opinions. It may seem strange, that if they were then considered as a part of either House of Parliament, this should be the only time in which they should be mentioned as bearing their share in the Legislative Power. In a matter that is so perplexed and dark, I shall presume to offer a Conjecture which will not appear perhaps improbable. In the 129th Page of the former part, I gave the Reasons that made me think the lower House of Convocation consisted at first only of the Proctors of the Clergy. So that by the Proctors of the Clergy, both in the Statute of Ireland, and in those made by Richard the second, is perhaps to be understood the lower House of Convocation: and it is not unreasonable to think, that upon so great an occasion as the annulling a whole Parliament, to make it pass the better, in an Age in which the People paid so blind a Submission to the Clergy, the concurrence of the whole Representative of the Church might have been thought necessary. It is generally believed, that the whole Parliament sat together in one House before Edward the thirds time, and then the Inferior Clergy were a part of that Body without question. But when the Lords and Commons sat apart, the Clergy likewise sat in two Houses, and granted Subsidies as well as the Temporalty. It may pass for no unlikely conjecture that the Clause Premonentes was first put in the Bishops Writ for the summoning of the lower House of Convocation, consisting of these Proctors, and afterwards, though there was a special Writ for the Convocation, yet this might at first have been continued in the Bishops Writ by the neglect of a Clerk, and from thence be still used. So that it seems to me most probable, that the Proctors of the Clergy were both in England and Ireland the lower House of Convocation. Now before the Submission which the Clergy made to King Henry, as the Convocation gave the King great Subsidies, so the whole business of Religion lay within their Sphere. But after the Submission they were cut off from meddling with it, except as they were authorized by the King. So that having now so little power left them, it is no wonder they desired to be put in the state they had been in before the Convocation was separated from the Parliament: or at least that Matters of Religion should not be determined till they had been consulted, and had reported their Opinions and Reasons. The Extreme of raising the Ecclesiastical Power too high in the Times of Popery, had now produced another of depressing it too much. For seldom is the Counterpoise so justly balanced, that Extremes are reduced to a well-tempered Mediocrity.  
For the third Petition, it was resolved that many Bishops and Divines should be sent to Windsor to labour in the Matter of the Church-Service. But that required so much consideration, that they could not enter on it during a Session of Parliament. And for the fourth, what Answer was given to it doth not appear.  
On the 29th of November a Declaration was sent down from the Bishops concerning the Sacraments being to be received in both kinds. To which, Jo. Tyler the Prolocutor, and several others set their Hands; and being again brought before them, it was agreed to by all without a contradictory Vote: 64 being present, among whom I find Polidore Virgil was one. And on the 17th of December the Proposition concerning the Marriage of the Clergy was also sent to them, and subscribed, by 35 affirmatively, and by 14 negatively: so it was ordered, that a Bill should be drawn concerning it. I shall not here digress to give an account of what was alleged for, or against this, reserving that to its proper place, when the thing was finally settled.  
And this is all the account I could recover of this Convocation. I have chief gathered it from some Notes, and other Papers, of the then Dr. Parker, (afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury) which are carefully preserved with his other MSS. in Corpus Christi College Library, at Cambridge. To which Library I had free access by the favour of the most learned Master Dr. Spencer, with the other Worthy Fellows of that House: and from thence I collected many remarkable things in this History.  
The Parliament being brought to so good a Conclusion, the Protector took out a new Commission, in which all the Addition that is made to that Authority he formerly had is, that in his absence he is empowered to substitute another to whom he might delegate his Power.  

The state of Affairs in Germany.  And thus this Year ended in England, but as they were carrying on the Reformation here, it was declining apace in Germany. The Duke of Saxe and the Landgrave were this Year to command their Armies apart. The Duke of Saxe kept within his own Country, but having there unfortunately divided his Forces, the Emperor overtook him near the Alb at Mulberg; where the Emperor's Soldiers crossing the River, and pursuing him with great fury, after some resistance, in which he himself performed all that could be expected from so great a Captain, was taken Prisoner, 
1547. Apr. 24. Duke of Saxe taken.  and his Country all possessed by Maurice, who was now to be invested with the Electoral Dignity. He bore his misfortunes with a greatness and equality of mind that is scarce to be paralleled in History. Neither could the insolence with which the Emperor treated him, nor the fears of death to which he adjudged him, nor that tedious imprisonment which he suffered so long, ever shake or disorder a Mind that was raised so far above the inconstancies of Humane Affairs. And though he was forced to submit to the hardest Conditions possible, of renouncing his Dignity and Dominions, some few Places being only reserved for his Family; yet no Entreaties nor Fears could ever bring him to yield any thing in Matters of Religion. He made the Bible his chief Companion and Comfort in his sharp Afflictions; which he bore so, as if he had been raised up to that end, to let the World see how much he was above it. It seemed unimitable; and therefore engaged Thuanus, with the other excellent Writers of that Age, to set it out with all the advantages that so unusual a temper of mind deserved. Yet had those Writers lived in our Age, and seen a great King, not overpow'red by a Superior Prince, but by the meanest of his own People, and treated with equal degrees of malice and scorn, and at last put to death openly, with the Pageantry of Justice; and yet bearing all this with such invincible Patience, Heroical Courage, and most Christian Submission to God, they had yet found a nobler Subject for their Eloquent Pens: but he saved the World the labour of giving a just Representation of his behaviour in his Sufferings, having left his own Portraiture drawn by himself in such lively and lasting Colours.  
The Landgrave of Hesse saw he could not long withstand the Emperor's Army, now so lifted up with success; and therefore was willing to submit to him on the best terms that his Sons-in-law the Elector of Brandenburg, and Maurice of Saxe, could obtain for him. Which were very hard, only he was to enjoy his Liberty, without any Imprisonment, and to preserve his Dominions. But the Emperor's Ministers dealt most unfaithfully with him in this: For in the Germane Language there was but one Letters difference, and that only inverted, between perpetual Imprisonment, and any Imprisonment, (Ewig for Emig) so by this base Artifice, he was, when he came and submitted to the Emperor, detained a Prisoner. He had not the Duke of Saxes temper, but was out of measure impatient, and did exclaim of his ill usage: but there was no remedy, for the Emperor was now absolute. All the Towns of Germany, Magdeburg and Breme only excepted, submitted to him, and redeemed his favour by great Sums of Money, and many Pieces of Ordnance. And the Bohemians were also forced to implore his Brother's mercy, who before he would receive them into his Hands, got his Revenue to be raised vastly. And now the Empire was wholly at the Emperor's mercy. Nothing could withstand him who had in one year turned out two Electors. 
1546. Apr 16. Herman excommunicated at Rome.  For Herman Bishop of Colen, as he was before condemned by the Pope, so was also degraded from that Dignity by the Emperor; and Adolph, whom he had procured to be made his Coadjutor, was declared Elector. Many of his Subjects and Neighbour Princes offered their Service, if he would stand to his own defence; but he was very old, and of so meek a temper, that he would suffer no Blood to be shed on his account; and therefore withdrew peaceably to a retirement in which he lived four years till his death. His Brother that was Bishop of Munster and Dean of Bonne, 
Nou. 4. Herman resigned.  who had gone along with him in his Reformation, was also turned out; and Gropper was made Dean, who was esteemed one of the learnedest and best Men of the Clergy at this time. He is said to have expressed a generous contempt of the highest Dignity the See of Rome could bestow on him, for he refused a Cardinal's Hat when it was offered him: yet in this matter he had not behaved himself as became so good a Man, and so Learned a Divine. For he had consented to the Changes had been made, and was in a correspondence with Martin Bucer, whom Herman brought to Colen: (as will appear by an excellent Letter of Bucers to him, 
Number 19  which will be found in the Collection concerning that matter) by which it is plain he went along with them from the beginning. But it seems he did it covertly and fearfully, and was afterwards drawn off, either by the love of the World, or the fears of the Cross; of which it appears Bucer had then some apprehensions, though he expressed them very modestly. Groppers Memory being in such high esteem, and this Letter being found among Bucers' Papers, I thought the publishing of it would not be unacceptable, though it be of a Foreign Matter.  
Germany being thus under the Power and Dread of the Emperor, a Diet was summoned to Ausburg: Where the chief Church was taken from the Protestants, and put into the Cardinal of Ausburg's Hands, to have the Mass set up again in it, though the Town was so much Protestant that they could find none that would come to it, but some poor People who were hired. The Emperor, among other Propositions he put in to the Diet, pressed this, That all differences in Religion, which had so distracted Germany, might be removed. The Ecclesiastical Princes answered, That the only way to effect that, was to submit to the General Council that was at Trent: Those that were for the Ausburg Confession, said, they could submit to no Council where the Pope Presided, and where the Bishops were sworn to obey him; but would submit to it, if that Oath was dispensed with, and their Divines admitted to defend their Opinions, and all the Decrees that had been made were again considered. In this difference of Opinion, the Emperor thought that if the whole matter should be left to his discretion, to which all should be bound to submit, he would then be able to determine it as he pleased. So he dealt privately with the Electors Palatine, and Saxe; and as they published it afterwards, gave them secret assurances about the freedom of their Religion, and that he only desired this to put him in a capacity of dealing on other terms with the Pope. Upon which, they consented to a Decree, referring the Matter of Religion wholly to his care. But the Deputies from the Cities, who looked on this as a giving up of their Religion, could not be wrought to do it, without Conditions, which they put into another Writing, as explanatory of the Submission: But the Emperor took no notice of that, and only thanked them for their confidence in him, and so the Decree was published. All this was in some sort necessary for the Emperor, who was then in very ill terms with the Pope about the business of Placenzia. 
1547. Sept. 10. Petrus Aloisius killed.  For the Pope's Natural Son Petrus Aloisius being killed by a Conspiracy, the Governor of Milan had seized on Placenzia, which made the Pope believe the Emperor was accessary to it: for which the Reader is referred to the Italian Historians. The Pope saw the Emperor in one Summer delivered of a War, which he had hoped would have entangled him his whole life; and though in decency he could not but seem to rejoice, and did so no doubt, at the ruin of those whom he called Heretics, yet he was not a little grieved to see the Emperor so much exalted.  

The Proceed at Trent.  At Trent the Legates had been oft threatened and affronted by the Emperor's Ambassadors and Bishops who were much set on reforming abuses, and lessening the Power of the See of Rome. So they had a mind to break up the Council; but that would have been so scandalous a thing, and so resented by the Emperor, that they resolved rather on a Translation into some Town of the Popes, to which it was not likely the Imperialists would follow them, and so at least the Council would be suspended, if not dissolved. For this Remove, they laid hold on the first colour they could find. One dying of a malignant Fever, it was given out and certified by Physicians, that he died of the Plague; so in all hast they translated the Council to Bologna. 
Apr. 21. The first Session of Bologna  The Imperialists protested against it; but in vain, for thither they went. The Emperor was hereby quite disappointed of his chief design, which was to force the Germans to submit to a Council held in Germany: and therefore no Plague appearing at Trent, he pressed the return of the Council thither. But the Pope said, it was the Councils act, and not his; and that their Honour was to be kept up; that therefore such as stayed at Trent were to go first to Bologna, and acknowledge the Council, and they should then consider what was to be done. So that now all the hope the Germans had, was, that this difference between the Pope and Emperor might give them some breathing; and time might bring them out of these extremities into which they were then driven. Upon these disorders the Foreign Reformers, who generally made Germany their Sanctuary, were now forced to seek it elsewhere. So Peter Martyr, in the end of November this Year, was brought over to England, by the Invitation which the Archbishop of Canterbury sent him in the King's Name. He was born in Florence, where he had been an Augustinian-Monk. He was learned in the Greek, and the Hebrew, which drew on him the envy of the rest of his Order, whose Manners he inveighed oft against. So he left them, and went to Naples, where he gathered an Assembly of those who loved to Worship God more purely. This being made known, he was forced to leave that Place, and went next to Lucca, where he lived in society with Tremellius and Zanchius. But being also in danger there, he went to Zurick with Bernardinus Ochinus, that had been one of the most celebrated Preachers of Italy, and now forsook his former Superstitions. From Zurick he went to Basil; and from thence by Martin Bucers' means he was brought to Strasburg; where Cranmers' Letter found both him and Ochinus. The Latter was made a Canon of Canterbury, with a Dispensation of Residence; and by other Letters Patents 40 Marks were given yearly to him, and as much to Peter Martyr.  
There had been this Year some differences between the English and French concerning the Fortifications about Boulogne. 
The French quarrel about Boulogne.  The English were raising a great Fort by the Harbour there. This being signified to King Henry by Gaspar Coligny, afterwards the famous Admiral of France, than Governor of the neighbouring Parts to Boulogne; it was complained of at the Court of England. It was answered, That this was only to make the Harbour more secure, and so the Works were ordered to be vigorously carried on. But this could not satisfy the French, who plainly saw it was of another sort than to be intended only for the Sea. The King of France came and viewed the Country himself, and ordered Coligny to raise a Fort on a high Ground near it, which was called the Chastilion Fort, and commanded both the English Fort and the Harbour. But the Protector had no mind to give the French a colour for breaking with the English; so there was a Truce and further Cessation agreed on, in the end of September. These are all the considerable Foreign Transactions of this Year, in which England was concerned. But there was a secret contrivance laid at home of a high nature, which though it broke not out till the next Year, yet the beginnings of it did now appear.  
The Protectors Brother, Thomas Seimour, was brought to such a share in his Fortunes, 
The Breach between the Protector and the Admiral.  that he was made a Baron, and Lord Admiral. But this not satisfying his ambition, he endeavoured to have linked himself into a nearer relation with the Crown, by marrying the King's Sister the Lady Elizabeth. But finding he could not compass that, he made his Addresses to the Queen Dowager. Who enjoying now the Honour and Wealth the late King had left her, resolved to satisfy herself in her next Choice; and entertained him a little too early, for they were married so soon after the King's death, that it was charged afterwards on the Admiral, that if she had brought a Child as soon as might have been after the Marriage, it had given cause to doubt whether it had not been by the late King: which might have raised great disturbance afterwards. But being thus married to the Queen, he concealed it for some time, till he procured a Letter from the King, recommending him to her for a Husband: upon which they declared their Marriage, with which the Protector was much offended. Being thus possessed of great Wealth, and being Husband to the Queen Dowager, he studied to engage all that were about the King to be his Friends: and he corrupted some of them by his Presents, and forced one on Sir John Cheek. That which he designed, was, That whereas in former times, the Infant Kings of England had had Governors of their Persons, distinct from the Protectors of their Realms; which Trusts were divided between their Uncles; it being judged too much to join both in one Person, who was thereby too great, whereas a Governor of the King's Person might be a check on the Protector; he would therefore himself be made Governor of the King's Person, alleging, that since he was the King's Uncle as well as his Brother, he ought to have a proportioned share with him in the Government. About Easter this Year he first set about this design; and corrupted some about the King who should bring him sometimes privately through the Gallery to the Queen's Lodgings, and he desired they would let him know when the King had occasion for Money, and that they should not always trouble the Treasury, for he would be ready to furnish him, and he thought a young King might be taken with this. So it happened that the first time Latimer preached at Court, the King sent to him to know what Present he should make him: Seimour sent him 40 l. but said he thought 20 enough to give Latimer, and the King might dispose of the rest as he pleased. Thus he gained ground with the King, whose sweet nature exposed him to be easily won by such Artifices.  
It is generally said, that all this difference between the Brothers was begun by their Wives; and that the Protectors Lady, being offended that the younger Brothers Wife had the precedence of her, which she thought belonged to herself, did thereupon raise and inflame the differences. But in all the Letters that I have seen concerning this Breach, I could never find any such thing once mentioned. Nor is it reasonable to imagine that the Duchess of Somerset should be so foolish as to think that she ought to have the precedence of the Queen Dowager. Therefore I look upon this Story as a mere Fiction, though it is probable enough there might upon some other accounts have been some Animosities between the two high-spirited Ladies, which might have afterwards be thought to have occasioned their Husband's quarrel.  
It is plain in the whole thread of this Affair, that the Protector was at first very easy to be reconciled to his Brother; and was only assaulted by him; but bore the trouble he gave him with much patience for a great while, though in the end, seeing his factious temper was incurable, he laid off Nature too much, when he consented to his Execution. Yet all along till then, he had rather too much encouraged his Brother to go on, by his readiness to be after every breach reconciled to him. When the Protector was in Scotland, the Admiral then began to act more avowedly, and was making a Party for himself; of which Paget took notice, and charged him with it in plain terms. He asked him, why he would go about to reverse that, which himself and others had consented to under their Hands? Their Family was now so great, that nothing but their mutual quarrelling could do them any prejudice: But there would not be wanting officious Men to inflame them, if they once divided among themselves; and the Breaches among near Friends commonly turn to the most irreconcilable Quarrels. Yet all was ineffectual; for the Admiral was resolved to go on, and either get himself advanced higher, or to perish in the Attempt. It was the knowledge of this which forced the Protector to return from Scotland so abruptly and disadvantageously, for the securing of his Interest with the King, on whom his Brothers Artifices had made some impression. Whether there was any reconciliation made between them before the Parliament met, is not certain. But during the Session, the Admiral got the King to write with his own Hand a Message to the House of Commons, for the making of him the Governor of his Person; and he intended to have gone with it to the House, and had a Party there, by whose means he was confident to have carried his business. He dealt also with many of the Lords and Counsellors to assist him in it. When this was known, before he had gone with it to the House, some were sent to him in his Brother's Name to see if they could prevail with him to proceed no further. He refused to hearken to them, and said, That if he were crossed in his attempt, he would make this the blackest Parliament that ever was in England. Upon that, he was sent for by Order from the Council, but refused to come. Then they threatened him severely, and told him the Kings Writing was nothing in Law, but that he who had procured it, was punishable for doing an Act of such a nature, to the disturbance of the Government, and for engaging the young King in it. So they resolved to have sent him to the Tower, and to have turned him out of all his Offices. But he submitted himself to the Protector and Council: and his Brother and he seemed to be perfectly reconciled. Yet as the Protector had reason to have a watchful Eye over him, so it was too soon visible that he had not laid down, but only put off his high Projects, till a fit conjuncture. For he began the next Christmas to deal Money again among the King's Servants, and was on all occasions infusing into the King a dislike of every thing that was done, and did often persuade him to assume the Government himself. But the sequel of this Quarrel proved fatal to him, as shall be told in its proper place. And thus ended the Year 1547.  
On the 8th of Jan. 
1548. Jan. 8.  next year Gardiner was brought before the Council. Where it was told him, that his former Offences being included in the King's general Pardon, he was thereupon discharged; a grave admonition was given him to carry himself reverently and obediently, and he was desired to declare whether he would receive the Injunctions and Homilies, and the Doctrine to be set forth from time to time by the King and Clergy of the Realm. He answered, he would conform himself as the other Bishops did, and only excepted to the Homily of Justification, and desired four or five days to consider of it. What he did at the end of that time does not appear from the Council-Book, no farther mention being made of this matter; for the Clerks of Council did not then enter every thing with that exactness that is since used. He went home to his Diocese, where there still appeared in his whole behaviour great malignity to Cranmer, and to all motions for Reformation; yet he gave such outward compliance, that it was not easy to find any advantage against him, especially now since the Councils great Power was so much abridged.  

The Marquis of Northampton sues a Divorce for Adultery.  In the end of Jan. the Council made an Order concerning the Marquis of Northampton, which will oblige me to look back a little for the clear account of it. This Lord, who was Brother to the Queen Dowager, had married Anne Bourchier, Daughter to the Earl of Essex, the last of that Name. But she being convicted of Adultery, he was divorced from her; which according to the Law of the Ecclesiastical Courts was only a separation from Bed and Board. Upon which Divorce, it was proposed in King Henry's time to consider what might be done in favour of the Innocent Person, when the other was convicted of Adultery. So in the beginning of King Edward's Reign, on the 7th of May, a Commission was granted to the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Duresme and Rochester, (this was Holbeack, who was not then translated to Lincoln) to Dr. Ridley, and six more, ten in all, of whom six were a Quorum, to try whether the Lady Anne was not by the Word of God so lawfully divorced, that she was no more his Wife, and whether thereupon he might not marry another Wife. This being a new Case, and of great importance, Cranmer resolved to examine it with his ordinary diligence, and searched into the Opinions of the Fathers and Doctors, 
Ex MSS. D. Stillingfleet.  so copiously, that his Collections about it grew into a large Book, (the Original whereof I have perused;) the greatest part of it being either written, or marked, and interlined, with his own Hand. This required a longer time, than the Marquis of Northampton could stay; and therefore presuming on his great Power, without waiting for Judgement, he solemnly married Eliz. Daughter to Brook Lord Cobham. On the 28th of Jan. Information was brought to the Council of this, which gave great scandal, since his first Marriage stood yet firm in Law. So he being put to answer for himself, said, he thought that by the Word of God he was discharged of his tie to his former Wife; and the making Marriages indissoluble was but a part of the Popish Law, by which it was reckoned a Sacrament; and yet the Popes, knowing that the World would not easily come under such a Yoke, had by the help of the Canonists invented such distinctions, that it was no uneasy thing to make a Marriage void among them: and that the condition of this Church was very hard, if upon Adulteries, the Innocent must either live with the Guilty, or be exposed to temptations to the like sins, if a separation was only allowed, but the bond of the Marriage continued undissolved. But since he had proceeded so far before the Delegates had given sentence, it was Ordered, that he and his new Wife should be parted; and that she should be put into his Sister the Queen Dowagers keeping, till the matter were tried, whether it was according to the Word of God, or not; and that then further order should be given in it. Upon this the Delegates made haste, and gathered their Arguments together. Of which I shall give an Abstract, both for the clearing of this matter, (concerning which not many years ago there were great debates in Parliament) and also to show the exactness of the Proceed in that time.  
Christ condemned all Marriages upon Divorces, 
The Grounds on which he was suffered to marry again.  except in the Case of Adultery; which seemed manifestly to allow them in that Case. And though this is not mentioned by St. Mark, and St. Luke, yet it is enough that St. Matthew has it. Christ also defined the state of Marriage, to be that in which two are one flesh; so that when either of the two hath broken that Union, by becoming one with another Person, than the Marriage is dissolved. And it is oft repeated in the Gospel, That married Persons have power over one another's Bodies, and that they are to give due benevolence to each other; which is plainly contrary to this way of separation without dissolving the Bond. St. Paul putting the case of an Unbeliever departing from the Partner in Marriage, says, The Believing Party, whether Brother or Sister, is not under Bondage in such a case: which seems a discharge of the Bond in case of Desertion: and certainly Adultery is yet of a higher nature. But against this was alleged on the other side, That our Saviour's allowing Divorce in the Case of Adultery was only for the Jews, to whom it was spoken, to mitigate the cruelty of their Law, by which the Adulteress was to be put to death: and therefore he yielded Divorce in that Case, to mitigate the severity of the other Law. But the Apostle writing to the Gentile Christians, at Rome, and Corinth, said, The Wife was tied by the Law to the Husband, as long as he lived. And that other general Rule, Whom God has joined together let no Man put asunder, seems against the dissolving the Bond. To this it was answered, That it is against separating as well as dissolving: that the Wife is tied to her Husband; but if he ceaseth to be her Husband, that tie is at an end: That our Saviour left the Wife at liberty to divorce her Husband for Adultery, though the Law of Moses had only provided, That the Adulterous Wife, and he who defiled her, were to die, but the Husband who committed Adultery was not so punishable; therefore our Saviour had by that Provision declared the Marriage to be clearly dissolved by Adultery.  
From hence they went to examine the Authorities of the Fathers. Hermes was for putting away the Adulteress, but so as to receive her again upon repentance. Origen thought the Wife could not marry again after divorce. Tertullian allowed Divorce, and thought it dissolved the Marriage as much as Death did. Epiphanius did also allow it. And Ambrose in one Place allows the Husband to marry after divorce for Adultery, though he condemns it always in the Wife. Basil allowed it on either side upon Adultery. Jerome, who condemns the Wife's marrying, though her Husband were guilty of Adultery; and who disliked the Husbands marrying again, though he allowed him to divorce upon Adultery, or the suspicion of it; yet when his Friend Fabiola had married after a Divorce, he excuses it, saying it was better for her to marry than to burn. Chromatius allowed of second Marriages after Divorce. And so did chrysostom, though he condemned them in Women so divorcing. St. Austin was sometimes for a Divorce, but against Marriage upon it; yet in his Retractations, he writ doubtfully of his former Opinion. In the Civil Law, the Christian Emperors allowed the power of Divorcing both to Husband and Wife, with the right of marrying afterwards. Nor did they restrain the Grounds of Divorce only to Adultery, but permitted it in many other Cases; as if the Wife were guilty of Treason, had treated for another Husband, had procured an Abortion, had been whole nights abroad, or had gone to see the public Plays without leave from her Husband; besides many other Particulars. Against which, none of the Fathers had writ, nor endeavoured to get them repealed. All these Laws were confirmed by Justinian, when he gathered the Laws into a Body, and added to it where they were defective. In the Canon Law, it is provided, that he whose Wife is defiled must not be denied lawful Marriage. Pope Gregory denied a second Marriage to the guilty Person, but allowed it to the Innocent after Divorce. Pope Zachary allowed the Wife of an Incestuous Adulterer to be married, if she could not contain. In the Canon Law, the Council of Tribury is cited, for allowing the like Privilege to the Husbands. By the Council of Elvira, a Man that finds that his Wife intends to kill him, may put her away, and marry another; but she must never marry. The Council of Arles recommended it to Husbands, whose Wives were found in Adultery, not to marry during their Lives. And that at Elvira denied the Sacrament, to a Wife who left an Adulterous Husband, and married another; but she might have the Communion when her first Husband died: So the second Marriage was accounted good, but only indecent. But the Council of Milevi forbids both Man and Wife to marry after Divorce. All these were Collected by Cranmer, with several very important Reflections on most of the Quotations out of the Fathers. With these, there is another Paper, given in by one who was against the dissolving the Bond, in which there are many Quotations brought both from the Canon Law, and the Fathers, for the contrary Opinion. But most of the Fathers there cited are of the latter Ages; in which the state of Coelibate had been so exalted by the Monks, that, in all doubtful Cases, they were resolved still to prefer that Opinion which denied Liberty for further Marriages. In conclusion, this whole Question was divided into eight Queries, which were put to some learned Men; (who these were does not appear) and they returned their Answer in favour of the second Marriage, 
Number 20.  which will be found in the Collection. In end Sentence was given, allowing the second Marriage in that Case, and by consequence confirming the Marquis of Northampton's Marriage to his second Wife, who upon that was suffered to cohabit with him. Yet four years after, he was advised to have a special Act of Parliament for confirming this Sentence; of which mention shall be made in its due time and Place.  

Some further advance in the Reformation.  The next thing that came under consideration, was the great contradiction that was in most of the Sermons over England. Some were very earnest to justify and maintain all the old Rites that yet remained; and others were no less hot to have them laid aside. So that in London especially, the People were wonderfully distracted by this variety among their Teachers. The Ceremonies of Candlemass, and their observance of Lent, with the Rites used on Palm-Sunday, Good-Friday, and Easter, were now approaching. Those that were against them, condemned them as superstitious Additions to the Worship of God, invented in the dark Ages, when an outward Pageantry had been the chief thing that was looked after. But others set out the good use that might be made of these things, and taught that, till they were abolished by the King's Authority, they ought to be still observed. In a Visitation that had been made, (when I cannot learn, only it seems to have been about the end of King Henry's Reign) it had been declared that Fasting in Lent was only a Positive Law. Several Directions were also given about the use of the Ceremonies, and some hints as if they were not to be long continued: and all Wakes, and Plough-Mondays, were suppressed, since they drew great Assemblies of People together, which ended in drinking and quarrelling. These I have also inserted in the Collection, 
Number 21.  having had a Copy of the Articles left at the Visitation of the Deanery of Doncaster, communicated to me by the favour of a most learned Physician, and curious Antiquary, Dr. Nathaniel Johnston, who sent me this with several other Papers out of his generous zeal for contributing every thing in his power to the perfecting of this Work.  
The Country People generally loved all these Shows, Processions, and Assemblies, as things of diversion: and judged it a dull business, only to come to Church for Divine Worship, and the hearing of Sermons: therefore they were much delighted with the gaiety and cheerfulness of those Rites. But others, observing that they kept up all these things, just as the Heathens did their Plays and Festivities for their Gods, judged them contrary to the gravity and simplicity of the Christian Religion, and therefore were earnest to have them removed. This was so effectually represented to the Council, by Cranmer, that an Order was sent to him about it. He sent it to Bonner, who, being Dean of the College of Bishops in the Province of Canterbury, was to transmit, all such Orders over the whole Province. By it, the carrying of Candles on Candlemass day, of Ashes on Ash-Wednesday, and Palms on Palm-Sunday, were forbid to be used any longer. And this was signified by Bonner, to Thirleby Bishop of Westminster, on the 28th of June, as appears by the Register.  
After this, on the 6th of February, 
A Proclamation against those who Innovated without Authority,  a Proclamation was issued out against such as should on the other hand rashly innovate, or persuade the People from the old accustomed Rites, under the Pains of Imprisonment, and other Punishments at the King's pleasure; excepting only the formerly mentioned Rites; to which are added, the creeping to the Cross on Good-Friday, taking Holy Bread and Water, and any other that should be afterwards at any time certified by the Archbishop of Canterbury to the other Bishops in the King's Name to be laid aside. And for preventing the mischiefs occasioned by rash Preachers, none were to preach without Licence from the King or his Visitors, the Archbishop of Canterbury, or the Bishop of the Diocese, where they lived; excepting only Incumbents preaching in their own Parishes. Those who preached otherwise were to be imprisoned till Order were given for their punishment: and the inferior Magistrates were required to see to the execution of these Orders. This Proclamation, which is in the Collection, 
Number 22.  was necessary for giving Authority to the Archbishop of Canterbury's Letters, which were censured as a great presumption for him without any public Order to appoint changes in Sacred Rites. Some observed, that the Council went on making Proclamations with arbitrary Punishments, though the Act was repealed that had formerly given so great Authority to them. To this it was answered, That the King by his Supremacy might still in matters of Religion make new Orders, and add Punishments upon the Transgressor's; yet this was much questioned, though universally submitted to.  

The general taking away of all Images. Number 23.  On the 11th of Feb. there was a Letter sent from the Council to the Archbishop for a more considerable Change. There were every where great Heats about the removing of Images which had been abused to superstition: Some affirming, and others denying, that their Images had been so abused. There were in the Churches some Images of so strange a nature, that it could not be denied that they had been abused. Such was the Image of the Blessed Trinity, which was to be censed, on the day of the Innocents', 
Processionale in Festo Innocentium.  by him that was made the Bishop of the Children: This shows it was used on other days, in which it is like it was censed by the Bishop where he was present. How this Image was made, can only be gathered from the Prints that were of it at that time: In which the Father is represented sitting on the one hand as an old Man with a Triple Crown and Rays about him, the Son on the other hand as a young Man with a Crown and Rays, and the Blessed Virgin between them, and the Emblem of the Holy Ghost a Dove spread over her Head. So it is represented in a fair Book of the Hours according to the use of Sarum, printed Anno 1526. The impiety of this did raise horror in most men's Minds, when that unconceivable Mystery was so grossly expressed. Besides, the taking the Virgin into it, was done in pursuance to what had been said by some blasphemous Friars, of her being assumed into the Trinity. In another Edition of these it is represented by three Faces form in one Head. These things had not been set up by any public Warrant; but having been so long in practice, they stood upon the general Plea that was for keeping the Traditions of the Church: for it was said, that the Promises made to the Church were the same in all Ages, and that therefore every Age of the Church had an equal Right to them. But for the other Images, it was urged against them, that they had been all consecrated with such Rites and Prayers, that it was certain they were every one of them superstitious; since it was prayed, that they might be so blessed and consecrated, that whosoever worshipped them might by the Saints Prayers and Aid, whom they represented, obtain every thing that he desired. So they resolved on an entire removal of all Images. And the Protector with the Council wrote to Cranmer, that for putting an end to all these Contests, and that the living Images of Christ might not quarrel about the dead ones, it was concluded they should all of them be taken down: and he was to give order to see this executed in his own Diocese, and to transmit it to the other Bishops to be in like manner executed by them. There were also Order given, That all rich Shrines, with all the Plate belonging to them should be brought in to the King's use, and that the  that covered them, should be converted to the use of the Poor. This gave Gardiner, and those of his Party, a new affliction. For in his Diocese he had been always on their side that were for keeping up the Images. But they all submitted, and so the Churches were emptied of all these Pictures and Statues which had been for divers Ages the chief Objects of the People's Worship.  
And now the greatest care of the Reformers was, 
Some Restraints put on Preachers.  to find the best Men they could, who should be licenced by the King's Authority to preach. To whom the Council sent a Letter in the beginning of May, 
May 4.  intimating, that by the restraint put on preaching, they only intended to put an end to the rash contentions of indiscreet Men, and not to extinguish the lively Preaching of the pure Word of God, 
Number 24.  made after such sort as the Holy Ghost should for the time put in the Preachers mind: They are therefore charged to preach sincerely, and with that caution and moderation, that the Time and Place shall require: and particularly, that they should not set on the People to make Innovations, or to run before those whom they should obey; but should persuade them to amend their Lives, and keep the Commandments of God, and to forsake all their old Superstitions. And for the things not yet changed, they ought to wait patiently, and to conclude that the Prince did either allow, or suffer them: and in delivering things to the People, they were ordered to have a special regard to what they could bear.  
But this temper was not observed. Some plainly condemned it as a political patching, and said, Why should not all these Superstitions be swept away at once? To this it was answered by others, That as Christ forbade the pulling up of the Tares, lest with them they should pull up good Wheat; so if they went too forwardly to the changing of things, they might in that hast change much for the worse: and great care was to be had not to provoke the People too much, lest in the infancy of the King, or in some ill conjuncture of Affairs, they might be disposed to make Commotions. And the compliances that both Christ and his Apostles gave to the Jews, when they were to abrogate the Mosaical Law, were often insisted on. It was said, if they who were clothed with a Power of Miracles, for the more effectual conviction of the World, condescended so far; it was much more reasonable for them, who had not that Authority over men's Consciences, and had no immediate signs to show from Heaven, to persuade the People rather by degrees to forsake their old mistakes, and not to precipitate things by an over haste.  
This Winter there was a Committee of selected Bishops and Divines appointed for examining all the Offices of the Church, and for reforming them. Some had been in King Henry's time employed in the same business, in which they had made a good progress, which was now to be brought to a full perfection. 
Bishops and Divines examine the Offices of the Church.  Therefore the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, the Bishops of London, Duresme, Worcester, Norwich, St. Asaph, Salisbury, Coventry and Litchfield, Carlisle, Bristol, St. david's, Ely, Lincoln, Chichester, Hereford, Westminster, and Rochester, with Doctors Cox, May, Tailor, Heins, Robertson, and Redmayn, were appointed to examine all the Offices of the Church, and to consider how far any of them needed amendment.  
The thing they first examined was the Sacrament of the Eucharist; which being the chief Symbol of Christian Communion, was thought to deserve their chief care. And here they managed their Inquiries in the same manner that was used in the former Reign; in which, when any thing was considered in order to a Change, it was put into several Queries, to which every one in Commission was to give his Answer in writing. It is no wonder if the confusions, that followed in Queen Mary's Reign, have deprived us of most of these Papers; yet there is one Set of them preserved, relating to some Questions about the Priests single communicating; Whether one Man's receiving it can be useful to another? What was the Oblation or Sacrifice that was made of Christ in the Mass? Wherein the Mass consisted? When the Priests receiving alone began? Whether it was convenient to retain that, and continue Masses satisfactory for departed Souls? Whether the Gospel ought to be taught at the time of the Mass? Whether it were convenient to have it all in a known Tongue or not? And when the reserving or hanging up of the Sacrament first began? To these the Bishops made their several Answers. Some answered them all: others answered only a few of them; it is like, suspending their Opinions about those which they answered not. The Bishops of London, Worcester, Chichester, and Hereford, gave in their Answers once in one Paper together; but afterwards they joined with the Bishops of Norwich, and St. Asaph, and all those six gave a joint Answer in one Paper. Those are not all subscribed, as those which I inserted in the former Volume were; or at least the Papers I have, are not the Originals. But Cranmers' Hand is over every one of them, marking the Name of the Bishop to whom they belonged; and Dr. Cox hath set his Hand and Seal to his Answer. 
Number 25.  By these, which are in the Collection, the Reader will perceive how generally the Bishops were addicted to th● old Superstition, and how few did agree in all things with Cranmer. It may be thought that these Questions were given out before the Act of Parliament passed, in which the Priests single communicating is turned into a Communion of more. Yet by that Act it was only provided, That all who came to receive should be admitted, but Priests were not forbid to Consecrate if none were to Communicate, which was the thing now inquired into.  

The Corruptions in the Office of the Communion examined.  It is certain there was no part of Worship more corrupted than this Sacrament was. The first Institution was so plain and simple, that, except in the Words, This is my Body, there is nothing which could give a colour to the corruptions that were afterwards brought in. The Heathens had their Mysteries, which the Priests concealed with hard and dark words, and dressed up with much Pomp; and thereby supported their own esteem with the People; since they looked on these to be of so high a nature, that all those who had the ordering of them were accounted Sacred Persons. The Primitive Christians retained the first simplicity of Divine Institutions for some Ages. But afterwards, as their number increased, they made use of some things not unlike those the Heathens had practised, to draw the Gentiles more easily into their belief; since external Shows make deep impressions in the Vulgar. And those that were thus brought over, might afterwards come to like these things for their own sakes, which were at first made use of only to gain the World. Others finding some advantage in such Services, that were easy, and yet appeared very pompous, that they might cover great faults by countenancing and complying with the follies that were in vogue contributed liberally to the improvement of them. And after the Roman Emperors turned Christian, much of that vast Wealth, of which they and their People were Masters, was brought into the Church, and applied to these Superstitions. Yet it became not so universally corrupted, till by the Invasion of the Goths, Vandals, and other barbarous Nations, the Roman Empire was broken and divided into many Kingdoms. These new Conquerors were rude and ignorant, wholly given to sensible things, and Learning being universally extinguished, gross Superstition took place; for more refined Superstitions would not serve the turn of darker Ages: But as they grew in Ignorance they continued in the Belief and Practice of more absurd things.  
The high opinion they justly had of this Sacrament being much raised by the Belief of the Corporal Presence of Christ in it, which came in afterwards, than the dull Wits of the Priests, and the Wealth of the People, were employed to magnify it with all the pomp possible. All the Vessels and Garments belonging to it were consecrated and anointed with much devotion; the whole Office was in an unknown Tongue. A great part of it was to be secretly whispered, to make it appear the more wonderful charm. But chief the words of Consecration were by no means to be heard by the People; it being fabled, that when the words were spoken aloud, some Shepherds had repeated them over their Bread, which was thereupon presently turned into Flesh. Besides that it was but suitable that a Change which was not to be seen, should be made by words not to be heard. The Priest was not to approach it, but after so many Bowings, Cross, and Kiss of the Altar; and all the while he went through with the Office, the People were only now and then blessed by a short Blessing, The Lord be with you, and even that in Latin. Then after Consecration, the Bread was lifted up, and all the People worshipped it, as if Christ had appeared in the Clouds. It was oft exposed on the Altar, and carried about in Processions, with the Ceremonies of carrying Flambeaux before it, which the greatest Persons accounted it an Honour to do; the Priest that carried it all the while going pompously under a rich Canopy.  
This was also thought most effectual for all the accidents of life. And whereas it was first only intended to be a Commemoration and Communion of the Death of Christ; that seemed almost forgotten, but it was applied to all other ends imaginable. That which brought in most Custom was, Trentals, which was a Method of delivering Souls out of Purgatory, by saying 30 Masses a year for them. And whereas it was observed, that Men on the Anniverssaries of their Birth-days, Wedding, or other happy accidents of their Lives, were commonly in better humour; so that Favours were more easily obtained; they seemed to have had the same opinion of God and Christ. So they ordered it, that three of these should be said on Christmas day, three on Epiphany, three on the Purification of the Blessed Virgin, three on the Annunciation, three on the Resurrection, three on the Ascension, three on Whit-Sunday, three on Trinity-Sunday, three on the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin, and three on her Birthday; hoping that these days would be the Mollia tempora when God and Christ, or the Blessed Virgin, would be of easier access, and more ready to grant their desires. Yet the most unaccountable part of all, was the Masses on the Saints days, praying that the Intercession of the Saint might make the Sacrifice acceptable, that the Saint, for whose Honour these Oblations were solemnly offered, would by his Merits procure them to be accepted, and that the Sacrifice might bring to them a greater Indulgence, being offered up by the Suffrages of the Saint. If the Sacrifice was of Jesus Christ, and was of its own Nature expiatory, how this should be done in honour to a Saint, and become of greater virtue by his Intercession, was a thing very hard to be understood. There were many Pieces of ridiculous Pageantry also used in it, as the laying the Host in the Sepulchre they made for Christ on Good-Friday; and that not only the Candles that were to burn at the Easter Celebration, but the very Fire that was to kindle them, was particularly consecrated on Easter Eve. Some Masses were believed to have a peculiar Virtue in them. For in the Mass-Book printed at London Anno 1500. there is a Mass for avoiding sudden death; which Pope Clement made in the College with all his Cardinals, and granted to all who heard it 270 days of Indulgence, charging them that they should hold in their Hand a burning Candle all the while it was saying, and for five days after should likewise hold a Candle, kneeling during the whole Mass: and to those that did so, sudden death should do no harm. And it is added, that this was certain, and approved, in Avignion, and all the neighbouring Places. All this I have opened the more largely, to let the Reader plainly understand, what things were then in this Sacrament that required Reformation: and I have gathered these things out of the Mass-Book, then most used in England, and best known by the Name of the Missal after the use of Sarum.  

A new Office for the Communion set out.  The first step these deputed Bishops and Divines made, was to reform this. But they did not at once mend every thing that required it, but left the Office of the Mass as it was, only adding to it that which made it a Communion. It began first with an Exhortation, to be used the day before, which differs not much from that now used. Only after the advice given concerning Confession, it is added, That such as desired to make auricular Confession, should not censure those who were satisfied with a general Confession to God, and that those who used only Confession to God and to the Church should not be offended with those who used auricular Confession to a Priest; but that all should keep the Rule of Charity, every Man being satisfied to follow his own Conscience, and not judging another Man's in things not appointed by God. After the Priest had received the Sacrament, he was to turn to the People and read an Exhortation to them; the same we now use, only a little varied in words. After that, followed a Denunciation against Sinners, requiring them who were such, and had not repent, to withdraw, lest the Devil should enter into them as he did into Judas. Then after a little pause, to see if any would withdraw; there was to follow a short Exhortation, with a Confession of sins, and Absolution, the very same which we do yet retain. Then those Texts of Scripture were read, which we yet read; followed with the Prayer, We do not presume, etc. After this, the Sacrament was to be given in both kinds; first to the Ministers then present, and then to all the People, with these words, The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given for thee, preserve thy Body unto Everlasting Life; and, The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ which was shed for thee, preserve thy Soul unto Everlasting Life. When all was done, the Congregation was to be dismissed with a Blessing. The Bread was to be such as had been formerly used, and every one of the Breads so consecrated was to be broken in two or more pieces; and the People were to be taught that there was no difference in the quantity they received, whether it were small, or great, but that in each of them they received the whole Body of Christ. If the Wine, that was at first consecrated, did not serve, the Priest was to consecrate more; but all to be without any Elevation. This Office, being thus finished, was set forth with a Proclamation, reciting, That whereas the Parliament had Enacted that the Communion should be given in both kinds to all the King's Subjects, it was now ordered to be given in the Form here set forth, and all were required to receive it with due reverence, and Christian behaviour, and with such uniformity as might encourage the King to go on in the setting forth godly Orders for Reformation, which he intended most earnestly to bring to effect by the help of God: Willing his Subjects, not to run before his direction, and so by their rashness to hinder such things; assuring them of the earnest zeal he had to set them forth, hoping they would quietly and reverently tarry for it.  
This was published on the 8th of March, and on the 13th Books were sent to all the Bishops of England, requiring them to send them to every Parish in their Diocese, that the Curates might have time, both to instruct themselves about it, and to acquaint their People with it; so that by the next Easter it might be universally received in all the Churches of the Nation. This was variously censured. 
It is variously censured.  Those that were for the old Superstition, were much troubled to have Confession thus left indifferent, and a general Confession of sins to be used, with which they apprehended the People would for the most part content themselves. 
Chief that Auricular Confession was laid down.  In the Scripture there was a Power of Binding and Losing sins given to the Apostles. And St. James exhorted those to whom he wrote, to confess their faults to one another. Afterwards Penitents came to be reconciled to the Church, when they had given public scandal, either by their Apostasy, or ill Life, by an open Confession of their sins; and after some time of separation from the other pure Christians in Worship, and an abstention from the Sacrament, they were admitted again to their share of all the Privileges that were given in common to Christians. But according to the nature of their sins, they were, besides the public Confession, put under such Rules as might be most proper for curing these ill Inclinations in them: and according to the several Ranks of sins, the time and degrees of this Penitence was proportioned. And the Councils that met in the fourth and fifth Centuries made the regulating these penitentiary Canons the chief Subject of their Consultations. In many Churches, there were penitentiary Priests, who were more expert in the knowledge of these Rules, and gave directions about them: which were taken away in Constantinople upon the indiscretion of which one of them had been guilty. For secret sins, there was no obligation to confess, since all the Canons were about public scandals: yet for these, the devout People generally went to their Priests for their Counsel, but were not obliged to it; and so went to them for the distempers of their Minds, as they did to Physicians for the Diseases of their Bodies.  
About the end of the 5th Century, they began in some Places to have secret Penances; either within Monasteries, or other Places which the Priests had appointed: and upon a secret Confession, and performing the Penance imposed, Absolution was also given secretly: whereas in former times, Confession and Absolution had been performed openly in the Church. In the 7th Century it was every where practised, that there should be secret Penance for secret sins: which Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury did first bring into a Method, and under Rules. But about the end of the 8th Century, the commutation of Penance, and exchanging it for Money, or other Services to the Church, came to be practised: and then began Pilgrimages to Holy Places, and afterwards the going to the Holy War: and all the severities of Penance were dispensed with to such as undertook these. This brought on a great Relaxation of all Ecclesiastical Discipline. Afterwards, Croisadoes came in use, against such Princes as were deposed by Popes: and to these was likewise added, to encourage all to enter into them, that all Rules of Penitence were dispensed with to such as put on that Cross. But Penitence being now no more public, but only private, the Priests managed it as they pleased, and so by Confession entered into all men's secrets, and by Absolution had their Consciences so entirely in their Power, that the People were generally governed by them. Yet because the Secular Priests were commonly very ignorant, and were not put under such an association as was needful to manage those designs, for which this was thought an excellent Engine; therefore the Friars were employed every where to hear Confessions, and to give Absolutions. And to bring in Customers to them, two new things were invented. The one was, a Reserving of certain Cases, in which such as were guilty of them could not be absolved but by the Popes, or those deputed by them: and the Friars had faculties in the Pope's Name to absolve in these Cases. The other was on some occasion the use of certain new Secrets, by which Men were to obtain great Indulgences; either by saying such Prayers, or performing such Impositions; and these were all trusted to the Friars, who were to trade with them, and bring all the Money they could gather by that means to Rome. They being bred up to a voluntary Poverty, and expecting great Rewards for their Industry, sold those Secrets with as much cunning, as Mounte-banks use in selling their Tricks: only here was the difference, that the ineffectualness of the Mountebanks Medicines was soon discovered, so their Trade must be but short in one Place; whereas the other could not be so easily found out; The chief Piece of the Religion of those Ages being to believe all that their Priests taught them. Of this sort the Reader will find in the Collection an Essay of Indulgences as they were printed in the Hours after the use of Sarum, 
Collection Number 26.  which were set down in English, though the Prayers be all Latin, that so all the People might know the value of such Ware. Those had been all by degrees brought from Rome, and put into People's Hands, and afterwards laid together in their Offices. By them, Indulgences of many years, Hundreds, Thousands, and Millions of years, and of all sins whatsoever, were granted to such as devoutly said such Collects: but it was always understood that they must confess and be absolved, which is the meaning of those Expressions concerning their being in a state of Grace. And so the whole Business was a Cheat.  
And now all this Trade was laid aside, and Confession of secret sins was left to all men's free choice: since it was certain that the Confession to a Priest was not where enjoined in the Scriptures. It was a reasonable Objection, that as secret Confession and private Penance had worn out the primitive practice of the public censuring of scandalous Persons, so it had been well if the reviving of that Discipline had driven out these later Abuses: but to let that lie unrestored, and yet to let Confession wear out, was to discharge the World of all outward restraints, and to leave them to their full liberty, and so to throw up that Power of Binding and Losing, which ought to take place, chief, in admitting them to the Sacrament. This was confessed to be a great defect, and effectual endeavours were used to retrieve it, though without success: and it was openly declared to be a thing which they would study to repair: But the total disuse of all public censure had made the Nation so unacquainted with it, that without the effectual concurrence of the Civil Authority, they could not compass it. And though it was acknowledged to be a great disorder in the Church, yet as they could not keep up the necessity of private Confession, since it was not commanded in the Gospel; so the generality of the Clergy being superstitious Men, whose chief influence on the People was by those secret Practices in Confession, they judged it necessary to leave that free to all People, and to represent it as a thing to which they were not obliged, and in the place of that ordered the general Confession to be made in the Church, with the Absolution added to it. For the Power of Binding and Losing, it was by many thought to be only Declarative; and so to be exercised, when the Gospel was preached, and a General Absolution granted, according to the Ancient Forms. In which Forms, the Absolution was a Prayer that God would absolve; and so it had been still used in the Absolution which was given on Maundy-Thursday: but the Formal Absolution given by the Priest in his own Name, I absolve thee, was a late invention to raise their Authority higher, and signified nothing distinct from those other Forms that were anciently used in the Church.  
Others censured the Words in distributing the two kinds in the Lord's Supper: the Body being given for the preserving the Body, and the Blood of Christ for preserving the Soul. This was thought done on design to possess the People with an high value of the Chalice, as that which preserved their Souls; whereas the Bread was only for the preservation of their Bodies. But Cranmer being ready to change any thing for which he saw good reason, did afterwards so alter it, that in both it was said, Preserve thy Body and Soul. And yet it stands so in the Prayer, We do not presume, etc. On all this I have digressed so long, because of the importance of the matter, and for satisfying the Scruples that many still have upon the laying aside of Confession in our Reformation.  
Commissions were next given to examine the state of the Chantries and Guildable Lands. The Instruction about them will be found in the Collection, of which I need give no abstract here, 
Collection Number 27.  for they were only about the Methods of enquiring into their value, and how they were possessed, or what Alienations had been made of them.  
The Protector and Council were now in much trouble. The War with Scotland they found was like to grow chargeable, since they saw it was supported from France. There was a Rebellion also broke out in Ireland, and the King was much indebted, nor could they expect any Subsidies from the Parliament; in which it had been said that they gave the Chantry Lands, that they might be delivered from all Subsidies. Therefore the Parliament was prorogued till Winter. Upon this the whole Council did on the 17th of April unanimously resolve, that it was necessary to sell 5000 l. a year of Chantry Lands for raising such a Sum as the King's occasions required, and Sir Hen. Mildmay was appointed to treat about the Sale of them.  

Gardiner falls into new Troubles.  The new Communion-Book was received over England without any opposition. Only complaints were brought of Gardiner, that he did secretly detract from the Kings Proceed. Upon which the Council took occasion to reflect on all his former behaviour. And here it was remembered, how at first upon his refusing to receive the King's Injunctions, he had been put in the Fleet; where he had been as well used, as if it had been his own House; (which is far contrary to his Letters to the Protector, of which mention has been already made) and that he upon promise of Conformity had been discharged. But when he was come home, being forgetful of his Promises; he had raised much strife and contention, and had caused all his Servants to be secretly armed and harnessed, and had put public affronts on those whom the Council sent down to preach in his Diocese; for in some Places, to disgrace them, he went into the Pulpit before them, and warned the People to beware of such Teachers, and to receive no other Doctrine but what he had taught them. Upon this he had been sent for a second time, but again upon his Promise of Conformity was discharged, and ordered to stay at his own House in London. That there he had continued still to meddle in public Matters, of which being again admonished, he desired that he might be suffered to clear himself of all misrepresentations that had been made of him, in a Sermon which he should preach before the King, in which he should openly declare how well he was satisfied with his Proceed: yet it is added, That in his Sermon, where there was a wonderful Audience, he did most arrogantly meddle with some Matters that were contrary to an express command given him both by word of Mouth and by Letters; and in other Matters, used such words as had almost raised a great Tumult in the very time, and had spoken very seditiously concerning the Policy of the Kingdom. So they saw that Clemency wrought no good effect on him; and it seeming necessary to terrify others by their Proceed with him, he was sent to the Tower, and the door of his Closet was sealed up. Thus it is entered in the Council-Book, Signed E. Somerset, T. Cantuarien. W. St. john's, J. Russel, and T. Cheyney. Yet it seems this Order was not Signed when it was made, but some years after. For the Lord Russel Signed first Bedford, but remembering that at the time when this Order was made he had not that Title, therefore he dashed it out, (but so as it still appears) and Signed, J. Russel.  

Fox's Acts and Monuments.  The account that Gardiner himself gives of this Business, is, That being discharged upon the Act of Pardon, he was desired to promise that he would set forth the Homilies; and a Form was given him to which he should set his Hand; but he, considering of it a fortnight, returned, and said he could not subscribe it: so he was confined to his House. Then Ridley and Mr. Cecil, (afterwards the great Lord Burleigh, Lord Treasurer to Queen Eliz. at that time Secretary to the Protector) were sent to him, and so prevailed, that he did set his Hand to it. But upon some Complaints that were made of him, he was sent for after Whit-Sunday, and accused, that he had carried Palms, had crept to the Cross, and had a Sepulchre on Good-Friday, which was contrary to the King's Proclamations: all which he denied, and said, he had and would still give obedience to what the King should command. That of affronting the King's Preachers was objected to him, to which he answered telling matter of fact how it was done, but he does not in his Writing set it down. Then it was complained, that in a Sermon he had said, The Apostles came away rejoicing from the Council, the Council, the Council, repeating it thus, to make it seem applicable to himself. This he denied. Then it was objected, That he preached the Real Presence in the Sacrament, the Word Real not being in Scripture, and so it was not the setting forth the pure Word of God: He said, he had not used the Word Real, only he had asserted the Presence of Christ, in such words as he had heard the Archbishop of Canterbury dispute for it against Lambert, that had been burnt. He was commanded to tarry in London; but he desired, that since he was not an Offender, he might be at his liberty. He complained much of the Songs made of him, and of the Books written against him, and particularly of one Philpot in Westminster, whom he accounted a mad Man.  
Then he relates, That Cecil came to him, and proposed to him to preach before the King, and that he should write his Sermon; and also brought him some Notes which he wished him to put in his Sermon: he said he was willing to preach, but would not write it, for that was to preach as an Offender: nor would he make use of Notes prepared by other Men. Then he was privately brought to the Protector, none but the Lord St. John being present, who shown him a Paper containing the opinion of some Lawyers, of the King's Power, and of a Bishop's Authority, and of the Punishment of disobeying the King: but he desired to speak with those Lawyers, and said, no subscription of theirs should oblige him to preach otherwise than as he was convinced. The Protector said, he should either do that, or do worse. Secretary Smith came to him to press him further in some Points, but what they were is not mentioned. Yet by the other Papers in that Business it appears, they related to the King's Authority when under Age, and for justifying the Kings proceed in what had been done about the Ceremonies, and that Auricular Confession was indifferent. So the Contest between him and the Protector ended; and there was no writing required of him; but he left the whole matter to him, so that he should treat plainly of those things mentioned to him by Cecil. He chose St. Peter's day, because the Gospel agreed to his purpose. Cecil shown him some Notes, written with the King's Hand, of the Sermons preached before him; especially what was said of the Duty of a King; and warned him, that when ever he named the King he should add, and his Council. To this he made no Answer; for though he thought it wisely done of a King to use his Council, yet being to speak of the King's Power according to Scripture, he did not think it necessary to add any thing of his Council: and hearing by a confused report some secret matter, he resolved not to meddle with it. Two days before he preached, the Protector sent him a Message, not to meddle with those Questions about the Sacrament; that were yet in controversy among Learned Men; and that therefore he was resolved there should be no public determination made of them beforehand in the Pulpit. He said, he could not forbear to speak of the Mass, for he looked on it as the chief foundation of Christian Religion: but he doubted not that he should so speak of it, as to give them all content. So the day following the Protector writ to him, 
Number 28.  (as will be found in the Collection) requiring him in the King's Name, not to meddle with these Points, but to preach concerning the Articles given him, and about Obedience, and good Life, which would afford him matter enough for a long Sermon: since the other points were to be reserved to a public Consultation. The Protector added, That he held it a great part of his Duty under the King, not to suffer wilful Persons to dissuade the People from receiving such Truths as should be set forth by others. But Gardiner pretended that there was no Controversy about the Presence of Christ. And so the next day he took his Text out of the Gospel for the day, Thou art Christ, 
Parker's MSS. Ex C. Ch. Col. Cant. He preached before the King.  etc. In his Sermon (of which I have seen large Notes) he expressed himself very fully concerning the Pope's Supremacy as justly abolished, and the Suppression of Monasteries and Chantries; he approved of the Kings Proceed; he thought Images might have been well used, but yet they might be well taken away. He approved of the Sacrament in both kinds, and the taking away that great number of Masses satisfactory, and liked well the new Order for the Communion. But he asserted largely the Presence of Christ's Flesh and Blood in the Sacrament: Upon which many of the Assembly, that were indiscreetly hot on both sides, cried out, some approving, and others disliking it. Of the King's Authority under Age, and of the Power of the Council in that Case, he said not a word: and upon that he was imprisoned.  
The occasion of this was, the Popish Clergy began generally to have it spread among them, that though they had acknowledged the King's Supremacy, yet they had never owned the Councils Supremacy. That the Council could only see to the execution of the Laws and Orders that had been made, but could not make new ones; and that therefore the Supremacy could not be exercised, till the King, in whose Person it was vested, came to be of Age to consider of Matters himself. Upon this, the Lawyers were consulted; who did unanimously resolve, that the Supremacy being annexed to the Regal Dignity, was the same in a King under Age, when it was executed by the Council, that it was in a King at full Age; and therefore, things ordered by the Council now, had the same Authority in Law that they could have when the King did act himself. But this did not satisfy the greater part of the Clergy. Some of whom, by the high Flatteries that had been given to Kings in King Henry's time, seemed to fancy that there were degrees of Divine Illumination derived unto Princes, by the anointing them at the Coronation; and these not exerting themselves till a King attained to a ripeness of understanding, they thought the Supremacy was to lie dormant while he was so young. The Protector and Council endeavoured to have got Gardener to declare against this, but he would not meddle in it. How far he might set forward the other Opinion, I do not know. These Proceed against him were thought too severe, and without Law; but he being generally hated, they were not so much censured, as they had been, if they had fallen on a more acceptable Man.  
And thus were the Orders made by the Council generally obeyed; many being terrified with the usage Gardiner met with, from which others inferred what they might look for, if they were refractory, when so great a Bishop was so treated.  
The next thing Cranmer set about, was the compiling of a Catechism, or large instruction of young Persons in the Grounds of the Christian Religion. In it, he reckons the two first Commandments but one; 
Cranmer sets out a Catechism.  though, he says, many of the Ancients divided them in two. But the division was of no great consequence, so no part of the Decalogue were suppressed by the Church. He shown that the excuses the Papists had for Images, were no other than what the Heathens brought for their Idolatry; who also said, they did not worship the Image, but that only which was represented by it. He particularly takes notice of the Image of the Trinity. He shows how St. Peter would not suffer Cornelius, and the Angel would not suffer St. John, to worship them. The believing that there is a virtue in one Image more than in another, he accounts plain Idolatry. Ezekias' broke the Brazen Serpent, when abused, though it was a Type or Image of Christ, made by God's command, to which a miraculous Virtue had been once given. So now there was good reason to break Images, when they had been so abused to superstition and Idolatry; and when they gave such scandal to Jews and Mahometans, who generally accounted the Christians Idolaters on that account. He asserts, besides the two Sacraments, of Baptism, and the Lords Supper, the Power of reconciling Sinners to God, as a third; and fully owns the Divine Institution of Bishops and Priests; and wishes that the Canons and Rites of public Penitence were again restored; and exhorts much to Confession, and the People's dealing with their Pastors about their Consciences, that so they might, upon knowledge, bind and lose according to the Gospel. Having finished this easy, but most useful work, he dedicated it to the King. And in his Epistle to him, complains of the great neglect, that had been in former times, of Catechising; and that Confirmation had not been rightly administered, since it ought to be given only to these of Age, who understood the Principles of the Christian Doctrine, and did upon knowledge, and with sincere minds, renew their Baptismal Vow. From this it will appear, that from the beginning of this Reformation, the Practice of the Roman Church in the matter of Images was held Idolatrous. Cranmers zeal for restoring the Penitentiary Canons is also clear: and it is plain, that he had now quite laid aside those singular opinions which he formerly held of the Ecclesiastical Functions; for now, in a Work which was wholly his own, without the concurrence of any others, he fully sets forth their Divine Institution.  
All these things made way for a greater Work, which these selected Bishops and Divines, who had laboured in the setting forth of the Office of the Communion, were now preparing; which was, the entire Reformation of the whole Service of the Church. In order to this, they brought together all the Offices used in England. In the Southern Parts, 
A General Reformation of all the Offices of the Church is set about.  those after the use of Sarum were universally received, which were believed to have been compiled by Osmund Bishop of Sarum. In the North of England, they had other Offices, after the use of York. In South-Wales they had them after the use of Hereford. In North-Wales after the use of Bangor. And in Lincoln, another sort of an Office proper to that See.  
In the Primitive Church, when the extraordinary Gifts ceased, the Bishops of the several Churches put their Offices and Prayers into such a Method, as was nearest to what they had heard or remembered from the Apostles. And these Liturgies were called by the Apostles Names from whose Forms they had been composed; as that at Jerusalem carried the Name of St. James, and that of Alexandria the Name of St. Mark; though those Books that we have now under these Names are certainly so interpolated, that they are of no great Authority: But in the fourth Century we have these Liturgies first mentioned. The Council of Laodicea appointed the same Office of Prayers to be used in the Mornings and Evenings. The Bishops continued to draw up new Additions, and to put old Forms into other Methods. But this was left to every Bishop's care, nor was it made the Subject of any public Consultation, till St. Augustine's time; when in their deal with Heretics, they found they took advantages from some of the Prayers that were in some Churches. Upon this he tells us, it was ordered, that there should be no Prayers used in the Church, but upon common advice: after that the Liturgies came to be more carefully considered. Formerly the Worship of God was a pure and simple thing, and so it continued, till Superstition had so infected the Church that those Forms were thought too naked, unless they were put under more Artificial Rules, and dressed up with much Ceremony. Gregory the Great was the first that took much care to make the Church Music very regular, and he did also put the Liturgies in another Method than had been formerly used. Yet he had no such fondness of his own composures; but left it to Austin the Monk, whom he sent over into England, when he consulted him in it, either to use the Roman or French Rituals, or any other, as he should find they were most likely to edify the People. After this, in most Sees there were great variations; for as any Prelate came to be Canonised, or held in high esteem by the People, some private Collects or particular Forms that he had used, were practised in his, or perhaps, as his Fame spread, in the neighbouring Dioceses. In every Age there were notable Additions made: and all the Writers almost, in the 8th and 9th Centuries, employed their Fancies to find out mystical significations for every Rite that was then used; and so, as a new Rite was added, it was no hard matter to add some Mystery to it. This had made the Offices swell out of measure, and there was a great variety of them, Missals, Breviaries, Rituals, Pontificals, Portoises, Pies, Gradualls, Antiphonalls, Psalteries, Hours, and a great many more. Every Religious Order had likewise their peculiar Rites, with the Saints days that belonged to their Order, and Services for them; and the understanding how to officiate was become so hard a piece of the Trade, that it was not easy to learn it exactly, without a long practice in it. So now it was resolved to correct and examine these.  

It was resolved there should be a new Liturgy.  I do not find it was ever brought under consideration, whether they should compose a Form for all the Parts of Divine Worship, or leave it to the sudden and extemporary heats of those who were to officiate, which some have called since that time, The worshipping by the Spirit: Of this way of serving God, they did not then dream; much less that the appointing of Forms of Prayer was an encroaching on the Kingly Office of Christ, but thought, what ever praying in the Spirit might have been in the Apostles time, (where yet every Man brought his Psalms, which are a sort of Prayers, as well as Praises, and these look like some written Composures, as St. Paul expresses it) that now to pray with warm affection and sincere devotion was Spiritual Worship: and that where it was the same thing that was to be daily asked of God, the using the same expressions, was the sign of a steady devotion, that was fixed on the thing prayed for; whereas the heat that new words raised, looked rather like a warmth in the fancy. Nor could it agree with the Principles of a Reformation, that was to divest the Churchmen of that unlimited Authority which they had formerly exercised over men's Consciences, to leave them at liberty to make the People pray after them, as they pleased; this being as great a resignation of the People, when their devotion depended on the sudden heats of their Pastors, as the former Superstition had made of their Faith and Conscience to them. So it being resolved to bring the whole Worship of God under set Forms. they set one General Rule to themselves, (which they afterwards declared) of changing nothing for novelties sake, or merely because it had been formerly used. They resolved to retain such things as the Primitive Church had practised, cutting off such abuses as the later ages had grafted on them, and to continue the use of such other things, which, though they had been brought in not so early, yet were of good use to beget devotion; and were so much recommended to the People by the practice of them, that the laying these aside would perhaps have alienated them from the other changes they made. And therefore they resolved to make no change without very good and weighty reasons. In which they considered the practice of our Saviour; who did not only comply with the Rites of Judaisme himself, but even the Prayer he gave to his Disciples, was framed according to their Forms; and his two great Institutions of Baptism, and the Eucharist, did consist of Rites that had been used among the Jews. And since he who was delivering a new Religion, and was authorized in the highest manner that ever any was, did yet so far comply with received Practices, as from them to take those which he sanctified for the use of his Church; it seemed much fit for those who had no such extraordinary warrant to give them Authority in what they did, when they were reforming abuses, to let the World see, they did it not from the wanton desire of change, or any affectation of novelty: and with those resolutions they entered on their Work.  
In the search of the former Offices, they found an infinite deal of superstition, in the Consecrations, of Water, Salt, Bread, Incense, Candles, Fire, Bells, Churches, Images, Altars, Crosses, Vessels, Garments, Palms, Flowers; all looked like the Rites of Heathenism, and seemed to spring from the same Fountain. When the Water or Salt were blessed, it was expressed to be to this end, that they might be health both to Soul and Body, and Devils (who might well laugh at these tricks which they had taught them) were adjured not to come to any place where they were sprinkled: and the Holy Bread was blessed, to be a defence against all Diseases, and snares of the Devil: and the Holy Incense, that Devils might not come near the smoke of it, but that all who smelled at it might perceive the Virtue of the Holy Ghost: and the Ashes were blessed so, that all who were covered with them, might deserve to obtain the remission of their sins. All those things had drawn the People to such confidence in them, that they generally thought that, without those harder terms of true holiness, they might upon such superstitious observances be sure of Heaven. So all these they resolved to cast out, as things which had no warrant in Scripture, and were vain devices to draw Men away from a lively application to God through Christ, according to the method of the Gospel. Then the many Rites in Sacramental Actions were considered, all which had swelled up to an infinite heap. And as some of these, which had no foundation in Scripture, were thrown out; so the others were brought back to a greater simplicity. In no part of Religion was the corruption of the former Offices more remarkable, than in the Priests granting Absolution to the Living, and the Dead. To such as Confessed, the Absolution was thus granted; I absolve thee in the Name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. To which this was added, And I grant to thee that all the Indulgences, given, or to be given thee, by any Prelate, with the Blessings of them, all the Sprinklings of Holy Water, all the Devout Beat of thy Breast, the Contritions of thy Heart, this Confession, and all thy other devout Confessions, all thy Fast, Abstinencies, Almsgiving, Watch, Disciplines, Prayers, and Pilgrimages, and all the good thou hast done, or shall do, and all the evils thou hast suffered, or shalt suffer, for God; the Passions of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Merits of the Glorious and Blessed Virgin Mary, and of all other Saints, and the Suffrages of all the Holy Catholic Church, turn to thee for the remission of these, and all other thy sins, the increase of thy Merits, and the attainment of Everlasting Rewards. When Extreme Unction was given to dying Persons, they applied it to the Ears, Lips, Nose, and other Parts, with this Prayer; By this Holy Unction, and his own most tender Mercy, and by the Intercession of the Blessed Virgin, and all the Saints, may God pardon thee whatever thou hast sinned, by thy Hearing, Speaking, or Smelling, and so in the other Parts. And when the dead Body was laid in the Grave, this Absolution was said over it; The Lord Jesus Christ, who gave to St. Peter and his other Disciples power to bind and lose, absolve thee from all the guilt of thy sins; and in so far as is committed to my weakness, be thou absolved before the Tribunal of our Lord, and may thou have Eternal Life, and live for evermore. This was thought the highest abuse possible; when in giving the hopes of Heaven, and the pardon of sins, which were of all the other parts of Religion the most important, there were such mixtures: and that which the Scriptures had taught could be only attained by Jesus Christ, and that upon the sincere belief and obedience of his Gospel, was now ascribed to so many other procuring Causes. These things had possessed the World with that conceit that there was a trick for saving Souls, besides that plain method which Christ had taught; and that the Priests had the secret of it in their Hands; so that those who would not come under the Yoke of Christ, and be saved that way, needed only to apply themselves to Priests, and purchase their favour, and the business would be done.  
There were two other Changes, which run through the whole Offices. The one was, The translating them into a Vulgar Tongue. The Jewish Worship was either in Hebrew, or, after the Captivity, in the Syriack, the Vulgar Tongues of Palestine. The Apostles always officiated in the Tongues that were best understood: So that St. Paul did copiously censure those who in Prayers or Psalms, used any Language that was not understood. And Origen, Basil, with all the Fathers that had occasion to mention this, took notice, that every one in their own Tongue worshipped God. After the renting of the Roman Empire by the Goths, and other barbarous Nations, the Roman Tongue did slowly mix with their Tongues, till it was much changed, and altered from itself by degrees; yet it was so long a doing that, that it was not thought necessary to translate the Liturgy into their Languages. But in the ninth Century, when the Slavons were converted, it being desired that they might have Divine Offices in their own Language; while some opposed it, a Voice was said to be heard, Let every Tongue Praise God; Upon which, Pope John the 8th writ to Methodius their Bishop, that it might be granted, and founded it on St. Paul's Epist. to the Cor. and on these words of David, Let every Tongue praise the Lord. And in the fourth Council of Lateran it was decreed, That Bishops who lived in Places where they were mixed with Greeks, should provide fit Priests for performing Divine Offices, according to the Rites and Language of those to whom they ministered. But the Roman Church, though so merciful to the Greeks, and Slavons, was more cruel to the rest of Europe; and since only Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, had been written on the Cross of Christ by Pilate, they argued that these Languages were thereby consecrated: though it is not easy to apprehend what Holiness could be derived into these Tongues by Pilate, who ordered these Inscriptions. It was also pretended, that it was a part of the Communion of Saints, that every where the Worship should be in the same Tongue. But the truth was, they had a mind to raise the value of the Priestly Function, by keeping all Divine Offices in a Tongue not understood; which in People otherwise well seasoned with superstition, might have that effect; but it did very much alienate the rest of the World from them. There was also a vast number of holidays, formerly observed, with so many Prayers and Hymns belonging to them, and so many Lessons that were to be read; which were many of them such impudent Forgeries, that, the whole Breviary and Missal being full of these, a great deal was to be left out. There is in the whole Breviary scarce one Saint, but the Lessons concerning him contain some ridiculous Legend, such as indeed could not be well read in a Vulgar Tongue without the scorn and laughter of the Hearers; and for most part the Prayers and Hymns do relate to these lying Stories. Many of the Prayers and Hymns were also in such a Style, that the pardon of Sin, Grace, and Heaven, were immediately desired from the Saints; as if these things had come from their Bounty, or by their Merits; or were given by them only, of which the Reader shall have a little taste in the Collection, in some of the Addresses made to them. 
Collection Number 29.   
The Reformers having thus considered the corruptions of the former Offices, were thereby better prepared to frame new ones. But the Priests had officiated in some Garments, which were appropriated to that use, as Surplices, Copes, and other Vestments; and it was long under consideration whether these should continue. It was objected, that these Garments had been parts of the Train of the Mass, and had been superstitiously abused, only to set it off with the more pomp. On the other hand it was argued, That as White was anciently the Colour of the Priests Garments in the Mosaical Dispensation, so it was used in the African Churches in the fourth Century: And it was thought a natural expression of the purity and decency that became Priests: besides the Clergy were then generally extreme poor, so that they could scarce afford themselves decent ; the People also running from the other Extreme of submitting too much to the Clergy, were now as much inclined to despise them, and to make light of the Holy Function; so that if they should officiate in their own mean Garments, it might make the Divine Offices grow also into contempt. And therefore, it was resolved to continue the use of them; and it was said, that their being blessed, and used superstitiously, gave as strong an Argument against the use of Churches, and Bells; but that St. Paul had said, That every Creature of God was good, and even the Meat of the Sacrifice offered to an Idol, than which there could be no greater abuse, might lawfully be eaten; therefore they saw no necessity because of a former abuse to throw away Habits, that had so much decency in them, and had been formerly in use.  
In the compiling the Offices, they began with Morning and Evening Prayer. These were put in the same Form they are now; only there was no Confession nor Absolution; the Office beginning with the Lords Prayer. In the Communion Service, the Ten Commandments were not said, as they are now; but in other things, it was very near what it is now. All that had been in the Order of the Communion formerly mentioned was put into it. The Offertory was to be made of Bread and Wine mixed with Water. Then was said the Prayer for the state of Christ's Church, in which they gave thanks to God for his wonderful Grace declared in his Saints, in the Blessed Virgin, the Patriarches, Apostles, Prophets, and Martyrs; and they commended the Saints departed to God's Mercy and Peace, that at the day of the Resurrection we with them might be set on Christ's Right Hand. To this, the consecratory Prayer which we now use, was joined as a part of it; only with these words that are since left out, With thy Holy Spirit vouchsafe to Ble † ss, and Sanc † tifie, these thy Gifts and Creatures of Bread and Wine, that they may be unto us the Body and Blood of thy most dearly beloved Son, etc. To the Consecration was also joined the Prayer of Thanksgiving now used. After the Consecration, all Elevation was forbidden, which had been first used as a Rite expressing how Christ was lifted up on the Cross; but was, after the belief of the Corporal Presence, made use of to show the Sacrament, that the People might all fall down and worship it. And it was ordered, That the whole Office of the Communion, except the Consecratory Prayer, should be used on all holidays, when there was no Communion, to put People in mind of it, and of the Sufferings of Christ. The Bread was to be unleavened, round, but no print on it, and somewhat thicker than it was formerly. And though it was anciently put in the People's Hands, yet because some might carry it away, and apply it to superstitious uses, it was ordered to be put by the Priest into their Mouths. It is clear that Christ delivered it into the Hands of the Apostles, and it so continued for many Ages, as appears by several remarkable Stories of Holy Men carrying it with them in their Journeys. In the Greek Church, where the Bread and Wine were mingled together, some began to think it more decent to receive it in little Spoons of Gold, than in their Hands; but that was condemned by the Council in Trullo: Yet soon after they began in the Latin Church to appoint Men to receive it with their Hands, but Women to take it in a Linen Cloth, which was called their Dominical. But when the belief of the Corporeal Presence was received, than a new way of receiving was invented among other things to support it: The People were now no more to touch that which was conceived to be the Flesh of their Saviour, and therefore the Priest's Thumb and Fingers were particularly anointed, as a necessary disposition for so holy a Contact, and so it was by them put into the Mouths of the People. A Litany was also gathered, consisting of many short Petitions, interrupted by Suffrages between them: and was the same that we still use, only they had one Suffrage that we have not, to be delivered from the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, and all his detestable enormities.  
In Baptism there was, besides the Forms which we still retain, a Cross at first made on the Child's Forehead, and Breast, with an adjuration of the Devil to go out of him, and come at him no more. Then the Priest was to take the Child by the Right Hand, and to place him within the Font: there he was to be dipped thrice, once on the right side, once on the left, and once on the Breast; which was to be discreetly done: but if the Child were weak, it was sufficient to sprinkle Water on his Face. Then was the Priest to put a White Vestment or Chrisom on him, for a token of Innocence, and to anoint him on the Head, with a Prayer for the Unction of the Holy Ghost. In Confirmation, those that came, were to be Catechised, which having in it a formal engagement to make good the Baptismal Vow, was all that was asked: (The Catechism than was the same that is now, only there is since added an Explanation of the Sacraments:) This being said, the Bishop was to Sign them with the Cross, and to lay his Hands on them, and say, I Sign thee with the Sign of the Cross, and lay my Hands on thee, in the Name of the Father, etc. The Sick, who desired to be anointed, might have the Unction on their Forehead, or their Breast only; with a Prayer, that as their Body was outwardly anointed with Oil, so they might receive the Holy Ghost, with Health, and victory over Sin, and Death. At Funerals, they recommended the Soul departed to God's Mercy, and prayed that his sins might be pardoned, that he might be delivered from Hell, and carried to Heaven, and that his Body might be raised at the last day.  
They also took care that those who could not come, or be brought to Church, should not therefore be deprived of the use of the Sacraments. The Church of Rome had raised the belief of the indispensable necessity of the Sacraments so high, that they taught they did ex opere operato by the very action itself without inward acts, justify and confer Grace, unless there were a bar put to it by the Receiver: and the first rise of the Questions about Justification seems to have come from this: For that Church teaching that Men were justified by Sacramental Actions, the Reformers opposed this, and thought Men were justified by the Internal Acts of the Mind: If they had held at this, the Controversy might have been managed with much greater advantages; which they lost in a great measure by descending to some minuter subtleties. In the Church of Rome pursuant to their belief concerning the necessity of the Sacraments, Women were allowed in extreme Cases to Baptise: and the Midwives commonly did it; which might be the beginning of their being licenced by Bishops to exercise that Calling. And they also believed that a simple attrition with the Sacraments was sufficient for Salvation in those who were grown up, and upon these Grounds the Sacraments were administered to the Sick.  
In the Primitive Church they sent Portions of the Sacrament to those who were sick, or in Prison: and did it not only without Pomp or Processions, but sent it often by the hands of Boys and other Laics, as appears from the famed Story of Serapion: which as it shows they did not then believe it was the very Flesh and Blood of Christ; so when that Doctrine was received it was a natural effect of that belief, to have the Sacrament carried by the Priest himself with some Pomp and Adoration. The Ancients thought it more decent and suitable to the Communion of Saints to consecrate the Elements only in the Church, and to send Portions to the Sick, thereby expressing their Communion with the rest. The Reformers considering these things steered a middle course: They judged the Sacraments necessary, where they could be had; as appointments instituted by Christ: and though they thought it more expedient to have all Baptisms done in the Church at the Fonts, than in private Houses; thereby signifying that the Baptised were admitted to the fellowship of that Church; yet since our Saviour had said, That where two or three are gathered together he will be in the midst of them; they thought it savoured too much of a Superstition to the Walls or Fonts of Churches, to tie this Action so to these, that where Children, either through infirmity, or the sharpness of Wether, could not be, without danger, carried to Church, they should be denied Baptism. But still they thought public Baptism more expressive of the Communion of the Saints, so that they recommended it much, and only permitted the other in Cases of necessity. This has since grown to a great abuse; many thinking it a piece of state to have their Children Baptised in their Houses; and so bringing their pride with them even into the most Sacred Performances. There may be also a fault in the Ministers, who are too easily brought to do it. But it is now become so universal, that all the endeavours of some of our Bishops have not been able to bring it back, to the first design of not Baptising in private Houses; excepting only where there was some visible danger in carrying the Children to Church.  
As for the other Sacrament, it was thought by our Reformers, that according to the mind of the Primitive Church, none should be denied it in their extremities: it never being more necessary, than at that time, to use all means that might strengthen the faith, and quicken the devotion of dying Persons; it being also most expedient that they should then profess their dying in the Faith, and with a good Conscience, and in Charity with all Men: Therefore they ordered the Communion to be given to the Sick, and that before it were so given, the Priest should examine their Consciences; and upon the sincere profession of their Faith, and the confession of such sins as oppressed their Consciences, with the doing of all that was then in their power, for the completing of their Repentance, as the forgiving injuries, and dealing justly with all People, he should give them the Peace of the Church in a formal Absolution, and the Holy Eucharist. But that they might avoid the pomp of vain Processions on the one hand, and the indecencies of sending the Sacrament by common Hands on the other, they thought it better to gather a Congregation about the Sick Person, and there to consecrate and give the Sacrament to that small Assembly: where, as Christ's Promise, of being in the midst of two or three that were gathered together in his Name, should have put an end to the weak exceptions some have made to these private Communions; so on the other hand it is to be feared, that the greater part retain still too much of the Superstition of Popery; as if the Priest's Absolution with the Sacrament, and some slight sorrow for sin, would be a sure Passport for their admittance to Heaven: which it is certain can only be had, upon so true a Faith as carries a sincere Repentance with a change of Heart and Life along with it: for to such only the Mercies of God through the Merits of Jesus Christ are applied in all ordinary Cases.  
To all this they prefixed a Preface concerning Ceremonies, 
The Preface to the Book of Common-Prayer.  the same that is still before the Common-Prayer-Book. In which Preface they make a difference between those Ceremonies that were brought in with a good intent, and were afterwards abused; and others that had been brought in out of vanity and superstition at first, and grew to be more abused: The one they had quite rejected, the other they had reform, and retained, for decency and edification. Some were so set on their old Forms, that they thought it a great matter to departed from any of them; others were desirous to innovate in every thing; between both which they had kept a mean. The burden of Ceremonies in St. Augustine's days was such that he complained of them, then as intolerable, by which the state of Christians was worse than that of the Jews; but these were swelled to a far greater number since his days, which did indeed darken Religion, and had brought Christians under a heavy Yoke. Therefore they had only reserved such as were decent, and apt to stir up men's Minds with some good signification. Many Ceremonies had been so abused by superstition and avarice, that it was necessary to take them quite away: But since it was fit to retain some, for decency and order, it seemed better to keep those which were old, than to seek new ones. But these that were kept, were not thought equal with God's Law, and so were upon just causes to be altered: they were also plain, and easy to be understood, and not very subject to be abused. Nor did they in retaining these, condemn other Nations, or prescribe to any but their own People. And thus was this Book made ready against the next meeting of Parliament.  
In it, the use of the Cross was retained, 
Reflections made on the new Liturgy.  since it had been used by the ancient Christians, as a public declaration that they were not ashamed of the Cross of Christ. Though they acknowledged this had been strangely abused in the later Ages, in which the bare use of the Cross was thought to have some Magical Virtue in it: And this had gone so far, that in the Roman Pontifical it was declared, that the Crosier Staff was to be worshipped with that supreme degree of Adoration, called Latria. But it was thought fit to retain it in some parts of Worship; and the rather, because it was made use of among the People to defame the Reformers, that they had no Veneration for the Cross of Christ. And therefore as an outward expression of that, in the Sacrament of Baptism, and in the Office of Confirmation, and in the consecration of the Sacramental Elements, it was ordered to be retained, but with this difference, that the Sign of the Cross was not made with the opinion of any virtue or efficacy in it to drive away evil Spirits, or to preserve one out of dangers, which were thought Virtues that followed the use of it in the Roman Church; for in Baptism, as they used the Sign of the Cross, they added an Adjuration to the evil Spirit not to violate it, and in the making it said, Receive the Sign of the Cross both in thy Forehead and in thy Heart, and take the Faith of the Heavenly Precepts. Thus a Sacramental Virtue was pretended to be affixed to it; which the Reformers thought could not be done without a Warrant from a Divine Institution, of which it is plain there was none in Scripture. But they thought the use of it only as an expression of the Belief of the Church, and as a Badge of Christianity, with such words added to it as could import no more, was liable to no exception. This seems more necessary to be well explained, by reason of the Scruples that many have since raised against significant Ceremonies, as if it were too great a presumption in any Church to appoint such; since these seem to be of the nature of Sacraments. Ceremonies that signify the Conveyance of a Divine Grace, and Virtue, are indeed Sacraments, and ought not to be used without an express Institution in Scripture: but Ceremonies that only signify the sense we have, which is sometimes expressed as significantly in dumb shows as in words, are of another kind; and it is as much within the power of the Church to appoint such to be used, as it is to order Collects or Prayers, words and signs being but different ways of expressing our thoughts. The belief of Christ's Corporal Presence was yet under consideration. And they observing wisely how the Germans had broken, by their running too soon into Contests about that, resolved to keep up still the old general Expressions, of the Sacraments being the whole and true Body of Christ, without coming to a more particular explanation of it. The use of Oil on so many occasions, was taken from the Ancient Christians, who, as Theophilus says, began early to be anointed; and understood those words of St. Paul, of Gods anointing and sealing, literally. It was also anciently applied to the receiving of Penitents. But it was not used about the Sick, from the Apostles times till about the 10th Century. And then, from what St. James writ to those in the Dispersion, of sending for the Elders to come to such as were sick, who should anoint them with Oil, and their sins should be forgiven them, and they should recover; they came to give it to those that were dying; but not while there was any hope of Life left in them. Though it is clear, that what St. James writ, related to that extraordinary Gift of Healing, by imposition of Hands, and anointing with Oil, which yet continued in the Church when he writ that Epistle. And it is plain, that this Passage in St. James was not so understood by the Ancients, as it is now in the Roman Church; since the Ancients, though they used Oil on many other occasions, yet applied it not at all to the Sick, till after so many Ages, that gross Superstition had so disposed the World to new Rites, that there could be no discovery or invention more acceptable, than the addition of a new Ceremony; though they were then much oppressed with the old ones.  
The Changes that were made, and those that were designed to be made, occasioned great heats every where. And the Pulpits generally contending with one another; to restrain that clashing, the power of granting Licences to Preach, was taken from the Bishops of each Diocese, so that none might give them, but the King and the Archbishop of Canterbury. Yet that not proving an effectual restraint, on the 23d of September a Proclamation is said to have come out, setting forth, 
All Preaching was for a time restrained.  That whereas according to former Proclamations none was to preach, but such as had obtained Licenses from the King or the Archbishop; yet some of those that were so licenced, had abused that permission, and had carried themselves irreverently contrary to the Instructions that were sent them. Therefore the King intending to have shortly an uniform Order over all the Kingdom, and to put an end to all Controversies in Religion; about which some Bishops and other Learned Men were then assembled; and though many of the Preachers so licenced had carried themselves wisely, to the Honour of God, and the King's great contentation; yet till the Order now preparing should be set forth, he did inhibit all manner of Persons to preach in any public Audience; to the intent that the Clergy might apply themselves to Prayer, for a Blessing on what the King was then about to do: not doubting but the People would be employed likewise in Prayer, and hearing the Homilies read in their Churches, and be ready to receive that uniform Order that was to be set forth: and the inferior Magistrates were required to see to the execution of this. I never met with any footstep of this Proclamation, neither in Records, nor in Letters, nor in any Book written at that time. But Mr. Fuller has printed it, and Dr. Heylin has given an Abstract of it from him. If Fuller had told how he came by it, it might have been further examined. But we know not whether he saw the printed Proclamation, or only a Copy of it. And if he saw but a Copy, we have reason to doubt of it; for that might have been only the Essay of some projecting Man's Pen. But because I found it in those Authors, I thought best to set it down as it is, and leave the Reader to judge of it.  
Having thus given an account of the Progress of the Reformation this Summer, I shall now turn to transactions of State, 
The Affairs in Scotland this Year.  and shall first look towards Scotland. The Scots gaining time the last Winter, and being in daily expectation of Succours from France, were resolved to carry on the War. The Governor began the Year with the Siege of Broughty Castle, a little below Dundee. But the English that were in it defended themselves so well, that after they had been besieged three Months, the Siege was raised, and only so many were left about it as might cover the Country from their excursions. The English on the other side had taken, and fortified, Hadingtoun; and were at work also at Lauder to make it strong. The former of these, lying in a Plain, and in one of the most fruitful Counties of Scotland, within twelve Miles of Edinburgh, was a very fit Place to be kept as a Curb upon the Country. About the end of May 6000 Men were sent from France under the Command of Dessie: 3000 of these were Germane, commanded by the Rhinegrave; 2000 of them were French, and a Thousand were of other Nations. They landed at Lieth; and the Governor having gathered 8000 Scots to join with them, they sat down before Hadingtoun; and here the Scotish Nobility entered into a long Consultation about their Affairs.  
The Protector had sent a Proposition to them, that there might be a Truce for Ten Years. (But whether he offered to remove the Garrisons, does not appear.) This he was forced to upon many accounts. He saw the War was like to last long, and to draw on great expense, and would certainly end in another War with France; he durst not any more go from Court, and march himself at the Head of the Army, and leave the King to the Practices of his Brother: There were also great discontents in England, many were offended with the Changes made in Religion; the Commons complained generally of oppression, and of the enclosing of Grounds, of which the sad effects broke out next Year: He began to labour under the envy of the Nobility; the Clergy were almost all displeased with him; and the state of Affairs in Germany made it necessary to join with the King of France against the Emperor. All this made him very desirous of such a Peace with Scotland, as might at least preserve the Queen from being disposed of, for Ten Years. In that time, by Treaty and Pensions, they might hope to gain their ends; more certainly than by a War, which only inflamed the Scots against them; according to the witty Saying of one of the Scots, who being asked what he thought of the Match with England, said, he knew not how he should like the Marriage, but he was sure he did not like the way of wooing. On the other hand, the French pressed the Scots to send their young Queen into France, in the Ships that had brought over their Forces; who should be married to the Dolphin, and then they might depend on the Protection of France. Many were for accepting the Proposition from England, (particularly all those who secretly favoured the Reformation) they thought it would give them present quiet, and free them from all the distractions, which they either felt, or might apprehend, from a lasting War with so powerful an Enemy: whereas the sending away of their Queen would put them out of a capacity of obtaining a Peace, if the War this year proved as unsuccessful as it was the last; and the defence they had from France was almost as bad as the Invasions of the English, for the French were very insolent, and committed great disorders. But all the Clergy were so apprehensive of their ruin by the Marriage with England, that they never judged themselves safe till the thing was out of their power, by the sending their Queen into France. And it was said, that when once the English saw the hopes of the Marriage irrecoverably lost, they would soon grow weary of the War: for then the King of France would engage in the defence of Scotland with his whole Force, so that nothing would keep up the War so much as having their Queen still among them. To this many of the Nobility yielded, being corrupted by Money from France; and the Governor consented to it, for which he was to be made Duke of Chastelherault in France, 
The Scotish Queen is sent to France.  and to have an Estate of 12000 Livres a year. And so it was agreed to send their Queen away. This being gained, the French Ships set sail to Sea, as if they had been to return to France; but sailed round Scotland by the Isles of Orkney, and came into Dunbriton Frith, near to which the Queen was kept in Dunbriton Castle; and receiving her from thence, 
August Queen of Scots sent into France.  with an Honourable Convoy that was sent to attend on her, they carried her over to Britain in France, and so by easy Journeys she was brought to Court, where her Uncles received her with great joy, hoping by her means to raise and establish their Fortunes in France.  
In the mean time the Siege of Hadingtoun 
The Siege of Hadingtoun.  was carried on with great valour, on both sides. The French were astonished at the courage, the nimbleness, and labours, of the Scotch Highlanders; who were half naked; 
Thuanus.  but capable of great hardships, and run used to on with marvellous swiftness. In one Sally which the Besieged made, one of those got an English Man on his Shoulders, and carried him away, with that quickness that nothing could stop him: and though the English Man bitten him so in the Neck, that as soon as he had brought him into the Camp, he himself fell down as dead, yet he carried him off; for which he was nobly rewarded by Dessie. The English defended themselves no less courageously; and though a Recruit of about 1000 Foot and 300 Horse, that was sent from Berwick, led by Sir Robert Bowes, and Sir Tho. Palmer, was so fatally intercepted, that they were almost all to a Man killed, yet they lost no Heart. Another Party, of about 300, escaped the Ambush laid for them, and got into the Town, with a great deal of Ammunition and Provisions, of which the Besieged were come to be in want. But at the same time both Home Castle and Fascastle were lost. The former was taken by treachery: for some coming in as deserters, seeming to be very zealous for the English quarrel, and being too much trusted by the Governor, and going often out to bring intelligence, gave the Lord Home notice, that on that side where the Rock was, the English kept no good Watches, trusting to the steepness of the Place; so they agreed that some should come and climb the Rock, to whom they should give assistance; which was accordingly done, and so it was surprised in the night. The Governor of Fascastle had summoned the Country People to bring him in Provisions; upon which (by a common Stratagem) Soldiers, coming as Countrymen, threw down their Carriages at the Gates, and fell on the Sentinels: and so the Signal being given, some, that lay concealed near at hand, came in time to assist them, and took the Castle.  
The Protector, till the Army was gathered together, 
A Fleet sent against Scotland.  sent a Fleet of Ships to disturb the Scots, by the descents they should make in divers places: and his Brother being Admiral, he commanded him to go to his charge. He landed first in Fife, at St. Minins, but there the Queen's natural Brother, James, afterwards Earl of Murray, and Regent of Scotland, gathered the Country People together, and made Head against them. The English were 1200, and had brought their Canon to Land; but the Scots charged them so home, that they forced them to their Ships: Many were drowned, and many killed; the Scots reckoned the number of the slain to be 600, and a hundred Prisoners taken. The next descent they made was no more prosperous to them. For landing in the night at Mountrose, Aerskin of Dun gathered the Country together, and divided them in three Bodies, ordering one to appear soon after the former had engaged: the Enemy, seeing a second, 
But was not successful.  and a third Body come against them, apprehending greater numbers, run back to their Ships; but with so much loss, that of 800 who had landed, the third Man got not safe to the Ships again. So the Admiral returned, having got nothing but loss and disgrace by the Expedition.  
But now the English Army came into Scotland, commanded by the Earl of Shrewsbury: though both the Scotch Writers and Thuanus say, the Earl of Lennox had the chief command; but he only came with the Earl of Shrewsbury, as knowing the Country and People best, and so being the fitter both to get intelligence, and to negotiate, if there was room for it. The Scots were by this time gone home for the most part; and the Nobility with Dessie agreed that it was not fit to put all to hazard, and therefore raised the Siege of Hadingtoun, and marched back to Edinburgh. The Lord Grace with a great part of the English Army followed him in the Rear, 
Aug. 20. The Siege of Hadingtoun raised.  but did not engage him into any great Action: by which a good opportunity was lost, for the French were in great disorder. The English Army came into Hadingtoun. They consisted of about 17000 Men: of which Number 7000 were Horse; and 3000 of the Foot were Germane Landsknights, whom the Protector had entertained in his Service. These Germans were some of the broken Troops of the Protestant Army, who, seeing the state of their own Country desperate, offered their Service to the Protector. He too easily entertained them; reckoning, that being Protestants, they would be sure to him, and would depend wholly on himself. But this proved a fatal Counsel to him; the English having been always jealous of a standing, but much more of a Foreign Force about their Prince: so there was great occasion given by this to those who traded in sowing Jealousies among the People. The English, having victualled Hadingtoun, and repaired the Fortifications, returned back into their own Country. But had they gone on to Edinburgh, they had found things there in great confusion. For Dessie, when he got thither, having lost 500 of his Men in the Retreat, went to quarter his Soldiers in the Town; but the Provost, (so is the chief Magistrate there called) opposed it. The French broke in with force, and killed him and his Son, with all they found in the Streets, Men, Women, and Children: and as a Spy, whom the English had in Edinburgh, gave them notice, the Scots were now more alienated from the French than from the English. The French had carried it very gently till the Queen was sent away; but reckoned Scotland now a Conquered Country, and a Province to France. So the Scots began, though too late, to repent the sending away of the Queen. But it seems the English had orders not to venture too far; for the hopes of the Marriage were now gone, and the Protector had no mind to engage in a War with France. These things happened in the beginning of October. Dessie, apprehending that at Hadingtoun they were now secure, the Siege being so lately raised, resolved to try if he could carry the Place by surp●●ze. The English from thence had made Excursions as far as Edinburgh; in one of which the French fell on them, pursued them, and killed about 200, and took sixscore Prisoners, almost within their Works. Soon after, Dessie marched in the night, and surprised one of their Outworks, and was come to the Gates; where the Place had been certainly lost, if it had not been for a French Deserter, who knew, if he were taken, what he was to expect. He therefore fired one of the great Canon, which being discharged amongst the thickest of the French, killed so many, and put the rest in such disorder, that Dessie was forced to quit the Attempt. From thence he went and fortified Lieth, which was then but a mean Village; but the situation of the Place being recommended by the security it now had, it soon came to be one of the best Peopled Towns in Scotland. From thence he intended to have gone on, to take Broughty Castle, and to recover Dundee, which were then in the Hands of the English, But he was ordered by the Queen Regent to make an Inroad into England. There, after some slight Engagements, in which the English had the worst, the Scotch and French came in as far as Newcastle, and returned loaded with Spoil: which the French divided among themselves, allowing the Scots no share of it. An English Priest was taken, who bore that disgrace of his Country so heavily, that he threw himself on the ground, and would not eat, nor so much as open his Eyes, but lay thus prostrate till he died. This the French, who seldom let their misfortunes afflict them, looked on with much astonishment. But at that time, the English had fortified Inchkeith, an Island in the Frith, and put 800 Men in it. Seventeen days after that, Dessie brought his Forces from Lieth, and recovered it; having killed 400 English, and forced the rest to surrender.  
Thus ended this Year, and with it Dessie's Power in Scotland. 
Discontents in Scotland.  For the Queen Mother and the Governor had made great complaints of him at the Court of France, that he put the Nation to vast charge to little purpose; so that he was more uneasy to his Friends than his Enemies: and his last disorder at Edinburgh, had on the one hand so raised the insolence of the French Soldiers, and on the other hand so alienated and inflamed the People, that unless another were sent to command, who should govern more mildly, there might be great danger of a defection of a whole Kingdom. For now, the Seeds of their distaste of the French Government were so sown, that Men came generally to condemn their sending the Queen away; and to hate the Governor for consenting to it, but chief, to abhor the Clergy, who had wrought it for their own ends.  
Monsieur de Thormes was sent over to command; 
Monluc sent thither to b● Lord Chancellor.  and Monluc Bishop of Valence came with him to govern the Councils, and be Chancellor of the Kingdom. He had lately returned from his Embassy at Constantinople. He was one of the wisest Men of that time, and was always for moderate Councils in Matters of Religion: which made him be sometime suspected of heresy. And indeed the whole sequel of his life declared him to be one of the greatest Men of that Age: only his being so long, and so firmly, united to Queen Katherine Medici's Interest, takes off a great deal of the high Character which the rest of his Life has given of him. But he was at this time unknown, and ill represented, in Scotland; where they that looked for advantages from their alliance with France, took it ill to see a French Man sent over to enjoy the best Office in the Kingdom. The Queen Mother herself was afraid of him: So to avoid new grounds of discontent, he left the Kingdom, 
But was not well received.  and returned into France.  
Thus ended the War between Scotland and England this Year, in almost an equal mixture of good and bad success. The English had preserved Hadingtoun, which was the chief matter of this Years Action. But they had been at great charge in the War, in which they were only on the defensive: they had lost other Places, and been unsuccessful at Sea: and which was worst of all, they had now lost all hopes of the Marriage, and were almost engaged in a War with France, which was like to fall on the King, when his Affairs were in an ill condition, his People being divided and discontented at home, and his Treasure much exhausted by this War.  
The state of Germany was at this time most deplorable: 
The Affairs of Germany.  The Pope and Emperor continued their quarrelling about the translation of the Council. Mendoza at Rome, and Velasco at Bologna, declared in the Emperor's Name, that a Council being called by his great and long endeavours for the quieting of Germany, and he being engaged in a War to get it to be received; and having procured a submission of the Empire to the Council, it was, upon frivolous and feigned causes, removed out of Germany, to one of the Pope's Towns: by which the Germans thought themselves disengaged of their promise, which was to submit to a Council in Germany: and therefore that he protested against it, as an unlawful Meeting, to whose Decrees he would not submit; and that if they did not return to Trent, he would take care of settling Religion some other way. But the Pope, being encouraged by the French King, was not ill pleased to see the Emperor anew embroil himself with the Germans: and therefore intended the Council should be continued at Bologna. 
The Emperor being displeased with the Translation of the Council, order the Interim to be drawn.  Upon this the Emperor ordered three Divines, Julius Flugius Bishop of Naumburg, Michael Sidonius, and Islebius Agricola, to draw a Form of Religion. The two former had been always Papists, and the latter was formerly a Protestant, but was believed to be now corrupted by the Emperor, that the Name of one of the Ausburg Confession might make what they were to set out, pass the more easily. They drew up all the Points of Religion in a Book which was best known by the Name of the Interim, because it was to last during that Interval, till a General Council should meet in Germany. In it, all the Points of the Romish Doctrine were set forth in the smoothest terms possible: only married Men might officiate as Priests, and the Communion was to be given in both kinds. 
Feb. Diet at Ausburg.  The Book being thus prepared, a Diet was summoned to Ausburg in Feb. where the first thing done was the solemn Investiture of Maurice in the Electorate of Saxony. He had been declared Elector last year by the Emperor before Wittenberg; but now it was performed with great Ceremony on the 24th of Feb. which was the Emperor's Birthday: 
Feb. 24. Maurice made Elector of Saxony.  John Frederick looking on with his usual constancy of mind. All he said, was, Now they triumph in that Dignity, of which they have against Justice and Equity spoilt me: God grant they may enjoy it peaceably and happily, and may never need any assistance from me or my Posterity. And without expressing any further concern about it, he went to his Studies, which were almost wholly employed in the Scriptures.  
The Book of the Interim being prepared, the Elector of Brandenburg sent for Martin Bucer, who was both a learned and moderate Divine; and shown it him. Bucer having read it, plainly told him, that it was nothing but downright Popery, only a little disguised: at which the Elector was much offended, for he was pleased with it; and Bucer not without great danger returned back to Strasburg. On the 15th of March, 
March 15. The Interim received in the Diet.  the Book was proposed to the Diet: and the Elector of Mentz, without any order, did in all the Prince's Names, give the Emperor thanks for it: which he interpreted as the assent of the whole Diet; and after that would not hear any that came to him to stop it, but published it as agreed to by the Diet.  

The Papists offended at it as well as the Protestants.  At Rome, and Bologna, it was much condemned, as an high attempt in the Emperor to meddle with Points of Religion; such as dispensing with the Marriage of Priests, and the Communion in both kinds. Wherefore some of that Church writ against it. And Matters went so high, that wise Men of that side began to fear the Breach between the Emperor and them might, before they were ware, be past reconciling: for they had not forgot that the last Pope's stiffness had lost England, and they were not a little afraid they might now lose the Emperor. But if the Pope were offended for the concessions in these two Particulars, the Protestants thought they had much greater cause to dislike it; since in all other controverted Points it was against them. So that several of that side writ likewise against it. But the Emperor was now so much exalted with his success, that he resolved to go through with it, little regarding the opposition of either hand. The new Elector of Saxony went home, and offered it to his Subjects. But they refused to receive it, and said, (as Sir Philip Hobbey, 
Cotton Library Titus B. 2.  than Ambassador from England at the Emperor's Court, writ over) that they had it under the Emperor's Hand and Seal, that he should not meddle with Matters of Religion, but only with reforming the Commonwealth: and that if their Prince would not protect them in this matter, they should find another, who would defend them from such oppression. An Exhortation for the receiving of it was read at Ausburg; but they also refused it. Many Towns sent their Addresses to the Emperor, desiring him not to oppress their Consciences. But none was of such a nature as that from Linda, a little Town near Constance, which had declared for the Emperor in the former War. They returned answer, That they could not agree to the Interim, without incurring Eternal Damnation: but to show their submission to him in all other things they should not shut their Gates, nor make resistance, against any he should find, though it were to spoil and destroy their Town. This let the Emperor and his Council see how difficult a work it would be to subdue the Consciences of the Germans. But his Chancellor Granvell pressed him to extreme Councils, and to make an example of that Town, who had so peremptorily refused to obey his Commands. Yet he had little reason to hope he should prevail on those who were at liberty, when he could work so little on his Prisoner the Duke of Saxe. For he had endeavoured by great offers to persuade him to agree to it: but all was in vain, for he always told them that kept him, that his Person was in their Power, but his Conscience was in his own, and that he would not on any terms depart from the Ausburg Confession. Upon this he was severely used, his Chaplain was put from him, with most of his Servants; but he continued still unmoved, and as cheerful as in his greatest Prosperity. The Lutheran Divines entered into great disputes how far they might comply. Melanchthon thought that the Ceremonies of Popery might be used, since they were of their own nature indifferent. Others, as Amstorfius, Illiricus, with the greatest part of the Lutherans, thought the receiving the Ceremonies would make way for all the errors of Popery; and though they were of their own nature indifferent, yet they ceased to be so, when they were enjoined as things necessary to Salvation. But the Emperor going on resolutely, many Divines were driven away; some concealed themselves in Germany, others fled into Switzerland, and some came over into England.  
When the news of the Changes that were made here in England were carried beyond Sea, and after Peter Martyr's being with Cranmer, were more copiously written by him to his friends; Calvin, and Mar. Bucer, who began to think the Reformation almost oppressed in Germany, now turned their Eyes more upon England. Calvin writ to the Protector 
Calvin writ to the Protector.  on the 29th of October, encouraging him to go on notwithstanding the Wars: as Hezekias had done in his Reformation. He lamented the heats of some that professed the Gospel, but complained that he heard there were few lively Sermons preached in England; and that the Preachers recited their discourses coldly. He much approves a set form of Prayers, whereby the consent of all the Churches did more manifestly appear. But he advises a more complete Reformation: he taxed the Prayers for the Dead, the use of Chrism and Extreme Unction, since they were not where recommended in Scripture. He had heard that the reason why they went no further was, because the Times could not bear it; but this was to do the Work of God by Political Maxims; which though they ought to take place in other things, yet should not be followed in Matters in which the Salvation of Souls was concerned. But above all things he complained of the great impieties and vices that were so common in England; as Swearing, Drinking, and Uncleanness; and prayed him earnestly that these things might be looked after.  

Bucer writ against Gardiner.  Martin Bucer writ also a Discourse, congratulating the Changes then made in England, which was translated into English by Sir Philip Hobbey's Brother. In it he answered the Book that Gardiner had written against him; which he had formerly delayed to do, because King Henry had desired he would let it alone, till the English and Germans had conferred about Religion. That Book did chief relate to the Marriage of the Clergy: Bucer shown from many Fathers, that they thought every Man had not the Gift of Chastity, which Gardiner thought every one might have that pleased. He taxed the open lewdness of the Romish Clergy, who being much set against Marriage, which was God's Ordinance, did gently pass over the impurities which the forbidding it had occasioned among themselves. He particularly taxed Gardiner himself, that he had his Rents paid him out of Stews. He taxed him also for his state and pompous way of living, and shown how indecent it was for a Churchman to be sent in Ambassies: and that St. Ambrose, though sent to make Peace, was ashamed of it, and thought it unbecoming the Priesthood. Both Fagius, and he, being forced to leave Germany, upon the business of the Interim, Cranmer invited them over to England; and sent them to Cambridge, as he had done Peter Martyr to Oxford. But Fagius, not agreeing with this Air, died soon after, a Man greatly learned in the Oriental Tongues, and a good Expounder of the Scripture.  
This being the state of Affairs both abroad and at home, a Session of Parliament was held in England on the 24th of November, 
Nou. 24. Parliament sits.  to which day it had been prorogued from the 15th of October, by reason of the Plague then in London. The first Bill that was finished, was that about the Marriage of the Priests. It was brought into the House of Commons the 3d of December, read the second time on the 5th, and the third time the 6th. But this Bill being only that married Men might be made Priests, a new Bill was framed, that, besides the former Provision, Priests might marry. This was read the first time the 7th, the second time the 10th, and was fully argued on the 11th, and agreed on the 12th, and sent up to the Lords on the 13th of December. In that House it stuck as long, as it had been soon dispatched, by the Commons. It lay on the Table till the 9th of February. Then it was read the first time, and the 11th the second time; on the 16th it was committed to the Bishops of Ely and Westminster, the Lord Chief-Justice, and the Attorney-General: and on the 19th of Feb. it was agreed to; the Bishops of London, Duresme, Norwich, Carlisle, Hereford, Worcester, Bristol, Chichester, and Landaff; and the Lords Morley, Dacres, Windsor, and Wharton, dissenting. It had the Royal Assent, and so became a Law. The Preamble sets forth, 
An Act about the Marriage of the Clergy.  That it were better for Priests and other Ministers of the Church to live chaste and without Marriage; whereby they might better attend to the Ministry of the Gospel, and be less distracted with secular cares: so that it were much to be wished, that they would of themselves abstain. But great filthiness of living, with other inconveniencies, had followed on the Laws that compelled Chastity, and prohibited Marriage: so that it was better they should be suffered to marry, than be so restrained. Therefore all Laws and Canons that had been made against it, being only made by humane Authority, are repealed. So that all Spiritual Persons of what degree soever might lawfully marry, providing they married according to the Order of the Church. But a Proviso was added, that because many Divorces of Priests had been made after the six Articles were enacted, and that the Women might have thereupon married again, all these Divorces, with every thing that had followed on them, should be confirmed. There was no Law that passed in this Reign with more contradiction and censure than this, and therefore the Reader may expect the larger account of this matter.  
The unmarried state of the Clergy had so much to be said for it, 
Which was much enquired into.  as being a course of life that was more disengaged from secular cares, and pleasures; that it was cast on the Reformers every where as a foul reproach, that they could not restrain their appetites, but engaged in a life that drew after it domestic cares, with many other distractions. This was an Objection so easy to be apprehended, that the People had been more prejudiced against the Marriage of the Clergy, if they had not felt greater inconveniencies by the debaucheries of Priests; who being restrained from Marriage, had defiled the Beds, and deflow'red the Daughters of their Neighbours, into whose Houses they had free and unsuspected access, and whom under the Cloak of receiving Confessions they could more easily entice. This made them that they were not so much wrought on by the noise of Chastity, (when they saw so much and so plainly to the contrary) as otherwise they would have been, by a thing that sounded so well. But on the other hand, there was no Argument which the Reformers had more considered. There were two things upon which the Question turned: The one was, the Obligation that Priesthood brought with it to live unmarried; the other was, the tie they might be under by any Vow they had made. For the former, they considered, 
Arguments for it from Scripture.  that God having ordained a Race of Men te be Priests under Moses Law, who should offer up expiatory Sacrifices for the sins of the Jews, did not only not forbid Marriage, but made it necessary, for that Office was to descend by inheritance; so that Priesthood was not inconsistent with that state. In the New Testament some of the qualifications of a Bishop and Deacon are their being the Husband of one Wife, and their having well ordered their House, and brought up their Children: St. Peter and other Apostles were married; it was thought St. Paul was so likewise; Aquila was certainly married to Priscilla, and carried her about with him. Our Saviour, speaking of the help that an unmarried state was to the Kingdom of God, recommended it equally to all Ranks of Men as they could bear it. St. Paul said, Let every Man have his own Wife; It is better to marry than to burn; and, Marriage is honourable in all; and the forbidding to marry is reckoned by him a mark of the Apostasy of the latter times; so that the matter seemed clear from the Scriptures.  

And from the Fathers.  In the first Ages Saturninus, Basilides, Montanus, Novatus, and the Eucratites condemned Marriage as a state of liberty more than was fit for Christians. Against those was asserted by the Primitive Fathers the lawfulness of Marriage to all Christians without discrimination: and they who entering into Holy Orders forsook their Wives, were severely condemned by the Apostolical Canons, and by the Council of Gangra in the beginning of fourth, and the Council in Trullo in the fifth Age. Many great Bishops in these times lived still with their Wives, and had Children by them, as namely both Nazianzen's and Basil's Fathers: and Hilary of Poitiers when banished to Phrygia and very old, writing to his own Daughter Abra, bid her ask her Mother the meaning of those things which she by reason of her Age understood not; by which it appears that his Daughter was then very young, and by consequence born to him after he was a Bishop. In the Council of Nice, it being proposed that Clergymen should departed from their Wives, Paphnutius, though himself unmarried, opposed it as an unreasonable Yoke. And Heliodorus Bishop of Trica, the Author of the first of those Love-Fables, now known by the Name of Romances, being suspected of too much lasciviousness, and concerned to clear himself of that charge, did first move that Clergymen should be obliged to live single, which the Historian says they were not tied to before, but Bishops as they pleased lived still with their Wives. The Fathers in those times extolled a single Life very high, and yet they all thought a Man once married might be a Bishop though his Wife were yet living; they did not allow it indeed to him that had married twice; but for this they had a distinction, that if a Man had been once married before his Baptism, and again after his Baptism, he was to be understood to be in the state of a single Marriage. So that Jerome, who writ warmly enough against second Marriages, yet says, Ad Oceanum, that the Bishops in his Age who were but once married in that sense were not to be numbered, and that more of these could be reckoned than were at the Council of Ariminum, who are said to have been 800 Bishops. It is true that in that Age they began to make Canons against the Marriage of those who were in Orders, especially in the Roman and African Churches; but those were only Positive Laws of the Church, and the frequent repeating of those Canons shows that even there, they were not generally obeyed. Of Synesius we read, that when he was ordained Priest, he declared that he would not live secretly with his Wife as some did, but that he would ●well publicly with her, and wished that he might have many Children by her. In the Eastern Church all their Clergy below the Order of Bishops are usually married before they be ordained, and afterward live with their Wives, and have Children by them, without any kind of Prohibition. In the Western Church the Married Clergy are taken notice of in many of the Spanish and Gallican Synods, and the Bishops and Priests Wives are called Epyscopae and Presbyterae. In most of the Cathedrals of England the Clergy were married in the Saxon times, but as was shown, Page 22. of the first Part, because they would not quit their Wives they were put out, not of Sacred Orders, but only out of the Seats they were then in, and those were given to the Monks. When Pope Nicolas had pressed the Coelibate of the Clergy in the 9th Century, there was great opposition made to it, chief by Huldericus Bishop of Ausburg, who was held a Saint notwithstanding this opposition. Restitutus Bishop of London lived openly with his Wife: nor was the Coelibate of the Clergy generally imposed till Pope Gregory the 7th's time in the eleventh Century, who projecting to have the Clergy depend wholly on himself, and so to separate them from the Interests of those Princes in whose Dominions they lived, considered that by having Wives and Children they gave Pledges to the State where they lived, and reckoned that if they were free from this encumbrance, than their Persons being Sacred, there would be nothing to hinder, but that they might do as they pleased in obedience to the Popes, and opposition to their own Princes Orders. The Writers near Gregory the 7th's time called this a new thing, against the Mind of the Holy Fathers, and full of rashness in him thus to turn out married Priests. Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury did not impose Coelibate on the Clergy in the Villages, but only on those that lived in Towns, and on Prebendaries. But Anselm carried it further, and simply imposed it on all the Clergy; yet himself laments that Sodomy was become then very common, and even public, which was also the complaint of Petrus Damiani in Pope Gregory's time. Bernard said that, that sin was frequent among the Bishops in his time, and that this with many other abominations was the natural effect of prohibiting Marriage. This made Abbot Panormitan wish that it were left to men's liberty to marry if they pleased. And Pius the second said there might have been good reasons for imposing Coelibate on the Clergy, but he believed there were far better Reasons for taking away these Laws that imposed it. Yet even since those Laws have been made Petrarch had a Licence to marry, and keep his Preferments still. Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury, Richard Bishop of Chichester, and Geoffrey Bishop of Ely are said to have had Wives; and though there were not so many Instances of Priests marrying after Orders, yet if there were any thing in the nature of Priesthood inconsistent by the Law of God with Marriage, than it was as unlawful for them to continue in their former Marriages as to contract a new one. Some few Instances were also gathered out of Church History of Bishops and Priests marrying after Orders: but as these were few, so there was just reason to controvert them.  
Upon the whole matter it was clear that the Coelibate of the Clergy flowed from no law of God, nor from any general Law of the Church; 
The Vows and other Reasons against it examined.  but the contrary, of clergymen's living with their Wives, was universally received for many Ages. As for Vows, it was much questioned how far they did bind in such Cases. It seemed a great sin to impose such on any, when they were yet young, and did not well know their own dispositions. Nor was it in a Man's power to keep them. For, Continence being none of those Graces that are promised by God to all that ask it, as it was not in a Man's Power without extreme severities on himself to govern his own constitution of Body, so he had no reason to expect God should interpose when he had provided another remedy for such Cases. Besides, the Promise made by Clergymen, according to the Rites of the Roman Pontifical, did not oblige them to Coelibate. The words were, Wilt thou follow Chastity and Sobriety? to which the Sub-Deacon answered, I will. By Chastity was not to be understood a total abstinence from all, but only from unlawful embraces; since a Man might live chaste in a state of Marriage, as well as out of it. But whatever might be in this, the English Clergy were not concerned in it: for there was no such Question nor Answer made in the Forms of their Ordination. So they were not by any Vow precluded from Marriage. And for the Expediency of it, nothing was more evident, than that these Laws had brought in much uncleanness into the Church, and those who pressed them most had been signally noted for these Vices. No Prince in the English History lewder than Edgar that had so promoted it. The Legate that in King Henry the second's time got that severe Decree made, that put all the married Clergy from their Live, was found the very night after (for the credit of Coelibate) in bed with a Whore. On this Subject many undecent Stories were gathered, especially by Bale, who was a learned Man, but did not write with that temper and discretion that became a Divine. He gathered all the lewd Stories that could be raked together to this purpose; and the many abominable things found in the Monasteries were then fresh in all men's memories. It was also observed, that the unmarried Clergy had been, as much as the married could be, intent upon the raising Families, and the enriching of their Nephews and Kindred, (and sometimes of their Bastards, witness the present Pope Paul the third, and not long before him Alexander the 6th) so that the married Clergy could not be tempted to more Covetousness than had appeared in the unmarried. And for the Distraction of Domestic Affairs, the Clergy had formerly given themselves up to such a secular course of Life, that it was thought nothing could increase it; but if the married Clergy should set themselves to raise more than a decent maintenance for their Children, such as might fit them for Letters or Callings, and should neglect Hospitality, become covetous, and accumulate Live and Preferments, to make Estates for their Children; this might be justly kerbed by new Laws, or rather the renewing of the ancient Canons, by which Clergymen were declared to be only entrusted with the Goods of the Church for public ends, and were not to apply them to their own private uses, nor to leave them to their Children and Friends.  
Thus had this Matter been argued in many Books that were written on this Subject, by Poinet, and Parker, the one afterwards Bishop of Winchester, and the other Archbishop of Canterbury; also by Bale Bishop of Ossory, with many more. Dr. Ridley, Dr. Taylor, (afterwards Bishop of Lincoln) Dr. Benson, and Dr. Redmayn, appeared more confidently in it, than many others; being Men that were resolved never to marry themselves; who yet thought it necessary, and therefore pleaded, (according to the Pattern that Paphnutius had set them) that all should be left to their liberty in this matter.  
The Debate about it was brought into the Convocation, where Dr. Redmayn's Authority went a great way. He was a Man of great Learning and Probity, and of so much greater weight, because he did not in all Points agree with the Reformers: but being at this time sick, his opinion was brought under his Hand, 
Collection Number 30.  which will be found in the Collection, copied from the Original. It was to this purpose, That though the Scriptures exhorted Priests to live chaste, and out of the cares of the World; yet the Laws forbidding them Marriage, were only Canons and Constitutions of the Church; not founded on the Word of God: and therefore he thought that a Man once married might be a Priest: and he did not find the Priests in the Church of England had made any Vow against Marriage; and therefore he thought that the King and the higher Powers of the Church, might take away the Clog of perpetual continence from the Priests, and grant that such as could not or would not contain, might marry once, and not be put from their holy Ministration. It was opposed by many in both Houses, but carried at last by the major Vote. All this I gather from what is printed concerning it: For I have seen no Remains of this, or of any of the other Convocations that came afterwards in this Reign; the Registers of them being destroyed in the Fire of London. This Act seemed rather a connivance, and permission of the Clergy to marry, than any direct allowance of it, So the Enemies of that state of life continued to reproach the married Clergy still: and this was much heightened by many undecent Marriages, and other light behaviour of some Priests. But these things made way for a more full Act concerning this matter about three years after.  
The next Act that past in this Parliament was about the public Service; which was put into the House of Commons on the 9th of December, 
An Act confirming the Liturgy.  and the next day was also put into the House of Lords: It lay long before them, and was not agreed to till the 15th of Jan. The Earl of Derby, the Bishops of London, Duresme, Norwich, Carlisle, Hereford, Worcester, Westminster, and Chichester, and the Lords, Dacres, and Windsor, protesting. The Preamble of the Act sets forth, That there had been several Forms of Service, and that of late there had been great difference in the Administration of the Sacraments, and other parts of Divine Worship: and that the most effectual endeavours could not stop the Inclinations of many to departed from the former Customs: which the King had not punished, believing they flowed from a good zeal. But that there might be an uniform way over all the Kingdom, the King, by the advice of the Lord Protector and his Council, had appointed the Archbishop of Canterbury, with other learned and discreet Bishops and Divines, to draw an Order of Divine Worship, having respect to the pure Religion of Christ taught in the Scripture, and to the practice of the Primitive Church, which they by the Aid of the Holy Ghost, had with one uniform agreement concluded on; wherefore the Parliament having considered the Book, and the things that were altered or retained in it, they gave their most humble thanks to the King for his care about it: and did pray that all who had formerly offended in these matters, except such as were in the Tower of London, or the Prison of the Fleet, should be pardoned; and did Enact, that from the Feast of Whit-Sunday next, all Divine Offices should be performed according to it, and that such of the Clergy as should refuse to do it, or continue to officiate in any other manner, should upon the first conviction be imprisoned six Months, and forfeit a years Profit of their Benefice: For the second offence forfeit all their Church Preferments, and suffer a years Imprisonment: And for the third offence should be imprisoned during life. And all that should write, or put out things in print against it, or threaten any Clergymen for using it, were to be fined in 10 l. for the first offence, 20 for the second, and to forfeit all their Goods, and be imprisoned for life, upon a third offence. Only at the Universities they might use it in Latin and Greek, excepting the Office of the Communion. It was also lawful to use other Psalms or Prayers taken out of the Bible, so these in the Book were not omitted. This Act was variously censured by those who disliked it. 
The Censures passed upon it.  Some thought it too much, that it was said the Book was drawn by the Aid of the Holy Ghost. But others said this was not to be so understood, as if they had been inspired by extraordinary assistance; for then there had been no room for any correction of what was now done: and therefore it was only to be understood in that sense, as all good Motions and Consultations are directed or assisted by the secret influences of Gods Holy Spirit; which do oft help good Men, even in their imperfect actions, where the good that is done is justly ascribed to the Grace of God. Others censured it, because it was said to be done by uniform agreement, though four of the Bishops that were employed in the drawing of it, protested against it. These were the Bishops of Norwich, Hereford, Chichester, and Westminster; but these had agreed in the main parts of the Work, though in some few Particulars they were not satisfied, which made them descent from the whole.  

Singing of Psalms brought in.  The Proviso for the Psalms and Prayers taken out of the Bible, was for the Singing Psalms, which were translated into Verse, and much sung by all who loved the Reformation, and were in many Places used in Churches. In the Ancient Church the Christians were much exercised in repeating the Psalms of David: many had them all by heart, and used to be reciting them when they went about their Work; and those who retired into a Monastical course of life, spent many of their hours in repeating the Psalter. Apollinaris put them in verse, as being easier for the memory. Other devout Hymns came to be also in use. Nazianzen among the Greeks, and Prudentius among the Latins, laboured on that Argument with the greatest success. There were other Hymns that were not put in verse, the chief of which were, that most ancient Hymn which we use now after the Sacrament, and the Celebrated Ambrosian Hymn that gins Te Deum Laudamus. But as when the Worship of the departed Saints came to be dressed up with much pomp, Hymns were also made for their honour: and in Latin Tongue, as well as Prosody, being then much decayed, these came to be cast into Rhythms, and were written generally in a fantastical affected Style: So now at the Reformation, some Poets, such as the times afforded, translated David's Psalms into verse; and it was a sign by which men's affections to that Work were every where measured, whether they used to sing these, or not. But as the Poetry than was low, and not raised to that justness to which it is since brought, so this Work, which then might pass for a tolerable composure, has not been since that time so reviewed or changed as perhaps the thing required: hence it is that this piece of Divine Worship, by the meanness of the Verse, has not maintained its due esteem. Another thing, that some thought deserved to be considered in such a Work, was, that many of the Psalms, being such as related more specially to David's Victories, and contained Passages in them not easily understood, it seemed better to leave out these, which it was not so easy to sing with Devotion, because the meaning of them either lay hid, or did not at all concern Christians.  
The Parliament was adjourned from the 22d of December to the second of Jan. On the 7th of Jan. the Commons sent an Address to the Protector to restore Latimer to the Bishopric of Worcester: 
1549.  but this took no effect, for that good old Man did choose rather to go about and preach, than to engage in a matter of Government, being now very ancient. A Bill was put in by the Lords for appointing of Parks, 
Jour. Proc.  and agreed to, the Earl of Arundel only dissenting; but being sent down to the Commons, it was upon the second reading thrown out, yet not so unanimously but that the House was divided about it.  
On the fourth of Feb. a Bill was put in against eating Flesh in Lent, and on Fasting days; it was committed to the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Ely, Worcester, and Chichester; and sent to the Commons on the 16th, who sent it up on the 7th of March, with a Proviso to which the Lords agreed. In the Preamble it is said, 
An Act about Fasts.  That though it is clear by the Word of God, that there is no Day, nor kind of Meat, purer than another, but that all are in themselves alike; yet many out of sensuality had contemned such abstinence, as had been formerly used; and since due abstinence was a mean to virtue, and to subdue men's Bodies to their Soul and Spirit, and was also necessary to encourage the Trade of Fishing, and for saving of Flesh; therefore all former Laws about Fasting and Abstinence were to be after the first of May repealed, and it was Enacted, That from the first of May, none should eat Flesh on Fridays, Saturdays, Ember-days, in Lent, or any other days that should be declared Fish-days, under several Penalties. A Proviso was added for excepting such as should obtain the King's Licence, or were sick, or weak, and that none should be indicted but within three Months after the Offence.  
Christ had told his Disciples, that when he should be taken from them, than they should fast. Accordingly the Primitive Christians used to fast oft, more particularly before the Anniversary of the Passion of Christ, which ended in a high Festivity at Easter. Yet this was differently observed, as to the number of days. Some abstained 40 days in imitation of Christ's Fast, others only that Week, and others had only an entire Fast from the time of Christ's death till his Resurrection. On these Fasts they eat nothing till the Evening, and then they eat most commonly Herbs and Roots. Afterwards the Fridays were kept as Fasts, because on that day Christ suffered. Saturdays were also added in the Roman Church, but not without contradiction. Ember-weeks came in afterwards, being some days before those Sundays, in which Orders were given. And a General Rule being laid down, that every Christian Festival should be preceded by a Fast, thereupon the Vigils of holidays came, though not so soon, into the Number. But this, with the other good Institutions of the Primitive times, became degenerate; even in St. Augustine's time, Religion came to be placed in these observances, and anxious Rules were made about them. Afterwards in the Church of Rome they were turned into a Mockery; for, as on Fast-days they dined, which the Ancients did not, so the use of the most delicious Fish, dressed in the most exquisite manner, with the richest Wines that could be had, was allowed, which made it ridiculous. So now they resolved to take off the severities of the former Laws, and yet to keep up such Laws about Fasting and Abstinence, as might be agreeable to its true end: which is, to subdue the Flesh to the Spirit, and not to gratify it by a change of one sort of diet into another, which may be both more delicate, and more inflaming. So fond a thing is Superstition, that it will help Men to deceive themselves by the slightest Pretences that can be imagined.  
It was much lamented then, and there is as much cause for it still, that carnal Men have taken advantages from the abuses that were formerly practised, to throw off good and profitable Institutions: since the frequent use of Fasting, with Prayer and true Devotion joined to it, is perhaps one of the greatest helps that can be devised, to advance one to a spiritual temper of Mind, and to promote a holy course of Life: And the mockery that is discernible in the way of some men's Fasting, is a very slight excuse for any to lay aside the use of that which the Scriptures have so much recommended.  

Some Bills were rejected.  There were other Bills put in into both Houses, but did not pass. One was, for declaring it Treason to marry the King's Sisters without consent of the King and his Council: but it was thought that King Henry's Will, disabling them from the Succession in that case, would be a stronger restraint; and so it was laid aside. Another Bill was put in for Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction. Great Complaints were made of the abounding of Vices and Immoralities, which the Clergy could neither restrain nor punish, and so they had nothing left but to preach against them, which was done by many with great freedom. In some of these Sermons, the Preachers expressed their apprehensions of signal and speedy Judgements from Heaven, if the People did not repent; but their Sermons had no great effect, for the Nation grew very corrupt, and this brought on them severe punishments. The Temporal Lords were so jealous of putting power in Church-mens hands, especially to correct those vices of which themselves perhaps were most guilty, that the Bill was laid aside. The pretence of opposing it, was, that the greatest part of the Bishops and Clergy were still Papists in their Hearts; so that if Power were put into such men's hands, it was reasonable to expect, they would employ it chief against those who favoured the Reformation, and would vex them on that score, though with Pretences fetched from other things.  

A design for digesting the Common Law into a Body.  There was also put into the House of Commons a Bill for reforming of Processes at Common Law, which was sent up by the Commons to the Lords, but it fell in that House. I have seen a large Discourse written then upon that Argument; in which it is set forth, that the Law of England was a barbarous kind of Study, and did not lead Men into a finer sort of Learning, which made the Common Lawyers to be generally so ignorant of Foreign Matters, and so unable to negotiate in them; therefore it was proposed, that the Common and Statute Laws, should be, in imitation of the Roman Law, digested into a Body under Titles and Heads, and put in good Latin. But this was too great a Design to be set on, or finished under an Infant King. If it was then necessary, it will be readily acknowledged to be much more so now, the Volume of our Statutes being so much swelled since that time; besides the vast number of Reports, and Cases, and the Plead growing much longer than formerly: yet whether this is a thing to be much expected or desired, I refer it to the learned and wise Men of that Robe.  
The only Act that remains of this Session of Parliament, 
The Admiral's Attainder.  about which I shall inform the Reader, is the Attainder of the Admiral. The Queen Dowager that had married him died in September last, not without suspicion of Poison. She was a good and virtuous Lady, and in her whole Life had done nothing unseemly, but the marrying him so indecently, and so soon after the King's death. There was found among her Papers a Discourse written by her concerning herself; entitled, The Lamentation of a Sinner, which was published by Cecil, who writ a Preface to it. In it, she, with great sincerity, acknowledges the sinful course of her Life for many years, in which she, relying on External Performances, such as Fasts, and Pilgrimages, was all that while a Stranger to the Internal and True Power of Religion: which she came afterwards to feel by the study of the Scripture, and the calling upon God for his Holy Spirit. She explains clearly the Notion she had of Justification by Faith, so that Holiness necessarily followed upon it: but lamented the great scandal given by many Gospelers: So were all these called who were given to the reading of the Scriptures.  
She being thus dead, 
The Queen Dowager dying, he courted the Lady Eliz.  the Admiral renewed his Addresses to the Lady Elizabeth, but in vain; for as he could not expect that his Brother and the Council would consent to it, so if he had married her without that, the possibility of succeeding to the Crown was cut off by King Henry's Will. And this Attempt of his occasioned that Act to be put in, which was formerly mentioned, for declaring the marrying the King's Sisters, without consent of Council, to be Treason. Seeing he could not compass that design, he resolved to carry away the King to his House of Holt in the Country; and so to displace his Brother, and to take the Government into his own hands. For this end, he had laid in Magazines of Arms, and listed about 10000 Men in several Places: and openly complained, that his Brother intended to enslave the Nation, and make himself Master of all; and had therefore brought over those Germane Soldiers. He had also entered into Treaty with several of the Nobility, that envied his Brother's greatness, and were not ill pleased to see a breach between them, and that grown to be irreconcilable. To these he promised that they should be of the Council, and that he would dispose of the King in Marriage to one of their Daughters: the Person is not named. The Protector had often told him of these things, and warned him of the danger into which he would throw himself by such ways; but he persisted still in his designs; though he denied and excused them as long as was possible. Now his restless ambition seeming incurable, he was on the 19th of Jan. sent to the Tower. The original Warrant, 
Jan. 19 The Admiral sent to the Tower.  Signed by all the Privy Council, is in the Council-Book formerly mentioned; where the Earl of Southampton Signs with the rest; who was now, in outward appearance reconciled to the Protector. On the day following the Admiral's Seal of his Office was sent for, and put into Secretary Smith's Hands. And now many things broke out against him; and particularly a Conspiracy of his with Sir W. Sharington, Vice-Treasurer of the Mint at Bristol, who was to have furnished him with 10000 l. and had already coined about 12000 l. false Money, and had clipped a great deal more, to the value of 40000 l. in all; for which he was attainted by a Process at Common Law, and that was confirmed in Parliament. Fowler also, that waited in the Privy Chamber, with some few others, were sent to the Tower: Many complaints being usually brought against a sinking Man, the Lord Russel, the Earl of Southampton, and Secretary Petre, were ordered to receive their Examinations. And thus the Business was let alone till the 28 of Feb. in which time his Brother did again try if it were possible to bring him to a better temper: And as he had, since their first breach, granted him 800 l. a year in Land, to gain his friendship; so means were now used to persuade him to submit himself, and to withdraw from Court, and from all employment. But it appeared that nothing could be done to him that could cure his ambition, or the hatred he carried to his Brother. And therefore on the 22d of Feb. a full report was made to the Council of all the things that were informed against him; consisting not only of the Particulars formerly mentioned, but of many foul misdemeanours in the discharge of the Admiralty: several Pirates being entertained by him, who gave him a share of their Robberies, and whom he had protected, notwithstanding the Complaints made by other Princes, by which the King was in danger of a War from the Princes so complaining. The whole Charge consists of 33 Articles, which will be found in the Collection. 
Collection Number 31.  The Particulars, as it is entered in the Council-Book, were so manifestly proved, not only by Witnesses, but by Letters under his own Hand, that it did not seem possible to deny them. Yet he had been sent to, and examined, by some of the Council, but refused to make a direct Answer to them, or to Sign those Answers that he had made. So it was ordered, that the next day, all the Privy Council, except the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Sir John Baker, Speaker to the House of Commons, who was engaged to attend in the House, should go to the Tower, and examine him. On the 23d the Lord Chancellor, with the other Councillors, went to him, and read the Articles of his Charge, and earnestly desired him to make plain Answers to them, excusing himself where he could, and submitting himself in other things: and that he would show no obstinacy of Mind. He answered them, That he expected an open Trial, and his Accusers to be brought face to face. All the Councillors endeavoured to persuade him to be more tractable, but to no purpose. At last the Lord Chancellor required him on his Allegiance to make his Answer. He desired, they would leave the Articles with him, and he would consider of them, otherwise he would make no Answer to them. But the Councillors resolved not to leave them with him on those terms. On the 24th of Feb. it was resolved in Council, that the whole Board should after Dinner acquaint the King with the state of that Affair, and desire to know of him whether he would have the Law to take place; and since the thing had been before the Parliament, whether he would leave it to their determination: so tender they were of their young King in a Case that concerned his Uncle's Life. But the King had begun to discern his seditious temper, and was now much alienated from him.  

The Council desired the King to refer the Matter to the Parliament.  When the Councillors waited on him, the Lord Chancellor opened the Matter to the King, and delivered his Opinion for leaving it to the Parliament. Then every Councillor by himself spoke his mind, all to the same purpose. Last of all the Protector spoke; he protested this was a most sorrowful business to him, that he had used all the means in his power to keep it from coming to this extremity; but were it Son or Brother he must prefer his Majesty's safety to them, for he weighed his Allegiance more than his Blood: and that therefore he was not against the request that the other Lords had made; and said, if he himself were guilty of such offences, he should not think he were worthy of life; and the rather because he was of all Men the most bound to his Majesty, and therefore he could not refuse Justice. The King answered them in these words. 
Who consented to it.  We perceive that there are great things objected and laid to my Lord Admiral my Uncle, and they tend to Treason, and We perceive that you require but Justice to be done, We think it reasonable, and We Will, that you proceed according to your Request. Which words, (as it is marked in the Council-Book) coming so suddenly from his Grace's Mouth, of his own motion, as the Lords might well perceive, they were marvellously rejoiced, and gave the King most hearty praise and thanks: yet resolved, that some of both Houses should be sent to the Admiral, before the Bill should be put in against him, to see what he could or would say. All this was done to try if he could be brought to a Submission. So the Lord Chancellor, the Earls of Shrewsbury, Warwick, and Southampton, and Sir John Baker, Sir Tho. Cheyney, and Sir Anth. Denny, were sent to him. He was long obstinate, but after much persuasion was brought to give an Answer to the first three Articles, which will be found in the Collection at the end of the Articles: and then on a sudden he stopped, and bade them be content, for he would go no further: and no entreaties would work on him, either to answer the rest, or to set his Hand to the Answers he had made.  
On the 25th of Feb. the Bill was put in for attainting him, 
The Bill passed in both Houses.  and the Peers had been so accustomed to agree to such Bills in King Henry's time, that they did easily pass it. All the Judges, and the King's Council, delivered their Opinions, that the Articles were Treason. Then the Evidence was brought, many Lords gave it so fully, that all the rest with one Voice consented to the Bill; only the Protector, for natural pities sake, as is in the Council-Book, desired leave to withdraw. On the 27th the Bill was sent down to the Commons, with a Message, That if they desired to proceed as the Lords had done, those Lords that had given their Evidence in their own House, should come down and declare it to the Commons. But there was more opposition made in the House of Commons. Many argued against Attainders in absence, and thought it an odd way that some Peers should rise up in their Places in their own House, and relate somewhat to the slander of another, and that he should be thereupon attainted: therefore it was pressed, that it might be done by a Trial, and that the Admiral should be brought to the Bar, and be heard plead for himself. But on the fourth of March a Message was sent from the King, that he thought it was not necessary to send for the Admiral: and that the Lords should come down and renew before them the Evidence they had given in their own House. This was done: and so the Bill was agreed to by the Commons in a full House, judged about 400, and there were not above ten or twelve that voted in the negative. The Royal Assent was given on the 5th of March. On the 10th of March, the Council resolved to press the King that Justice might be done on the Admiral: and since the Case was so heavy and lamentable to the Protector, (so it is in the Council-Book) though it was also sorrowful to them all, they resolved to proceed in it, so that neither the King, nor he, should be further troubled with it. After Dinner they went to the King, the Protector being with them. The King said, he had well observed their Proceed, and thanked them for their great care of his safety, and commanded them to proceed in it without further molesting him or the Protector: and ended, I pray you my Lords do so. Upon this they ordered the Bishop of Ely to go to the Admiral, and to instruct him in the things that related to another Life: and to prepare him to take patiently his deserved Execution. And on the 17th of March, he having made report to them of his attendance on the Admiral, the Council Signed a Warrant for his Execution, which will be found in the Collection, 
Collection Number 32.  to which both the Lord Protector and the Archbishop of Canterbury set their Hands. And on the 20th his Head was cut off. 
March 20. The Admiral beheaded.  What his behaviour was on the Scaffold I do not find.  
Thus fell Tho. Lord Seimour, Lord high Admiral of England, a Man of high thoughts, of great violence of temper, and ambitious out of measure. 
Censures past upon it.  The Protector was much censured for giving way to his Execution, by those who looked only at that relation between them, which they thought should have made him still preserve him. But others, who knew the whole Series of the Affair, saw it was scarce possible for him to do more for the gaining his Brother than he had done. Yet the other being a Popular Notion, that it was against Nature for one Brother to destroy another, was more easily entertained by the Multitude, who could not penetrate into the Mysteries of State. But the way of Proceeding was much condemned; since to attaint a Man without bringing him to make his own defence, or to object what he could say to the Witnesses that were brought against him, was so illegal and unjust, that it could not be defended. Only this was to be said for it, that it was a little more regular than Parliamentary Attainders had been formerly; for here the Evidence upon which it was founded was given before both Houses.  

And on Cranmers signing the Warrant for his Execution.  One Particular seemed a little odd, that Cranmer Signed the Warrant for his Execution; which being in a Cause of Blood, was contrary to the Canon Law. In the Primitive Times, Churchmen had only the Cure of Souls lying on them, together with the reconciling of such differences as might otherwise end in Suits of Law before the Civil Courts, which were made up of Infidels. When the Empire became Christian, these Judgements, which they gave originally on so charitable an account, were by the Imperial Laws made to have great Authority; but further than these, or the care of Widows and Orphans, they were forbid, both by the Council of Chalcedon, and other lesser Councils, to meddle in Secular Matters. Among the Endowments made to some Churches, there were Lands given, where the Slaves, according to the Roman Law, came within the Patrimony of these Churches, and by that Law Masters had Power of Life and Death over their Slaves.  

Laws against Church-mens meddling in Matters of Blood.  In some Churches this Power had been severely exercised, even to maiming and death, which seemed very indecent in a Churchman. Besides, there was an Apprehension that some severe Churchmen, who were but Masters for life, might be more profuse of the Lives of such Slaves, than those that were to transmit them to their Families. Therefore to prevent the waist that would be made in the Church's Patrimony, it was agreed on that Churchmen should not proceed capitally against any of their Vassals or Slaves. And in the Confusions that were in Spain, the Princes that prevailed, had appointed Priests to be Judges, to give the greater reputation to their Courts. This being found much to the prejudice of the Church, it was decreed in the fourth Council of Toledo that Priests who were chosen by Christ to the Ministry of Salvation, should not judge in Capital Matters, unless the Prince should swear to them, that he would remit the punishment: and such as did otherwise, were held guilty of Bloodshedding, and were to lose their Degree in the Church. This was soon received over all the Western Church; and Arguments were found out afterwards by the Canonists to prove the necessity of continuing it; from david's not being suffered to build the Temple, since he was a Man of Blood; and from the qualification required by St. Paul in a Bishop, That he should be no striker, since he seemed to strike, that did it either in Person, or by one whom he deputed to do it. But when afterwards Charles the Great, and all the Christian Princes in the West, gave their Bishop's great Lands and Dominions; they obliged them to be in all their Councils, and to do them such Services as they required of them by virtue of their Tenors. The Popes, designing to set up a Spiritual Empire, and to bring all Church-lands within it; required the Bishops to separate themselves from a dependence on their Princes, as much as it was possible: And these Laws formerly made about Cases of Blood, were judged a Colour good enough why they should not meddle in such Trials; so they procured these Cases to be excepted. But it seems Cranmer thought his Conscience was under no tie from those Canons, and so judged it not contrary to his Function to Sign that Order.  
The Parliament was on the 14th of March Prorogued to the 4th of Nou. the Clergy having granted the King a Subsidy of 6 s. in the Pound to be paid in three Years. 
Subsidies granted by the Clergy and Laity.  In the Preamble of the Bill of Subsidy they acknowledged the great quietness they enjoyed under him, having no Let nor Impediment in the Service of God. But the Laity set out their Subsidy with a much fuller Preamble, of the great happiness they had by the true Religion of Christ; declaring that they were ready to forsake all things rather than Christ; as also to assist the King in the Conquest of Scotland, which they call a part of his Dominion; therefore they give 12 d. in the Pound of all men's Personal Estates to be paid in three Years.  
But now to look into Matters of Religion, there was, 
A New Visitation.  immediately after the Act of Uniformity passed, a new Visitation, which, it is probable, went in the same Method that was observed in the former. There were two things much complained of; the one was, that the Priests read the Prayers generally with the same tone of Voice that they had used formerly in the Latin Service: so that, it was said, the People did not understand it much better than they had done the Latin formerly. This I have seen represented in many Letters; and it was very seriously laid before Cranmer by Martin Bucer. The course taken in it, was, that in all Parish Churches the Service should be read in a plain audible Voice; but that the former way should remain in Cathedrals, where there were great Quires, who were well acquainted with that Tone, and where it agreed better with the Music that was used in the Anthems. Yet even there, many thought it no proper way in the Litany, where the greatest gravity was more agreeable to such humble Addresses, than such a modulation of the Voice, which to those unacquainted with it seemed light, and for others that were more accustomed to it, it seemed to be rather use that had reconciled them to it, than the natural decency of the thing, or any fitness in it to advance the devotion of their Prayers. But this was a thing judged of less importance: It was said that those who had been accustomed to read in that Voice, could not easily alter it: but as those dropped off and died, others would be put in their places, who would officiate in a plainer Voice. 
Some of the old Abuses coninued in the new Service.  Other Abuses were more important. Some used in the Communion-Service many of the old Rites, such as kissing the Altar, crossing themselves, lifting the Book from one place to another, breathing on the Bread, showing it openly before the distribution, with some other of the old Ceremonies. The People did also continue the use of their praying by Beads, which was called an Innovation of Peter the Hermit in the 12th Century. By it, ten Aves went for one Pater Noster, and the reciting these so oft in Latin, had come to be almost all the devotion of the Vulgar: and therefore the People were ordered to leave that unreasonable way of Praying, it seeming a most unaccountable thing that the reciting the Angel's Salutation to the Blessed Virgin, should be such a high piece of Divine Worship. And that this should be done ten times, for one Prayer to God, looked so like preferring the Creature to the Creator, that it was not easy to defend it from an appearance of Idolatry. The Briests were also ordered to exhort the People to give to the Poor. The Curates were required to preach and declare the Catechism, at least every sixth Week. And some Priests continuing secretly the use of Soul Masses, in which, for avoiding the censure of the Law, they had one to communicate with them, but had many of these in one day; It was ordered, that there should be no selling of the Communion, in Trentals, and that there should be but one Communion in one Church, except on Easter-day and Christmas; in which the People coming to the Sacrament in greater numbers, there should be one Sacrament in the Morning, and another near Noon. And there being great abuses in Churches, and Churchyards, in which in the times of Popery, Markets had been held, and Bargains made, that was forbid, chief in the time of Divine Service or Sermon.  

Collection Number 33.  These Instructions, which the Reader will find in the Collection, were given in charge to the Visitors. Cranmer had also a Visitation about the same time, in which the Articles he gave out are all drawn according to the King's Injunctions. By some Questions in them, they seem to have been sent out before the Parliament, because the Book of Service is not mentioned: but the last Question save one, being of such as contemned married Priests, and refused to receive the Sacrament at their hands, I conceive that these were compiled after the Act concerning their Marriage was past, but before the Feast of Whit-Sunday following, for till then the Common-Prayer-Book was not to be received. There were also Order sent by the Council to the Bishop of London, to see that there should be no special Masses in St. Paul's Church; which, being the Mother-Church in the chief City of the Kingdom, would be an example to all the rest; and that therefore there should be only one Communion at the great Altar, and that at the time when the high Mass was wont to be celebrated, unless some desired a Sacrament in the Morning, and then it was to be celebrated at the high Altar. Bonner, who resolved to comply in every thing, sent the Councils Letter to the Dean and Residentiaries of St. Paul's, to see it obeyed: and indeed all England over the Book was so universally received, that the Visitors did return no complaint from any corner of the whole Kingdom. 
All received the new Service except the Lady Mary.  Only the Lady Mary continued to have Mass said in her House, of which the Council being advertised, writ to her to conform herself to the Laws, and not to cast a reproach on the King's Government; for the nearer she was to him in Blood, she was to give the better example to others: and her disobedience might encourage others to follow her in that contempt of the King's Authority. So they desired her to send to them, her controller, and Dr. Hopton her Chaplain, by whom she should be more fully advertised of the King and Councils Pleasure. Upon this she sent one to the Emperor to interpose for her, that she might not be forced to any thing against her Conscience.  
At this time there was a Complaint made at the Emperor's Court, 
The Ambassador at the Emperor's Court not suffered to use it.  of the English Ambassador Sir Philip Hobby, for using the new Common-Prayer-Book there: To which he answered, He was to be obedient to the Laws of his own Prince and Country; and as the Emperor's Ambassador had Mass at his Chapel at London, without disturbance, though it was contrary to the Law of England, so he had the same reason to expect the like liberty. But the Emperor espousing the Interest of the Lady Mary, both Paget, (who was sent over Ambassador Extraordinary to him upon his coming into Flanders) and Hobby promised in the King's Name that he should dispense with her, for some time, as they afterwards declared upon their Honours, when the thing was further questioned: though the Emperor and his Ministers pretended, that without any Qualification it was promised that she should enjoy the free exercise of her Religion. The Emperor was now grown so high with his success in Germany, 
A Treaty of Marriage for the Lady Mary.  and that at a time when a War was coming on with France, that it was not thought advisable to give him any offence. There was likewise a Proposition sent over by him to the Protector and Council, 
Cotton lib. Galba B. 12.  for the Lady Mary to be married to Alphonso, Brother to the King of Portugal. The Council entertained it: and though the late King had left his Daughters but 10000 l. apiece, yet they offered to give with her 100000 Crowns in Money, and 20000 Crowns worth of Jewels. The Infant of Portugal was about her own Age, and offered 20000 Crowns Jointure. But this Proposition fell, on what hand I do not know. 
She writ to the Council concerning the new Service.  The Lady Mary writ on the 22d of June to the Council, that she could not obey their late Laws; and that she did not esteem them Laws, as made when the King was not of Age, and contrary to those made by her Father, which they were all bound by Oath to maintain. She excused the not sending her controller, (Mr. Arundel) and her Priest: the one did all her business, so that she could not well be without him; the other was then so ill that he could not travel. Upon this the Council sent a peremptory Command to these, requiring them to come up, and receive their Orders. The Lady Mary wrote a second Letter to them on the 27th of June, in which she expostulated the matter with the Council. She said, She was subject to none of them, and would obey none of the Laws they made; but protested great Obedience and Subjection to the King. When her Officers came to Court, they were commanded to declare to the Lady Mary, that though the King was young in Person, yet his Authority was now as great as ever: that those who have his Authority and act in his Name are to be obeyed; and though they as single Persons were her humble Servants, yet when they met in Council, they acted in the King's Name, 
Who required her to obey as other Subjects did.  and so were to be considered by all the King's Subjects as if they were the King himself: they had indeed sworn to obey the late King's Laws, but that could bind them no longer than they were in force; and being now repealed, they were no more Laws; other Laws being made in their room: There was no exception in the Laws, all the King's Subjects were included in them; and for a Reformation of Religion made when a King was under Age, one of the most perfect that was recorded in Scripture was so carried on, when Josiah was much younger than their King was: therefore they gave them in charge to persuade her Grace, (for that was her Title) to be a good example of obedience, and not to encourage peevish and obstinate Persons, by her stiffness. But this Business was for some time laid aside.  
And now the Reformation was to be carried on to the establishing of a Form of Doctrine, which should contain the chief Points of Religion. In order to which, there was this Year great enquiry made into many particular Opinions, 
The manner of Christ's Presence in the Sacrament examined.  and chief concerning the Presence of Christ in the Sacrament. There was no Opinion, for which the Priests contended more ignorantly and eagerly, and that the People generally believed more blindly and firmly, as if a strong Belief were nothing else but winking very hard. The Priests, because they accounted it the chief support now left of their falling Dominion, which being kept up, might in time retrieve all the rest. For while it was believed, that their Character qualified them for so strange and mighty a Performance, they must needs be held in great reverence. The People, because they thought they received the very Flesh of Christ, and so (notwithstanding our Saviour's express Declaration to the contrary, that the Flesh profiteth nothing) looked on those who went about to persuade them otherwise, as Men that intended to rob them of the greatest Privilege they had. And therefore it was thought necessary to open this fully, before there should be any change made in the Doctrine of the Church.  
The Lutherans seemed to agree with that which had been the Doctrine of the Greek Church, that in the Sacrament there was both the Substance of Bread and Wine, and Christ's Body likewise. Only many of them defended it by an Opinion that was thought akin to the Eutychian Heresy, that his humane Nature by virtue of the union of the Godhead, was every where: though even in this way it did not appear that there was any special Presence in the Sacrament, more than in other things. Those of Switzerland had on the other hand, taught that the Sacrament was only an Institution to commemorate the Sufferings of Christ. This, because it was intelligible, was thought by many too low and mean a thing, and not equal to the high expressions that are in the Scripture, of its being the Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ. The Princes of Germany saw what mischief was like to follow on the diversity of Opinions in explaining the Sacrament: and as Luther, being impatient in his temper, and too much given to dictate, took it very ill to see his Doctrine so rejected; so by the undecent way of writing in matters of Controversy, to which the Germans are too much inclined, this difference turned to a direct breach among them. The Landgrave of Hesse had laboured much to have these diversities of Opinion laid asleep, since nothing gave their common Enemies such advantage, as their quarrelling among themselves. Martin Bucer was of a moderate temper, and had found a middle Opinion in this matter, though not so easy to be understood. He thought there was more than a Remembrance, to wit, a Communication of the Body and Blood of Christ in the Sacrament; that in general a Real Presence ought to be asserted, and that the way of explaining it ought not to be anxiously enquired into: and with him Calvin agreed, that it was truly the Body and Blood of Christ, not figuratively, but really present. The advantage of these general Expressions was, that thereby they hoped to have silenced the Debates between the Germane and Helvetian Divines, whose Doctrine came likewise to be received by many of the Cities of the Empire, and by the Elector Palatine. And among Martin Bucers' Papers, I met with an Original Paper of Luther's, 
Collection Number 34.  (which will be found in the Collection) in which he was willing to have that difference thus settled: Those of the Ausburg Confession should declare, that in the Sacrament there was truly Bread and Wine, and those of the Helvetian Confession should declare, that Christ's Body was truly present, and so without any further curiosities in the way of explaining it, in which Divines might use their liberty, the difference should end. But how this came to take no effect, I do not understand. It was also thought that this way of expressing the Doctrine would give least offence; for the People were scarce able to bear the Opinion of the Sacraments being only a Figure: but wherein this Real Presence consisted, was not so easy to be made out. Some explained it more intelligibly in a sense of Law, that in the Sacrament there was a real application of the Merit of Christ's Death, to those who received it worthily: so that Christ as crucified was really present: and these had this to say for themselves, that the Words of the Institution do not call the Elements simply Christ's Body and Blood, but his Body broken, and his Blood shed, and that therefore Christ was really present, as he was crucified, so that the importance of Really was Effectually. Others thought all ways of explaining the manner of the Presence were needless curiosities, and apt to beget differences: that therefore the Doctrine was to be established in general words, and to save the labour both of explaining and understanding it, it was to be esteemed a Mystery. This seems to have been Bucers' Opinion, but Peter Martyr inclined more to the Helvetians.  
There were public Disputations held this Year both at Oxford and Cambridge upon this Matter. 
Public Disputations about it.  At Oxford the Popish Party did so encourage themselves by the Indulgence of the Government, and the gentleness of Cranmers' temper, that they became upon this Head insolent out of measure. Peter Martyr had read in the Chair concerning the Presence of Christ in the Sacrament, which he explained according to the Doctrine of the Helvetian Churches: Dr. Smith did upon this resolve to contradict him openly in the Schools, and challenge him to dispute on these Points: and had brought many thither, who should by their Clamours and Applauses run him down: yet this was not so secretly laid, but a friend of P. Martyrs brought him word of it before he had come from his House, and persuaded him not to go to the Schools that day, 
Antiq. Oxon.  and so disappoint Smith. But he looked on that as so mean a thing, that he would by no means comply with it. So he went to the Divinity Schools; on his way one brought him a Challenge from Smith to dispute with him, concerning the Eucharist. He went on and took his place in the Chair, where he behaved himself with an equal measure of courage and discretion: he gravely checked Smith's presumption, and said, he did not decline a dispute; but was resolved to have his Reading that day, nor would he engage in a public Dispute without leave from the King's Council: Upon this a Tumult was like to rise; so the Vicechancellor sent for them before him: P. Martyr said he was ready to defend every thing that he had read in the Chair, in a Dispute: but he would manage it only in Scripture-Terms, and not in the Terms of the Schools.  
This was the beating the Popish Doctors out of that which was their chief strength; for they had little other Learning, but a slight of tossing some Arguments from hand to hand, with a gibberish kind of Language, that sounded like somewhat that was sublime; but had really nothing under it. By constant practice they were very nimble at this sort of Legerdemain, of which both Erasmus and Sir Tho. More, with the other learned Men of that Age, had made such sport, that it was become sufficiently ridiculous: and the Protestants laid hold on that advantage which such great Authorities gave them to disparage it. They set up another way of disputing from the Original Text of the Scripture in Greek and Hebrew, which seemed a more proper thing in matters of Divinity, than the Metaphysical Language of the Schoolmen.  
This whole Matter being referred to the Privy-Council, they appointed some Delegates to hear and preside in the Disputation: but Dr. Smith being brought in some trouble, either for this Tumult, or upon some other account, was forced to put in Sureties for his good behaviour: he desiring that he might be discharged of any further prosecution, made the most humble submission to Cranmer that was possible; and being thereupon set at liberty, he fled out of the Kingdom, it is said he went first to Scotland, and from thence to Flanders. But not long after this Peter Martyr had a Disputation before the Commissioners sent by the King, who were the Bishop of Lincoln, Dr. Cox, than Chancellor of the University, and some others; in which Tresham, Chadsey, and Morgan, disputed against those three Propositions: 1. In the Sacrament of Thanksgiving there is no Transubstantiation of Bread and Wine in the Body and Blood of Christ. 2. The Body or Blood of Christ is not Carnally or Corporally in the Bread and Wine, nor as others use to say, under the Bread and Wine. 3. The Body and Blood of Christ are united to the Bread and Wine Sacramentally. Ridley was sent also to Cambridge with some others of the King's Commissioners, where, on the 20th, 24th, and 27th of June, there were public Disputations on these two Positions.  
Transubstantiation cannot be proved by the plain and manifest words of Scripture; nor can it be necessarily collected from it; nor yet confirmed by the consent of the Ancient Fathers.  
In the Lord's Supper there is none other Oblation and Sacrifice, than of a Remembrance of Christ's Death, and of Thanksgiving.  
Dr. Madew defended these, and Glyn, Langdale, Sedgewick, and Young, disputed against them the first day; and the second day Glyn defended the contrary Propositions, and Peru, Grindal, Gest, and Pilkington, disputed against them. On the third day the Dispute went on, and was summed up in a learned Determination by Ridley against the Corporal Presence. There had been also a long Disputation in the Parliament on the same Subject; but of this we have nothing remaining, but what King Edward writ in his Journal. Ridley had, by reading bertram's Book of the Body and Blood of Christ, been first set on to examine well the old Opinion concerning the Presence of Christ's very Flesh and Blood in the Sacrament: and wondering to find that in the 9th Century that Opinion was so much controverted, and so learnedly writ against by one of the most esteemed Men of that Age, began to conclude, that it was none of the ancient Doctrines of the Church, but lately brought in, and not fully received, till after bertram's Age. He communicated the Matter with Cranmer, and they set themselves to examine it with more than ordinary care. Cranmer afterwards gathered all the Arguments about it into the Book which he writ on that Subject, to which Gardener set out an Answer under the disguised Name of Marcus Constantius; and Cranmer replied to it. I shall offer the Reader in short, the Substance of what was in these Books, and of the Arguments used in the Disputations, and in many other Books which were at that time written on this Subject.  
Christ in the Institution took Bread, and gave it. So that his words, 
The manner of the Presence explained according to the Scripture.  This is my Body, could only be meant of the Bread: Now the Bread could not be his Body literally. He himself also calls the Cup, The Fruit of the Vine. St. Paul calls it, The Bread that we break, and the Cup that we bless; and speaking of it after it was blessed, calls it, That Bread and that Cup. For the Reason of that Expression, This is my Body; it was considered that the Disciples, to whom Christ spoke thus, were Jews; and that they being accustomed to the Mosaical Rites, must needs have understood his words in the same sense they did Moses' words, concerning the Paschal Lamb, which is called the Lords Passover. It was not that literally, for the Lords Passover was the Angels passing by the Israelites when he smote the firstborn of the Egyptians; so the Lamb was only the Lords Passover as it was the Memorial of it: and thus Christ substituting the Eucharist to the Paschal Lamb, used such an Expression, calling it his Body, in the same manner of speaking as the Lamb was called the Lords Passover. This was plain enough, for his Disciples could not well understand him in any other sense than that to which they had been formerly accustomed. In the Scripture many such Figurative Expressions occur frequently. In Baptism, the other Sacrament instituted by Christ, he is said to Baptise with the Holy Ghost and with Fire: and such as are Baptised, are said to put on Christ: which were Figurative Expressions: As also in the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, the Cup is called the New Testament in Christ's Blood, which is an Expression full of Figure. Farther it was observed, that that Sacrament was Instituted for a Remembrance of Christ, and of his death: which implied that he was to be absent at the time when he was to be remembered. Nor was it simply said, that the Elements were his Body and Blood; but that they were his Body broken, and his Blood shed, that is, they were these as suffering on the Cross; which as they could not be understood literally, for Christ did Institute this Sacrament before he had suffered on the Cross; so now Christ must be present in the Sacrament, not as glorified in Heaven, but as suffering on his Cross. From those Places where it is said, that Christ is in Heaven, and that he is to continue there; they argued, that he was not to be any more upon Earth. And those words in the 6th of St. John, of eating Christ's Flesh, and drinking his Blood, they said were to be understood not of the Sacrament: since many receive the Sacrament unworthily, and of them it cannot be said that they have Eternal Life in them; but Christ there said of them that received him in the sense that was meant in that Chapter, that all that did so eat his Flesh had Eternal Life in them; therefore these words can only be understood Figuratively of receiving him by Faith, as himself there explains it: And so in the end of that Discourse, finding some were startled at that way of expressing himself, he gave a Key to the whole, when he said his Words were Spirit and Life, and that the Flesh profited nothing, it was the Spirit that quickened. It was ordinary for him to teach in Parables; and the receiving of any Doctrine, being oft expressed by the Prophets, by the Figure of eating and drinking, he, upon the occasion of the People's coming to him after he had fed them with a few Loaves, did discourse of their believing, in these dark Expressions; which did not seem to relate to the Sacrament, since it was not then Instituted. They also argued from Christ's appealing to the Senses of his Hearers, in his Miracles, and especially in his discourses upon his Resurrection, that the Testimony of Sense was to be received, where the Object was duly applied, and the Sense not vitiated. They also alleged natural Reasons against a Bodies being in more places than one, or being in a Place in the manner of a Spirit, so that the Substance of a complete Body, could be in a crumb of Bread or drop of Wine: and argued, that since the Elements after Consecration, would nourish, might putrify, or could be poisoned, these things clearly evinced, That the Substance of Bread and Wine remained in the Sacrament.  

And from the Fathers.  From this they went to examine the Ancient Fathers. Some of them called it Bread and Wine; others said it nourished the Body, as Justin Martyr; others, that it was digested in the Stomach, and went into the draught, as Origen. Some called it a Figure of Christ's Body, so Tertullian, and St. Austin; others called the Elements Types and Signs, so almost all the Ancient Liturgies, and the Greek Fathers generally. In the Creeds of the Church it was professed, that Christ still sat on the Right Hand of God; the Fathers argued from thence, that he was in Heaven, and not on Earth. And the Marcionites, and other Heretics, denying that Christ had a true Body, or did really suffer; the Fathers appealed in that to the Testimony of Sense, as Infallible. And St. Austin giving Rules concerning Figurative Speeches in Scripture; one is this, that they must be taken Figuratively, where in the literal sense the thing were a Crime; which he applies to these Words of eating Christ's Flesh, and drinking his Blood. But that on which they put the stress of the whole cause, as to the Doctrine of the Fathers, was the reasoning that they used against the Eutychians, who said that Christ's Body and Humane Nature was swallowed up by his Divinity. The Eutychians, arguing from the Eucharists being called Christ's Body and Blood, in which they said Christ's Presence did convert the Substance of the Bread and Wine into his own Flesh and Blood; so in like manner, said they, his Godhead had converted the Manhood into itself: Against this, Gelasius Bishop of Rome, and Theodoret, one of the learnedest Fathers of his Age, argue in plain words, That the Substance of the Bread and Wine remained, as it was formerly, in its own Nature, and Form; and from their Opinion of the Presence of Christ's Body in it without converting the Elements, they turned the Argument to show how the Divine and Humane Nature can be together in Christ, without the one's being changed by the other. Peter Martyr had brought over with him the Copy of a Letter of St. Chrysostom's, which he found in a MS. at Florence, written to the same purpose, and on the same Argument: which was the more remarkable, because that chrysostom had said higher things in his Sermons and Commentaries concerning Christ's being present in the Sacrament than any of all the Fathers; but it appeared by this Letter, that those high Expressions were no other than Rhetorical Figures of Speech to beget a great reverence to this Institution: and from hence it was reasonable to judge that such were the like Expressions in other Fathers, and that they were nevertheless of Chrysostom's mind touching the Presence of Christ in this Sacrament. That Epistle of his does lie still unpublished, though a very learned Man now in France has procured a Copy of it: but those of that Church know the consequence that the printing of it would have, and so it seems are resolved to suppress it if they can. From all these things it was plain that though the Fathers believed there was an extraordinary Virtue in the Sacrament, and an unaccountable Presence of Christ in it, yet they thought not of Transubstantiation nor any thing like it. But when darkness and ignorance crept into the Church, the People were apt to believe any thing that was incredible: and were willing enough to support such Opinions as turned Religion into external Pageantry. The Priests also knowing little of the Scriptures, and being only or chief conversant in those Writings of the Ancients that had highly extolled the Sacrament; came generally to take up the Opinion of the Corporal Presence, and being soon apprehensive of the great esteem it would bring to them, cherished it much. In the 9th Century Bertram, Rabanus Maurus, Amalarius, Alcuinus, and Joannes Scotus, all writ against it: nor were any of them censured or condemned for these Opinions. It was plainly and strongly contradicted by some Homilies that were in the Saxon Tongue, in which not a few of bertram's words occur: particularly in that which was to be read in the Churches on Easter day. But in the 11th or 12th Century it came to be universally received; as indeed any thing would have been that much advanced the Dignity of Priesthood. And it was farther advanced by Pope Innocent the third, and so established in the fourth Council of Lateran; That same Council, in which the rooting out of Heretics, and the Pope's Power of deposing Heretical Princes, and giving their Dominions to others, were also decreed.  
But there was another curious Remark made of the Progress of this Opinion. When the Doctrine of the Corporal Presence was first received in the Western Church, they believed that the whole Loaf was turned into one entire Body of Jesus Christ; so that in the distribution one had an Eye, a Nose, or an Ear, another a Tooth, a Finger, or a Toe, a third a Collop, or a piece of Tripe; and this was supported by pretended Miracles suited to that Opinion, for sometimes the Host was said to bleed, Parts of it were also said to be turned to pieces of Flesh. This continued to be the Doctrine of the Church of Rome for near 300 Years. It appears clearly in the Renunciation which they made Berengarius swear. But when the Schoolmen began to form the Tenets of that Church by more artificial and subtle Rules; as they thought it an ungentle way of treating Christ to be thus mangling his Body, and eating it up in Gobbets, so the Maxims they set up about the Extension of matter, and of the manner of Spirits filling a space, made them think of a more decent way of explaining this Prodigious Mystery. They taught that Christ was so in the Host and Chalice, that there was one entire Body in every crumb and drop; so that the Body was no more broken, but upon every breaking of the Host, a new whole Body flew off from the other parts, which yet remained an entire Body, notwithstanding that diminution. And then the former Miracles being contrary to this conceit, were laid aside, and new ones invented, fitted for this Explanation, by which Christ's Body was believed present after the manner of a Spirit. It was given out, that he sometimes appeared as a Child all in Rays upon the Host, sometimes with Angels about him, or sometimes in his Mother's Arms. And that the Senses might give as little contradiction as was possible, instead of a Loaf they blessed then only Wafers, which are such a shadow of Bread as might more easily agree with their Doctrine of the accidents of Bread being only present: and lest a larger measure of Wine might have encouraged the People to have thought it was Wine still, by the sensible effects of it, that came also to be denied them.  
This was the Substance of the Arguments that were in those Writings. But an Opinion that had been so generally received, was not of a sudden to be altered. Therefore they went on slowly in discussing it, and thereby did the better dispose the People to receive what they intended afterwards to establish concerning it. And this was the state of Religion for this Year.  
At this time there were many Anabaptists in several parts of England. They were generally Germane, 
Proceed against Anabaptists.  whom the Revolutions there had forced to change their Seats. Upon Luther's first preaching in Germany, there arose many, who building on some of his Principles, carried things much further than he did. The chief Foundation he laid down was, That the Scripture was to be the only Rule of Christians. Upon this many argued, that the Mysteries of the Trinity, and Christ's Incarnation and Sufferings, of the Fall of Man, and the Aids of Grace, were indeed Philosophical Subtleties, and only pretended to be deduced from Scripture, as almost all Opinions of Religion were; and therefore they rejected them. Among these, the Baptism of Infants was one. They held that to be no Baptism, and so were rebaptised: but from this, which was most taken notice of, as being a visible thing, they carried all the general Name of Anabaptists. 
Of whom there were two sorts.  Of these there were two sorts most remarkable. The one was of those who only thought that Baptism ought not to be given but to those who were of an Age capable of Instruction, and who did earnestly desire it. This Opinion they grounded on the silence of the New Testament about the Baptism of Children; they observed, that our Saviour commanding the Apostles to baptise, did join Teaching with it; and they said, the great decay of Christianity flowed from this way of making Children Christians before they understood what they did. These were called the gentle or moderate Anabaptists. But others who carried that Name, denied almost all the Principles of the Christian Doctrine, and were Men of fierce and barbarous tempers. They had broke out into a general revolt over Germany, and raised the War called The Rustic War: and possessing themselves of Munster, made one of their Teachers, John of Leyden, their King, under the Title of the King of the new Jerusalem. Some of them set up a fantastical unintelligible way of talking of Religion, which they turned all into Allegories: These being joined in the common Name of Anabaptists with the other, brought them also under an ill Character.  
On the 12th of April there was a Complaint brought to the Council, that with the Strangers that were come into England, some of that Persuasion had come over, and were disseminating their Errors, and making Proselytes: 
Rot. Pat. Par. 6. ●. R●g.  So a Commission was ordered for the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Ely, Worcester, Westminster, Chichester, Lincoln, and Rochester, Sir William Petre, Sir Tho. Smith, Dr. Cox, Dr, May, and some others, three of them being a Quorum, to examine and search after all Anabaptists, Heretics, or contemners of the Common-Prayer. They were to endeavour to reclaim them, to enjoin them Penance, and give them Absolution: or if they were obstinate, to excommunicate and imprison them, and to deliver them over to the Secular Power to be farther proceeded against. Some Tradesmen in London were brought before these Commissioners in May, and were persuaded to abjure their former Opinions: which were, That a Man regenerate could not sin; that though the outward Man sinned, the inward Man sinned not; That there was no Trinity of Persons; That Christ was only a Holy Prophet, and not at all God; That all we had by Christ was, that he taught us the way to Heaven; That he took no Flesh of the Virgin; and that the Baptism of Infants was not profitable. One of those who thus abjured was commanded to carry a Faggot next Sunday at St. Paul's, where there should be a Sermon setting forth his Heresy. But there was another of these extreme obstinate, Joan Bocher, commonly called Joan of Kent. She denied that Christ was truly incarnate of the Virgin, whose Flesh being sinful, he could take none of it: but the Word by the consent of the inward Man in the Virgin, took Flesh of her: these were her words. They took much pains about her, and had many Conferences with her; but she was so extravagantly conceited of her own Notions, that she rejected all they said with scorn: whereupon she was adjudged an obstinate Heretic, and so left to the Secular Power: The Sentence against her will be found in the Collection. 
Collection Number 3●.  This being returned to the Council, the good King was moved to Sign a Warrant for burning her, but could not be prevailed on to do it: he thought it a piece of cruelty too like that which they had condemned in Papists, to burn any for their Consciences. And in a long Discourse he had with Sir Jo. Cheek he seemed much confirmed in that Opinion. Cranmer was employed to persuade him to Sign the Warrant. He argued from the Law of Moses, by which Blasphemers were to be stoned: He told the King, he made a great difference between Errors in other Points of Divinity, and those which were directly against the Apostles Creed: that these were impieties against God, which a Prince, as being God's Deputy, aught to punish; as the King's Deputies were obliged to punish offences, against the King's Person. These Reasons did rather silence than satisfy the young King, who still thought it a hard thing (as in truth it was) to proceed so severely in such Cases: so he set his hand to the Warrant, with Tears in his Eyes, saying to Cranmer, That if he did wrong, since it was in submission to his Authority, he should answer for it to God. This struck the Archbishop with much horror, so that he was very unwilling to have the Sentence executed. And both he, and Ridley, took the Woman then in custody to their Houses, to see if they could persuade her. But she continued, by Jeers and other Insolences, to carry herself so contemptuously, that at last the Sentence was executed on her, the second of May the next Year, 
An Anabaptist burned.  Bishop Scory preaching at her burning: she carried herself then as she had done in the former parts of her Process, very undecently, and in the end was burnt.  
This Action was much censured, as being contrary to the clemency of the Gospel; and was made oft use of by the Papists, who said it was plain that the Reformers were only against Burning, when they were in fear of it themselves. The Woman's carriage made her be looked on as a frantic Person, fit for Bedlam than a Stake. People had generally believed that all the Statutes for burning Heretics had been repealed: but now, when the thing was better considered, it was found that the burning of Heretics was done by the Common Law, so that the Statutes made about it were only for making the Conviction more easy, and the Repealing the Statutes did not take away that which was grounded on a Writ at Common Law. To end all this matter at once; two years after this, one George Van Pare, a Dutchman, being accused for saying that God the Father was only God, and that Christ was not very God, he was dealt with long to abjure: but would not: so on the 6th of April 1551. he was condemned in the same manner that Joan of Kent was, and on the 25th of April was burnt in Smithfield. 
Another burnt.  He suffered with great constancy of mind, and kissed the Stake and Faggots, that were to burn him. Of this Pair I find a Popish Writer saying, That he was a Man of most wonderful strict Life, that he used not to eat above once in two days, and before he did eat would lie sometime in his devotion prostrate on the ground. All this they made use of to lessen the credit of those who had suffered formerly; for it was said, they saw now that Men of harmless Lives, might be put to death for Heresy, by the confession of the Reformers themselves: And in all the Books published in Queen Mary's days, justifying her severity against the Protestants, these Instances were always made use of: and no part of Cranmers' Life exposed him more than this did. 
This was much censured.  It was said he had consented both to lambert's and Anne Askews death, in the former Reign, who both suffered for Opinions which he himself held now: and he had now procured the death of these two Persons, and when he was brought to suffer himself afterwards, it was called a just retaliation on him. One thing was certain, that what he did in this matter flowed from no cruelty of temper in him, no Man being further from that black disposition of Mind; but it was truly the effect of those Principles by which he governed himself.  

Disputes concerning the Baptism of Infants.  For the other sort of Anabaptists, who only denied Infant's Baptism, I find no severities used to them: but several Books were written against them, to which they wrote some Answers. It was said that Christ allowed little Children to be brought to him, and said, of such was the Kingdom of Heaven, and blessed them: Now if they were capable of the Kingdom of Heaven, they must be regenerated, for Christ said none but such as were born of Water and of the Spirit could enter into it. St. Paul had also called the Children of believing Parents Holy, which seemed to relate to such a consecration of them as was made in Baptism. And Baptism being the Seal of Christians, in the room of Circumcision among the Jews, it was thought the one was as applicable to Children as the other. And one thing was observed, that the whole World in that Age having been baptised in their Infancy, if that Baptism was nothing, then there were none truly baptised in being; but all were in the state of mere Nature: Now it did not seem reasonable that Men who were not baptised themselves should go and baptise others: and therefore the first Heads of that Sect, not being rightly baptised themselves, seemed not to act with any Authority when they went to baptise others. The Practice of the Church, so early begun, and continued without dispute for so many Ages, was at least, a certain confirmation of a thing which had (to speak moderately) so good foundations in Scripture for the lawfulness, though not any peremptory, but only probable Proof for the practice of it.  
These are all the Errors in Opinion that I find were taken notice of at this time. There was another sort of People, 
The Doctrine of Predestination much abused.  of whom all the good Men in that Age made great complaints. Some there were called Gospelers, or Readers of the Gospel, who were a scandal to the Doctrine they professed. In many Sermons I have oft met with severe Expostulations with these, and heavy Denunciations of Judgements against them. But I do not find any thing objected to them, as to their belief; save only that the Doctrine of Predestination having been generally taught by the Reformers, many of this Sect began to make strange Inferences from it; reckoning, that since every thing was decreed, and the Decrees of God could not be frustrated, therefore Men were to leave themselves to be carried by these Decrees. This drew some into great impiety of Life, and others into desperation. The Germans soon saw the ill effects of this Doctrine. Luther changed his mind about it, and Melancthon openly writ against it: and since that time the whole stream of the Lutheran Churches has run the other way. But both Calvin and Bucer were still for maintaining the Doctrine of these Decrees; only they warned the People not to think much of them, since they were Secrets which Men could not penetrate into; but they did not so clearly show how these consequences did not flow from such Opinions. Hooper, and many other good Writers, did often dehort People from entering into these curiosities; and a Caveat to that same purpose was put afterwards into the Article of the Church about Predestination.  
One ill effect of the dissoluteness of People's manners broke out violently this Summer, occasioned by the Enclosing of Lands. 
Tumults in England.  While the Monasteries stood, there were great numbers of People maintained about these Houses; their Lands were easily let out, and many were relieved by them. But now, the Numbers of the People increased much, Marriage being universally allowed; they also had more time than formerly, by the abrogation of many holidays, and the putting down of Processions and Pilgrimages; so that as the Numbers increased, they had more time than they knew how to bestow. Those who bought in the Church-Lands, as they every where raised their Rents, of which old Latimer made great Complaints in one of his Court Sermons, so they resolved to enclose their Grounds, and turn them to Pasture: for Trade was then rising fast, and Corn brought not in so much Money as Wool did. Their Flocks also being kept by few Persons in Grounds so enclosed, the Landlords themselves enjoyed the profit which formerly the Tenants made out of their Estates: and so they intended to force them to serve about them at any such rates as they would allow. By this means the Commons of England saw they were like to be reduced to great misery. This was much complained of, and several little Books were written about it. Some proposed a sort of Agrarian Law, that none might have Farms above a set value, or Flocks above a set number of 2000 Sheep; which Proposal I find the young King was much taken with, as will appear in one of the Discourses he wrote with his own Hand. It was also represented that there was no care taken of the educating of Youth, except of those who were bred for Learning; and many things were proposed to correct this: but in the mean time the Commons saw the Gentry were like to reduce them to a very low condition.  
The Protector seemed much concerned for the Commons, and oft spoke against the oppression of Landlords. He was naturally just and compassionate, and so did hearty espouse the Cause of the poor People, which made the Nobility and Gentry hate him much. The former year, the Commons about Hampton-Court, petitioned the Protector and Council, complaining, that whereas the late King in his Sickness had enclosed a Park there, to divert himself with private easy Game, the Deer of that Park did overly the Country, and it was a great burden to them; and therefore they desired that it might be disparked. The Council considering that it was so near Windsor, and was not useful to the King, but a charge rather, ordered it to be disparked, and the Deer to be carried to Windsor; but with this Proviso, that if the King when he came of Age desired to have a Park there, what they did should be no prejudice to him. There was also a Commission issued out to inquire about Enclosures and Farms, and whether those who had purchased the Abbey-Lands kept Hospitality, to which they were bound by the Grants they had of them, and whether they encouraged Husbandry. But I find no effect of this. And indeed there seemed to have been a general design among the Nobility and Gentry to bring the Inferior sort to that low and servile state to which the Peasants in many other Kingdoms are reduced. In the Parliament an Act was carried in the House of Lords for imparking Grounds, but was cast out by the Commons: yet Gentlemen went on every where taking their Lands into their own Hands, and enclosing them.  

Many are easily quieted.  In May the Commons did rise first in Wilt-shire; where Sir William Herbert gathered some resolute Men about him, and dispersed them, and slew some of them. Soon after that, they risen in Sussex, Hamp-shire, Kent, , Suffolk, , Essex, Hartford-shire, Leicester-shire, Worcester-shire, and Rutland-shire; but by fair persuasions the fury of the People was a little stopped, till the matter should be represented to the Council. The Protector said, he did not wonder the Commons were in such distempers, they being so oppressed, that it was easier to die once than to perish for want: and therefore he set out a Proclamation, contrary to the mind of the whole Council, against all new Enclosures; with another, indempnifying the People for what was past, so they carried themselves obediently for the future. Commissions were also sent every where, with an unlimited Power to the Commissioners, to hear and determine all Causes about Enclosures, Highways, and Cottages. The vast Power these Commissioners assumed was much complained of; the Landlords said it was an Invasion of their Property, to subject them thus to the pleasure of those who were sent to examine the Matters without proceeding in the ordinary Courts according to Law. The Commons being encouraged by the favour they heard the Protector bore them, and not able to govern their heat, or stay for a more peaceable issue, did rise again, but were anew quieted. Yet the Protector being opposed much by the Council, he was not able to redress this Grievance so fully as the People hoped. So in Oxford-shire and Devon-shire they risen again, and also in Norfolk and Yorkshire. Those in Oxford-shire were dissipated by a Force of 1500 Men, led against them by the Lord Grace. Some of them were taken and hanged by Martial Law, as being in a state of War; the greatest part ran home to their Dwellings.  
In Devon-shire the Insurrection grew to be better form; 
But those of Devon-shire grew formidable.  for that County was not only far from the Court, but it was generally inclined to the former superstition, and many of the old Priests run in among them. They came together on the 10th of June, being Whit-Munday; and in a short time they grew to be 10000 strong. At Court it was hoped this might be as easily dispersed as the other Rise were: but the Protector was against running into extremities, and so did not move so speedily as the thing required. He, after some days, at last sent the Lord Russel with a small Force to stop their Proceed. And that Lord, remembering well how the Duke of Norfolk had with a very small Army broken a formidable Rebellion in the former Reign, hoped that time would likewise weaken and dis-unite these; and therefore he kept at some distance, and offered to receive their Complaints, and to send them to the Council. But these delays gave advantage and strength to the Rebels; who were now led on by some Gentlemen: Arundel of Cornwall being in chief Command among them; and in answer to the Lord Russel, they agreed on fifteen Articles, the Substance of which was as follows.  
1. That all the General Councils, 
Their Demands.  and the Decrees of their Forefathers, should be observed:  
2." That the Act of the Six Articles should be again in force.  
3. That the Mass should be in Latin, and that the Priests alone should receive.  
4. That the Sacrament should be hanged up, and worshipped; and those who refused to do it should suffer as Heretics.  
5. That the Sacrament should only be given to the People at Easter in one kind.  
6." That Baptism should be done at all times.  
7. That Holy Bread, Holy Water, and Palms be again used; and that Images be set up, with all the other ancient Ceremonies.  
8. That the new Service should be laid aside, since it was like a Christmas Game: and the old Service again should be used with the Procession in Latin.  
9 That all Preachers in their Sermons, and Priests in the Mass, should pray for the Souls in Purgatory.  
10. That the Bible should be called in, since otherwise the Clergy could not easily confound the Heretics.  
11. That Dr. Moreman, and Crispin, should be sent to them, and put in their Live.  
12. That Cardinal Pool should be restored, and made of the King's Council.  
13. That every Gentleman might have only one Servant for every hundred Marks of yearly Rent that belonged to him.  
14. That the half of the Abbey and Church-Lands should be taken back, and restored to two of the chief Abbeys in every County: and all the Church Boxes for seven years should be given to such Houses, that so devout Persons might live in them, who should pray for the King and the Commonwealth.  
15. And that for their particular grievances, they should be redressed, as Humphrey Arundel and the Major of Bodmyn should inform the King, for whom they desired a safe conduct.  
These Articles being sent to the Council, the Archbishop of Canterbury was ordered to draw an Answer to them, which I have seen corrected with his own Hand. 
Cranmer drew an Answer to them. Ex MS. Col. C. C. Cantab.  The Substance of it was, That their Demands were insolent, such as were dictated to them by some seditious Priests: they did not know what General Councils had decreed; nor was there any thing in the Church of England contrary to them, though many things had been formerly received which were so: and for the Decrees, they were framed by the Popes to enslave the World, of which he gave several Instances.  
For the Six Articles, he says, They had not been carried in Parliament if the late King had not gone thither in Person, and procured that Act; and yet of his own accord he slackened the execution of it.  
To the third, it was strange that they did not desire to know in what terms they worshipped God: and for the Mass, the ancient Canons required the People to communicate in it, and the Prayers in the Office of the Mass did still imply that they were to do it.  
For the hanging up and adoring the Host, it was but lately set up by Pope Innocent, and Honorius, and in some Places it had never been received.  
For the fifth, the Ancient Church received that Sacrament frequently, and in both kinds.  
To the sixth, Baptism in Cases of necessity was to be administered at any time: but out of these Cases it was fit to do it solemnly; and in the Ancient Church it was chief done on the Eves of Easter and Whit-Sunday, of which usage some Footsteps remained still in the old Offices.  
To the seventh, these were late superstitious devices: Images were contrary to the Scriptures, first set up for remembrance, but soon after made Objects of Worship.  
To the eight, The old Service had many ludicrous things in it; the new was simple and grave: If it appeared ridiculous to them, it was as the Gospel was long ago foolishness to the Greeks.  
To the ninth, The Scriptures say nothing of it: it was a superstitious Invention derogatory to Christ's death.  
To the tenth, The Scriptures are the Word of God, and the readiest way to confound that which is Heresy indeed.  
To the eleventh, These were ignorant, superstitious, and deceitful Persons.  
To the twelfth, Pool had been attainted in Parliament for his spiteful Writings and Do against the late King.  
To the thirteenth, It was foolish and unreasonable: one Servant could not do a Man's business; and by this, many Servants would want employment.  
To the fourteenth, This was to rob the King, and those who had these Lands of him; and would be a means to make so foul a Rebellion be remembered in their Prayers.  
To the fifteenth, These were notorious Traitors, to whom the King's Council was not to submit themselves.  
After this, they grew more moderate, and sent eight Articles: 
They make new Demands.  1. Concerning Baptism. 2. About Confirmation. 3. Of the Mass. 4. For reserving the Host. 5. For Holy Bread and Water. 6. For the old Service. 7. For the single Lives of Priests. 8. For the Six Articles: and concluded, God save the King, for they were His, both Body and Goods. To this there was an Answer sent in the King's Name, on the 8th of July, (so long did the Treaty with them hold) in which, 
Which were also rejected.  after Expressions of the King's affection to his People, he taxes their rising in Arms against him their King as contrary to the Laws of God: He tells them, That they are abused by their Priests, as in the Instance of Baptism, which according to the Book might, necessity requiring it, be done at all times: that the Changes that had been set out, were made after long and great consultation; and the Worship of this Church, by the advice of many Bishops and Learned Men, was reform, as near to what Christ and his Apostles had taught and done, as could be: and all things had been settled in Parliament. But the most specious thing that misled them being that of the King's Age, it was showed them that his Blood, and not his Years, gave him the Crown: and the state of Government requires, that at all times there should be the same Authority in Princes, and the same Obedience in the People. It was all penned in a high threatening Style, and concluded with an earnest Invitation of them to submit to the King's Mercy, as others that had risen had also done, to whom he had not only showed Mercy, but granted Redress of their just grievances: otherwise they might expect the utmost severity that Traitors deserved.  
But nothing prevailed on this enraged Multitude, whom the Priests inflamed with all the Artifices they could imagine: and among whom the Host was carried about by a Priest on a Cart, that all might see it. But when this Commotion was thus grown to a Head, 
The Rebellion in Norfolk headed by Ket a Tanner.  the Men of Norfolk risen the 6th of July, being led by one Ket a Tanner. These pretended nothing of Religion, but only to suppress and destroy the Gentry, and to raise the commons, and to put new Councillors about the King. They increased mightily, and became 20000 strong, but had no Order nor Discipline, and committed many horrid outrages. The Sheriff of the County came boldly to them, and required them in the King's Name to disperse, and go home; but had he not been well mounted, they had put him cruelly to death. They came to Moushold Hill above Norwich, and were much favoured by many in that City. Parker, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, came among them, and preached very freely to them, of their ill Lives, their Rebellion against the King, and the Robberies they daily committed: by which he was in great danger of his Life. Ket assumed to himself the Power of Judicature, and under an old Oak, called from thence the Oak of Reformation, did such Justice as might be expected from such a Judge, and in such a Camp. The Marquis of Northampton was sent against them, but with Orders to keep at a distance from them, and to cut off their Provisions; for so it was hoped that without the shedding much Blood they might come to themselves again. When the news of this Rising came into Yorkshire, the Commons there risen also; 
A Rising in Yorkshire.  being further encouraged by a Prophecy; That there should be no King nor Nobility in England, that the Kingdom should be ruled by four Governors chosen by the Commons, who should hold a Parliament, in commotion, to begin at the South and North Seas. This they applied to the Devon-shire Men on the South Seas, and themselves on the North Seas. They at their first rising fired Beacons, and so gathered the Country, as if it had been for the defence of the Coast; and meeting two Gentlemen, with two others with them, they without any provocation murdered them, and left their naked Bodies unburied. 
The French fall into the Bullognese.  At the same time that England was in this Commotion, the News came that the French King had sent a great Army into the Territory of Boulogne, so that the Government was put to most extraordinary straits.  

A Fast at Court, where Cranmer preached. Ex MS. Col. C. C. Cantab.  There was a Fast proclaimed in and about London. Cranmer preached on the Fastday at Court. I have seen the greatest part of his Sermon under his own Hand: and it is the only Sermon of his I ever saw. It is a very plain unartificial Discourse, no shows of Learning, or conceits of Wit in it, but he severely expostulated in the Name of God with his Hearers, for their ill Lives, their Blasphemies, Adulteries, mutual Hatred, Oppression, and Contempt of the Gospel: and complained of the slackness in punishing these sins, by which the Government became in some sort guilty of them. He set many Passages of the Jewish Story before them of the Judgements such sins drew on, and of God's Mercy in the unexpected deliverances they met with upon their true Repentance. But he chief lamented the scandal given by many who pretended a zeal for Religion, but used that for a Cloak to disguise their other Vices: He set before them the fresh Example of Germany, where People generally loved to hear the Gospel, but had not amended their Lives upon it; for which God had now, after many years' forbearance, brought them under a severe scourge, and intimated his apprehensions of some signal stroke from Heaven upon the Nation, if they did not repent.  

Exeter besieged.  The Rebels in Devon-shire went and besieged Exeter, where the Citizens resisted them with great courage: they set fire to the Gates of the City, which those within fed with much Fuel for hindering their entry, till they had raised a Rampart within the Gates, and when the Rebels came to enter, the Fire being spent, they killed many of them. The Rebels also wrought a Mine, but the Citizens Countermined, and poured in so much Water as spoiled their Powder. So finding they could do nothing by force, they resolved to lie about the Town, reckoning that the want of Provision would make it soon yield. The Lord Russel, having but a small Force with him, stayed a while for some Supplies, which Sir William Herbert was to bring him from Bristol. But being afraid that the Rebels should enclose him, he marched back from Honnington where he lay; and finding they had taken a Bridge behind him, he beat them from it, killing 600 of them without any loss on his side. By this he understood their strength, and saw they could not stand a brisk Charge, nor rally when once in disorder. So the Lord Grace, and Spinola that commanded some Germans, joining him, he returned to raise the Siege of Exeter, which was much straitened for want of Victuals. The Rebels had now shut up the City twelve days, they within had eat their Horses, and endured extreme Famine, but resolved to perish rather than fall into the Hands of those Savages; for the Rebels were indeed no better. They had blocked up the Ways, and left 2000 Men to keep a Bridge which the King's Forces were to pass. But the Lord Russel broke through them, and killed about 1000 of them; upon that the Rebels raised the Siege, and retired to Lanceston. The Lord Russel gave the Citizens of Exeter great thanks in the King's Name for their Fidelity and Courage: and pursued the Rebels, 
But is relieved, and the Rebels defeated by the Lord Russel.  who were now going off in Parties, and were killed in great numbers. Some of their Heads, as Arundel, and the Major of Bodmyne, Temson, and Barret, two Priests, with six or seven more, were taken and hanged. And so this Rebellion was happily subdued in the West, about the beginning of August, to the great Honour of the Lord Russel; who with a very small Force had saved Exeter, and dispersed the Rebel's Army, with little or no loss at all.  
But the Marquis of Northampton was not so successful in Norfolk. He carried about 1100 Men with him, but did not observe the Orders given him, and so marched on to Norwich. The Rebels were glad of an occasion to engage with him, and fell in upon him the next day with great fury, and the Town not being strong, he was forced to quit it, but lost 100 of his Men in that Action, among whom was the Lord Sheffield, who was much lamented. The Rebels took about 30 Prisoners, with which they were much lifted up. This being understood at Court, the Earl of Warwick was sent against them, 
Warwick disperses the Rebels at Norfolk  with 6000 Foot and 1500 Horse that were prepared for an Expedition to Scotland: He came to Norwich, but was scarce able to defend it; for the Rebels fell often in upon him, neither was he well assured of the Town. But he cut off their Provisions, so that the Rebels, having wasted all the Country about them, were forced to remove. And then he followed them with his Horse. They turned upon him, but he quickly routed them, and killed 2000 of them, and took Ket their Captain, with his Brother, and a great many more. Ket was hanged in Chains at Norwich next January.  
The Rebels in Yorkshire had not become very numerous, not being above 3000 in all: but hearing of the defeating of those in other Parts, they accepted of the offer of Pardon that was sent them: only some few of the chief Ringleaders continued to make new stirs, and were taken, and hanged, in York the September following.  
When these Commotions were thus over, the Protector pressed that there might be a general and free Pardon speedily proclaimed, for quieting the Country, and giving their Affairs a reputation abroad. This was much opposed by many of the Council; who thought it better to accomplish their several ends, by keeping the People under the lash, than by so profuse a Mercy: But the Protector was resolved on it, judging the state of Affairs required it. 
A general Pardon.  So he gave out a general Pardon of all that had been done before the 21st of August, excepting only those few whom they had in their hands, and resolved to make public Examples. Thus was England delivered from one of the most threatening Storms that at any time had broke out in it: in which deliverance the great prudence and temper of the Protector seems to have had no small share. Of this whole Matter Advertisement was given to the Foreign Ministers, in a Letter which will be found in the Collection. 
Collection Number 36.   
There was this Year a Visitation of the University of Cambridge. Ridley was appointed to be one of the Visitors, 
A Visitation at Cambridge.  and to preach at the opening of it: he thereupon writ to May Dean of St. Paul's, to let him know what was to be done at it, that so his Sermon might be adjusted to their business. He received answer, That it was only to remove some superstitious Practices and Rites, and to make such Statutes as should be found needful. But when he went to Cambridge, he saw the Instructions went further. They were required to procure a resignation of some Colleges, and to unite them with others; and to convert some Fellowships appointed for encouraging the Study of Divinity, to the Study of the Civil Law. In particular Clare-Hall was to be suppressed. But the Master and Fellows would not resign, and after two days labouring to persuade them them to it, they absolutely refused to do it. Upon this Ridley said he could not with a good Conscience go on any further in that matter: the Church was already so rob and stripped, that it seemed there was a design laid down by some, to drive out all Civility, Learning, and Religion out of the Nation: therefore he declared he would not concur in such things, and desired leave to be gone. The other Visitors complained of him to the Protector, that he had so troubled them with his barking, (so indecently did they express that strictness of Conscience in him) that they could not go on in the King's Service: and because Clare-hall was then full of Northern People, they imputed his unwillingness to suppress that House, to his partial affection to his Countrymen, for he was born in the Bishopric of Duresme. Upon this the Protector writ a chiding Letter to him. To it he writ an Answer so suitable to what became a Bishop, who would put all things to hazard rather than do any thing against his Conscience, that I thought it might do no small right to his Memory to put it with the Answer which the Protector writ to him in the Collection. 
Collection Numb. 59, 60.  These with many more I found among his Majesty's Papers of State, in that Repository of them commonly called the Paper-Office. To which I had a free access by a Warrant which was procured to me from the King, by the Right Honourable the Earl of Sunderland, one of the Principal Secretaries of State, who very cheerfully and generously expressed his readiness to assist me in any thing that might complete the History of our Reformation. That Office was first set up by the care of the Earl of Salisbury, when he was Secretary of State in King James' time: which though it is a copious and certain Repertory for those that are to write our History ever since the Papers of State were laid up there, yet for the former times it contains only such Papers as that great Minister could then gather together, so that it is not so complete in the Transactions that fall within the time of which I writ.  
There was also a settlement made of the Controversy concerning the Greek Tongue. 
A contest about pronouncing the Greek.  There had been in King Henry's time a great Contest raised concerning the Pronunciation of the Greek Vowels. That Tongue was but lately come to any perfection in England, and so no wonder the Greek was pronounced like English, with the same sound and apertures of the Mouth: To this Mr. Cheek, than Reader of that Tongue in Cambridge, opposed himself, and taught other Rules of Pronunciation. Gardiner was it seems so afraid of every Innovation, though ever so much in the right, that he contended stiffly to have the old Pronunciation retained: and Cheek persisting in his Opinion, was either put from the Chair, or willingly left it to avoid the Indignation of so great and so spiteful a Man as Gardiner was, who was then Chancellor of the University: Cheek wrote a Book in vindication of his way of pronouncing Greek; of which this must be said, That it is very strange to see how he could write with so much Learning and Judgement on so bare a Subject. Redmayn, Poinet, and other learned Men were of his side, yet more covertly: but Sir Tho. Smith, now Secretary of State, writ three Books on the same Argument, and did so evidently confirm Cheeks Opinion, that the Dispute was now laid aside, and the true way of pronouncing the Greek took place; the rather because Gardiner was in disgrace, and Cheek and Smith were in such Power and Authority: So great an Influence had the Interests of Men in supporting the most speculative and indifferent things.  
Soon after this, Bonner fell into new troubles, 
Bonner falls into trouble.  he continued to oppose every thing, as long as it was safe for him to do it, while it was under debate, and so kept his Interest with the Papists: but he complied so obediently with all the Laws and Orders of Council, that it was not easy to find any matter against him. He executed every Order that was sent him, so readily, that there was not so much as ground for any Complaint; yet it was known he was in his Heart against every thing they did, and that he cherished all that were of a contrary mind. The Council being informed, that upon the Commotions that were in England, many in London withdrew from the Service and Communion, and frequented Masses, which was laid to his charge, as being negligent in the execution of the King's Laws and Injunctions; they writ to him on the 23d of July, to see to the correcting of these things, and that he should give good example himself. Upon which, on the 26th following, he sent about a Charge to execute the Order in this Letter, which he said he was most willing and desirous to do. Yet it was still observed, that whatsoever obedience he gave, it was against his Heart. And therefore he was called before the Council the 11th of August. 
Injunctions are given him.  There a Writing was delivered to him, complaining of his remissness; and particularly that whereas he was wont formerly on all high Festivals to officiate himself, yet he had seldom or never done it, since the New Service was set out: as also that Adultery was openly practised in his Diocese, which he took no care according to his Pastoral Office to restrain or punish: therefore he was strictly charged to see these things reform. He was also ordered to preach on Sunday come three weeks at St. Paul's Cross: and that he should preach there once a quarter for the future, and be present at every Sermon made there, except he were sick: that he should officiate at St. Paul's at every high Festival, such as were formerly called Majus duplex, and give the Communion: that he should proceed against all who did not frequent the Common-Prayer, nor receive the Sacrament once a year; or did go to Mass: that he should search out and punish Adulterers: that he should take care of the reparation of Churches, and paying Tithes, in his Diocese, and should keep his residence in his House in London. As to his Sermon, he was required to preach against Rebellion, setting out the heinousness of it; he was also to show what was true Religion, and that external Ceremonies were nothing in themselves; but that in the use of them Men ought to obey the Magistrate, and join true devotion to them, and that the King was no less King, and the People no less bound to obey, when he was in Minority, than when he was of full Age.  

In his Sermon he did not set forth the King Power under Age, as he had been required to do.  On the first of September, being the day appointed for him to preach, there was a great Assembly gathered to hear him. He touched upon the Points that were enjoined him, excepting that about the King's Age, of which he said not one word. But since the manner of Christ's Presence in the Sacrament was a thing which he might yet safely speak of, he spent most of his Sermon on the asserting the Corporal Presence; which he did with many sharp reflections on those who were of another mind. There were present among others William Latimer, and John Hooper, soon after Bishop of Gloucester, who came and informed against him; that as he had wholly omitted that about the King's Age, so he had touched the other Points but slightly, and did say many other things which tended to stir up disorder and dissension. Upon this there was a Commission issued out to Cranmer, and Ridley, with the two Secretaries of State, 
Rot. Pat. 11. Par. 3. Reg.  and Dr. May Dean of St. Paul's, to examine that matter. They or any two of them had full power by this Commission to suspend, imprison or deprive him, as they should see cause. They were to proceed in the Summary way, called in their Courts De plano.  
On the 10th of September Bonner was summoned to appear before them at Lambeth. 
He is proceeded against.  As he came into the place where they sat, he carried himself as if he had not seen them, till one pulled him by the sleeve to put off his Cap to the King's Commissioners; upon which he protested he had not seen them; which none of them could believe. He spoke slightingly to them of the whole matter, and turned the discourse off to the Mass, which he wished were had in more reverence. When the Witnesses were brought against him, 
Regist. Bonner.  he jeered them very undecently, and said the one talked like a Goose, and the other like a Woodcock, and denied all they said. The Archbishop asked him, whether he would refer the matter in proof to the People that heard him? and so asked whether any there present had heard him speak of the King's Authority when under Age? 
His insolent behaviour.  Many answered, No, No. Bonner looked about, and laughed, saying, Will you believe this fond People? Some he called Dunces, and others Fools, and behaved himself more like a Madman than a Bishop. The next day he was again brought before them. Then the Commission was read. The Archbishop opened the Matter, and desired Bonner to answer for himself: He read a Protestation which he had prepared, setting forth, that since he had not seen the Commission, he reserved to himself power to except, either to his Judges, or to any other Branch of the Commission, as he should afterwards see cause. In this he called it a pretended Commission, and them pretended Judges, which was taxed as irreverent: but he excused it, alleging that these were terms of Law which he must use, and so not be precluded from any Objections he might afterwards make use of. The Bill of Complaint was next read, and the two Informers appeared with their Witnesses to make it good. But Bonner objected against them, that they were notorious Heretics, and that the ill Will they bore him, was because he had asserted the true Presence of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar: that Hooper in particular had in his Sermon, that very day on which he had preached, denied it; and had refuted and misrecited his Say, like an Ass, as he was an Ass indeed; so ill did he govern his Tongue: Upon this Cranmer asked him, whether he thought Christ was in the Sacrament with Face, Mouth, Eyes, Nose, and the other Lineaments of his Body? and there passed some words between them on that Head: but Cranmer told him that was not a time and place to dispute, they were come to execute the King's Commission. So Bonner desired to see both it, and the denunciation; which were given him, and the Court adjourned till the 13th.  
Secretary Smith sat with them at their next Meeting, which he had not done the former day, though his Name was in the Commission: Upon this Bonner protested, that according to the Canon Law none could act in a Commission, but those who were present the first day in which it was read. But to this it was alleged, that the constant practice of the Kingdom had been to the contrary: that all whose Names were in any Commission, might sit and judge, though they had not been present at the first opening of it. This Protestation being rejected, he read his Answer in writing to the Accusation. He first objected to his Accusers, 
His Defences.  that they were Heretics in the matter of the Sacrament: and so were, according to the Laws of the Catholic Church, under Excommunication, and therefore ought not to be admitted into any Christian Company. Then he denied that the Injunctions given to him had been signed, either with the King's Hand or Signet, or by any of his Council. But upon the whole matter he said he had in his Sermon condemned the late Rebellion in Cornwall, Devon-shire, and Norfolk, and had set forth the Sin of Rebellion according to several Texts of Scripture: He had also preached for obedience to the King's Commands; and that no Ceremonies that were contrary to them aught to be used; in particular he had exhorted the People to come to Prayers, and to the Communion, as it was appointed by the King, and wondered to see them so slack in coming to it: which he believed flowed from a false opinion they had of it. And therefore he taught, according to that which he conceived to be the duty of a faithful Pastor, the true Presence of Christ's Body and Blood in the Sacrament: which was the true Motive of his Accusers in their prosecuting him thus. But though he had forgot to speak of the King's Power under Age, yet he had said that which necessarily inferred it; for he had condemned the late Rebels, for rising against their lawful King, and had applied many Texts of Scripture to them, which clearly implied, that the King's Power was then entire, otherwise they could not be Rebels.  

These are rejected.  But to all this it was answered, That it was of no great consequence who were the Informers, if the Witnesses were such that he could not except against them: besides, they were empowered by their Commission to proceed ex Officio; so that it was not necessary for them to have any to accuse. He was told that the Injunctions were read to him in Council by one of the Secretaries, and then were given to him by the Protector himself; that afterwards they were called for, and that Article concerning the King's Power before he came to be of Age being added, they were given him again by Secretary Smith; and he promised to execute them. He was also told, that it was no just excuse for him to say he had forgot that about the King's Power; since it was the chief thing pretended by the late Rebels, and was mainly intended by the Council in their Injunctions; so that it was a poor shift for him to pretend he had forgot it, or had spoken of it by a consequence.  
The Court adjourned to the 16th day. And then Latimer and Hooper offered to purge themselves of the Charge of Heresy, since they had never spoken nor written of the Sacrament, but according to the Scripture: and whereas Bonner had charged them, that on the first of September they had entered into consultation and confederacy against him, they protested, they had not seen each other that day, nor been known to one another till some days after. Bonner upon this read some Passages of the Sacrament out of a Book of Hoopers, whom he called that Varlet. But Cranmer cut off the discourse, and said, it was not their business to determine that Point, and said to the People, that the Bishop of London was not accused for any thing he had said about the Sacrament. Then Bonner, turning to speak to the People, was interrupted by one of the Delegates, who told him, he was to speak to them, and not to the People: at which some laughing, he turned about in great fury, and said, Ah Woodcocks! Woodcocks! But to the chief Point, he said he had prepared Notes of what he intended to say about the King's Power in his Minority; from the Instances in Scripture, of Achaz, and Osias, who were Kings at Ten, of Solomon, and Manasses, who Reigned at Twelve, and of Josias, Joachim, and Joas, who began to Reign when they were but Eight years old. He had also gathered out of the English History, that Henry the third, Edward the third, Richard the second, Henry the sixth, and Edward the fifth, were all under Age: and even their late King was but eighteen when he came to the Crown: and yet all these were obeyed as much before, as after they were of full Age. But these things had escaped his memory, he not having been much used to preach. There had been also a long Bill sent him from the Council to be read, of the defeat of the Rebels, which he said, had disordered him: and the Book in which he had laid his Notes, fell out of his hands, when he was in the Pulpit: for this he appealed to his two Chaplains, Bourn and Harpsfield, whom he had desired to gather for him the Names of those Kings who Reigned before they were of Age. For the other Injunctions, he had taken care to execute them, and had sent Orders to his Arch-deacons to see to them: and as far as he understood, there were no Masses nor Service in Latin within his Diocese, except at the Lady Maries, or in the Chapels of Ambassadors. But the Delegates required him positively to answer, whether he had obeyed that Injunction about the King's Authority or not; otherwise they would hold him as guilty: and if he denied it, they would proceed to the examination of the Witnesses. He refusing to answer otherwise than he had done, they called the Witnesses, who were Sir John Cheek and four more, who had their Oaths given them: and Bonner desiring a time to prepare his interrogatories, it was granted. So he drew a long Paper of twenty Interrogatories, every one of them containing many Branches in it; full of all the niceties of the Canon Law: a taste of which may be had from the third in number, which is indeed the most material of all. The Interrogatory was, Whether they, or any of them, were present at his Sermon, where they stood, and near whom, when they came to it, and at what part of his Sermon, how long they tarried, at what part they were offended, what were the formal Words, or Substance of it, who with them did hear it, where the other Witnesses stood, and how long they tarried, or when they departed?  
The Court adjourned to the 18th of September: And then there was read a Declaration from the King, explaining their former Commission, chief in the Point of the Denunciation, that they might proceed either that way, or ex Officio, as they saw cause: giving them also Power finally to determine the matter, cutting off all superfluous delays. Bonner gave in also some other Reasons, why he should not be obliged to make a more direct Answer to the Articles objected against him: The chief of which was, That the Article about the King's Age was not in the Paper given him by the Protector, but afterwards added by Secretary Smith of his own Head. Cranmer admonished him of his irreverence, since he called them always his pretended Judges. Smith added, That though Proctors did so in common matters, for their Clients, yet it was not to be endured in such a Case, when he saw they acted by a special Commission from the King. New Articles were given him more explicit and plain than the former, but to the same purpose. And five Witnesses were sworn upon these, who were all the Clerks of the Council, to prove that the Article about the King's Age was ordered by the whole Council, and only put in writing by Secretary Smith, at their Command. He was appointed to come next day, and make his Answer. But on the 19th two of his Servants came, and told the Delegates, that he was sick, and could not attend. It was therefore ordered, That the Knight-Marshal should go to him; and if he were sick, let him alone; but if it were not so, should bring him before them next day. On the 20th Bonner appearing, answered as he had done formerly; only he protested, that it was his opinion, that the King was as much a King, and the People as much bound to obey him, before he was of Age, as after it: And after that, Secretary Smith having taken him up more sharply than the other Delegates, he protested against him as no competent Judge, 
He protests against Secretary Smith.  since he had expressed much passion against him, and had not heard him patiently, but had compared him to Thiefs and Traitors, and had threatened to send him to the Tower to sit with Ket and Arundel; and that he had added some things to the Injunctions given him by the Protector, for which he was now accused, and did also proceed to judge him, notwithstanding his Protestation, grounded on his not being present when the Commission was first opened and received by the Court. But this Protestation also was rejected by the Delegates; and Smith told him, That whereas he took exception at his saying that he acted as Thiefs and Traitors do, it was plainly visible in his do: upon which, Bonner, being much inflamed, said to him, That as he was Secretary of State, and a Privy Councillor, he honoured him; but as he was Sir Tho. Smith, he told him, he lied, and that he defied him. At this the Archbishop chid him, and said, he deserved to be sent to Prison for such irreverent carriage. He answered, he did not care whither they sent him, so they sent him not to the Devil, for thither he would not go: he had a few Goods, a poor Carcase, and a Soul: the two former were in their power, but the last was in his own. After this, being made to withdraw, he, when called in again, put in an Appeal from them to the King, and read an Instrument of it, which he had prepared at his own House that Morning: and so would make no other answer, unless the Secretary should remove. For this contempt he was sent to the Prison of the Marshalsea; and as he was led away, he broke out in great passion, both against Smith, and also at Cranmer, for suffering Heretics to infect the People, which he required him to abstain from, as he would answer for it to God and the King.  
On the 23d he was again brought before them, where, by a second Instrument, he adhered to his former Appeal. But the Delegates said, they would go on, and judge him, unless there came a Supersedeas from the King, and so required him to answer those Articles which he had not yet answered, otherwise they would proceed against him as Contumax, and hold him as Confessing. But he adhered to his Appeal, and so would answer no more. New matter was also brought, of his going out of St. Paul's in the midst of the Sermon on the 15th of the Month, and so giving a public disturbance and scandal: and of his writing next day to the Lord Major, not to suffer such Preachers to sow their ill Doctrine. This was occasioned by the Preachers speaking against the Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament: But he would give the Court no account of that matter; so they adjourned to the 27th, and from that to the first of October. In that time great endeavours were used to persuade him to submit, and to behave himself better for the future; and upon that condition he was assured he should be gently used. But he would yield to nothing. So on the first of October, when he was brought before them, the Archbishop told him, they had delayed so long, being unwilling to proceed to extremities with him; and therefore wished him to submit. But he read another Writing, by which he protested, that he was brought before them by force, and that otherwise he would not have come, since, that having appealed from them, he looked on them as his Judges no more. He said, that he had also written a Petition to the Lord Chancellor, complaining of the Delegates, and desiring that his Appeal might be admitted; and said, by that Appeal it was plain, that he esteemed the King to be clothed with his full Royal Power, now that he was under Age, since he thus appealed to him. Upon which the Archbishop, the Bishop of Rochester, Secretary Smith, and the Dean of St. Paul's, 
He is deprived from his Bishopric.  gave Sentence against him; that since he had not declared the King's Power, while under Age, in his Sermon, as he was commanded by the Protector and Council, therefore the Archbishop, with the Consent and Assent of his Colleagues, did deprive him of the Bishopric of London. Sentence being thus given, he appealed again by word of mouth. The Court did also order him to be carried to Prison, till the King should consider further of it. This account of his Trial is drawn from the Register of London, where all these Particulars are inserted. From thence it was that Fox printed them. For Bonner, though he was afterward Commissioned by the Queen to deface any Records that made against the Catholic Cause, yet did not care to alter any thing in this Register after his readmission in Queen Mary's time. It seems he was not displeased with what he found Recorded of himself in this matter.  
Thus was Bonner deprived of his Bishopric of London. 
Censures past upon it.  This Judgement, as all such things are, was much censured: It was said, it was not Canonical, since it was by a Commission from the King, and since Secular Men were mixed with Clergymen in the censure of a Bishop. To this it was answered, That the Sentence being only of deprivation from the See of London, it was not so entirely an Ecclesiastical Censure, but was of a mixed nature, so that Laymen might join in it: and since he had taken a Commission from the King for his Bishopric, by which he held it only during the King's pleasure, he could not complain of this deprivation, which was done by the King's Authority. Others who looked further back, remembered that Constantine the Emperor had appointed Secular Men to inquire into some things objected to Bishops, who were called Cognitores, or Triers: and such had examined the business of Cecilian Bishop of Carthage, even upon an Appeal, after it had been tried in several Synods; and given Judgement against Donatus and his Party. The same Constantine had also by his Authority put Eustathius out of Antioch, Athanasius out of Alexandria, and Paul out of Constantinople: and though the Orthodox Bishops complained of these Particulars, as done unjustly at the false suggestion of the Arrians; yet they did not deny the Emperor's Authority in such Cases. Afterwards the Emperors used to have some Bishops attending on them in their Comitatus or Court, to whose Judgement they left most Causes, who acted only by Commission from the Emperor. So Epiphanius was brought to condemn chrysostom at Constantinople, who had no Authority to judge him by the Canons. Others objected, that it was too severe to deprive Bonner for a defect in his memory; and that therefore they should have given him a new Trial in that Point, and not have proceeded to censure him on such an omission; since he protested it was not on design, but a pure forgetfulness: and all People perceived clearly it had been before hand resolved to lay him aside, and that therefore they now took him on this disadvantage, and so deprived him. But it was also well known, that all the Papists infused this Notion into the People, of the Kings having no Power till he came to be of Age; and he being certainly one of them, there was reason to conclude, that what he said for his defence, was only a Pretence; and that it was of design that he had omitted the mentioning the King's Power when under Age. The adding of Imprisonment to his Deprivation was thought by some to be an extreme accumulation of Punishments. But that was no more than what he drew upon himself by his rude and contemptuous behaviour. However, it seems that some of these Objections wrought on Secretary Petre, for he never sat with the Delegates after the first day, and he was now turning about to another Party.  
On the other hand, Bonner was little pitied by most that knew him. He was a cruel, and fierce Man: he understood little of Divinity, his Learning being chief in the Canon Law. Besides, he was looked on generally as a Man of no Principles. All the obedience he gave either to the Laws, or the King's Injunctions, was thought a compliance against his Conscience, extorted by fear. And his undecent carriage during his process had much exposed him to the People: so that it was not thought to be hard dealing, though the Proceed against him were summary and severe. Nor did his carriage afterward during his imprisonment discover much of a Bishop or a Christian. For he was more concerned to have Puddings and Pears sent him, than for any thing else. This I gather from some original Letters of his to Richard Leechmore Esq; in Worcester-shire, (which were communicated to me by his Heir Lineally descended from him, the Worshipful Mr. Leechmore, now the Signior Bencher of the Middle-Temple;) of which I transcribed the latter part of one, 
Collection Number 37.  that will be found in the Collection. In it he desires a large quantity of Pears and Puddings to be sent him: otherwise he gives those to whom he writes an odd sort of Benediction, very unlike what became a Man of his Character, he gives them to the Devil, to the Devil, and to all the Devils, if they did not furnish him well with Pears and Puddings. It may perhaps be thought indecent to print such Letters, being the privacies of friendship, which ought not to be made public; but I confess, Bonner was so brutish, and so bloody a Man, that I was not ill pleased to meet with any thing that might set him forth in his natural Colours to the World.  

Foreign Affairs.  Thus did the Affairs of England go on this Summer within the Kingdom; but it will be now necessary to consider the state of our Affairs in Foreign Parts. The King of France finding it was very chargeable to carry on the War wholly in Scotland, resolved this year to lessen that Expense, and to make War directly with England, both at Sea and Land. So he came in person with a great Army, and fell into the Country of Boulogne, 
The French take many Places about Boulogne.  where he took many little Castles about the Town; as Sellaque, Blackness, Hambletue, Newhaven, and some lesser one's. The English Writers say, those were ill provided, which made them be so easily lost: but Thuanus says, they were all very well stored. In the night they assaulted Bullingberg, but were beat off: then they designed to burn the Ships that were in the Harbour, and had prepared Wildfire with other combustible Matter, but were driven away by the English. At the same time the French Fleet met the English Fleet at Jersey, but, as King Edward writes in his Diary, they were beat off with the loss of 1000 Men; though Thuanus puts the loss wholly on the English side. The French King sat down before Boulogne, in September, hoping that the disorders then in England, would make that Place be ill supplied, and easily yielded: the English finding Bullingberg was not tenable, razed it, and retired into the Town: but the Plague broke into the French Camp, so the King left it under the command of Chastilion. He endeavoured chief to take the Pierre, and so to cut off the Town from the Sea, and from all communication with England: and after a long Battery he gave the Assault upon it, but was beat off. There followed many Skirmishes between him and the Garrison, and he made many attempts to close up the Channel, and thought to have sunk a Galley full of Stones and Gravel in it; but in all these he was still unsuccessful. And therefore Winter coming on, the Siege was raised; only the Forts about the Town, which the French had taken, were strongly garrisoned: so that Boulogne was in danger of being lost the next year.  
In Scotland also, the English Affairs declined much this year. Thermes, 
The English insuccessful in Scotland.  before the Winter was ended, had taken Broughty Castle, and destroyed almost the whole Garrison. In the Southern Parts there was a change made of the Lords Wardens of the English Marches. Sir Robert Bowes was complained of, as negligent in relieving Hadingtoun the former year; so the Lord Dacres was put in his room. And the Lord Grace, who lost the great advantage he had when the French raised the Siege of Hadingtoun, was removed, and the Earl of Rutland was sent to command. The Earl made an Inroad into Scotland, and supplied Hadingtoun plentifully with all sorts of Provisions, necessary for a Siege. He had some Germans, and Spaniards with him: but a Party of Scotch Horse surprised the Germans Baggage; and Romero with the Spanish Troop was also fallen on, and taken, and almost all his Men were cut off. The Earl of Warwick was to have marched with a more considerable Army this Summer into Scotland, had not the disorders in England diverted him, as it has been already shown. Thermes did not much more this Year He intended once to have renewed the Siege of Hadingtoun; but when he understood how well they were furnished, he gave it over. But the English Council, finding how great a charge the keeping of it was, and the Country all about it being destroyed, so that no Provisions could be had, but what were brought from England, from which it was 28 Miles distant, resolved to withdraw their Garrison, and quit it, which was done on the first of October: So that the English having now no Garrison within Scotland, but Lauder, Thermes sat down before that, and pressed it, so that had not the Peace been made up with France, it had fallen into his Hands.  
Things being in this disorder both at home and abroad, the Protector had nothing to depend on, but the Emperor's Aid; and he was so ill satisfied with the Changes that had been made in Religion, that much was not to be expected from him. The confusions this year occasioned that Change to be made in the Office of the daily Prayers; where the Answer to the Petition, Give Peace in our time O Lord, which was formerly, and is still continued, was now made, Because there is none other that fighteth for us but only thou O God. 
The state of Germany.  For now the Emperor having reduced all the Princes, and most of the Cities, of Germany to his obedience, none but Magdeburg and bream standing out, did by a mistake, incident to great Conquerors, neglect those advantages which were then in his hands, and did not prosecute his Victories; but leaving Germany, came this Summer into the Netherlands, whither he had ordered his Son Prince Philip to come from Spain to him, through Italy and Germany, that he might put him into possession of these Provinces, and make them swear Homage to him. Whether at this time the Emperor was beginning to form the design of retiring, or whether he did this only to prevent the Mutinies and Revolts that might fall out upon his death, if his Son were not in actual possession of them, is not so certain. One thing is memorable, in that Transaction that was called the Laetus Introitus, or the terms upon which he was received Prince of Brabant, to which the other Provinces had been formerly united into one Principality; after many Rules and Limitations of Government, in the matter of Taxes, and public Assemblies, 
Cott. Library Galba B. 12.  the not keeping up of Forces, and governing them not by Strangers, but by Natives, it was added, That if he broke these Conditions, it should be free for them not to obey him or acknowledge him any longer, till he returned to govern according to their Laws. This was afterwards the chief ground on which they justified their shaking off the Spanish Yoke, all these Conditions being publicly violated  

Jealousies arise in the Emperor's Family.  At this time there were great jealousies in the Emperor's Family. For as he intended to have had his Brother resign his Election to be King of the Romans, that it might be transferred on his own Son; so there were designs in Flanders, which the French cherished much, to have Maximilian, Ferdinand's Son, the most accomplished and virtuous Prince that had been for many Ages, to be made their Prince. The Flemings were much disgusted with the Queen Regent's Government, who, when there was need of Money, sent to Bruges, and Antwerp, ordering Deputies to be sent her from Flanders, and Brabant: and when they were come, she told them what Money must be raised; and if they made any objections, she used to bid them give over merchandizing with the Emperor, for he must and would have the Money he asked: so that nothing remained to them, but to see how to raise what was thus demanded of them, rather than desired from them. This, as the English Ambassador writ from Bruges, seemed to be the reason that moved the Emperor to make his Son swear to such Rules of Government; which, the Sequel of his Life shown, he meant to observe in the same manner that his Father had done before him. At the same time, in May this year, I find a secret Advertisement was sent over from France to the English Court, that there was a private Treaty set on foot between that King and the Princes of Germany, for restoring the liberty of the Empire: but that the King of France was resolved to have Boulogne in his Hands before he entered on new Projects. Therefore it was proposed to the Protector, to consider whether it were not best to deliver it up by a Treaty, and so to leave the King of France free to the defence of their Friends in the Empire: for I find the consideration of the Protestant Religion was the chief measure of our Councils all this Reign.  

A great Faction against the Protector.  Upon this there was great distraction in the Councils at home. The Protector was inclined to deliver up Boulogne for a Sum of Money, and to make Peace both with the French and Scots. The King's Treasure was exhausted, Affairs at home were in great confusion, the defence of Bulloign was a great charge, and a War with France was a thing of that consequence, that in that state of Affairs it was not to be adventured on. But on the other hand, those who hated the Protector, and measured Councils more by the bravery than the solidity of them, said, it would be a reproach to the Nation to deliver up a Place of that consequence, which their late King, in the declining of his days, had gained with so much loss of Men and Treasure: and to sell this for a little Money was accounted so sordid, that the Protector durst not adventure on it. Upon this occasion I find Sir William Paget (being made controller of the King's Household, 
Pagets Advice about Foreign Affairs.  which was then thought an advancement from the Office of a Secretary of State) made a long Discourse, 
Cotton Libr. Titus B. 2.  and put it in Writing. The substance of it was, to balance the dangers in which England was at that time. The Business of Scotland and Boulogne drew France into a Quarrel against it. On the account of Religion, it had no reason to expect much from the Emperor. The Interest of England was then to preserve the Protestants of Germany; and therefore to unite with France, which would be easily engaged in that Quarrel against the Emperor. He proposed a firm Alliance with the Venetians, who were then jealous of the Emperor's Progress in Italy, and would be ready to join against him, if he were throughly engaged in Germany; and by their means, England was to make up an agreement with France. On the other hand, William Thomas, than a Clerk of the Council, 
Thomas' Advice differs from his. Cott. Libr. Vespasian D. 18.  writ a long Discourse of other Expedients: He agreed with Paget, as to the ill state of England, having many Enemies, and no Friends. The North of England was wasted by the incursion of the Scots. Ireland was also in an ill condition; for the Natives there did generally join with the Scots, being addicted to the old Superstition. The Emperor was so set on reducing all to one Religion, that they could expect no great Aid from him, unless they gave him some hope of returning to the Roman Religion. But the continuance of the War would undo the Nation: for if the War went on, the People would take advantage from it to break out into new disorders: it would be also very dishonourable to deliver up, or rather to sell, the late Conquests in France. Therefore he proposed, that to gain time, they should treat with the Emperor, and even give him hopes of re-examining what had been done in Religion: though there was danger even in that, of disheart'ning those of Magdeburg, and the few remaining Protestants in Germany; as also they might expect the Emperor would be highly enraged when he should come to find that he had been deluded: but the gaining of time was then so necessary, that the preservation of the Nation depended on it. For Scotland he proposed, that the Governor of that Kingdom should be pressed to pretend to the Crown; since their Queen was gone into a strange Country: by this means Scotland would be for that whole Age separated from the Interests of France, and obliged to depend on England: and the French were now so hated in Scotland, that any who would set up against them would have an easy Work, especially being assisted by the nearness of England. And for Ireland, he proposed, that the chief Heads of Families should be drawn over, and kept at Court. And that England thus being respited from Foreign War, the Nation should be armed, and exercised, the Coin reform, Treasure laid up, and things in the Government at home that were uneasy should be corrected.  
Thus I have opened the Councils at that time, as I found them laid before me in these Authentic Papers, from which I drew them. 
Paget sent over to treat with the Emperor.  The result of their Consultation was to send over Sir William Paget to join with Sir Philip Hobbey, than Resident at the Emperors Court. His Instructions will be found in the Collection. The Substance of them was, 
Collection Number 38.  That the Treaty between the Emperor and the late King should be renewed with this King, and confirmed by the Prince and the States of Flanders: that some ambiguous Passages in it should be cleared: that the Emperor would comprehend Boulogne within the League defensive, and so protect it, England being ready to offer any thing reciprocal in the room of it. He was also to show their readiness to agree to the Emperor concerning the Lady Mary's Marriage, to adjust some differences occasioned by the complaints made of the Admiralty, and about Trade: to show the reason of the Messages that passed between them and France; and to engage, that if the Emperor would hearty assist them, they would never agree with France. Paget was also to propose, as of himself, that Boulogne should be put into the Emperor's Hands upon a reasonable recompense. Thus was Paget instructed, and sent over in June this Year. But the Emperor put him off with many delays, and said, The carrying of his Son about the Towns in Flanders and Brabant, with the many Ceremonies and Entertainments that followed it, made it not easy for him to consider of Matters that required such deep consultation. He put him off from Brussels to Gaunt, and from Gaunt to Bruges. But Paget growing impatient of such delays, since the French were marched into the Bulloignese; the Bishop of Arras, (Son to Granvell that had been long the Emperor's chief Minister) who was now like to succeed in his Father's room that was old and infirm, and the two Precedents of the Emperor's Councils, St. Maurice and Viglius, came to Sir William Paget, and had a long communication with him and Hobbey, 
Collection Number 39  an account whereof will be found in the Collection in a Dispatch from them to the Protector.  

He meets with the Emperor's Ministers.  They first treated of an explanation of some ambiguous words in the Treaty, to which the Emperor's Ministers promised to bring them an Answer. Then they talked long of the Matters of the Admiralty, the Emperor's Ministers said, no justice was done in England upon the Merchant's complaints: Paget said, every Mariner came to the Protector, and if he would not solicit their business, they run away with a Complaint that there was no Justice; whereas he thought, that as they meddled with no private matters, so the Protector ought to turn all these over upon the Courts that were the competent Judges. But the Bishop of Arras said, There was no Justice to be had in the Admiralty Courts, who were indeed Parties in all these Matters: Paget said, There was as much Justice in the English Admiralty Courts as was in theirs: and the Bishop confessed, there were great corruptions in all these Courts. So Paget proposed, that the Emperor should appoint two of his Council to hear and determine all such Complaints, in a Summary way, and the King should do the like in England. For the Confirmation of the Treaty, the Bishop said, the Emperor was willing his Son should confirm it; but that he would never sue to his Subjects to confirm his Treaties: and he said, when it was objected that the Treaty with France was confirmed by the three Estates, that the Prerogative of the French Crown was so restrained that the King could alienate nothing of his Patrimony without the Parliament of Paris and his three Estates. He believed the King of England had a greater Prerogative: he was sure the Emperor was not so bound up: he had fifteen or sixteen several Parliaments, and what work must he be at if all these must descant on his Transactions? When this general discourse was over, the two Precedents went away: but the Bishop of Arras stayed with him in private. Paget proposed the Business of Boulogne: but the Bishop having given him many good words in the general, excepted much to it, as dishonourable to the Emperor; since Boulogne was not taken when the League was concluded between the Emperor and England: so that if he should now include it in the League, it would be a breach of Faith and Treaties with France: and he stood much on the Honour and Conscience of observing these Treaties inviolably. So this Conversation ended; in which the most remarkable Passage is, that concerning the Limitations on the French Crown, and the Freedoms of the English; for at that time the King's Prerogative in England was judged of that extent, that I find in a Letter written from Scotland, one of the main Objections made to the marrying their Queen to the King of England was, That an Union with England would much alter the constitution of their Government, the Prerogatives of the Kings of England being of a far larger extent than those in Scotland.  
Two or three days after the former Conversation, the Emperor's Ministers returned to Pagets Lodging, with answer to the Propositions which the English Ambassadors had made: of which a full account will be found in the Collection in the Letter which the Ambassadors writ upon it into England. 
Collection Number 40.  The Emperor gave a good answer to some of the Particulars, which were ambiguous in former Treaties. For the Confirmation of the Treaty, he offered, that the Prince should join in it; but since the King of England was under Age, he thought it more necessary that the Parliament of England should confirm it. To which Paget answered, That their Kings, as to the Regal Power, were the same in all the Conditions of Life: and therefore when the Great Seal was put to any agreement, the King was absolutely bound by it. If his Ministers engaged him in ill Treaties, they were to answer for it at their Perils; but howsoever the King was tied by it. They discoursed long about the Administration of Justice, but ended in nothing. And as for the main business about Boulogne, the Emperor stood on his Treaties with the French, which he could not break: upon which Paget said to the Bishop, that his Father had told him, they had so many Grounds to quarrel with France, that he had his Sleeve full of them, to produce when there should be occasion to make use of them. But finding the Bishop's Answers were cold, and that he only gave good words, he told him that England would then see to their own security: and so he took that for the Emperor's final Answer, and thereupon resolved to take his leave, which he did soon after, and came back into England. But at home the Councils were much divided, of which the sad Effects broke out soon afterward.  
It was proposed in Council, that the War with Scotland should be ended. For it having been begun, and carried on, 
Debates in Council concerning Peace.  only on design to obtain the Marriage, since the hopes of that were now so far gone, that it was not in the power of the Scots themselves to retrieve them, it was a vain and needless expense both of Blood and Money to keep it up; and since Boulogne was by the Treaty, after a few more years, to be delivered up to the French, it seemed a very unreasonable thing, in the low state to which the King's Affairs were driven, to enter on a War; in which they had little reason to doubt but they should lose Boulogne, after the new expense of a Siege and another years War. The Protector had now many Enemies, who laid hold on this conjuncture to throw him out of the Government. The Earl of Southampton was brought into the Council, but had not laid down his secret hatred of the Protector; and did all he could to make a Party against him. The Earl of Warwick was the fittest Man to work on: him therefore he gained over to his side, and having form a confidence in him, he shown him, that he had really got all these Victories for which the Protector triumphed: he had won the Field of Pinkey near Musselburgh, and had subdued the Rebels of Norfolk: and as he had before defeated the French, so if he were sent over thither, new Triumphs would follow him: but it was below him to be second to any. So he engaged him to quarrel in every thing with the Protector, all whose wary motions were ascribed to fear or dullness. To others he said, What friendship could any expect from a Man who had no pity on his own Brother? But that which provoked the Nobility most, 
Complaints against the Protector.  was the partiality the Protector had for the Commons in the Insurrections that had been this Summer. He had also given great Grounds of jealousy, by entertaining Foreign Troops in the King's Wars; which, though it was not objected to him, because the Council had consented to it, yet it was whispered about, that he had extorted that Consent. But the noble Palace he was raising in the Strand, (which yet carries his Name) out of the ruins of some Bishop's Houses, and Churches, drew as public an envy on him as any thing he had done. It was said, that when the King was engaged in such Wars, and when London was much disordered by the Plague, that had been in it for some Months, he was then bringing Architects from Italy, and designing such a Palace as had not been seen in England. It was also said, That many Bishops and Cathedrals had resigned many Manors to him, for obtaining his favour. Though this was not done without leave obtained from the King; for in a Grant of some Lands made to him by the King on the 11th of July, in the second year of his Reign, it is said, That these Lands were given him as a Reward of his Services in Scotland, 
Rot. Pat. 4. Par. 2. Reg.  for which he was offered greater Rewards; but that he refusing to accept of such Grants as might too much impoverish the Crown, had taken a Licence to the Bishop of Bath and Wells, for his alienating some of the Lands of that Bishopric to him: he is in that Patent called by the Grace of God Duke of Somerset, which had not of late years been ascribed to any but Sovereign Princes. It was also said, That many of the Chantry Lands had been sold to his Friends at easy rates; for which they concluded he had great Presents: and a course of unusual greatness had raised him up too high; so that he did not carry himself towards the Nobility with that equality that they expected from him.  
All these things concurred to beget him many Enemies, and he had very few Friends, for none stuck firmly to him, but Paget, and Secretary Smith, and especially Cranmer, who never forsook his Friend. All that favoured the old Superstition were his Enemies: and seeing the Earl of Southampton heading the Party against him, they all run in to it. And of the Bishops, that were for the Reformation, Goodrig of Ely likewise joined to them: He had attended on the Admiral in his Preparations for death, from whom, it seems, he drank in ill impressions of the Protector. All his Enemies saw, and he likewise saw it himself, that the continuance of the War must needs destroy him; and that a Peace would confirm him in his Power, and give him time and leisure to break through the Faction, that was now so strong against him, that it was not probable he could master it without the help of some time. So in the Council his Adversaries delivered their Opinions against all motions for Peace: and though upon Pagets return from Flanders, it appeared to be very unreasonable to carry on the War; yet they said, Paget had secret Instructions to procure such an Answer, that it might give a colour to so base a Project. The Officers that came over from these Places that the French had taken, pretended, as is common for all Men in such Circumstances, that they wanted things necessary for a Siege; and though in truth it was quite contrary, (as we read in Thuanus) yet their Complaints were cherished and spread about among the People. The Protector had also, against the Mind of the Council, ordered the Garrison to be drawn out of Hadingtoun; and was going, notwithstanding all their opposition, to make Peace with France; and did in many things act by his own Authority, without ask th●ir advice, and often against it. This was the assuming a Regal Power, and seemed not to be endured by those who thought they were in all Points his equals. It was also said, That when, contrary to the late Kings Will, he was chosen Protector, it was with that special condition, that he should do nothing without their consent: and though by the Patent he had for his Office, his Power was more enlarged; (which was of greater force in Law, than a private Agreement at the Council Table) yet even that was objected to him, as an high presumption in him to pretend to such a vast Power. Thus all the Month of September there were great Heats among them: several Persons interposed to mediate, but to no effect: for the Faction against him was now so strong, that they resolved to strip him of his exorbitant Power, and reduce him to an equality with themselves. The King was then at Hampton-Court, where also the Protector was, with some of his own Retainers and Servants about him; which increased the Jealousies; for it was given out, that he intended to carry away the King. So on the 6th of October some of the Council met at Ely House: the Lord St. John Precedent, 
Most of the Council separate from him.  the Earls of Warwick, Arundel, and Southampton, Sir Edw. North, Sir Richard Southwell, Sir Edmund Pecham, Sir Edw. Wotton, and Dr. Wotton; and Secretary Petre being sent to them in the King's Name, to ask what they met for, joined himself likewise to them. They sat as the King's Council, and entered their Proceed in the Council-Book, from whence I draw the account of this Transaction.  
These being met together, and considering the disorders that had been lately in England, the losses in Scotland and France, laid the blame of all on the Protector, who, they said, was given up to other Councils, so obstinately, that he would not hearken to the advises they had given him, both at the Board, and in private; and they declared, that having intended that day to have gone to Hampton-Court, for a friendly communication with him, he had raised many of the Commons to have destroyed them, and had made the King set his Hand to the Letters he had sent for raising Men; and had also dispersed seditious Bills against them; therefore they intended to see to the safety of the King and the Kingdom. So they sent for the Lord Major and Aldermen of London, and required them to obey no Letters sent them by the Protector, but only such as came from themselves. They also writ many Letters to the Nobility and Gentry over England, giving them an account of their Designs and Motives, and requiring their assistance. They also sent for the Lieutenant of the Tower, and he submitted to their Orders. Next day, the Lord Chancellor, the Marquis of Northampton, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir Tho. Cheyney, Sir John Gage, Sir Ralph Sadler, and the Lord Chief-Justice Montague, joined with them. Then they wrote to the King a Letter, 
Collection Number 41.  (which is in the Collection) full of expressions of their duty and care of his Person, complaining of the Duke of Somerset's not listening to their Councils, and of his gathering a Force about him for maintaining his wilful do: they owned that they had caused Secretary Petre to stay with them, and in it they endeavoured to persuade the King that they were careful of nothing so much as of his preservation. They also wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and to Sir William Paget, to see to the King's Person, and that his own Servants should attend on him, and not those that belonged to the Duke of Somerset. But the Protector, hearing of this disorder, had removed the King to Windsor in all haste; and had taken down all the Armour that was either there, or at Hampton-Court, and had armed such as he could gather about him for his preservation.  
The Council at London complained much of this, that the King should be carried to a Place where there were no Provisions fit for him. So they ordered all things that he might need to be sent to him from London. And on the 8th of October they went to Guildhall, when they gave an account of their Proceed to the Common-Council of the City: and assured them, they had no thoughts of altering the Religion, as was given out by their Enemies, but intended only the safety of the King, and the Peace of the Kingdom; and for these ends desired their assistance. 
The City of London joins with them.  The whole Common-Council with one Voice, declared, they thanked God for the good intentions they had expressed, and assured them they would stand by them with their Lives and Goods. At Windsor, when the Protector understood, that not only the City, but the Lieutenant of the Tower, of whom he had held himself assured, had forsaken him, he resolved to struggle no longer: and though it is not improbable, that he, who was chief accused for his protecting the Commons, might have easily gathered a great Body of Men for his own preservation; yet he resolved rather to give way to the Tide that was now against him. So he protested before the King and the few Councillors then about him, that he had no design against any of the Lords; and that the Force he had gathered was only to preserve himself from any violent attempt that might be made on his Person: he declared, that he was willing to submit himself; 
The Protector offers to treat and submit.  and therefore proposed, that two of those Lords should be sent from London, and they, with two of those that were yet about the King, should consider what might be done, in whose determination he would acquiesce: and desired, that whatsoever was agreed on, should be confirmed in Parliament. Hereupon there was sent to London a Warrant under the King's Hand, for any two of the Lords of the Council that were there to come to Windsor with twenty Servants apiece, who had the King's Faith for their safety in coming and going: and Cranmer, Paget, and Smith, wrote to them to dispose them to end the matter peaceably, and not follow cruel Councils, nor to be misled by them who meant otherwise than they professed, of which they knew more than they would then mention. This seemed to point at the Earl of Southampton.  
On the 9th of October the Council at London increased by the accession of the Lord Russel, the Lord Wentworth, Sir Anthony Brown, Sir Ant. Wingfield, and Sir John Baker, the Speaker of the House of Commons. For now those who had stood off a while; seeing the Protector was resolved to yield, came and united themselves with the prevailing Party: so that they were in all two and twenty. They were informed, that the Protector had said, that if they intended to put him to death, the King should die first; and if they would famish him, they should famish the King first: and that he had armed his own Men, and set them next to the King's Person, and was designing to carry him out of Windsor, and as some reported, out of the Kingdom: upon which they concluded, that he was no more fit to be Protector. But of those words no proofs being mentioned in the Council-Books, they look like the forgeries of his Enemies to make him odious to the People. The Council ordered a Proclamation of their Proceed to be printed, and writ to the Lady Mary, and the Lady Elizabeth acquainting them with what they had done. They also wrote to the King (as will be found in the Collection) acknowledging the many bonds that lay on them in gratitude both for his Father's goodness to them, and his own, to take care of him. 
Collection Number 4●.  They desired he would consider, they were his whole Council, except one or two; and were those whom his Father had trusted with the Government: that the Protector was not raised to that Power by his Father's Will, but by their choice, with that condition, that he should do all things by their advice; which he had not observed, so that they now judged him most unworthy of these Honours: therefore they earnestly desired they might be admitted to the King's Presence, to do their duties about him, and that the Forces gathered about his Person might be sent away, and the Duke of Somerset might submit himself to the Order of Council. They also wrote to the Archbishop and Sir William Paget, (which is in the Collection) charging them as they would answer it, 
Collection Number 43.  that the King's Person might be well looked to, that he should not be removed from Windsor, and that he should be no longer guarded by the Duke of Somersets Men, (as they said he had been, of which they complained severely) but by his own sworn Servants; and they required them to concur in advancing the desire they had signified by their Letter to the King, protesting that they would do with the Duke of Somerset, as they would desire to be done by, and with as much moderation and favour as in honour they could: so that there was no reason to apprehend from them such cruelty as they had mentioned in their Letters. These were sent by Sir Philip Hobbey, who was returned from Flanders, and had been sent by the King to London on the day before. Upon this, Cranmer, and Paget, (as is entered in the Council-Book) persuaded both the King and the Protector to grant their desire. The Protectors Servants were dismissed, and the Kings were set about his Person. And Cranmer, Paget, and Smith, wrote to the Council at London, that all they had proposed should be granted: They desired to know whether the King should be brought to London, or stay at Windsor: and that three of the Lords might be sent thither, who should see all things done according to their minds: and for other things they referred them to Hobbey that carried the Letter, (which is in the Collection) upon this the Council sent Sir Anthony Wingfield, 
Collection Number 44.  Sir Anthony St. Leaguer, and Sir J. Williams, to Windsor, with a charge to see that the Duke of Somerset should not withdraw before they arrived, and that Sir Tho. Smith the Secretary, Sir Michael Stanhop, Sir John Thynn, Edw. Wolf, and William Cecil, should be restrained to their Chambers, till they examined them. On the 12th of October the whole Council went to Windsor, and coming to the King, they protested that all they had done was out of the zeal and affection they had to his Person and Service. The King received them kindly, and thanked them for their care of him, and assured them that he took all they had done in good part. On the 13th day they sat in Council, and sent for those who were ordered to be kept in their Chambers; only Cecil was let go. They charged them, that they had been the chief Instruments about the Duke of Somerset in all his wilful Proceed; therefore they turned Smith out of his Place of Secretary, and sent him with the rest to the Tower of London. 
He is accused and sent to the Tower. Collection Number 45.  On the day following, the Protector was called before them, and Articles of Misdemeanours and high Treason were laid to his charge, (which will be found in the Collection) The Substance of them was, That being made Protector, on condition that he should do nothing without the consent of the other Executors, he had not observed that Condition, but had treated with Ambassadors, made Bishops and Lord-Lieutenants, by his own Authority: and that he had held a Court of Requests in his own House; and had done many things contrary to Law, had embased the Coin, had in the Matter of Enclosures set out Proclamations, and given Commissions against the mind of the whole Council: that he had not taken care to suppress the late Insurrections, but had justified and encouraged them: that he had neglected the Places the King had in France, by which means they were lost: that he had persuaded the King that the Lords who met at London intended to destroy him, and had desired him never to forget it, but to revenge it, and had required some young Lords to keep it in his remembrance; and had caused those Lords to be proclaimed Traitors: that he had said, If he should die, the King should die too: that he had carried the King so suddenly to Windsor, that he was not only put in great fear, but cast into a dangerous disease: that he had gathered the People, and armed them for War; and had armed his Friends and Servants; and left the King's Servants unarmed: and that he intended to fly to Jersey, or Garnsey. So he was sent to the Tower, being conducted thither by the Earls of Sussex, and Huntingdon. That day the King was carried back again to Hampton-Court; and an Order was made, that six Lords should be the Governors of his Person: who were the Marquis of Northampton, the Earls of Warwick, and Arundel, the Lords St. John, Russel, and Wentworth. Two of those were in their course to attend constantly on the King.  

Censures passed upon him.  And thus fell the Duke of Somerset from his high Offices and great Trust. The Articles objected to him seem to say as much for his justification, as the Answers could do, if they were in my Power. He is not accused of rapine, cruelty, or bribery; but only of such things as are incident to all Men that are of a sudden exalted to a high and disproportioned greatness. What he did about the Coin, was not for his own advantage, but was done by a common mistake of many Governors, who, in the necessity of their Affairs, fly to this as their last shift, to draw out their business as long as is possible; but it ever rebounds on the Government to its great prejudice and loss. He bore his Fall more equally than he had done his Prosperity: and set himself in his imprisonment to study, and reading: and falling on a Book that treated of Patience, both from the Principles of Moral Philosophy, and of Christianity; he was so much taken with it, that he ordered it to be translated into English, and writ a Preface to it himself, mentioning the great comfort he had found in reading it, which had induced him to take care that others might reap the like benefit from it. Peter Martyr writ him also a long consolatory Letter, which was printed, both in Latin, and in an English Translation: and all the Reformed, both in England, and abroad, looked on his Fall as a public loss to that whole Interest which he had so steadily set forward.  
But on the other hand, 
The Papists much lifted up.  the Popish Party were much lifted up at his Fall; and the rather, because they knew the Earl of Southampton, who they hoped should have directed all Affairs, was entirely theirs. It was also believed, that the Earl of Warwick had given them secret Assurances: So it was understood at the Court of France, as Thuanus writes. They had also, among the first things they did, gone about to discharge the Duke of Norfolk of his long imprisonment, in consideration of his great Age, his former Services, and the extremity of the Proceed against him, which were said to have flowed chief from the ill Offices the Duke of Somerset had done him. But this was soon laid aside. So now the Papists made their Addresses to the Earl of Warwick. The Bishop of Winchester wrote to him a hearty Congratulation, rejoicing that the late tyranny (so he called the Duke of Somersets Administration) was now at an end: he wished him all prosperity, and desired, that when he had leisure from the great Affairs, that were in so unsettled a condition, some regard might be had of him. The Bishop of London, being also in good hopes, since the Protector, and Smith, whom he esteemed his chief Enemies, were now in disgrace, and Cranmer was in cold, if not in ill terms, with the Earl of Warwick, sent a Petition that his Appeal might be received, and his Process reviewed. 
But their hopes soon vanish.  Many also began to fall off from going to the English Service, or the Communion; hoping that all would be quickly undone that had been settled by the Duke of Somerset. But the Earl of Warwick, finding the King so zealously addicted to the carrying on of the Reformation, that nothing could recommend any one so much to him, as the promoting it further would do, soon forsook the Popish Party, and was seemingly the most earnest on a further Reformation that was possible. I do not find that he did write any Answer to the Bishop of Winchester. He continued still a Prisoner. And for Bonner's Matter, there was a new Court of Delegates appointed to review his Appeal, consisting of four Civilians, and four Common Lawyers; who having examined it, reported, that the Process had been legally carried on, and the Sentence justly given, and that there was no good reason why the Appeal should be received, and therefore they rejected it. This being reported to the Council, they sent for Bonner in the beginning of February, and declared to him, that his Appeal was rejected, and that the Sentence against him was in full force still.  
But the Business of Boulogne was that which pressed them most. 
Ambassadors sent to the Emperor.  They misdoubting, as was formerly shown, that Paget had not managed that matter dexterously and earnestly with the Emperor, sent on the 18th of October Sir Tho. Cheyney, and Sir Phil. Hobbey to him, to entreat him to take Boulogne into his protection; they also sent over the Earl of Huntingdon to command it, with the addition of a thousand Men for the Garrison. When the Ambassadors came to the Emperor, they desired leave to raise 2000 Horse and 3000 Foot in his Dominions for the preservation of Boulogne. 
Cotton Libr. Galba B. 12.  The Emperor gave them very good words, but insisted much on his League with France: and referred them to the Bishop of Arras, who told them plainly the thing could not be done. So Sir Tho. Cheyney took his leave of the Emperor, who at parting desired him to represent to the King's Council, how necessary it was to consider matters of Religion again, that so they might be all of one mind; for, to deal plainly with them, till that were done, he could not assist them so effectually as otherwise he desired to do. And now the Council saw clearly, they had not been deceived by Paget in that Particular, and therefore resolved to apply themselves to France for a Peace. But now the Earl of Warwick falling off wholly from the Popish Party, 
The Earl of Southampton leaves the Court.  the Earl of Southampton left the Court in great discontent. He was neither restored to his Office of Chancellor, nor made Lord Treasurer, (that Place, which was vacant by the Duke of Somersets Fall, being now given to the Lord St. John, who soon after, was made Earl of Wilt-shire:) nor was he made one of those who had charge of the King's Person. So he began to lay a Train against the Earl of Warwick; but he was too quick for him, and discovered it: upon which he left the Court in the night, and it was said, he poisoned himself, or pined away with discontent, for he died in July after.  

A new Office for Ordinations.  So now the Reformation was ordered to be carried on: and there being one part of the Divine Offices not yet reform, that is, concerning the giving Orders, some Bishops and Divines, brought now together by a Session of Parliament, were appointed to prepare a Book of Ordination.  

A Session of Parliament.  But now I turn to the Parliament, which sat down on the 4th of November. In it a severe Law was made against unlawful Assemblies: that if any, 
An Act against Tumultuary Assemblies.  to the number of twelve should meet together unlawfully, for any matter of State, and being required by any lawful Magistrate, should not disperse themselves, it should be Treason: and if any broke Hedges, or violently pulled up Pales, about Enclosures, without lawful Authority, it should be Felony. It was also made Felony to gather the People together without Warrant, by ringing of Bells, or sound of Drums and Trumpets, or the firing of Beacons. There was also a Law made against Prophecies concerning the King or his Council, since by these the People were disposed to sedition: for the first offence it was to be punished by Imprisonment for a year, and 10 l. Fine: For the second, it was Imprisonment during Life, with the forfeiture of Goods and Chattels. All this was on the account of the Tumults the former year, and not with any regard to the Duke of Somersets security, as some have without any reason fancied: for he had now no Interest in the Parliament, nor was he in a condition any more to apprehend Tumults against himself, being stripped of his so much envied greatness. 
And against Vagabonds.  Another Law was made against Vagabonds, relating, That the former Statute made in this Reign being too severe, was by that means not executed: so it was repealed, and the Law made in King Henry the 8th's Reign put in force: Provisions were laid down for relieving the Sick and Impotent, and setting the Poor, that were able, to work: That once a month there should be every where a Visitation of the Poor, by those in Office, who should send away such as did not belong to that Place, and those were to be carried from Constable to Constable, till they were brought to such Places as were bound to see to them. There was a Bill brought in for the repealing of a Branch of the Act of Uniformity, but it went no further than one reading.  
On the 14th of November the Bishops made a heavy complaint to the Lords, of the abounding of vice and disorder, 
The Bishops move for a reviving of Ecclesiastical Censures.  and that their Power was so abridged, that they could punish no sin, nor oblige any to appear before them, or to observe the Orders of the Church. This was heard by all the Lords with great regret, and they ordered a Bill to be drawn about it. On the 18th of November a Bill was brought in, but rejected at first reading, because it seemed to give the Bishops too much Power. So a second Bill was appointed to be drawn by a Committee of the House. It was agreed to, and sent down to the Commons, who laid it aside after the second reading. They thought it better to renew the design that was in the former Reign, of two and thirty Persons being authorized to compile the Body of Ecclesiastical Laws; and when that was prepared, it seemed more proper, by confirming it, to establish Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, than to give the Bishops any Power, while the Rules of their Courts were so little determined or regulated: So an act passed, empow'ring the King to name fixteen Persons of the Spiritualty, of whom four should be Bishops, and sixteen of the Temporalty, of whom four should be common Lawyers, who within three years should compile a Body of Ecclesiastical Laws; and those, being nothing contrary to the Common and Statute Laws of the Land, should be published by the King's Warrant, under the Great Seal, and have the force of Laws in the Ecclesiastical Courts. Thus they took care that this should not be turned over to an uncertain Period, as it had been done in the former Reign, but designed that it should be quickly finished. The Bishops of that time were generally so backward in every step to a Reformation, that a small number of them was made necessary to be of this Commission. The effect that it had shall be afterwards opened.  
There was a Bill brought in to the House of Commons, That the Preaching and holding of some Opinions should be declared Felony: it passed with them, but was laid aside by the Lords. 
1550.  A Bill for the Form of Ordaining Ministers was brought in to the House of Lords, and was agreed to, the Bishops of Duresme, Carlisle, Worcester, Chichester, and Westminster, protesting against it. The Substance of it was, 
An Act about the Forms of giving Orders  That such Forms of Ordaining Ministers as should be set forth by the advice of six Prelates and six Divines, to be named by the King, and authorized by a Warrant under the Great Seal, should be used after April next, and no other. On the second of January a Bill was put in against the Duke of Somerset, 
An Act about the Duke of Somerset.  of the Articles formerly mentioned, with a Confession of them Signed by his Hand. This he was prevailed with to do, upon assurances given that he should be gently dealt with, if he would freely confess, and submit himself to the King's mercy. But it was said by some of the Lords, that they did not know whether that Confession was not drawn from him by force: and that it might be an ill Precedent to pass Acts upon such Papers, without examining the Party, whether he had subscribed them freely and uncompelled: so they sent four Temporal Lords, and four Bishops, to examine him concerning it. And the day following, the Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield made the Report, that he thanked them for that kind Message, but that he had freely subscribed the Confession that lay before them. He had made it on his Knees before the King and Council, and had Signed it on the 13th of December. He protested his offences had flowed from rashness and indiscretion, rather than malice, and that he had no treasonable design against the King or his Realms. So he was fined by Act of Parliament in 2000 l. a year of Land, and he lost all his Goods and Offices. Upon this he wrote to the Council, acknowledging their favour, in bringing off his Matter by a Fine: he confessed, that he had fallen into the frailties that often attend on great Places, but what he had done amiss was rather for want of true Judgement, than from any malicious meaning: he humbly desired they would interpose with the King for a moderation of his Fine, and that he might be pardoned and restored to favour; assuring them, that for the future he should carry himself so humbly and obediently, that he should thereby make amends for his former follies: This was much censured by many, as a sign of an abject Spirit: others thought it was wisely done in him, once to get out of Prison on any terms, since the greatness of his former condition gave such jealousy to his Enemies, that unless he had his pardon, he would be in continual danger, as long as he was in their hands. So on the 6th of February he was set at liberty, giving Bond of 10000 l. for his good behaviour; and being limited that he should stay at the King's House of Sheen, or his own of Zion, and should not go four Miles from them, nor come to the King or the Council, unless he were called: He had his Pardon on the 16th of February, and carried himself after that so humbly, that his behaviour, with the King's great kindness to him, did so far prevail, that on the 10th of April after, he was restored into favour, and sworn of the Privy-Council. And so this storm went over him much more gently than was expected; but his carriage in it was thought to have so little of the Hero, that he was not much considered after this.  

The Reformation is set on vigorously.  But to go on with the business of the Parliament; reports had been spread, that the old Service would be again set up: and these were much cherished by those who still loved the former superstition: who gave out, that a change was to be expected, since the New Service had been only the Act of the Duke of Somerset. Upon this the Council wrote on Christmas day a Letter to all the Bishops of England, to this effect, That whereas the English Service had been devised by Learned Men, according to the Scripture, and the use of the Primitive Church; therefore, for putting away those vain expectations, all Clergymen were required, to deliver to such as should be appointed by the King to receive them, all Antiphonales, Missals, Grails, Processionals, Manuals, Legends, Pies, Portuasses, Journals, and Ordinals, after the use of Sarum, Lincoln, York, or any other private use: requiring them also to see to the observing one uniform Order in the Service set forth by the common consent of the Realm: and particularly to take care that there should be every where provision made of Bread and Wine for the Communion on Sunday. This will be found in the Collection. But to give a more public declaration of their zeal, 
Collection Number 46.  an Act was brought into Parliament about it, and was agreed to by all the Lords; except the Earl of Derby, the Bishops of Duresme, Coventry and Litchfield, Carlisle, Worcester, Westminster, and Chichester, and the Lords Morley, Stourton, Windsor, and Wharton. By it, not only all the Books formerly mentioned were to be destroyed, but all that had any Image that had belonged to any Church or Chappel, were required to deface it before the last of June: and in all the Primers set out by the late King the Prayers to the Saints were to be dashed out. There was also an Act for a Subsidy to be paid in one year, for which there was a Release granted of a Branch of the Subsidy formerly given. Last of all came the King's general Pardon, out of which those in the Tower, or other Prisons, on the account of the State, as also all Anabaptists were excepted.  
Thus were all Matters ended, and on the first of February the Parliament was prorogued. Only in the House of Commons there was a Debate that deserves to be remembered. It seems that before this time the Eldest Sons of Peers were not Members of the House of Commons: and Sir Francis Russel, becoming, by the death of his elder Brother, Heir apparent to the Lord Russell; it was on the 21st of Jan. carried upon a Debate, That he should abide in the House as he was before. So it is entered in the Original Journal of the House of Commons, which was communicated to me by Mr. Surle, and Mr. Clark, in whose Hands it is now, and is the first Journal that ever was taken in that House.  
But it may be expected that I should next give an account of the Forms of Ordination now agreed on. Twelve were appointed by the Council to prepare the Book; among whom, Heath Bishop of Worcester was one, but he would not consent to the Reformations that were proposed in it: So on the 8th of February he was called before the Council, and required to agree to that which all the rest had consented to. But he could not be prevailed with to do it. 
Heath Bishop of Worcester put in Prison for not agreeing with the others appointed to draw the Book for Ordinations.  Wherefore on the fourth of March he was committed to the Fleet, because (as it is entered in the Council Books) that he obstinately denied to subscribe the Book for the making of Bishops and Priests. He had hitherto opposed every thing done towards Reformation in Parliament, though he had given an entire obedience to it when it was enacted. He was a Man of a gentle temper, and great prudence, that understood Affairs of State better than Matters of Religion. But now it was resolved to rid the Church of those Compliers, who submitted out of fear, or interest, to save their Benefices; but were still ready upon any favourable conjuncture, to return back to the old superstition.  
As for the Forms of Ordination, they found, that the Scripture mentioned only the Imposition of Hands and Prayer. In the Apostolical Constitutions, In the fourth Council of Carthage, and in the pretended Works of Denis the Areopagite, there was no more used. Therefore all those additions, of Anointing, and giving them Consecrated Vestments, were later Inventions. But most of all the conceit, which from the time of the Council of Florence was generally received, that the Rites by which a Priest was ordained, were the delivering him the Vessels for consecrating the Eucharist, with a Power to offer Sacrifice to God for the dead and the living. This was a vain Novelty, only set up to support the belief of Transubstantiation: and had no ground, in the Scriptures, nor the Primitive Practice. So they agreed on a Form of ordaining Deacons, Priests, and Bishops, which is the same we yet use, except in some few words, that have been added since in the Ordination of a Priest, or Bishop. For there was then no express mention made in the words of Ordaining them, that it was for the one, or the other Office: In both it was said, Receive thou the Holy Ghost, in the Name of the Father, etc. But that having been since made use of to prove both Functions the same, it was of late years altered, as it is now. Nor were these words, being the same in giving both Orders, any ground to infer that the Church esteemed them one Order; the rest of the Office showing the contrary very plainly. Another difference between the Ordination Book set out at that time, and that we now use, was, that the Bishop was to lay his one Hand on the Priest's Head, and with his other to give him a Bible, with a Chalice and Bread in it, saying the words now said at the delivery of the Bible. In the Consecration of a Bishop there was nothing more than what is yet in use, save that a Staff was put into his Hand, with this Blessing, Be to the Flock of Christ a Shepherd. By the Rule of this Ordinal, a Deacon was not to be ordained before he was 21, a Priest before he was 24, nor a Bishop before he was 30 years of Age.  

The Additions brought into the Church of Rome in giving Orders.  In this Ritual all those superadded Rites were cut off, which the later Ages had brought in, to dress up these Performances with the more pomp: whereof we have since a more perfect account, than it was possible for them then to have. For in our Age Morinus, a learned Priest of the Oratorian Order, has published the most ancient Rituals he could find; by which it appears how these Offices swelled in every Age by some new addition. About the middle of the sixth Century, they anointed and blessed the Priest's Hands in some parts of France: though the Greek Church never used anointing; nor was it in the Roman Church two Ages after that: for Pope Nicolaus the first plainly says, it was never used in the Church of Rome. In the 8th Century, the Priest's Garments were given with a special Benediction, for the Priests offering expiatory Sacrifices: It was no ancienter that that Phrase was used in Ordinations: and in that same Age there was a special Benediction of the Priests Hands, used before they were anointed: and then his Head was anointed. This was taken partly from the Levitical Law, and partly because the People believed that their Kings derived the Sacredness of their Persons, from their being anointed: So the Priests having a mind to have their Persons secured and exempted from all Secular Power, were willing enough to use this Rite in their Ordinations: and in the 10th Century, when the belief of Transubstantiation was received, the delivering of the Vessels for the Eucharist, with the Power of offering Sacrifices, was brought in, besides a great many other Rites. So that the Church did never tie itself to one certain Form of Ordinations; nor did it always make them with the same Prayers; for what was accounted anciently the Form of Ordination, was in the later Ages but a preparatory Prayer to it.  

Interrogations and Sponsions in the new Book.  The most considerable addition that was made in the Book of Ordinations, was the putting Questions to the Persons to be ordained: who by answering these, make solemn Declarations or Sponsions and Vows to God. The first Question when one is presented to Orders, is, Do you trust that you are inwardly moved by the Holy Ghost, to take upon you this Office and Ministration, to serve God, for the promoting his Glory, and for the edifying of his People? To which he is to answer, He trusts he is. It has been oft lamented, that many come to receive Orders before ever they have seriously read over these Questions, and examined themselves whether they could with a good Conscience make the Answers there prescribed: since it is scarce credible that Men of common honesty would lie in the Presence of God, on so great an occasion: and yet it is too visible, that many have not any such inward vocation, nor have ever considered seriously what it is. If it were well apprehended, that heat that many have to get into Orders would soon abate; who perhaps have nothing in their Eye, but some Place of Profit, or Benefice, to which way must be made by that preceding Ceremony: and so enter into Orders, as others are associated into Fraternities and Corporations, with little previous sense of that Holy Character, they are to receive, when they thus dedicate their Lives and Labours to the Service of God, in the Gospel. In the Primitive Church the apprehension of this made even good and holy Men afraid to enter under such Bonds: and therefore they were often to be dragged almost by force, or catched at unawares, and be so initiated: as appears in the Lives of these two Greek Fathers Nazianzen and chrysostom. If Men make their first step to the Holy Altar, by such a lie, as is their pretending to a motion of the Holy Ghost, concerning which they know little, but that they have nothing at all of it; they have no reason to expect that Blessing which otherwise attends on such Dedications. And it had been happy for the Church, if all those that are authorized to confer Orders, had stood on this more critically; and not been contented with a bare putting these Questions to those who come to be ordained; but had used a due strictness before hand, suitable to that grave admonition of St. Paul's to Timothy, Lay Hands suddenly on no Man, and be not partaker of other men's sins.  
In the Sponsions made by the Priests, they bind themselves to teach the People committed to their charge, to banish away all erroneous Doctrines, and to use both public and private Monitions, and Exhortations, as well to the Sick, as the Whole, within their Cures, as need shall require, and as occasion shall be given. Such as remember that they have plighted their Faith for this to God, will feel the Pastoral Care to be a Load indeed, and so be far enough from relinquishing it, or hiring it out perhaps to a lose or ignorant Mercenary. These are the blemishes and scandals that lie on our Church, brought on it partly by the corruption of some Simoniacal Patrons, but chief by the negligence of some, and the faultiness of other Clergymen: Which could never have lost so much ground in the Nation, upon such trifling accounts, as are the Contests since raised about Ceremonies; if it were not that the People, by such palpable faults in the Persons and behaviour of some Churchmen, have been possessed with prejudices, first against them, and then upon their account against the whole Church: so that these corrupt Churchmen are not only to answer to God for all those Souls within their charge, that have perished through their neglect, but in a great degree for all the mischief of the Schism among us; to the nourishing whereof they have given so great and palpable occasion. The importance of those things made me judge they deserved this digression, from which I now turn to other Affairs.  
The Business of Boulogne lay heavy on the Council. The French had stopped all communication between Calais and it; so that it was not easy to supply it from thence. The Council, to rid the Nation of the Foreigners, sent them all to Calais with 3000 English, and resolved to force a way through, if it came to extremities: but at this time both the French and English were well disposed to a Peace. The King of France knew the Emperor intended to go into Germany next Summer; so he longed to be at liberty to wait on his Motions. 
It is resolved to deliver Boulogne to the French.  The English Council, that opposed the delivery of Boulogne, chief to throw off the Duke of Somerset, that being done, were all convinced that it was not worth the cost and danger of a War: only they stood on the indecency of yielding it; especially, they having raised such clamours against the Protector, when he went about the delivering it up. So they made great shows of preparations to defend it: but at the same time were not unwilling to listen to Propositions of Peace. One Guidotti, a Florentine that lived in England, was employed by the Constable of France, Mountmorancy, to set on a Treaty; yet he was to do it without owning he had any orders from that King. He went often to and again between Paris and London, and at last it was resolved on both sides that there should be a Treaty. 
Pope Paul the third dies.  But at this time there was a great change of Affairs in Italy. Pope Paul the third having held that See fifteen years, died the 10th of November, in the 82d Year of his Age: much broken in mind at the calamity of his Family, the kill of his Son, the loss of Placentia, and the ingratitude of his Grandchild. Upon his death all the Cardinals, being gathered from Bollogna, Trent, and other neighbouring Places, entered the Conclave: where one that is to have such a share in the following part of this Work, was so much concerned, that it will be no impertinent digression to give an account of it. There were great animosities between the Imperialists and the French: Cardinal Farnese had also many Votes that followed him: so that these three Factions, were either of them strong enough to exclude any that was unacceptable to them. 
Cardinal Pool was elected Pope.  Cardinal Pool was set up by Farnese, as a moderate Imperialist, who had carried it so well at Trent, that they saw he would not blindly follow the Emperor. He had lived many years at Viterbo, where he was made Legate, after he had given over his Practices against England. There he gave himself wholly to the Study of Divinity, not without some imputations of favouring Heresy. For one Antonio Flaminio, that was also suspect of Lutheranism, lived with him. Tremellius that learned Jew, who had been Baptised in his House, was also known to incline that way: and many, who left their Monasteries, and went to Germany, used to stay some time with him on their way, and were well received by him: nor would he proceed against any suspected of Heresy. There was causes enough to raise suspicion in a less jealous People than Italians. Yet the vast zeal that he had shown for the exaltation of the Papacy, made all those things be over-looked: He was sent one of the Pope's Legates to Trent, where he asserted the Germane Doctrine of Justification by Faith: But upon the Emperors setting out the Interim he wrote freely against it. He was indeed a Man of an easy and generous temper, but much in the Power of those whom he loved and trusted. Farnese therefore looking on him as one that would be governed by him, and that was acceptable to the Imperialists, and not much hated by the French, the Cardinal of Guise being his Friend, resolved to promote him: and by the scrutiny they made, it was found that they were within two of the number that was requisite. But he seemed so little concerned at it himself, that he desired them not to make too much haste in a thing of that nature: for that dignity was rather to be undertaken with fear, than to be ambitiously desired. The Cardinals, who had heard of such things among the Ancient Romans, but had seen few such modern Instances, and who valued Men by nothing more than their ambitious aspiring imputed this either to dullness, or hypocrisy: He himself seemed nothing affected with it, and did not change his behaviour, and carried it with an equality of mind, that became one who had divided his time between Philosophy and Divinity. Caraffa, that hated him, did all he could to alienate the Conclave from him: he objected to him, not only Heresy, but also the suspicion of incontinence, since he bred up a Nun who was believed to be his Daughter. Of these things he coldly purged himself; he showed that he had suffered so much on the account of Religion in his own Country, that he was beyond the suspicion of Heresy: and he proved that the Girl whom he maintained among the Nuns, was an English-man's Daughter, to whom he had assigned an allowance. Caraffa prevailed little, and the next night the number was complete: so that the Cardinals came to adore him, and make him Pope; but he receiving that, with his usual coldness said, it was night, and God loved light better than darkness, therefore he desired to delay it till day came. The Italians who, what ever Judges they may be about the qualifications of such a Pope as is necessary for their Affairs, understood not this temper of mind, which in better times would have recommended one with the highest advantages, shrunk all from him: and after some intrigues usual on such occasions, chose the Cardinal de Monte, afterwards Pope Julius the third, who gave a strange Omen of what advancements he intended to make, when he gave his own Hat, according to the custom of the Popes who bestow their Hats before they go out of the Conclave, on a mean Servant of his, who had the charge of a Monkey that he kept: and being asked what he observed in him to make him a Cardinal, he answered, as much as the Cardinals had seen in him to make him Pope. But it was commonly said, that the secret of this Promotion was an unnatural affection to him. Upon this occasion I shall refer the Reader to a Letter which I have put in the Collection, 
Collection Number 47.  written by Cardinal Woolsey upon the death of Pope Adrian the sixth, to get himself chosen Pope; it sets out so naturally the Intrigues of that Court on such occasions, that though it belongs to the former Volume, yet having fallen upon it since I published it, I thought it would be no unacceptable thing to insert in this Volume, though it does not belong to it. It will demonstrate how likely it is, that a Bishop chosen by such Arts, should be the infallible Judge of Controversies, and the Head of the Church.  
And now to return to England; 
A Treaty between the English and French.  it was resolved to send Ambassadors to France: who were, the Lord Russel, Paget now made a Lord, Secretary Petre, and Sir John Mason. Their Instructions will be found in the Collection. The Substance of them was, they were not to stick about the Place of Treaty, 
Collection Number 48. Instructions given to the English Ambassadors.  but to have it at Calais, or Boulogne, if it might be: they were to agree to the delivery up of Boulogne, but to demand that the Scotch Queen should be sent back, for perfecting the Marriage formerly agreed on: That the Fortifications of Newhaven, and Blackness, should be ruinated: That the perpetual Pension agreed to King Henry should still be paid, together with all Arrears that were due before the Wars: they were only to insist on the last, if they saw the former could not be obtained: They were to agree the time and manner of the delivery of Boulogne to be as honourable as might be. For Scotland, they being also in War with the Emperor, the King of England could not make Peace with them, unless the Emperor, his Ally, who had made War on them upon his account, were also satisfied: All Places there, were to be offered up, except Roxburgh, and Aymouth. If the French spoke any thing of the Kings marrying their King's Daughter Elizabeth, they were to put it off; since the King was yet so young. They were also at first to agree to no more but a Cessation. So they went over on the 21st of January; the French Commissioners appointed to treat with them were Rochpot, Chastilion, Mortier, and de Sany, who desired the Meeting might be near Boulogne, though the English endeavoured to have brought it to Guisnes. Upon the English laying out their Demands, the French answered them roundly, that for delivering up the Queen of Scots, they would not treat about it; nor about a perpetual Pension; since, as the King was resolved to marry the Scotch Queen to the Dolphin, so he would give no perpetual Pension, which was in effect to become a tributary Prince: but for a Sum of Money they were ready to treat about it. As to Scotland, they demanded, that all the Places that had been taken should be restored, as well as Roxburgh, and Aymouth, as Lauder, and Dunglasse. The latter two were soon yielded to, but the Commissioners were limited as to the former. There was also some discourse of razing the Fortifications of Alderney, and Sark, two small Islands in the Channel, that belonged to England: the latter was in the Hands of the French, who were willing to yield it up, so the Fortifications both in it and Alderny were razed. Upon this there were second Instructions sent over from the Council, (which are in the Collection) that they should so far insist on the keeping of Roxburgh, 
Collection Number 49.  and Aymouth, as to break up their Conference upon it; but if that did not work on the French, they should yield it rather than give over the Treaty. They were also instructed to require Hostages from the French till the Money were all paid, and to offer Hostages on the part of England till Boulogne was delivered; and to struggle in the matter of the Isles all they could, but not to break about it. Between the giving the first and second Instructions, the Lord St. John was created Earl of Wilt-shire, as appears by his Subscriptions. The Commissioners finished their Treaty about the end of February, 
Articles of the Treaty.  on these Articles, On condition that all Claims of either side should be reserved as they were at the beginning of the War. This was a temper between the English demand, of all the Arrears of King Henry's Pension; and the French denial of it: for thus the King reserved all the right he had before the War. Boulogne was to be delivered within six Months, with all the Places about it, and the Ordnance, except what the English had and was to have 1000 l. a year of the Rents of the Bishopric; and for his further Supply, was dispensed with to hold a Prebendary of Canterbury and Westminster. It was thought needless to have two Bishoprics so near one another; and some, gaping after the Lands of both, procured this Union. But I do not see any reason to think, that at any time in this Reign, the suppression of the Deaneries and prebend's in Cathedrals was designed. For neither in the suppression of the Bishoprics of Westminster, Gloucester, or Duresme, was there any attempt made to put down the Deaneries or Prebendaries in these Places: so that I look on this as a groundless conceit, among many others that pass concerning this Reign. For Thirleby of Westminster, there was no cause given to throw him out; for he obeyed all the Laws and Injunctions when they came out, though he generally opposed them when they were making. So to make way for him, William Reps, the Bishop of Norwich, was prevailed with to resign, and he was promoted to that See, vacant (as his Patent has it) by the free resignation of William the former Bishop. And the same day, being the first of April, Ridley was made Bishop of London and Westminster. Both were, according to the common Form, to be Bishops durante vita naturali during Life.  

Proceed against Gardiner.  The See of Winchester had been two years as good as vacant, by the long imprisonment of Gardiner, who had been now above two years in the Tower. When the Book of Common-Prayer was set out, the Lord St. John, and Secretary Petre, were sent with it to him, to know of him whether he would conform himself to it, or not: and they gave him great hopes, that if he would submit, the Protector would sue to the King for mercy to him. He answered, That he did not know himself guilty of any thing that needed mercy: so he desired to be tried, for what had been objected to him, according to Law. For the Book, he did not think that while he was a Prisoner he was bound to give his Opinion about such things, it might be thought he did it, against his Conscience, to obtain his liberty; but if he were out of Prison, he should either obey it, or be liable to punishment according to Law. Upon the Duke of Somersets Fall, the Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Warwick, Sir William Herbert, and Secretary Petre, were sent to him: (Fox says, this was on the 9th of July; but there must be an error in that, for Gardener in his Answer says, That upon the Duke of Somersets coming to the Tower, he looked to have been let out within two days, and had made his farewell Feast, but when these were with him a Month or thereabout had passed: so it must have been in November the former year.) They brought him a Paper, to which they desired he would set his Hand. It contained first a Preface, which was an acknowledgement of former faults, for which he had been justly punished: There were also divers Articles contained in it, 
Some Articles are sent to him.  which were, touching the King's Supremacy; his Power of appointing or dispencing with holidays and Fasts; that the Book of Common-Prayer set out by the King and Parliament was a most Christian and Godly Book, to be allowed of by all Bishops and Pastors in England, and that he should both in Sermons and Discourses commend it to be observed; that the King's Power was complete now when under Age, and that all owed Obedience to him, now, as much as if he were thirty or forty years old; that the six Articles were justly abrogated; and that the King had full Authority to correct and reform what was amiss in the Church both in England and Ireland. He only excepted to the Preface; and offered to Sign all the Articles, but would have had the Preface left out. They bid him rather write on the Margin his Exceptions to it; so he writ, that he could not with a good Conscience agree to the Preface, and with that Exception he set his Hand to the whole Paper. The Lords used him with great kindness, 
Which he Signed with some Exceptions.  and gave him hope that his troubles should be quickly ended. Herbert, and Petre, came to him some time after that, but how soon is not so clear, and pressed him to make the acknowledgement without exception; he refused it, and said, he would never defame himself, for when he had done it, he was not sure but it might be made use of against him as a Confession. Two or three days after that, Ridley was sent to him, together with the other two, and they brought him new Articles. In this Paper the acknowledgement was more general than in the former: It was said here in the Preface, that he had been suspected of not approving the Kings Proceed, and being appointed to preach, had not done it as he ought to have done, and so deserved the King's displeasure, for which he was sorry: The Articles related to the Pope's Supremacy, 
New Articles sent to him.  the suppression of Abbeys and Chantries, Pilgrimages, Masses, Images, the adoring the Sacrament, the Communion in both kinds, the abolishing the old Books, and bringing in the new Book of Service, and that for ordaining of Priests and Bishops, the compleatness of the Scripture, and the use of it in the Vulgar Tongue, the lawfulness of clergymen's Marriage, and to Erasmus' Paraphrase that it had been on good considerations ordered to be set up in Churches. He read all these, and said, he desired first to be discharged of his imprisonment, and then he would freely answer them all, so as to stand by it, and suffer if he did amiss: but he would trouble himself with no more Articles, while he remained in Prison; since he desired not to be delivered out of his troubles in the way of Mercy, but of Justice. After that, he was brought before the Council, and the Lords told him they sat by a special Commission to judge him, and so required him to subscribe the Articles that had been sent to him. He prayed them earnestly to put him to a Trial for the grounds of his Imprisonment, and when that was over he would clearly answer them in all other things: but he did not think he could subscribe all the Articles after one sort; some of them being about Laws already made, which he could not qualify, others of them being matters of Learning, in which he might use more freedom: In conclusion, he desired leave to take them with him, and he would consider how to answer them. But they required him to subscribe them all, without any qualification; 
But he refusing to Sign them,  which he refused to do. Upon this the Fruits of his Bishopric were sequestered; and he was required to conform himself to their Orders within three Months, upon pain of deprivation; and the liberty he had, of walking in some open Galleries, 
Was hardly used.  when the Duke of Norfolk was not in them, was taken from him: and he was again shut up in his Chamber.  
All this was much censured, as being contrary to the liberties of Englishmen, and the Forms of all legal Proceed. It was thought very hard to put a Man in Prison upon a complaint against him; and without any further enquiry into it, after two years' durance to put Articles to him. And they which spoke freely, said it savoured too much of the Inquisition. But the Canon Law not being rectified, and the King being in the Pope's room, there were some things gathered from the Canon Law, and the way of proceeding ex officio, which rather excused than justified this hard measure he met with. The sequel of this business shall be related in its proper place.  

Latimers' advice to the King concerning his Marriage.  This Lent old Latimer preached before the King. The discourse of the Kings marrying a Daughter of France had alarmed all the Reformers, who rather inclined to a Daughter of Ferdinand King of the Romans. (To a Marriage with her it is no wonder they all wished well: for both Ferdinand and his Son Maximilian were looked upon as Princes that in their Hearts loved the Reformation, and the Son was not only the best Prince, but accounted one of the best Men of the Age.) But Latimer in his Sermon advised the King to marry in the Lord; and to take care that Marriages might not be made only as bargains, which was a thing too frequently done, and occasioned so much Whoredom and Divorcing in the Nation. He run out in a sad lamentation of the vices of the time, the vanity of Women, the luxury and irregularity of Men, he complained, that many were Gospelers for love of the Abbey and Chantry Lands: he pressed, that the discipline of the Church, and the excommunicating of scandalous Persons, might be again set up: he advised the King to beware of seeking his pleasure too much, and to keep none about him who would serve him in it: he said he was so old, that he believed he would never appear there more, and therefore he discharged his Conscience freely: he complained the King's Debts were not paid, and yet his Officers lived high, made great Purchases, and built Palaces: he prayed them all to be good to the King, and not to defraud the poor Tradesmen that wrought for his Stores, who were ill paid. This I set down not so much to give an account, of that Sermon, as of the state of the Court and Nation, which he so freely discoursed of.  

Hooper is made Bishop of Gloucester.  Wakeman, that had been Abbot of Tewksbury, and was after made Bishop of Gloucester, died in December last year: and on the third of July this year, Hooper was by Letters Patents appointed to be his Successor. Upon which there followed a Contest that has since had such fatal consequences, that of it we may say with St. James, How great a matter hath a little fire kindled? It has been already shown, that the Vestments used in Divine Service, were appointed to be retained in this Church: but Hooper refused to be consecrated in the Episcopal Vestments. The grounds he went on were, 
But refuses to wear the Episcopal Vestments.  That they were humane Inventions, brought in by Tradition or Custom, not suitable to the simplicity of the Christian Religion: that all such Ceremonies were condemned by St. Paul as beggarly Elements: that these Vestments had been invented chief for celebrating the Mass, with much pomp, and had been consecrated for that effect: therefore he desired to be excused from the use of them. Cranmer, and Ridley, on the other hand, alleged, that Traditions in matters of Faith were justly rejected, but in matters of Rites and Ceremonies Custom was oft a good Argument for the continuance of that which had been long used. 
Upon this a great Dispute rises.  Those Places of St. Paul did only relate to the observance of the Jewish Ceremonies, which some in the Apostles times pleaded were still to be retained, upon the Authority of their first Institution by Moses: so this implying, that the Messiah was not yet come, in whom all these had their accomplishment, the Apostles did condemn the use of them on any such account; though when the bare observing them, without the opinion of any such necessity in them, was likely to gain the Jews, they both used Circumcision, and purified themselves in the Temple: If then they who had such absolute Authority in those matters, did condescend so far to the weakness of the Jews; it was much more becoming Subjects to give obedience to Laws in things indifferent. And the abuse that had been formerly, was no better reason to take away the use of these Vestments, than it was to throw down Churches, and take away the Bells, because the one had been consecrated, and the other baptised, with many superstitious Ceremonies. Therefore they required Hooper to conform himself to the Law. Cranmer, who, to his other excellent qualities, had joined a singular modesty and distrust of himself, writ about this difference to Bucer, reducing it to these two plain Questions. Whether it was lawful and free from any sin against God, for the Ministers of the Church of England to use those Garments in which they did then officiate; since they were required to do it by the Magistrates command? And whether he that affirmed that it was unlawful, or on that account refused, to use those Vestments, did not sin against God; calling that unclean, which God had sanctified, and the Magistrate required; since he thereby disturbed the public order of the Kingdom? To this Bucer writ a large Answer on the 8th of December this Year. 
Bucers' Opinion concerning them.  He thought that those who used these Garments ought to declare they did not retain them as parts of Moses Law, but as things commanded by the Law of the Land: he thought every Creature of God was good, and no former abuse could make it so ill, that it might not be retained; and since these Garments had been used by the Ancient Fathers before Popery, and might still be of good use to the weak when well understood, and help to maintain the Ministerial Dignity, and to show that the Church did not of any lightness change old Customs; he thought the retaining them was expedient: that so the People might, by seeing these Vestments, consider of the candour and purity that became them: and in this sense he thought to the Pure all things were pure; and so the Apostles complied in many things with the Jews. Upon the whole matter, he thought they sinned who refused to obey the Laws in that particular. But he added, That since these Garments were abused by some to superstition, and by others to be matter of contention, he wished they were taken away, and a more complete Reformation established: he also prayed that a stop might be put to the spoiling of Churches, and that Ecclesiastical Discipline against offenders might be set up: for, said he, unless these manifest and horrid Sacrileges be put down, and the complete Kingdom of Christ be received, so that we all submit to his Yoke; how intolerably shall the wrath of God break out on this Kingdom? The Scriptures sets many such Examples before our Eyes, and Germany offers a most dreadful prospect of what England might look for.  
He writ also to Hooper upon the same Argument. He wished the Garments were removed by Law; but argued fully for the use of them till then: he lamented the great corruptions that were among the Clergy, and wished that all good Men would unite their strength against these; and then lesser abuses would be more easily redressed. He also answered Hoopers' Objections on the Principles formerly laid down. Peter Martyr was also writ to; and, as he writ to Bucer, he was fully of his mind, and approved of all he had writ about it. 
And P. Martyrs.  And he added these words, which I shall set down in his own terms, copied from the Original Letter: Quae de Hopero ad me scribis, non potuerunt non videri mira; Certè illis auditis obstupui. Sed bene habet, quid Episcopi Literas meas viderunt; unde invidia ego quidem sum liberatus. Ecce illius causa sic jacet, ut melioribus & pijs nequaquam probetur. Dolet, dolet, idque mihi gravissimè, talia inter Evangelij professores contingere. Ille toto hoc tempore, cum illi sit interdicta concio, non videtur posse quiescere: suae fidei confessionem edidit, qua rursus multorum animos exacerbavit: deinde queritur de Consiliarijs, & fortasse, quod mihi non refert, de nobis: Deus foelicem Catastrophen non laetis actibus imponat. In English: What you wrote to me about Hooper could not but seem wonderful to me: when I heard it I was struck with it. It was well that the Bishops saw my Letters, by which I am freed from their displeasure. His business is now at that pass, that the best and most pious disprove of it. I am grieved, and sadly grieved, that such things should fall out among the Professors of the Gospel. All this while in which he is suspended from preaching, he cannot be at rest: he has set out a profession of his Faith, by which he has provoked many: he complains of the Privy-Councellors, and perhaps of us too, of which he says nothing to me. God give an happy issue to these uncomfortable beginnings. This I set down more fully, that it may appear how far either of these Divines were from cherishing such stiffness in Hooper. He had been Chaplain to the Duke of Somerset, as appeared by his defence of himself in Bonner's Process; yet he obtained so much favour of the Earl of Warwick, that he writ earnestly in his behalf to the Archbishop to dispense with the use of the Garments, and the Oath of Canonical Obedience at his Consecration. Cranmer wrote back, That he could not do it without incurring a Praemunire: So the King was moved to write to him, warranting him to do it, without any danger which the Law could bring on him for such an omission. But though this was was done on the 4th of August, yet he was not consecrated till March next year; and in the mean while it appears by Peter Martyrs Letters, that he was suspended from Preaching.  

A Congregation of Germans in London.  This Summer John a Lasco, with a Congregation of Germans that fled from their Country upon the persecution raised there, for not receiving the Interim, was allowed to hold his Assembly at St. Augustine's in London. The Congregation was erected into a Corporation. John a Lasco was to be Superintendent, and there were four other Ministers associated with him. For the curiosity of the thing, I have put the Patents in the Collection. 
Collection Number 51.  There were also 380 of the Congregation made Denizens of England, as appears by the Records of their Patents. But a Lasco did not carry himself with that decency that became a Stranger who was so kindly received: for he wrote against the Orders of this Church, both in the matter of the Habits, and about the Posture in the Sacrament, being for sitting rather than kneeling.  

Polidore Virgil leaves England.  This Year Polidore Virgil, who had been now almost forty years in England, growing old, desired leave to go nearer the Sun. It was granted him on the second of June: and in consideration of the public Service he was thought to have done the Nation by his History, 
Rot. Pat. 4 Ed. 6. 2. Part.  he was permitted to hold his Archdeaconry of Wells, and his Prebend of Nonnington, notwithstanding his absence out of the Kingdom. On the 26th of June Poinet was declared Bishop of Rochester, and Coverdale was made Coadjutor to Veysy Bishop of Exeter.  
About the end of this Year, or the beginning of the next, 
A Review of the Common-Prayer-Book.  there was a review made of the Common-Prayer-Book. Several things had been continued in it, either to draw in some of the Bishops, who by such yielding might be prevailed on to concur in it; or in compliance with the People, who were fond of their old Superstitions. So now a review of it was set about. Martin Bucer was consulted in it; and Aleffe, the Scotch Divine mentioned in the former part, translated it into Latin for his use. Upon which Bucer writ his Opinion, which he finished, 
Bucers' Advice concerning it.  the fifth of January in the Year following. The Substance of it was, That he found all things in the Common-Service and daily Prayers were clearly according to the Scriptures. He advised, that in Cathedrals the Choir might not be too far separated from the Congregation, since in some Places the People could not hear them read Prayers. He wished there were a strict discipline to exclude scandalous Livers from the Sacrament. He wished the old Habits might be laid aside, since some used them superstitiously, and others contended much about them. He did not like the half Office of Communion or Second-Service to be said at the Altar, when there was no Sacrament. He was offended with the requiring the People to receive at least once a year, and would have them pressed to it much more frequently. He disliked that the Priests generally read Prayers with no devotion, and in such a Voice that the People understood not what they said. He would have the Sacrament delivered into the Hands, and not put into the Mouths of the People. He censured praying for the dead, of which no mention is made in the Scripture, nor by Justin Martyr an Age after. He thought that the Prayer, that the Elements might be to us the Body and Blood of Christ, favoured Transubstantiation too much: a small variation might bring it nearer to a Scripture Form. He complained that Baptism was generally in Houses, which being the receiving Infants into the Church, aught to be done more publicly. The Hallowing of the Water, the Chrism, and the White Garment he censured, as being too Scenical: He excepted to the exorcising the Devil, and would have it turned to a Prayer to God: that authoritative way of saying I adjure not being so decent. He thought the Godfathers answering in the Child's Name, not so well as to answer in their own, that they should take care in these things, all they could. He would not have Confirmation given upon a bare recital of the Catechism; but would have it delayed till the Persons did really desire to renew the Baptismal Vow. He would have Catechising every Holiday, and not every sixth Sunday: and that People should be still Catechised, after they were Confirmed, to preserve them from ignorance. He would have all Marriages to be made in the full Congregation. He would have the giving Unction to the Sick, and praying for the Dead, to be quite laid aside; as also the offering the Chrisomes at the Churching of Women. He advised, that the Communion should be celebrated four times a year. He sadly lamented the want of faithful Teachers; and entreated the Archbishop to see to the mending of this, and to think on some stricter ways of examining those who were to be ordained, than barely the putting of some Questions to them. All this I have gathered out the more largely, that it may appear how carefully things were then considered: and that almost in every particular, the most material things which Bucer excepted to, were corrected afterwards.  
But at the same time, the King having taken such care of him, that hearing he had suffered in his health last Winter by the want of a Stove, such as is used in Germany, he had sent him 20 l. to have one made for him; he was told that the King would expect a New-years-gift from him, of a Book made for his own use. So upon that occasion he writ a Book entitled, 
Bucer writ a Book for the King's use.  Concerning the Kingdom of Christ. He sets out in it the miseries of Germany, which he says were brought on them by their sins; for they would bear no discipline; nor were the Ministers so earnest in it, as was fitting: though in Hungary it was otherwise. He writes largely of Ecclesiastical Discipline; which was intended chief for separating ill Men from the Sacrament; and to make good Men avoid their company, whereby they might be ashamed. He presses much the Sanctification of the Lordsday, and of the other holidays, and that there might be many days of Fasting: but he thought Lent had been so abused, that other times for it might be more expedient. He complains much of Pluralities, and Nonresidence, as a remainder of Popery; so hurtful to the Church, that in many Places there were but one or two, or few more Sermons in a whole year: But he thought that much was not to be expected from the greatest part of the Clergy, unless the King would set himself vigorously to Reform these things. Lastly, he would have a complete exposition of the Doctrine of the Church digested, and set out: and he proposed divers Laws to the King's consideration; as,  
1. For Catechising Children.  
2. For Sanctifying holidays.  
3. For Preserving Churches for God's Service, not to be made Places for walking, or for Commerce.  
4. To have the Pastoral Function entirely restored to what it ought to be, that Bishops throwing off all Secular cares, should give themselves to their Spiritual Employments: he advises that Coadjutors might be given to some, and a Council of Presbyters be appointed for them all. It was plain, that many of them complied with the Laws against their minds, these he would have deprived. He advises Rural Bishops to be set over twenty or thirty Parishes, who should gather their Clergy often together, and inspect them closely: And that a Provincial Synod should meet twice a year, where a Secular Man in the King's Name should be appointed to observe their Proceed.  
5. For restoring Church-Lands, that all who served the Church might be well provided: If any lived in luxury, upon their high Revenues, it was reasonable to make them use them better; but not to blame or rob the Church for their fault.  
6. For the maintenance of the Poor, for whom anciently a fourth part of the Church's Goods was assigned.  
The 7th was about Marriage. That the prohibited degrees might be well settled; Marriage without consent of Parents annulled; and that a second Marriage might be lawful after a Divorce, which he thought might be made for Adultery and some other reasons.  
8. For the Education of Youth.  
9 For restraining the excess of some People's living.  
10. For reforming and explaining the Laws of the Land which his Father had begun.  
11. To place good Magistrates; that no Office should be sold, and that Inferior Magistrates should often give an account to the Superior, of the Administration of their Offices.  
12. To consider well who were made Judges.  
13. To give order that none should be put in Prison upon slight offences.  
The 14th was for moderating of some punishments; chief, the putting Thiefs to death, which was too severe, whereas Adultery was too slightly passed over: though Adultery be a greater wrong to the suffering Party, than any Theft, and so was punished with death by Moses Law.  
This Book was sent to the young King. And he having received it, 
The King thinks of Reforming many abuses.  set himself to write a general Discourse about a Reformation of the Nation, which is the second among the Discourses written by him, that follow the Journal of his Reign. 
Coll. K. Edw. Remains, Number 2.  In it he takes notice of the Corrections of the Book of the Liturgy which were then under consideration; as also that it was neccssary there should be a Rule of Church-discipline, for the censures of ill Livers; but he thought that Power was not to be put into the Hands of all the Bishops at that time. From thence he goes on to discourse of the ill state of the Nation, and of the remedies that seemed proper for it. The first he proposes was the Education of Youth, next the correction of some Laws, and there either broke it off, or the rest of it is lost. In which, as there is a great discovery of a marvellous probity of mind, so there are strange hints, to come from one not yet fourteen years of Age. And yet it is all written with his own Hand, and in such a manner, that any who shall look on the Original, will clearly see it was his own Work: The Style is simple, and suitable to a Child: few Men can make such Composures, but somewhat above a Child will appear in their Style, which makes me conclude it was all a device of his own.  
This Year the King began to write his Journal himself. 
He writes a Journal of all Proceed during his Reign.  The first three years of his Reign are set down in a short way of recapitulating matters. But this Year he set down what was done every day, that was of any moment, together with the Foreign News that were sent over. And oftentimes he called to mind Passages, some days after they were done; and sometime after the middle of a Month he tells what was done in the beginning of it. Which shows clearly it was his own Work; for if it had been drawn for him by any that were about him, and given him only to copy out for his memory, it would have been more exact; so that there remains no doubt with me but that it was his own originally. And therefore since all who have writ of that time have drawn their Informations from that Journal; and though they have printed some of the Letters he wrote, when a Child, which are indeed the meanest things that ever fell from him; yet, except one little fragment, nothing of it has been yet published; I have copied it out entirely, and set it before my Collection. 
Coll. K. Edw. Remains, Number 1.  I have added to it some other Papers that were also writ by him. The first of these is in French: It is a Collection of many Passages out of the Old Testament against Idolatry, and the worshipping of Images, which he dedicated to his Uncle, being then Protector: the Original under his own hand lies in Trinity College in Cambridge, from whence I copied the Preface and the Conclusion, which are printed in the Collection after his Journal.  

Ridley visits his Diocese.  There was nothing else done of moment this Year, in relation to the Church, save the Visitation made of the Diocese of London by Ridley their new Bishop. But the exact time of it is not set down in the Register. It was according to King Edward's Journal some time before the 26th of June: for he writes, that on that day Sir Jo. Yates the high Sheriff of Essex was sent down with Letters to see the Bishop of London's Injunctions performed, which touched the plucking down of Superaltaries, Altars, and such like Ceremonies and Abuses: so that the Visitation must have been about the beginning of June. The Articles of it are in Bishop Sparrows Collection. They are concerning the Doctrines and Lives, and Labours, and Charities, of the Clergy; viz. Whether they spoke in favour of the Bishop of Rome, or against the use of the Scripture, or against the Book of Common-Prayer? Whether they stirred up Sedition, or sold the Communion or Trentals, or used private Masses any where? Whether any Anabaptists or others used private Conventicles, with different Opinions and Forms from these established? Whether there were any that said the wickedness of the Minister took away the effect of the Sacraments, or denied Repentance to such as sinned after Baptism? Other Questions were about Baptisms, and Marriages. Whether the Curates did visit the Sick, and bury the Dead, and expound the Catechism, at least some part of it, once in six weeks? Whether any observed abrogated holidays, or the Rites that were now put down?  

Collection Number 52.  To these he added some Injunctions which are in the Collection. Most of them relate to the old Superstitions, which some of the Priests were still inclinable to practise, and for which they had been gently, if at all, reproved by Bonner. Such were, washing their Hands at the Altar, holding up the Bread, licking the Chalice, blessing their Eyes with the Patten or Sudary, and many other Relics of the Mass. The Ministers were also required to charge the People oft to give Alms, and to come oft to the Communion, and to carry themselves reverently at Church. But that which was most new, was, that there having been great Contests about the Form of the Lords Board, whether it should be made as an Altar, or as a Table; 
He order all Altars to be turned to Tables for the Communion.  Therefore, since the Form of a Table was more like to turn the People from the Superstition of the Popish Mass, and to the right use of the Lords Supper, he exhorted the Curates and Churchwardens to have it in the fashion of a Table, decently covered: and to place it in such part of the Choir or Chancel as should be most meet, so that the Ministers and Communicants should be separated from the rest of the People: and that they should put down all By-Altars.  
There are many Passages among Ancient Writers, that show their Communion-Tables were of Wood; and that they were so made as Tables, that those who fled into Churches for Sanctuary, did hid themselves under them. The Name Altar came to be given to these generally, because they accounted the Eucharist a Sacrifice of Praise, as also a Commemorative Sacrifice of the Oblation which Christ made of himself on the Cross. From hence it was, that the Communion-Table was called also an Altar. But now it came to be considered, whether, as these terms had been on good reason brought in to the Church, when there was no thought of the corruptions that followed; so if it was not fit, since they did still support the belief of an expiatory Sacrifice in the Mass, and the opinion of Transubstantiation, and were always but Figurative Forms of Speech, to change them: and to do that more effectually, to change the Form and Place of them, Some have fond thought, that Ridley gave this Injunction after the Letter which the Council writ to him, in the end of November following. But as there was no fit time to begin a Visitation after that time this year, so the Style of the Injunctions shows they were given before the Letter. The Injunction only exhorts the Curates to do it, which Ridley could not have done in such soft words, after the Council had required and commanded him to do it: So it appears, that the Injunctions were given only by his Episcopal Power. And that afterwards the same matter being brought before the Council, who were informed, that in many Places there had been Contests about it, some being for keeping to their old Custom, and others being set on a change, the Council thought fit to send their Letter concerning it to Ridley in the beginning of November following. The Letter sets out, that Altars were taken away in divers Places, upon good and godly considerations, but still continued in other Places; by whi●h there risen much contention among the King's Subjects; therefore, for avoiding that, they did charge and command him to give substantial order through all his Diocese for removing all Altars, and setting up Tables every where for the Communion to be administered in some convenient part of the Chancel: And that these Orders might be the better received, there were Reasons sent with the Letters, which he was to cause discreet Preachers to declare, in such Places as he thought fit, and that himself should set them out in his own Cathedral, if conveniently he could,  
The Reasons were, to remove the People from the superstitious Opinions of the Popish Mass: and because a Table was a more proper Name than an Altar, for that on which the Sacrament was laid. And whereas in the Book of Common-Prayer these terms are promiscuously used, it is done without prescribing any thing about the Form of them, so that the changing the one into the other did not alter any part of the Liturgy. It was observed, that Altars were erected for the Sacrifices under the Law, which ceasing they were also to cease: and that Christ had instituted the Sacrament not at an Altar, but at a Table. And it had been ordered by the Preface to the Book of Common-Prayer, that if any doubt arose about any part of it, the determining of it should be referred to the Bishop of the Diocese. Upon these Reasons therefore was this change ordered to be made all over England, which was universally executed this year.  
There began this year a Practice which might seem in itself not only innocent, but good, 
Sermons on working days forbidden.  of preaching Sermons and Lectures on the week days, to which there was great running from neighbouring Parishes. This as it begat emulation in the Clergy, so it was made use of as a Pretence for many to leave their labour, and gad idly about. Upon complaint therefore made of it, Ridley had a Letter sent to him from the Council, against all preaching on working-days, on which there should only be Prayers. How this was submitted to then, is not clear. But it cannot be denied, that there have been since that time excesses on all hands in this matter: while some have, with great sincerity and devotion, kept up these in Market-Towns; but others have carried them on with too much faction, and a design to detract from such as were not so eminent in their way of preaching. Upon these abuses, while some Rulers have studied to put all such Performances down, rather than to correct the abuses in them, great contradiction has followed on it; and the People have been possessed with unjust prejudices against them, as hinderers of the Word of God; and that opposition has kept up the zeal for these Lectures. Which nevertheless, since they have been more freely preached, have of late years produced none of the ill effects that did follow them formerly when they were endeavoured to be suppressed.  
And thus I end the Transactions about Religion this Year. The rest of the Affairs at home were chief for the regulating of many abuses, that had grown up and been nourished by a long continuance of War. All the Foreign Soldiers were dismissed. And though the Duke of Lunenburg had offered the King 10000 Men to his assistance, and desired to enter into a Treaty of Marriage for the Lady Mary: they only thanked him for the offer of his Soldiers, of which they, being now at peace with all their Neighbours, had no need; and since the Proposition for marrying the Lady Mary to the Infant of Portugal was yet in dependence, they could not treat in that kind with any other Prince till that Overture was some way ended. There were endeavours also for encouraging Trade, and reforming the Coin. And at the Court things began to put on a new Visage: for there was no more any faction; the Duke of Somerset, and the Earl of Warwick, being now joined into a near alliance; the Earls eldest Son, the Lord Lisle, marrying the Duke's Daughter; so that there was a good prospect of happy times.  

The Affairs of Scotland.  In Scotland, the Peace being proclaimed, the Government was now more entirely in the Hands of the Duke of Castelherault, who gave himself up wholly to the Counsels of his base Brother, who was Archbishop of St. Andrews. And he was so abandoned to his pleasures, that there was nothing so bad that he was ashamed of. He kept another Man's Wife openly for his Concubine. There were also many excesses in the Government. Which things, as they alienated all People's minds from the Clergy, so they disposed them to receive the new Doctrines, which many Teachers were bringing from England, and prepared them for the changes that followed afterwards. The Queen Mother went over into France in September, pretending it was to see her Daughter, and the rest of her Kindred there: where she laid down the Method for the wresting of the Government of Scotland out of the Governors' Hands, and taking it into her own.  

And of Germany.  The Emperor appointed a Diet of the Empire to meet in the end of July, and required all to appear personally at it, except such as were hindered by sickness, of which they were to make Faith upon Oath. And at the same time he proscribed the Town of Magdeburg. But the Magistrates of that Town set out a large Manifesto for their own vindication, as they had done the former Year. They said, they were ready to give him all the obedience, that they were bound to by the Laws of the Empire: they were very apprehensive of the mischiefs of a Civil War: they were not so blind as to think they were able to resist the Emperor's great Armies, lifted up with so many Victories, if they trusted only to their own strength: they had hitherto done no act of hostility to any, but what they were forced to for their own defence. It was visible, the true ground of the War of Germany was Religion, to extinguish the Light of the Gospel, and to subdue them again to the Papal Tyranny. For the Artifices that were formerly used to disguise it did now appear too manifestly; so that it was not any more denied. But it would be too late to see it, when Germany was quite oppressed. In Civil Matters, they said, they would yield to the miseries of the time. But St. Peter had taught them that it was better to obey God than Man: and therefore they were resolved to put all things to hazard, rather than to make Shipwreck of Faith and a good Conscience. There were Tumults raised in Strasburg, and divers other Towns, against those who set up the Mass among them; and generally all Germany was disposed to a Revolt, if they had had but a Head to lead them.  
The Emperor had also set out a very severe Edict in Flanders, when he left it; against all that favoured the new Doctrines, as they were called. But the execution of this was stopped at the intercession of the Town of Antwerp, when they perceived the English were resolved to remove from thence, and carry their Trade to some other Place. When the Diet was opened, the Emperor pressed them to submit to the Council which the new Pope had removed back to Trent. Maurice of Sax● answered, he could not submit to it, unless all that had been done formerly in it should be reviewed, and the Divines of the Ausburg Confession were both heard and admitted to a Suffrage, and the Pope should subject himself to their Decrees, and dispense with the Oath which the Bishops had sworn to him. On these terms he would submit to it, and not otherwise. This was refused to be entered into the Registers of the Diet by the Elector of Mentz; but there was no haste, for the Council was not to sit till the next year. The Emperor complained much, that the Interim was not generally received: to which it was answered by the Princes, that it was necessary to give the People time to overcome their former prejudices. All seemed to comply with him. And Maurice did so insinuate himself into him, that the Siege of Magdeburg being now form, and a great many Princes having gathered Forces against it, among whom the Duke of Brunswick, and the Duke of Mekleburg were the most forward; yet he got himself declared by the Diet General of the Empire, for the reduction of that Place, and he had 100000 Crowns for undertaking it, and 60000 Crowns a Month were appointed for the expense of the War. He saw well, that if Magdeburg were closely pressed, it would soon be taken, and then all Germany would be brought to the Emperor's devotion: and so the War would end in a slavery. But he hoped so to manage this small remainder of the War, as to draw great effects from it. This was a fatal step to the Emperor, thus to trust a Prince who was of a different Religion, and had a deep resentment of the injury he had done him, in detaining his Father-in-law the Landgrave of Hesse Prisoner, against the Faith he had given him. But the Emperor reckoned, that as long as he had John Duke of Saxe in his Hands, Maurice durst not departed from his Interests; since it seemed an easy thing for him to repossess the other of his Dominions and Dignity. Thus was the crafty Emperor deluded, and now put that, upon which the completing of his great designs depended, into the Hands of one that proved too hard for him at that in which he was such a Master, Cunning and Dissimulation.  

1551. The Compliance of the Popish Clergy.  In these Consultations did this Year end. In the beginning of the next Year, there was a great complaint brought against Dr. Oglethorp, afterwards Bishop of Carlisle under Queen Mary, and now Precedent of Magdalen College in Oxford. But he, to secure himself from that part of the Complaint that related to Religion, being accused as one that was against the new Book of Service, and the Kings other Proceed, Signed a Paper, 
Collection Number 53.  (which will be found in the Collection) in which he declared, That he had never taught any thing openly against those, but that he thought them good, if well used: and that he thought the order of Religion now set forth to be better and much nearer the use of the Apostolical and Primitive Church than that which was formerly: and that in particular, he did approve of the Communion in both kinds, the People's communicating always with the Priest, the Service in English, and the Homilies that had been set forth: and that he did reject the lately received Doctrine of Transubstantiation, as being not agreeable to the Scriptures, or to Ancient Writers: but he thought there was an inconceivable Presence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament, and that therefore it should be received not without great examination beforehand. So compliant was he now, though he became of another mind in Queen Mary's time; yet than he was more moderate, than the greatest part of those who did now comply most servily. In particular, Dr. Smith had written a Book for the Caelibate of Priests, and had opposed all the Changes that had been made: He was brought to London upon the Complaints that were sent up against him from Oxford, but after a whiles imprisonment, he was set at liberty, giving Surety for his good behaviour: and carried himself so obediently after it, that Cranmer got his Sureties to be discharged, upon which he writ him a Letter as full of acknowledgement as was possible: 
Collection Number 54.  which is in the Collection. He protested he should retain the sense of it as long as he lived: he wished that he had never written his Book of the Caelibate of Priests, which had been printed against his Will: he found he was mistaken in that which was the foundation of it all, that the Priests of England had taken a Vow against Marriage: he desired to see some of the Collections Cranmer had made against it. (It seems Cranmer was enquiring after a MS. of Ignatius' Epistles, for he tells him, They were in Magdalen College Library:) he acknowledged the Archbishops great gentleness toward all those who had been complained of for Religion in that University: and protested, that for his own part, if ever he could serve his basest Servant, he would do it; wishing that he might perish if he thought otherwise than he said: and wished him long Life for the propagation and advancement of the Christian Doctrine. Soon after he writ another Letter to Cranmer, in which he cited some Passages out of Austin concerning his Retractations; and professes he would not be ashamed to make the like, and to set forth Christ's true Religion; and called, in St. Paul's words, God to be a Witness against his Soul if he lied. He had also in the beginning of this Reign made a Recantation Sermon of some Opinions he had held concerning the Mass, but what these were, King Edward's Journal (from whence I gather it) does not inform us. Day Bishop of Chichester did also now so far comply, as to preach a Sermon at Court against Transubstantiation, though he had refused to set his Hand to the Book of Common-Prayer, before it was enacted by Law. For the Principle that generally run among the Popish Party, was, that though they would not consent to the making of such Alterations in Religion, yet being made, they would give obedience to them, which Gardiner plainly professed: and it appeared in the practice of all the rest. This was certainly a gross sort of compliance, in those who retained the old Opinions, and yet did now declare against them; and in the Worship they offered up to God, acted contrary to them; which was the highest degree of prevarication both with God and Man that was possible. But Cranmer was always gentle and moderate. He left their private Consciences to God: but thought, that if they gave an external obedience, the People would be brought to receive the Changes more easily; whereas the proceeding severely against them might have raised more opposition. He was also naturally a Man of Bowels and Compassion, and did not love to drive things to extremities: he considered that Men who had grown old in some errors could not easily lay them down, and so were by degrees to be worn out of them. Only in the Proceed against Gardiner and Bonner, he was carried beyond his ordinary temper. But Gardiner he knew to be so inveterate a Papist, and so deep a Dissembler, that he was for throwing him out, not so much for the Particulars objected to him, as upon the ill Character he had of him. Bonner had also deceived him so formerly, and had been so cruel a Persecutor upon the Statute of the Six Articles, and was become so brutal and luxurious, that he judged it necessary to purge the Church of him. And the Sees of London, and Winchester, were of such consequence, that he was induced, for having these well supplied, to stretch a little in these Proceed against those dissembling Bishops.  
In the end of February he lost his friend Martin Bucer, 
Bucers' Death.  on whose assistance he had depended much, in what remained yet to be done. Bucer died of the Stone, and Griping of the Guts, on the 28th of February. He lay ill almost all that Month, and expressed great desire to die. Bradford, who will be mentioned in the next Book with much Honour, waited most on him in his sickness. He lamented much the desolate State of Germany, and expressed his apprehensions of some such stroke coming upon England, by reason of the great dissoluteness of the People's Manners, of the want of Ecclesiastical Discipline, and the general neglect of the Pastoral Charge. He was very patiented in all his pain, which grew violent on him; he lay oft silent, only after long intervals cried out sometimes, Chastise me Lord, but throw me not off in mine old Age. He was by order from Cranmer, and Sir John Cheek, buried with the highest Solemnities that could be devised, to express the value the University had for him. The Vicechancellor, and all the Graduates, and the Major, with all the Town, accompanied his Funeral to St. Mary's; where, after Prayers, Haddon the University Orator made such a Speech concerning him, and pronounced it with that affection, that almost the whole Assembly shed Tears. Next Dr. Parker, that had been his most intimate Friend, made an English Sermon, in his praise, and concerning the sorrowing for our departed Friends. And the day following Dr. Redmayn, than Mr. of Trinity College, made another Sermon concerning Death: and in it gave a full account of Bucers' Life and Death. He particularly commended the great sweetness of his temper, to all, but remarkably to those who differed from him. Redmayn and he had differed in many things, both concerning Justification, and the Influences of the Divine Grace. But he said, as Bucer had satisfied him in some things, so he believed if he had lived he had satisfied him in more; and that he being dead, he knew none alive from whom he could learn so much. This Character given him by so grave and learned a Man, who was in many Points of a different persuasion from him, was a great commendation to them both. And Redmayn was indeed an extraordinary Person. All in the University, that were eminent either in Greek or Latin Poetry, did adorn his Coffin with Epitaphs: in which they expressed a very extraordinary sense of their loss: about which one Carr writ a copious and passionate Letter to Sir John Cheek. But Peter Martyr bore his death with the most sensible sorrow that could be imagined; having in him lost a Father, and the only intimate Friend he had in England. 
His Character.  He was a very learned, judicious, pious, and moderate Person. Perhaps he was inferior to none of all the Reformers for Learning: but for Zeal, for true Piety, and a most tender care of preserving Unity among the Foreign Churches, Melancthon and he, without any injury done the rest, may be ranked apart by themselves. He was much opposed by the Popish Party at Cambridge; who, though they complied with the Law, and so kept their Places, yet either in the way of Argument, as it had been for disputes sake, or in such Points as were not determined, set themselves much to lessen his esteem. Nor was he furnished naturally with the quickness that is necessary for a Dispute, from which they studied to draw advantages: and therefore Peter Martyr writ to him to avoid all public Disputes with them. For they did not deal candidly on these occasions. They often kept up their Questions till the hour of the Dispute, that so the extemporary faculty of him who was to preside might be the more exposed; and right or wrong they used to make Exclamations, and run away with a Triumph: In one of his Letters to Bucer, he particularly mentions Dr. Smith for an Instance of this. It was that Smith he said who writ against the Marriage of Priests, and yet was believed to live in Adultery with his Man's Wife. This Letter was occasioned by the Disputes that were in August the former Year, between Bucer and Sedgwick, Young and Pern, about the Authority of the Scripture, and the Church. Which Disputes Bucer intending to publish, caused them to be writ out, and sent the Copy to them to be corrected, offering them, that if any thing was omitted that they had said, or if they had any thing else to say which was forgot in the Dispute, they might add it: but they sent back the Papers to him without vouchsafing to read them. At Ratisbone he had a Conference with Gardiner, who was then King Henry's Ambassador: in which Gardener broke out into such a violent passion, that as he spared no reproachful words, so the Company thought he would have fallen on Bucer and beat him: he was in such disorder, that the little Vein between his Thumb and Forefinger did swell and palpitate, which Bucer said he had never before that observed in any Person in his life.  
But as Bucer was taken away by death, 
Gardiner is deprived.  so Gardiner was soon after put out, which was a kind of death; though he had afterwards a Resurrection fatal to very many. There was a Commission issued out, to the Archbishop, the Bishops of London, Ely, and Lincoln, Secretary Petre, Judge Hales, Griffith, and Leyson, two Civilians, and Goodrick, and Gosnosd, two Masters of Chancery, to proceed against Gardener for his contempt in the matters formerly objected to him. He put in a Compurgation, by which he endeavoured to show there was malice born to him, and Conspiracies against him, as appeared by the Business of Sir Hen. Knevet, mentioned in the former Part, and the leaving him out of the late Kings Will, which he said was procured by his Enemies. He complained of his long Imprisonment without any Trial, and that Articles of one sort after another were brought to him: so that it was plain he was not detained for any Crime, but to try if such usage could force him to do any thing, that should be imposed on him. He declared, that what Order soever were set out by the King's Council, he should never speak against it, but to the Council themselves: and that though he could not give consent to the Changes before they were made, he was now well satisfied to obey them; but he would never make any acknowledgement of any fault. The things chief laid against him, were, that being required, he refused, to preach concerning the King's Power when he was under Age; and that he had affronted Preachers sent by the King into his Diocese; and had been negligent in obeying the King's Injunctions; and continued, after all, so obstinate, that he would not confess his fault, nor ask the King mercy. His Crimes were aggravated by this, that his timely asserting the King's Power under Age, might have been a great mean for preventing the Rebellion and Effusion of Blood; which had afterwards happened, chief on that pretence, to which his obstinacy had given no small occasion. Upon this, many Witnesses were examined; chief the Duke of Somerset, the Earls of Wilt-shire, and Bedford, who deposed against him. But to this he answered, That he was not required to do it by any Order of Council, but only in a private Discourse, to which he did not think himself bound to give obedience. Other Witnesses were also examined on the other Particulars. But he appealed from the Delegates to the King in Person. Yet his Judges, on the 18th of April, gave sentence against him; by which, for his disobedience and contempt, they deprived him of his Bishopric. Upon that he renewed his Protestation and Appeal: and so his Process ended, and he was sent back to the Tower, where he lay till Queen Mary discharged him.  
The same Censures, with the same Justifications, belong both to this, and Bonner's Business: so I shall repeat nothing that was formerly said. He had taken a Commission, as well as Bonner, to hold his Bishopric only during the King's Pleasure; so they both had the less reason to complain which way soever the Royal Pleasure was signified to them. Eight days after, on the 26th of April, Poinet was translated from Rochester to Winchester; and had 2000 Marks a Year in Lands assigned him out of that wealthy Bishopric for his Subsistence. Dr. Story was made Bishop of Rochester. Veysey Bishop of Exeter did also resign, pretending extreme old Age; but he had reserved 485 l. a year in Pension for himself, during Life, out of the Lands of the Bishopric; and almost all the rest he had basely alienated, taking care only of himself, and ruining his Successors. Miles Coverdale was made Bishop of Exeter. So that now the Bishoprics were generally filled with Men well affected to the Reformation. 
Hooper is consecrated upon his Conformity.  The business of Hooper was now also settled. He was to be attired in the Vestments that were prescribed, when he was consecrated, and when he preached before the King, or in his Cathedral, or in any public Place; but he was dispensed with upon other occasions. On these Conditions he was consecrated in March: for the Writ for doing it bears date the 7th of that Month. So now the Bishops being generally addicted to the purity of Religion, most of this Year was spent in preparing Articles, which should contain the Doctrine of the Church of England.  
Many thought they should have begun first of all with those. But Cranmer upon good Reasons was of another mind, though much pressed by Bucer about it. Till the Order of Bishops was brought to such a Model, that the far greater part of them would agree to it, it was much fit to let that design go on slowly, than to set out a Profession of their Belief, to which so great a part of the chief Pactors might be obstinathly averse. The corruptions that were most important were those in the Worship, by which Men in their immediate Addresses to God, were necessarily involved in unlawful compliances, and these seemed to require a more speedy Reformation. But for speculative Points, there was not so pressing a necessity to have them all explained, since in these, Men might, with less prejudice, be left to a freedom in their Opinions. It seemed also advisable to open and ventilate matters in public Disputations and Books, written about them for some years, before they should go too hastily to determine them: lest if they went too fast in that Affair, it would not be so decent to make alterations afterwards; nor could the Clergy be of a sudden brought to change their old Opinions. Therefore upon all these Considerations that Work was delayed till this Year; in which they set about it, and finished it, before the Convocation met in the next February. In what Method they proceeded for the compiling of these Articles; whether they were given out to several Bishops and Divines to deliver their Opinions concerning them, as was done formerly, or not, it is not certain. I have found it often said, that they were framed by Cranmer, and Ridley; which I think more probable; and that they were by them sent about to others, to correct or add to them as they saw cause. 
Collection Number 55.  They are in the Collection with the differences between these, and those set out in Queen Elizabeth's time, marked on the Margin.  

The Articles of Religion are prepared.  They began with the Assertion of the Blessed Trinity, the Incarnation of the Eternal Word, and Christ's descent into Hell; grounding this last on these Words of St. Peter, of his Preaching to the Spirits that were in Prison. The next Article was about Christ's Resurrection: The fifth about the Scriptures containing all things necessary to Salvation: so that nothing was to be held an Article of Faith that could not be proved from thence. The sixth, That the Old Testament was to be kept still.  
The 7th for the receiving the three Creeds, the Apostles, the Nicen, and Athanasius Creed: in which they went according to the received Opinion, that Athanasius was the Author of that Creed, which is now found not to have been compiled till near three Ages after him.  
The 8th makes Original Sin to be the corruption of the nature of all Men descending from Adam; by which they had fallen from Original Righteousness, and were by nature given to evil: but they defined nothing about the derivation of guilt from Adam's sin.  
The 9th for the necessity of prevailing Grace, without which we have no free Will to do things acceptable to God.  
The 10th about Divine Grace, which changeth a Man, and yet puts no force on his Will.  
The 11th, That Men are justified by Faith only; as was declared in the Homily.  
The 12th, That Works done before Grace are not without sin.  
The 13th, Against all Works of Supererogation.  
The 14th, That all Men, Christ only excepted, are guilty of sin.  
The 15th, That Men who have received Grace, may sin afterwards, and rise again by Repentance.  
The 16th, That the blaspheming against the Holy Ghost is, when Men out of malice and obstinately rail against God's Word, though they are convinced of it, yet persecuting it: which is unpardonable.  
The 17th, That Predestination is Gods free Election of those, whom he afterwards justifies: which though it be matter of great comfort to such as consider it aright, yet it is a dangerous thing for curious and carnal Men to pry into: and it being a Secret, Men are to be governed by Gods revealed Will: they added not a word of Reprobation.  
The 18th, That only the Name of Christ, and not the Law or Light of Nature, can save Men.  
The 19th, That all Men are bound to keep the Moral Law.  
The 20th, That the Church is a Congregation of Faithful Men, who have the Word of God Preached, and the Sacraments rightly Administered: and that the Church of Rome, as well as other particular Churches, have erred in matters of Faith.  
The 21st, That the Church is only the Witness and Keeper of the Word of God: but cannot appoint any thing contrary to it, nor declare any Articles of Faith without Warrant from it.  
The 22d, That General Councils may not be gathered without the consent of Princes: that they may err and have erred in matters of Faith: and that their Decrees in matters of Salvation have strength only as they are taken out of the Scriptures.  
The 23d, That the Doctrines of Purgatory, Pardons, Worshipping of Images, and Relics, and Invocation of Saints, are without any Warrant, and contrary to the Scriptures.  
The 24th, That none may Preach or Minister the Sacraments, without he be lawfully called by Men who have lawful Authority.  
The 25th, That all things should be spoken in the Church in a Vulgar Tongue.  
The 26th, That there are two Sacraments, which are not bare Tokens of our Profession, but effectual Signs of Gods good Will to us: which strengthen our Faith, yet not by virtue only of the Work wrought, but in those who receive them worthily.  
The 27th, That the virtue of these does not depend on the Minster of them.  
The 28th, That by Baptism we are the adopted Sons of God; and that Infant Baptism is to be commended, and in any ways to be retained.  
The 29th, That the Lords Supper is not a bare Token of love among Christians; but is the Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ: that the Doctrine of Transubstantiation is contrary to Scripture, and hath given occasion to much Superstition: that a Body being only in one place, and Christ's Body being in Heaven, therefore there cannot be a real and bodily Presence of his Flesh and Blood in it: and that this Sacrament is not to be kept, carried about, lifted up, nor worshipped.  
The 30th, That there is no other Propitiatory Sacrifice, but that which Christ offered on the Cross.  
The 31st, That the Clergy are not by Gods command obliged to abstain from Marriage.  
The 32d. That Persons rightly excommunicated are to be looked on as Heathens, till they are by Penance reconciled, and received by a Judge competent.  
The 33d, It is not necessary that Ceremonies should be the same at all times: but such as refuse to obey lawful Ceremonies, aught to be openly reproved as offending against Law and Order, giving scandal to the weak.  
The 34th, That the Homilies are godly and wholesome, and aught to be read.  
The 35th, That the Book of Common-Prayer is not repugnant, but agreeable to the Gospel; and aught to be received by all.  
The 36th, That the King is Supreme Head under Christ: that the Bishop of Rome hath no Jurisdiction in England: that the Civil Magistrate is to be obeyed for Conscience sake: that Men may be put to death for great offences: and that it is lawful for Christians to make War.  
The 37th, That there is not to be a community of all men's Goods: but yet every Man ought to give to the Poor according to his ability.  
The 38th, That though rash swearing is condemned: yet such as are required by the Magistrate may take an Oath.  
The 39th, That the Resurrection is not already past, but at the last day Men shall rise with the same Bodies they now have.  
The 40th, That departed Souls do not die, nor sleep with their Bodies, and continue without sense, till the last day.  
The 41st, That the Fable of the Millenaries, is contrary to Scripture, and a Jewish dotage.  
The last condemned those who believe that the damned, after some time of suffering, shall be saved.  
Thus was the Doctrine of the Church, cast into a short and plain Form: in which they took care both to establish the positive Articles of Religion, and to cut off the errors formerly introduced in the time of Popery, or of late broached by the Anabaptists and Enthusiasts of Germany: avoiding the niceties of Schoolmen, or the peremptoriness of the Writers of Controversy: leaving in matters that are more justly controvertible, a liberty to Divines to follow their private Opinions, without thereby disturbing the Peace of the Church.  
There was in the Ancient Church a great simplicity in their Creeds, and the Exposition of the Doctrine. But afterwards, upon the breaking out of the Arrian, and other Heresies, concerning the Person of Jesus Christ; as the Orthodox Fathers were put to find out new Terms to drive the Heretics out of the equivocal use of these formerly received; so they too soon grew to love niceties, and to explain Mysteries, with Similes, and other subtleties which they invented: and Councils afterwards were very liberal in their Anathematisms against any who did not agree in all Points to their Terms, or ways of Explanation. And though the Council of Ephesus decreed, That there should be no Additions made to the Creed, they understood that not of the whole Belief of Christians, but only of the Creed itself: and did also load the Christian Doctrine with many Curiosities. But though they had exceeded much, yet the Schoolmen getting the management of the Doctrine, spun their Thread much finer: and did easily procure Condemnations, either by Papal Bulls, or the Decrees of such Councils as met in these times, of all that differed from them in the least matter. Upon the progress of the Reformation, the Germane Writers, particularly Osiander, Illiricus, and Amstorfius, grew too peremptory, and not only condemned the Helvetian Churches, for differing from them in the manner of Christ's Presence in the Sacrament, but were severe to one another for lesser Punctilios, and were at this time exercising the patience of the great and learned Melancton, because he thought that in things of their own Nature indifferent, they ought to have complied with the Emperor. This made those in England resolve on composing these Articles with great temper, in many such Points. Only one Notion that has been since taken up by some, seems not to have been then thought of; which is, That these were rather Articles of Peace than of Belief: so that the subscribing was rather a Compromise not to teach any Doctrine contrary to them, than a Declaration that they believed according to them. There appears no reason for this conceit, no such thing being then declared: so that those who subscribed, did either believe them to be true, or else they did grossly prevaricate.  
The next Business in which the Reformers were employed this Year, 
Some Corrections made in the Common-Prayer-Book.  was the correcting the Common-Prayer-Book, and the making some Additions, with the changing of such Particulars as had been retained only for a time. The most considerable Additions were, That in the daily Service they prepared a short, but most simple and grave, Form of a general Confession of sins; in the use of which they intended that those who made this Confession should not content themselves with a bare recital of the Words, but should join with them in their Hearts, a particular Confession of their private sins to God. To this was added a General Absolution, or Pronouncing in the Name of God, the pardon of sin to all those who did truly repent, and unfeignedly believe the Gospel. For they judged, that if the People did seriously practise this, it would keep up in their thoughts frequent reflections on their sins; and it was thought that the pronouncing a Pardon upon these Conditions might have a better effect on the People, than that absolute and unqualified Pardon which their Priests were wont to give in Confession. By which Absolution in times of Popery the People were made to believe that their sins were thereupon certainly forgiven; than which nothing could be invented that would harden them into a more fatal security; when they thought a full Pardon could be so readily purchased. But now they heard the terms, on which they could only expect it, every day promulgated to them. The other Addition was also made upon good consideration, in the Office of the Communion; to which the People were observed to come without due seriousness or preparation: therefore for awakening their Consciences more feelingly, it was ordered, that the Office of the Communion should begin with a solemn pronouncing of the Ten Commandments: all the Congregation being on their Knees; as if they were hearing that Law anew: and a stop to be made at every Commandment, for the People's devotion, of imploring mercy for their past offences, and Grace to observe it for the time to come. This seemed as effectual a Mean as they could devise, till Church-penitence were again set up, to beget in Men deep reflections on their sins, and to prepare them thereby to receive that Holy Sacrament worthily. The other Changes were, the removing of some Rites which had been retained in the former Book; such as the use of Oil in Confirmation, and Extreme Unction, the Prayers for Souls departed, both in the Communion-Service, and in the Office of Burial, the leaving out some Passages in the Consecration of the Eucharist that seemed to favour the Belief of the Corporal Presence, with the use of the Cross, in it, and in Confirmation, with some smaller variations. And indeed they brought the whole Liturgy to the same Form in which it is now, except some inconsiderable variations that have been since made for the clearing of some Ambiguities.  

An Accounted of kneeling in the Communion.  In the Office of the Communion, they added a Rubric concerning the posture of kneeling, which was appointed to be still the gesture of Communicants. It was hereby declared, that that gesture was kept up as a most reverend and humble way of expressing our great sense of the Mercies of God in the death of Christ there communicated to us: but that thereby there was no adoration intended to the Bread and Wine, which were gross Idolatry: nor did they think the very Flesh and Blood of Christ were there present; since his Body, according to the nature of all other Bodies, could be only in one place at once; and so he being now in Heaven, could not be corporally present in the Sacrament. This was by Queen Elizabeth ordered to be left out of the Common-Prayer-Book; since it might have given offence to some, otherwise inclinable to the Communion of the Church, who yet retained the belief the Corporal Presence. But since his present Majesty's Restoration, many having excepted to the Posture, as apprehending some thing like Idolatry or Superstition might lie under it, if it were not rightly explained; that Explication which was given in King Edward's time, was again inserted in the Common-Prayer-Book.  
For the Posture, it is most likely that the first Institution was in the Table-gesture, which was, lying along on one side. But it was apparent in our Saviour's Practice, that the Jewish Church had changed the Posture of that Institution of the Passover, in whose room the Eucharist came. For though Moses had appointed the Jews to eat their Paschal Lamb, standing, with their Loins girt, with Staves in their Hands, and Shoes on their Feet; yet the Jews did afterwards change this into the Common-Table-Posture: of which change, though there is no mention in the Old Testament, yet we see it was so in our Saviour's time; and since he complied with the common Custom, we are sure that Change was not criminal. It seemed reasonable to allow the Christian Church the like Power in such things with the Jewish: and as the Jews thought their coming into the Promised Land, might be a Warrant to lay aside the Posture appointed by Moses, which became Travellers best; so Christ being now exalted, it seemed fit to receive this Sacrament with higher Marks of outward respect, than had been proper in the first Institution, when he was in the state of Humiliation, and his Divine Glory not yet so fully revealed. Therefore in the Primitive Church they received standing, and bending their Body, in a posture of Adoration. But how soon that Gesture of kneeling came in, is not so exactly observed, nor is it needful to know. But surely there is a great want of ingenuity in them that are pleased to apply these Orders of some later Popes for kneeling at the Elevation, to our kneeling; when ours is not at one such part, which might be more liable to exception, but during the whole Office: by which it is one continued Act of Worship, and the Communicants kneel all the while. But of this no more needs to be said, than is expressed in the Rubric, which occasioned this Digression.  
Thus were the Reformations both of Doctrine and Worship prepared: To which all I can add of this Year, is, 
Some Orders given to the King's Chaplains.  that there were six eminent Preachers chosen out to be the King's Chaplains in Ordinary: two of those were always to attend at Court; and four to be sent over England to preach and instruct the People. In the first year, two of these were to go into Wales, and the other two into Lancashire: the next year two into the Marches of Scotland, and two into Yorkshire; the third year, two into Devon-shire, and two into Hamp-shire; and the fourth year, two into Norfolk, and two into Kent and Sussex. These were Bill, Harle, Pern, Grindal, Bradford, the Name of the sixth is so dashed in the King's Journal, that it cannot be read. These, it seems, were accounted the most zealous and readiest Preachers of that time; who were thus sent about, as Itinerants to supply the defects of the greatest part of the Clergy, who were generally very faulty.  
The Business of the Lady Mary was now taken up with more heat than formerly. The Emperor's earnest suit, 
The Lady Mary continued to have Mass said in her Chapel.  that she might have Mass in her House, was long rejected: for it was said, that as the King did not interpose in the matters of the Emperor's Government, so there was no reason for the Emperor to meddle in his Affairs. Yet the state of England making his friendship at that time necessary to the King, and he refusing to continue in his League, unless his Kinswoman obtained that favour, it was promised, that for some time, in hope she would reform, there should be a forbearance granted. The Emperor's Ambassadors pressed to have a Licence for it under the Great Seal. It was answered, That being against Law, it could not be done: Then they desired to have it certified under the King's Hand, in a Letter to the Emperor; but even that was refused. So that they only gave a Promise for some time by word of mouth, and Paget, and Hobby, who had been the Ambassadors with the Emperor, declared they had spoke of it to him with the same limitations. But the Emperor, who was accustomed to take for absolute what was promised only under conditions, writ to the Lady Mary, that he had an absolute Promise for the free exercise of her Religion: and so she pretended this, when she was at any time questioned about it. The two Grounds she went on, were, that she would follow the ancient and universal way of Worship, and not a new invention that lay within the four Seas: and that she would continue in that Religion, in which her Father had instructed her. To this, the King sent an Answer, telling her, That she was a part of this Church and Nation, and so must conform herself to the Laws of it; that the way of Worship now set up, was no other than what was clearly consonant to the pure Word of God; and the King's being young, was not to be pretended by her, lest she might seem to agree with the late Rebels. After this, she was sent for to Court, and pains was taken to instruct her better. But she refused to hear any thing, or to enter into any reasonings, but said, she would still do as she had done. And she claimed the Promise that was said to be made to the Emperor. But it was told her, that it was but temporary and conditional. Whereupon the last Summer she was designing to fly out of England; and the King of France gave Sir John Mason, the English Resident, notice, that the Regent of Flanders had hired one Scipperus who should Land on the Coast of Essex, as if it had been to victual his Ship, and was to have conveyed her away. Upon this Information, order was given to see well to the Coast; so the design being discovered, nothing could be effected. It was certainly a strange advice to carry her away, and no less strange in the King's Ministers to hinder it, if there was at that time any design form to put her by her Succession. For if she had been beyond Sea at the King's death, it is not probable that she could have easily come to the Crown. The Emperor's Ambassador solicited for her violently, and said he would presently take leave, and protest, that they had broken their Faith to his Master, who would resent the usage of the Lady Mary as highly as if it were done immediately to himself. The Counsellors, having no mind to draw a new War on their Heads, especially from so victorious a Prince, were all inclined to let the matter fall. There was also a years Cloth lately sent over to Antwerp; and 1500 Cinqtails of Powder, with a great deal of Armour, bought there for the King's use, was not come over. So it was thought by no means advisable to provoke the Emperor, while they had such effects in his Ports; nor were they very willing to give higher provocations to the next Heir of the Crown. Therefore they all advised the King not to do more in that matter at present, but to leave the Lady Mary to her discretion, who would certainly be made more cautious by what she had met with, and would give as little scandal as was possible by her Mass. But the King could not be induced to give way to it, for he thought the Mass was impious and idolatrous; 
The King is very earnest against it.  so he would not consent to the continuance of such a sin. Upon this the Council ordered Cranmer, Ridley, and Poinet, to discourse about it with him. They told him, that it was always a sin in a Prince to permit any sin; but to give a connivance, that is, not to punish, was not always a sin: since sometimes a lesser evil connived at, might prevent a greater. He was overcome by this; yet not so easily, but that he burst forth in Tears, lamenting his Sister's obstinacy, and that he must suffer her to continue in so abominable a way of Worship as he esteemed the Mass. So he answered the Emperor's Agents, that he should send over an Ambassador to clear that matter. And Dr. Wotton was dispatched about it, who carried over Attestations from all the Council, concerning the qualifications of the Promise that had been made: and was instructed to press the Emperor, not to trouble the King in his Affairs at home in his own Kingdom. If the Lady Mary was his Kinswoman, she was the King's Sister, and Subject: He was also to offer, that the King would grant as much liberty for the Mass in his Dominions, as the Emperor would grant for the English Service in his Dominions. But the Emperor pretended, that when her Mother died, she left her to his protection, which he had granted her, and so must take care of her. And the Emperor was so exalted with his Successes, that he did not easily bear any contradiction. But the Council being further offended with her for the project of going beyond Sea, and being now less in fear of the Emperor, since they had made Peace with France, resolved to look more nearly to her. And finding that Dr. Mallet, and Berkley, her Chaplains, had said Mass in one of her Houses, when she was not in it, they ordered them to be proceeded against. Upon which, in December the last year, she writ earnestly to the Council to let it fall. By her Letter it appears, that Mallet used to be sometimes at his Benefice, where it is certain he could officiate no other way but in that prescribed by Law: so it seems his Conscience was not very scrupulous. The Council writ her a long Answer, 
The Council writ to her of it.  which being in the Style of a Churchman, seems to have been penned either by Cranmer, or Ridley. In which Letter they fully cleared the matter of the Promise: then they shown how express the Law was, with which they could not dispense: and how ill grounded her Faith, as she called it, was. They asked her what Warrant there was in Scripture, that the Prayers should be in an unknown Tongue, that Images should be in the Church, or that the Sacrament should be offered up for the Dead. They told her, that in all Questions about Religion, St. Austin and the other ancient Doctors appealed to the Scripture; and if she would look into these, she would soon see the errors of the old Superstition, which were supported by false Miracles and lying Stories, and not by Scripture or good Authority. They expressed themselves in terms full of submission to her, but said they were trusted with the execution of the King's Laws, in which they must proceed equally. So they required her, if the Chaplains were in her House, to send them to the Sheriff of Essex. But it seems they kept out of the way, and so the matter slept till the beginning of May this year, that M●llet was found, and put in the Tower, and convicted of his offence. Upon this there passed many Letters between the Council and her: she earnestly desiring to have him set at liberty, and they as positively refusing to do it.  
In July the Council sent for Rochester, Inglefield, and Walgrave, three of her chief Officers; and gave them Instructions to signify the King's express pleasure to her, to have the new Service in her Family; and to give the like charge to her Chaplains, and all her Servants; and to return with an answer. In August they came back, and said, she was much indisposed, and received the Message very grievously. She said, she would obey the King in all things, except where her Conscience was touched: but she charged them to deliver none of their Message to the rest of her Family; in which they being her Servants could not disobey her, especially when they thought it might prejudice her health. Upon this, 
And sent some to her.  they were sent to the Tower. The Lord Chancellor, Sir Ant. Wingfield, and Sir William Petre, were next sent to her, with a Letter from the King, and Instructions from the Council, for the charge they were to give to her and her Servants. They came to her House of Copthall in Essex. The Lord Chancellor gave her the King's Letter, which she received on her Knees: and said, she paid that respect to the King's Hand, and not to the matter of the Letter, which she knew proceeded from the Council: and when she read it, she said, Ah! Mr. Cecil took much pains here: (he was then Secretary of State in Dr. Wotton's room.) So she turned to the Counsellors, and bid them deliver their Message to her. She wished them to be short, for she was not well at ease, and would give them a short answer, having writ her mind plainly to the King with her own Hand. The Lord Chancellor told her, that all the Council were of one mind, that she must be no longer suffered to have private Mass, or a Form of Religion different from what was established by Law. He went to read the Names of those who were of that mind; but she desired him to spare his pains, she knew they were all of a sort. They next told her, they had order to require her Chaplains to use no other Service, and her Servants to be present at no other, than what was according to Law. She answered, She was the Kings most obedient Subject, and Sister; and would obey him in every thing, but where her Conscience held her, and would willingly suffer death to do him service: but she would lay her Head on a Block, rather than use any other Form of Service, 
But she was Intractable.  than what had been at her Father's death: only she thought she was not worthy to suffer death on so good an account. When the King came to be of Age, so that he could order these things himself, she would obey his Commands in Religion: for although he, Good sweet King, (these were her words) had more knowledge than any of his years, yet he was not a fit Judge in these matters; for if Ships were to be set to Sea, or any matter of Policy to be determined, they would not think him fit for it, much less could he be able to resolve Points of Divinity. As for her Chaplains, if they would say no Mass, she could hear none; and for her Servants, she knew they all desired to hear Mass: her Chaplains might do what they would, it was but a whiles Imprisonment: but for the new Service, it should never be said in her House: and if any were forced to say it, she would stay no longer in the House. When the Counsellors spoke of Rochester, Inglefield, and Walgrave, who had not fully executed their charge; she said, it was not the wisest Counsel, to order her Servants to control her in her own House: and they were the honester Men not to do such a thing against their Consciences. She insisted on the Promise made to the Emperor, which she had under his Hand, whom she believed better than them all: they ought to use her better for her Father's sake, who had raised them all almost out of nothing. But though the Emperor were dead, or would bid her obey them; she would not change her mind, and she would let his Ambassador know how they used her. To this they answered, clearing the mistake about the Promise, to which she gave little heed. They told her, they had brought one down to serve as her controller in Rochester's room: She said, she would choose her own Servants; and if they went to impose any on her, she would leave the House. She was sick, but would do all she could to live: but if she died, she would protest they were the causes of it: they gave her good words, but their deeds were evil. Then she took a Ring from her Finger, and on her Knees gave it to the Lord Chancellor, to give to the King as a Token from her, with her humble Commendations; and protested much of her duty to him; but she said, this will never be told him. The Counsellors went from her to her Chaplains, and delivered their Message to them, who promised they would obey. Then they charged the rest of the Servants in like manner, and also commanded them to give notice if those Orders were broken. And so they went to go away. But as they were in the Court, the Lady Mary called to them from her Window, to send her controller to her; for she said, that now she herself received the accounts of her House, and knew how many Loaves were made of a Bushel of Meal, to which she had never been bred, and so was weary of that Office; but if they would needs send him to Prison, she said, I beshrew him if he go not to it merrily, and with a good Will; and concluded, I pray God to send you to do well in your Souls and Bodies, for some of you have but weak Bodies. This is the substance of the Report these Counsellors gave when they returned back to the Court on the 29th of August. By which they were now out of all hopes of prevailing with her by persuasions or Authority: So it was next considered, whether it was fit to go to further extremities with her. How the matter was determined, I do not clearly find; it is certain the Lady Mary would never admit of the new Service, and so I believe she continued to keep her Priests, and have Mass; but so secretly, that there was no ground for any public complaint. For I find no further mention of that matter, than what is made by Ridley, of a Passage that befell him in September next year.  
He went to wait on her, she-living then at Hunsden; 
Nor would she hear Bishop Ridley preach.  where she received him at first civilly, and told him, she remembered of him in her Father's time, and at Dinner sent him to dine with her Officers: after Dinner, he told her, he came not only to do his Duty to her, but to offer to Preach before her next Sunday: She blushed, and once or twice desired him to make the Answer to that himself. But when he pressed her further, she said, the Parish-Church would be open to him if he had a mind to preach in it: but neither she, nor any of her Family should hear him. He said, he hoped she would not refuse to hear God's Word; She said, She did not know what they called God's Word; but she was sure that was not now God's Word that was called so in her Father's days. He said, God's Word was the same at all times. She answered, She was sure he durst not for his Ears have avowed these things in her Father's time, which he did now: and for their Books, as, she thanked God, she never had, so she never would read them. She also used many reproachful words to him, and asked him, If he was of the Council; He said not: She replied, He might well enough be, as the Council goes now a-days; and so dismissed him, thanking him for coming to see her, but not at all for offering to preach before her. Sir Tho. Wharton, one of her Officers, carried him to a place where he desired him to drink; which Ridley did: but reflecting on it, said, He had done amiss, to drink in a place where God's Word was rejected: for if he had remembered his Duty, he should upon that refusal have shaken the dust off his Feet, for a Testimony against the House, and have departed immediately. These words he was observed to pronounce with an extraordinary concern, and went away much troubled in his mind. And this is all I find of the Lady Mary during this Reign. For the Lady Elizabeth, she had been always bred up to like the Reformation; and Dr. Parker, who had been her Mother's Chaplain, received a strict charge from her Mother a little before her death, to look well to the instructing her Daughter in the Principles of true Religion; so that there is no doubt to be made of her cheerful receiving all the changes that had been established by Law.  

The Designs of the Earl of Warwick.  And this is all that concerns Religion, that falls within this Year. But now a design came to be laid, which though it broke not out for some time, yet it was believed to have had a great influence on the Fall of the Duke of Somerset. The Earl of Warwick began to form great Projects for himself, and thought to bring the Crown into his Family. The King was now much alienated from the Lady Mary; the Privy-Council had also embroiled themselves so with her, that he imagined it would be no hard matter to exclude her from the Succession. There was but one reason that could be pretended for it; which was, that she stood illegitimated by Law; and that therefore the next Heirs in Blood could not be barred their right by her; since it would be a great blot on the Honour of the English Crown to let it devolve on a Bastard. This was as strong against the Lady Elizabeth, since she was also illegitimated by a Sentence in the Spiritual Court, and that confirmed in Parliament: so if their jealousy of the elder Sister's Religion, and the fear of her revenge, moved them to be willing to cut her off from the Succession, the same reason that was to be used in Law against her, was also to take place against her Sister. So he reckoned that these two were to be passed over, as being put both in the Act of Succession, and in the late Kings Will, by one error. The next in the Will, were the Heirs of the French Queen by Charles Brandon, who were the Duchess of Suffolk, and her Sister. Though I have seen it often said in many Letters, and Writings of that time, that all that Issue by Charles Brandon was illegitimated: since he was certainly married to one Mortimer, before he married the Queen of France; which Mortimer lived long after his Marriage to that Queen: so that all her Children were Bastards: some say he was divorced from his Marriage to Mortimer, but that is not clear to me.  

The Sweeting Sickness.  This Year the Sweeting Sickness, that had been formerly both in Henry the 7th, and the late King's Reign, broke out with that violence in England, that many were swept away by it. Such as were taken with it, died certainly if they slept, to which they had a violent desire: but if it took them not off in twenty four hours, they did sweat out the venom of the distemper: which raged so in London, that in one week 800 died of it. It did also spread into the Country, and the two Sons of Charles Brandon by his last Wife, both Dukes of Suffolk, died within a day one of another. So that Title was fallen. Their Sister by the half Blood was married to Grey Lord Marquis of Dorset. So she being the eldest Daughter to the French Queen, the Earl of Warwick resolved to link himself to that Family; and to procure the Honour of the Dukedom of Suffolk to be given the Marquis of Dorset, who was a weak Man, and easily governed. He had three Daughters; the eldest was Jane, a Lady of as excellent qualities as any of that Age; of great Parts, bred to Learning, and much conversant in Scripture; and of so rare a temper of mind, that she charmed all who knew her: in particular the young King, about whom she was bred, and who had always lived with her in the familiarities of a Brother. The Earl of Warwick designed to marry her to Guildford his fourth Son, then living, his three oldes being already married; and so to get the Crown to descend on them if the King should die, of which it is thought he resolved to take care. But apprehending some danger from the Lady Elizabeth's Title, he intended to send her away. So an Ambassador was dispatched to Denmark, to treat a Marriage for her with that King's eldest Son.  
To amuse the King himself, a most splendid Embassy was sent to France, 
The King treats with the French King for a Marriage with his Daughter.  to propose a Marriage for the King to that King's Daughter Elizabeth, afterwards married to Philip of Spain. The Marquis of Northampton was sent with this Proposition, and with the Order of the Garter. With him went the Earls of Worcester, Rutland, and Ormond; the Lords Lisle, Fitzwater, Bray, Abergaveny, and Evers; and the Bishop of Ely, who was to be their Mouth: With them went many Gentlemen of Quality, who with their Train made up near 500 King Henry received the Garter with great expressions of Esteem for the King. The Bishop of Ely told him, They were come to desire a more close tie between these Crowns by Marriage, and to have the League made firmer between them in other Particulars. To which the Cardinal of Lorraine made answer, in his way of speaking, which was always vain, and full of ostentation. A Commission was given to that Cardinal, the Constable, the Duke of Guise, and others, to treat about it.  
The English began first, for Forms sake, to desire the Queen of Scots. But that being rejected, they moved for the Daughter of France, which was entertained; but so that neither Party should be bound in Honour and Conscience, till the Lady were twelve years of Age. Yet this never taking effect, it is needless to enlarge further about it; of which the Reader will find all the Particulars in King Edward's Journal. The King of France sent another very noble Embassy into England, with the Order of St. Michael to the King, and a very kind Message, that he had no less love to him than a Father could bear to his own Son. He desired the King would not listen to the vain Rumours, which some malicious Persons might raise, to break their friendship; and wished, there might be such a regulation on their Frontiers, that all differences might be amicably removed. To this the young King made answer himself, That he thanked his good Brother for his Order, and for the Assurances of his Love, which he would always requite. For Rumours, they were not always to be credited, nor always to be rejected; it being no less vain to fear all things, than it was dangerous to doubt of nothing: and for any differences that might arise, he should be always ready to determine them, by reason, rather than force; so far as his Honour should not be thereby diminished. Whether this Answer was prepared beforehand, or not, I cannot tell; I rather think it was; otherways it was extraordinary for one of fourteen to talk thus on the sudden.  
But while all this was carrying on, there was a design laid to destroy the Duke of Somerset. He had such access to the King, and such freedoms with him, 
A Conspiracy against the Duke of Somerset.  that the Earl of Warwick had a mind to be rid of him, lest he should spoil all his Projects. The Duke of Somerset seemed also to have designed in April this Year to have got the King again in his power: and dealt with the Lord Strange, that was much in his favour, to persuade him to marry his Daughter Jane, and that he would advertise him of all that passed about the King. But the Earl of Warwick, to raise himself and all his Friends higher, procured a great Creation of new Honours. Grace was made Duke of Suffolk, and himself Duke of Northumberland; for Henry Piercy, the last Earl of Northumberland, dying without Issue, his next Heirs were the Sons of Thomas Piercy, that had been attainted in the last Reign for the Yorkshire Rebellion. Pawlet then Lord Treasurer, and Earl of Wilt-shire, was made Marquis of Winchester; and Sir William Herbert, that had married the Marquis of Northampton's Sister, was made Earl of Pembroke. The Lord Russel had been made Earl of Bedford last year, upon his return from making the Peace with the French: Sir Tho. Darcy had also been made Lord Darcy. The new Duke of Northumberland could no longer bear such a Rival in his greatness, as the Duke of Somerset was, who was the only Person that he thought could take the King out of his Hands. So on the 17th of October the Duke was apprehended, and sent to the Tower; and with him the Lord Grace; Sir Ralph Vane, who had escaped over the River, but was taken in a Stable in Lambeth, hid under the Straw: Sir Tho. Palmer, and Sir Tho. Arundel, were also taken, yet not sent at first to the Tower, but kept under Guards in their Chambers. Some of his followers, Hamond, Nudigate, and two of the Seimours, were sent to Prison. The day after, the Duchess of Somerset was also sent to the Tower, with one Crane, and his Wife, that had been much about her, and two of her Chamber-women. After these, Sir Tho. Holdcroft, Sir Miles Partridge, Sir Michael Stanhop, Wingfield, Bannister, and Vaughan, were all made Prisoners. The Evidence against the Duke, was, That he had made a Party for getting himself declared Protector in the next Parliament; which the Earl of Rutland did positively affirm; and the Duke did so answer it, that it is probable it was true. But though this might well inflame his Enemies, yet it was no crime. But Sir Tho. Palmer, though imprisoned with him as a Complice, was the Person that ruined him. He had been before that brought secretly to the King, and had told him, that on the last St. George's day, the Duke apprehending there was mischief designed against him, thought to have raised the People, had not Sir William Herbert assured him he should receive no harm: that lately he intended to have the Duke of Northumberland, the Marquis of Northampton, and the Earl of Pembroke, invited to Dinner at the Lord Pagets; and either to have set on them by the way, or to have killed them at Dinner: that Sir Ralph Vane had 2000 Men ready, that Sir Tho. Arundel had assured the Tower, and that all the Gandarmoury were to be killed: The Duke of Somerset, hearing Palmer had been with the King, challenged him of it, but he denied all. He sent also for Secretary Cecil, and told him he suspected there was an ill design against him: To which the Secretary answered, if he were not in fault, he might trust to his innocency; but if he were, he had nothing to say but to lament him.  
All this was told the King with such Circumstances, that he was induced to believe it; 
The King is possessed against him.  and the probity of his disposition wrought in him a great aversion to his Uncle; when he looked on him as a Conspirator against the Lives of the other Counsellors: and so he resolved to leave him to the Law. Palmer being a second time examined, said, That Sir Ralph Vane was to have brought 2000 Men, who, with the Duke of Somersets 100 Horse, were on a Muster-day to have set on the Gendarmoury; that being done, the Duke resolved to have gone through the City, and proclaimed Liberty, Liberty: and if his attempt did not succeed, to have fled to the Isle of Wight, or to Pool. Crane confirmed all that Palmer had said; to which he added, That the Earl of Arundel was privy to the Conspiracy: and that the thing had been executed, but that the greatness of the Enterprise had caused delays, and sometimes diversity of advice: and that the Duke, being once given out to be sick, had gone privately to London, to see what Friends he could make. Hamond being examined, confessed nothing, but that the Duke's Chamber at Greenwich had been guarded in the night, by many Armed Men. Upon this Evidence, both the Earl of Arundel, and the Lord Paget were sent to the Tower. The Earl had been one of the chief of those who had joined with the Earl of Warwick to pull down the Protector; and being, as he thought, ill rewarded by him, was become his Enemy. So this part of the Information seemed very credible. The thing lay in suspense till the first of December, 
He is brought to his Trial.  that the Duke of Somerset was brought to his Trial: where the Marquis of Winchester was Lord Steward. The Peers that judged him, were twenty seven in number. The Dukes of Suffolk, and Northumberland, the Marquis of Northampton, the Earls of Derby, Bedford, Huntingdon, Rutland, Bath, Sussex, Worcester, Pembroke, and the Viscount of Hereford, the Lords Abergaveny, Audley, Wharton, Evers, Latimer, Borough, Souch, Stafford, Wentworth, Darcy, Sturton, Windsor, Cromwell, Cobham, and Bray. The Crimes laid against him, were cast into five several Indictments, as the King has it in his Journal; but the Record mentions only three, whether Indictments or Articles is not so clear. That he had designed to have seized on the King's Person, and so have governed all Affairs, and that he with one hundred others intended to have imprisoned the Earl of Warwick, afterwards Duke of Northumberland, and that he had designed to have raised an Insurrection in the City of London. Now by the Act that passed in the last Parliament, if twelve Persons should have assembled together to have killed any Privy-Counsellor, and upon Proclamation they had not dispersed themselves, it was Treason: or if such Twelve had been by any malicious Artifice brought together, for any Riot, and being warned, did not disperse themselves, it was Felony, without benefit of Clergy or Sanctuary. It seemed very strange that the three Peers, Northumberland, Northampton, and Pembroke, who were his professed Enemies, and against the first of whom it was pretended in the Indictment that he had conspired, should sit his Judges: for though by the Law no Peer can be challenged in a Trial, yet the Law of Nations, that is Superior to all other Laws, makes, that a Man cannot be Judge in his own Cause: and which was very unusual, the Lord Chancellor, though then a Peer, was left out of the number; but it is like the Reconciliation between the Duke of Somerset and him was then suspected, which made him not be called to be one of his Judges.  
The Duke of Somerset being, it seems, little acquainted with Law, did not desire Council to plead, or assist him in Point of Law; but only answered to matters of Fact. He prefaced, that he desired no advantage might be taken against him, for any idle or angry word that might have at any time fallen from him. He protested he never intended to have raised the Northern Parts, but had only upon some reports sent to Sir William Herbert to be his Friend: that he had never determined to have killed the Duke of Northumberland, or any other Person, but had only talked of it, without any intention of doing it: that for the design of destroying the Gendarmoury, it was ridiculous to think that he with a small Troop could destroy so strong a Body of Men, consisting of 900; in which, though he had succeeded, it could have signified nothing: that he never designed to raise any stirs in London, but had always looked on it as a Place where he was most safe: that his having Men about him in Greenwich was with no ill design, since when he could have done mischief with them, he had not done it; but upon his Attachment rendered himself a Prisoner, without any resistance. He objected also many things against the Witnesses, and desired they might be brought face to face. He particularly spoke much against Sir Tho. Palmer, the chief Witness. But the Witnesses were not brought, only their Examinations were read: Upon this, the King's Council pleaded against him, that to levy War was certainly Treason; that to gather Men with intention to kill Privy-Counsellors was also Treason; that to have Men about him to resist the Attachment was Felony; and to assault the Lords, or contrive their deaths, was Felony. Whether he made any defence in Law, or not, does not appear: For the material defence, is not mentioned in all the accounts I have seen of it; which was, that these Conspiracies, and gatherings of the King's Subjects were only treasonable and felonious, after they had been required to disperse themselves, and had refused to give obedience. And in all this matter, that is never so much as alleged, no not in the Indictment itself, to have been done. It is plain it was not done: For if any such Proclamation, or Charge, had been sent him, it is probable he would either have obeyed it, or gone into London, or to the Country, and tried what he could have done by force: but to have refused such a command, and so to have come within the guilt of Treason, and yet not to stir from his House, are not things consistent.  
When the Peers withdrew, it seems the Proofs about his design of raising the North, or the City, or of the kill the Gandarmes, did not satisfy them. For all these had been without question treasonable. So they only held to that Point of conspiring to imprison the Duke of Northumberland. If he, with Twelve Men about him, had conspired to do that, and had continued together after Proclamation, it was certainly Felony. But that not being pretended, it seems there was no Proclamation made. The Duke of Suffolk was of opinion, that no contention among private Subjects should be on any account screwed up to be Treason. The Duke of Northumberland said, he would never consent that any practice against him, 
And is acquitted of Treason, but found guilty of Felony.  should be reputed Treason. After a great difference of Opinion, they all acquitted him of Treason. But the greater number found him guilty of Felony. When they returned him not guilty of Treason, all the People who were much concerned for his preservation, shouted for joy, so loud, and so long, that they were heard at Charing-Cross. But the joy lasted not long, when they heard that he was condemned of Felony, and Sentence was thereupon given that he should die as a Felon.  
The Duke had carried himself all the while of the Trial with great temper and patience; and though the King's Council had, in their usual way of Pleading, been very bitter against him; perhaps the rather, that thereby they might recommend themselves to the Duke of Northumberland; yet he never took notice of these reflections, nor seemed much affected with them. When Sentence was given, he thanked the Lords for their favour, and asked pardon of the Duke of Northumberland, Northampton, and Pembroke, for his ill intentions against them; and made suit for his Life, and for his Wife, and Children. From thence he was carried back to the Tower. Whether this ask the Lords pardon, had in it a full Confession of the Crime charged on him, or was only a compliment to them, that they might not obstruct his Pardon, is but a matter of conjecture. He confessed he had spoken of killing them, and this made it reasonable enough for him to ask their pardon; so that it does not imply a Confession of the Crime. All People thought, that being acquitted of Treason, and there being no felonious Action done by him, but only an intention of one, and that only of Imprisoning a Peer, proved; that one so nearly joined to the King in Blood, would never be put to death on such an occasion. But to possess the King much against him, a Story was brought him, and put by him in his Journal; That at the Duke's coming to the Tower, he had confessed, that he had hired one Bartuile to kill the Lords; and that Bartuile himself acknowledged it; and that Hammond knew of it. But whether this was devised to alienate the King wholly from him, or whether it was true, I can give no assurance. But though it was true, it was Felony in Bartuile, if he were the King's Servant; but not in the Duke, who was a Peer. Yet no doubt this gave the King a very ill opinion of his Uncle, and so made him more easily consent to his execution: 
See the Indictment, Coke Entries, fol. 482.  since all such Conspiracies are things of that inhuman and barbarous cruelty, that it is scarce possible to punish them too severely: But it is certain, that there was no Evidence at all of any design to kill the Duke of Northumberland, otherwise the Indictment had not been laid against him, only for designing to seize on, and imprison him, as it was; the conspiring to kill him not being so much as mentioned in the Indictment, but it was maliciously given out to possess the World, and chief the King, against him.  
The King also, in his Letter to Barnaby Fitz-Patrick, who was like to be his favourite, and was then sent over for his breeding into France, writ, that the Duke seemed to have acknowledged the Felony, and that after Sentence he had confessed it, though he had formerly vehemently sworn the contrary. From whence it is plain, that the King was persuaded of his being guilty. Sir Michael Stanhop, Sir Tho. Arundel, Sir Ralph Vane, 
Some of his Friends also condemned.  and Sir Miles Partridge, were next brought to their Trials. The first, and the last of these, were little pitied. For, as all great Men have People about them, who make use of their greatness only for their own ends, without regarding their Master's Honour, or true Interest; so they were the Persons upon whom the ill things which had been done by the Duke of Somerset were chief cast. But Sir Tho. Arundel was much pitied, and had hard measure in his Trial, which began at seven a Clock in the Morning, and continued till Noon. Then the Jury went aside, and they did not agree on their Verdict, till next morning, when those who thought him not guilty, yet, for preserving their own Lives, were willing to yield to the fierceness of those who were resolved to have him found guilty. Sir Ralph Vane was the most lamented of them all. He had done great Services in the Wars, and was esteemed one of the bravest Gentlemen of the Nation. He pleaded for himself, that he had done his Country considerable Service during the Wars; though now in time of Peace, the Coward and the Courageous were equally esteemed. He scorned to make any submissions for Life. But this height of mind in him did certainly set forward his condemnation, and to add more infamy to him in the manner of his Death, he and Partridge were hanged, whereas the other two were beheaded.  

The Seals are taken from the Lord Rich,  The Duke of Somerset was using means to have the King better informed, and disposed towards him; and engaged the Lord Chancellor to be his Friend: who thereupon sent him an Advertisement of somewhat designed against him by the Council, and being in haste, writ only on the back of his Letter, To the Duke; and bid one of his Servants carry it to the Tower, without giving him particular directions to the Duke of Somerset. But his Servant having known of the familiarities between his Master and the Duke of Norfolk, who was still in the Tower; and knowing none between him and the other Duke; carried the Letter to the Duke of Norfolk. When the Lord Chancellor found the mistake at night, he knew the Duke of Norfolk, to make Northumberland his Friend, would certainly discover him; so he went in all haste to the King, and desired to be discharged of his Office, and thereby prevented the malice of his Enemies: and upon this he fell sick, either pretending he was ill, that it might raise the more pity for him, or perhaps the fright in which he was did really cast him into sickness. So the Seal was sent for, by the Marquis of Winchester, the Duke of Northumberland, and the Lord Darcy, on the 21st of December, and put into the Hands of the Bishop of Ely, 
And given to the Bishop of Ely.  who was made Keeper during pleasure: And when the Session of Parliament came on, he was made Lord Chancellor. But this was much censured: When the Reformation was first preached in England, Tindal, Barns, and Latimer, took an occasion, from the great Pomp and Luxury of Cardinal Wolsey, and the Secular Employments of the other Bishops and Clergymen, to represent them as a sort of Men that had wholly neglected the care of Souls, and those Spiritual Studies and Exercises that disposed Men to such Functions; and only carried the Names of Bishops and Churchmen, to be a Colour to serve their Ambition and Covetousness. And this had raised great prejudices in the Minds of the People against those who were called their Pastors, when they saw them fill their Heads with cares, that were at least impertinent to their Callings, if not inconsistent with the Duties that belonged to them. So now upon Goodrick's being made Lord Chancellor, that was a Reformed Bishop, it was said by their Adversaries, these Men only condemned Secular Employments in the Hands of Churchmen, because their Enemies had them, but changed their mind as soon as any of their own Party came to be advanced to them. But as Goodrick was raised by the Popish Interest in opposition to the Duke of Somerset, and to Cranmer, that was his firm Friend; so it appeared in the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign, that he was ready to turn with every Tide: and that whether he joined in the Reformation only in Compliance to the time, or was persuaded in his mind concerning it; yet he had not that sense of it that became a Bishop, and was one of these who resolved to make as much advantage by it as he could, but would suffer nothing for it. So his practice in this matter is neither a Precedent to justify the like in others, nor can it cast a scandal on those to whom he joined himself. Christ being spoke to to divide an Inheritance between two Brethren, said, Who made me a Judge, or a Divider? St. Paul, speaking of Churchmen, says, No Man that warreth entangleth himself with the Affairs of this Life: which was understood by St. Cyprian as a perpetual Rule against the Secular Employments of the Clergy. There are three of the Apostolical Canons against it: and Cyprian reckoning up the sins of his time, that had provoked God to send a Persecution on the Church, names this, that many Bishops forsaking their Sees, undertook Secular Cares. In which he was so strict, that he thought the being Tutor to Orphans was a distraction unsuitable to their Character: so that one Priest leaving another Tutor to his Children, because by the Roman Law he to whom this was left was obliged to undergo it, the Priests Name who made that Testament was appointed to be struck out of the List of those Churchmen who had died in the Faith, and were remembered in the daily Offices. Samosatenus is represented as one of the first eminent Churchmen that involved himself much in Secular Cares. Upon the Emperors turning Christian, it was a natural effect of their Conversion for them to cherish the Bishops much, and many of the Bishops became so much in love with the Court and public Employments, that Canons were made against their going to Court, unless they were called, and the Canalis or Road to the Court was kept by the Bishop of Rome, so that none might go without his Warrant. Their meddling in Secular Matters was also condemned in many Provincial Councils, but most copiously and amply by the General Council at Chalcedon. It is true, the Bishops had their Courts for the Arbitration of Civil Differences: which were first begun upon St. Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians, against their going to Law before Unbelievers, and for submitting their Suits to some among themselves. The Reasons of this ceased when the Judges in the Civil Courts were become Christians; yet these Episcopal Audiences were still continued after Constantine's time, and their Jurisdiction was sometimes enlarged, and sometimes abridged, as there was occasion given. St. Austin, and many other Holy Bishops, grew weary even of that, and found, that the hearing Causes, as it took up much of their time, so filled their Heads with thoughts of another nature than what properly belonged to them.  
The Bishops of Rome and Alexandria taking advantage from the greatness and Wealth of their Sees, began first to establish a Secular Principality of the Church; and the Confusions that fell out in ●aly after the 5th Century, gave the Bishops of Rome great opportunities for it, which they improved to the utmost advantage. The Revolutions in Spain gave a Rise to the Spanish Bishops meddling much in all Civil Matters. And when Charles the Great and his Son had given great Territories and large Jurisdictions to many Sees and Monasteries, Bishops and Abbots came after that not only to have a share in all the public Councils of most of the States of Europe, to which their Lands gave them a Right, but to be chief employed in all Affairs and Offices of State. The Ignorance of these Ages made this in a manner necessary: and Church-Preferments were given as Rewards to Men who had served in the State in Embassies, or in their Prince's Courts of Justice. So that it was no wonder if Men advanced upon that merit continued in their former Method and course of Life. Thus the Bishops became for the greatest part only a sort of Men who went in peculiar Habits, and upon some high Festivities performed a few Offices; but for the Pastoral care, and all the Duties incumbent on them, they were universally neglected: and that seriousness, that abstraction from the World, that application to Study and Religious Exercises, and chief the care of Souls, which became their Function, seemed inconsistent with that course of Life which Secular Cares brought on Men who pursued them. Nor was it easy to persuade the World, that their Pastors did very much aspire to Heaven, when they were thrusting themselves so indecently into the Courts of Princes, or ambitiously pretending to the Administration of Matters of State; and it was always observed, that Churchmen who assumed to themselves Employments, and an Authority that was eccentric to their Callings, suffered so much in that Esteem, and lost so much of that Authority, which of right belonged to their Character and Office.  
But to go on with the Series of Affairs. There was all possible care taken to divert and entertain the King's Mind with pleasing Sights, as will appear by his Journal, which it seems had the effect that was desired, for he was not much concerned in his Uncle's Preservation.  

1552.  An Order was sent for beheading the Duke of Somerset on the 22d of January, on which day he was brought to the Place of Execution, on Tower-hill. His whole deportment was very composed, and no way changed from what it had ordinarily been: he first kneeled down, and prayed; and then he spoke to the People in these words.  

The Duke of Somerset's Speech at his Execution.  Dear beloved Friends, I am brought here to suffer death, albeit that I never offended against the King neither by word nor deed; and have been always as faithful and true to this Realm, as any Man hath been. But, for so much as I am by Law condemned to die, I do acknowledge myself, as well as others, to be subject thereto. Wherefore, to testify my obedience which I own unto the Laws, I am come hither to suffer death: whereunto I willingly offer myself, with most hearty thanks to God, that hath given me this time of Repentance; who might through sudden death have taken away my Life, that neither I should have acknowledged him, nor myself. Moreover, there is yet somewhat that I must put you in mind of, as touching Christian Religion; which, so long as I was in Authority, I always diligently set forth, and furthered to my power; neither repent I me of my do, but rejoice therein, sigh that now the State of Christian Religion cometh most near unto the Form and Order of the Primitive Church: which thing I esteem as a great benefit given of God both to you and me; most hearty exhorting you all, that this which is most purely set forth to you, you will with like thankfulness accept and embrace, and set out the same in your living; which thing if you do not, without doubt greater mischief and calamity will follow.   engraved portrait of Duke Edward Somerset, 4th Earl of Worcester 
DUX EDWARDUS SEIMERUS SOMERSETI  R: White sculp.  engraved coat of arms 
●OY POUR DEVO●  
Angliae Protector, Edwardi Regis  
Auunculus, Capitruncatus 22 Jan: 1552.  
Printed for Richard Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard.  
When he had gone so far, there was an extraordinary noise heard, as if some House had been blown up with Gunpowder; which frighted all the People, so that many run away, they knew not for what: and the Relator, who tarried still, says, it brought into his remembrance the astonishment that the Band was in that came to take our Saviour, who thereupon fell backwards to the ground. At the same time Sir Ant. Brown came riding towards the Scaffold, and they all hoped he had brought a Pardon; upon which there was a general shouting, Pardon, Pardon, God save the King; many throwing up their Caps; by which the Duke might well perceive how dear he was to the People. But as soon as these disorders were over, he made a Sign to them with his Hand to compose themselves, and then went on in his Speech thus.  
Dear beloved Friends, there is no such matter here in hand, as you vainly hope or believe. It seemeth thus good unto Almighty God, whose Ordinance it is meet and necessary that we all be obedient to. Wherefore I pray you all to be quiet, and to be contented with my Death; which I am most willing to suffer. And let us now join in Prayer to the Lord for the preservation of the King's Majesty, unto whom hitherto I have always showed myself a most faithful and firm Subject. I have always been most diligent about his Majesty, in his Affairs both at home and abroad; and no less diligent in seeking the common Commodity of the whole Realm; (upon this the People cried out it was most true) unto whose Majesty I wish continual health, with all felicity, and all prosperous success. Moreover, I do wish unto all his Counsellors, the Grace and Favour of God, whereby they may rule in all things uprightly with justice: unto whom I exhort you all in the Lord to show yourselves obedient, as it is your bounden Duty, under the pain of condemnation; and also most profitable for the preservation and safeguard of the King's Majesty. Moreover, for as much as heretofore I have had Affairs with divers Men, and hard it is to please every Man, therefore if there have been any that have been offended or injured by me, I most humbly require and ask him forgiveness; but especially Almighty God, whom throughout all my Life I have most grievously offended: and all other whatsoever they be that have offended me, I do with my whole Heart forgive them. Then he desired them to be quiet, lest their Tumults might trouble him; and said, Albeit the Spirit be willing and ready, the Flesh is frail and wavering; and through your quietness I shall be much more quieter. Moreover, I desire you all to bear me witness, that I die here in the Faith of Jesus Christ, desiring you to help me with your Prayers, that I may persevere constant in the same to my lives end.  
Then Dr. Cox, who was with him on the Scaffold, 
His Death,  put a Paper in his Hand, which was a Prayer he had prepared for him. He read it on his Knees, than he took leave of all about him, and undressed himself to be fitted for the Axe. In all which there appeared no change in him, only his Face was a little rudier than ordinary: he continued calling, Lord Jesus save me, till the Executioner severed his Head from his Body.  
Thus fell the Duke of Somerset: a Person of great Virtues, 
And Character.  eminent for Piety, humble, and affable in his greatness, sincere and candid in all his Transactions. He was a better Captain, than a Counsellor: had been oft successful in his undertake, was always careful of the Poor and the Oppressed, and in a word, had as many Virtues, and as few faults, as most great Men, especially when they were so unexpectedly advanced, have ever had. It was generally believed, that all this pretended Conspiracy, upon which he was condemned, was only a forgery. For both Palmer, and Crane, the chief Witnesses, were soon after discharged, as were also Bartuile, and Hamond, with all the rest that had been made Prisoners on the pretence of this Plot. And the Duke of Northumberland continued after that in so close a friendship with Palmer, that it was generally believed he had been corrupted to betray him. And indeed, the not bringing the Witnesses into the Court, but only the Depositions, and the Parties sitting Judges, gave great occasion to condemn the Proceed against him. For it was generally thought, that all was an Artifice of Palmers, who had put the Duke of Somerset in fears of his Life, and so got him to gather Men about him for his own preservation; and that he afterwards being taken with him, seemed through fear to acknowledge all that which he had before contrived. This was more confirmed by the death of the other four formerly mentioned, who were executed on the 26th of February, and did all protest they had never been guilty of any design, either against the King, or to kill the Lords. Vane added, That his Blood would make Northumberland's Pillow uneasy to him. The People were generally much affected with this Execution; and many threw Handkerchiefs into the Duke of Somersets Blood, to preserve it in remembrance of him. One Lady, that met the Duke of Northumberland when he was led through the City in Queen Mary's Reign, shaking one of these Bloody Handkerchiefs, said, Behold the Blood of that worthy Man, that good Uncle of that excellent King, which was shed by thy malicious practice, doth now begin apparently to revenge itself on thee. Sure it is, that Northumberland, as having maliciously contrived this, was ever after hated by the People.  
But on the other hand, great notice was taken that the Duke of Norfolk, (who, with his Son the Earl of Surrey, were believed to have fallen in all their misery, by the Duke of Somersets means,) did now outlive him, and saw him fall by a Conspiracy of his own Servants, as himself and his Son had done. The Proceeding against his Brother was also remembered, for which many thought the Judgements of God had overtaken him. Others blamed him for being too apt to convert things Sacred to his own use, and because a great part of his Estate was raised out of the Spoils of many Churches: and some late Writers have made an Inference from this, upon his not claiming the Benefit of Clergy, that he was thus left of God not to plead that Benefit, since he had so much invaded the Rights and Revenues of the Church. But in this they shown their ignorance. For by the Statute, that Felony of which he was found guilty, was not to be purged by Clergy. Those who pleased themselves in comparing the events in their own times, with the Transactions of the former Ages, found out many things to make a parallel between the Duke of Somerset, and Humphrey the good Duke of Gloucester in Henry the 6th's time; but I shall leave the Reader in that to his own observation.  
Now was the Duke of Northumberland absolute at Court, all Offices being filled with those that were his Associates. 
The Affairs of Germany.  But here I stop to give a general view of Affairs beyond Sea this year, though I have a little transgressed the bounds of it, to give an account of the Duke of Somersets Fall all together. The Siege of Magdeburg went on in Germany. But it was coldly followed by Maurice, who had now other designs. He had agreed with the French King, who was both to give him assistance, and to make War on the Emperor, at the same time when he should begin. Ferdinand was also not unwilling to see his Brother's greatness lessened; for he was pressing him, not without threaten, to lay down his Dignity; as King of the Romans, and thought to have established it on his Son. All the other Princes of Germany were also oppressed by him, so that they were disposed to enter into any alliance for the shaking off of that Yoke. Maurice did also send over to try the inclinations of England; if they would join with him, and contribute 400000 Dollars towards the expense of a War, for the preservation of the Protestant Religion, and recovering the liberty of Germany. The Ambassadors were only sent to try the King's mind, but were not empowered to conclude any thing. They were sent back with a good Answer, That the King would most willingly join in alliance with them that were of the same Religion with himself; but he desired, that the matter of Religion might be plainly set down, lest under the pretence of that, War should be made for other Quarrels. He desired them also to communicate their designs with the other Princes, and then to send over others more fully empowered. Maurice, seeing such Assistances ready for him, resolved, both to break the Emperor's designs, and by leading on a new League against him, to make himself more acceptable to the Empire, and thereby to secure the Electoral Dignity in his Family. So after Magdeburg had endured a long Siege, he, giving a secret intimation to some Men in whom they confided, persuaded them about the end of November to surrender to him; and then broke up his Army: but they fell into the Dominions of several of the Popish Princes, and put them under very heavy Contributions. This alarmed all the Empire, only the Emperor himself, by a fatal security, did not apprehend it, till it came so near him, that he was almost ruined before he dreamt of any danger.  
This Year the Transactions of Trent were remarkable. 
Proceed at Trent.  The Pope had called the Council to meet there, and the first of May this year there was a Session held. There was a War now broken out, between the Pope, and the King of France, on this occasion. The Pope had a mind to have Parma in his own Hands, but that Prince, fearing that he would keep it, as the Emperor did Placentia, and so he should be ruined between them, implored the Protection of France, and received a French Garrison for his safety. Upon this, the Pope cited him to Rome, declaring him a Traitor if he appeared not: and this engaged the Pope in a War with France. At first he sent a threatening Message to that King, that if he would not restore Parma to him, he would take France from him. Upon this the King of France protested against the Council of Trent, and threatened that he would call a National Council in France. The Council was adjourned to the 10th of September. In the mean while the Emperor pressed the Germans to go to it. So Maurice, and the other Princes of the Ausburg Confession, ordered their Divines to consider of the matters which they would propose to the Council. The Electors of Mentz and Trier went to Trent. But the King of France sent the Abbot of Bellosana thither, to make a protestation, that by reason of the War that the Pope had raised, he could not send his Bishops to the Council: and that therefore he would not observe their Decrees: (for they had declared in France, that absent Churches were not bound to obey the Decrees of a Council: for which many Authorities were cited from the Primitive time.) But at Trent they proceeded for all this, and appointed the Articles about the Eucharist to be first examined: and the Precedents recommended to the Divines, to handle them according to Scripture, Tradition, and Ancient Authors, and to avoid unprofitable curiosities. The Italian Divines did not like this. For they said, to argue so, was but an Act of the memory, and was an old and insufficient way, and would give great advantage to the Lutherans, who were skilled in the Tongues; but the School-Learning was a mystical and sublime way, in which it was easier to set off or conceal matters as was expedient. But this was done to please the Germans: And, at the suit of the Emperor, the matter of Communicating in both kinds was postponed, till the Germane Divines could be heard. A safe Conduct was desired, by the Germans, not only from the Emperor, but from the Council. For at Constance, John Huss, and Jerome of Prague, were burnt, upon this pretence, that they had not the Councils safe conduct; and therefore when the Council of Basil called for the Bohemians, they sent them a safe Conduct, besides that which the Emperor gave them. So the Princes desired one in the same Form that was granted by those of Basil. One was granted by the Council, which in many things differed from that of Basil; particularly in one Clause, that all things should be determined according to the Scriptures, which was in that safe Conduct of Basil, but was now left out. In October an Ambassador from the Elector of Brandenburg came to Trent, who was endeavouring to get his Son settled in the Archbishopric of Magdeburg, which made him more compliant. In his first Address to the Council, he spoke of the respect his Master had to the Fathers in it, without a word of submitting to their Decrees. But in the Answer that was made in the Name of the Council, it was said, they were glad he did submit to them, and would obey their Decrees. This being afterwards complained of, it was said, that they answered him according to what he should have said, and not according to what he had said. But in the mean while, the Council published their Decrees about the Eucharist; in the first part of which, they defined, that the way of the Presence could hardly be expressed, and yet they called Transubstantiation a fit term for it. But this might be well enough defended, since that was a thing as hard to be either expressed or understood, as any thing they could have thought on. They went on next to examine Confession, and Penitence. And now, as the Divines handled the matter, they found the gathering Proofs out of Scripture grew endless and trifling; for there was not a place in Scripture where I confess was to be found, but they drew it in to prove Auricular Confession. From that they went on to Extreme Unction. But than came the Ambassadors of the Duke of Wittenberg, another Prince of the Ausburg Confession, and shown their Mandate to the Emperor's Ambassadors; who desired them to carry it to the Precedents; but they refused to do that; since it was contrary to the Protestation, which the Princes of their Confession had made against a Council in which the Pope should preside. On the 25th of November they published the Decree of the necessity of Auricular Confession, that so the Priest might thereby know how to proportion the Penance to the sin. It was much censured, to see it defined that Christ had instituted Confession to a Priest, and not showed where or how it was instituted. And the reason for it, about the proportioning the Penance, was laughed at, since it was known what slight Penances were universally enjoined to expiate the greatest sins. But the Ambassadors of Wirtenberg moving that they might have a safe Conduct for their Divines to come and propose their Doctrine; The Legate answered, that they would not upon any terms enter into any Disputation with them; but if their Divines had any scruple, in which they desired satisfaction, with a humble and obedient mind, they should be heard. And for a safe Conduct, he thought it was a distrusting the Council, to ask any other than what was already granted. Soon after this, there arrived Ambassadors from Strasburg, and from other five Cities, and those sent from the Duke of Saxe were on their Journey: so the Emperor ordered his Ambassadors to study to gain time till they came; and then an effectual course must be taken for compassing that about which he had laboured so long in vain to bring it to a happy conclusion. And thus this Year ended.  
The Parliament was opened on the 23d of January, 
1552. A Session of Parliament.  and sat till the 15th of April. So I shall begin this Year with the account of the Proceed in it. The first Act that was put into the House of Lords, was for an Order to bring Men to Divine Service; which was agreed to on the 26th, and sent down to the Commons, who kept it long before they sent it back. On the 6th of April, when it was agreed to, the Earl of Derby, the Bishops of Carlisle, and Norwich, and the Lords Sturton, and Windsor, dissented. The Lords afterwards brought in another Bill, for authorising a new Common-Prayer-Book, according to the Alterations which had been agreed on the former Year. This the Commons joined to the former, and so put both in one Act. By it was first set forth, That an Order of Divine Service being published, 
An Act authorising the new Common-Prayer-Book.  many did wilfully abstain from it, and refused to come to their Parish-Churches; therefore all are required, after the Feast of All-hallows next, to come every Sunday and Holiday, to Common-Prayers, under pain of the Censures of the Church. And the King, the Lords Temporal, and the Commons, did in God's Name require, all Archbishops, Bishops, and other Ordinaries, to endeavour the due execution of that Act, as they would answer before God for such Evils and Plagues, with which he might justly punish them, for neglecting that good and wholesome Law: and they were fully authorized to execute the Censures of the Church on all that should offend against this Law. To which is added, That there had been divers doubts raised about the manner of the Ministration of the Service, rather by the curiosity of the Ministers and Mistakers, than of any other worthy Cause; and that for the better explanation of that, and for the greater perfection of the Service, in some places, where it was fit to make the Prayer and fashion of Service more earnest and fit, to stir Christian People to the true honouring of Almighty God; therefore it had been by the Command of the King and Parliament perused, explained, and made more perfect. They also annexed to it the Form of making Bishops, Priests, and Deacons; and so appointed this new Book of Service, to be every where received after the Feast of All-Saints next, under the same Penalties that had been enacted three years before, when the former Book was set out.  

Which was much censured.  It was upon this Act said by the Papists, That the Reformation was like to change as oft as the Fashion did; since they seemed never to be at a Point in any thing, but new Models were thus continually framing. To which it was answered, That it was no wonder that the corruptions which they had been introducing for above a thousand years, were not all discovered or thrown out at once; but now the business was brought to a fuller perfection, and they were not like to see any more material Changes. Besides, any that would take the pains to compare the Offices that had been among the Papists, would clearly perceive, that in every Age there was such an increase of additional Rites and Ceremonies, that though the old ones were still retained, yet it seemed there would be no end of new improvements and additions. Others wondered why the execution of this Law was put off so long as till the end of the Year. All the account I can give of this is, that it was expected that by that time the new Body of the Ecclesiastical Laws, which was now preparing, should be finished; and therefore, since this Act was to be executed by the Clergy; the day, in which it was to be in force, was so long delayed, till that Reformation of their Laws were concluded.  

An Act concerning Treasons.  On the 8th of February a Bill of Treasons was put in, and agreed to by all the Lords, except the Lord Wentworth. It was sent down to the Commons, where it was long disputed; and many sharp things were said of those who now bore the sway; that whereas they who governed in the beginning of this Reign had put in a Bill for lessening the number of such offences, now they saw the change of Councils, when severer Laws were proposed. The Commons at last rejected the Bill, and then drew a new one, which was passed. By it they Enacted, That if any should call the King, or any of his Heirs named in the Statute of the 35th of his Father's Reign, Heretic, Schismatic, Tyrant, Infidel, or Usurper of the Crown; for the first offence they should forfeit their Goods and Chattels, and be imprisoned during pleasure; for the second, should be in a Praemunire; for the third, should be attainted of Treason: but any who should advisedly set that out in printing or writing, was for the first offence to be held a Traitor. And that those who should keep any of the King's Castles, Artillery, or Ships, six days after they were lawfully required to deliver them up, should be guilty of Treason: that Men might be proceeded against for Treasons committed out of the Kingdom, as well as in it. They added a Proviso, That none should be Attainted of Treason on this Act, unless two Witnesses should come, and to their face aver the Fact for which they were to be tried; except such as without any violence should confess it: and that none should be questioned for any thing said or written, but within three Months after it was done.  
This Proviso seems clearly to have been made with relation to the Proceeding against the Duke of Somerset, in which the Witnesses were not brought to aver the Evidence to his Face, and by that means he was deprived of all the benefit and advantage which he might have had by cross examining them. It is certain, that though some false Witnesses have practised the Trade so much, that they seem to have laid off all shame, and have a brow that cannot be daunted; yet for the greatest part a bright serenity and cheerfulness attends Innocence, and a lowering dejection betrays the Guilty, when the Innocent and they are confronted together.  
On the 3d of March a Bill was brought into the Lords for holidays and Fasting days; and sent down to the Commons on the 15th of March, 
An Act about Fasts and holidays.  by whom it was passed, and had the Royal Assent. In the Preamble it is set forth, That Men are not at all times so set on the performance of Religious Duties as they ought to be; which made it necessary that there should be set times, in which labour was to cease, that Men might on these days wholly serve God: which days were not to be accounted holy of their own nature, but were so called, because of the Holy Duties then to be set about; so that the Sanctification of them (was not any Magical Virtue in that time, but) consisted in the dedicating them to God's Service: that no day was dedicated to any Saint; but only to God, in remembrance of such Saints: that the Scripture had not determined the number of holidays, but that these were left to the liberty of the Church. Therefore they Enact, That all Sundays, with the days marked in the Calendar and Liturgy, should be kept as holidays: and the Bishops were to proceed by the Censures of the Church against the disobedient. A Proviso was added for the observation of St. George's Feast by the Knights of the Garter; and another, That Labourers or Fishermen might, if need so required, work on those days either in or out of Harvest. The Eves before holidays were to be kept as Fasts; and in Lent, and on Fridays and Saturdays, abstinence from Flesh was Enacted: but if a Holiday fell to be on a M●nday, the Eve for it was to be kept on Saturday, since Sunday was never to be a Fastingday. But it was generally observed, that in this and all such Acts, the People were ready enough to lay hold on any relaxation made by it, but did very slightly observe the stricter parts of it: so that the liberty left to Tradesmen to work in cases of necessity, was carried further than it was intended, to a too public profanation of the time so sanctified; and the other parts of it, directing the People to a conscientious observing of such times, was little minded.  
On the 5th of March, a Bill concerning the relief of the Poor was put into the House of Lords: the Form of passing it has given occasion to some to take notice, that though it is a Bill for taxing the Subjects; yet it had its first birth in the Lord's House, and was agreed to by the Commons. By it the Churchwardens were empowered to gather charitable Collections for the Poor; and if any did refuse to contribute, or did dissuade others from it, the Bishop of the Diocese was to proceed against them. On the 9th of March the Bishops put in a Bill for the security of the Clergy from some ambiguous words that were in the submission which the Convocation had made to King Henry in the 21st year of his Reign: by which they were under a Praemunire, if they did any things in their Courts contrary to the King's Prerogative; which was thought hard, since some through ignorance might transgress. Therefore it was desired, that no Prelate should be brought under a Praemunire, unless they had proceeded in any thing after they were prohibited by the King's Writ. To this the Lords consented, but it was let fall by the Commons.  
There was another Act brought in for the Marriage of the Clergy, which was agreed to by the Lords; 
An Act for the Marriagé of the Clergy.  the Earls of Shrewsbury, Derby, Rutland, and Bath, and the Lords Abergaveny, Stourton, Mounteagle, Sands, Windsor, and Wharton, protesting against it. The Commons also passed it, and it was assented to by the King. By it was set forth, That many took occasion from words in the Act formerly made about this matter, to say, that it was only permitted, as Usury and other unlawful things were, for the avoiding greater evils; who thereupon spoke slanderously of such Marriages, and accounted the Children begotten in them to be Bastards; to the high dishonour of the King, and Parliament, and the Learned Clergy of the Realm, who had determined, that the Laws against Priests Marriages were most unlawful by the Law of God; to which they had not only given their Assent in the Convocation, but Signed it with all their Hands. These slanders did also occasion, that the Word of God was not heard with due reverence: whereupon it was Enacted, That such Marriages, made according to the Rules prescribed in the Book of Service, should be esteemed good and valid, and that the Children begot in them should be inheritable according to Law.  
The Marquis of Northampton did also put in a Bill for confirming his Marriage, which was passed: only the Earl of Derby, the Bishops of Carlisle, and Norwich, and the Lord Stourton dissented. By it, the Marriage is declared lawful, as by the Law of God indeed it was; any Decretal, Canon, Ecclesiastical Law, or usage to the contrary notwithstanding. This occasioned another Act, That no Man might put away his Wife, and marry another, unless he were formerly divorced; to which the Bishop of Norwich dissented; because he was of opinion, that a Divorce did not break the Marriage-Bond. But this Bill fell in the House of Commons, being thought not necessary, for the Laws were already severe enough against such double Marriages.  
By another Act, the Bishopric of Westminster was quite suppressed, and reunited to the See of London: but the Collegiate Church, with it's exempted Jurisdiction, 
An Act against Usury.  was still continued. Another Bill was put in against Usury; which was sent from the Lords to the Commons, and passed by both, and assented to. By it, an Act passed in Parliament in the 37th year of the late King's Reign, That none might take above 20 per Cent. for Money lent, was repealed; which, they say, was not intended for the allowing of Usury, but for preventing further inconveniences: and since Usury was by the Word of God forbidden, and set out in divers places of Scripture as a most odious and detestable vice; which yet many continued to practise, for the filthy gain they made by it; therefore from the first of May all Usury or gain for Money lent, was to cease: and whosoever continued to practise to the contrary, were to suffer imprisonment, and to be fined at the King's pleasure.  
This Act has been since repealed, and the gain for Money lent has been at several times brought to several regulations. It was much questioned, whether these Prohibitions of Usury by Moses were not judicial Laws, which did only bind the Nation of the Jews; whose Land being equally divided among the Families by Lot, the making gain by lending Money was forbid to them of that Nation: yet it did not seem to be a thing of its nature sinful, since they might take increase of a Stranger. The not lending Money on use was more convenient for that Nation; which abounding in People, and being shut up in a narrow Country, they were necessarily to apply themselves to all the ways of Industry for their subsistence; so that every one was, by that Law of not lending upon use, forced to imply his Money in the way of Trade or Manufacture, for which they were sure to have vent, since they lay near Tyre and Sidon, that were then the chief Places of Traffic and Navigation of the World: and without such Industry the Soil of Judea could not possibly have fed such vast numbers as lived on it: So that it seemed clear that this Law in the Old Testament properly belonged to that policy. Yet it came to be looked on by many Christians as a Law of perpetual obligation. It came also to be made a part of the Canon Law; and Absolution could not be given to the breakers of it, without a special faculty from Rome. But for avoiding the severity of the Law, the invention of Mortgages was fallen on; which at first, were only Purchases made, and let back to the owner, for such Rent as the use of the Money came to: so that the use was taken as the Rent of the Land thus bought. And those who had no Land to sell thus, fell upon another way: The Borrower bought their Goods, to be paid within a Year, (for instance an hundred and ten Pound) and sold them back, for a Sum to be presently laid down as they should agree, (it may be a hundred Pound;) by this means the one had a hundred Pound in hand, and the other was to have ten Pound or more at a years end. But this being in the way of Sale, was not called Usury. This Law was looked on as impossible to be observed in a Country, like England: and it could not easily appear where the immorality lay, of lending Money upon moderate gain, such as held proportion to the value of Land; provided that the perpetual Rule of Christian Equity and Charity were observed, which is, not to exact above the proportion duly limited by the Law, and to be merciful in not exacting severely of Persons who by inevitable accidents have been disabled from making payment. This digression I thought the more necessary, because of the scruples that many good and strict Persons have still in that matter.  
Another Act passed both Houses, against all Simoniacal Pactions, 
A Bill against Simony.  the reservation of Pensions out of Benefices, and the granting Advowsons' while the Incumbent was yet alive. It was agreed to by the Lords, the Earls of Derby, Rutland, and Sussex, the Viscount Hereford, and the Lords Mounteagle, Sands, Wharton, and Evers, dissenting. But upon what reason I do not know, the Bill was not assented to by the King, who being then sick, there was a Collection made of the Titles of the Bills which were to have the Royal Assent, and those the King Signed, and gave Commission to some Lords to pass them in his Name. These abuses have been oft complained of, but there have been still new contrivances found out, to elude all Laws against Simony: either bargains being made by the Friends of the Parties concerned without their express knowledge; or Bonds of Resignation given, by which Incumbents lie at the mercy of their Patrons, and in these, the faultiness of some Clergymen, is made the colour of imposing such hard terms upon others, and of robbing the Church oftentimes by that means.  
There was a private Bill put in, about the Duke of Somersets Estate, which had been by Act of Parliament entailed on his Son in the 23d Year of the last King's Reign. 
A Repeal of the Entail of the Duke of Somersets Estate.  On the third of March it was sent to the House of Commons, Signed by the King, it was for the Repeal of that Act. Whether the King was so alienated from his Uncle, that this extraordinary thing was done by him for the utter ruin of his Family, or not, I cannot determine: but I rather incline to think it was done in hatred to the Duchess of Somerset and her Issue. For the Estate was entailed on them by that Act of Parliament, in prejudice of the Issue of the former Marriage, of whom are descended the Seimours of Devon-shire; who were disinherited and excluded from the Duke of Somersets Honours by his Patents, and from his Estate by Act of Parliament; partly upon some jealousies he had of his former Wife, but chief by the power his second Wife had over him. This Bill of Repeal was much opposed in the House, though sent to them in so unusual a way, by the King himself. And though there was on the 8th of March a Message sent from the Lords, that they should make haste towards an end of the Parliament, yet still they stuck long upon it; looking on the breaking of Entails that were made by Act of Parliament, as a thing of such consequence, that it dissolved the greatest security that the Law of England gives for property. It was long argued by the Commons, and was fifteen several days brought in. At last a new Bill was devised, and that was much altered too: it was not quite ended till the day before the Parliament was dissolved. But near the end of the Session, a Proviso was sent from the Lords, to be added to the Bill, confirming the Attainder of the Duke and his Complices. It seems his Enemies would not try this at first, till they had by other things measured their strength in that House; and finding their interest grew there, they adventured on it; but they mistook their measures, for the Commons would not agree to it. In conclusion, the Bill of Repeal was agreed to. But whereas there had been some Writings for a Marriage between the Earl of Oxford's Daughter and the Duke of Somersets Son, and a Bill was put in for voiding these; upon a division of the House the 28th of March there were sixty eight that agreed, and sixty nine that rejected it, so this Bill was cast out. By this we see what a thin House of Commons there was at that time, the whole being but 137 Members. But this was a natural effect of a long Parliament: many of those who were at first chosen, being infirm; and others not willing to put themselves to the charge and trouble of such constant and long attendance. It is also from hence clear, how great an interest the Duke of Somerset had in the affections of the Parliament.  

The Commons refuse to attaint the Bishop of Duresme by Bill.  Another Bill gave a more evident discovery how hateful the Duke of Northumberland was to them. The Bishop of Duresme was, upon some complaint brought against him of misprision of Treason, put into the Tower about the end of December last year. What the Particulars were I do not find; but it was visible that the secret reason was, that he being Attainted, the Duke of Northumberland intended to have had the Dignities and Jurisdiction of that Principality conferred on himself: so that he should have been made Count Palatine of Duresme. Tonstall had in all Points given obedience to every Law, and to all the Injunctions that had been made: but had always in Parliament protested against the changes in Religion; which he thought he might with a good Conscience submit to and obey; though he could not consent to them. Only in the matter of the Corporal Presence, he was still of the old Persuasion, and writ about it. But the Latin Style of his Book is much better than the Divinity and Reasonings in it. So what he would have done, if he had been required to subscribe the Articles, that were now agreed on, did not appear, for he was all this while Prisoner. There was a constant good correspondence between Cranmer and him: Though in many things they differed in opinion; yet Tonstall was both a Man of candour, and of great moderation, which agreed so well with Cranmers' temper, that no wonder they lived always in good terms. So when the Bill for Attainting him as guilty of Misprision of Treason was passed in the House of Lords, on the 31st of March, being put in on the 28th, Cranmer spoke so freely against it, that the Duke of Northumberland and he were never after that in friendship together. What his Arguments were I could not recover; but when he could do no more, he protested against it, being seconded only by the Lord Stourton. How it came to pass that the other Popish Lords and Bishops that protested against the other Acts of this Parliament, did not join in this, I cannot imagine: unless it was, that they were the less concerned for Tonstall, because Cranmer had appeared to be so much his friend, or were awed by their fear of offending the Duke of Northumberland. But when the Bill was carried down to the Commons, with the Evidences against him, which were some Depositions that had been taken, and brought to the Lords; they who were resolved to condemn that practice for the future, would not proceed upon it now. So on the fifth of April they ordered the Privy-Counsellors of their House, to move the Lords, that his Accusers and he might be heard face to face: and that not being done, they went no further in the Bill.  
By these Indications the Duke of Northumberland saw how little kindness the House of Commons had for him. 
The Parliament is Dissolved.  The Parliament had now sat almost five years, and being called by the Duke of Somerset, his Friends had been generally chose to be of it. So that it was no wonder, if upon his Fall they were not easy to those who had destroyed him: nor was there any motion made for their giving the King a Supply. Therefore the Duke of Northumberland thought it necessary for his Interest to call a new Parliament. And accordingly on the 15th of April the Parliament was dissolved; and it was resolved to spend this Summer in making Friends all over England, and to have a new Parliament in the opening of the next Year.  
The Convocation at this time agreed to the Articles of Religion that were prepared the last Year: which, though they have been often printed, yet since they are but short, and of so great consequence to this History, I have put them into the Collection, as was formerly told.  
Thus the Reformation of Doctrine and Worship were brought to their perfection; and were not after this in a tittle mended or altered in this Reign, nor much afterwards; only some of the Articles were put in more general words under Queen Elizabeth.  
Another part of the Reformation was yet unfinished, 
A Reformation of Ecclesiastical Courts considered.  and it was the chief work of this year: that was, the giving Rules to the Ecclesiastical Courts, and for all things relating to the Government of the Church, and the exercise of the several Functions in it. In the former Volume it was told, that an Act had passed for this effect; yet it had not taken effect, but a Commission was made upon it, and these appointed by King Henry had met and consulted about it, and had made some progress in it, as appears by an Original Letter of Cranmers to that King in the Year 1545. in which he speaks of it as a thing then almost forgotten, and quite l●id aside; for from the time of the six Articles till then, the design of the Reformation had been going backward: At that time the King began to reassume the thoughts of it, and was resolved to remove some Ceremonies, such as the creeping to the Cross, the ringing of Bells on St. Andrews Eve, with other superstitious Practices; for which Cranmer sent him the draught of a Letter to be written in the King's Name, to the two Archbishops, and to be by them communicated to the rest of the Clergy. In the Postscript of his Letter he complains much of the sacrilegious waist of the Cathedral Church of Canterbury, where the Dean and Prebendaries had been made to alienate many of their Manors upon Letters obtained by Courtiers from the King, as if the Lands had been desired for the King's use: upon which they had surrendered those Lands, which were thereupon disposed of to the Courtiers that had an Eye upon them. This Letter should have come in in the former Volume, but I had not seen it then, so I took hold on this Occasion to direct the Reader to it in the Collection. 
Collection Number 61.   
It was also formerly told, that an Act had passed in this Reign, to empower thirty two Persons, who should be named by the King, to make a Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Laws, which was to be finished within three years. But the revolutions of Affairs, and the other more pressing things that were still uncompleted, had kept them hitherto from setting to that work. On the first of November last year, a Commission was given to eight Persons to prepare the matter for the review of the two and thirty, that so it might be more easily compiled, being in a few hands, than could well be done, if so many had been to set about it. These eight were, the Arch bishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of Ely, Dr. Cox, and Peter Martyr, two Divines, Dr. May, and Dr. Taylor, two Doctors of the Law, and John Lucas, and Richard Goodrick, two Common Lawyers. But on the 14th of November the Commission was renewed, and the Bishop of London was named in the room of the Bishop of Ely; one Traheron in the room of May; and Gosnald in Goodrick's room. These, it seems, desiring more time than one year to finish it in, for two of the years were now lapsed, in the last Session of the Parliament they had three years more time offered them. But it seems the Work was believed to be in such a forwardness, that this continuation was not judged necessary, for the Royal Assent was not given to that Act. After the Parliament was ended, they made haste with it. But I find it said in the Preface to the Book, as it was printed in Queen Elizabeth's Reign, that Cranmer did the whole Work almost himself: which will justify the Character some give of him, that he was the greatest Canonist then in England. Dr. Haddon, that was University Orator in Cambridge, and Sir Jo. Cheek, were employed to put it in Latin. And they did so imitate the Style of the Roman Laws, that any who reads the Book, will fancy himself to be reading a Work of the purer Ages of that State, when their Language was not yet corrupted with these barbarous terms which the mixture of other Nations brought in, and made it no where more nauseously rude than in the Canon Law.  
The Work was digested and cast into fifty one Titles: to bring it near the Number of the Books of the Pandects, into which Justinian had digested the Roman Law. It was prepared by February this year, and a Commission was granted to thirty two Persons, of whom the former eight were a part: consisting of eight Bishops, eight Divines, among whom John a Lasco was one, eight Civilians, and eight Common Lawyers. They were to revise, correct, and perfect the Work, and so to present it to the King. They divided themselves into four Classes, eight to a Classis; and every one of these were to prepare their Corrections, and so to communicate them to the rest. And thus was the Work carried on, and finished; but before it received the Royal Confirmation, the King died, and this fell with him: nor do I find it was ever since that time taken up, or prosecuted, with the care that a thing of such consequence deserved: and therefore I shall not think it improper for me, having before shown what was done, in the next place to give an account of what was then intended to be done; and is now very fit to be well considered.  
The first Title was of the Trinity, and the Catholic Faith; 
The Chief Heads of it.  in which those who denied the Christian Religion were to suffer death, and the loss of their Goods. The Books of Scripture were numbered, these called Apocryphal being left out of the Canon; which, though they were read in the Church, it was only for the edification of the People, but not for the proof of the Doctrine. The power of the Church was subjected to the Scriptures: The four General Councils were received; but all Councils were to be examined by the Scripture; as were also the Writings of the Fathers, who were to be much reverenced, but according to what themselves have written, they were only to be submitted to when they agreed with the Scriptures.  
The second Title contains an enumeration of many Heresies, viz. against the Trinity, Jesus Christ, the Scriptures, about Original sin, Justification, the Mass, Purgatory; and censured those who denied Magistracy to be lawful, or asserted the Community of Goods, or Wives; or who denied the Pastoral Office, and thought any might assume it at pleasure; or who thought the Sacraments naked Signs, who denied the Baptism of Infants, or thought none could possibly be saved that were not Baptised; or who asserted Transubstantiation, or denied the lawfulness of Marriage, particularly in the Clergy; or who asserted the Pope's Power; or such as excused their ill Lives by the pretence of Predestination, as many wicked Men did: from which and other Heresies all are dissuaded, and earnestly exhorted to endeavour the extirpation of them.  
The third was about the Judgements of Heresy before the Bishop of the Diocese, even in exempted Places. They were to proceed by Witnesses; but the Party, upon fame, might be required to purge himself: if he repent, he was to make public profession of it in those places where he had spread it; and to renounce his Heresy, swearing never to return to it any more: but obstinate Heretics were to be declared infamous, incapable of public Trust, or to be Witnesses in any Court, or to have power to make a Testament, and were not to have the benefit of the Law: Clergymen falling into Heresy were not to return to their Benefices, unless the Circumstances were such that they required it; and thus all Capital Proceed for Heresy were laid down.  
The fourth was about Blasphemy, flowing from hatred or rage against God, which was to be punished as obstinate Heresy was.  
The fifth was about the Sacraments of Baptism, and the Lords Supper. To which is added, that Imposition of Hands is to be retained in the Ordination of Pastors; that Marriages are to be solemnly made; that those who renew their Baptismal Vow, be confirmed by the Bishop: and that the Sick should be visited by their Pastors.  
The sixth was about Idolatry, Magic, Witchcraft, or consulting with Conjurers; who were to be arbitrarily punished, if they submitted; otherwise, to be excommunicated.  
The seventh was about Preachers; whom the Bishops were to examine carefully, before they licenced them; and were once a year to gather together all those who were licenced in their Dioceses, to know of them the true state of their Flock; what Vices abounded, and what Remedies were most proper. Those who refused to hear Sermons, or did make disturbance in them, were to be separated from the Communion. It seems it was designed, that there should be in every Diocese, some who should go round a Precinct, and Preach like Evangelists, as some than called them.  
The eighth was about Marriage; which was to be after ask Banes, three Sundays, or holidays. Those who were married in any other Form, than that in the Book of Service, were not to be esteemed lawfully married: those who corrupted Virgins, were to be excommunicated, if they did not marry them; or if that could not be done, they were to give them the third part of their Goods, besides other arbitrary punishments. Marriages made without the consent of Parents or Guardians, were declared null. Then follow the things that may void Marriages; they are left free to all: Polygamy is forbid, Marriages made by force are declared void, Mothers are required to suckle their Children.  
The ninth is about the Degrees of Marriage. All these in the Levitical Law, or those that are reciprocal to them, are forbidden: but Spiritual Kindred was not to hinder Marriage, since there was nothing in Scripture about it, nor was there any good reason for it.  
The tenth was about Adultery. A Clergyman guilty of it was to forfeit all his Goods and Estate to his Wife, and Children; or if he had none, to the Poor, or some pious use; and to lose his Benefice, and be either banished, or imprisoned during Life. A Layman was to restore his Wife's Portion, and to give her the half of his Goods, and be imprisoned, or banished, during Life. Wives that were guilty, were to be in like manner punished. But the Innocent Party might marry again; yet such were rather exhorted, if they saw hope of amendment, to be reconciled to the offending Party. No Marriage was to be dissolved without a Sentence of Divorce. Desertion, long Absence, Capital Enmities where either Party was in hazard of their Life, or the constant perverseness or fierceness of a Husband against his Wife, might induce a Divorce: but little Quarrels might not do it; nor a perpetual Disease, Relief in such a Misery being one of the Ends of Marriage. But all separation from Bed and Board, except during a Trial, was to be taken away.  
The 11th was about Admission to Ecclesiastical Benefices. Patrons were to consider, the choice of the Person was trusted to them, but was not to be abused to any sacrilegious or base ends: if they did otherwise, they were to lose their right for that time. Benefices were not to be given, or promised, before they were void; nor let lie destitute above six Months, otherwise they were to devolve to the Bishop. Clergymen before their Ordination were to be examined by the Arch-deacons, with such other Triers as the Bishop should appoint to be assistant to them: and the Bishop himself was to try them, since this was one of the chief things, upon which the happiness of the Church depended. The Candidate was to give an Oath to answer sincerely, upon which he was to be examined about his Doctrine, chief of the whole Points of the Catechism, if he understood them aright: and what knowledge he had of the Scriptures: they were to search him well whether he held Heretical Opinions: None was to be admitted to more Cures than one; and all Privileges for Pluralities were for ever to cease: nor was any to be absent from his Cure, except for a time, and a just cause, of which he was to satisfy his Ordinary. The Bishops were to take great care to allow no absence longer than was necessary: every one was to enter upon his Cure within two Months after he was Instituted by the Bishop. Prebendaries who had no particular Cure, were to preach in the Churches adjacent to them. Bastard's might not be admitted to Orders, unless they had eminent Qualities. But the Bastards of Patrons were upon no account to be received, if presented by them. Other bodily defects, unless such as did much disable them, or made them very contemptible, were not to be a bar to any. Beside the Sponsions in the Office of Ordination, they were to swear that they had made no agreement to obtain the Benefice to which they were presented, and that if they come to know of any made by others on their account, they should signify it to the Bishop; and that they should not do any thing to the prejudice of their Church.  
The 12th and 13th were about the renouncing or changing of Benefices.  
The 14th was about purgation upon common fame, or when one was accused for any crime, which was proved incompleatly, and only by presumptions. The Ecclesiastical Courts might not re-examine any thing that was proved in any Civil Court, but upon a high scandal a Bishop might require a Man to purge himself, otherwise to separate him from Holy things. The Form of a Purgation was, to swear himself innocent; and he was also to have four Compurgators of his own Rank, who were to swear, that they believed he swore true: upon which the Judge was to restore him to his Fame. Any that were under suspicion of a Crime, might by the Judge be required to avoid all the occasions from which the suspicion had risen: But all superstitious Purgations were to be rejected.  
The 15th, 16th, 17th, and 18th, were about Dilapidations, the Letting of the Goods of the Church, the confirming the former Rules of Election in Cathedrals or Colleges, and the Collation of Benefices. And there was to be a Purgation of Simony, as there should be occasion for it.  
The 19th was about Divine Offices. In the Mornings on holidays, the Common-Prayer was to be used, with the Communion-Service joined to it. In Cathedrals, there was to be Communion every Sunday and Holiday; where the Bishop, the Dean, and the Prebendaries, and all maintained by that Church, were to be present. There was no Sermon to be in Cathedrals in the Morning, lest that might draw any from the Parish Churches; but only in the Afternoons. In the Anthems, all Figured Music, by which the Hearers could not understand what they sung, was to be taken away. In Parish Churches, there were only to be Sermons in the Morning; but none in the Afternoon, except in great Parishes. All who were to receive the Sacrament, were to come the day before, and inform the Minister of it; who was to examine their Consciences, and their Belief. On holidays in the Afternoon, the Catechism was to be explained for an hour. After the Evening-Prayers, the Poor were to be looked to; and such as had given open scandal were to be examined, and public Penitence was to be enjoined them: and the Minister, with some of the Ancients of the Parish, were to commune together about the state of the People in it: that if any carried themselves indecently, they might be first charitably admonished; and, if that did not prevail, subjected to severer Censures: but none were to be excommunicated, without the Bishop were first informed, and had consented to it. Divine Offices were not to be performed in Chapels, or private Houses, lest the Churches should under that pretence be neglected, and Errors more easily disseminated; excepting only the Houses of Peers and Persons of great Quality, who had numerous Families; but in these, all things were to be done according to the Book of Common-Prayer.  
The 20th was about those that bore Office in the Church; Sextons, Churchwardens, Deacons, Priests, and Rural Deans. This last was to be a Yearly Office: he that was named to it by the Bishop, being to watch over the manners of the Clergy and People in his Precinct, was to signify the Bishop's pleasure to them, and to give the Bishop an account of his Precinct every sixth Month. The Arch-deacons were to be general Visitors over the Rural Deans. In every Cathedral, one of the Prebendaries, or one procured by them, was thrice a week to expound some part of the Scriptures. The Bishops were to be over all, and to remember that their Authority was given to them for that end, that many might be brought to Christ, and that such as had gone astray might be restored by Repentance. To the Bishop all were to give obedience according to the Word of God. The Bishop was to preach often in his Church; was to Ordain none for Rewards, or rashly; was to provide good Pastors, and to deprive bad ones: he was to visit his Diocese every third year, or oftener as he saw cause; but then he was to do it at his own charge: he was to have yearly Synods, and to confirm such as were well instructed. His Family was to consist of Clergymen, whom he should bring up to the Service of the Church; (so was St. Augustine's, and other Ancient Bishop's Families constituted.) This being a great means to supply the great want of good and faithful Ministers. Their Wives and Children were also to avoid all levity or vain dressing. They were never to be absent from their Dioceses, but upon a public and urgent cause: and when then grew sick or infirm, they were to have Coadjutors. If they became scandalous or heretical, they were to be deprived by the King's Authority. The Archbishops were to exercise the Episcopal Function in their Diocese; and were once to visit their whole Province, and to oversee the Bishops, to admonish them for what was amiss, and to receive and judge Appeals, to call Provincial Synods upon any great occasion, having obtained Warrant from the King for it. Every Bishop was to have a Synod of his Clergy some time in Lent, so that they might all return home before Palm-Sunday. They were to begin with the Litany, a Sermon, and a Communion; then all were to withdraw into some private place, where they were to give the Bishop an account of the state of the Diocese, and to consult of what required advice; every Priest was to deliver his opinion, and the Bishop was to deliver his Sentence, and to bring matters to as speedy a Conclusion as might be; and all were to submit to him, or to appeal to the Archbishop.  
The 21st, 22d, 23d, 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th, 28th, and 29th Titles are about Churchwardens, Universities, Tithes, Visitations, Testaments, Ecclesiastical Censures, Suspension, Sequestration, Deprivation.  
The 30th is about Excommunication, of which, as being the chief Ecclesiastical Censure, I shall set down their Scheme the more fully.  
Excommunication they reckon an Authority given of God to the Church, for removing scandalous or corrupt Persons, 
Their design concerning the use of Excommunication.  from the use of the Sacraments, or fellowship of Christians, till they give clear signs of their repentance, and submit to such Spiritual punishments, by which the Flesh may be subdued, and the Spirit saved. This was trusted to Churchmen, but chief, to Archbishops, Bishops, Arch-deacons, Deans, and any other appointed for it by the Church. None ought to be excommunicated but for their obstinacy in great faults; but it was never to be gone about rashly; and therefore the Judge who was to give it, was to have a Justice of Peace with him, and the Minister of the Parish where the Party lived, with two or three learned Presbyters, in whose Presence the matter was to be examined, and Sentence pronounced, which was to be put in writing. It was to be intimated in the Parish where the Party lived, and in the neighbouring Parishes, that all Persons might be warned to avoid the company of him that was under Excommunication: and the Minister was to declare what the nature and consequences of Exmunication were, the Person so censured being cut off from the Body of Christ: after that, none was to eat, or drink, or keep company with him, but those of his own Family: whosoever did otherwise, if being admonished they continued in it, were also to be Excommunicated. If the Person censured continued forty days without expressing any repentance, it was to be certified into the Chancery, and a Writ was to issue for taking and keeping him in Prison, till he should become sensible of his offences; and when he did confess these, and submitted to such punishments as should be enjoined, the Sentence was to be taken off, and the Person publicly reconciled to the Church. And this was to take place against those, who, being condemned for capital Offences, obtained the Kings Pardon, but were notwithstanding to be subject to Church-censures.  
Then follows the Office of receiving Penitents. They were first to stand without the Church, and desire to be again received into it, and so to be brought in: the Minister was to declare to the People the heinousness of sin, and the mercies of God in the Gospel, in a long Discourse, of which the Form is there prescribed: Then he was to show the People, that as they were to abhor hardened sinners, so they were to receive with the Bowels of true Charity, all sincere Penitents: he was next to warn the Person, not to mock God, and deceive the People, by a feigned Confession; he was thereupon to repeat, first a general Confession, and then more particularly to name his sin, and to pray to God for mercy to himself, and that none by his ill example might be defiled; and finally to beseech them all to forgive him, and to receive him again into their Fellowship: Then the Minister was to ask the People, whether they would grant his desires, who were to answer, they would: Then the Pastor was to lay his Hand on his Head, and to absolve him from the punishment of his offences, and the bond of Excommunication; and so to restore him to his place in the Church of God. Then he was to lead him to the Communion-Table, and there to offer up a Prayer of  to God for reclaiming that sinner. For the other Titles they relate to the other parts of the Law of those Courts, for which I refer the Reader to the Book itself.  
How far any of those things, chief the last about Excommunication, may be yet brought into the Church, I leave to the Consultations of the Governors of it, and of the two Houses of Parliament. It cannot be denied, that Vice and Immorality, together with much impiety, have overrun the Nation; and though the charge of this is commonly cast on the Clergy, who certainly have been in too many places wanting to their duty; yet on the other hand, they have so little power, or none at all, by Law, to censure even the most public sins, that the blame of this great defect ought to lie more universally on the whole Body of the Nation, that have not made effectual provision for the restraining of vice, the making ill Men ashamed of their ways, and the driving them from the Holy Mysteries, till they change their course of Life.  

A Project for relieving the Clergy reduced to great Poverty.  There was another thing proposed this Year for the correcting the great disorders of Clergymen, which were occasioned by the extreme misery and poverty to which they were reduced. There were some motions made about it in Parliament, but they took not effect: so one writ a Book concerning it, which he dedicated to the Lord Chancellor, than the Bishop of Ely. He shown, that without Rewards or Encouragements few would apply themselves to the Pastoral Function, and that those in it, if they could not subsist by it, must turn to other employments: so that at that time, many Clergymen were Carpenters, and Tailors, and some kept Alehouses. It was a reproach on the Nation, that there had been so profuse a zeal for superstition, and so much coldness in true Religion. He complains of many of the Clergy who did not maintain Students at the Universities according to the King's Injunctions; and that in Schools, and Colleges, the poor Scholars Places were generally filled with the Sons of the Rich; and that Live were most scandalously sold; and the greatest part of the Country-Clergy were so ignorant, that they could do little more than read. But there was no hope of doing any thing effectually for redressing so great a calamity, till the King should be of Age himself to set forward such Laws as might again recover a competent maintenance for the Clergy.  
This Year, both Heath of Worcester, and Day Bishop of Chichester, 
Heath and Day turned out of their Bishoprics.  were put out of their Bishoprics. For Heath, it has been already said, that he was put in prison for refusing to consent to the Book of Ordinations. But for Day, whether he refused to submit to the new Book, or fell into other transgressions, I do not know. Both these were afterwards deprived, not by any Court consisting of Churchmen, but by Secular Delegates, of whom three were Civilians, and three Common Lawyers, as King Edward's Journal informs us. Day's Sentence is something ambiguously expressed, in the Patent that Scory Bishop of Rochester had to succeed him; which bears date the 24th of May, and mentions his being put there in the room of George late Bishop of that See, who had been deprived or removed from it: In June following, upon Hollbeach Bishop of Lincoln's death, Taylour, that had been Dean of Lincoln, was made Bishop. This Year the Bishopric of Gloucester was quite suppressed, and converted into an exempted Arch-deaconry; and Hooper was made Bishop of Worcester. In the December before, Worcester and Gloucester had been united, by reason of their Voicinage, and their great poverty, and that they were not very populous: so they were to be for ever after one Bishopric with two Titles, as Coventry and Litchfield, and Bath and Wells were; and Hooper was made Bishop of Worcester and Gloucester. But now they were put into another method, and the Bishop was to be called only Bishop of Worcester. In all the vacancies of Sees, there were a great many of their best Lands taken from them: and the Sees that before had been profusely enriched, were now brought to so low a condition, that it was scarce possible for the Bishops to subsist: and yet, if what was so taken from them had been converted to good uses, to the bettering the condition of the poor Clergy over England, it had been some mitigation of so heinous a Robbery; but these Lands were snatched up by every hungry Courtier, who found this to be the easiest way to be satisfied in their pretensions: and the World had been so possessed with the opinion of their excessive Wealth, that it was thought they never could be made poor enough.  
This Year a Passage fell out, relating to Ireland, 
The Affairs of Ireland.  which will give me occasion to look over to the Affairs of that Kingdom. The Kings of England had formerly contented themselves with the Title of Lords of Ireland: which King Henry the 8th, in the 33d Year of his Reign, had in a Parliament there, changed into the Title of a Kingdom. But no special Crown or Coronation was appointed, since it was to follow the Crown of England. The Popes and the Emperors have pretended, that the conferring Titles of Sovereign Dignity belonged to them. The Pope derived his claim from what our Saviour said, That all Power in Heaven and in Earth was given to him, and by consequence to his Vicar. The Emperors, as being a dead shadow of the Roman Empire, which Title, with the designation of Caesar, they still continued to use, and pretended, that as the Roman Emperors did anciently make Kings, so they had still the same right: though because those Emperors made Kings in the Countries which were theirs by Conquest, it was an odd stretch to infer, that those who retained nothing of their Empire, but the Name, should therefore make Kings in Countries that belonged not to them: and it is certain, that every entire or independent Crown or State may make for or within itself what Titles they please. But the Authority the Crown of England had in Ireland was not then so entire, as by the many Rebellions that have fallen out since, it is now become. The Heads of the Clans and Names had the Conduct of all their several Tribes, who were led on by them to what designs they pleased: And though within the English Pale, the King was obeyed, and his Laws executed almost as in England; yet the native Irish were an uncivilized and barbarous Nation, and not yet brought under the Yoke; and for the greatest part of Ulster, they were united to the Scots, and followed their Interests.  
There had been a Rebellion in the second Year of this Reign. But Sir Anthony St. Leaguer, than Deputy, being recalled, and Sir Edw. Bellinghame sent in his room, he subdued O-Canor, and Omore, that were the chief Authors of it: and not being willing to put things to extremities, when England was otherwise distracted with Wars, he persuaded them to accept of Pensions of 100 l. apiece, and so they came in and lived in the English Pale. But the Winter after, there was another Rebellion designed in Ulster, by O-Neal, O-Donnel, Odocart, and the Heads of some other Tribes; who sent to the Queen Dowager of Scotland, to procure them assistance from France, and they would keep up the disorders in Ireland. The Bishop of Valence, being then in Scotland, was sent by her to observe their strength, that he might accordingly persuade the King of France to assist them. He crossed the Seas, and met with them, and with Wauchop, a Scotchman, who was the Bishop of Armagh of the Pope's making, and who, though he was blind, was yet esteemed one of the best at Riding Post in the World. They set out all their greatness to the French Bishop, to engage him to be their friend at the Court of France: but he seemed not so well satisfied of their ability to do any great matter, and so nothing followed on this. One passage fell out here, which will a little discover the temper of that Bishop. When he was in Odocarts House, he saw a fair Daughter of his, whom he endeavoured to have corrupted, but she avoided him carefully. Two English Gray-Friars, that had fled out of England for their Religion, and were there at that time, observing the Bishop's inclinations, brought him an English Whore, whom he kept for some time. She one night looking among his things, found a Glass full of somewhat that was very odoriferous, and poured it all down her Throat: which the Bishop perceiving too late, fell into a most violent passion; for it had been presented to him by Soliman the Magnificent, at his leaving that Court, as the richest Balm in Egypt; and was valued at 2000 Crowns. The Bishop was in such a rage, that all the House was disturbed with it; whereby he discovered both his lewdness and passion at once. This is related by one that was then with him, and was carried over by him to be a Page to the Scotch Queen; Sir James Melvil, who lived long in that Court, under the Constable of France, and was afterwards much employed by the Prince Elector Palatine in many Negotiations; and coming home to his own Country, was sent on many occasions to the Court of England, where he lived in great Esteem. He in his old Age writ a Narrative of all the Affairs that himself had been concerned in, which is one of the best and perfectest Pieces of that nature that I have seen. The Original is yet extant under his own Hand in Scotland: a Copy of it was showed me by one descended from him, from which I shall discover many considerable Passages, though the Affairs in which he was most employed, were something later than the time of which I am to write. But to return to Ireland. Upon the Peace made with France and Scotland, things were quieted there; and Sir Ant. St. Leaguer was in August 1550. again sent over to be Deputy there. For the Reformation, it made but a small progress in that Kingdom. It was received among the English, but I do not find any endeavours were used to bring it in among the Irish. This Year Bale was sent into Ireland. He had been a busy Writer upon all occasions, and had a great deal of Learning, but wanted Temper, and did not write with the decency that became a Divine, or was suitable to such matters; which it seems made those who recommended Men to preferment in this Church, not think him so fit a Person to be employed here in England. But the Bishopric of Ossery being void, the King proposed him to be sent thither. So in August this Year Dr. Goodaker was sent over to be Bishop of Armagh, and Bale to be Bishop of Ossery. There were also two other, who were Irish Men, to be promoted. When they came thither, the Archbishop of Dublin intended to have consecrated them according to the old Pontifical; for the new Book of Ordination had not been yet used among them. Goodaker and the two others were easily persuaded to it, but Bale absolutely refused to consent to it: who being assisted by the Lord Chancellor, it was carried, that they should be ordained according to the new Book. When Bale went into his Diocese, he found all things there in dark Popery; but before he could make any Reformation there, King Edward's death put an end to his and all such designs.  
In England nothing else that had any relation to the Reformation passed this Year, 
A Change made in the Order of the Garter.  unless what belongs to the change made in the Order of the Garter may be thought to relate to it. On the 23d of April the former Year, being St. George's day, a Proposition was made to consider the Order and Statutes, since there was thought to be a great deal of superstition in them; and the Story upon which the Order was founded, concerning St. George's fight with the Dragon, looked like a Legend form in the darker Ages, to support the humour of Chivalry, that was then very high in the World. And as the Story had no great credibility in itself, so it was delivered by no Ancient Author. Nor was it found that there had been any such Saint: there being among Ancient Writers none mentioned of that Name, but George of Alexandria, the Arrian Bishop, that was put in when Athanasius was banished. Upon this motion in the former Year, the Duke of Somerset, the Marquis of Northampton, and the Earls of Wilt-shire, and Warwick, were appointed to review the Statutes of the Order. So this Year the whole Order was changed; and the Earl of Westmoreland and Sir Andrew Dudley, who were now to be installed, were the first that were received according to the new Model, (which the Reader will find in the Collection, 
King Edward's Remains, Number 23.  as it was translated into Latin out of the English, by the King himself, written all with his own Hand, and it is the third Paper after his Journal.) The Preamble of it sets forth the noble design of the Order, to animate great Men to gallant Actions, and to associate them into a Fraternity, for their better encouragement and assistance; but says, it had been much corrupted by superstition, therefore the Statutes of it were hereafter to be these,  
It was no more to be called the Order of St. George, nor was he to be esteemed the Patron of it; but it was to be called the Order of the Garter. The Knights of this Order were to wear the Blue Ribond or Garter as formerly; but at the Collar, in stead of a George, there was to be on one side of the Jewel, a Knight carrying a Book upon a Sword point, on the Sword to be written Protectio, on the Book Verbum Dei; on the Reverse, a Shield, on which should be written Fides; to express their resolution both with offensive and defensive Weapons to maintain the Word of God. For the rest of the Statutes I shall refer the Reader to the Paper I mentioned. But this was repealed by Queen Mary, and so the old Rules took place again, and do so still. This design seems to have been chief intended, that none but those of the Reformed Religion might be capable of it; since the adhering to, and standing for the Scriptures, was then taken to be the distinguishing Character between the Papists and the Reformers.  
This is the sum of what was either done or designed this Year with relation to Religion. As for the State, there was a strict enquiry made of all who had cheated the King in the suppression of Chantries, or in any other thing that related to Churches; from which the Visitors were believed to have embezeled much to their own uses, and there were many Suits in the Star-Chamber about it. Most of all these Persons had been the Friends or Creatures of the Duke of Somerset: and the enquiry after these things seems to have been more out of hatred to him, than out of any design to make the King the richer by what should be recovered for his use. But on none did the Storm break more severely than on the Lord Paget. 
Paget degraded from being a Knight of the Garter.  He had been Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and was charged with many misdemeanours in that Office, for which he was fined in 6000 l. But that which was most severe, was, that on St. George's Eve, he was degraded from the Order of the Garter, for divers offences; but chief, because he was no Gentleman, neither by Father's side nor Mother's side. His chief offence was his greatest Virtue. He had been on all occasions a constant Friend to the Duke of Somerset: for which the Duke of Northumberland hated him mortally, and so got him to be degraded to make way for his own Son. This was much censured, as a barbarous Action, that a Man who had so long served the Crown in such public Negotiations, and was now of no meaner Blood than he was when King Henry first gave him the Order, should be so dishonoured, being guilty of no other fault, but what is common to most Courtiers, of enriching himself at his Master's cost; for which his Fine was severe enough for the expiation. But the Duke of Northumberland was a Person so given up to violence and revenge, that an ordinary disgrace did not satisfy his hatred.  
Sir Ant. St. Leaguer, another Knight of the Order, was at the same time accused, upon complaint sent from the Archbishop of Dublin in Ireland, for some high words that he had used. But these being examined, he was cleared, and admitted to his Place among the Knights at the Garter. Many others that were obnoxious came in, upon this violent prosecution, to purchase the favour of Northumberland, who was much set on framing a Parliament to his mind, and so took those methods which he thought likeliest to work his ends. It being ordinary for Men of insolent and boisterous tempers, who are generally as abject when they are low, as they are puffed up with prosperity, to measure other People by themselves; therefore knowing that the methods of reason and kindness would have no operation on themselves, and that height and severity are the only ways to subdue them, they use that same way of gaining others which they find most effectual with themselves.  
This Year the King went on, in paying his Debts, 
The increase of Tra●e.  reforming the Coin, and other ways that might make the Nation great and wealthy. And one great Project was undertaken, which has been the chief beginning and foundation of the great Riches, and strength of Shipping, to which this Nation has attained since that time. From the days of King Henry the third the free Towns of Germany, who had assisted him in his Wars, obtained great Privileges in England: they were made a Corporation, and lived together in the Still-yard near the Bridge. They had in Edward the 4th's time been brought into some trouble, for carrying their Privileges further than their Charter allowed them: and so Judgement was given that they had forfeited it, but they redeemed themselves out of that, by a great Present which they made to the King. That which chief supported them at Court, was, that they trading in a Body were not only able to take the Trade out of all other Persons Hands, by underselling them, but they had always a great stock of Money; and so when the Government was in a straight, they were ready, upon a good Security, to lend great Sums: and on lesser occasions could obtain the favour of a Statesman by the Presents they made him. But now Trade was raised much above what it had been, and Courts becoming more magnificent than formerly, there was a greater consumption, particularly of Cloth, than had ever been known. The discovery of the Indies had raised both Trade and Navigation, so that there was a quicker circulation of the Wealth of the World, than had been in former Ages.  
Antwerp, and Hamburgh, lying both conveniently, the one in the mouth of the Elb, and the other near the mouth of the Rhine, which were the two greatest Rivers that fell into those Seas, the Merchants of those two Cities at that time had the chief Trade of the World. The English began to look on those Easterlings with envy. All that was Imported or Exported came for most part in their bottoms: all Markets were in their Hands, so that Commodities of foreign growth were vented by them in England, and the Product of the Kingdom was bought up by them. And all the Nation being then set much on Pasture, they had much advanced their Manufacture; in so much that their own Wool, which had been formerly wrought at Antwerp, was now made into Cloth in England, which the Still-yard Men obtained leave to carry away. At first they Shiped not above eight  in a year, after that an hundred, than a thousand, than six thousand; but this last year there was Shipped in their Name 44000 ; and not above 1100 by all others that traded within England.  
The Merchant Adventurers found they could not hold out, unless this Company was broke. So they put in their complaint against them in the beginning of this year, to which the Still-yard Men made answer, and they replied. Upon this, the Council made a Decree, that the Charter was broken, and so dissolved the Company. Those of Hamburg, and Lubeck, and the Regent of Flanders, solicited the Council to have this redressed, but in vain: for the advantage the Nation was to have by it, was too visible to admit of any interposition. But the design of Trade being thus set on foot, another Project of a higher nature followed it. The War was now begun between the Emperor and the King of France. And that, with the persecution raised in Flanders against all that leaned to the Doctrine of the Protestants, made many there think of changing their Seats. It was therefore proposed here in England to open a free Trade, and to appoint some Mart Towns, that should have greater Privileges and Securities for encouraging Merchants to live in them, and should be easier in their Customs than they were any where else. Southampton for the Cloth Trade, and Hull for the Northern Trade, were thought the two fittest Places. And for the advantages and disadvantages of this design, I find the young King had balanced the matter exactly; for there is a large Paper all written with his own Hand, containing what was to be said on both sides. But his death, and Queen Mary's marrying the Prince of Spain, put an end to this Project: though all the Addresses her Husband made, seconding the desires of the Easterlings, could never prevail to the setting up of that company again. If the Reader would understand this matter more perfectly, he may find a great deal of it in the King's Journal, 
King Edward's Remains, Number 4.  and in the fourth Paper that follows it, where the whole Affair seems to be considered on all hands: but Men that know Merchandise more perfectly will judge better of these things.  

Cardan in England.  This Summer, Cardan, the great Philosopher of that Age, passed through England. He was brought from Italy on the account of Hamilton Archbishop of St. Andrews, who was then desperately sick of a Dropsy. Cardan cured him of his Disease: but being a Man much conversant both in Astrology, and Magic, as himself professed, he told the Archbishop, that though he had at present saved his Life, yet he could not change his fate; for he was to die on a Gallows. In his going through England he waited on King Edward, where he was so entertained by him, and observed his extraordinary Parts and Virtues so narrowly, that on many occasions he writ afterwards of him, with great astonishment, as being the most wonderful Person he had ever seen.  

The Affairs of Scotland.  But the mention of the Scotch Archbishops sickness leads me now to the Affairs of Scotland. The Queen had passed through England from France to Scotland last year. In her Passage she was treated by the King with all that respect that one Crowned Head could pay to another. The Particulars are in his Journal, and need not be recited here. When she came home, she set herself much to persuade the Governor to lay down the Government, that it might be put in her Hands; to which he, being a soft Man, was the more easily induced, because his Brother, who had great power over him, and was a violent and ambitious Man, was then so sick, that there was no hope of his Life. He had also received Letters from France, in such a Style, that he saw he must either lay down the Government, or not only lose the Honour and Pension he had there, but be forced to struggle for what he had in his own Country. Whether the French understood any thing by their Spies in the Court of England, that it had been proposed there to persuade him to pretend to the Crown, and were therefore the more earnest to have the Government out of his Hands, I do not know: but though I have seen many hundreds of Letters that passed in those times between England and Scotland, I could not find by any of them that he ever entered into any Treaty about it.  
It seems his base Brother had some thoughts of it. For when he was so far recovered that he could inquire after news, and heard what his Brother had done, he flew out in a passion, and called him a Beast for parting with the Government, since there was none but a _____ Lass between him and the Crown. I set down his own words, leaving a space void for an Epithet he used of the young Queen, scarce decent enough to be mentioned. There had been a great Consultation in France what to do with the Queen of Scotland. Her Uncles pressed the King to marry her to the Dolphin: For thereby another Kingdom would be added to France, which would be a perpetual Thorn in the side of England; She had also some Prospect of succeeding to the Crown of England; so that on all accounts it seemed the best Match in Europe, for the Dolphin. But the wise Constable had observed, that the Spaniards lost by their Dominions that lay so remote from the chief Seat of their Government; though these were the richest Countries in Europe; namely, Sicily, Naples, Milan, and the Netherlands; and wisely apprehended that France might suffer much more, by the accession of such a Crown, which not only was remote, but where also the Country was poor, and the People not easily governed. It would be a vast charge to them, to send Navies, and to pay Armies there: The Nobility might when they would, by confederating with England, either shake off the French Government, or put them to a great expense to keep it: so that whereas Scotland had been hitherto, by a Pension, and sometimes by a little assistance, kept in a perpetual alliance with France, he apprehended by such a Union it might become their Enemy, and a great weight on their Government. This the Constable pressed much, both out of his care of his Master's Interest, and in opposition to the House of Guise. He advised the King rather to marry her to some of his Subjects, of whom he was well assured, and to send her and her Husband home into Scotland; by which means the perpetual amity of that Kingdom might be preserved on easy terms. But the King was so possessed with the notion of the Union of that Crown to France, that he gave no ear to this wise advice; thinking it flowed chief from the hatred and enmity which he knew the Constable bore the Family of Guise. This the Constable himself told Melvil, from whose Narrative I have it. The Queen Mother of Scotland being possessed of the Government, found two great Factions in it. The Head of the one was the Archbishop, who now recovering, and finding himself neglected, and the Queen governed by other Councils, set himself much against her, and drew the Clergy for the most part into his Interests. The other Faction was of those who hated him, and them both, and inclined to the Reformation. They set up the Prior of St. Andrews, who was their young Queens natural Brother, as their Head; and by his means offered their Service to the Queen now made Regent: they offered that they would agree with her to send the Matrimonial Crown to the Dolphin, and consent to the Union of both Kingdoms: only they desired her protection from the violence of the Clergy, and that they might have secretly Preachers in their Houses to instruct them in the Points of Religion. This Offer the Queen readily accepted of, and so by their assistance carried things till near the end of her Regency with great moderation and discretion. And now the Affairs of Scotland were put in a Channel, in which they held long steady and quiet, till about six years after this, that upon the Peace with the King of Spain there were cruel Councils laid down in France, and from thence sent over into Scotland, for extirpating Heresy. But of that we shall discourse in its proper place.  

The Affairs of Germany.  As for the Affairs of Germany, there was this year a great and sudden turn of things there; with which the Emperor was surprised by a strange supineness, that proved as fatal to him, as it was happy to the Empire; though all the World besides saw it coming on him. Upon the delivery of Magdeburg, Maurice of Saxe's Army, pretending there was an Arrear due to them, took up their Winter Quarters, near Saxe, in the Dominions of some Popish Princes: where they were very unwelcome Guests. The Sons of the Landgrave, being required by their Father, pressed the Duke of Saxe on his Honour, to free their Father, or to become their Prisoner in his room, since they had his faith for his liberty: so he went to them, and offered them his Person; but though he did not trust them with his whole design; yet he told them so much that they were willing to let him go back. The Emperor's Counsellors were alarumed with what they heard from all hands. And the Duke of Alva (well known afterwards by his cruelties in the Netherlands) advised him to send for Maurice to come and give an account of all those suspicious passages, to take the Army out of his hands; and to take such securities from him, as might clear all the jealousies, for which his carriage had given great cause. But the Bishop of Arras was on the other hand so assured of him, that he said, the giving him any suspicion of the Emperor's distrust might really engage him into such designs; and that such deep Projects as they heard he was in, were too fine conceits for Dutch drunken Heads. He also assured them he had two of his Secretaries in Pension, so that he was advertised of all his motions. But the Duke of Saxe came to know that those his Secretaries were the Emperor's Pensioners; and dissembled it so well, that he used them in all appearance with more confidence than formerly: he held all his Consultations in their presence, and seemed to open his heart so to them, that they possessed the Bishop with a firm confidence of his sincerity and steadiness to the Emperor's Interests. Yet his linger so at the Town of Magdeburg, with the other dark Passages concerning him, made the Emperor conceive at last a jealousy of him, and he writ for him to come and clear himself: Then he refined it higher; for having left Orders with the Officers whom he had made sure to him, to follow with the Army in all the hast they could; he himself took Post, with as small a Train as his Dignity could admit of, and carried one of those corrupted Secretaries with him: but on the way he complained of pains in his side, so that he could not hold on his Journey: but sent forward his Secretary, who gave such an account of him, that it, together with his coming so readily a great part of his way in so secure a manner, made the Emperor now lay down all his former distrusts. The Emperor writ to Trent, and to many other Places, that there was no cause of fear from Maurice. And Maurice, to colour the matter more completely, had sent his Ambassadors to Trent, and had ordered Melancthon, and his other Divines, to follow them slowly, that as soon as the safe Conduct was obtained, they might go on and defend their Doctrine.  
Upon their coming to Trent, and proposing their desires, 
Proceed at Trent.  that all might be again considered; the Legates rejected the Proposition with much scorn. The Emperor's Ambassadors and Prelates pressed that they might be well received. The Archbishop of Toledo showed how much Christ had born with the Scribes and Pharisees; and that in imitation of him, they ought to leave nothing undone that might gain upon them. So it was resolved, that the Council should make a Protestation, that the usage they gave them was out of Charity, which is above all Law; since it was against the Decretals to have any Treaty with professed Heretics. At the same time the Imperialists dealt no less earnestly with the Ambassadors from the Protestant Princes, not to ask too much at once, but to go on by degrees; and assured them they had a mind to lessen the Pope's greatness as much as they had. The Ambassadors first step was to be for obtaining a safe Conduct. They excepted to that which the Council had given, as different from that the Council of Basil had sent to the Bohemians, in four material Points. The first was, That their Divines should have a decisive Voice. 2. That all Points should be determined according to the Scriptures; and according to the Fathers, as they were conformable to those. The third, That they should have the exercise of their Religion within their own Houses. 4. That nothing should be done in contempt of their Doctrine. So they desired that the safe Conduct might be word for word the same with that of Basil.  
But the Legates abhorred the Name of that Council, that had endeavoured so much to break the Power of the Popedom, and had consented to that extraordinary safe Conduct, only to unite Germany, and to gain them by such compliance to be of their side against the Pope. Yet the Legates promised to consider of it. The Ambassadors were received in a Congregation, which differed from a Session of the Council, just as a Committee of a whole House of Parliament, differs from the House, when set according to its Forms. They began their Speech with this Salutation, Most Reverend and most Mighty Fathers and Lords; they added a cold Compliment, and desired a safe Conduct. At this time the Pope hearing that the Emperor was resolved to bring on the old designs of some Councils for lessening his greatness, and that the Spanish Bishops were much set on it, united himself to France, and resolved to break the Council as soon as it was possible; and therefore he ordered the Legates to proceed in the decision of the Doctrine, hoping that the Protestants would despair of obtaining any thing, and so go away. So the safe Conduct they had desired was not granted them, and another was offered in its room, containing only full security for their Persons. Upon this security, such as it was, Divines came both from Wirtenberg, and the Town of Strasburg. But as they were going on to treat of Matrimony, the War of Germany broke out, and the Bishops of the Empire, with the other Ambassadors, immediately went home. The Legates laid hold on this so readily, that though the Session was to have been held on the second of May, they called an extraordinary one on the 28th of April, and suspended the Council for two years.  

An Account of the Council of Trent.  And being to have no other occasion to say any thing more of this Council, I shall only add, that there had been a great expectation over Christendom of some considerable event of a General Council for many years. The Bishops and Princes had much desired it, hoping it might have brought the differences among Divines to a happy composure; and have settled a Reformation of those abuses, which had been long complained of, and were still kept up by the Court of Rome, for the ends of that Principality that they had assumed in Sacred things. The Popes for the same reasons were very apprehensive of it, fearing that it might have lessened their Prerogatives; and by cutting off abuses, that brought in a great Revenue to them, have abridged their Profits. But it was, by the cunning of the Legates, the dissensions of Princes, the great number of poor Italian Bishops, and the ignorance of the greatest part of the other, so managed, that in stead of composing differences in Religion, things were so nicely defined, that they were made irreconcilable. All those abuses, for which there had been nothing but practice, and that much questioned before, were now, by the Provisoes, and Reservations, excepted for the Privileges of the Roman See, made warrantable. So that it had in all Particulars an Issue quite contrary to what the several Parties concerned had expected from it, and has put the World ever since out of the humour of desiring any more General Councils, as they are accustomed to call them. The History of that Council was writ with as much Life, and Beauty, and Authority, as had been ever seen in any humane Writing, by Friar Paul of Venice, within half an Age of the time in which it was ended; when the thing was yet fresh in men's Memories, and many were alive who had been present: and there was not one in that Age that engaged to write against it. 
And a Judgement of the Histories of it.  But about forty years after, when Father Paul, and all his friends who knew from what Vouchers he writ, were dead; palavicini, a Jesuit, who was made a Cardinal, for this Service, undertook to answer him, by another History of that Council, which, in many matters of Fact, contradicts Father Paul; upon the credit (as he tells us) of some Journals and Memorials of such as were present, which he perused, and citys upon all occasions. We see that Rome hath been in all Ages so good at forging those things which might be of use to its Interests, that we know not how to trust that Shop of false Wares in any one thing that comes out of it. And therefore it is not easy to be assured of the truth and genuineness of any of the Materials, out of which the Jesuit composed his Work. But as for the main Thread of the Story, both his and Father Paul's Accounts do so agree, that whosoever compares them, will clearly see, that all things were managed by Intrigues and secret Practices; so that it will not be easy for a Man of common sense, after he has read over Pallavicini's History to fancy that there was any extraordinary influence of the Holy Ghost hover over and directing their Councils. And the care they took for palliating all the corcuptions than complained of was so apparent, that their Historian had no other way by which to excuse it, but to set up a new Hypothesis, which a French Writer since has wittily called the Cardinal's New Gospel; That there must be a Temporal Principality in the Church, that all things which support that Principality are to be at least tolerated, though they be far contrary to the Primitive Patterns, and to the first delivery of the Gospel by Christ and his Apostles. That which was then set up, he accounts a state of Infancy, to which Milk was proper; but the Church being since grown to its full state and strength, other things are now necessary for the maintaining and preserving of it.  
But to return to Maurice, he having possessed the Emperor with an entire confidence in him, gathered his Army together, took Ausburg, with many other Imperial Cities; and displaced the Magistrates which the Emperor had put in them, and restored their old ones, with the banished Ministers: so that every thing began to put on a new face. Ferdinand King of the Romans did Mediate; both on his own account, for the Turks were falling into Hungary; and on the Empires, for the King of France was come with a great Army to the Confines of the Empire: and the Constable, pretending that he only desired passage through the Town of Metz, entered it, and possessed himself of it. Toul and Verdun fell also into his Hands: and the French were endeavouring to be admitted into Strasburg. The Emperor was now in great disorder, he had no Army about him; those he had confided in were declared against him; his own Brother was not ill pleased at his misfortune, the French were like to gain ground on his Hereditary Dominions. Being thus perplexed, and irresolved, he did not send a speedy Answer to Maurice's Demands, which he had sent by his Brother; for the setting of the Landgrave at liberty, restoring the freedoms of the Empire, and particularly in matters of Religion. But to lose no time the mean while, Maurice marched on to Jnspruch, where the Emperor lay: and surprised a Pass to which he had trusted, so that he was within two Miles of him before he was ware of it. Upon this the Emperor risen from Supper in great haste, and by Torch light fled away to make his escape into Italy. He gave the Duke of Saxe his liberty; but he generously resolved to follow him in this his calamity; and perhaps he was not willing to owe his liberty to his Cousin Maurice. Thus all that design, which the Emperor had been laying so many years, was now broken off on a sudden: he lost all the advantages he had of his former Victories, and was forced to set the Prisoners at liberty, and to call in the Proscriptions; and in conclusion, the Edict of Passaw was made, by which the several Princes and Towns were secured in the free exercise of their Religion.  
I have made this digression, which I thought not disagreeable to the matter of my History, to give account of the extreme danger in which Religion was in Germany, and how strangely it was recovered; in which he who had been the chief Instrument of the miseries it had groaned under, was now become its unlooked-for deliverer. I have enlarged on some Passages that are in none of the Printed Histories, which I draw from Melvils Memoires, who says he had them from the Elector Palatines own Mouth.  

The Emperor is much cast down.  But the Emperor's misfortunes redoubled on him. For having made Peace in the Empire, he would against all reason, or probability of success, sit down before Metz. But the Duke of Guise defended the Place so against him, and the time of the year was so unseasonable, being in December, that after a great loss of Men, and vast expense of Treasure, he was forced to raise his Siege. From thence he retired into Flanders; where his afflictions seized so violently on him, that for some time he admitted none to come near him: Some said he was frantic, others, that he was sullen and Melancholy. The English Ambassadors at Brussels for many Weeks could learn nothing certain concerning him. Here, it is said, he began to reflect on the vanity of the World; when, he who had but a year before given Law to Christendom, was now driven to so low an ebb, that as he had irrecoverably lost all his footing in Germany; so in all other things his Councils were unlucky. It was one of the notablest turns of Fortune that had been in many Ages; and gave a great demonstration, both of an overruling Providence, that disposes of all humane Affairs at pleasure, and of a particular care that God had of the Reformation, in thus recovering it when it seemed gone without hope in Germany.  
These Reflections made deep impressions on his mind, and were believed to have first possessed him with the design which not long after he put in execution, of laying down his Crowns, and retiring to a private course of Life. In his retirement having time to consider things more impartially, he was so much changed in his opinion of the Protestant Religion, that he who hitherto had been a most violent opposer of it, was suspected of being turned to it before he died.  

1553.  Thus ended this Year; and now I come to the last and fatal Year of this young King's Life and Reign: The first thing done in it, 
A Regulation of the Privy-Council.  was, a regulation of the Privy-Council, which was divided into so many Committees, and every one of these had its proper Work, and days appointed for the receiving and dispatching of all Affairs. In all these things a Method was prescribed to them, of which the Reader will see a full account in the sixth Paper of those that follow King Edward's Journal; 
King Edward's Remains, Number 6.  which Paper, though it is not all written with his Hand, as the others be, yet it is in so many places interlined by him, that he seems to have considered it much, and been well pleased with it. 
A new Parliament.  His second Parliament was opened on the first of March. On the sixth of March it was moved in the House of Commons to give the King two Tenths and two Fifteenths with a Subsidy for two years: It was long argued at first, and at the passing the Bill it was again argued, but at last the Commons agreed to it. The Preamble of it is a long Accusation of the Duke of Somerset, for involving the King in Wars, wasting his Treasure, engaging him in much Debt, embasing the Coin, and having given occasion to a most terrible Rebellion. In fine, considering the great Debt the King was left in by his Father, the loss he put himself to in the reforming the Coin, and they finding his temper to be set wholly on the good of his Subjects, and not on enriching himself; therefore they give him two Tenths, and two Fifteenths, with one Subsidy for two years. Whether the debate in the House of Commons was against the Subsidies in this Act, or against the Preamble, cannot be certainly known: but it is probable the Debate at the engrossing the Bill was about the Preamble, which the Duke of Northumberland and his Party were the more earnestly set on, to let the King see how acceptable they were, and how hateful the Duke of Somerset had been. The Clergy did also, for an expression of their affection and duty, give the King six Shillings in the Pound of their Benefices. There was also a Bill sent down from the Lords, That none might hold any Spiritual Promotion, unless he were either Priest or Deacon: But after the third reading it was cast out. The reason of it was, because many Noblemen and gentlemen's Sons had prebend's given them, on this pretence, that they intended to fit themselves by Study for entering into Orders; but they kept these, and never advanced in their Studies: upon which the Bishops prevailed to have the Bill agreed to by the Lords, but could carry it no further.  
Another Act passed for the suppressing the Bishopric of Duresme, 
The Bishopric of Duresme suppressed, and two new ones appon ed.  which is so strangely misrepresented by those who never read more than the Title of it, that I shall therefore give a more full account of it. It is set forth in the Preamble, That that Bishopric being then void of a Prelate, so that the Gift thereof was in the King's pleasure: and the compass of it being so large, extending to so many Shires so far distant, that it could not be sufficiently served by one Bishop; and since the King, according to his godly disposition, was desirous to have Gods Holy Word preached in these Parts, which were wild and barbarous, for lack of good Preaching, and good Learning; therefore he intended to have two Bishoprics for that Diocese: the one at Duresme, which should have 2000 Marks Revenue; and another at Newcastle, which should have 1000 Marks Revenue: and also to Found a Cathedral Church at Newcastle, with a Deanery and Chapter, out of the Revenues of the Bishopric: therefore the Bishopric of Duresme is utterly extinguished and dissolved, and Authority is given for Letters Patents to erect the two new Bishoprics together with the Deanery and Chapter at Newcastle: with a Proviso that the Rights of the Deanery, Chapter, and Cathedral of Duresme should suffer nothing by this Act.  
When this Bill is considered, that dissolution that was designed by it will not appear to be so sacrilegious a thing as some Writers have represented it. For whosoever understands the value of old Rents, especially such as these were near the Marches of an Enemy, where the Service of the Tenants in the War made their Lands be set at very low rates, will know, that 3000 Marks of Rent being reserved, besides the endowing of the Cathedral, which could hardly be done under another thousand Marks, there could not be so great a Prey of that Bishopric as has been imagined. Ridley, as himself writes in one of his Letters, was named to be Bishop of Duresme, being one of the Natives of that Country; but the thing never took effect. For in May, and no sooner, was the Temporalty of the Bishopric turned into a County-Palatine, and given to the Duke of Northumberland. But the King's sickness, and soon after his death, made that and all the rest of these designs prove abortive.  
How Tonstall was deprived, I cannot understand. It was for misprision of Treason, and done by Secular Men. For Cranmer refused to meddle in it. I have seen the Commission given by Queen Mary to some Delegates to examine it: in which it is said, That the Sentence was given only by Laymen; and that Tonstal, being kept Prisoner long in the Tower, was brought to his Trial, in which he had neither Counsel assigned him, nor convenient time given him for clearing himself; and that after divers Protestations, they had, notwithstanding his Appeal, deprived him of his Bishopric. He was not only turned out, but kept Prisoner, till Queen Mary set him at liberty.  
At the end of this Parliament the King granted a free Pardon: concerning which, this is only remarkable, That whereas it goes for a Maxim, that the Acts of Pardon must be passed without changing any thing in them, the Commons, when they sent up this Act of Pardon to the Lords, desired that some words might be amended in it; but it is not clear what was done, for that same day the Acts were passed, and the Parliament was dissolved.  
In it the Duke of Northumberland had carried this Point, That the Nation made a public Declaration of their dislike of the Duke of Somersets Proceed; which was the more necessary, because the King had let fall words concerning his death, by which he seemed to reflect on it with some concern, and looked on it as Northumberlands deed. But the Act had passed with such difficulty, that either the Duke did not think the Parliament well enough disposed for him; or else he resolved totally to vary from the Measures of the Duke of Somerset, who continued the same Parliament long, whereas this that was opened on the first was dissolved on the last day of March.  

A Visitation for the Plate in the Churches.  Visitors were soon after appointed to examine, what Church-plate, Jewels, and other Furniture, was in all Cathedrals and Churches; and to compare their account with the Inventories made in former Visitations; and to see what was embezeled, and how it was done. And because the King was resolved to have Churches and Chapels furnished with that that was comely and convenient for the Administration of the Sacraments; they were to give one or two Chalices of Silver, or more, to every Church, Chappel, or Cathedral, as their discretions should direct them; and to distribute comely Furniture for the Communion-Table, and for Surplices; and to sell the rest of the Linen, and give it to the Poor: and to sell Copes, and Altar-Cloaths, and deliver all the rest of the Plate and Jewels to the King's Treasurer Sir Edm. Pecham. This is spitefully urged by one of our Writers, who would have his Reader infer from it, that the King was ill principled as to the matters of the Church, because when this Order was given by him he was now in the 16th Year of his Age. But if all Princes should be thus judged by all Instructions that pass under their Hands, they would be more severely censured than there is cause. And for the particular matter that is charged on the Memory of this young Prince, which, as it was represented to him, was only a calling for the superfluous Plate and other Goods that lay in Churches more for pomp than for use; though the applying of it to common uses, except upon extreme necessities, is not a thing that can be justified; yet it deserved not so severe a censure; especially the Instructions being Signed by the King in his sickness; in which it is not likely that he minded Affairs of that kind much, but set his Hand easily to such Papers as the Council prepared for him.  
These Instructions were directed, in the Copy that I have perused, 
Instructions for the Precedent of the North.  to the Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Precedent of the North: upon which occasion, I shall here make mention of that which I know not certainly in what Year to place, namely, the Instructions that were given to that Earl when he was made Precedent of the North. And I mention them the rather, because there have been since that time some Contests about that Office, and the Court belonging to it. There was by his Instructions a Council to be assistant to him; whereof some of the Members were at large, and not bound to attendance, others were not to leave him without licence from him: and he was in all things to have a negative Voice in it. For the other Particulars, I refer the Reader to the Copy, which he will find in the Collection. 
Collection Number 56.  One Instruction among them belongs to Religion; that he and the other Councillors, when there was at any time Assemblies of People before them, should persuade them to be obedient chief to the Laws about Religion, and especially concerning the Service set forth in their own Mother-Tongue. There was also a particular charge given them concerning the abolished Power of the Bishop of Rome: whose abuses they were by continual inculcation so to beat into the minds of the People, that they might well apprehend them, and might see that those things were said to them from their Hearts, and not from their Tongues only for Forms sake. They were also to satisfy them about the abrogation of many holidays appointed by the same Bishop; who endeavoured to persuade the World that he could make Saints at his pleasure: which by leading the People to idleness, gave occasion to many vices and inconveniences. These Instructions were given after the Peace was made with Scotland; otherwise there must have been a great deal in them relating to that War; but the Critical time of them I do not know.  
This Year Harly was made Bishop of Hereford, instead of Skip, who died the last Year. And he being the last of those who were made so by Letters Patents, 
The Form of the Bishop's Letters Patents.  I shall give the Reader some satisfaction concerning that way of making Bishops. The Patents began with the mention of the vacancy of the See, by death, or removal: upon which the King being informed of the good qualifications of such a one, appoints him to be Bishop, during his natural Life, or so long as he shall behave himself well: giving him power to ordain and deprive Ministers, to confer Benefices, judge about Wills, name Officials, and Commissaries, exercise Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, visit the Clergy, inflict Censures, and punish scandalous Persons, and to do all the other parts of the Episcopal Function that were found by the Word of God to be committed to Bishops; all which they were to execute and do in the King's Name and Authority. After that in the same Patent follows the restitution of the Temporalties. The day after, a Certificate in a Writ called a Significavit was to be made of this, under the Great Seal, to the Archbishop, with a Charge to consecrate him.  
The first that had his Bishopric by the King's Patents was Barlow that was removed from St. David's to Bath and Wells. They bear date the third of February, in the second Year of the King's Reign: and so Ferrar, Bishop of St. David's, was not the first, as some have imagined, for he was made Bishop the first of August that Year. This Ferrar was a rash indiscreet Man, and drew upon himself the dislike of the Prebendaries of St. David's. He was made Bishop upon the Duke of Somersets favour to him. But last Year many Articles were objected to him: some, as if he had incurred a Praemunire for acting in his Courts not in the Kings, but his own Name, and some for neglecting his Charge; and some little indecencies were objected to him, as going strangely habited, travelling on foot, whistling impertinently, with many other things, which if true, showed in him much weakness and folly. The heaviest Articles he denied: yet he was kept in Prison, and Commissioners were sent into Wales to examine Witnesses, who took many Depositions against him. He lay in Prison till Queen Mary's time; and then he was kept in on the account of his Belief. But his suffering afterwards for his Conscience, when Morgan, who had been his chief Accuser before on those other Articles, being then made his Judge, condemned him for Heresy, and made room for himself to be Bishop by burning him, did much turn People's Censures from him, upon his Successor.  
By these Letters Patents it is clear, that the Episcopal Function was acknowledged to be of Divine appointment, and that the Person was no other way named by the King than as Lay-Patrons present to Live; only the Bishop was legally authorized, in such a part of the King's Dominions, to execute that Function which was to be derived to him by Imposition of Hands. Therefore here was no pretence for denying that such Persons were true Bishops, and for saying, as some have done, that they were not from Christ, but from the King.  
Upon this occasion it will not be improper to represent to the Reader how this matter stands according to Law at this day, which is the more necessary, because some superficial Writers have either misunderstood, or misrepresented it. The Act that authorised those Letters Patents, and required the Bishops to hold their Courts in the King's Name, was repealed both by the 1 Mar. Chap. 2. and 1, and 2 Phil. and Mary Chap. 8. The latter of these that repealed only a part of it, was repealed by the 1 Eliz. Chap. 1. and the former by the 1 Jac. Chap. 25. So some have argued, that since those Statutes which repealed this Act of Edward the 6th 1. Par. Chap. 2. are since repealed, that it stands now in full force. This seems to have some colour in it, and so it was brought in question in Parliament in the fourth year of King James: and great debate being made about it, the King appointed the two Chief Justices to search into the matter: they upon a slight enquiry agreed, that the Statute of Edw. the 6th was in force by that Repeal; but the Chief Baron, and the other Judges, searching the matter more carefully, found, that the Statute had been in effect repealed by the first of Eliz. Ch. 1. where the Act of the 25 Hen. 8. 
Coke 2. Inst. P: 684, 685.  concerning the Election and Jurisdiction of Bishops, as formerly they had exercised it, was revived: so that being in full force, the Act of Edw. the 6th that repealed it, was thereby repealed. To this all the Learned Men of the Law did then agree; so that it was not thought so much as necessary to make an explanatory Law about it, the thing being indeed so clear, that it did not admit of any ambiguity.  
In May this Year the King by his Letters Patents authorised all Schoolmasters to teach a new and fuller Catechism, compiled, as is believed, by Poinet.  
These are all the Passages in which the Church is concerned this Year. The Foreign Negotiations were important. For now the balance began to turn to the French side; therefore the Council resolved to mediate a Peace between the French and the Emperor. The Emperor had sent over an Ambassador in September last year, to desire the King would consider the danger in which Flanders was now, by the French Kings having Metz, with the other Towns in Lorraine, which did in a great measure divide it from the assistance of the Empire: and therefore moved, that according to the ancient League between England and the House of Burgundy, they would enter into a new League with him. Upon this occasion the Reader will find how the Secretaries of State bred the King to the understanding of business, with relation to the Studies he was then about: for Secretary Cecil set down all the Arguments for and against that League, with little Notes on the Margin, relating to such Topics from whence he brought them; 
King Edward's Remains, Number 5.  by which it seems the King was then learning Logic. It is the fifth of those Papers after his Journal.  
It was resolved on, to send Sir John Morison, 
A Treaty with the Emperor.  with Instructions to compliment the Emperor upon his coming into Flanders, and to make an offer of the King's assistance against the Turks, who had made great Depredations that year both in Hungary, Italy, and Sicily. If the Emperor should, upon that, complain of the French King, and say, that he had brought in the Turks, and should have asked assistance against him; he was to move the Emperor to send over an Ambassador to treat about it, since he that was then Resident in England was not very acceptable. These Instructions (which are in the Collection) were Signed in September, 
Collection Number 57  but not made use of till January this year. And then new Orders were sent to propose the King to be a Mediator between France and the Emperor. Upon which, the Bishop of Norwich, and Sir Phil. Hobbey were sent over, to join with Sir John Morison: and Sir William Pickering, and Sir Tho. Chaloner, were sent into France. In May the Emperor fell sick, and the English Ambassadors could learn nothing certainly concerning him: but then the Queen of Hungary, and the Bishop of Arras, treated with them. The Bishop of Arras complained, that the French had begun the War, had taken the Emperor's Ships at Barcelona, had rob his Subjects at Sea, had stirred up the Princes of Germany against him, had taken some of the Towns of the Empire from him; while the French Ambassadors were all the while swearing to the Emperor, that their Master intended nothing so much as to preserve the Peace: so that now, although the French were making several Overtures for Peace, they could give no credit to any thing that came from them. In fine, the Queen and Bishop of Arras, promised the English Ambassadors to let the Emperor know of the Kings offering himself to mediate; and afterwards told them, that the Emperor delayed giving answer till he were well enough to do it himself.  
On the 26th of May, the Ambassadors writ over that there was a Project sent them out of Germany, of an Alliance, between the Emperor, Ferdinand King of the Romans, the King of England, and the Princes of the Empire. They did not desire that the King should offer to come into it of his own accord; but John Frederick of Saxe would move Ferdinand to invite the King into it. This way they thought would give least jealousy. They hoped the Emperor would easily agree to the Conditions that related to the Peace of Germany, since he was now out of all hopes of making himself Master of it. The Princes neither loved, nor trusted him; but loved his Brother, and relied much on England. But the Emperor having proposed, that the Netherlands should be included in the perpetual League of the Empire, they would not agree to that, unless the Quota's of their Contribution were much changed: for these Provinces were like to be the Seats of Wars, therefore they would not engage for their defence, but upon reciprocal advantages and easy terms.  
When the English Ambassadors in the Court of France, desired to know on what terms a Peace might be mediated, they found they were much exalted with their success: so that (as they writ over on the first of May) they demanded the restitution of Milan, and the Kingdoms of Sicily, Naples, and Navarre, the Sovereignty of Flanders, Artois, and the Town of Tournay; they would also have Sienna to be restored to its liberty, and Metz, Toul, and Verdun, to continue under the Protection of France. These terms the Council thought so unreasonable, that, though they writ them over as News to their Ambassadors in Flandars, yet they charged them not to propose them. But the Queen of Hungary asked them what Propositions they had for a Peace, knowing already what they were; and from thence studied to inflame the Ambassadors, since it appeared how little the French regarded their Mediation, or the Peace of Christendom, when they asked such high and extravagant things upon a little success.  
On the 9th of June the Emperor ordered the Ambassadors to be brought into his Bedchamber, whither they were carried by the Queen of Hungary. He looked pale, and lean; but his Eyes were lively, and his Speech clear. They made him a Compliment upon his Sickness, which he returned with another for their long attendance. Upon the matter of their Embassy, he said, the King of France had begun the War, and must likewise begin the Propositions of Peace: But he accepted of the Kings Offer very kindly, and said, They should always find in him great inclinations to a just Peace. On the first of July the Council writ to their Ambassadors. First, assuring them, that the King was still alive, and they hoped he should recover; they told them, they did not find that the French would offer any other terms than those formerly made: and they continued still in that mind, that they could not be offered by them as Mediators; yet they ordered them to impart them unto the Emperor as News, and carefully to observe his looks and behaviour upon their opening of every one of them.  
But now the King's death broke off this Negotiation, 
The King's sickness.  together with all his other Affairs. He had last year, first the Measles, and then the Smallpox, of which he was perfectly recovered: In his Progress, he had been sometimes violent in his Exercises, which had cast him into great Colds: but these went off, and he seemed to be well after it. But in the beginning of January this year, he was seized with a deep Cough; and all Medicines that were used did rather increase than lessen it; upon which a suspicion was taken up, and spread over all the World, (so that it is mentioned by most of the Historians of that Age) that some linger Poison had been given him: but more than Rumours, and some ill-favoured Circumstances, I could never discover concerning this. He was so ill, when the Parliament met, that he was not able to go to Westminster; but ordered their first meeting, and the Sermon, to be at Whitehall. In the time of his sickness, Bishop Ridley preached before him, and took occasion to run out much on Works of Charity; and the obligation that lay on Men of high Condition to be eminent in good Works. This touched the King to the quick: So that presently after Sermon he sent for the Bishop. 
His care of the Relief of the Poor.  And after he had commanded him to sit down by him, and be covered, he resumed most of the Heads of the Sermon, and said, he looked on himself as chief touched by it: he desired him, as he had already given him the Exhortation in general, so to direct him how to do his duty in that Particular. The Bishop, astonished at this tenderness in so young a Prince, burst forth in Tears, expressing how much he was overjoyed to see such inclinations in him: but told him he must take time to think on it, and craved leave to consult with the Lord Major, and Court of Aldermen. So the King writ by him to them to consult speedily how the Poor should be relieved. They considered there were three sorts of Poor; such as were so by natural infirmity or folly, as impotent Persons, and Madmen, or Idiots; such as were so by accident, as sick, or maimed Persons; and such as by their idleness did cast themselves into poverty. So the King ordered the Gray-friars Church near Newgate, with the Revenues belonging to it, to be a House for Orphans: St. bartholomew's near Smithfield to be an Hospital: and gave his own House of Bridewell to be a Place of Correction and Work for such as were wilfully idle. He also confirmed and enlarged the Grant for the Hospital of St. Thomas in Southwark, which he had erected and endowed in August last. And when he set his Hand to these Foundations, which was not done before the 26th of June this Year: He thanked God, that had prolonged his Life, till he had finished that design. So he was the first Founder of those Houses, which, by many great Additions since that time, have risen to be among the Noblest in Europe.  
He expressed in the whole course of his sickness, great submission to the Will of God, and seemed glad at the approaches of death; only the consideration of Religion and the Church touched him much; and upon that account he said, he was desirous of Life. About the end of May, 
Several Marriages.  or beginning of June, the Duke of Suffolk's three Daughters were married: The eldest, Lady Jane, to the Lord Guildford Dudley, the fourth Son of the Duke of Northumberland, (who was the only Son whom he had yet unmarried:) The second, the Lady Katherine, to the Earl of Pembroke's eldest Son, the Lord Herbert: The third, the Lady Mary, who was crooked, to the King's Groom-Porter Martin Keys. The Duke of Northumberland married his two Daughters, the eldest to Sir Henry Sidney, Son to Sir William Sidney, that had been Steward to the King when he was Prince; the other was married to the Lord Hastings, Son to the Earl of Huntingdon. The People were mightily inflamed against this insolent Duke, for it was generally given out, that he was sacrificing the King to his own extravagant ambition. He seemed little to regard their Censures, but attended on the King most constantly, and expressed all the care and concern about him that was possible. And finding that nothing went so near his Heart as the ruin of Religion, which he apprehended would follow upon his death, when his Sister Mary should come to the Crown: 
He is persuaded to leave the Crown to the Lady Jane.  Upon that, he and his Party took advantage to propose to him to settle the Crown by his Letters Patents on the Lady Jane Grace. How they prevailed with him to pass by his Sister Elizabeth, who had been always much in his favour, I do not so well understand. But the King being wrought over to this, the Duchess of Suffolk, who was next in King Henry's Will, was ready to devolve her Right on her Daughter, even though she should come afterwards to have Sons. So on the 11th of June, Montague that was Chief Justice of the Common-Pleas, and Baker, and Bromley, two Judges, 
Which the Judges at first opposed.  with the King's Attorney, and Solicitor, were commanded to come to Council. There they found the King with some Privy-Councellors about him. The King told them, he did now apprehend the danger the Kingdom might be in, if upon his death his Sister Mary should succeed; who might marry a Stranger, and so change the Laws and the Religion of the Realm. So he ordered some Articles to be read to them, of the way in which he would have the Crown to descend. They objected, that the Act of Succession, being an Act of Parliament, could not be taken away by any such device: yet the King required them to take the Articles, and draw a Book according to them: they asked a little time to consider of it. So having examined the Statute of the first Year of this Reign, concerning Treasons, they found that it was Treason, not only after the King's death, but even in his Life, to change the Succession. Secretary Petre in the mean while pressed them to make haste: When they came again to the Council, they declared they could not do any such thing; for it was Treason; and all the Lords should be guilty of Treason if they went on in it. Upon which, the Duke of Northumberland, who was not then in the Council-Chamber, being advertised of this, came in great fury, calling Montague a Traitor, and threatened all the Judges; so that they thought he would have beaten them. But the Judges stood to their Opinion. They were again sent for, and came, with Gosnold added to them, on the 15th of June. The King was present, and he somewhat sharply asked them, Why they had not prepared the Book as he had ordered them? They answered, That what ever they did would be of no force without a Parliament. The King said, He intended to have one shortly. Then Montague proposed, that it might be delayed till the Parliament met. But the King said, He would have it first done, and then ratified in Parliament; and therefore he required them on their Allegiance to go about it; and some Counsellors told them, if they refused to obey that, they were Traitors. This put them in a great consternation; and old Montague, thinking it could not be Treason what ever they did in this matter while the King lived, and at worst, that a Pardon under the Great Seal would secure him, consented to set about it, if he might have a Commission requiring him to do it, and a Pardon under the Great Seal when it was done. Both these being granted him, he was satisfied. The other Judges, 
But through fear all yielded except Judge Hales.  being asked if they would concur, did all agree, being overcome with fear; except Gosnald, who still refused to do it. But he also, being sorely threatened, both by the Duke of Northumberland, and the Earl of Shrewsbury, consented to it the next day. So they put the Entail of the Crown in Form of Law, and brought it to the Lord Chancellor to put the Seal to it. They were all required to set their Hands to it, but both Gosnald and Hales refused. Yet the former was wrought on to do it, but the latter, though a most steady and zealous Man for the Reformation, would upon no consideration yield to it: After that the Lord Chancellor, for his Security, desired that all the Counsellors might set their Hands to it; which was done on the 21st of June by thirty three of them; it is like, including the Judges in the Number. But Cranmer, as he came seldom to Council after the Duke of Somersets Fall, so he was that day absent on design. Cecil, in a Relation which he made one write of this Transaction, for clearing himself afterwards, says, That when he had heard Gosnald and Hales declare how much it was against Law, he refused to set his Hand to it as a Counsellor, and that he only Signed as a Witness, to the King's Subscription. But Cranmer still refused to do it after they had all Signed it, and said he would never consent to the disinheriting of the Daughters of his late Master. Many Consultations were had to persuade him to it. 
Cranmer was very hardly brought to consent to it.  But he could not be prevailed on, till the King himself set on him; who used many Arguments, from the danger Religion would otherwise be in, together with other Persuasions; so that, by his Reasons, or rather Importunities, at last he brought him to it. But whether he also used that distinction of Cecils, that he did it as a Witness, and not as a Counsellor, I do not know: but it seems probable, that if that liberty was allowed the one, it would not be denied the other.  

The King's sickness becomes desperate.  But though the settling this business gave the King great content in his mind, yet his Distemper rather increased than abated; so that the Physicians had no hope of his recovery. Upon which, a confident Woman came, and undertook his Cure, if he might be put into her Hands. This was done, and the Physicians were put from him, upon this pretence, that they having no hopes of his recovery, in a desperate Case desperate Remedies were to be used. This was said to be the Duke of Northumberlands advice in particular; and it increased the People's jealousy of him, when they saw the King grow very sensibly worse every day after he came under the Woman's care: which becoming so plain, she was put from him, and the Physicians were again sent for, and took him into their charge. But if they had small hopes before, they had none at all now. Death thus hastening on him, the Duke of Northumberland, who knew he had done but half his work, except he had the King's Sisters in his Hands, got the Council to write to them in the King's Name, inviting them to come and keep him company in his sickness. But as they were on the way, on the sixth of July, his Spirits and Body were so sunk, that he found death approaching; and so he composed himself to die in a most devout manner. His whole exercise was in short Prayers and Ejaculations. The last that he was heard to use was in these words: Lord God deliver me out of this miserable and wretched Life, 
His last Prayer  and take me among thy Chosen; Howbeit not my Will but thine be done; Lord, I commit my Spirit to thee. O Lord, thou knowest how happy it were for me to be with thee: yet for thy Chosens sake send me Life and Health, that I may truly serve thee. O my Lord God, bless my People, and save thine Inheritance; O Lord God, save thy chosen People of England; O Lord God, defend this Realm from Papistry, and maintain thy true Religion, that I and my People may praise thy Holy Name, for Jesus Christ his sake. Seeing some about him, he seemed troubled, that they were so near, and had heard him: but with a pleasant countenance he said, he had been praying to God. And soon after, the Pangs of death coming on him, he said to Sir Henry Sidney, who was holding him in his Arms, I am faint, Lord have mercy on me, and receive my Spirit; and so he breathed out his Innocent Soul. The Duke of Northumberland, according to Cecils Relation, intended to have concealed his death for a fortnight, but it could not be done.  

His Death and Character.  Thus died King Edward the sixth, that incomparable young Prince. He was then in the sixteenth Year of his Age, and was counted the wonder of that Time. He was not only learned in the Tongues, and other Liberal Sciences, but knew well the State of his Kingdom. He kept a Book, in which he writ the Characters that were given him, of all the chief Men of the Nation, all the Judges, Lord-Lieutenants, and Justices of the Peace over England: in it he had marked down their way of living, and their zeal for Religion. He had studied the matter of the Mint, with the Exchange, and value of Money; so that he understood it well, as appears by his Journal. He also understood Fortification, and designed well. He knew all the Harbours and Ports, both of his own Dominions, and of France, and Scotland; and how much Water they had, and what was the way of coming in to them. He had acquired great knowledge in Foreign Affairs; so that he talked with the Ambassadors about them in such a manner, that they filled all the World with the highest opinion of him that was possible; which appears in most of the Histories of that Age. He had great quickness of apprehension; and being mistrustful of his memory, used to take Notes of almost every thing he heard: he writ these first in Greek Characters, that those about him might not understand them; and afterwards writ them out in his Journal. He had a Copy brought him of every thing that passed in Council, which he put in a Chest, and kept the Key of that always himself.  
In a word, the natural and acquired perfections of his mind were wonderful; but his Virtues and true Piety were yet more extraordinary. He was such a Friend to Justice, that, though he loved his Uncle the Duke of Somerset much, yet when he was possessed of a belief of his designing to murder his Fellow-Councellors, he was alienated from him: and being then but fourteen, it was no wonder if that was too easily infused in him. His chief Favourite was Barnaby Fitz-Patrick, to whom he writ many Letters and Instructions when he sent him to be bred in France. In one of his Letters to him, he writ, That he must not think to live like an Ambassador, but like a private Gentleman, who was to be advanced as he should deserve it. He allowed him to keep but four Servants: he charged him to follow the company of Gentlemen, rather than of Ladies: that he should not be superfluous in his Apparel: that he should go to the Campagne, and observe well the Conduct of Armies, and the Fortification of strong Places: and let the King know always when he needed Money, and he would supply him. All these with many other directions the King writ with his own Hand: and at his return, to let him see he intended to raise him by degrees, he gave him a Pension only of 150 Pound. This Fitz-Patrick did afterwards fully answer the opinion this young King had of him. He was bred up with him in his Learning; and as it is said, had been his whipping Boy, who, according to the Rule of educating our Princes, was always to be whipped for the King's faults. He was afterwards made by Queen Elizabeth Baron of Upper Ossory in Ireland, which was his Native Country.  
King Edward was tender and compassionate in a high measure: so that he was much against the taking away the Lives of Heretics; and therefore said to Cranmer, when he persuaded him to Sign the Warrant for the burning of Joan of Kent, that he was not willing to do it, because he thought that was to send her quick to Hell. He expressed great tenderness to the miseries of the Poor in his sickness, as hath been already shown. He took particular care of the Suits of all poor Persons; and gave Dr. Cox special charge to see that their Petitions were speedily answered, and used oft to consult with him how to get their matters set forward. He was an exact keeper of his word; and therefore, as appears by his Journal, was most careful to pay his Debts, and to keep his credit: knowing that to be the chief Nerve of Government; since a Prince that breaks his Faith, and loses his Credit, has thrown up that which he can never recover, and made himself liable to perpetual distrusts, and extreme contempt.  
He had above all things a great regard to Religion. He took Notes of such things as he heard in Sermons, which more specially concerned himself: and made his measures of all Men by their zeal in that matter. This made him so set on bringing over his Sister Mary to the same Persuasions with himself; that when he was pressed to give way to her having Mass, he said, That he would not only hazard the loss of the Emperor's friendship, but of his Life, and all he had in the World, rather than consent to what he knew was a sin: and he cited some Passages of Scripture that obliged Kings to root out Idolatry; by which he said he was bound in Conscience not to consent to her Mass; since he believed it was Idolatry; and did argue the matter so learnedly with the Bishops, that they left him, being amazed at his knowledge in Divinity. So that Cranmer took Cheek by the Hand upon it, and said, He had reason all the days of his Life to rejoice that God had honoured him to breed such a Scholar. All Men who saw and observed these qualities in him, looked on him as one raised by God for most extraordinary ends; and when he died, concluded that the sins of England must needs be very great, that had provoked God to take from them a Prince under whose Government they were like to have seen such blessed times. He was so affable and sweet natured, that all had free access to him at all times; by which he came to be most universally beloved, and all the high things that could be devised were said by the People to express their esteem of him. The Fable of the Phoenix pleased most; so they made his Mother one Phoenix, and him another, rising out of her Ashes. But graver Men compared him to Josiah; and long after his death I find both in Letters and Printed Books they commonly named him Our Josias, others called him Edward the Saint.  
A Prince of such qualities; so much esteemed and loved, could not but be much lamented at his death; and this made those of the Reformation abhor the Duke of Northumberland, who they suspected had hastened him to such an untimely end: which contributed, as much as any thing, to the establishing of Queen Mary on the Throne; for the People reckoned none could be so unworthy to govern, as those who had poisoned so worthy a Prince, and so kind a Master. I find nothing of opening his Body for giving satisfaction about that which brought him to his end; though his lying unburied till the eighth of August makes it probable that he was opened.  
But indeed the sins of England, did at this time call down from Heaven heavy Curses on the Land. They are sadly expressed in a Discourse that Ridley writ soon after, under the Title of the Lamentation of England: he says Lechery, Oppression, Pride, Covetousness, and a hatred and scorn of Religion, were generally spread among all People: chief those of the higher Rank. Cranmer and he had been much disliked: the former for delivering his Conscience so freely on the Duke of Somersets death; and both of them for opposing so much the rapine and spoil of the Goods of the Church, which was done without Law or Order. Nor could they engage any to take care of relieving the Poor, except only Dobbs, who was then Lord Major of London. These sins were openly preached against, by Latimer, Lever, Bradford, and Knox, who did it more severely, and by others who did it plainly, though more softly. One of the main causes Ridley gives of all these evils, was, that many of the Bishops, and most of the Clergy, being all the while Papists in Heart, who had only complied to preserve their Benefices, took no care of their Parishes, and were rather well pleased that things were ill managed. And of this that good Bishop had been long very apprehensive when he considered the sins then prevailing, and the Judgements which they had reason to look for; as will appear by an excellent Letter, which he sent about to his Clergy to set them on to such Duties as so sad a Prospect required: It will be found in the Collection; 
Collection Number 58.  and though it belongs to the former Year, yet I choose rather to bring it in on this occasion. These things having been fully laid open in the former parts of this Work, I shall not insist on them here, having mentioned them only for this cause, that the Reader may from hence gather, what we may still expect, if we continue guilty of the same or worse sins, after all that illumination and knowledge with which we have been so long blest in these Kingdoms.  
The END of the First BOOK.   

 engraved portrait of Queen Mary I 
MARIA ANGLIAE HISPANIAE & ct REGINA  R. White sculp 
Nata 18 Feb: 1516 Regnare cepit 6. to   royal blazon or coat of arms HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE 
Julij 1553. Obijt 17.mo Novemb: 1558  
Printed for Richard Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church yard.    

BOOK II. THE LJFE AND REIGN OF Queen MARY.  
UPon the Death of King Edward, the Crown devolved, 
1553. Q. Mary succeeds, but is in great danger.  according to King Henry's Will, and the Act of Parliament, made in the 35th Year of his Reign, on his Eldest Sister, the now Queen Mary. She was on her way to London, in obedience to the Letters that had been writ to her, to come and comfort her Brother in his Sickness; and was come within half a days Journey of the Court, when she received an Advertisement from the Earl of Arundel, that her Brother was dead; together with an account of what was done about the Succession. The Earl also informed her, that the King's Death was concealed, on design to entrap her before she knew of it; and therefore he advised her to retire. Upon this, she knowing that the Duke of Northumberland was much hated in Norfolk, for the great slaughter he had made of the Rebels, when he subdued them in the third Year of the last Reign; 
And retires to Suffolk.  therefore chose to go that way to the Castle of Framlingham in Suffolk: Which Place being near the Sea, she might, if her Designs should miscarry, have an opportunity from thence to fly over to the Emperor that was then in Flanders.  
At London, it seems, the whole Business of setting up the Lady Jane, had been carried very secretly; since if Queen Mary had heard any hint of it, she had certainly kept out of the way, and not adventured to have come so near the Town. It was an unaccountable Error in the Party for the Lady Jane, that they had not, immediately after the Seal was put to the Letters Patents, or at furthest, presently after the King's Death, sent some to make sure of the King's Sisters; instead of which they thus lingered, hoping they would have come into their Toils, in an easier and less violent way. On the 8th of July, they writ to the English Ambassadors at Brussels the news of the King's Death, but said nothing of the Succession. On the 9th of July they perceived the King's Death was known; for Queen Mary writ to to them, 
She writes to the Council.  from Kenning-Hall, that she understood the King her Brother was dead; which how sorrowful it was to her, God only knew, to whose Will she did humbly submit her Will. The Provision of the Crown to her, after his Death, she said, was well known to them all; but she thought it strange, that he being three days dead, she had not been advertised of it by them. She knew what Consultations were against her, and what Engagements they had entered into; but was willing to take all their Do in good part, and therefore did give Pardon for all that was past, to such as would accept of it, and required them to proclaim her Title to the Crown in London.  
Upon this Letter, they saw the death of the King could no longer be concealed; so the Duke of Suffolk, and the Duke of Northumberland, went to Durham-House, where the Lady Jane lay, to give her notice of her being to succeed to the Crown, in the room of the deceased King. She received the News with great sorrow for King Edward's Death; 
Who declare for the Lady Jane.  which was not at all lessened, but rather increased, by that other part of their Message, concerning her being to succeed him.  

Lady Jane's Character.  She was a Lady that seemed indeed born for a great Fortune; for as she was a beautiful and graceful Person, so she had great Parts, and greater Virtues. Her Tutor was Dr. Elmer, believed to be the same that was afterwards made Bishop of London by Queen Elizabeth. She had learned from him the Latin and Greek Tongues to great perfection; so that being of the same Age with the late King, she see●ed superior to him in those Languages. And having acquired the helps of Knowledge, she spent her time much in the study of it. Roger Ascham, Tutor to the Lady Elizabeth, coming once to wait on her at her Father's House in Leicestershire, found her reading Plato's Works in Greek; when all the rest of the Family were hunting in the Park: He asked her, How she could be absent from such pleasant Diversions? She answered, The Pastimes in the Park were but a shadow to the delight she had in reading Plato's Phedon, which then lay open before her; and added, That she esteemed it one of the greatest Blessings that God ever gave her, that she had sharp Parents, and a gentle Schoolmaster, which made her take delight in nothing so much, as in her Study. She read the Scriptures much, and had attained great knowledge in Divinity. But with all these Advantages of Birth and Parts, she was so humble, so gentle, and pious, that all People both admired and loved her, and none more than the late King. She had a Mind wonderfully raised above the World, and at the Age wherein others are, but imbibing the Notions of Philosophy, she had attained to the practice of the highest Precepts of it. She was neither lifted up with the hope of a Crown, nor cast down when she saw her Palace made afterwards her Prison; but carried herself, with an equal temper of Mind, in those great inequalities of Fortune, that so suddenly exalted and depressed her. All the Passion she expressed in it was, that which is of the noblest sort, and is the indication of tender and generous Natures, being much affected with the Troubles her Father and Husband fell in, on her account.  
The mention of the Crown, when her Father, with her Father-in-Law, saluted her, Queen, did rather heighten her disorder upon the King's Death. She said, She knew, by the Laws of the Kingdom, 
Her unwillingness to accept of the Crown.  and by natural Right, the Crown was to go to the King's Sisters; so that she was afraid of burdening her Conscience, by assuming that which belonged to them; and that she was unwilling to enrich herself by the spoils of others. But they told her, all that had been done was according to the Law, to which all the Judges and Counsellors had set their Hands. This joined with their Persuasions, and the Importunities of her Husband, who had more of his Father's temper, than of her Philosophy in him, at length prevailed with her to submit to it: Of which her Father-in-Law did afterwards say in Council, She was rather, by enticement of the Counsellors, and force, made to accept of the Crown, than came to it by her own seeking and request.  
Upon this, order was given for proclaiming her Queen the next day. And an Answer was writ to Queen Mary, signed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, the Dukes of Suffolk and Northumberland; the Marquesses of Winchester and Northampton; the Earls of Arundel, Shrewsbury, Huntingdon, Bedford, and Pembroke; the Lords, Cobham and Darcy; Sir Thomas Cheyney, Sir Robert Cotton, Sir William Petre, Sir William Cecil, Sir John Cheek, Sir John Mason, Sir Edward North, and Sir Robert Bowes, in all one and twenty; 
Council writes to Q. Mary.  letting her know, That Queen Jane was now their Sovereign, according to the Ancient Laws of the Land, and the late King's Letters Patents, to whom they were now bound by their Allegiance. They told her, That the Marriage between her Father and Mother, was dissolved by the Ecclesiastical Courts, according to the Laws of God, and of the Land. That many noble Universities in Christendom had consented to it; That the Sentence had been confirmed in Parliaments, and she had been declared illegitimate, and uninheritable to the Crown. They therefore required her to give over her Pretences, and not to disturb the Government; and promised, that if she shown herself Obedient, she should find them all ready to do her any Service which in Duty they could.  
The day following they proclaimed Queen Jane. 
Lady Jane proclaimed Queen. Collection. Number 1.  The Proclamation will be found in the Collection. It sets forth, That the late King had, by his Letters Patents, limited the Crown, that it should not descend to his two Sisters, since they were both illegitimated by Sentences in the Spiritual Courts, and Acts of Parliament, and were only his Sisters by the Halfblood, who (though it were granted they had been legitimate) are not inheritable by the Law of England. It was added, That there was also great cause to fear, that the King's Sisters might marry Strangers, and so change the Laws of the Kingdom, and subject it to the Tyranny of the Bishops of Rome, and other Foreign Laws. For these Reasons they were excluded from the Succession; and the Lady Frances, Duchess of Suffolk, being next the Crown, it was provided, that if she had no Sons at the death of the King, the Crown should devolve immediately on her eldest Daughter Jane, and after her, and her Issue, to her Sisters; since she was born within the Kingdom, and already married in it. Therefore she was proclaimed Queen, promising to be most benign and gracious to all her People, to maintain God's Holy Word, and the Laws of the Land, requiring all the Subjects to obey and acknowledge her. When this was proclaimed, great multitudes were gathered to hear it; but there were very few that shouted with the Acclamations ordinary on such Occasions. And whereas a Vintner's Boy did someway express his scorn at that which was done, it was ordered, that he should be made an Example the next day, by being set on a Pillory, and having his Ears nailed to it, and cut off from his Head; which was accordingly done; a Herald in his Coat, reading to the multitude that was called together, by sound of Trumpet, the nature of his Offence.  

Censures past upon it.  Upon this, all People were in great distraction; The Proclamation, opening the new Queen's Title, came to be variously descanted on. Some who thought the Crown descended by right of Blood, and that it could not be limited by Parliament, argued, that the King having his Power from God, it was only to descend in the natural way of Inheritance; therefore they thought the next Heir was to succeed. And whereas the King's two Sisters were both by several Sentences and Acts of Parliament, declared Bastards; and whether that was well judged, or not, they were to be reputed such as the Law declared them to be, so long as it stood in force; therefore they held that the Queen of Scotland was to succeed; who, though she pretended this upon Queen Mary's Death, yet did not claim now, because by the Papal Law, the Sentence against Queen Mary was declared Null. Others argued, that though a Prince were named by an immediate appointment from Heaven, yet he might change the course of Succession, as David did, preferring Solomon before Adonijah: But this, it was said, did not belong to the King's of England, whose right to the Crown, with the extent of their Prerogative, did not come from any Divine Designation, but from a long Possession, and the Laws of the Land: and that therefore the King might by Law limit the Succession, as well as he and other Kings had in some Points limited the Prerogative, (which was clearly Sir Thomas More's Opinion); and that therefore the Act of Parliament, for the Succession of the King's Sisters, was still strong in Law. It was also said, That if the Kin●'● Sisters were to be excluded for Bastardy, all Charles Brandon's Issue were in the same predicament; since he was not lawfully married to the French Queen, his former Wife Mortimer being then alive, and his Marriage with her was never dissolved; (for though some English Writers say they were divorced, yet those who wrote for the Queen of Scots Title, in the next Reign denied it); But in this the difference was great between them; since the King's Sisters were declared Bastards in Law, whereas this against Charles Brandon's Issue, was only a Surmise. Others objected, That if the Blood gave an Indefeasible Title, How came it that the L. Jane's Mother did not Reign? It is true, Maud the Empress, and Margaret Countess of Richmond, were satisfied that their Sons, Henry the Second, and Henry the Seventh, should reign in their Rights; but it had never been heard of, that a Mother had resigned to her Daughter, especially when she was yet under Age. But this was imputed to the Duke of Suffolk's weakness, and the Ambition of the Duke of Northumberland. That Objection concerning the Halfblood, being a Rule of Common Law in the Families of Subjects, to cut off from Stepmother's the Inclinations and Advantages of destroying their Husband's Children, was not thought applicable to the Crown: Nor was that of Ones being born out of the Kingdom, which was hinted at to exclude the Queen of Scotland, thought pertinent to this Case: since there was an Exception made in the Law for the King's Children, which was thought to extend to all their Issue. But all People agreed in this, that though by Act of Parliament, King Henry was empowered to provide or limit the Crown, by his Letters Patents; yet that was a Grant particularly to him, and did not descend to his Heirs: So that the Letters Patents made by King Edward, could have no force to settle the Crown, and much less when they did expressly contradict an Act of Parliament. The proceeding so severely against the Vintner's Boy, was imputed to the violent temper of the Duke of Northumberland. And though when a Government is Firm, and Factions are weak, the making some public Examples, may intimidate a Faction otherwise disheartened; yet Severities, in such a juncture as this, when the Council had no other support but the assistance of the People, seemed very unadvised; and all thought it was a great Error to punish him in that manner.  
This made them reflect on the rest of Northumberland's Cruelties; 
The Duke of Northumberland much hated.  His bringing the Duke of Somerset, with those Gentlemen that suffered with him, to their End, by a foul Conspiracy; but above all things, the Suspicions that lay on him, of being the Author of the late King's untimely Death, enraged the People so much against him, that without considering what they might suffer under Queen Mary, they generally inclined to set her up.  
The Lady Jane was proclaimed in many Towns near London, yet the People were generally running to Queen Mary: 
Many declare for Q. Mary.  Many from Norfolk came to her, and a great Body of Suffolk Men gathered about her, who were all for the Reformation. They desired to know of her, whether she would alter the Religion set up in King Edward's Days; to whom she gave full Assurances, that she would never make any Innovation or Change, but be contented with the private Exercise of her own Religion. Upon this they were all possessed with such a belief of her sincerity, that it made them resolve to hazard their Lives and Estates in her Quarrel. The Earls of Bath and Suffolk raised Forces, and joined with her; so did the Sons of the Lord Wharton and Mordant; with many more.  
Upon this the Council resolved to gather Forces for the dispersing of theirs, 
The Council orders Forces to be sent against her.  and sent the Earl of Huntington's Brother to raise Buckinghamshire, and others to other parts, ordering them to meet the Forces that should come from London, at Newmarket. It was at first proposed to send the Duke of Suffolk to command them; but the Lady Jane was so much concerned in her Father's preservation, that she urged, he might not be sent; and he being but a soft Man, was easily excused. So it fell next on the Duke of Northumberland, who was now much distracted in his Mind. He was afraid, if he went away, the City might declare for Queen Mary; nor was he well assured of the Council, who seemed all to comply with him, rather out of fear, than good will. Cecil would not officiate as Secretary, as himself relates; the Judges would do nothing; and the Duke plainly saw, that if he had not (according to the custom of our Princes, on their first coming to the Crown) gone with the Lady Jane, and the Council, into the Tower, whereby he kept them as Prisoners, the Council were inclined to desert him. This divided him much in his Thoughts. The whole success of his Design depended on the dispersing of the Queen's Forces: And it was no less necessary to have a Man of courage continue still in the Tower. There was none there whom he could entirely trust, but the Duke of Suffolk, and he was so mean spirited, that he did not depend much on him. But the progress the Queen's Forces made, pressed him to go, and make head against her. So he laid all the heavy Charges he could on the Council, to look to Queen Jane, and to stand firmly to her Interests; and left London on the 14th of July, marching out with 2000 Horse, and 6000 Foot. But as he road through Bishopsgate street, and Shoreditch, though there were great Crowds looking on, none cried out to wish him success, which gave a sad indication how ill they were affected to him.  

And writ to the Emperor.  The Council writ to the Emperor by one Shelley, whom they sent to give notice of the Lady Jane's Succession, complaining that the Lady Mary was making Stirs, and that his Ambassador had officiously meddled in their Affairs; but that they had given Orders for reducing the Lady Mary to her Duty. They also desired the continuance of his Friendship, and that he would command his Resident to carry himself as became an Ambassador. Sir Philip Hobbey was continued Ambassador there; the others were ordered to stay and prosecute the Mediation of the Peace; but the Emperor would not receive those Letters; and in a few days there went over others from Queen Mary.  

Ridley preaches for the L. Jane's Title.  Ridley was appointed to set out Queen Jane's Title, in a Sermon at Paul's; and to warn the People of the Dangers they would be in, if Queen Mary should reign: which he did, and gave an account in his Sermon of what had passed between him and her, when he went and offered to preach to her. At the same time the Duke of Northumberland, at Cambridg, where himself was both Chancellor of the University, and Steward of the Town, made the Vicechancellor preach to the same purpose. But he held in more general terms, and managed it so, that there was no great Offence taken on either hand.  

Q. Mary's Party grows strong.  But now the Queen had made her Title be proclaimed at Norwich; and sent Letters all over England, requiring the Peers, and others of great Quality, to come to her assistance. Some Ships had been sent about, to lie on that Coast for intercepting her, if she should fly away; but those who commanded them were so dealt with, that instead of acting against her, they declared for her. Sir Edward Hastings having raised 4000 Men in Buckinghamshire, instead of joining with the Duke of Northumberland, went over with them into her Service. Many were also from all Places every day running to her, and in several Counties of England she was proclaimed Queen. But none came in to the Duke of Northumberland, so he writ earnestly to the Lords at London, to send him more Supplies.  
They understanding, from all the Corners of England, 
And the Council turn to her.  that the Tide grew  strong for the Queen, entered into Consultations how to redeem their passed Faults, and to reconcile themselves to her. The Earl of Arundel hated Northumberland on many accounts. The Marquis of Winchester was famous for his dexterity in shifting sides, all ways to his own Advantage. To them joined the Earl of Pembroke, the more closely linked to the Interests of the Lady Jane, since his Son had married her Sister; which made him the more careful to disentangle himself in time, To those, Sir Thomas Cheney, Warden of the Cinque-Ports, and Sir John Mason, with the two Secretaries, came over. It was said, that the French and Spanish Ambassadors had desired an Audience in some Place in the City; and it was proposed to give it in the Earl of Pembroke's House; who being the least suspected, it was agreed to, by the Duke of Suffolk, that they should be suffered to go from the Tower thither. They also pretended, that since the Duke of Northumberland had writ so earnestly for new Forces, they must go and treat with my Lord Mayor and the City of London about it. But as soon as they were got out, the Earl of Arundel pressed them to declare for Queen Mary: And to persuade them to it, he laid open all the Cruelty of Northumberland, under whose Tyranny they must resolve to be enslaved, if they would not now shake it off. The other consenting readily to it, they sent for the Lord Mayor, with the Recorder, and the Aldermen; and having declared their Resolutions to them, they road together into Cheapside, 
And proclaimed her Queen.  and there proclaimed Queen Mary, on the 19th of July: From thence they went to Saint Paul's, where Te Deum was sung. An Order was sent to the Tower, to require the Duke of Suffolk to deliver up that Place, and to acknowledge Queen Mary: and that the Lady Jane should lay down the Title of Queen. To this, as her Father submitted tamely, so she expressed no sort of Concern in losing that imaginary Glory, which now had for nine days been rather a Burden, than any Matter of Joy to her. They also sent Orders to the Duke of Northumberland to disband his Forces, and to carry himself as became an Obedient Subject to the Queen. And the Earl of Arundel, with the Lord Paget, were sent to give her an account of it, who continued still at Framingham in Suffolk.  
The Duke of Northumberland had retired back to Cambridg, 
The Duke of Northumberland submits, and is taken.  to stay for new Men from London; but hearing how Matters went there, before ever the Councils Orders came to him, he dismissed his Forces, and went to the Marketplace, and proclaimed the Queen, flinging up his own Hat for joy, and crying, God save Queen Mary. But the Earl of Arundel being sent by the Queen to apprehend him; it is said, That when he saw him, he fell abjectly at his Feet to beg his favour. This was like him, it being not more unusual for such Insolent Persons to be most basely sunk with their Misfortunes, than to be out of measure blown up with success. He was, on the 25th of July, sent to the Tower, with the Earl of Warwick his eldest Son, 
With many more Prisoners who were sent to the Tower of London.  Ambrose and Henry two of his other Sons. Some other of his Friends were made Prisoners, among whom was Sir Thomas Palmer, the wicked Instrument of the Duke of Somerset's fall, who was become his most intimate Confident; and Dr. Sands the Vicechancellor of Cambridg.  
Now did all People go to the Queen to implore her Mercy. She received them all very favourably, except the Marquis of Northampton, Dr, Ridley, and Lord Robert Dudley. The first of these had been a submissive fawner on the Duke of Northumberland; the second had incurred her displeasure by his Sermon, and she gladly laid hold on any colour to be more severe to him, that way might be made for bringing Bonner to London again; the third had followed his Father's Fortunes. On the 27th, the Lords Chief Justices, Cholmley and Montague, were sent to the Tower; and the day after, the Duke of Suffolk, and Sir John Cheek, went after them; the Lady Jane and her Husband being still detained in the Tower. Three days after an Order came to set the Duke of Suffolk at liberty, upon engagement to return to Prison when the Queen required it, for it was generally known that he had been driven on by Dudley; and as it was believed, that he had not been faulty out of Malice, so his great weakness made them little apprehensive of any Dangers from him; and therefore the Queen being willing to express a signal Act of Clemency at her first coming to the Crown, it was thought best to let it fall on him.  
Now did the Queen come towards London, being met on the way by her Sister Elizabeth, 
The Queen enters London.  with a thousand Horse, who had gathered about her, to show their Zeal to maintain both their Titles, which in this late contest had been linked together. She made her entry to London on the third of August, with great solemnity and pomp. When she came to the Tower, the Duke of Norfolk, who had been almost seven Years in it; Gardiner, the Bishop of Winchester, that had been five Years there; the Duchess of Somerset, that had been kept there near two Years; and the Lord Courtney, (whom she made afterwards Earl of Devonshire) that was Son to the Marquis of Exeter, and had been kept there ever since his Father was Attainted, had their Liberty granted them. So now she was peaceably settled in the Throne, without any effusion of Blood; having broke through a Confederacy against her, which seemed to be so strong, that if he that was the Head of it, had not been universally odious to the Nation, it could not have been so easily dissipated. She was naturally pious and devout, even to superstition; had a generous disposition of Mind, but much corrupted by Melancholy, which was partly natural in her, but much increased by the cross Accidents of her Life, both before and after her Advancement; so that she was very peevish, and splenetic, towards the end of her Life. When the Differences became irreconcilable between her Father and Mother, 
She had been in danger in her Father's Time.  she followed her Mother's Interests, they being indeed her own; and for a great while could not be persuaded to submit to the King; who being impatient of contradiction from any, but especially from his own Child, was resolved to strike a terror in all his People, by putting her openly to death. Which her Mother coming to know, writ her a Letter of a very devout strain, which will be found in the Collections. 
Coll. Numb. 2.  In which, She encouraged her to suffer cheerfully, to trust to God, and keep her heart clean. She charged her, in all things, to obey the King's Commands, except in the Matters of Religion. She sent her two Latin Books, the one of the Life of Christ, (which was perhaps the famous Book of Thomas a Kempis) and the other St. Jerom's Letter. She bid her divert herself at the Virginals or Lute, but above all things to keep herself pure, and to enter into no treaty of Marriage, till these ill times should pass over; of which her Mother seemed to retain still good hopes. This Letter should have been in my former Volumn, if I had then seen it, but it is no improper Place to mention it here. At Court, many were afraid to move the King for her; both the Duke of Norfolk and Gardiner looked on, and were unwilling to hazard their own Interests to preserve her. But (as it was now printed, 
And was preserved by Cranmers means.  and both these appealed to) Cranmer was the only Person that would adventure on it. In his gentle way, he told the King, that she was young and indiscreet, and therefore it was no wonder if she obstinately adhered to that which her Mother, and all about her, had been infusing into her for many Years: but that it would appear strange if he should for this Cause so far forget he was a Father, as to proceed to Extremities with his own Child: that if she were separated from her Mother, and her People, in a little time there might be ground gained on her; but to take away her Life, would raise horror through all Europe against him. By these means he preserved her at that time.  
After her Mother's Death, in June following, she changed her note; 
She submitted to her Father.  for besides the Declaration she then signed, which was inserted in the former part of this Work; she writ Letters of such submission, as show how expert she was at dissembling. Three of these to her Father, and one to Cromwell, I have put in the Collection; in which she, 
Collect. Numb. 3, 4, 5, 6.  with the most studied Expressions, declaring her sorrow for her past stubbornness, and disobedience to his most just and virtuous Laws, implores his Pardon, as lying prostrate at his Feet: and considering his great Learning and Knowledge, she puts her Soul in his Hand, resolving that he should for ever thereafter direct her Conscience, from which she vows she would never vary. This she repeats in such tender words, that it shows she could command herself to say any thing that she thought fit for her ends. And when Cromwell writ to her, to know what her Opinion was about Pilgrimages, Purgatory, and Relics; she assures him she had no Opinion at all, but such as she should receive from the King, who had her whole Heart in his keeping; and he should imprint upon it, in these and all other Matters, whatever his inestimable Virtue, high Wisdom, and excellent Learning, should think convenient for her. So perfectly had she learned that stile, that she knew was most acceptable to him. Having copied these from the Originals, I thought it not unfit to insert them, that it may appear how far those of that Religion can comply, when their Interest leads them to it.  
From that time this Princess had been in all Points most exactly compliant to every thing her Father did. And after his Death, she never pretended to be of any other Religion, than that which was established by him: So that all that she pleaded for, in her Brother's Reign, was only the continuance of that way of Worship, that was in use at her Father's Death. But now, being come to the Crown, that would not content her; yet when she thought where to fix, she was distracted between two different Schemes that were presented to her.  
On the one hand, Gardiner and all that Party, were for bringing Religion back to what it had been at King Henry's Death; and afterward, 
The Designs for changing Religion.  by slow degrees, to raise it up to what it had been before his breach with the Papacy. On the other hand, the Queen, of her own Inclination, was much disposed to return immediately to the Union of the Catholic Church, as she called it: and it was necessary for her to do it, since it was only by the Papal Authority that her Illegitimation was removed. To this it was answered, that all these Acts and Sentences that had passed against her, might be annulled, without taking any notice of the Pope. 
Gardiner's Policy.  Gardiner finding these things had not such weight with her as he desired, for she looked on him as a crafty temporising Man, sent over to the Emperor, on whom she depended much, to assure him, that if he would persuade her to make him Chancellor, and to put Affairs into his Hands, he should order them so, that every thing she had a mind to, should be carried in time. But Gardiner understood she had sent for Cardinal Pool; so he writ to the Emperor, that he knew his Zeal for the Exaltation of the Popedom, would undo all; therefore he pressed him to write to the Queen for moderating her heat, and to stop the Cardinal's coming over. He said, that Pool stood Attainted by Law, so that his coming into England would alarm the Nation. He observed, that upon a double account they were averse to the Papacy: The one was, for the Church Lands, which they had generally bought from the Crown on very easy terms, and they would not easily part with them. The other was, The fear they had of Papal Dominion and Power, which had been now for about 25 Years set out to the People, as the most intolerable Tyranny that ever was. Therefore, he said, it was necessary to give them some time to wear out these Prejudices; and the precipitating of Councils might ruin all. He gave the Emperor also secret Assurances of serving him in all his Interests. All this Gardener did the more warily, because he understood that Cardinal Pool hated him as a false and deceitful Man. Upon this the Emperor writ to the Queen several Letters with his own hand, which is so hardly legible, that it was not possible for me, or some others to whom I shown them, to read them, so well as to copy them out: and one that was written by his Sister, the Queen of Hungary, and signed by him, is no better; but from many half Sentences, I find, that all was with a design to temper her, that she should not make too much haste, nor be too much led by Italian Counsels. Upon the return of this Message, the Seal, which had been taken from Goodrick, Bishop of Ely, and put for some days in the keeping of Hare, Master of the Rolls, was, on the 13th of August, given to Gardiner, who was declared Lord Chancellor of England, 
He is made Chancellor.  and the conduct of Affairs was chief put in his hands. So that now the measure of the Queen's Councils, was to do every thing slowly, and by such sure steps as might put them less in hazard.  

The Duke of Northumb. and others Tried.  The first thing that was done, was, the bringing the Duke of Northumberland to his Trial. The old Duke of Norfolk was made Lord High Steward; the Queen thinking it fit to put the first Character of honour on him, who had suffered so much for being the Head of the Popish Party. And here a subtle thing was started, which had been kept a great Secret hitherto. It was said, the Duke of Norfolk had never been truly attainted; and that the Act against him was not a true Act of Parliament; so that without any Pardon, or restitution in Blood, he was still Duke of Norfolk. This he had never mentioned all the last Reign, lest that should have procured an Act to confirm his Attainder. So he came now in upon his former Right, by which, all the Grants that had been given of his Estate, were to be declared void by Common Law. The Duke of Northumberland, with the Marquis of Northampton, and the Earl of Warwick, were brought to their Trials. The Duke desired two Points might be first answered by the Judges, in matter of Law. The one, Whether a Man acting by the Authority of the Great Seal, and the Order of the Privy Council, could become thereby guilty of Treason? The other was, Whether those who had been equally guilty with him, and by whose Direction and Commands he had acted, could sit his Judges? To these the Judges made answer, That the Great Seal of one that was not lawful Queen, could give no Authority, nor Indemnity, to those that acted on such a Warrant: and that any Peer that was not, by an Attainder upon Record, convicted of such accession to his Crime, might sit his Judge, and was not to be challenged upon a Surmise or Report. So these Points, by which only he could hope to have defended himself, 
And condemned.  being thus determined against him, he confessed he was guilty, and submitted to the Queen's Mercy. So did the Marquis of Northampton, and the Duke's Son, the Earl of Warwick, who (it seems by this Trial) had a Writ for sitting in the House of Peers; they were all three found guilty. Judgement also passed next day, in a Jury of Commoners, against St. John Gates, and his Brother Sir Humphrey; Sir Andrew Dudley, and Sir Thomas Palmer, confessing their Indictments. But of all these it was resolved, that only the Duke of Northumberlrnd, and Sir John Gates, and Sir Thomas Palmer, should be made Examples: Heath, Bishop of Worcester, was employed to instruct the Duke, and to prepare him for his Death. 
At his Death he professes he had been always a Papist.  Whether he had been always in heart what he then professed, or whether he only pretended it, hoping that it might procure him favour, is variously reported: but certain it is, that he said, he had been always a Catholic in his Heart; yet this could not save him. He was known to be a Man of that temper, so given, both to revenge and dissimulation, that his Enemies saw it was necessary to put him out of the way, lest if he had lived, he might have insinuated himself into the Queen's favour, and then turned the danger upon them. So the Earl of Arundel, now made Lord Steward of the Household, with others, easily obtained that his Head should be cut off, together with Sir John Gates', and Sir Thomas Palmers.  
On the 22d of August he was carried to the Place of Execution. On the way, there was some expostulation between Gates and him; They, as is ordinary for Complices in ill Actions, laying the blame of their Miseries on one another: Yet they professed they did mutually forgive, and so died in Charity together. It is said, that he made a long Speech, accusing his former ill Life, and confessing his Treasons. But that part of it which concerned Religion, is only preseved. In it, he exhorted the People to stand to the Religion of their Ancestors, and to reject that of latter date, which had occasioned all the misery of the foregoing thirty Years; and desired, as they would prevent the like for the future, that they would drive out of the Nation these Trumpets of Sedition, the new Preachers; that for himself,  he had otherwise pretended, he believed no other Religion than that of his forefathers; in which he appealed to his Ghostly Father, the Bishop of Worcester then present with him; but being blinded with Ambition, he had made wreck of his Conscience, by temporizing, for which he professed himself sincerely penitent. So did he, and the other two, end their days. Palmer was little pitied, as being believed a treacherous Conspirator against his former Master, and Friend, the Duke of Somerset.  

His Character  Thus died the ambitious Duke of Northumberland. He had been, in the former parts of his Life, a great Captain, and had the reputation of a wise Man: He was generally successful, and they that are so, are always esteemed wise. He was an extraordinary Man in a lower size, but had forgot himself much when he was raised higher, in which his Mind seemed more exalted than his Fortunes. But as he was transported by his Rage and Revenge out of measure, so he was as servile and mean in his Submissions. Fox, it seems, was informed, that he had hopes given him of his Life, if he should declare himself to be of the Popish Religion, even though his Head were laid on the Block: but which way soever he made that Declaration, either to get his Life by it, or that he had really been always what he now professed; it argued that he regarded Religion very little, either in his Life, or at his Death. But whether he did any thing to hasten the late King's Death, I do not find it was at all enquired after: Only those who considered how much Gild disorders all People, and that they have a black Cloud over their Minds, which appears, either in the violence of Rage, or the abjectness of Fear, did find so great a change in his deportment, in these last Passages of his Life, from what was in the former parts of it, that they could not but think there was some extraordinary thing within him from whence it flowed.  

King Edward's Funeral.  And for King Edward's Death, those who had Affairs now in their Hands, were so little careful of his Memory, and indeed so glad of his Death, that it is no wonder they made little search about it. It is rather strange that they allowed him such Funeral Rites. For the Queen kept a solemn Exequy, with all the other Remembrances of the Dead, and Masses for him, used in the Roman Church, at the Tower, on the 8th of August, the same day that he was buried at Westminster: the Lord Treasurer, (who was the Marquis of Winchester, still continued in that Trust) the Earls of Shrewsbury, and Pembroke, being the principal Mourners. Day, that was now to be restored to his See of Chichester, was appointed to preach the Funeral Sermon: In which he commended and excused the King, but loaded his Government severely; and extolled the Queen much, under whom he promised the People happy days. It was intended that all the Burial Rites should have been according to the old Forms that were before the Reformation. But Cranmer opposed this vigorously, and insisted upon it, That as the King himself had been a zealous promoter of that Reformation, so the English Service was then established by Law: upon this he stoutly hindered any other way of officiating, and himself performed all the Offices of the Burial; to which he joined the solemnity of a Communion. In these, it may be easily imagined, he did every thing with a very lively sorrow; since as he had loved the King beyond expression, so he could not but look on his Funeral, as the Burial of the Reformation, and in particular as a step to his own.  
On the 12th of August, 
The Queen declares she will force no Man's Conscience.  the Queen made an open declaration in Council, that although her Conscience was stayed in the Matters of Religion, yet she was resolved not to compel or strain others, otherwise than as God should put into their Hearts, a persuasion of that Truth she was in; and this she hoped should be done by the opening His Word to them, by godly, virtuous, and learned Preachers. Now all the deprived Bishops looked to be quickly placed in their Sees again. Bonner went to St. Paul's on the 13th of August, being Sunday, where Bourn, that was his Chaplain, preached before him. He spoke honourably of Bonner, with sharp Reflections on the Proceed against him in the Time of King Edward. This did much provoke the whole Audience, who as they hated Bonner, so could not hear any thing said that seemed to detract from that King. 
A Tumult at Paul's Cross.  Hereupon there was a great Tumult in the Church; some called to pull him down, others fling Stones, and one threw a Dagger towards the Pulpit with that force, that it stuck fast in the timber of it; Bourn, by stooping, saved himself from that danger: and Rogers, and Bradford, two eminent Preachers, and of great credit with the People, stood up, and gently quieted the heat; and they, to deliver Bourn out of their hands, conveyed him from the Pulpit, to a House near the Church.  
This was such an Accident as the Papists would have desired; for it gave them a colour to proceed more severely, and to prohibit Preaching, which was the first step they intended to make. There was a Message sent to the Lord Mayor, to give a strict charge, that every Citizen should take care of all that belonged to him, and see that they went to their own Parish Church, and kept the Peace; as also to acquaint them with what the Queen had declared in Council on the 13th of August. And on the 18th, there was published an Inhibition in the Queen's Name, to this effect; That she, 
An Inhibition of all preaching.  considering the great Danger that had come to the Realm, by the Differences in Religion, did delare for herself, that she was of that Religion that she had professed from her Infancy, and that she would maintain it during her time, and be glad that all her Subjects would charitably receive it: Yet she did not intent to compel any of her Subjects to it, till public Order should be taken in it by common Assent: requiring all, in the mean while, not to move Sedition or Unquietness, till such Order should be settled, and not to use the Names of Papist, or Heretic, but to live together in Love, and in the Fear of God: but if any made Assemblies of the People, she would take care they should be severely punished: and she straight charged them, that none should preach, or expound Scripture, or print any Books, or Plays, without her special Licence. And required her Subjects, that none of them should presume to punish any on pretence of the late Rebellion, but as they should be authorised by her: Yet she did not thereby restrain any from informing against such Offenders: She would be most sorry to have cause to execute the severity of the Law, but she was resolved not to suffer such Rebellious Do to go unpunished, but hoped her Subjects would not drive her to the extreme execution of the Laws.  
When this was published, which was the first thing that was set out in her Name since she had come to the Crown, it was much descanted on. 
Censures p●st upon it.  The Profession she made of her Religion to be the same it had been from her Infancy, shown it was not her Father's Religion, but entire Popery that she intended to restore. It was also observed, that whereas before she had said plainly she would compel none to be of it; now that was qualified with this, till public Order should be taken in it; which was, till they could so frame a Parliament, that it should concur with the Queen's Design. The equal forbidding of Assemblies, or ill Names, on both sides, was thought intended to be a Trap for the Reformed, that they should be punished if they offended, but the others were sure to be rather encouraged. The restraint of preaching without Licence, was pretended to be copied from what had been done in King Edward's Time: Yet then there was a Liberty left for a long time to all to Preach in their own Churches, only they might preach no where else without a Licence: And the power of Licensing was also lodged at first with the Bishops in their several Dioceses, and at last with the Archbishop of Canterbury, as well as with the King; whereas now, at one stroke, all the Pulpits of England that were in the hands of the Reformed, were brought under an Interdict; for they were sure to obtain no Licenses. But the cunningest part of these Inhibitions, was, the declaring that the Queen would proceed with rigour against all that were guilty of the late Rebellion, if they should provoke her; many about London had some way or other expressed themselves for it, and these were the hottest among the Reformed: So that here was a sharp threatening hangging over them, if they should express any more Zeal about Religion.  

She requites the Service of the Men of Suffolk ill.  When this was put out, the Queen understanding, that in Suffolk, those of that Profession took a little more liberty than their Neighbours, presuming on their great Merit, and the Queen's Promises to them; there was a special Letter sent to the Bishop of Norwich's Vicar, himself being at Brussels, to see to the execution of these Injunctions, against any that should preach without Licence. Upon this, some came from Suffolk to put the Queen in mind of her Promise. This was thought insolent; and she returned them no other answer, But that they being Members, thought to rule her that was their Head; but they should learn, that the Members ought to obey the Head, and not to think to bear Rule over it. One of these had spoken of her Promise with more confidence than the rest, his Name was Dobbe; so he was ordered to stand three days in the Pillory, as having said that which tended to the defamation of the Queen. And from hence all saw what a severe Government they were to come under, in which the claiming of former Promises, that had been made by the Queen when she needed their Assistance, was to be accounted a Crime. But there was yet a more unreasonable Severity showed to Bradford and Rogers, who had appeased the Tumult the Sunday before, and rescued the Preacher from the Rage of the People. It was said, that their appeasing it, so easily, shown what Interest they had with the People, and was a presumption that they had set it on; so without any further Proof, the one was put in the Tower, and the other confined to his House.  
But now the deprived Bishops, who were Bonner of London, Gardiner of Winchester, Tonstall of Duresm, Heath of Worcester, 
The Popish Bishops restored.  and Day of Chichester, were to be restored to their Sees. I have only seen the Commission for restoring Bonner and Tonstall; but the rest were no doubt in the same strain, with a little variation. The Commission for Bonner bearing date the 22th of August, was directed to some Civilians, setting forth, that he had petitioned the Queen to examine the Appeal he had made from the Delegates that had deprived him; and that therefore the Sentence against him being unjust and illegal, he desired it might be declared to be of no effect. Upon which, these did, without any great hesitation, return the Sentences void, and the Appeals good. So thus they were restored to their Sees. But because the Bishopric of Duresm was by Act of Parliament dissolved, and the Regalities of it, which had been given to the Duke of Northumberland, were now by his Attainder fallen into the Queen's hand, She granted Tonstall Letters Patents, erecting that Bishopric again of new; making mention that some wicked Men, to enrich themselves by it, had procured it to be dissolved.  
On the 29th of August Commission was granted to Gardener to give Licences under the Great Seal to such Grave, 
The Consultations among the Reformed Doctors.  Learned and discreet Persons, as he should think meet and able to preach God's Word. All who were so licenced, were qualified to preach in any Cathedral or Parochial Church, to which he should think it convenient to send them. By this the Reformers were not only out of hope to obtain any Licences, but likewise saw a way laid down for sending such Men as Gardiner pleased into all their Pulpits, to infect their People. Upon this they considered what to do. If there had been only a particular Inderdiction of some private persons, the considerations of Peace and Order being of a more public nature than the consequence of any one Man's open Preaching could be, they judged it was to be submitted to: but in such a case, when they saw this Interdiction was general, and on design to stop their mouths till their Enemies should seduce the People, they did not think they were bound in Conscience to give Obedience. Many of them therefore continued to preach openly; others, instead of Preaching in Churches, were contented to have only the Prayers and other Service there; but for instructing their People, had private Conferences with them. The Council hearing that their Orders had been disobeyed by some in London, two in Coventry, and one in Amersham, they were sent for, and put in Prison. And Coverdale Bishop of Exeter, and Hooper of Gloucester, being cited to appear before the Council, they came and presented themselves on the 29th and 30th of August; and on the first of September, Hooper was sent to the Fleet, and Coverdale appointed to wait their pleasure.  
At this time the Popish Party, growing now insolent over England, began to be as forward in making Changes, before the Laws warranted them, as these of the Reformation had been in King Edward's time: so that in many places they set up Images, and the Latin Service, with the old Rites again. This was plainly against Law; but the Council had no mind to hinder it; but on the other hand encouraged it all they could. Upon which Judge Hales, 
The barbarous usage of Judge Hales.  who thought he might with the more assurance speak his mind, having appeared so steadily for the Queen, did at the Circuits in Kent, give a Charge to the Justices to see to the execution of King Edward's Laws, which were still in force and unrepealed. Upon this he was, without any regard to his former Zeal, put first into the Marshalsea; from thence he was removed to the Counter, and after that to the Fleet: where the good old Man was so disordered with the Cruelties that the Warden told him were contriving against all that would not change their Religion, that it turned his Brain, so that he endeavoured to have killed himself with a Penknife. He was after that, upon his Submission, set at liberty; but never came to himself again: so he, not being well looked to, drowned himself. This, with the usage of the Suffolk-Men, was much censured; and from thence it was said, that no Merits or Services could secure any from the Cruelties of that Religion. And it appeared in another signal Instance, how the Actions of Men were not so much considered as their Religion. The Lord Chief Justice Montague, who had very unwillingly drawn the Letters Patents for the Lady Jane's Succession, was turned out of his Place, kept six weeks in Prison, fined in a Thousand pounds, and some Lands that had been given him by King Edward, were taken from him; though he had sent his Son with Twenty Men to declare for the Queen, and had a great Family of Seventeen Children, six Sons and eleven Daughters: whereas Judge Bromley that had concurred in framing the Letters Patents without any reluctancy, was made Lord Chief Justice: The true Reason was, Bromley was a Papist in his heart, and Montague was for the Reformation.  
In many other places, where the People were Popishly affected, they drove away their Pastors. At Oxford, Peter Martyr was so ill used, that he was forced to fly for his safety to Lambeth, where he could not look for any long protection, 
Cranmer declared openly against the Mass.  since Cranmer himself was every day in expectation of being sent to Prison. He kept himself quiet, and was contriving how to give some Public and Noble Testimonies to the Doctrine that he had so long professed, and indeed had been the chief promoter of in this Church. But his quiet behaviour was laid hold on by his Enemies, and it was given out, that he was resolved to comply with every thing the Queen had a mind to. So I find Bonner wrote to his Friend Mr. Lechmore on the 6th of September, 
Bonner's Insolence. Coll. Numb. 7.  in that Letter which is in the Collection. He gives him notice that the day before he had been restored to his Bishopric, and Ridley repulsed; for which he is very witty. Ridley had a Steward for two Manors of his, whose name was Shipside, his Brother-in-law; upon which he plays as if he had been Sheehead. He order Lechmore to look to his Estate, and he should take care at the next Parliament that both the Sheepsheads and the Calves-heads should be used as they deserved. He adds that Cranmer, whom in scorn he calls Mr. Canterbury, was become very humble, and ready to submit himself in all things; but that would not serve his turn: and it was expected that he should he sent to the Tower that very day. These reports being brought to Cranmer, some advised him to fly beyond Seas: he said he would not dissuade others from that course, now that they saw a Persecution rising; but considering the station he was in, and the hand he had in all the Changes that were made, he thought it so indecent a thing for him to fly, that no entreaties should ever persuade him to it. 
Cranmers Declaration. Coll. Numb. 8.  So he by Peter Martyr's advice, drew up a Writing, that I have put in the Collection (in Latin, as it was at that time translated.) The substance of it was to this effect; That as the Devil had at all times set on his Instruments by Lies to defame the Servants of God, so he was now more than ordinarily busy. For whereas King Henry had begun the correcting of the abuses of the Mass, which his Son had brought to a further perfection: and so the Lords Supper was restored to its first Institution, and was celebrated according to the pattern of the Primitive Church; now, the Devil intending to bring the Mass again into its room, as being his own invention, had stirred up some to give out that it had been set up in Canterbury by his the said Cranmers Order; and it was said that he had undertaken to sing Mass to the Queen's Majesty, both at King Edward's Funeral, at Paul's, and other places: and though for these twenty years he had despised all such vain and false reports, as were spread of him; yet now he thought it not fit to lie under such misrepresentations. Therefore he protested to all the World, that the Mass was not set up at Canterbury by his order; but that a fawning hypocritical Monk (this was Thornton Suffragan of Dover,) had done it without his knowledge; and for what he was said to have undertaken to the Queen, her Majesty knew well how false that was: offering if he might obtain her Leave for it, to maintain, that every thing in the Communion Service that was set out by their most innocent and good Ring Edward, was according to Christ's Institution, and the practice of the Apostles, and the ancient Church for many Ages: to which the Mass was contrary, being full of errors and abuses; and although Peter Martyr was by some called an ignorant Man, he with him or other four or five, such as he should choose, would be ready to defend not only their Book of Common Prayer, and the other Rites of their Service, but the whole Doctrine and Order of Religion, set forth by the late King, as more pure, and more agreeable to the Word of God, than any sort of Religion that had been in England for a thousand years before it: provided that all things should be judged by the Scriptures, and that he Reasonings on both sides should be faithfully written down.  
This he had drawn, 
Published without his knowledge.  with a Resolution to have made a public use of it: but Scory, who had been Bishop of Chichester, coming to him, he shown him the Paper, and bade him consider of it. Scory indiscreetly gave Copies of it; and one of these was publicly read in Cheapside, on the fifth of September. So on the eighth of that month he was called before the Star-Chamber and asked whether he was the Author of that seditious Bill, that was given out in his name; and if so, whether he was sorry for it. He answered, that the Bill was truly his; but he was very sorry it had gone from him in such a manner; 
But owned by him before the Council.  for he had resolved to have enlarged it in many things, and to have ordered it to be affixed to the doors of Paul's, and of the other Churches in London, with his hand and Seal to it. He was at that time, contrary to all men's expectation, dismissed. Gardiner plainly saw he could not expect to succeed him, and that the Queen had designed that See for Cardinal Pool, so he resolved to protect and preserve Cranmer all he could. Some moved that he should be only put from his Bishopric, and have a small Pension assigned him, with a charge to keep within a Confinement, and not to meddle with matters of Religion. He was generally beloved for the gentleness of his temper; so it was thought that proceeding severely with him, might Alienate some from them, and embroil their affairs in the next Parliament. Others objected, that if he, who had been the chief promoter of Heresy, was used with such tenderness, it would encourage the rest to be more obstinate. And the Queen who had forgot the Services he did her in her Father's time, remembering rather that he had pronounced the Sentence of Divorce against her Mother, was easily induced to proceed severely. So on the thirteenth of September both he and Latimer were called before the Council; 
He and Latimer sent to the Tower.  Latimer was that day committed; but Cranmer was respited till next day, and then he was sent to the Tower, both for matters of Treason against the Queen, and for dispersing of seditious Bills. Tylor of Hadlee, and several other Preachers, were also put in Prison; and upon an Information brought against Horn Dean of Duresm, he was sent for.  
The Foreigners, that were come over upon public Faith and encouragement, 
The Foreigners sent out of England.  were better used: for Peter Martyr was preserved from the rage of his enemies, and suffered to go beyond Sea. There was also an Order sent to John a Lasco and his Congregation to be gone; their Church being taken from them, and their Corporation dissolved. And an hundred seventy five of them went away in two Ships to Denmark, on the seventeenth of September, with all their Preachers; except two, who were left to look to those few, which stayed behind, and being engaged in Trade, resolved to live in England, and follow their Consciences in the matters of Religion in private, with the Assistance of those Teachers. But a Lasco, after a long and hard passage, arriving at Denmark, was as ill received there, as if it had heen a popish Country, when they understood that he and his Company were of the Helvetian Confession: so that, though it was December, and a very severe Winter, they were required to be gone within two days, and could not obtain so much as liberty to leave their Wives or Children behind them, till they could provide a place for them. From thence they went, first to Lubeck, then to Wismar, and Hamburgh, where they found the disputes about the manner of Christ's Presents in the Sacrament, had raised such violent animosities, that after much barbarous usage, they were banished out of all those Towns, and could find no place to settle in, till about the end of March, that they came to Friesland, where they were suffered to plant themselves.  

Many English fly beyond Sea  Many in England, seeing the Government was set on severe courses so early, did infer that this would soon grow up to an extreme Persecution; so that above a thousand Persons fled beyond Seas: most of them went in the company, and as the Servants, of French Protestants, who having come over in King Edward's time, were now required, as the Germans had been, to return into their own Country. The Council understanding this, took care that no Englishman should escape out of their hands; and therefore sent an Order to the Ports, that none should be suffered to go over as Frenchmen, but those who brought Certificates from the French Ambassador. Among those that had got over, some eminent Divines went; who, either having no Cures, or being turned out of their Benefices, were not under such ties to any Flock, so that they judged themselves disengaged and therefore did not, as Hirelings leave their Flock to the Persecution then imminent, but rather went to look after those who had now left England. The chief of these that went at first were Cox, Sanders, Grindal, and Horn. Cox was without any good colour turned out, both of his Deanery of Christ-Church, and his Prebendary at Westminster. He was put into the Marshalsea, but on the 19th of August was discharged. Sancts was turned out for his Sermon before the Duke of Northumberland at Cambridge: On what account Grindal was turned out, I know not; Horn, soon after he got beyond Sea, printed an Apology for his leaving his Country: he tells that he heard there was some Crimes against the State objected to him, which made him come up from Duresm to clear himself: It was said that three Letters had been written to him in the Queen's name, requiring him to come up, and intimating that they were resolved to charge him with contempt, and other points of State. He protests that he had never received but one, which was given him on the Road; but seeing how he was like to be used, he withdrew out of England: upon which he takes occasion in that discourse to vindicate the Preachers in King Edward's time, against whom it was now objected, that they had neglected Fasting and Prayer, and had allowed the People all sorts of Liberty: This he said was so false, that the ruling Men in that time were much offended at the great freedom which the Preachers than took, so that many of them would hear no more Sermons; and he says for himself, that though Tonstal was now his great enemy, he had refused to accept of his Bishopric, and was ill used, and threatened, for denying to take it.  
All these things tended much to inflame the People. 
The Queen rewards those who had served her.  Therefore great care was taken, first, to oblige all those Noblemen who had assisted the Queen at her coming to the Crown; since a grateful acknowledgement of past Services is the greatest encouragement, both to the same Persons to renew them, & to others to undertake the like upon new occasions. The Earl of Arundel was made Lord Steward; Sir Edward Hastings was made Master of the Horse, and afterwards Lord Hastings; Sir John Gage, Lord Chamberlain; Sir John Williams, who had Proclaimed the Queen in Oxford-shire, was made Lord Williams; and Sir Henry Jerningham, that first gathered the Men of Norfolk about her, was made Captain of her Guard: but Ratcliff Earl of Sussex had done the most considerable Service of them all; for to him she had given the chief Command of her Army, and he had managed it with that Prudence, that others were thereby encouraged to come in to her Assistance; so an unusual Honour was contrived for him, that he might cover his head in her Presence: which passed under the Great Seal the second of October; he being the only Peer of England in whom this Honour was ever conferred, as far as I know. The like was granted to the Lord Courcy Baron of Kingsale in Ireland, whose Posterity enjoy it to this day: but I am not so well informed of that Family, as to know by which of our Kings it was first granted. The Queen having summoned a Parliament to the tenth of October was Crowned on the first of that month, by Gardener, who with ten other Bishops, all in their Mitres, Coaps, and Crosiers, performed that Ceremony with great Solemnity. 
The Queen is Crowned, and discharges all Taxes.  Day preaching the Coronation Sermon; who, it seems, was accounted the best Preacher among them; since he was ordered to Preach both at the late King's Funeral, and now again at the Coronation.  
But Gardiner had prepared a Largess of an extraordinary nature for the Queen to distribute that day among her People, besides her general Pardon; he caused a Proclamation to be published, which did set forth, that whereas the good Subjects of England had always exhibited Aid to their Princes, when the good of the Public, and Honour of the Realm required it; and though the Queen, since her coming to the Crown, found the Treasury was marvellously exhausted, by the evil Government of late years, especially since the Duke of Northumberland bare Rule; though she found herself charged with divers great sums of her Father and Brother's Debts, which for her own Honour, and the Honour of the Realm, she determined to pay in times convenient and reasonable; yet having a special regard to the welfare of of her Subjects, and accounting their loving hearts and prosperity the chiefest Treasure which she desired, next to the Favour and Grace of God; therefore, since in her Brother's last Parliament, two Tenths, two Fifteenths, and a Subsidy both out of Lands and Goods, were given to him for paying his Debts; which were now due to her; she of her great Clemency did fully pardon and discharge these Subsidies; trusting her said good Subjects will have loving consideration thereof for their parts, whom she hearty requires, to bend themselves wholly to God, to serve him sincerely, and with continual Prayer, for the honour and advancement of the Queen, and the Commonwealth.  

A Parliament summoned.  And thus matters were prepared for the Parliament; which was opened the tenth of October. In the Writ of Summons, and all other Writs, the Queen retained still the Title of Supreme Head. Taylor Bishop of Lincoln, and Harley Bishop of Hereford came thither, resolving to justify their Doctrine. Most of the other reformed Bishops were now in Prison: for besides these formerly mentioned, on the fourth of October the Archbishop of York was put in the Tower, no cause being given, but heinous Offences only named in general. When the Mass begun, it is said that those two Bishops withdrew, and were upon that never suffered to come to their Places again. 
Bishops violently thrust out for not worshipping the Mass.  But one Beal the Clerk of the Council in Queen Elizabeth's time, reports this otherwise, and more probably; that Bishop Taylor took his place in his Robes, but refusing to give any reverence to the Mass, was violently thrust out of the House. He says nothing of Harley, so it is probable that he followed the other. The same Writer also informs us, that in many places of the Country, Men were chosen by Force and Threats; in other places those employed by the Court, 
Great disorder in Elections.  did by violence hinder the Commons from coming to choose; in many places false Returns were made; and that some were violently turned out of the House of Commons: upon which reasons he concludes that it was no Parliament, since it was under a Force; and so might be annulled, as the Parliament held at Coventry in the 38th year of King Henry the 6th was, upon Evidence of the like Force, declared afterwards to be no Parliament. The Journals of the House of Lords in this Parliament are lost; so there is no light to be had of their proceed, but from the imperfect Journals of the House of Commons.  
On the second day of the Session, one moved in the House of Commons for a review of King Edward's Laws. But that being a while argued, was at this time laid aside, and the Bill for Tonnage and Poundage was put in. Then followed a Debate upon Dr. Nowell's being returned from Loo in Cornwall, whether he being a Prebendary of Westminster could sit in that House? and the Committee being appointed to search for Precedents, it was reported, that he being represented in the Convocation House, could not be a Member of that House; so he was cast out. The Bill of Tonnage and Poundage was sent up to the Lords, who sent it down to the Commons to be reform in two provisoes that were not according to former Precedents. How far this was contrary to the Rights of the Commons, who now say that the Lords cannot alter a Bill of Money, I am not able to determine. The only public Bill that passed in this short Session was for a Declaration of Treasons and Felonies: 
An Act for moderating some severe Laws.  by which it was ordained that nothing should be judged Treason, but what was within the Statute of Treasons in the twenty fifth of Edward the third; and nothing should be so judged Felony, that was not so before the 1st year of King Henry the eight, excepting from any benefit of this Act, all such as had been in Prison before the last of September; who were also excepted out of the Qeens Pardon at her Coronation. Two private Bills also passed: the one for the restoring of the Wife of the late Marquis of Exeter, who had been Attainted in the 32 year of King Henry's Reign; and the other for her Son Edward Courtney Earl of Devonshire. And so the Parliament was Prorogued from the 21 to the 24 of October, that their might be a Session of Parliament consisting only of Acts of Mercy; though this Repeal of additional Treasons and Felonies, was not more than what had passed in the beginning of King Edward's Reign, without the clog of so severe a proviso, by which many were cut off from the Favour designed by it.  
Some have thought, that since Treasons had been reduced by the second Act of Edward the 6th to the standard of the 25th of Edward the third, that therefore there was somewhat else designed by this Act, then barely the repealing some late severe Acts, which being done the 1st of Edward 6th, needed not be now repealed, if it imported no more. And since this Act as it is worded, mentions, or rather excepts, those Treasons that are declared and expressed in the 25th of Edward the 3d, they have inferred that the power of Parliaments declaring of Treasons ex Post facto, which was reserved by that Statute, is hereby taken away; and that nothing is now to be held Treason, but what is ennumerated in that Statute. Yet this is still liable to Debate; since the one may be thought to be declared and expressed in general words, as well as the other specialties are in more particular words; and is also still in force. So nothing seems comprehended within this Repeal, but the Acts passed in King Edward's Reign, declaring other Crimes to be Treason: some are added in the same Act, and others in that of the 3d and 4th of his Reign chap. 5. Nor is it likely that, if the Parliament had intended to have delivered the Subjects from the apprehensions of all Acts of Attainder, upon a Declaration of new Treasons, they would not have expressed it more plainly; since it must have been very grateful to the Nation, which had groaned heavily under Arbitrary Attainders of late years.  
When the Parliament met again, the first Bill the Commons entered on, was that of Tonnage and Poundage, which they passed in two days. 
The Marriage of Queen Katherine to King Henry Confirmed.  Then was the Bill about King Henry's Marriage with the Queen's Mother sent down on the 26th by the Lords, and the Commons passed it no the 28th: so strangely was the stream turned, that a Divorce that had been for seven years much desired by the Nation, was now repealed upon fewer days consultation. In the Preamble it was said, That truth how much soever obscured and born down, will in the end break out: and that therefore they declared that King Henry the 8th, being lawfully married to Queen Katherine by the consent of both their Parents, and the advice of the wisest Men in the Realm, and of the best and notablest Men for learning in Christendom, did continue that state twenty years in which God blessed them with her Majesty and other issue, and a course of great happiness; but then a very few malicious Persons did endeavour to break that happy agreement between them, and studied to possess the King, with a scruple in his Conscience about it: and to support that, caused the Seals of some Universities to be got against it, a few Persons being corrupted with money for that end. They had also by sinistrous ways, and secret threaten procured the Seals of the Universities of this Kingdom, and finally Thomas Cranmer did most ungodlily, and against Law, judge the Divorce, upon his own unadvised understanding of the Scriptures, upon the Testimonies of the Universities, and some bare and most untrue conjectures; and that was afterwards confirmed by two Acts of Parliament, in which was contained the Illegitimacy of her Majesty: But that Marriage not being prohibited by the Law of God, and lawfully made, could not be so broken; since what God hath joined together, no Man could put asunder: all which they considering, together with the many miseries that had fallen on the Kingdom since that time, which they did esteem Plagues sent from God for it; therefore they declare that Sentence given by Cranmer to be unlawful, and of no force from the beginning: and do also repeal the Acts of Parliament that had confirmed it.  
By this Act, Gardiner had performed his Promise to the Queen, of getting her Illegitimation taken off, 
Which was much Censured.  without any relation to the Pope's Authority. But in the drawing of it, he shown that he was past all shame: when he could frame such an Act, of a business which himself had so violently and servilely promoted. The falsehood of that pretence of corrupting Universities has been shown in the former Volumn: but it was all they had now to say. The laying it all upon Cranmer was as high a pitch of malice and impudence as could be devised: for as Gardiner had been setting it on, long before Cranmer was known to King Henry; so he had been joined with him in the Commission, and had given his assent to the Sentence which Cranmer gave. Nor was the Divorce grounded merely upon Cranmers' understanding of the Scriptures, but upon the fullest and most studied Arguments, that had perhaps been in any Age brought together in one particular case: and both Houses of Convocation had condemned the Marriage before his sentence. But because in the right of his See he was Legate to the Pope, therefore to make the Sentence stronger, it went only in his name, though he had but a small share in it, compared to what Gardener had.  
By this Act, there was also a second Illegittimation brought on the Lady Elizabeth, 
The Queens carries severely to the Lady Elizabeth.  to whom hitherto the Queen had been very kind, using her on all occasions with the tenderness of a Sister: but from this time forwards she handled her more severely. It was perhaps occasioned by this Act, since before they stood both equally illegittimated; but now the Act that legitimated the Queen making her most certainly a Bastard in Law, the Queen might think it now too much to use her as she had done formerly. Others suggest a more secret reason of this distaste. The new Earl of Devonshire was much in the Queen's favour, so that it was thought she had some inclinations to marry him; but he, either not presuming so high, or really having an aversion to her, and an inclination to her Sister, who of that moderate share of beauty that was between them, had much the better of her, and was nineteen years younger, made his Addresses with more than ordinary concern to the Lady Elizabeth, and this did bring them both in trouble, as shall be afterwards shown.  
The next Bill that was sent from the Lords to the Commons, 
The Laws made by King Edward repealed.  was for the repealing King Edward's Laws about Religion. It was sent down on the 31st of October, and argued six days in the House of Commons: but in the end it was carried, and sent back to the Lords. The Preamble of it sets forth the great disorders that had fallen out in the Nation by the changes that had been made in Religion, from that which their Forefathers had left them by the Authority of the Catholic Church: thereupon all the Laws that had been made in King Edward's time about Religion were now repealed; and it was Enacted that, from the 20th of December next, there should be no other Form of Divine Service but what had been used in the last year King of Henry the 8th, leaving it free to all till that day, to use either the Books appointed by King Edward, or the old ones at their pleasure.  
Another Act was passed, which the Commons sent up to the Lords, 
An Act against the affronting Priests.  against all those who by any overt Act should molest or disquiet any Preacher, because of his Office, or for any Sermon that he might have Preached; or should any way disturb them when they were in any part of the Divine Offices, that either had been in the last year of King Henry, or should be afterwards set forth by the Queen; or should break or abuse the holy Sacrament, or break Altars, Crucifixes, or Crosses, those that did any of these things should be presented to the Justices of Peace, and be by them put in Prison, where they should lie three Months, or till they were penitent for their Offences: and if any rescued them, they should be liable to the same punishment. But to this a Proviso was added by the Lords, that this Act should no way derogate from the Authority of the Ecclesiastical Laws and Courts, who might likewise proceed upon such Offences: and a Certificate from the Ordinaries, that such Offenders were punished by them, being brought to the Justices of Peace, they were to proceed no further: or if the Justices made a Certificate that they had punished them according to Law, the Ordinary might not punish them a second time. But the Commons were now so heated, that they sent up another Bill to the Lords against those who came not to Church, nor to Sacraments, after the old Service should be again set up: the inflicting of the Punishments in these cases being left to the Ecclesiastical Courts. This fell in the House of Lords, not so much from any opposition that was made, as that they were afraid of alarming the Nation too much, by many severe Laws at once. 
An Act against unlawful Assemblies.   
Another Law was made for securing the public Peace against unlawful and rebellious Assemblies: that if any to the number of twelve or above, should meet to alter any thing of Religion established by Law, and being required by any, having the Queen's Authority, to disperse themselves, should continue after that an hour together, it should be Felony: or if that number met to break Hedges or Parks, to destroy Dear or Fish, etc. and did not disperse upon Proclamation, it should be Felony: or if any, by ringing of Bells, Drums, or firing of Beacons, gathered the People together, and did the things before mentioned, it was Felony: if the Wives or Servants of Persons so gathered, carried Meat, Money, or Weapons to them, it should be Felony: and if any above the number of two, and within twelve, should meet for these ends, they should suffer a years imprisonment; empowering the Sheriffs or Justices to gather the Country for the resistance of Persons so offending, with Penalties on all, between eighteen and sixty, that, being required to come out against them, should refuse to do it. When this Act was known, the People then saw clearly how they had been deceived by the former Act, that seemed so favourable, repealing all Acts of new Treasons and Felonies; since there was so soon after it an Act passed that renewed one of the severest Laws of the last Reign, in which so many things, that might flow from sudden heats, were made Felonies, and a great many new and severe Provisoes were added to it. The Queen's discharge of the Subsidy was confirmed by another Act.  

The Marquis of Northampton's 2d Marriage is annulled.  There followed two private Acts, which occasioned more Debate than the public ones had done: The one was, the repeal of the Act that had confirmed the Marquis of Northamptons' Marriage: It was much argued in the House of Commons, and on the 28th of November it was agreed to. It contains, that the Act of confirming the Divorce, and the second Marriage, was procured more upon untrue surmises and private respects, than for any public good, and increase of virtue: and that it was an encouragement for sensual Persons, to practise by false allegations that they might be separated from their Wives, rather than a Precedent to induce People to live with their Wives in a godly sort: thereupon the Act was repealed, and declared void and of no effect. In this it seems, the Arguments that were against it in the House of Commons had so moderated the Style of it, that it was not repealed as an Act sinful in itself, but it was only declared that in that particular case the Divorce was unlawfully made: for it is reasonable to believe that the Bishops had pu● in the first draught of the Bill, a simple repeal of it, and of all such Divorces, founded on the indissolubleness of the Marriage Bond.  

And the Duke of Norfolk's Attainder.  The other Act was about the Duke of Norfolk, for declaring his Attainder void. The Patentees that had purchased some parts of his Estate from the Crown, desired to be heard to plead against it. But the Session of the Parliament being near at an end, the Duke came down himself to the House of Commons on the 4th of December; and desired them earnestly to pass his Bill; and said, that the difference between him and the Patentees was referred to Arbiters, and if they could not agree it, he would refer it to the Queen. It was long argued after that, but in the end it was agreed to. It sets forth, that the Act, by which he was Attainted, had no special matter in it, but only Treasons in general, and a pretence that out of the Parliaments care for the King, and his Son the Prince, it was necessary to attaint him: That the Reasons they pretended, were, his using Coats of Arms, which he and his Ancestors had and might lawfully use. It further says, That the King died the next night after the Commission was given for passing the Bill; and that it did not appear, that the King had given his Assent to it: That the Commission was not signed by the King's hand, but only by his Stamp; and that was put to the nether end, and not to the upper part of the Bill, which shown it was done in disorder; and that it did not appear that these commissioned for it had given the Royal Assent to it. Upon which Considerations, that pretended Act is declared void and null by the common Laws of the Land. And it is further declared, That the Law was, and ever hath been, that the Royal Assent should be given, either by the King being present, or in his absence, by a Commission under the Great Seal, signed with his hand, and publicly notified to the Lords and Commons.  
The last Act of which I shall give an account, was the Confirmation of the Attainders that had been made. On the 3d of November, 
Cranmer and others attainted.  Archbishop Cranmer, the Lord Guildford Dudley, and the Lady Jane his Wife, with two other Sons of the Duke of Northumberland, (which were all, except the Lord Robert, who was reserved for greater Fortunes,) were brought to their Trial. These all confessed their Endictments. Only Cranmer appealed to those that judged him, how unwillingly he had consented to the exclusion of the Queen; that he had not done it, till those whose profession it was to know the Law had signed it: upon which he submitted himself to the Queen's Mercy. But they were all attainted of High-Treason, for levying War against the Queen, and conspiring to set up another in her room. So these Judgements, with those that had passed before, were now confirmed by Act of Parliament.  
And now Cranmer was legally devested of his Archbishopric, 
But the See of Canterbury is not declared void.  which was hereupon void in Law, since a Man that is attainted can have no right to any Church-Benefice; his Life was also at the Queen's Mercy. But it being now designed to restore the Ecclesiastical Exemption and Dignity to what it had been anciently, it was resolved, that he should be still esteemed Archbishop, till he were solemnly degraded, according to the Canon Law. The Queen was also inclined to give him his Life at this time, reckoning, that thereby she was acquitted of all the Obligations she had to him; and was resolved to have him proceeded against for Heresy, that so it might appear she did not act out of revenge, or on any personal account. So all that followed on this against Cranmer, was a Sequestration of all the Fruits of his Archbishopric; himself was still kept in Prison: Nor were the other Prisoners proceeded against at this time. The Queen was desirous to seem willing to pardon Injuries done against herself, but was so heated in the Matters of Religion, that she was always inexorable on that Head.  
Having given this Account of Public Transactions, I must relate next what were more secretly carried on, but breaking out at this time, occasioned the sudden Dissolution of the Parliament.  
Cardinal Dandino, 
The Queen treats about a Reconciliation with Rome.  that was then the Pope's Legate at the Emperor's Court, sent over Commendone (afterwards a Cardinal) to bring him a certain Account of the Queen's Intentions concerning Religion; he gave him in charge, to endeavour to speak with her in private, and to persuade her to reconcile her Kingdom to the Apostolic See. This was to be managed with great secrecy, for they did not know whom to trust in so important a Negotiation: It seems, they neither confided in Gardiner, nor in any of the other Bishops. Commendone, being thus instructed, went to Newport, where he gave himself out to be the Nephew of a Merchant, that was lately dead at London; and hired two Servants to whom he was unknown, and so he came over unsuspected to London. There he was so much a Stranger, that he did not know to whom he should address himself. By accident he met with one Lee, a Servant of the Queen's, that had fled beyond Sea during the former Reign, and had been then known to him; so he trusted him with the Secret of his Business in England. He procured him a secret Audience of the Queen, in which she freely owned to him her Resolution of reconciling her Kingdom to the See of Rome, and so of bringing all things back to the state in which they had been before the Breach made by her Father: but she said, It was absolutely necessary to manage that Design with great Prudence and Secrecy, lest in that Confusion of Affairs, the discovery of it might much disturb her Government, and obstruct her Design. She writ by him to the Pope, giving him assurance of her filial Obedience, and so sent Commendone to Rome. She also writ by him to Cardinal Pool, and ordered Commendone to move the Pope, that he might be sent over with a Legatine Power. Yet he that writ that Cardinal's Life insinuates, that the Queen had another design in desiring that Pool might be sent over; for she asked him, Whether the Pope might not dispense with the Cardinal to marry, since he was only in Deacon's Orders? Before Commendone left England, he saw the Duke of Northumberland executed, and soon after he made all the haste that was possible to carry those acceptable Tidings to Rome; and by his dexterity in this Negotiation, he laid the foundation of those great Fortunes, to which he was afterwards advanced. There was no small Joy in the Consistory, when the Pope and the Cardinals understood, that a Kingdom, from which they had drawn so much Wealth in former times, was now to become again tributary to them. So there was a public rejoicing for three days, in which the Pope said Mass himself, and distributed his ordinary Largess of Indulgences, of which he was the more bountiful, because he hoped they should come in credit again, and be purchased at the Rates at which they had been formerly sold. Yet in the Consistory, Commendone did not positively say he was sent by the Queen, that being only communicated to the Pope: all he told the Cardinals, was, That he understood from very good hands, that the Queen was very well disposed to that See, and that she desired, that a Legate might be sent over with full Powers. Many of the Cardinals thought this was too bare a Message; and that it was below the Papal Dignity, to send a Legate, till the Pope was earnestly desired to do it, by an express Message, and an Embassy sent by the Queen. But it was said, that Commendone had said nothing but by the Queen's express Orders, who was yet in so unsettled a condition, that till she held a Session of Parliament, it might much endanger her to appear openly in such a Matter: They were to remember, how England had been lost by too much stiffness formerly; and they were to imitate the Shepherd in the Parable, who left his ninety nine Sheep, to seek the one that was strayed. So it was granted, that Pool should go Legate, with a full Power. But Gardiner coming to know this, sent to the Emperor to stop his Journey; assuring him, that things were going well on, and that his coming over would spoil all. At this time the Emperor began to think of marrying his Son Philip to the Queen, who, though she was above nine years elder than he, 
But stopped in his Journey by the Emperor.  yet being but thirty seven years old, was not out of hopes of having Children. The Emperor saw, that if England were united to the Spanish Crown, it would raise that Monarchy to a great height, they should have all the Trade of the World in their hands, and so enclose France, that it seemed as probable a step to the Universal Monarchy, as that he had lately lost in Germany. When this Match was first proposed, I do not know; but I have read some parts of a Letter concerning it, (for it is not all legible) which was written by the Queen of Hungary, and signed by the Emperor, in the beginning of November; this, though it was not the first Proposition, yet seems to have followed soon after it. The Queen entertained the Motion easily, not trusting to the Affections of her People, nor thinking it possible to have the Papal Authority set up, nor the Church-Lands restored, without a foreign Force to assist her. It is said, and I have shown some ground to believe, that she had some Inclinations to Cardinal Pool; and that the Emperor, fearing that might be an hindrance to his Design, therefore the Cardinal's coming over was stopped, till the Queen was married to his Son Philip. But of this I find no certain footsteps. On the contrary, Gardiner, whose eye was chief upon the Archbishopric of Canterbury, would rather have promoted Pool's pretensions to the Queen; since her marrying a Subject, and not a Stranger, would have made the Government much easier, and more acceptable to the People; and it would have been the best thing he could do for himself, if he could have persuaded her to marry him, who alone was like to stand between him and that Dignity.  
The true Account of it, is: The Emperor pressed her, first to settle the State, and consummate her Marriage; and that would more easily make way for what was to follow: For Gardiner had assured him, the bringing in of the Papal Power, and making up the Marriage, both at once, would be things of such ill digestion, that it would not be easy to carry them together; and therefore it was necessary to let a considerable Interval go between. This being resolved on, it was apparent the Marriage ought to go first, as that which would give them more strength to conclude the other. And this was the true reason of stopping Cardinal Pool at 
* A Town on the Danube.  Dilling; which the Emperor at first did by his own Authority, but afterwards got the Queen to send one to him to the same purpose. She sent Goldwell (afterwards Bishop of St. Asaph) to him, 
The Queen sent one to to him.  with the two Acts that were passed, for the justifying of her Mother's Marriage, and for bringing all things back to the State in which they were at her Father's Death. Thereby she let him see, that she was going forward in the Business for which he was sent; but withal she told him, That the Commons, in passing those Acts, had expressed great aversion to the taking of the Supremacy from the Crown, or the restoring of the Pope's Power; and that they were much alarmed, to hear he was coming over Legate; and it prejudiced her Affairs, that the Message she had sent by Commendone, had been published in the Consistory. Therefore she desired him to keep out of England, till he were further advertised. But to let him see how much she depended on his Counsels, she desired he would send her a List of such Persons as should be made Bishops; for many were now to be turned out. To this (besides the Answer which he might have writ to herself, that I have not seen,) he writ a copious Answer, in a tedious Paper of Instructions, which he gave to Goldwell; the Conclusion of which, summing up his whole Mind fully enough, 
Collections, Numb. 9  I thought sufficient to put into the Collection, for the Instructions are extreme long, and very full of words to little purpose. They seem to be of his own hand-writing, but of that I am not well assured, having seen nothing else of his hand, except his Subscription.  
The substance of it was this: He rejoiced much at the two Acts that were passed, 
The Advice he sent to the Queen.  but yet he censures them both, because he observed some Defects in them: In the Act for confirming her Mother's Marriage, he found fault that there was no mention made of the Pope's Bulls, by the authority of which only it could be a lawful Marriage. In the other, he did not like it, that the Worship of God, and the Sacraments, were to be as they were in the end of her Father's Reign; for then the People were yet in a State of Schism, and Schismatics have no right to the Sacraments; the Pope's Interdict still lay on the Nation, and till that were taken off, none could without Sin either administer or receive them. He told her, that Commendone had said nothing in her Name to the Consistory, but had spoken to them only on the Reports which, he said, he had heard of her from good hands; and it was necessary to say somewhat, in order to the sending a Legate: That many in the Consistory had opposed the sending of him, because there was no express Desire sent about it; but it was carried, that he should come over with very full Graces, and Power to reconcile the Kingdom on very easy Terms. He also told her, he was afraid, that when the Pope and Cardinals should hear that he was stopped, they would repent their Benignity, and take this as an Affront, and recall him and his Powers, and send another, that would not be so tender of the Nation, or bring with him such full Powers: That to prevent this, he had sent one to the Pope and Cardinals, to mitigate their displeasure, by letting them know, he was only stopped for a little while, till the Act of Atttainder that stood against him was repealed; and to make a show of going forward, he had sent his Householdstuff to Flanders, but would stay where he was, till he had further Orders. He said, he knew this flowed chief from the Emperor, who was for using such Political Courses, as himself had followed in the Business of the Interim, and was earnest to have the State settled, before she meddled with Religion; he had spoke with his Confessor about it, and had convinced him of the Impiety of such Courses, and sent him to work on him. He also told the Queen, he was afraid carnal Policy might govern her too much, and that she might thereby fall from her simplicity in Christ, in which she had hitherto lived. He encouraged her therefore to put on a Spirit of Wisdom and Courage, and to trust in God, who had preserved her so long, and had settled her on the Throne in so unlooked for a manner. He desired, she would show as much Courage in rejecting the Supremacy, as her Father had done in acquiring it. He confessed, he knew none in either House of Parliament fit to propose that matter: the Spiritualty had all complied so far, had written and declared for it so much, that it could not flow from them decently; and the Temporalty being possessed of the Church Lands, would not willingly move it: therefore he thought it best for herself to go to the Parliament, having beforehand acquainted some few both of the Spiritualty and Temporalty with her Design; and that she should tell both Houses, she was touched in her Conscience, that she and her People were in a Schism from the Catholick-Church and the Apostolic See; and that therefore she had desired a Legate to come over to Treat about it; and should thereupon propose that the Attainder might be taken off from him, that he might be capable to come on that Message. And he protested, that he had never acted against the King, or Kingdom, but only with design to reduce them to the Unity of the Church; neither before nor after the Attainder: and whereas some might apprehend a thraldom from the Papacy, she might give them assurance that they should see all things so well secured, that there should no danger come to the Nation from it; and he assured them that he, for his part, should take as much care of that, as any of all the Temporalty could desire. What Recomendations he sent, for the Sees that were to be declared vacant, I do not know.  
When this Dispatch of his was brought into England, Gardiner, 
But Gardiner's methods are preferred to him.  by the assistance of the Emperor, convinced the Queen that his method was unpracticable, and that the Marriage must be first dispatched: and now Gardiner and he did declare open Enmity to one another. Gardiner thought him a weak man, that might have some speculative knowledge of abstracted Ideas, but understood not the World, nor the genius of the English Nation. Pool, on the other hand, thought him a false Man, that made Conscience of nothing, and was better at Intrigues and Dissimulation, than the Government of the Church. But the Emperor saw Gardiner had so prudently managed this Parliament, that he concluded his measures were rather to be followed than the Cardinals.  
In the House of Commons it was given out that it was necessary to gain the Queen to the Interest of the Nation, and to turn her from foreign Councils and Aid, by being easy to her in the matter of Religion, and therefore they were ready both to repeal the Divorce, 
The House of Commons displeased with the Marriage with Spain.  and King Edward's Laws. But when they saw the design of the Marriage, and uniting with Rome, was still carried on, they were all much alarmed: so they sent their Speaker, and twenty of their House with him, with an earnest and humble Address to her, not to marry a Stranger. This had so inflamed the House, that the Court saw more could not be expected from them, unless they were satisfied in that point. So on the 6th of December the Parliament was dissolved. 
The Parliament is dissolved.  Upon that Gardener sent to the Emperor, to let him know that the Marriage was like to meet with such opposition, that unless extraordinary Conditions were offered, which all should see were much to the advantage of the English Crown, it could not be carried without a general Rebellion. He also assured him, that if great sums of money were not sent over to gratify the chief Nobility and leading men in the Country, both for obliging them to his Interest, and enabling them to carry Elections for the next Parliament, the opposition would be such, that the Queen must lay down all thoughts of marrying his Son. Upon this, the Emperor and his Son resolved to offer what Conditions the English would demand; for Philip reckoned, if he once had the Crown on his Head, it would be easy for him, with the assistance which his other Dominions might give him, to make all these signify little. And for Money the Emperor borrowed twelve hundred thousand Crowns, (which in English Money was four hundred thousand pounds, for the Crown was then a Noble) and promised to send it over to be distributed as Gardener and his Ambassadors should think fit: 
1200000 Crowns sent into England to procure the consent of the Nation to the Marriage.  but made his Son bind himself to repay him that sum, when he had once attained the Crown of England. And this the Emperor made so little a secret, that when, a year after, some Towns in Germany, that had lent a part of this money, desired to be repaid; he answered them, that he had lent his Son 1200000 Crowns to marry him to the Queen of England, and had yet received of him only 300000 Crowns, but he had good security for the rest, and the Merchants were bound to pay him 100000 lib. Sterling, and therefore he demanded a little more time of them. All this was printed soon after at Strasburgh by the English there, in a Book which they sent over to England; in which, both the Address made by the Commons in Parliament, and this Answer of the emperor's to the Towns, is mentioned. And that whole Discourse, (which is in the form of an Address to the Queen, the Nobility and the Commons,) is written with such gravity and simplicity of Style, that as it is by much the best I have seen of this time: so in these public Transactions, there is no reason to think it untrue. For the things which it relates are credible of themselves; and though the sum there mentioned was very great, yet he that considers that England was to be bought with it, will not think it an extraordinary price. In that Discourse, it is further said, that as Gardiner corrupted many by Bribes, so in the Court of Chancery, Common Justice was denied to all but those who came into these Designs,  
Having thus given an account of what was done in the Parliament, I shall next show how the Convocation proceeded. 
The Proceed of the Convocation.  Bonner being to preside in it, as being the first Bishop of the Province of Canterbury, appointed John Harpsfield his Chaplain to preach: who took his Text out of the twentieth of the Acts (verse 20) Feed the Flock. He run out in his bidding Prayers, most profusely on the Queen's Praises, comparing her to Deborah and Esther, with all the servilest flatteries he could invent: next he bid them pray for the Lady Elizabeth: but when he came to mention the Clergy, he enlarged in the praises of Bonner, Gardiner, Tonstal, Heath, and Day, so grossly, that it seems the strains of flattering Churchmen at that time were very course: and he run out so copiously in them, as if he had been to deliver a Panegyric and not to bid the Beads. In his Sermon he inveighed against the late Preachers, for not observing Fasts, nor keeping Lent, and for their Marriages which he severely condemned,  
Weston Dean of Westminster was presented Prolocutor by the lower House, 
Disputes concerning the Sacrament  and approved of by Bonner. Whether any of the Bishops that had been made in King Edward's time sat among them, I do not know. But in the lower House there was great opposition made. There had been care taken that there should be none returned to the Convocation, but such as would comply in all points. But yet there came six Non-compliers, who being Deans or Arch-Deacons, had a right to sit in the Convocation. These were Philpot Archdeacon of Winchester, Philip's Dean of Rochester, Haddon Dean of Exeter, Cheyney  of Hereford, Ailmer  of Stow, and Young Chanter of St. David's. Weston the Prolocuter proposed to them, on the 18th of October, that there had been a Catechism printed in the last year of King Edward's Reign in the name of that Synod, and as he understood it was done without their consents, which was a pestiferous Book, and full of Heresies; There was likewise a very abominable Book of Common Prayer set out; it was therefore the Queen's pleasure that they should prepare such Laws about Religion, as she would ratify with her Parliament. So he proposed that they should begin with condemning those Books, particularly the Articles in them contrary to the Sacrament of the Altar: and he gave out two questions about it: Whether in the Sacrament, upon the Sanctification of the Bread and Wine, all their substance did not vanish, being changed into the Body and Blood of Christ? and, Whether the natural Body of Christ was not corporally present in the Eucharist, either by the Transubstantiation of the Elements into his Body and Blood, or by the Conjunction of Concomitance, as some expressed it? The House was adjourned till the 20th, on which day every Man was appointed to give in his Answer to these Questions. All answered and subscribed in the affirmative, except the six before mentioned. Philpot said, whereas it was given out that the Catechism was was not approved by the Convocation, though it was printed in their name; it was a mistake: for the Convocation had authorised a number of Persons to set forth Ecclesiastical Laws, to whom they had committed their Synodal Authority; So that they might well set out such Books in the name of the Convocation. He also said, that it was against all order, to move Men to subscribe in such points, before they were examined: and since the number of these on the one side, was so unequal to those on the other side; he desired that Dr. Ridley, Mr. Rogers, and two or three more, might be allowed to come to the Convocation. This seemed very reasonable. So the lower House proposed it to the Bishops. They answered, that these persons being Prisoners, they could not bring them: but they should move the Council about it. A Message also was sent from some great Lords, that they intended to hear the Disputation; so the House adjourned till the 23d.  
There was then a great appearance of Noblemen and others. The Prolocutor began with a Protestation, that by this Dispute they did not intent to call the Truth in doubt, to which they had all subscribed; but they did it only to satisfy the objections of those few who refused to concur wtih them. But it was denied to let any Prisoners or others assist them, for it was said, that that being a Dispute among those of the Convocation, none but Members were to be heard in it. Haddon, and Ailmer, foreseeing they should be run down with clamour and noise, refused to dispute: Young went away: Cheyney being next spoke to, did propose his Objections: that St. Paul calls the Sacrament Bread after the Consecration: that Origen said, it went into the Excrement: and Theodoret said, the Bread and Wine did not in the Sacrament depart from their former Substance, Form, and Shape. Moreman was called on to answer him: He said, that St. Paul calling it Bread, was to be understood thus, the Sacrament or Form of Bread. To origen's Authority he answered nothing; but to Theodoret he said, the word they render Substance stood in a more general signification, and so might signify accidental Substance. Upon this, Ailmer, who had resolved not to Dispute, could not contain himself, but said the Greek Word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, could not be so understood, for the following words of Form and Shape belonged to the Accidents, but that only belonged to the Substance of the Elements. Upon this there followed a Contest about the signification of that word. Then Philpot struck in, and said, the occasion of Theodoret's writing, plainly showed, that was a vain Cavil; for the Dispute was with the Eutychians, whether the Body and humane Nature of Christ had yet an Existence distinct from the Divine Nature? The Eutychians said, it was swallowed up by his Godhead; and argued from some expressions used concerning the Sacrament, as if the presence of Christ in it had swallowed up the Elements: against which, Theodoret, according to the Orthodox Doctrine, argued to prove that there was in Christ a humane Nature, not swallowed up; and said, that as in the Sacrament, notwithstanding the union of Christ with the Elements, they did not departed from their Substance, Form, and Shape; So the humane Nature of Christ, was not absorbed by its Union to the Godhead. So it plainly appeared, this word Substance stood for the Nature of the Elements. Moreman being straitened in answering this, Philpot said, if he had not an Answer ready, he would desire him to think on one again their next Meeting; upon this the Prolocutor checked him, as if he were bragging too soon. He insisted on his Argument, but was commanded to be silent. Haddon upon that proposed another Argument, from these Words of our Saviour, The Poor you have always with you, but Me you have not always: That therefore his Body was not in the Sacrament. To this the Prolocutor answered, that Christ was not to be always with us so as to receive our Alms; which is all that was intended by that place: But Haddon brought a copious Citation out of St. Austin, applying that very Place to prove that Christ's natural Presence was no more on Earth, after his Ascension into Heaven. To this Dr. Watson opposed another place of St. Austin, and some dispute was about those Places: After that, Haddon read more Authorities of Fathers, asserting that Christ was in Heaven and not on Earth; the Words of the Institution did plainly express it; both because the Sacrament was to be in remembrance of Christ, and because it was to continue until his coming again. But to this they said, he was not on Earth in a bodily manner; and they endeavoured to take away the Force of the Argument from the Words, until his coming again, by some other Acceptions of the Word [until.] But Haddon asked them, whether they thought Christ did eat his own natural Body, when he instituted and took the Sacrament? they said he did. Upon that he answered, that that was so absurd, that he thought it needless to argue more with those who could yield it, and so he sat down. Philpot argued, that Christ could not receive his own Body in the Sacrament, since it was given for the Remission of Sins, of which he was not capable, having no Sin; Weston answered, he might receive it, as well as he Baptised: But Philpot answered, he was baptised, as he said himself, to be an example to others. So ended this days Dispute.  
On the 25 Philpot, who was ordered to begin that Day, had prepared a long Discourse in Latin: But Weston interrupted him, and said, He must make no Speech, he was only to propose his Arguments, and that in English; though it had been before ordered that the Dispute should be in Latin, Then Philpot went to explain what sort of Presence he would dispute against, and what he allowed. Here Weston again interrupted him, and bid him form his Argument. Upon that he fell down on his Knees, and begged of the Lords, and Privy Counsellors that were present, That he might have leave to speak his Mind: Which they granted him; so, he said, For their Sacrifice of the Mass, he would prove that it was no Sacrament at all, and that Christ was no way present in it; which if he should not do, before the Queen and her Council, against any six that would maintain the contrary, he should be willing to be burnt before the Court Gates. Upon this there was great out-crying, that he was mad, and talked idly; and Weston threatened to send him to Prison. But this noise being laid, and he claiming the privilege of the House for the freedom of Speech, was required to go on to an Argument. Then he proved that Christ was in Heaven; for himself said, I leave the World, and go to my Father: And to prove there was no ambiguity in these words, he observed, that his Disciples said upon this, Now thou speakest plainly, without any Parable. It was answered, by Dr. Chedsey, That those words were only meant of his visible Ascension, but did not exclude his invisible presence; and he cited some words of Chrysostom's, That Christ took his Flesh with him, and also left his Flesh behind him. Weston, and the rest said, That Authority was unanswerable; and for a while would not hear his Answer. But Philpot shown him, that Chrysostom's words must be understood in a large sense, as Believers are said to be Flesh of his Flesh; for that Father applies that also to Baptism, from these words, As many as are baptised into Christ, have put on Christ; so the Flesh that Christ left on Earth, according to him, is not the Corporal Presence in the Sacrament. Upon this, Pie, Dean of Chichester, whispered somewhat to the Prolocutor; who thereupon said to Philpot, That he had disputed enough. He answered, That he had a dozen of Arguments, and they were enjoining him silence, before he had got through one of them. They threatened to send him to Prison if he spoke more. He said, That was far from the promise they had made of hearing them fully; and from what was preached last Sunday at Paul's, That all things should be answered in this Disputation. But Pie said, He should be answered another way. Philpot replied, There was a Company of them now got together, who had heretofore dissembled with God and the World; and were now met to suppress God's Truth, and to set forth false Devices, which they were not able to maintain. After this Ailmer stood up, and brought many Authorities out of Greek Authors, to prove that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Theodoret, could only be understood of the substance of Bread and Wine: and Moreman desired a days time to consider of them. Then Peru, though he had subscribed with the rest, brought some Arguments against Transubstantiation; for which the Prolocutor chid him, since he had before subscribed. Ailmer answered, That it was against the freedom of the House, for any to be so chid for delivering his Conscience. It was now become late, so they adjourned to the 27th.  
Then they again disputed about Theodoret's words, where Haddon shown that he said the Symbols retained the same Substance that they had before. After that Cheyney fell to argue about those words; he acknowledged a real Presence, but denied Transubstantiation, and pressed Theodoret's Authority so closely, that Watson said he was a Nestorian; and if Theodoret, who was but one, was of their side, there was above a hundred Fathers against them. Upon this Cheyney quoted Ireneus, who had said, that our flesh was nourished by the Bread and Wine in the Sacrament, He also cited Hesychius, who said, that in the Church of Jerusalem, the Symbols that were not consumed in the Communion, were burnt afterwards; he desired to know whether the Ashes were the Body of Christ, or what it was that was burnt. To all this Harpsfield made a long Answer concerning God's Omnipotence, and the weakness of men's understandings, that could not comprehend Divine Mysteries. But Cheyney still asked what it was that was burnt? Harpsfield replied, it was either the Substance of Bread, or the Body of Christ; and afterwards said it was a Miracle: At that Cheyney smiled, and said than he could say no more. Weston asked, whether there was not enough said in answer to these men's Objections? Many of the Clergy cried out, Yes, Yes: But the multitude with repeated cries said, No, No: Weston said, he spoke to those of the House, and not to the rude Multitude. Then he asked those Divines, whether they would now for three days answer the Arguments that should be put to them? Haddon, Cheyney and Ailmer, said they would not: But Philpot offered to do it. Woston said, he was a mad man, and fit to be sent to Bedlam. Philpot said, he that had carried himself with so much Passion, and so little Indifferency, deserved a Room there much better. Weston neglecting him turned to the Assembly, and said, they might see what sort of men these were, whom they had now answered three days; but though they had promised it, and the Order of Disputation did require it, that they should answer in their turn three days, they now declined it. Upon that, Ailmer stood up and answered, that they had made no such Promise, nor undertaken any such Disputation; but being required to give their Reasons, why they would not subscribe with the rest, they had done it, but had received no Answer to them, and therefore would enter into no further Disputation before such Judges, who had already determined and subscribed those Questions. So the House was adjourned to the 30th. and then Philpot appeared to answer, but desired first leave to prosecute his former Argument, and urged that since Christ as man is like us in all things without sin, therefore as we are restrained to one place at a time, so is Christ but in one place, and that is Heaven; for St. Peter says, the Heavens must contain him till the Restitution of all things. To this it was answered, that Christ being God, his Omnipotence was above our understanding: and that to shut him in one place, was to put him in Prison. Philpot said, he was not speaking of his Divine Nature, but that as he was man he was like us: And for their saying that Christ was not to be imprisoned in Heaven, he left to all men to judge whether that was a good answer or not. Much discourse following upon this, the Prolocutor commanded him to come no more into the House. He answered, he thought himself happy to be out of their Company. Others suggesting to the Prolocutor, that it would be said the meetting was not free, if men were put out of the House for speaking their minds: He said to him he might come, so he were decently Habited, and did not speak but when he commanded him. To this he answered, that he had rather be absent altogether. Weston concluded all, by saying, you have the Word, but we have the Sword: Truly pointing out wherein the strength of both Causes lay.  
This was the Issue of that Disputation, which was soon after Printed in English: and in Latin by Volerandus Polanus, 
Censures past upon it.  and is inserted at large in Fox's Acts and Monuments. What account the other side gave of it, I do not find. But upon all such occasions, the prevailing party, when the inequality was so disproportioned, used to carry things with so much noise and disorder, that it was no wonder the Reformers had no mind to engage in this Dispute. And those who reflected on the way of proceeding in King Edward's time, could not but confess things had been managed with much more Candour and Equality. For in this very Point, there had been, as was formerly shown, Disputes for a Year together, before there was any Determination made: so that all men were free at that time to deliver their Opinions without any fear, and then the Disputes were in the Universities, where, as there were a great Silence, and Collection of Books, so the Auditors were more capable of being instructed by them: But here the Point was first determined, and then disputed: And this was in the midst of the disorder of the Town, where the Privy Council gave all possible encouragement to the prevailing Party.  
The last thing I find done this year, was, the restoring Veisey to be Bishop of Exeter, which was done on the 28th of December. In his Warrant for it under the great Seal, it is said, that he, for some just troubles both in Body and Mind, had resigned his Bishopric to King Edward, to which the Queen now restored him. And thus ended this year. Foreign Affairs did not so much concern Religion, as they had done in the former Reign, which as it made me give some account of them then, so it causes me now not to prosecute them so fully.  
In the beginning of the next year, 
1554. Ambassadors sent from the Emperor for the marriage.  the Emperor sent over the Count of Egmont and some other Ambassadors to make the Proposition and Treaty of Marriage, betwixt his Son and the Queen. In the managing of this Treaty, Gardiner had the chief hand: for he was now the Oracle at the Council-board: He had thirty years' Experience in Affairs, a great Knowledge of the Courts of Christendom, and of the State of England, and had great Sagacity, with a marvellous Cunning, which was not always regulated by the Rules of Candour and Honesty. He in drawing the Articles of the Marriage had a double design: the one was, to have them so framed that they might easily pass in Parliament; And the other was, to exclude the Spaniards from having any share in the Government of England, which he intended to hold in his own hands. 
The Articles agreed.  So the Terms on which it was agreed were these.  
The Queen should have the whole Government of England, with the giving of Offices and Benefices, in her own hands: so that though Philip was to be called King, and his Name was to be on the Coin, and the Seals, and in Writts, yet her hand was to give force to every thing without his. Spaniards should not be admitted into the Government, nor to any Offices at Court. 
1553.  The Laws should not be altered, nor the Plead put into any other Tongue. The Queen should not be made to go out of England, but upon her own desire. The Children born in the Marriage should not go out of England, but by the consent of the Nobility. If the Queen outlived the Prince, She should have 60000 l. a year out of his Estate, 40000 out of Spain, and 20000 of it out of the Netherlands. If the Queen had Sons by him, they should succeed, both to her own Crowns, and the Netherlands, and Burgundy: And if the Archduke Charles, Philip's only Son died, they should succeed to all Her and His Dominions: If she had only Daughters, they should succeed to her Crowns, and the Netherlands, if they married by their Brother's consent: or otherwise, they should have such Portions, as was ordinarily given to those of their Rank: But if the Queen had no Issue, the King was not to pretend to any part of the Government after her death; but the Crown was to descend according to the Laws of England to her Heirs. There was to be a perpetual League betwixt England and Spain; but this was not to be in prejudice of their League with France, which was still to continue in force.  
These were the Conditions agreed on, and afterwards confirmed in Parliament; by which it appears the Spaniards were resolved to have the Marriage on any Terms; reckoning that if Prince Philip were once in England, he could easily enlarge his Authority, which was hereby so much restrained.  

The Match generally disliked.  It was now apparent, the Queen was to Marry the Prince of Spain; which gave an universal discontent to the whole Nation. All that loved the Reformation saw, that not only their Religion would be changed, but a Spanish Government and Inquisition would be set up in its stead. Those who considered the Civil Liberties of the Kingdom, without great regard to Religion, concluded that England would become a Province to Spain; and they saw how they governed the Netherlands, and heard how they ruled Milan, Naples, and Sicily: but above all, they heard the most Inhuman things that ever any Age produced, had been Acted by them in their new conquest in the West-Indies.  
It was said, what might they expect, but to lie at the mercy of such Tyrannical Masters, who would not be long kept within the Limits, that were now prescribed? All the great conditions now talked of, were but the guilding the Pill, but its operation would be fatal, if they once swallowed it down. These things had Influence on many; But the chief Conspirators were the Duke of Suffolk, 
Plots to oppose it  Sir Thomas Wyatt, and Sir Peter Carew: The one was to raise the Midland Counties, the other to raise Cornwall, and Wyatt was to raise Kent: Hoping by rising in such remote places, so to distract the Government, that they should be able to engage the Commons, who were now as much distasted with the Queen, as they had been formerly fond of her.  

Are discovered.  But as Carew was carrying on his Design in the West, it came to be discovered; and one that he had trusted much in it, was taken: upon that Carew fled over into France. Wyatt was in Kent when he heard this; but had not yet laid his Business as he intended. Therefore fearing to be undone by the Discovery that was made, he gathered some Men about him, and on the 25th of January, went to Maidston. There he made Proclamation, 
Wyatt breaks out.  that he intended nothing, but to preserve the Liberty of the Nation, 
1554.  and keep it from coming under the Yoke of Strangers; which, he said, all the Council, one or two excepted, were against: and assured the People, that all the Nobility, and chief Men of England, would concur with them. He said nothing of Religion, but in private assured those that were for the Reformation, that he would declare for them. One Roper came and declared him and his Company Traitors; but he took him, with some Gentlemen that were gathering to oppose him. From thence he went to Rochester, and writ to the Sheriff of Kent, desiring his Assistance against the Strangers, for there were already, as he said, an hundred Armed Spaniards landed at Dover. The Sheriff sent him word, That if he, and those with him, had any Suits, they were to make them to the Queen on their knees, but not with Swords in their hands; and required them to disperse, under pain of Treason. Wyatt kept his Men in good order, so that they did no hurt, but only took all the Arms they could find.  
At the same time, one Isley and Knevet gathered People together about Tunbridg, and went to join with Wiat. The Queen sent down a Herald to him with a Pardon, if he would disperse his Company in 24 hours; but Wyatt made him deliver his Message at the end of Rochester Bridg, and so sent him away. The High Sheriff gathered together as many as he could, and shown them how they were abused by Lies; there was no Spaniards landed at all: and those that were to come, were to be their Friends and Confederates against their Enemies. Those that he brought together, went to Gravesend to meet the Duke of Norfolk, and Sir Hen. Jerningham, who were come thither with 600 Men from London; and they hearing that Knevet was in his way to Rochester, went, and intercepted, and routed him; sixty of his Men were killed, the rest saved themselves in the Woods.  
The News of this disheartened Wyatt much; who was seen to weep, and called for a Coat, which he stuffed with Angels, designing to have escaped. But the Duke of Norfolk marching to Rochester with 200 Horse, and 600 Foot, commanded by one Bret; they were wrought on, by a pretended Desertor, Harper, who seemed to come over from Wyatt: he persuaded the Londoners, 
The Londoners revolt.  that it was only the preservation of the Nation from the Spaniards that they designed; and it was certain none would suffer under that Yoke more than they. This had such an effect on them, that they all cried out, We are all English Men; and went over to Wiat. So the Duke of Norfolk was forced to march back. And now Kent was all open to Wyatt, who thereupon sent one to the Duke of Suffolk, pressing him to make haste and raise his Country: but the Bearer was intercepted. Upon that, the Earl of Huntingdon was sent down with some Horse to seize on him. The Duke was at all times a mean-spirited Man, but it never appeared more than now: For after a faint endeavour to raise the Country, he gave it over, and concealed himself in a private House; but was betrayed by him to whom he had trusted himself, into the hands of the Earl of Huntingdon, and so was brought to the Tower.  
Wiat's Party increasing, they turned towards London. As they came to Debtford, Sir Edward Hastings, and Sir Thomas Cornwallis, came to them, in the Queen's Name, to ask what would content them? Wyatt desired that he might have the Command of the Tower, that the Queen might stay under his Guard; and that the Council might be changed. Upon these extravagant Propositions, 
Wiat's Demands.  there passed high words, and the Privy Counsellors returned to the Queen. After this she went into Guildhall, and there gave an account of her Message to Wyatt, and his Answer. And for her Marriage, she said, she did nothing in it but by advice of her Council, and spoke very tenderly of the love she bore to her People, and to that City. On the 31, Wyatt was become 4000 strong, and came near Southwark. 
He came to Southwark.  On the 2d of February he fell into Southwark. Some of his Company had a mind to have broken into Winchester-House, and robbed it; but he threatened to hang any that should do it. He was put in hope, that upon his coming to Southwark, London would have declared for him; but in that he was deceived. The Bridge was fortified, so that he found it was not possible to force it. Here he held a Council of War with his Officers; some were for turning back into Kent, to disperse a Body of Men that the Lord. Abergaveny had gathered together: but he said, That was a small Game. The strength of their Party was in London, and therefore it was necessary for him to be there as soon as he could: for though they could not open the Bridge to him, yet he was assured, if he were on the other side, many would come out to him. Some were for crossing over to Essex, where they heard the People were well-affected to them; but they had not Boats enough, so he marched to get over at Kingston-Bridg.  
On the 4th they came to Kingston, 
He crossed the Thames at Kingston.  where the Queen had ordered the Bridge to be cut; but his Men repairing it, he crossed the River that Night; and though he lost much time, by the mending of one of his Carriages that broke by the way, he was at Hyde-park by nine of the Clock next Morning, it being Ash-wednesday.  
The Earl of Pembroke had gathered a good Body of Men to have fallen on him, 
But is defeated.  for his Men were now in great disorder; but they looked on, to let him cast himself into their hands. He did not march by Holborn, as some advised, but came down to Charing-crass. There the Lord Clinton fell in between the several Bodies of his Men, and dispersed them so, that he had not 500 left about him: But with those that remained, he passed through the Strand, and Fleetstreet, to Ludgate, where he stopped, in hope to have found the Gates opened to him. That hope failing, he returned back; and being now out of all heart, 
And taken.  was taken at Temple-Bar by a Herald. All this while the Queen shown great courage, she would not stir out of Whitehall, nor go by Water to the Tower, as some advised her, but went with her Women and Priests to her Devotions.  
This was a Rebellion, both raised and dispersed, in as strange a ma●mer as could have been imagined. Wyatt was a popular and stout Man, but had not a Head for such an Undertaking, otherwise the Government was so feeble, that it had not been a difficult thing to have driven the Queen to great straits. It was not at all raised upon pretence of Religion; which, according to the printed Account set out by the Queen's Order, was not so much as once named. And yet some of our own Writers say, That Poinet, 
Poinet was not in that Rebellion.  the late Bishop of Winchester, was in it. But this is certainly false, for so many Prisoners being taken, it is not to be imagined but this would have been found out, and published, to make that Religion more odious: and we cannot think but Gardiner would have taken care that he should have been attainted in the following Parliament.  
Christophorson soon after writ a Book against Rebellion, in which he studies to fasten this Rising on the Preachers, of the New Religion, as he calls it; and gives some presumptions, that amount to no more, but little flourishes of his Wit, but never names this, which had been a decisive proof. So that it is but a groundless Fiction, made by those who have either been the Authors, or at least have laid down the Principles of all the Rebellions in the Christian World, and yet would cast that blame on others, and exempt themselves from it; as if they were the surest Friends of Princes, while they design to enslave them to a Foreign Power, and will neither allow them to Reign, nor to Live, but at the mercy of the Head of that Principality, to which all other Powers must bend; or break, if they meet with an Age that is so credulous and superstitious, as to receive their Dictates.  
This raw, and soon-broken Rebellion, was as lucky to Gardiner, and those who set on the Marriage, as if they had projected it; for now, the People were much disheartened, and their own Designs as much fortified: since, as some Fevers are Critical, and cast out those Latent Distempers, which no Medicines could effectually purge away; and yet if they were not removed, must in the end corrupt the whole Mass of Blood; so in a weak Government, to which the People are illaffected, ill-digested, Rebellions raise the Prince higher, and add as much Spirit to his Friends, as they take from the Faction against him, and give a Handle to do some things, for which otherwise it were not easy, either to find Colours or Instruments.  
One effect of this was, the proceeding severely against the Lady Jane, and her Husband, 
The L. Jane and her Husband executed.  the Lord Guildford, who both suffered on the 12th of Feburary. The Lady Jane was not much disordered at it; for she knew, upon the first Jealousy, she must be the Sacrifice; and therefore had now lived six months in the continual meditations of Death. Fecknam, afterwards Abbot of Westminster, was sent to her by the Queen, three days before, to prepare her to Die. He had a long conversation with her: But she answered him with that calmness of Mind, and clearness of Reason, that it was an astonishing thing to hear so young a Person, of her Sex and Quality, look on Death, so near her, with so little disorder, and talk so sensibly, both of Faith, and Holiness, of the Sacrament, the Scriptures, and the Authority of the Church. Fecknam left her, seeing he could work nothing on her: But procured, as is said, the continuance of her Life three days longer, and waited on her on the Scaffold. She writ to her Father to moderate his Grief for her Death, (which must needs have been great, since his Folly had occasioned it). She expressed her sense of her Sin, 
Her preparation for Death.  in assuming the Royal Dignity, though he knew how unwillingly she was drawn to it; and that in her Royal Estate, her enforced Honour had never defiled her innocent Heart. She rejoiced at her approaching End, since nothing could be to her more welcome, than to be delivered from that Valley of Misery, into that Heavenly Throne, to which she was to be advanced, where she prayed that they might meet at last.  
There was one Harding, that had been her Father's Chaplain, and that was a zealous Preacher in King Edward's Days; before whose Death, he had animated the People much to prepare for Persecution, and never to departed from the Truth of the Gospel; but he had now fallen away himself. To him she writ a Letter full of severe expostulations, and threaten, for his Apostasy; but it had no effect on him. It is of an extraordinary strain, full of Life in the Thoughts, and of Zeal, if there is not too much, in the expressions. The Night before her Execution, she sent her Greek Testament, which she had always used, to her Sister; with a Letter in the same Language, in which, in most pathetic Expressions, she sets out the value that she had of it, and recommended the study and practice of it earnestly to her. She had also composed a very devout Prayer for her Retirements; and thus had she spent the last moments of her Life. She expressed great tenderness, when she saw her Husband led out first; but soon overcame it, when she considered how closely she was to follow him. He had desired to take leave of her before he died, but she declined it, since it would be rather an increase of Grief, than any addition of Comfort to them. She said, she hoped they would shortly meet, and be united in a happier State; and with a settled Countenance, she saw them bring back the beheaded Body to the Chapel, where it was to be buried. When she was brought to the Scaffold, which was raised for her within the Tower, to prevent the compassion, which her dying more publicly might have raised; she confessed, she had sinned in taking the Queen's Honour, when it was given her; she acknowledged the Act was unlawful, as was also her consenting to it; but, she said, it was neither procured nor desired by her. She declared, that she died a true Christian, and hoped to be saved only by the Mercy of God in the Blood of Christ. She acknowledged that she had too much neglected the Word of God, and had loved herself and the World too much, for which that punishment had come justly to her from God: but she blessed him that had made it a means to lead her to Repentance. Then, having desired the People's Prayers, she kneeled down, and repeated the 51 Psalms: Then she undressed herself, and stretched out her Head on the Block, and cried out, Lord, into thy hands I recommend my Spirit; and so her Head was cut off.   engraved portrait of Lady Jane Grey 
EFFIGIES JANAE GRAIAE HENRICI VIII PRONEPTIS EX SORORE  R. White sculp  blazon or coat of arms 
Nata 1537. cc Guildfordice Dudley Conjugata 1553.  
Maij Regina Declaritur 1553 Iul: 10. Capite Plectitur 1553/4. Feb: 12.  
Printed for Richd. Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church yard.  
The Earl of Devonshire, and the Lady Elizabeth, 
The Lady Elizabeth unjustly suspected for Plotting,  came to be suspected of the Plot, as if the rising in the West had been set on by the Earl, with design, if it had succeeded, to have married the Lady Elizabeth, and put her in the Queen's Room. Wyatt did at his death clear them of any occasion to his Confederacies. Yet the Queen who was much alienated from her Sister upon old Scores, was not unwilling to find a pretence for using her ill; so she was made a Prisoner. And the Earl of Devonshire had, upon the account formerly mentioned, offended the Queen, who thought her kindness ill requited, 
Many deserve proceed.  when she saw he neglected her, and preferred her Sister; so he was again put into Prison. Sir Nicholas Throgmorton was also charged with that same Gild, and broughr to his Trial, which lasted Ten hours; But was acquitted by the Jury: Upon which they were cast into Prison, and severely Fined, some in 2000 l. and some in a 1000 Marks. This was fatal to his Brother Sir John, who was cast by the Jury, upon the same Evidence that his Brother had been acquitted: But he protested his innocence to the last. Sir John Cheek had got beyond Sea, finding he was also suspected and sought after; and both Sir Peter Carew, and he, hoping that Philip would be glad, at his first admission to the Crown of England, to show Acts of Favour, went into Flanders; where, upon assurances given of Pardon and Mercy, they rendered themselves. But upon their coming into England, they were both put into the Tower. Carew made his escape, and was afterwards employed by Queen Elizabeth in her Affairs in Ireland. Cheek was at this time discharged, but upon some new Offence, he was again taken in Flanders, in May 1556. and was prevailed upon to renounce his Religion, and then he was set at liberty; but was so sadly affected at the unworthiness of that Action, that it was believed to have cast him into a Languishing, of which he soon after died. There was a base Imposture set up at this time, of one that seemed to speak from a Wall with a strange sort of voice. Many seditious things were uttered by that voice, which was judged of variously. Some called it the Spirit of the Wall. 
The Imposture of the Spirit in the Wall.  Some said it was an Angel that spoke: And many marvellous things were reported of it; But the matter being narrowly enquired into, it was found to be one Elizabeth Crofts, a Girl, who from a private hole in the Wall, with the help of a Whistle, had uttered those words. She was made to do Penance openly at Paul's for it: But by the account then Printed of it, I do not find any Complices were found; except one Drake, to whom no particular Character is added. So it seems it was a Trick laid Betwixt these two; for what purpose I cannot find. Sure enough in those Times, it was not laid to the charge of the Preachers of the Reformation. Which I the rather take notice of, because of the Malignity of one of our Historians, who has laid this to the charge of the Zuinglian Gospelers, though all the proof he offers for casting it on them, is in these words; For I cannot consider this but as a Plot of theirs; And sets it up in opposition to the notorious Imposture of the Maid of Kent, mentioned in the former Volume, and says, Let not the Papists be more charged with that, since these were now as faulty.  

The two instructions to the Bishops. Col. Number 10.  The Nation being now settled, the Queen did next give Instructions to the Bishops to proceed to visit the Clergy, according to some Articles which she sent them, which will be found in the Collections. In those, after a long and invidious Preamble of the disorders that had been in the time of King Edward, she commanded them, to execute all such Ecclesiastical Laws as had been in force in her Father's Reign: That the Bishops should in their Courts proceed no more in the Queen's Name: That the Oath of Supremacy should be no more Exacted of any of the Clergy: That none suspect of Heresy should be admitted to Orders: That they should endeavour to repress Heresy, and punish Heretics: That they should suppress all naughty Books, and Ballads: That they should remove all married Clergy men, and separate them from their Wives; but for those that renounced their Wives, they might put them into some other Cure, or reserve a Pension out of their Benefice for them: That no religious Man who had professed Chastity, should be suffered to live with his Wife: That care should be taken of vacant Churches: That till they were provided, the people should go to the Neighbouring Churches: That all the Ceremonies, holidays, and Fasts, used in King Henry's time, should be again observed: That those who were ordained by the new Book in King Edward's time, not being ordained in very deed, The Bishop, if they were otherwise sufficient, should supply what was wanting before, and so admit them to Minister: That the Bishops should set forth an uniform Doctrine of Homilies; and compel the people to come to Church, and hear Divine Service: That they should carefully look to all Schoolmasters and Teachers of Children: And that the Bishops should take care to set forth the Premises, with all kind of Virtue, godly Living, and good Example; 
Proceed against the Bishops that adhered to the Reformation.  and endeavour to keep down all sort of Vice.  
These were Signed on the 4 of March, and Printed, and sent over the Kingdom. But to make the Married Bishops Examples of the severity of their proceed; the Queen gave a special Commission to Gardiner, Tonstall, Bonner, Parfew Bishop of St. Asaph, Day, and Kitchen of Landaffe, making mention, that with great grief of heart she had heard, that the Archbishop of York, the Bishops of St. David's, Chester and Bristol, had broken their Vows, and defiled their Function, by contracting Marriage; therefore those, or any three of them, are empowered to call them before them; and if the Premises be found to be true, 
Col. Number 11. 12.  to deprive, and turn them out of their Bishoprics: This I have put into the Collection, with another Commission to the same Persons, to call the Bishops of Lincoln, Gloucester and Hereford, before them; in whose Patents it was provided that they should hold their Bishoprics so long as they behaved themselves well: and since they, by preaching Erroneous Doctrine, and by inordinate Life and Conversation, as she credibly understood, had carried themselves contrary to the Laws of God, and the Practice of the universal Church, these or any two of them, should proceed against them, either according to Ecclesiastical Canons, or the Laws of the Land, and declare their Bishoprics void, as they were indeed already void: Thus were Seven Bishops all at a dash turned out. It was much censured, that there having been Laws made, allowing Marriage to the Clergy, the Queen should by her own Authority, upon the repealing these Laws, turn out Bishops for things that had been so well warranted by Law: for the Repeal was only an Annulling of the Law for the Future, but did not void it from the beginning: so that, however it might have justified proceed against them for the Future, if they had lived with their Wives; yet it could not warrant the punishing them for what was passed: And even the severest Popes, or their Legates, who had pressed the Coelibate most, had always before they proceeded to deprive any Priests for Marriage, left it to their choice, whether they would quit their Wives, or their Benefices: but had never summarily turned them out for being married: And for the other Bishops, it was an unheard of way of procedure, for the Queen before any process was made, to empower Delegates to declare their Sees void, as they were indeed aIready void. This was to give Sentence before hearing. And all this was done by virtue of the Queen's Supremacy; for though she thought that, a sinful and Schismatical Power, yet she was easily persuaded to use it against the Reformed Clergy, and to turn them out of their Benefices upon such unjust and Illegal pretences. So that now the proceed against Gardiner and Bonner, in which were the greatest Stretches made that had been in the last Reign, were far outdone by those new Delegates. For the Archbishop of York, though he was now turned out, yet he was still kept Prisoner; till King Philip, among the Acts of Grace he did at his coming over, procured his Liberty. But his See was not filled till February next; for then Heath had his Congee d'elire. On or before the 18th of March this Year, were those other Sees declared Vacant. For that day did the Congee d'elire go out to the Deans and Chapters of St. David's, Lincoln, Hereford, Chester, Gloucester, and Bristol:  Morgan, White, Parfew, Coats, Brooks and Holyman. Goodrick of Ely died in April this Year. He seems to have complied with the time, as he had done often before: for he was not at all cast into any trouble, which it cannot be imagined he could have escaped, since he had put the great Seal to the Patents for the Lady Jane, if he had not Redeemed it by a ready consenting to the changes that were to be made. He was a busy secular spirited Man, and had given himself up wholly to Factions and Intrigues of State: so that, though his opinion had always leaned to the Reformation, it is no wonder if a man so tempered would prefer the keeping of his Bishopric before the Discharge of his Conscience. Thirleby of Norwich was Translated to Ely, and Hopton was made Bishop of Norwich. But Scory, that had been Bishop os Chichester, though upon Day's being restored, he was turned out of his Bishopric, did comply merely: He came before Bonner, and Renounced his Wife, and did Penance for it, and had his Absolution under his Seal, the 14th of July this Year: which is in the Collection. 
Number 13.  But it seems this was out of fear; for he soon after fled out of England, and lived beyond Sea until Queen Elizabeth's days: and then he came over; But it was judged indecent to restore him to his former See, where it is likely this Scandal he had given, was known; and so he was made Bishop of Hereford. The Bishop of Bath and Wales, Barlow, was also made to Resign, as appears by the Congee d'elire for Bourn to succeed him, dated the 19th of March. Therein it is said that the See wss Vacant by the Resignation of the former Bishop; though in the Election, that was made on the 28th of March, it is said the See was vacant by the Removal or Deprivation of their former Bishop. But I incline to believe it truer, that he did resign; since he is not mentioned in the Commissions formerly spoken of. But that was not all; for at this time a Book was set out in his Name, whether written by him, or Forged and laid on his Name, I cannot judge: in which he retracts his former errors, and speaks of Luther and Oecolampadius, and many others, with whom he says he had familiarly conversed: with great bitterness. He also accuses the Gospelers in England, of Gluttony, Hypocrisy, Pride, and ill Nature: And indeed it is one of the most Virulent Invectives against the Reformation, that was written at that time: But it is not likely, if he had turned so hearty as the Strain of that Book runs, that he would have been quite thrown out; especially, since he had never Married; so I rather look on it as a Forgery cast on his Name, to disgrace the Reformation. He fled beyond Sea, where he lived till the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign; and than it seems there was some offence taken at his former behaviour; for he was not restored to Bath and Wales, but put into Chichester, that was a much meaner Bishopric. Thus I have given a clear account, and free of all Partiality or Reservation, of the changes made in the most of the Sees in England. The two Arch-Bishops, Cranmer and Holgate; the Bishops, Ridley, Poinet, Scory, Coverdale, Taylor, Harvey, Bird, Bush, Hooper, Ferrar, and Barlow, were all removed; Rochester was void, and Griffins was put into it this April. Goddrick dying now, Thirleby succeeded him; and Samson of Coventry and Litchfield dying soon after, Bayn succeeded him. So here were sixteen new Bishops brought in, which made no small change in the Church.  

The Mass every where set up.  When this done, the Bishops went about the executing of the Queen's Injunctions. The New Service was  cast out, and the Old Ceremonies and Service were again set up. In this Business, none was so hot as Bonner; for the Act that repealed King Edward's Laws, being agreed to by the Commons, to whom the Lords had sent it; he, without staying for the Royal Assent, did that very Night set up the Old Worship at Paul's, on St. Katherine's day; and it being the custom, that on some Holy Days, the Choir went up to the Steeple to sing the Anthems, that fell to be on that Night; which was an antic way of beginning a form of Worship, to which the People had been long disused: And the next Day, being St. Andrew's, he did officiate himself, and had a solemn Procession.  
The most eminent Preachers in London, were either put in Prison, or under Confinement; and as all their Mouths had been stopped, by the prohibiting of Sermons, unless a Licence were obtained; so they were now to be fallen on for their Marriages. Parker estimates it, that there were now about 16000 Clergymen in England: and of these, 12000 were turned out upon this account; some, he says, were deprived without Conviction, upon common Fame; some were never cited to appear, and yet turned out: Many that were in Prison, were cited, and turned out for not appearing; though it was not in their Power: Some were induced to submit, and quit their Wives for their Live: They were all summarily deprived. Nor was this all; but after they were deprived, they were also forced to leave their Wives; which piece of severity was grounded on the Vow, that (as was pretended) they had made: though the falsehood of this Charge was formerly demonstrated.  
To justify this severity of Procedure, many were set to write against the Marriage of the Clergy. 
Books against the marriage of the Clergy.  Smith, of whom I made mention in the former Book, that had then so humbly recanted and submitted, did now appear very boldly, and reprinted his Book, with many Additions. But the most studied Work was set out by Martin, a Doctor of the Laws. It was certainly, for most part Gardiner's Work, and I have seen the Proof Sheets of a great part of it, dashed and altered in many places, by Gardiner's hand. This Martin had made his Court to Cranmer in former times. He had studied the Law at Bourges, where Francis Balduin, one of the celebrated Lawyers of that time, had publicly noted him for his lewdness, as being not only overrun himself with the French Pox; but as being a Corrupter of all the University, which Balduin certified in a Letter to one in England, that took care to print it.  
It was also printed, that Bonner had many Bastards: and himself was believed to be the Bastard of one Savage, a Priest in Leicestershire, that had been Bastard to Sir John Savage of Cheshire. Which Priest, by Elizabeth Frodshum, the Wife of one Edmond Bonner, had this Edmond now Bishop of London; and it seems his Mother did not soon give over those her lewd Courses, for Wymsly, Archdeacon of London, was another of her Bastards. That Kennel of the uncleanness of the Priests and Religious Houses, was again, on this occasion, racked, and exposed, with too much indecency: for the married Priests, being openly accused, for the impurity and sensuality of their Lives, thought it was a just piece of self-defence, to turn these Imputations back on those who pretended to Chastity, and yet led most irregular Lives, under that appearance of greater strictness.  
This was the state in which things were, when the New Parliament 
A New Parliament.  met on the 2d of April. Gardiner had beforehand prepared the Commons, by giving the most considerable of them Pensions; some had 200, and some a 100 l. a Year, for giving their Voices to the Marriage. The first Act that passed, seemed of an odd nature, and has a great Secret under it. The Speaker of the House of Commons brought in a Bill, declaring, That whereas the Queen had of right succeeded to the Crown; but, because all the Laws of England had been made by Kings, 
The Regal Power asserted to be in a Queen, as well as a King.  and declared the Prerogatives to be in the King's Person; from thence some might pretend that the Queen had no right to them; it was therefore declared to have been the Law, that these Prerogatives did belong to the Crown, whether it were in the hands of Male or Female: and whatsoever the Law did limit and appoint for the King, was of right also due to the Queen, who is declared to have as much Authority as any other her Progenitors.  
Many in the House of Commons wondered what was the intention of such a Law; and as People were at this time full of jealousy, 
The Secret Reasons for that Act.  one Skinner, a Member of the House, (who in Queen Elizabeth's time took Orders, and was made Dean of Duresm) said, he could not imagine why such a frivolous Law was desired, since the thing was without dispute: 
E▪ M. SS. D. Gul. Petyt.  and that, that which was pretended, of satisfying the People, was too slight: he was afraid there was a trick in these words, That the Queen had as great Authority as any of her Progenitors; on which perhaps it might be afterwards said, She had the same Power that William the Conqueror exercised, in seizing the Lands of the English, and giving them to Strangers; which also Edward the First did upon the conquest of Wales. He did not know what relation this might have to the intended Marriage, therefore he warned the House to look well to it; so a Committee being appointed to correct it, such words were added, as brought the Queen's Prerogative under the same Limitations, as well as it exalted it to the height of her Progenitors. But one Fleetwood, afterwards Recorder of London, told the Earl of Leicester the secret of this, in Queen Elizabeth's Time, who writ down his Discourse, and from thence I have copied it. There was one that had been Cromwell's Servant, and much employed by him in the suppression of Monasteries: he was a Man of great Notions, but very busy and factious; so having been a great stickler for the Lady Jane, he was put in the Fleet, upon the Queen's first coming to the Crown: yet within a month he was discharged; but upon the last Rising, was again put up, and indicted of High Treason: He had great Friends, and made application to one of the Emperor's Ambassadors, that was then the Chancellor of the Duchy of Milan, and by his means he obtained his Liberty. Being brought to him, he shown him a new Platform of Government, which he had contrived for the Queen. She was to declare herself a Conqueror; or that she having succeeded to the Crown by Common Law, was not at all to be limited by the Statute Laws, since those were only restrictions upon the Kings, but not on the Queens of England; and that therefore all those Limitations of the Prerogative, were only binding in the Persons of Kings, but she was free from them: Upon this, he shown how she might establish Religion, set up the Monasteries, raise her Friends, and ruin her Enemies, and Rule according to her Pleasure. The Ambassador carried this to the Queen, and seemed much pleased with it, but desired her to read it carefully, and keep it as a great Secret.  
As she read it, she disliked it, and judged it contrary to the Oath she had made at her Coronation: and thereupon sent for Gardiner, and charged him, as he would answer before the Judgment-Seat of God, at the general Day of the Holy Doom, that he would consider the Book carefully, and bring her his Opinion of it next day, which fell to be Maundy Thursday. So, as the Queen came from her Maundy, he waited on her into her Closet, and said these words; My good and most gracious Lady, I intent not to pray your Highness, with any humble Petitions, to name the Devisers of this new invented Platform: but here, I say, That it is pity that so noble and virtuous a Lady, should be endangered with the pernicious Devices of such lewd and subtle Sycophants; for the Book is naught, and most horrible to be thought on. Upon this the Queen thanked him, and threw the Book into the Fire; and charged the Ambassador, that neither he, nor any of his Company, should receive more such Projects from any of her People. This made Gardiner apprehended, that if the Spaniards began so soon to put such Notions into the Queen's Head, they might afterwards, when she was in their Hands, make somewhat of them; and therefore, to prevent such Designs for the future, he drew the Act; in which, though he seemed to do it as an Advantage to the Queen, for the putting of her Title beyond dispute; yet he really intended nothing by it, but that she should be restrained by all those Laws, that the former Kings of England had consented to: And because King Henry the Seventh, though his best right to the Crown flowed from his Marriage to the Heir of the House of York, had yet taken the Government wholly into his own hands; he, fearing lest the Spaniards should pretend to such a Power by the Authority, which Marriage gives the Husband over the Wife, got the Articles of the Marriage to be ratified in Parliament; by which they not only confirmed those agreed on, but made a more full explanation of that part of them, which declared the entire Government of the Kingdom to belong only to the Queen.  
To this the Spaniards gave too great an occasion, 
Great Jealousies of the Spanish Power.  by publishing King Philip's Pedigree, whom they derived from John of Gaunt. They said, this was only done to conciliate the favour of the Nation, by representing him not a stranger, but a Native: But this gave great offence; concerning which I have seen a little Book that was then printed; It was there said, That King Henry the Seventh came in, pretending only to marry the Heir of the House of York: But he was no sooner on the Throne, than he declared his own Title, and kept it his whole Life. So it was said, the Spaniard would call himself Heir of the House of Lancaster, and upon that Pretention, would easily wrest the Power out of the Queen's hands, who seemed to mind nothing but her Devotions. This made Gardiner look the better to the securing of the Liberties of the Crown and Nation; so that it must be acknowledged, that the preserving of England out of the hands of the Spaniards at that time, seems to be almost wholly owing to him.  
In this Parliament, the Marquis of Northampton was restored in Blood. And the Act for restoring the Bishopric of Duresm 
The Bishopric of Duresm restored.  not having gone through the last Parliament when it was dissolved, was now brought in again. The Town of Newcastle opposed it much, when it came down to the Commons. But the Bishop of Duresm came to them on the 18th of April, and gave them a long account of all his Troubles, from the Duke of Northumberland, and desired that they would dispatch his Bill. There were many Provisoes put into it, for some that were concerned in Gateside; but it was carried in the House, That, instead of these Provisoes, they should send a Desire to him, recommending those Persons to his Favour: So upon a Division, there were 120 against it, and 201 for it. After this, came the Bill confirming the Attainders of the Duke of Suffolk, and fifty eight more, who were attainted for the late Rebellion. The Lords put in a Proviso, excepting Entailed Lands out of their Forfeitures; but the Commons rejected the Proviso, and passed the Bill. Then did the Commons send up a Bill for reviving the Statutes made against Lollardy: which being read twice by the Lords, was laid aside. The Commons intended next to have revived the Statute of the Six Articles: but it did not agree with the Design at Court, to take any notice of King Henry's Acts; so this was let fall. Then they brought in another Bill to extirpate Erroneous Opinions and Books; but that was at the third reading laid aside. After that they passed a particular Bill against Lollardy in some Points, as the eating of flesh in Lent; but that also being sent up to the Lords, was at the third reading laid aside, by the major part of the House; so forward were the Commons to please the Queen, or such Operation had the Spanish Gold on them, that they contrived four Bills in one Session, for the prosecution of those they called Heretics. But to give some content on the other hand, they passed a Bill, that neither the Bishop of Rome, nor any other, should have any Power to Convene, or trouble any, for possessing Abbey Lands: This was sent up to the Lords, but laid aside at that time, assurance being given, that the Owners of those Lands should be fully secured. The Reason of laying it aside, was, that since by Law the Bishop of Rome had no Authority at all in England, it was needless to pass an Act against his Power in that particular, for that seemed to assert his Power in other things: and since they were resolved to reconcile the Nation to him, it was said, that it would be indecent to pass an Act that should call him only Bishop of Rome, which was the Compellation given him during the Schism; and it was preposterous to begin with a Limitation of his Power, before they had acknowledged his Authority: So this was laid aside, and the Parliament ended on the 25th of May.  
But the Matters of the Convocation are next to be related. Those of the Reformation complained , that the Disputes of the last Convocation had not been fairly carried; that the most eminent Men of their Persuasion were detained in Prison, and not admitted to it: that only a few of them, that had a right to be in the House, were admitted to speak, and that these were much interrupted. So that it was now resolved to adjourn the Convocation for some time, and to send the Prolocutor with some of their number to Oxford, that the Disputations might be, in the presence of that whole University. And since Cranmer and Ridley were esteemed the most Learned Men of that Persuasion, they were, by a Warrant from the Queen, removed from the Tower of London, to the Prisons at Oxford. And though Latimer was never accounted very Learned, and was then about eighty Years of Age, yet he having been a celebrated Preacher, who had done the Reformation no less Service by his Labours in the Pulpit, than others had done by their abler Pens; he was also sent thither to bear his share in the Debates.  

Some sent to Oxford to disput with Reformeed Bishops.  Those who were sent from the Convocation, came to Oxford on the 13th of April, being Friday. They sent for those Bishops on Saturday, and assigned them Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, every one of them his day, for the defending of their Doctrine: but ordered them to be kept apart. And that all Books and Notes should be taken from them. Three Questions were to be disputed.  

1. Whether the natural Body of Christ was really in the Sacrament?  
2. Whether any other Substance did remain, but the Body and Blood of Christ?  
3. Whetter in the Mass there was a Propitiatory Sacrifice for the Sins of the Dead and Living?   
When Cranmer was first brought before them, the Prolocutor made an Exhortation to him, to return to the Unity of the Church. To which he answered, with such gravity and modesty, that many were observed to weep: He said, He was as much for Unity as any, but it must be an Unity in Christ, and according to the Truth. The Articles being showed him, he asked, Whether by the Body of Christ they meant an Organical Body: They answering, It was the Body that was born of the Virgin: Then, he said, he would maintain the Negative of these Questions.  
On the 16th, when the Dispute with Cranmer 
Cranmer Disputes.  was to begin, Weston, that was Prolocutor, made a stumble in the beginning of his Speech; for, he said, Ye are this day assembled to confound the detestable Heresy of the Verity of the Body of Christ in the Sacrament. This Mistake set the whole Assembly a laughing; but he recovered himself, and went on: he said, It was not lawful to call these things in doubt, since Christ had so expressly affirmed them, that to doubt of them, was to deny the Truth and Power of God. Then Chedsey urged Cranmer with the words, This is my Body: To which he answered, That the Sacrament was effectually Christ's Body, as broken on the Cross; that is, His Passion effectually applied. For the explanation of this, he offered a large Paper containing his Opinion: of which I need say nothing, since it is a short abstract of what he writ on that Head formerly; and of that a full account was given in the former Book. There followed a long Debate about these words. Oglethorp, Weston, and others, urged him much, that Christ making his Testament, must be supposed to speak Truth, and plain Truth; and they run out largely on that. Cranmer answered, That figurative Speeches are true; and when the Figures are clearly understood, they are then plain likewise. Many of Chrysostom's high Expressions about the Sacrament were also cited; which Cranmer said, were to be understood of the Spiritual Presence received by Faith. Uponthis much time was spent, the Prolocutor carrying himself very undecently towards him, calling him, an unlearned, unskilful, and impudent Man: There were also many in the Assembly that often hissed him down, so that he could not be heard at all; which he seemed to take no notice of but went on as often as the noise ceased. Then they cited Tertullian's words, The Flesh is fed by the Body and Blood of Christ, that so the Soul may be nourished by God. But he turned this against them, and said, hereby it was plain, the Body as well as the Soul received Food in the Sacrament; therefore the Substance of Bread and Wine must remain, since the Body could not be fed by that Spiritual Presence of the Body of Christ. Tresham put this Argument to him, Christ said, as he lived by the Father, so they that eat his Flesh should live by him; but he is by his Substance united to his Father, therefore Christians must be united to his Substance: To this Cranmer answered, That the Similitude did not import an equality, but a likeness of some sort; Christ is essentially united to his Father; but Believers are united to him by Grace; and that in Baptism, as well as in the Eucharist. Then they talked long of some words of Hilary's, Ambrose's, and Justin's. Then they charged him, as having mistranslated some of the Passages of the Fathers in his Book; from which he vindicated himself, saying, that he had all his Life, in all manner of things, hated falsehood.  
After the Dispute had lasted from the Morning till two of the Clock, it was broke up: and there was no small Triumph, as if Cranmer had been confounded in the Opinion of all the Hearers, which they had expressed by their Laughter and Hissing. There were Notaries that took every thing that was said; from whose Books Fox did afterwards print the account of it, that is in his great Volume.  
The next day Ridley 
And Ridley.  was brought out; and Smith, who was spoke of in the former Book, was now very zealous to redeem the prejudice which that compliance was like to be to him in his Preferment: So he undertook to dispute this day. Ridley began with a Protestation, declaring, That whereas he had been formerly of another mind from what he was then to maintain, he had changed upon no worldly consideration, but merely for love of the Truth, which he had gathered out of the Word of God, and the Holy Fathers: but because it was God's Cause he was then to maintain, he protested that he might have leave afterwards to add, or to change, as upon better consideration he should see cause for it. He also desired he might have leave to speak his mind without interruption; which though it was promised him, yet he was often stopped, as he went on explaining his Doctrine. He argued against the Corporal Presence, as being contrary to the Scriptures that spoke of Christ's leaving the World; as being against the Article of his sitting at the right hand of God; and against the nature of the Sacrament, which is a Remembrance; he shown, that by it the Wicked receive Christ no less than the Godly; that it is against nature to swallow down a living Man; that this Doctrine introduced many extraordinary Miracles, without any necessity; and must have given advantage to the Heretics, who denied Christ had a real Body, or a true humane Nature; and that it was contrary to the Doctrine of the Fathers: He acknowledged that it was truly the Communion of his Body, that is, of Christ's Death, and of the Heavenly Life given by him: and did, in a strong nervous Discourse, as any I ever saw on that Subject, gather together the chief Arguments for his Opinion.  
Smith argued, That notwithstanding Christ's being at the right Hand of God, he was seen on Earth: Ridley said, he did not deny but he might come and appear on Earth, but that was for a moment, to convince some, and comfort others, as St. Paul, and St. Stephen; though, he said, it might be they saw him in Heaven; but he could not be, at the same time, both in Heaven and on Earth. They returned oft to Chrysostom's words, and pressed him with some of Bernard's: but as he answered the Say of the former, that they were Rhetorical and Figurative; so he excepted against the judgement of the latter, as living in an Age when their Opinion was generally received. The Dispute held till Weston grew weary, and stopped all; saying, You see the obstinate, vainglorious, crafty, and inconstant mind of this Man; but you see also the force of Truth cannot be shaken; therefore cry but with me, Truth has the Victory. This being echoed again by the Audience, they went away with great Triumph; and now they reckoned the hardest part of their Work was over, since Latimer only remained.  
Latimer 
And Latimer.  being next day brought forth, told them, He had not used Latin much these twenty Years, and was not able to Dispute, but he would declare his Faith, and then they might do as they pleased. He declared, That he thought the Presence of Christ in the Sacrament to be only Spiritual, since it is that by which we obtain Eternal Life, which flows only from Christ's abiding in us by Faith; therefore it is not a bare naked sign: but for the Corporal Presence, he looked on it as the Root of all the other Errors in their Church: He enlarged much against the Sacrifice of the Mass: And lamented that they had changed the Communion into a private Mass; that they had taken the Cup away from the People; and instead of Service in a known Tongue, were bringing the Nation to a Worship that they did not understand. He perceived they laughed at him; but he told them, they were to consider his great Age, and to think what they might be when they came to it. They pressed him much to answer their Arguments: He said, his Memory was gone, but his Faith was grounded on the Word of God; he was fully convinced by the Book which Dr. Cranmer had written on that Subject.  
In this whole Disputation, as Ridley wrote of it, 
Censures past upon it.  there was great disorder, perpetual Shouting, Taunt, and Reproaches; so that it looked liker a Stage, than a School of Divines; and the Noise and Confusions, with which he had been much offended when he was in the Sorbone, were modest, compared to this.  
On April 28, they were again brought to St. Mary's; where Weston told them, They were overcome in the Disputation, therefore he required them to subscribe with the rest. Cranmer objected against their way of Disputing; he said, they would not hear any one argue against their Errors, or defend the Truth; that oftentimes four or five of them were speaking at once, so that it was impossible for any to hear, or to answer all these: In conclusion, he refused to subscribe. Ridley and Latimer made the same Answers. So they were all judged Heretics, and the Fautors of Heresy. Then they were asked, Whether they intended to turn? They answered, That they would not turn: so they were judged Obstinate Heretics, and declared to be no more Members of the Church.  
Upon which Cramer answered; From this your Judgement and Sentence, I appeal to the just judgement of Almighty God, trusting to be present with him in Heaven, for whose Presence on the Altar I am thus condemned.  
Ridley answered; Although I be not of your Company, yet I doubt not but my Name is written in another Place, whither this Sentence will send us sooner than we should by the course of Nature have come.  
Latimer answered; I thank God most hearty that he hath prolonged my Life to this end, that I may in this case glorify God with this kind of Death.  
To them Weston answered; If you go to Heaven with this Faith, ' then I will never come thither, as I am thus persuaded.  
After this, there was a solemn Procession in Oxford, the Host being carried by Weston the Prolocutor; who had been (as himself said in this Disputation) six Years in Prison in King Edward's Time. This gave him now great repute, though he was known to be a constant Drunkard. Ridley wrote to him, desiring to see what the Notaries had written, and that he might have leave to add in any part, as had been promised him; but he had no Answer. On the 23d of April, the Commissioners, sent from the Convocation, returned to London. Cranmer sent a Petition sealed, by Weston, to be delivered to the Council; in which he earnestly begged their favour with the Queen, that he might be pardoned for his Treason, since they knew how unwillingly he consented to the Patents for excluding her. He also complained of the disorder in the Disputes lately had; saying, that he was not heard, nor suffered to propose his Arguments; but all was shuffled up in a day, though he had Matter on that Subject for twenty days work; that it looked like a Design to shut up all things in haste, and make a Triumph, and so to condemn them of Heresy: He left it to their Wisdom to consider, if this was an indifferent way of handling such a Matter. Weston carried this Petition half way, and then opening it, and finding what it contained, he sent it back, and said, he would deliver no such Petition. Cranmer was so kept, that though Ridley and Latimer could send to one another, yet it was not easy for them to send to him, without giving Money to their Keepers. In one of Ridley's Letters to Cranmer, he said, he heard they intended to carry down Rogers, Crome, and Bradford, to Cambridg, and to make such a Triumph there, as he had lately made of them at Oxford: He trusted, the day of their deliverance out of all their Miseries, and of their entrance into perpetual Rest, and perpetual Joy and Felicity, drew nigh: He prayed God to strengthen them with the mighty Spirit of his Grace: He desired Cranmer to pray for him, as he also did for Cranmer. As for the Letters which these and the other Prisoners writ in their Imprisonment, Fox gathered the Originals from all People that had them: and Sir Walter Mildmay, the Founder of Emanuel College, procured them from him, and put them into the Library of that College, where I saw them: but they are all printed by Fox, so that the Reader, who desires to see them, may find them in his Acts and Monuments. Of them all, Ridley writ with the greatest connexion and force, both in the Matter, and in the way of Expression.  

The Prisoners in London set out in writing their Reasons against disputing by word of mouth.  This being now over, there was great boasting among all the Popish Party, as if the Champions of the Reformation had been foiled. The Prisoners in London hearing they intended to insult over them, as they had done over those at Oxford, set out a Paper, to which the late Bishops of Exeter, St. david's, and Gloucester, with Tailor, Philpot, Bradford, Crome, Sanders, Rogers, and Laurence, set their Hands, on the 8th of May.  
The substance of it was; That they, being Prisoners, neither as Rebels, Traitors, nor Transgressor's of any Law, but merely for their Conscience to God and his Truth, hearing it was intended to carry them to Cambridg to dispute, declared they would not dispute, but in Writing, except it were before the Queen and her Council, or before either of the Houses of Parliament: and that for these Reasons.  
1. It was clear, that the Determinations of the Universities were already made; they were their open Enemies, and had already condemned their Cause before they had heard it, which was contrary both to the Word of God, and the Determinations they had made in King Edward's Time.  
2. They saw the Prelates and Clergy were seeking neither to find out the Truth, nor to do them good, otherwise they would have heard them, when they might have declared their Consciences without hazard; but that they sought only their destruction, and their own glory.  
3. They saw that those who were to be the Judges of these Disputes, were their inveterate Enemies; and by what passed in the Convocation House last Year, and lately at Oxford, they saw how they must expect to be used.  
4. They had been kept long Prisoners, some nine or ten months, without Books, or Papers, or convenient places of study.  
5. They knew they should not be heard to speak their minds fully, but should be stopped, as their Judges pleased.  
6. They could not have the nomination of their Notaries, who would be so chosen, that they would write and publish what their Enemies had a mind to. Therefore they would not engage in public Disputes, except by Writing: but they would give a Summary of their Faith, for which they would be ready to offer up their Lives to the Halter, or the Fire, as God should appoint.  
They declared, That they believed the Scriptures to be the true Word of God, and the Judge of all Controversies in the Matters of Religion; and that the Church is to be obeyed, as long as she follows this Word. That they believed the Apostles Creed; and those Creeds set out by the Councils of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon, and by the first and fourth Councils of Toledo; and the Symbols of Athanasius, Ireneus, Tertullian, and Damasus. That they believed Justification by Faith; which Faith was not only an Opinion, but a certain persuasion wrought by the Holy Ghost, which did illuminate the Mind, and suppled the Heart to submit itself unfeignedly to God. That they acknowledged an Inherent Righteousness, yet Justification, and the Pardon of Sins, they believed came only by Christ's Righteousness imputed to them. They thought the Worship of God ought to be in a Tongue understood by the People; that Christ only, and not the Saints, were to be prayed to; that immediately after Death, the Souls pass either to the State of the Blessed, or of the Damned, without any Purgatory between; that Baptism and the Lord's Supper are the Sacraments of Christ, which ought to be administered according to his Institution: and therefore they condemned the denying the Chalice, Transubstantiation, the Adoration, or the Sacrifice of the Mass; and asserted the lawfulness of Marriage to every Rank of Men. These things they declared they were ready to defend, as they often had before offered: and concluded, charging all People to enter into no Rebellion against the Queen, but to obey her in all Points, except where her Commands were contrary to the Law of God.  
In the end of this Month, the Lady Elizabeth was taken out of the Tower, and put into the Custody of the Lord Williams; who waited on her to Woodstock, and treated her with great civility, and all the respect due to her Quality: but this not being so acceptable to those who governed, she was put under the Charge of Sir Hen. Benefield, by whom she was more roughly handled.  
On the 20th of July, Prince Philip landed at Southampton. 
Prince Philip Lands.  When he set foot to Land first, he presently drew his Sword, and carried it a good way naked in his Hand. Whether this was one of the Forms of his Country, I know not: but it was interpreted as an Omen, that he intended to Rule England with the Sword: though others said, it shown, he intended to draw his Sword in defence of the Nation. The Mayor of Southampton brought him the Keys of the Town, an expression of Duty always paid to our Princes; he took them from him, and gave them back without speaking a word, or expressing by any sign that he was pleased with it. His stiffness amazed the English, who use to be treated by their Kings with great sweetness on such occasions: and so much gravity in so young a Man was not understood, but was looked on as a sign of vast pride and moroseness. The Queen met him at Winchester; 
And is married to the Queen.  where, on the 25th of July, Gardiner married them in the Cathedral, the King being then in the 27th, and the Queen in the 38th Year of her Age. They were presented from the Emperor by his Ambassador, with a resignation of his Titular Kingdom of Jerusalem, and his more valuable one of Naples, which were Pledges of that total resignation that followed not long after.  
So on the 27th of July they were proclaimed by their new Titles; Philip and Mary, King and Queen of England, France, Naples, Jerusalem, and Ireland; Princes of Spain and Sicily, Defendors of the Faith; Archduke's of Austria; Dukes of Milan, Burgundy, and Brabant; Counts of Habspurg, Flanders, and Tirol: Spain having always delighted in a long enumeration of pompous Titles.  
It was observed, how happy Marriages had been to the Austrian Family; who, from no extraordinary Beginnings, had now, in eighty Years time, been raised by two Marriages; first, with the Heir of Burgundy and the Netherlands, and then with the Heir of Spain, to be the greatest Family in Christendom: and the Collateral Family, by the Marriage of the Heir of Bohem and Hungary, was now the greatest in the Empire. And surely if Issue had followed this Marriage, the most extraordinary success possible would have seemed to be entailed on them. But there was no great appearance of that; for as the Queen was now far advanced in Years, so she was in no good state of Health; a long course of Discontent, had corrupted both the health of her Body, and the temper of her Mind: Nor did the Matter alter much by her Marriage, except for the worse. The King's wonderful Gravity and Silence, gained nothing upon the English; but his Magnificence and Bounty was very acceptable. He brought after him a vast Mass of Wealth; 
He brings a great Treasure with him to England.  seven and twenty Chests of Bullion, every Chest being a Yard and some Inches long; which were drawn in twenty Carts to the Tower; after which came ninety nine Horse, and two Carts, loaded with coined Gold and Silver. This great Wealth was perhaps the Sum that was formerly mentioned, which was to be distributed among the English; for it is not improbable, that though he empowred his Ambassadors, and Gardiner, to promise great Sums to such as should promote his Marriage, yet that he would not part with so much Money till it was made sure; and therefore he ordered this Treasure to be brought after him; (I mention it here, yet it came not into England till October and January following) He made his entry into London with great state.  
At his first settling in England, he obtained of the Queen, 
Act of Favour done by him.  that many Prisoners should be set at Liberty; among whom the chief were, the Archbishop of York, and ten Knights, with many other Persons of Quality. These, I suppose, had been committed, either for Wiat's Rebellion, or the Business of the Lady Jane; for I do not believe, any were discharged that were imprisoned on the account of Religion. As for this Archbishop, though he went along in the Reformation, yet I find nothing that gives any great Character of him. I never saw any Letter of his, nor do I remember to have seen any honourable mention made of him any where; so that he seems to have been a soft and weak Man; and except those little Fragments of his Opinions in some Points about the Mass, (which are in the Collection) I know no remains of his Pen. It seems he did at this time comply in Matters of Religion, for without that, it is not probable that either Philip would have moved for him, or that the Queen would have been easily entreated.  
The Intercessions that Philip made for the Lady Elizabeth, 
He preserves the Lady Elizabeth.  and the Earl of Devonshire, did gain him the Hearts of the Nation, more than any thing else that he ever did. Gardiner was much set against them, and studied to bear down the declaration that Wyatt had made of their Innocency all that he could; but it was made so openly on the Scaffold, that it was not possible to suppress it. Before, in his Examinations, Wyatt had accused them, hoping to have saved himself by so base an Action; but he redeemed it all he could at his Death. This had broken Gardiner's Design, who thought all they did about Religion, was but half work, unless the Lady Elizabeth were destroyed. For he knew, that though she complied in many things, yet her Education had been wholly under the Reformed: and which was more to him, who judged all People by their Interest, he reckoned that Interest must make her declare against the Papacy, (since otherwise she was a Bastard) if ever she should outlive her Sister.  
Philip opposed this, at first, upon a generous Account, to recommend himself, by obtaining such Acts of Favour to be done by the Queen. But afterwards, when the hopes of Issue failed him by his Marriage, he preserved her, out of Interest of State: for if she had been put out of the way, the Queen of Scotland (that was to be married to the Dolphin) was to succeed; which would have made too great an Accession to the French Crown: and besides, as it afterwards appeared, he was not without hopes of persuading her to marry himself, if her Sister should die without Issue. For the Earl of Devonshire, he more easily obtained his freedom, though not till some months had passed. That Earl being set at liberty, finding he was to lie under perpetual Distrusts, and that he might be, perhaps upon the first Disorder, again put into the Tower, to which his Stars seemed to condemn him, resolved to go beyond Sea; but died within a Year after, as some say, of Poison.  
All this I have laid together, (though it fell not out all at once) that I might give a full account of all the Acts of Grace that Philip did in England; 
He was little beloved by the English.  But for the rest of his Behaviour, it was no way acceptable to the People, for as he engaged the Nation in all his Interests, so that henceforth, during this Reign, England had no share in the Consultations of Europe, but was blindly led by him, which proved fatal to them in the conclusion, by the ignominious loss of Calais; So his temper and way of deportment seemed most ridiculous, and extravagantly formal, to the English Genius, which naturally loves the mean, between the excessive jollity and talkativeness of the French, and the sullen staiedness of the Spaniard; rather inclining more to the briskness of the one, than the superciliousness of the other: And indeed his Carriage was such here, that the acting him and his Spaniards, was one of the great Diversions of Queen Elizabeth's Court. The Hall of the Court was almost continually shut all his Time, and none could have access, unless it were first demanded, with as much formality as Ambassadors use in ask Audience: So that most of the Nobility left the Court, few staying but the Officers of the Household.  

Gardiner magnifies him much in a Sermon.  Gardiner had now the Government put entirely in his Hands; And he, to make his Court the better with the new King, preached at St. Paul's the 30th of September, where, after he had inveighed long against the Preachers in King Edward's Time, which was the common Subject of all their Sermons, he run out much in commendation of the King; affirming him to be as wise, sober, gentle, and temperate, as any Prince that ever was in England; and if he did not prove so, he was content that all his Hearers should esteem him an impudent Lyar. The State of the Court continued in this posture till the next Parliament.  
But great Discontents did now appear . The severe Executions after the last rising, the Marriage with Spain, and the overturning of Religion, concurred to alienate the Nation from the Government. This appeared no where more confidently than in Norfolk, where the People, reflecting on their Services, thought they might have the more leave to speak.  
There were some malicious Rumours spread, that the Queen was with Child before the King came over. This was so much resented at Court, that the Queen writ a Letter to the Justices there, (which is in the Collection) to inquire into those false Reports, and to look to all that spread false News in the County. 
Coll. Numb. 14.  The Earl of Sussex, upon this, examined a great many, but could make nothing out of it. It flowed from the officiousness of Hopton, the new Bishop of Norwich; who thought to express his Zeal to the Queen, whose Chaplain he had long been, by sending up the Tales of the Country to the Council Table; not considering how much it was below the Dignity of the Government, to look after all vain Reports.  

Bonner's Carriage in his Visitation.  This Summer the Bishops went their Visitations, to see every thing executed according to the Queen's Injunctions. Bonner went his with the rest. He had ordered his Chaplains to draw a Book of Homilies, with an Exposition of the Christian Religion. He says, in his Preface to it, that he and his Chaplains had compiled it; but it is likely he had only the Name of it, and that his Chaplains composed it. Yet the greatest, and indeed, the best part of it was made to their hands, for it was taken out of the Institution of a Christian Man, set out by King Henry; only varied in those Points, in which it differed from what they were now about to set up: So that concerning the Pope's Power, since it was not yet established, he says nothing, for, or against it.  
The Articles upon which he made his Visitation, will be found in the Collection, 
Coll. Numb. 15.  and by these we may judge of all the other Visitations over England. In the Preface, he protests he had not made his Articles out of any secret grudge or displeasure to any; but merely for the discharge of his Conscience towards God and the World. The Articles were; Whether the Clergy did so behave themselves in Living, Teaching, and Doing, that in the judgement of indifferent Men, they seemed to seek the Honour of God, of the Church, and of the King and Queen? Whether they had been Married, or were taken for Married? and whether they were Divorced, and did no more come at their Wives? or whether they did defend their Marriages? Whether they did reside, keep Hospitality, provide a Curate in their absence? And whether they did devoutly celebrate the Service, and use Processions? Whether they were suspect of Heresy? Whether they did haunt Alehouses and Taverns, Bowling-Allies, or suspect Houses? Whether they favoured, or kept company with any suspect of Heresy? Whether any Priest lived in the Parish, that absented himself from Church? Whether these kept any private Conventicles? Whether any of the Clergy was Vicious, blasphemed God or his Saints, or was guilty of Simony? Whether they exhorted the People to Peace and Obedience? Whether they admitted any to the Sacrament, that was suspect of Heresy, or was of an ill Conversation, an Oppressor, or Evil-Doer? Whether they admitted any to preach that were not licenced, or refused such as were? Whether they did officiate in English? Whether they did use the Sacraments aright? Whether they visited the Sick, and administered the Sacraments to them? Whether they did marry any, without ask the Banes three Sundays? Whether they observed the Fasts and holidays? Whether they went in their Habits and Tonsures? Whether those that were ordained schismatically, did officiate without being admitted by the Ordinary? Whether they set Leases, for many Years, of their Benefices? Whether they followed Merchandise or Usury? Whether they carried Swords or Daggers, in Times or Places not convenient? Whether they did once every quarter expound to the People in the Vulgar Tongue, the Apostles Creed, Ten Commandments; the Two Commandments of Christ for loving God and our Neighbour, the Seven Works of Mercy, Seven deadly Sins, Seven principal Virtues, and the Seven Sacraments? These were the most considerable Heads on which he visited.  
One thing is remarkable, that it appears, both by these, 
No Reordination of those ordained in King Edwards Time.  and the Queen's Injunctions, that they did not pretend to re-ordain those that had been ordained by the New Book in King Edward's Time; but to reconcile them, and add those things that were wanting; which were, the Anointing, and giving the Priestly Vestments, with other Rites of the Roman Pontifical. In this Point of re-ordaining such as were ordained in Heresy or Schism, the Church of Rome has not gone by any steady Rule: For though they account the Greek Church to be guilty, both of Heresy and Schism, they receive their Priests without a New Ordination. Yet after the time of the Contests between Pope Nicolaus and Photius, and much more after the outrageous heats at Rome, between Sergius and Formosus, in which the dead Bodies of the former Popes were raised and dragged about the Streets by their Successors, they annulled the Ordinations, which they pretended were made irregularly.  
Afterwards again, upon the great Schism between the Popes of Rome and Avignon, they did neither annul nor renew the Orders that had been given: But now, in England, though they only supplied at this time the Defects, which they said were in their former Ordination: yet afterwards, whe● they proceeded to burn them that were in Orders, they went upon the old Maxim; That Orders given in Schism were not valid 〈◊〉 they did not esteem Hooper nor Ridley Bishops, and therefore only degraded them from Priesthood; though they had been ordained by their own Forms, saving only the Oath to the Pope; but for those who were ordained by the new Book, they did not at all degrade them, supposing northey had no true Orders by it.  
Bonner, in his Visitation, took great care to see all things were every where done according to the old Rules, which was the main thing intended; other Points being put in for form. When he came to Hadham, he prevented the Doctor, who did not expect him so soon by two hours, so that there was no ringing of Bells, which put him in no small disorder: And that was much increased, when he went into the Church, and found neither the Sacrament hanging up, nor a Rood set up: thereupon he fell a railing, swearing most intemperately, calling the Priest an Heretic, a Knave, with many other such goodly words. The Priest said, all these things should be amended speedily; and knowing that a good Dinner was the best way to temper Bishop Bonner, he desired him to go and dine at his House: but Bonner took it so ill, 
Bonner's rage.  that Hadham, which was one of his own Churches, was an ill Example to those about it, that he lost all patience; and reaching at Dr. Bricket (that was the Parson's Name) to beat him, he misguided the stroke, which fell on Sir Thomas Josselin's Ear with great force. Fecknam, than Dean of Paul's in Dr. May's room, studied to appease Josselin, and said to him, That the Bishop's being so long in the Marshalsea, had so disordered him, that in his Passion he knew not what he did; but when he came to himself, he would be sorry for what he had done. Josselin answered, he thought, now that he was taken out of the Marshalsea, he should be carried to Bedlam. But Bonner continued in his Fury; and though he had purposed to stay at his House there some days, and had ordered Provisions to be made; yet he would needs be gone, though it disordered the rest of his Visitation, for he came to every place sooner than he intended, or had given notice.  
The Carvers, and makers of Statues, had now a quick Trade, for Roods and other Images, which were to be provided for all Places. Bonner had observed, that in most Churches the Walls were painted with places of Scripture; and in many places there were Passages written, that either favoured the Marriage of the Clergy, or were against the Corporal Presence, and the Sacrifice of the Mass, and the multiplicity of the Ceremonies of the Church: So he did, at his return, send out Episcopal Letters, on the 24th of October, to raze all those Paintings. Upon this it was generally said, That the Scriptures must be dashed out to make way for the Images, since they were so contrary one to another, that they could not decently stand together. There were many ludicrous things every where done in derision of the old Forms, and of the Images: Many Poems were printed, with other ridiculous Representations of the Latin Service, and the Pageantry of their Worship. But none occasioned more laughter, than what fell out at Paul's the Easter before; the custom being to lay the Sacrament into the Sepulchre, at the Even Song on Good-Friday, and to take it out by break of day on Easter Morning: At the time of the taking of it out, the Choir sung these words, Surrexit, non est hic, He is risen, he is not here: 
The Sacrament stolen.  But then the Priest looking for the Host, found it was not there indeed, for one had stolen it out; which put them all in no small disorder, but another was presently brought in its stead. Upon this a Ballad followed, that their God was stolen and lost, but a new one was made in his room. This Raillery was so salt, that it provoked the Clergy much. They offered large Rewards to discover him that had stolen the Host, or had made the Ballad, but could not come to the knowledge of it. But they resolved, e'er long, to turn that mirth and pleasantness of the Heretics, into severe mourning.  
And thus Matters went on to the 11th of November, 
A New Parliament.  when the third Parliament was summoned. In the Writ of Summons, the Title of Supreme Head of the Church was left out, though it was still by Law united to the other Royal Titles: And therefore this was urged, in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, as a good reason for annulling that Parliament, since it was not called by a lawful Writ. Now was Cardinal Pool allowed to come into England. The Emperor had this Summer brought him to Flanders, where, to make a-mends for the rudeness of stopping him on his way, he desired him to mediate a Peace between France and him; but that had no effect. It soon appeared, that all things were so well prepared by Gardiner's Policy; and the Spanish Gold, that it would be an easy Matter to carry every thing in this Session. The Lord Paget, and the Lord Hastings, were sent from the King and Queen to bring the Cardinal over. At the opening of the Parliament, it was an unusual sight, to see both King and Queen ride in state, and come into it with two Swords of State, and two Caps of Maintenance carried before them: The Swords were carried, one by the Earl of Pembroke, the other by the Earl of Westmoreland; and the Caps, by the Earls of Arundel and Shrewsbury. The first Bill put into the Lord's House, was the Repeal of the Attainder of Cardinal Pool: 
The Attainder of Cardinal Pool repealed.  it began on the 17th, and was sent down to the Commons on the 19th, who read it three times in one day, and sent it up. This Bill being to be passed before he could come into England, it was questioned, in the House of Commons, Whether the Bill could be passed without making a Session, which would necessitate a Prorogation? It was resolved it might be done; so on the 22d the King and Queen came, and passed it. It set forth, that the only reason of his Attainder, was, because he would not consent to the unlawful Separation and Divorce between King Henry, and his most godly, virtuous, and lawful Wife, Queen Katherine: Therefore they considering the true and sincere Conscience of the Cardinal in that Point, and his other many godly Virtues and Qualities, did repeal that Act.  

He comes to Eondon.  On the 24th he came to London, but without the Solemnities of a Legates Entry, because the Pope's Authority was not yet set up by Law. What Cardinal Pool, Instructions were, I do not know; nor is it fully understood, by Learned Men, what was the Power of a Legate a Latere in those Days. But I found, in the King's Paper Office, the Original Bull of Cardinal Beaton's Legatine Power in Scotland, which it seems was intercepted by some of the King's Ships, in the passage b● Sea thither; or was sent up to London by those who killed him, an● possessed themselves of his Castle and Goods. And I having mentioned this Bull to those Learned Men, by whose direction I have governed myself in this Work, I did, by their advice, give it a room in the Collection, 
Col. Number 17.  though it be large; since, no doubt, Cardinal Pool's Bull was in the same form. In it the Reader will clearly perceive what Autho●i●● was lodged in the Legates, to overthrow and dispense with almost all t●● Rules and Canons of the Church; only some peculiar things, (which were more conspicuously scandalous) were still reserved to the Apostolic See itself; whose singular Privilege it has been always esteemed to dispense with the best things, and allow of the worst; so the Pretenders to those Graces, paid proportionably for them; this Authority was too Sacred to be trusted, even to a Legate, it being the Prerogative of the Popes themselves, to be the most eminent Transgressor's of all Canons and Constitutions.  
The Cardinal first declared what his Designs and Powers were to the King and Queen; and then on the 27th a Message was sent to the Parliament to come and hear him deliver his Legation; which they doing, he made them a long Speech, 
And makes a Speech to the Parliament.  inviting them to a Reconciliation with the Apostolic See, from whence he was sent by the common Pastor of Christendom, to reduce them, who had long strayed from the Enclosure of t●● Church. This made some emotion in the Queen, which she fond thought was a Child quickened in her Belly: this redoubled the Joy, some not sparing to say, 
The Queen is believed to be with Child.  that as John Baptist leapt in his Mother's Belly at the Salutation of the Virgin, so here a happy Omen followed on this Salutation from Christ's Vicar. In this, her Women, seeing that she firmly believed herself with Child, flattered her so far, that they fully persuaded her of it. Notice was given of it to the Council, who that night writ a Letter to Bonner about it, ordering a Te Deum to be sung at St. Paul's, and the other Churches of London, and that Collects should be constantly used for bringing this to a happy perfection. All that night, and next day, there was great joy about the Court and City.  
On the 29th, the Speaker reported to the Commons the substance of the Cardinal's Speech; and a Message coming from the Lords for a Conference of some of their House, with the Lord Chancellor, four Earls, four Bishops, and four Lords, to prepare a Supplication for their being reconciled to the See of Rome; it was consented to: and the Petition being agreed on at the Committee, was reported, and approved of by both Houses. It contained an Address to the King and Queen.   engraved portrait of Cardinal Reginald Pole 
EFFIGIES REGINALDI POLI CARDINALIS.  R White sculp:  engraved coat of arms 
Natus Anno 1500. Maij. cc Cardinalis. S. Marioe in Cosmedin 1536. Maij 22  
Consecr: Archiepisc: Cantuariensis, 1555/6. Mar: 22. Obijt 1558. Nov: 17.  
Printed for Rich: Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church yard.  
That whereas they had been guilty of a most horrible Defection and Schism from the Apostolic See, 
The Parliaments Petition to be reconciled to the See of Rome.  they did now sincerely repent of it; and in sign of their Repentance, were ready to repeal all the Laws made in prejudice of that See: therefore since the King and Queen had been no way defiled by their Schism, they pray them to be Intercessors with the Legate to grant them Absolution, and to receive them again into the Bosom of the Church.  
So this being presented by both Houses on their Knees, to the King and Queen, they made their Intercession with the Cardinal, who thereupon delivered himself in a long Speech.  
He thanked the Parliament for repealing the Act against him, 
The Cardinal makes a long Speech.  and making him a Member of the Nation, from which he was by that Act cut off: In recompense of which, he was now to reconcile them to the Body of the Church. He told them, The Apostolic See cherished Britain most tenderly, as the first Nation that had publicly received the Christian Faith. The Saxons were also afterwards converted by the means of that See; and some of their King's had been so devoted to it, that Offa, and others, had gone to visit the Thresholds of the Apostles. That Adrian the fourth, an English Pope, had given Ireland to the Crown of England: and that many mutual Marks of reciprocal kindness had passed between that common Father of Christendom, and our Kings, their most beloved Sons: but none more eminent than the bestowing on the late King, the Title of Defender of the Faith. He told them, That in the Unity with that See, consisted the happiness and strength of all Churches: that since the Greeks had separated from them, they had been abandoned by God, and were now under the Yoke of Mahometans. That the Distractions of Germany did further demonstrate this; but most of all, the Confusions themselves had felt, ever since they had broken that Bond of Perfection. That it was the Ambition and Craft of some, who for their private Ends began it, to which the rest did too submissively comply; and that the Apostolic See might have proceeded against them for it, by the assistance of other Princes; but had stayed looking for that Day, and for the Hand of Heaven. He run out much on the commendation of the Queen, and said, God had signally preserved her, to procure this great Blessing to the Church. At last he enjoined them for Penance, to repeal the Laws they had made; and so, in the Pope's Name, 
And grants them Absolution.  he granted them a full Absolution, which they received on their Knees; and he also absolved the whole Realm from all Censures.  
The rest of the day was spent with great solemnity and triumph; all that had been done, was published next Sunday at Paul's. There was a Committee appointed, by both Houses, to prepare the Statute of Repeal, which was not finished before the 25th of December; and then, the Bishop of London only protesting against it, because of a Proviso put in for the Lands which the Lord Wentworth had out of his Bishopric, it was agreed to, and sent to the Commons. They made more haste with it, for they sent it back the 4th of January, with a desire that twenty Lines in it, which concerned the See of London, and the Lord Wentworth, might be put out, and two new Provisoes added. One of their Provisoes was not liked by the Lords, who drew a new one; to which the Viscount Montacute, and the Bishops of London and Coventry, dissented. The twenty Lines of the Lord Wentworth's Proviso were not put out; but the Lord Chancellor took a Knife, and cut them out of the Parchment, and said, Now I do truly the Office of a Chancellor; the word being ignorantly derived by some from Cancelling. It is not mentioned in the Journal, that this was done by the Order of the House; but that must be supposed, otherwise it cannot be thought the Parliament would have consented to so unlimited a Power in the Lord Chancellor, as to raze or cut out Provisoes at his pleasure.  

The Act of Repealing all Laws against that See.  By the Act is set forth, their former Schism from the See of Rome, and their Reconciliation to it now; upon which, all Acts passed since the 20th of Henry the Eighth, against that See, were specially enumerated and repealed: There it is said, that for the removing of all Grudges that might arise, they desired that the following Articles might, through the Cardinal's Intercession, be established by the Pope's Authority.  
1. That all Bishoprics, Cathedrals, or Colleges, now established, might be confirmed for ever.  
2. That Marriages, made within such degrees as are not contrary to the Law of God, but only to the Laws of the Church, might be confirmed, and the Issue by them declared legitimate.  
3. ' That all Institutions into Benefices might be confirmed.  
4. ' That all Judicial Processes might be also confirmed.  

A Proviso for Church-Lands.  And finally, That all the Settlements of the Lands, of any Bishoprics, Monasteries, or other Religious Houses, might continue as they were, without any trouble by the Ecclesiastical Censures or Laws.  
And to make this pass the better, a Petition was procured from the Convocation of Canterbury, 
A Petition from the Convocation about it.  setting forth, That whereas they, being the Defenders and Guardians of the Church, aught to endeavour, with all their strength, to recover those Goods to the Church, which in the Time of the late Schism had been, alienated; yet having considered well of it, they saw how difficult, and indeed impossible, that would prove, and how much it would endanger the public Peace of the Realm, and the Unity of the Church; therefore they preferring the public Welfare, and the Salvation of Souls, to their own private Interests, did humbly pray the King and Queen to intercede with the Legate, that according to the Powers given him by the Pope, he would settle and confirm all that had been done in the alienation of the Church and Abbey Lands, to which they, for their Interests, did consent: and they added an humble Desire, That those things which concerned the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and Liberty, might be re-established, that so they might be able to discharge the Pastoral Cure committed to them. Upon this, the Cardinal granted a full Confirmation of those things: ending it, with a heavy charge on those who had the Goods of the Church in their hands, that they would consider the Judgements of God that fell on Belshazar, for his profane using the Holy Vessels, though they had not been taken away by himself, but by his Father. And he most earnestly exhorted them, that at least they would take care, that out of the Tithes of Parsonages, or Vicarages, those who served the Cures, might be sufficiently maintained and encouraged. This was confirmed in Parliament, where also it was declared, That all Suits about these Lands, were only to be in the Queen's Courts, and not in the Ecclesiastical Courts: and if any should, upon the pretence of any Ecclesiastical Authority, disturb the Subjects in their possession, they were to fall into a Praemunire. It was also declared, that the Title of Supreme Head, never of right belonged to the Crown; yet all Writings, wherein it was used, were still to continue in force; but that hereafter, all Writings should be of force, in which, either since the Queen's coming to the Crown, or afterwards, that Title should be, or had been omitted. It was also declared, that Bulls from Rome might be executed; that all Exemptions that had belonged to Religious Houses, and had been continued by the Grants given of them, were repealed, and these Places were made subject to the Episcopal Jurisdiction, excepting only the Privileges of the two Universities, the Churches of Westminster and Windsor, and the Tower of London. But for encouraging any to bestow what they pleased on the Church, the Statutes of Mortmain were repealed for twenty Years to come; provided always, that nothing in this Act should be contrary to any of the Rights of the Crown, or the Ancient Laws of England: but that all things should be brought to the State they were in at the 20th Year of her Father's Reign, and to continue in that condition.  
For understanding this Act more perfectly, 
An Address made by ●he Inferior Clergy.  I shall next set down the Heads of the Address which the Lower House of Convocation made to the Upper; for most of the Branches of this Act had their first rise from it; I have put it in the Collection, 
Coll. Numb. 16.  having found it among Archbishop Parker's Papers. In it they petitioned the Lords of the Upper House of Convocation, to take care, that by their consent to the settlement of the Church Lands, nothing might be done in prejudice of any just Title they had in Law to them: as also, it being said, in the Grant of Chantries to King Edward, that Schools and Hospitals were to be erected in several parts of the Kingdom; they desired that some regard might be had to that: Likewise, that the Statutes of Mortmain might be repealed: and whereas Tithes had been at all times appointed for the Ecclesiastical Ministry, therefore they prayed that all Impropriations might be dissolved, and the Tithes be restored to the Church. They also proposed 27 Articles of things meet to be considered for the Reformation of the Church. Namely, That all who had preached any Heretical Doctrine, should be made openly to recant it: that Cranmers Book of the Sacrament, the late Service Books, with all Heretical Books, should be burnt; and all that had them, should be required to bring them in; otherwise they should be esteemed the favourers of Heresy: That great care should be had of the Books that were either printed or sold. That the Statutes made against Lollards, might be revived, and the Church restored to its former Jurisdiction. That all Statutes for Pluralities, and Nonresidence, might be repealed, that so Beneficed Men might attend on their Cures: That Simoniacal Pactions might be punished; not only in the Clergy that made them, but in the Patrons, and in those that mediated in them; that the Liberties of the Church might be restored according to the Magna Charta; and the Clergy be delivered from the heavy Burdens of First-Fruits, Tenths, and Subsidies: That there might be a clear explanation made of all the Articles of the Praemunire; and that none should be brought under it, till there were first a Prohibition issued out by the Queen in that Particular; and that disobedience to it, should only bring them within that Gild: That all Exemptions should be taken away; all Usury be forbid; all Clergy Men obliged to go in their Habits. The last was, That all who had spoiled Churches without any Warrant, might be obliged to make restitution.  

The Laws against Heretics revived.  The next Act that was brought in, was for the reviving the Statutes made by Richard the Second, Henry the Fourth, and Henry the Fifth, against Heretics; of which an account was given in the first Book of the former Part. The Act began in the House of Commons; who, as was observed in the former Parliament, were much set on Severities. It was brought in on the 12th of December, and sent up to the Lords on the 15th, who pasied it on the 18th of that month. The Commons put in also another Bill, for voiding all Leases made by married Priests. It was much argued among them; and the first Draught being rejected, a new one was drawn, and sent up to the Lords, on the 19th of December: but they finding it would shake a great part of the Rights of the Church Lands, that were made by Married Priests, or Bishops, laid it aside. Thus did the servile and corrupted House of Commons run so fast, that the Bishops themselves were forced to moderate their Heats. They all understood how much the Queen was set upon having the Church raised as high as could be, and saw there was nothing so effectual to recommend any to her Favour, as to move high in these Matters: And though their Motions were thought too violent, and rejected, yet their Affections were thereby discovered; so that they knew they should be looked on as Men deeply engaged in these Interests.  

An Act declaring Treasons.  After this, the Bill of Treasons was brought in. This was also argued for some days in the House of Commons, but at last agreed to. By it, any who denied the King's Right to the Title of the Crown, with the Queen's, or endeavoured to put him from it, together with them that did several other Offences, were to forfeit all their Goods, and to be imprisoned during Life; and Clergy Men were to be deprived by their Ordinaries: In these cases, the second Offence was to be Treason. But if any should compass the King's Death, and utter it by any overt Deed, during his Marriage to the Queen, the first Offence of this kind should be Treason. It was also enacted, that the Parliament having petitioned the King, that if the Queen died with any Issue, he would take on him the Government of them, till they came of Age; to which he had assented; therefore, if the Queen died before her Children came to be of Age, the Government of the Kingdom should be in the King's Hands; if it were a Son, till he were eighteen; or if a Daughter, till she was fifteen Years of Age: And in all that time, the conspiring his Death was to be Treason. The Witnesses were to be brought before the Parties; and none was to be tried for any words, but within six months after they were spoken.  

Another against seditious words.  Another Act passed, upon a Report made of some Heretical Preachers, who had, as was informed, prayed in their Conventicles, that God would turn the Queen's Heart from Idolatry to the true Faith, or else shorten her days, and take her quickly out of the way: All therefore that so prayed for taking away the Queen's Life, were to be judged Traitors; but if they shown themselves penitent for such Prayers, they were not to be condemned of Treason, but put to any Corporal Punishment, other than Death, at the Judge's Discretion. This was passed in great haste, for it was thrice read in the House of Lords, and passed on the 16th of January, in which the Parliament was Dissolved.  
There was another Act past, against those that spread Lying Reports of any Noblemen, Judges, or great Officers; that such as spread them, should be imprisoned till they brought their Authors, according to former Acts. If any spread such Reports of the King and Queen, they were to be set on a Pillory, and pay 100 l. or have their Ears cut off, and be three months' Prisoners: and they were to pay 100 Marks, and suffer one months' Imprisonment, though they had Authors for them, if they reported them maliciously: But if their Reports tended to the stirring of any Insurrection, they were to lose their right Hands; and upon a second Offence to suffer Imprisonment during their Lives; but they were to be proceeded against within three months after the words so spoken.  
All the Bills being ended, the Parliament was dissolved on the 16th of January, to Gardiner's 
Gardiner is in great esteem.  not small joy. He had now performed all that he had undertaken to the Queen, or the Emperor: Upon which he had the Reputation that he was formerly in, of a great Statesman, and a dextrous manager of Affairs, much confirmed and raised; since he had brought about, in so small a time, so great a change, where the Interests of those who consented to it, seemed to lead them another wav. To those who had apprehended the Tyranny of Rome, he had said, That as our former Kings had always kept it under in a great measure; so there was less danger of that now, since they saw that all Princes had agreed to preserve their own Rights entire, against the Pope's Pretensions. He shown them, that therefore all the Old Laws against Provisions from Rome, were still kept in force. And so upon Cardinal Pool's being called over, there was a Commission sent him, under the Great Seal, bearing date the 10th of November, authorising him to exercise his Legatine Power in England. By this he shown them that no Legate should ever come into England to execute any Power, till his Faculties were seen and approved by the Queen. Others thought this was but a vain Imagination; for if the Papacy were once fully established, and People again brought under the old Superstition, of esteeming the Popes Christ's Vicars, and the infallible Heads of the Church, it would not be possible to retain the People in their Obedience, since all the assistance that the Princes of Christendom of this time had from their Subjects in their Wars with the Popes, flowed chief from this, that they generally did no more submit implicitly to their Priests. But if once that blind Obedience were restored, it would be easy for the Priests, by their private deal in Confession, to overturn Governments as they pleased.  
But that which stuck most, was, That the Church Lands were, 
Great fear about the Church-Lands.  by the Cannon Law, so indissolubly annexed to the Church, that they could not be separated from it. To this it was answered, that they should secure it by a Law at Rome, and should confirm all the Alienations that had been made, both by consent of the Clergy, and by the Pope's Authority committed to the Legat. Yet even that did not satisfy many who found some Laws in the Canon, so strict, that the Pope himself could not dispense with them: If the Legate did it, the Pope might refuse to confirm it, and then it was nothing: and what one Pope did, another often recalled. So it was said, that this Confirmation was but an Artifice, to make it pass the more easily. Besides, all observed, that in the Cardinal's Confirmation of those Lands, there was a charge given to all, to be afraid of the Judgements of God that fell on Belshazar for using the Holy Vessels; which was, to pardon the thing, and yet to call it a Sacrilege, for which they might look for the Vengeance of God. So that the Cardinal did at the same time both bind and lose; and it was plain, both by that Clause, and the Repeal of the Statute of Mortmain, that it was designed to possess People with the Opinion of the Sin of retaining Church-Lands. It was thought this Confirmation, was rather an Indemnity and Permission to keep them, than a declaring the Possessors had any lawful Title to them: So that when Men were near Death, and could no longer enjoy those Lands themselves, it was not to be doubted, but the Terrors of Sacrilege, and the Punishments due to it, with the hope of that relief and comfort that Soul-Masses might bring them in Purgatory, would prevail with many of them, to make at least great, if not entire, Restitutions.  
This Point being carried by those who did not understand what future danger their Estates were in, but considered the present Confirmation, and the other Advantages which they were to have for consenting to this Act; all the rest passed with no opposition. The Act about the proceeding against Heretics, passed more easily than any thing that had been proposed: So it seems the opposition that was made to other Acts, came not from any that favoured the Reformation, otherwise this would have found some resistance. But now it was the only way to the Queen's Favour, and to Preferment, to run down that which was called Heresy.  

Consultations about the way of dealing with Heretics.  After the Dissolution of the Parliament, the first thing taken into consideration was, what way to proceed against the Heretics. Cardinal Pool had been suspected to favour the Protestants, but seemed now to be much alienated from them: and therefore when Tremellius, who had declared himself a Protestant, came to him at Brussels, he would not see him, though he was his Godfather. He came over into England, much changed from that freedom of Conversation he had formerly practised: he was in reserves to all People, spoke little, and had put on an Italian Temper, as well as behaviour: he brought over two Italians, Priuli and Ormaneto, who were his only Confidents. He was a Man of a generous and good disposition; but knew how jealous the Court of Rome would be of him, if he seemed to favour Heretics; therefore he expressed great detestation of them. Nor did he converse much with any that had been of that Party, but the late Secretary Cecil, who, though he lived for the most part privately at his House near Stamford, where he afterwards built a most sumptuous House; and was known to favour the Reformation still in his Heart; yet in many things he complied with the Time, and came to have more of his confidence than any English Man.  
The Cardinal professed himself an Enemy to extreme Proceed. 
The Cardinal is for moderate Courses.  He said, Pastors ought to have Bowels, even to their straying Sheep: Bishops were Fathers, and aught to look on those that erred as their sick Children, and not for that, to kill them: He had seen, that severe Proceed did rather inflame than cure that Disease: There was a great difference to be made between a Nation uninfected, where some few Teachers came to spread Errors; and a Nation that had been overrun with them, both Clergy and Laity. The People were not so violently to be drawn back, but were to have time given them to recover out of those Errors, into which they had been led by the Compliance and Writings of their Prelates. Therefore he proposed, that there should be a strict Reformation of the Manners of the Clergy, carried on. He had observed, in every Country of Christendom, that all the best and wisest Men acknowledged, that the Scandals and Ignorance of the Clergy, had given the entrance to Heresy: So he moved, that there might be a reviving of the Rules of the Primitive Church; and then, within a little time, Men might by degrees be brought over. I have not found that he proposed the receiving the Council of Trent; which is the more strange, since he had been himself one of the Legates at the first Session of it: but it seems, it was not thought seasonable to propose it, till the Council were first ended and dissolved.  
On the other hand, Gardiner, 
But Gardiner is for violent ones.  who had no great sense of Ecclesiastical Matters, but as they served Intrigues of State; and being himself of such a temper, that severe Proceed wrought much on him; judged that the executing the Laws against the Lollards, was that in which they were chief to trust. He was confident, the Preachers then in Prison, were Men of such tempers, that, if they saw they were to be burnt, they would comply; or if they stood out, and were burnt, that would so terrify the rest, that the whole Nation would soon change. He remembered well how the Lollards grew in England, only upon Cardinal Wolsey's slackening the execution of the Laws against them: And upon the passing of the Statute of the Six Articles, many submitted; so that if King Henry had not discouraged the vigorous execution of that Act, all had turned. He did not deny, but a Reformation of the Clergy was a good and fit mean; but said, that all Times could not bear such things; and if they went to reform their Manners, the Heretics would from thence take advantage of raising clamours against a scandalous Clergy; which would increase, rather than lessen the aversion the People had to their Pastors. So Gardiner complained, that Pool, by his intention of coming over too hastily, had almost precipitated all things; and now, by his gentle proceed, would as much prejudice them another way. All these Reasonings, were such as became a Man of Gardiner's temper, which being servile, and abject, made him measure others by himself.  
He was also at this time highly provoked, by the reprinting of his Books of True Obedience, which he had writ in the Time of King Henry, and to which Bonner had made the Preface. In these Books, Gardiner had not only argued against the Pope's Supremacy, and for the Kings, but had condemned the King's Marriage with Queen Katherine, calling it often incestuous, and unlawful; and had justified the King's Divorcing her, and marrying his most godly and virtuous Wife, Queen Ann. This being reprinted in Strasburg, was now conveyed into England; and it was acknowledged to be a handsome piece of Spite in the reformed, thus to expose him to the World. But though this nettled him much, yet he was confident enough, and excused himself, that he had erred through fear and weakness, as St. Peter had done; though it was an unreasonable thing, to compare an Error of near thirty Years continuance, to the sudden denial of St. Peter, that was presently expiated with so true and sincere a Repentance.  

To which the Queen inclined.  Between these two Councils, the Queen would have a mean way taken, to follow both in part. She encouraged Pool to go on in the correcting the Manners of the Clergy; and likewise pressed Gardener to proceed against the Heretics.  
She also sent Ambassadors to Rome; who were the Viscount Montacute, the Bishop of Ely, and Sir Edward Carn, one to represent every State of the Kingdom; to make her Obedience to the Pope, and to obtain a Confirmation of all those Grace's Cardinal Pool had granted in his Name.  

1555.  On the 23d of January, all the Bishops went to Lambeth, to receive the Cardinal's Blessing and Directions. He wished them to return to their Cures, and treat their Flocks with all gentleness, and to endeavour rather to gain them that way, than to use Extremity and Rigour. And on the 25th, there was a solemn Procession through London; there went first 160 Priests, all in their Copes, eight Bishops next, and last of all came Bonner himself, carrying the Host; to thank God for reconciling them again to his Church; and Bonfires were burning all the Night. And to keep up a constant remembrance of it, it was ordered, that St. Andrew's day should be still observed as the Anniversary of it, and be called The Feast of the Reconciliation; and Processions, with all the highest Solemnities they at any time use, were to be on that day.  

They begin with Rogers, and others.  But now they turned wholly to the Prosecution of the Heretics. There had been thirty of them taken at a Meeting near Bow Church, where one Rose, a Minister, gave them the Communion according to the English Book of Service; so they were all put in Prison. On the 22d of January, Rogers, with others, were brought before the Council; He had been a Prebendary of Paul's, and in a Sermon, after the Queen was come to London, had zealously asserted the Doctrine he had formerly preached; and as it has been shown, was confined to his House, upon the Tumult that had been at Paul's. He was much pressed to fly over into Germany, but he would not hearken to it, though the Necessities of ten Children were great Temptations. He was esteemed one of the most Learned of the Reformers, so that when those of the Convocation were required to Dispute; they desired that Ridley and he might be suffered to come and join with them. It was resolved to begin with him, and some others, at the Council-Board, to see if they could be easily brought over.  
He was accordingly brought before the Council; where being asked by Gardiner. Whether he would knit himself to the Catholic Church, and receive the Pope as the Supreme Head? He said, He knew no other Head of the Church but Christ; and for the Pope, 
Who refusing to comply.  he had no more Authority in England, than any other Bishop, either by the Word of God, or the Authority of the Church, for 400 Years after Christ. But they objecting, that he had acknowledged King Henry to be Supreme Head: He answered, He never acknowledged him so to be Supreme, as to forgive Sins, bestow the Holy Ghost, or be a Judge above the Word of God. But as he was going to explain himself, Gardiner pressed him to Answer plainly. He Objected to Gardiner, That all the Bishops had for many Years preached against the Pope. Gardiner said, They were forced to it, by the Cruelty of the Times; but they would Argue no more with him: Now Mercy was offered, if he rejected it, Justice must come next. Roger's said, If they had been pressed to deny the Pope's Power by Cruelty, would they now by the same Motives force others to acknowledge it? for his part he would never do it. Other ten were called in, one after another; and only one of them, by the Lord Effingham's Favour, was let go upon a general Question, if he would be an Honest Man; but all the rest answering resolutely, were sent back to Prison, and were kept much stricter than formerly; none being suffered to come near them.  
On the 28th of January, the Bishops of Winchester, London, Duresm, 
Were judged.  Salisbury, Norwich, and Carlisle, sat in St. Mary Oueris in Southwark; where Hooper was first brought before them. It needs not to be doubted, but Bonner remembered that he had informed against him, when he was deprived in King Edward's Time. He had been summoned to appear before the Queen, soon after she came to the Crown: and it was pretended, he owed her great Sums of Money: Many advised him not to appear, for that it was but a pretence to put him, and a great many more in Prison, where they would be kept till Laws were made to bring them out to a Stake. But he would not withdraw; so now he and Mr. Rogers were singled out and begun with. They were asked, Whether they would submit, or not? they both refused to submit. Roger's being much pressed, and continuing firm in his Resolutions; Gardiner said, It was vainglory in him to stand out against the whole Church. He protested it was his Conscience, and not Vainglory, that swayed him; for his part, he would have nothing to do with the Antichristian Church of Rome. Gardiner said, by that he condemned the Queen, and the whole Realm, to be of the Church of Antichrist: Rogers said, The Queen would have done well enough, if it had not been for his counsel. Gardiner said, the Queen went before them in those Counsels, which proceeded of her own motion. Roger's said, He would never believe that. The Bishop of Carlisle said, they could all bear him witness to it. Roger's said, they would all witness for one another. Upon that, the controller, and Secretary Bourn, being there, stood up in Court and attested it. Then they asked Rogers, What he thought of the Sacrament? He said, It was known he had never meddled in that Matter, and was suspected by some to be of a contrary Opinion to many of his Brethren, but yet he did not allow of their Corporal Presence. He complained, that after he had been confined half a Year in his House, they had kept him a Year in Newgate, without any Fault; for they could not say he had broken any of their Laws, since he had been a Prisoner all the while; so that merely for his Opinion they were now proceeding against him. They gave Hooper and him time till next morning, to consider what they would do: but they continuing in their former Resolution; were declared obstinate Heretics, 
And Condemned.  and appointed to be degraded, and so to be delivered into the Sheriff's hands. Hooper was only degraded from the Order of Priesthood. Then Rogers desired he might be suffered to speak with his Wife, concerning his ten Children: They answered, She was not his Wife, and so denied it. Upon this they were led away to Newgate.  
On the 4th of February, early in the morning, Rogers was called upon to make ready for Smithfield: He was so fast asleep, that he was not easily awakened; he put on his  carelessly, being, as he said, 
Roger's Martyrdom.  so soon to lay them off. When he was brought to Bonner to be degraded, he again renewed his desire to see his Wife, but could not obtain it. He was led to Smithfield, where he was not suffered to make any Speech to the People: so, in a few words, he desired them to continue in that Doctrine which he had taught them, and for which he had not only patiently suffered all the bitterness and cruelty that had been exercised on him, but did now most gladly resign up his Life, and give his Flesh to the consuming Fire, for a testimony to it. He repeated the 51 Psalms, and so fitted himself for the Stake. A Pardon was brought, if he would recant: but he chose to submit to that severe, but short punishment, rather than put himself in danger of Everlasting Burn, by such an Apostasy: So the Fire was set to him, which consumed him to Ashes.  

Hoo●er burnt at Gloucester.  For Hooper, after they had degraded him, they resolved to send him to Gloucester: At which he much rejoiced, hoping by his Death to confirm their Faith, over whom he had been formerly placed. He was carried thither in three days. After he came, he had one days interval given him, which he spent in Fasting and Prayer. Some came to persuade him to accept of the Queen's Mercy, since Life was sweet, and Death was bitter. He Answered, The Death that was to come after was more bitter, and the Life that was to follow was more sweet. As some of his Friends parted with him, he shed some Tears, and told them, All his Imprisonment had not made him do so much.  
On the 9th he was led out to his Execution; where, being denied leave to speak, but only to pray, in the strain of a Prayer, he declared his belief. Then the Queen's Pardon being showed him, he desired them to take it away. He prayed earnestly for strength from God, to endure his Torment patiently; and undressed himself, and embraced the Reeds. When he was tied to the Stake with Iron Chains, he desired them to spare their pains, for he was confident he should not trouble them. The Fire was put to him, but the Wood being green, burned ill, and the Wind blew away the flame of the Reeds: He prayed oft, O Jesus, thou Son of David, have mercy on me, and receive my Soul; and called to the People, for the Love of God, to bring him more Fire, for the Fire was burning his nether Parts, but did not reach his Vitals. The Fire was renewed, but the Wind still blew it away from rising up to stifle him, so that he was long in the Torment. The last words he was heard to say, were, Lord Jesus receive my Spirit. One of his Hands dropped off before he died; with the other he continued to knock on his Breast some time after; and was in all near three quarters of an hour a burning.  
Next these, was Sanders condemned, 
 burnt at Coventry.  and sent to Coventry to be burnt, where he suffered on the 8th of February. He had been made a Prisoner for Preaching, notwithstanding the Queen's Prohibition, and was condemned for refusing to conform to the New Laws. When he was led out to the Stake, a Pardon was likewise offered him: But he said, He held no Heresies, but the blessed Gospel of Christ; and that he would never recant. When he came to the Stake, he embraced it, and said, Welcome the Cross of Christ, welcome Everlasting Life; and so he was burnt.  
Dr. Taylor followed next, who was Parson of Hadley. 
And Tailor at Hadley.  Some of his neighbouring Priests came to Hadley, and resolved to say Mass in his Church. He went thither, and openly declared against it, but was by violence thrust out of the Church. Gardiner being informed of this, writ for him to come up. Many of his Friends wished him to go out of the way: He said, He must follow Christ, the good Shepherd, who not only fed his Flock, but died for it. He was old, and thought he should never be able, at any other time, to do his good God such Service as he was then called to; so he went with much cheerfulness. Gardiner received him with his ordinary Civilities, of Traitor, Villain, Heretic, and Knave. He answered, He was none of these; and put Gardiner in mind of the Oaths he had sworn, both to King Henry and King Edward. Gardiner said, An unlawful Oath was not to be kept; and charged him for hindering Mass to be said at his Church. He said, He was by Law Parson of Hadley, and no Man had a right to come thither, and defile his Church and People with Idolatry. After some Discourse on that Head, he was sent to the King's Bench Prison; and being carried before the Council on the 22d of January, he refused to turn. After that he was condemned, and degraded: And it was resolved to send him to Hadley to be burnt there. All the way he expressed great cheerfulness. When he was brought to the Stake, he said to the People, he had taught them nothing but God's Holy Word, and was now to Seal it with his Blood: But one of the Guard struck him over the Head, and made him give over speaking. Then he went to his Prayers, and so to the Stake, where he was put in a Pitched Barrel; as the Faggots were laying about him, one fling a Faggot at his Head, which broke it, and fetched a great deal of Blood; but all he said, was, Oh Friend, I have harm enough, what needed that? He repeated the 51 Psalms in English; at which one of the Guard struck him over the Mouth, and bid him speak Latin. He continued in his Ejaculations to God, till the Fire was kindled; and one of the Guard cut him in the Head with his Halberd, so that his Brains fell out. This was done on the 9th of February.  
Bradford was also at the same time condemned, but his Execution was respited.  
Soon after the Condemnation of these Men, fix others were apprehended on the account of Heresy.  
By this Gardener saw, that what he had expected did not follow; for he thought a few severe instances would have turned the whole Nation: but finding he was disappointed, 
Gardiner is disiappointed.  he would meddle no more in the condemning of them; but left the whole matter wholly to Bonner, who undertook it cheerfully, being naturally savage and brutal, and retaining deep resentments for what had befallen himself in King Edward's time.  

These Cruelties are much considered.  The whole Nation stood amazed at these Proceed, and the burning of such Men, only for their Consciences, without the mixture of any other thing, so much as pretended against them. And it was looked upon as a horrible cruelty, because those Men had acted nothing contrary to the Laws; For they were put in Prison, at first for smaller matters, and there kept, till those Laws were passed, by which they were now burnt. So that, remembering Gardiner's Plea for himself in his imprisonment, when he desired to be first Tried, and discharged in the particular for which he was committed, before new matter was brought against him; all Men saw now, how much more justly those men might have demanded the like at his hands. But now the spirit of the two Religions shown itself. In King Edward's time, Papists were only turned out of their Benefices, and at most imprisoned; and of those there were but very few: but now, that could not serve turn, but barbarous Cruelties must be executed, on innocent Men, only for their Opinions. One piece of Severity was taken notice of among the rest: The Council sent for those who were to be burnt in the Country, and required of them a promise to make no Speeches; otherwise they threatened to cut out their Tongues immediately: so they to avoid that butchery, promised to obey those cruel Orders.  
The manner of Hooper's death, 
Reflections made on Hooper's Death.  made those who judged too critically of Divine Providences, reflect on the dissension that had been raised by him about the Vestments; as if he, who had kindled that fire, had suffered now more than ordinary for that reason. But all that difference was at an end before this; for Ridley and he, between whom there had been the greatest animosity, becoming Partners in the same sufferings, were perfectly reconciled to each other. He writ twice to Ridley, who writ him an answer, as soon as he could convey it; in which he declared, how entirely he was knit to him, though in some circumstances of Religion they had formerly Jarred a little: it was Hoopers' wisdom, and his own simplicity, that had divided them; every one following the abundance of his own sense; but now he assured him, that in the Bowels of Christ he loved him in the Truth and for the Truth. He encouraged him to prepare for the day of his dissolution; after which they should triumph together in eternal Glory: he expressed great Joy for what he heard of Cranmers godly and fatherly constancy, whose integrity, and uprightness, gravity, and innocence, was known to the whole Nation: and he blessed God that had given, in his reverend old age, such a Man to be the witness of his Truth: for miserable and hardhearted was he, whom the Godliness and constant confession of so worthy, so grave, and so innocent a man, would not move to acknowledge and confess his Truth,  
It had been happy if the fires that consumed those good Men, had put an end to these Contests: and if those that have been since engaged in the like, will reflect more on the sense they had of them when they were now preparing for Eternity, than on the heats they were put in concerning them, when perhaps ease and plenty made their Passions keener, they may from thence be reduced to have more moderate thoughts of such matters.  
If the English Nation was dissatisfied with what was done since the beginning of this Reign, 
These Burn were disliked by the Nation.  it cannot be imagined but their discontent received a great increase by what was now acted. Those that favoured the Reformation were awakened to have more serious thoughts about it; since they saw those that had preached it, died so patiently and resolutly, rather than they would deny it. It begot in them greater tenderness to their memories, and a more violent aversion to their Persecutors. The rest of the Nation that neither knew nor valued Religion much, yet were startled at the severity and strangeness of these proceed; and being naturally of relenting and compassionate Tempers, were highly disaffected to the King, from whom they believed that this flowed. The Queen had before declared, she would force no body in these points; so they thought it not reasonable nor decent to charge her with it. Gardiner, with the other Bishops and Privy Councelours had openly in Court purged themselves of it; and laid it, on the Queen being therein more careful of their own credit, than of her honour; so now, it could fall no where but on the King; the sourness of whose temper, together with his bigotry for that Religion, made it reasonable enough to impute it to him: besides, he had been bred in Spain, where the Inquisition was let lose on all that were suspected of Heresy, without any restraint: and his Father had, during his whole Reign, been always, as far as he safely could be, a persecutor of Protestants. Philip could not but see that all was cast on him; 
The King purges himself of them.  and understanding that thereby he should become unacceptable to the Nation, and so not be able to carry on his Design of making himself Master of England, he was something concerned to clear himself of these Imp●●ations. Therefore Alphonsus a Franciscan Friar that was his Confessor, in a Sermon before him on the 10th of February preached largely against the taking away of People's lives for Religion; and in plain terms, inveighed against the Bishops for doing it: he said, they had not learned it in Scripture, which taught Bishops in the spirit of meekness to instruct those that opposed them; and not to burn them for their Consciences. This startled the Bishops; since it was now plain, 
But they are prosecuted by the Clergy.  that the Spaniards disowned these extreme courses; and hereupon there was a stop for several weeks put to any further severities. But the Popish Clergy, being once engaged in blood, have been always observed to become the most brutally cruel of any sort of men; so that it was not easy to restrain them; and therefore they resolved, rather than the Heretics should not be prosecuted any further, to take the blame of it avowedly on themselves.  
There was at this time a Petition Printed, 
A Petition against Persecution.  and sent over from some beyond Sea, to the Queen, in which they set before her the danger of her being carried away by a blind zeal, to persecute the members of Christ, as St. Paul was before his conversion: They put her in mind, how Cranmer had preserved her in her Father's time; so that she had more reason to believe he loved her, and would speak truth to her, than all the rest of her Clergy; whom they compared to be Jezabel's Prophets. They gathered many Passages out of Gardiner's, Bonner's, and Tonstal's Writings, against the Pope's Supremacy, and her Mother's Marriage; and shown, that they were Men that, by their own confession, had no conscience in them, but measured their Actions and Professions by their Fears, and Interests; and averred that it was known that many of that Faction did openly profess, that if they lived in Turkey, they would comply with the Religion of the Country. They said, that the Turks did tolerate Christians, and the Christians did in most places suffer Jews; but the Persecution now set on foot, was like that which the Scribes and Pharisees raised against the Apostles; for they then pretended that they had been once of their Religion, and so were Apostates, and Heretics. They also said, (but by a common mistake) That the first Law for Burning in England, was made by Henry t●● Fourth; who to gratify the Bishops that had helped him to depose Ki●● Richard the Second, and to advance himself to the Throne, 〈◊〉 were, in recompense of that Service, had granted them that Law● which was both against all humanity, and more particularly against the mercifulness of the Christian Religion.  
They remembered her, that in King Edward's Time, none of the Papists had been so used: and in conclusion they told her, She was trusted by God with the Sword, for the protection of her People, as long as they did well; and was to answer to him for their Blood, if she thus delivered them to the Mercy of such Wolves.  
From the Queen, the Address is turned to the Nobility, warning them of the Danger, of not only losing their Abbey Lands, but all their Liberties; and being brought under a Spanish Yoke, which had ruined many of the best Countries in the World: They are told, they must resolve to come under heavy Taxes, and a general Excise, such as was in the Netherlands; and that all this would come justly on them, who had joined ●n the Reformation, for base ends, to get the Church Lands; and now, thinking those were secured to them, forsook it: but for all these things they were to answer hearty to God.  
From them, it turns to the People, and exhorts them to repent of their great sins, which had brought such Judgements on them: and in the end, begs the Queen will at least be as favourable to her own People, as she had been to the Strangers, to whom she allowed a free passage to Foreign Parts.  
This Discourse is writ in a strong and good Style, much beyond the rate of the other Books of that time. Upon this, some were set on work to write in defence of such Proceed; so a Book was set out about it, with divers Arguments, of which the substance follows.  
They said, The Jews were commanded to put Blasphemers to death; and those Heretics were such, 
Arguments for persecuting Heretics.  for they blasphemed the Sacrament of the Altar, which was the Body of Christ, and called it a piece of Bread. They noted also, that the Heathens had persecuted Christians; and if they had that Zeal for their false Religion, it became Christians to be much more zealous for theirs: they made use of that Expression in the Parable, Compel them to enter in; and of St. Paul's, I would they were cut off that trouble you. They alleged, that St. Peter had, by a Divine Power, struck Ananias and Saphira dead; which seemed a good Warrant for the Magistrate to put such Persons to Death. They said, that the Heretics themselves were for Burning, when they had Power; and that those that died then by their hands, had expressed as much Courage in their Deaths, and Innocence in their Lives, as they had ever done: they cited St. Austin, who was for prosecuting the Donatists; and though he had been once of another mind, yet finding Severities had a good effect on them, he changed, and was for fining or banishing of them. These were the Arguments for and against those Proceed.  
But leaving them to the Reader's Judgement, I proceed in the History. I intent not to write a pompous Martyrology, and therefore hereafter I shall only name the Persons that suffered, with the Reasons for which they were condemned: but except in a very few Instances, I shall not enlarge on the manner of their Trial and Sufferings; which being so copiously done by Fox, there is nothing left for any that comes after him. In some private Passages, which were brought to him upon flying Reports, he made a few Mistakes, being too credulous; but in the Account he gives from Records, or Papers, he is a most exact and faithful Writer; so that I could never find him in any prevarication, or so much as a designed concealment. He tells the Good and the Bad, the Weakness and Passion, as well as the Constancy and Patience of those good Men, who sealed their Faith with their Blood; who were not all equal in Parts, nor in Discretion; but the weaker any of them were, it argued the more cruelty in their Persecutors, to proceed so severely against such inconsiderable Persons.  
The first Intermission being over, on the 16th of March, 
They proceed to burn more.  Thomas Thompkins, a Weaver in Shoreditch, was burnt in Smithfield, only for denying the corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament. Bonner kept him many months in his House, hoping to have wrought on him by fair means; but those having no effect, one day he tore out a great deal of the Hair of his Beard; but to conceal that, made his Beard be clean shaved: And another time he held his hand in the Flame of the Candle, so long, till the Sinews and Veins shrunk and burst, and spurted in Harpsfield's Face that was standing by, who, interposing with Bonner, got him to give over any further cruelty at that time.  
The next that suffered, was one William Hunter of Brentwood, an Apprentice of nineteen Years old; who had been drawn on in discourse by a Priest, till he brought him to deny the Presence in the Sacrament; and then was accused by him. His own Father was made to search for him to bring him to Justice; but he, to save his Father from trouble, rendered himself. Bonner offered him 40 l. if he would change, so mercenary a thing did he think Conscience to be: But he answered, if they would let him alone, he would keep his Conscience to himself, but he would not change; so he was condemned and sent to be burnt near his where he suffered on the 20th of March.  
On the same day, Causton and Higbed, two Gentlemen of good Estates, and great Esteem, were burnt near their own Houses in Essex.  
On the 28th of March, William Pigot was burnt at Braintree, and Stephen Knight at Malden; and on the 29th, John Laurence, a Priest, Father's House, was burnt at Colchester.  
In all their Processes, the Bishops brought no Witnesses against them; but did only exhibit Articles to them, according to the way of those Courts, called, Ex Officio; and required them to make Answers; and upon their Answers, which were judged Heretical, they condemned them; so that all this was singly for their Consciences, without the pretence of any other Matter.  

Ferrar, Bishop of St. David's, condemned, and burnt.  Ferrar, that had been Bishop of St. David's, being dealt with by Gardiner to turn, and refusing to do it, was sent down to Carmart hen; where his Successor Morgan sat upon him; and gave him Articles about the Marriage of Priests, the Mass, and some other things: To which his Answers being found Heretical, he was condemned. He put in an Appeal to Cardinal Pool, but it was not received. Yet it seems, that delayed the Execution till they heard from him; for though he was condemned on the 13th, he was not burnt before the 30th of March.  
About that time was Rawlins White, an honest poor Fisherman, burnt at Cardiff; it was in March, but the day is not mentioned: He was very Ancient, and was put in Prison, only because he had put his Son to School, that he might hear the Bible read by him. After a Years Imprisonment, the Bishop of Landaff condemned him, upon Articles, to which he answered as an Heretic.  
On the 24th of April, George March, a Priest, was burnt at Ghester, being judged, as the others had been; only at his Death, there was a new Invention of Cruelty, a Firkin of Pitch was hung over his Head, that the Fire melting it, it might scald his Head as it dropped on it.  

One wounds a Priest at the Altar, and is burnt for Heresy himself, condemning his former Act.  After this, one Flower, that had been in Orders, but was a rash indiscreet Man, went on Easter day into St. Margaret's Church in Westminster, and there with a Knife, struck at, and wounded the Priest, as he was officiating. He for some time justified what he had done, as flowing from Zeal; but afterwards he sincerely condemned it. Bonner, upon this, proceeding against him as an Heretic, condemned him to the Fire; and he was burnt on the 24th of April, in Westminster Churchyard. This Fact was condemned by all the Reformed, who knew that the Wrath of Man was not the way to accomplish the Righteousness of God. In the Jewish Government, some extraordinary Persons did execute Vengeance on notorious Offenders; but that Constitution was in all its Policy regulated by the Laws given by Moses; in which such Instances were proposed as Examples, whereby they became a part of the Law of that Land; so that in such Cases, it was certainly lawful to execute Punishment in that way; so in some Kingdoms, any Man that finds an outlawed Person, may kill him: but where there is no Law warranting such things, it is certainly against both Religion, and the Laws of all Society and Government, for private Persons to pretend to the Magistrates right, and to execute Justice upon any account whatsoever.  
There was at this time a second stop put to the execution of Heretics, for till the end of May, more fires were not kindled; People grew generally so enraged upon it, that they could not bear it. I shall therefore now turn myself to other things, that will give the Reader a more pleasing entertainment.  

The Queen resolves to surrender up all the Church-Lands that were in her hands.  On the 28th of March, the Queen called for the Lord Treasurer, Sir Robert Rochester controller, Sir William Petre Secretary of State, and Sir Francis Inglefield Master of the Wards. She said, She had sent for them to declare her Conscience to them concerning the Church-Lands that continued still in the Crown: She thought they were taken away in the time of the Schism, and by unlawful Means, therefore she could not keep them with a good Conscience; so she did surrender and relinquish them. If they should tell her, That her Crown was so poor, that she could not well maintain her Dignity, if she parted with them; she must tell them, She valued the Salvation of her Soul more than ten Kingdoms; and thanked God, her Husband was of the same mind: and therefore she was resolved to have them disposed, as the Pope, or his Legate should think fit; so she ordered them to go with the Lord Chancellor, to whom she had spoken of it before, and wait on the Legate, and signify it to him, together with the value of those Lands. This flowed from the strictness of the Queen's Conscience, who then thought herself near the time of her delivery, and therefore would not have such a load lie on her; of which she was the more sensible, by reason of a Bull which Pope Julius had made, excommunicating all that kept any Abbey or Church-Lands; and all Princes, Prelates, and Magistrates, that did not assist in the execution of such Bulls. Some said, this related to the Business of England; but Gardiner said, it was only made for Germany; and that Bulls had no Authority, unless they were received in England. This did not satisfy the People much; for if it was such a sin in Germany, they could not see, but it was as bad in England: And if the Pope had his Authority from Christ and St. Peter, his Bulls ought to take place .  
Pope Julius died soon after this, on the 20th of March; 
Pope Julius dies, and Marcellus succeeds.  and on the 6th of April after, Cardinal Marcellus Cervinus was chosen Pope; a Man of great gravity and innocence of Life. He continued to keep his former Name, which had not been done a great while, except by Adrian the 6th, between whose temper, and this Man, there was a great resemblance. He presently turned all his Thoughts (as Adrian had done) to a Reformation of the Corruptions of that See; and blamed his Predecessors much who had always put it off: he thought nothing could make the Papacy more reverenced, than to cut off their excessive and superfluous Pomp; whereby they would be the more esteemed all the World over, and might, on surer grounds, expect the protection of God. He had been one of the Legates at Trent, and there observed what was represented as the root of all Heresy and Disorder, that the Clergy were generally corrupted, and had, by many Exemptions procured from Rome, broken all the Primitive Rules. Upon his first Election, he called for the Cardinal of Mant●a, and having observed him to be a Man of great probicy, told him, he knew it was ordinary for all Popes, at their first coming to the Throne, to talk of Reformation; but he would talk little, being resolved to do more; only he opened his mind to him, that if ever he went back from it, he might have this check upon him, that so honest a Man as he was, would know him to be a Knave, and a Hypocrite. He would suffer none of his Friends that were in remote parts, to come to Rome; nor his Nephews, that were in Rome, to come within the Court: He was resolved to have sent all Priests and Bishops home to their Benefices; and talked much of their Non residence with great detestation: He would not change his Table, nor his Custom of making one read to him when he was sitting at it. One day, after a long musing at Dinner, he said, he remembered the words of Hadrian the Fourth, That the Pope was the most miserable of all Men; his whole Life was bitterness, his Chair was full of Thorns, and his way of Briars; and then leaning with his Hand on the Table, he said, I do not see how they can be saved that hold this high Dignity. These Thoughts did so affect him, that on the 12th day after that he was chosen Pope, he sickened, and died ten days after. These things are reported of him by the Learned Onuphrius, who knew him well: and they will not be thought impertinent to have a room in this Story.  

The Queen recommends Card Pool t● the Popedom, upon Ma●cellus's death.  As soon as the News of his Death came to England, the Queen writ, on the 29th day of May, to Gardiner, the Earl of Arundel, and the Lord Paget, who were then at Calais, mediating a Peace between the French and Spaniard; which they could not effect, but only procured a Truce: She desired them to deal with the Cardinal of Lorraine, the Constable, and the other French Commissioners, to persuade their Master to set up Cardinal Pool, that he might succeed in that Chair, since he seemed every way the fittest Person for it: adding, 
Coll. Numb. 18.  (as will appear by the Letter which is in the Collection) that she had done this without his knowledge or consent. This could not come in time to Rome, whereon the 23d of that month, Caraffa was chosen Pope, who was called Paul the Fourth; 
Paul the 4th chosen Pope.  and who was as different from his Predecessor as any Man could be. He had put on an appearance of great strictness before; and had set up a Religious Order of Monks, called Theatines': But upon his coming to the Popedom, he put on the greatest Magnificence possible, and was the highest Spirited, and bloodiest Pope, that had been since Julius the Second Time.  
He took it for a great Honour, that on the day of his Election, the English Ambassadors entered Rome, 
The English Ambassadors come to Rome.  with a great Train of 140 Horse of their own Attendants. On the 23 of June, in the first Consistory after he was Crowned, they were heard. They fell prostrate at his Feet, and acknowledged the Steps and Faults of their Schism, enumerating them all; for so the Pope had ordered it; confessing they had been ungrateful for the many Benefits they had received from that Church, and humbly ask pardon for them. The Pope held some Consultation, whether he should receive them, since in their Credentials, the Queen styled herself Queen of Ireland: that Title being assumed by King Henry, in the Time of Schism. It seemed hard to use such Ambassadors ill: but on the other hand, he stood upon his Dignity, and thought it belonged only to his See to erect Kingdoms: therefore he resolved so to temper the Matter, that he should not take notice of that Title, but should bestow it as a Mark of his Favour. So on the 7th of June, he did in private erect Ireland into a Kingdom; and conferred that Title on the King and Queen, and told them, that otherwise he would not suffer them to use it in their Public Audience. And it is probable, it was the Contest about this, that made the Audience be delayed almost a month after their Arrival. This being adjusted, he received the Ambassadors graciously, and pardoned the whole Nation: and said, That in Token of his esteem of the King and Queen, he gave them the Title of the Kingdom of Ireland, by that Supreme Power which he had from God, who had placed him over all Kingdoms, to supplant the Contumacious, and to build new ones. But in his private Discourses with the Ambassadors, he complained that the Church-Lands were not restored: which, he said, was by no means to be endured; 
The P. presses the restoring of the Church Lands.  for they must render all back to the last farthing; since they belonged to God, and could not be kept without their incurring Damnation: He said, he would do any thing in his power, to gratify the King and Queen; but in this his Authority was not so large, as to profane the things dedicated to God. This would be an Anathema, and a Contagion on the Nation, which would bring after it many Miseries; 
History of the Council of Trent.  therefore he required them to write effectually about it: he repeated this to them every time he spoke to them; and told them also, that the Peter-pences must be paid in England, and that he would send a Collector to raise it: he himself had been employed in that office when he was young, and he said he was much edified to see the forwardness of the People, especially those of the meaner sort, in paying it: and told them they must not expect S. Peter would open Heaven to them, so long as they usurped his Goods on Earth.  
The Ambassadors seeing the Pope's haughty temper, that he could endure no contradiction, answered him with great submission; and so gained his Favour much; but knew well that these things could not be easily effected; and the Viscount Montacute was too deeply concerned in the matter himself, to solicit it hard: for almost his whole Estate consisted of Abbey Lands. Thus was this business rather laid over, than fully settled.  
But now to return to the Affairs in England. 
Instructions sent to the Justices for earching after all suspected of Heresy.  There came Complaints from all places, that the Justices of Peace were remiss in the matters of Religion; and particularly in Norfolk, that these things were ill looked to: So Instructions were sent thither, (which will be found in the Collections) requiring the Justices to divide themselves into ten or twelve Districts; that they might more narrowly look into all particulars: 
Collect. Numb. 19  that they should encourage the Preachers sent to instruct that County, and turn out such as did not come to Church, or conform in all things, but chief the Preachers of Heresy: that the Justices and their Families should be good examples to the rest: that they should have one or two in every Parish to be secretly instructed, for giving information of every thing in it; and should look strictly to all vagabonds, that wandered about, and to such as spread false reports. This was thought to have so much of the Inquisition in it, that it was imputed to the Counsels of the Spaniards. And they seemed to have taken their pattern from the base Practices of those called Delatores, that are set out by Tacitus as the greatest abuse of Power that ever was practised by the ill Emperors that succeeded Augustus; who going into all companies, and complying with what might be acceptable to them, engaged Men into discourses against the State; and then gave such Informations against them, which without their discovering themselves by being brought to prove them, were made use of to the ruin of the accused Persons. This was certainly very contrary to the freedom of the English temper, and helped to alienate them the more from the Spaniards. But it may be easily imagined that others were weary of severities, when Bonner himself grew averse to them: He complained, 
Bonner grows unwilling to persecute any more,  that the matter was turned over upon him, the rest looking on, and leaving the execution of these Laws wholly to him. So when the Justices and Sheriffs sent up Heretics to him, 
1554. But is required to proceed by the King and Queen.  he sent them back and refused to meddle further. Upon which the King and Queen writ to him on the 24th of May, complaining of this, and admonished him to have from henceforth more regard to the Office of a good Pastor and Bishop; and when such Offenders were brought to him, to endeavour to remove them from their Errors; or if they were obstinate, to proceed against them according to Law. This Letter he caused to be put in his Register, from whence I copied it, and have placed it in the Collections. 
Coll. Number 20.  Whether he procured this himself, for a colour to excuse his Proceed; or whether it was sent to him by reason of his slackness; is not certain: but the latter is more probable, for he had burnt none during five weeks; but he soon redeemed that loss of time.  

The Queen's delivery is expected, but in vain.  At this time the Nation was in expectation of the Queen's Delivery. And on the third of May the Bishop of Norwich writ a Letter to the Earl of Sussex, of which I have seen the Original, that news was brought him from London, that the Queen had brought forth a Noble Prince; for which he had Te Deum solemnly sung in his Cathedral, and in the other Churches thereabout. He adds in the Postscript, that the News was confirmed by two other Hands. But, though this was without any ground, the Queen continued still in her opinion that she was with Child: and on the 29th of May, Letters were written by the Council to the Lord Treasurer, to have Money in readiness, that those who were appointed to carry the joyful news of the Queen's happy Delivery, might be speedily dispatched. In the beginning of June she was believed to be in Labour, and it flew over London again that she had brought forth a Son. The Priests had settled all their hopes on that; so they did every where sing Te Deum, and were transported into no small Ecstasies of Joy. One more officious than the rest, made a Sermon about it, and described all the lineaments of their young Prince: but they soon found they were abused. It was said, that they had been deceived, and that the Queen had no great Belly; But Melvil in his Memoirs says, he was assured from some of her Women, that she did cast forth at several times some Moles and unformed pieces of flesh. So now there was small hopes of any Issue from her. This increased the sowrness of her temper; and King Philip, being so much younger than she, growing out of conceit with her, did not much care for her; but left her some months after. He saw no hope of Children, and finding that it was not possible for him to get England in his hands without that; gave over all his Designs about it: so having lived with her about fifteen months after their first Marriage, he found it necessary to look more after his Hereditary Crown, and less after his Matrimonial one; and henceforth he considered England rather as a sure Ally, that was to adhere firmly to his Interests, than as a Nation which he could ever hope to add to his other Crowns. All these things concurred to increase the Queen's Melancholy Humours, and did cast her into an ill state of Health: so that it was not probable she could live long. Gardiner upon that, set himself much to have the Lady Elizabeth put out of the way; but, as it was formerly said, King Philip preserved her.  

Proceed against Heretics.  And thus Affairs went on, as to Civil matters, till the meeting of the next Parliament in October following. But I now return to the Proceed against the poor men called Heretics; who were again, after a short intermission, brought to new Sufferings. John Card-maker, 
1555.  that had been Divinity-Reader at S. Paul's, and a Prebendary at Bath; and John Warn, an Upholster in London, were both burnt in Smithfield, on the 30th of May, for denying the Corporal presence; being proceeded against ex Officio. On the 4th of June, there was a piece of Pageantry acted on the Body of one Tooly; who being executed for a Robbery, did at his death say something that savoured of Heresy: upon which the Council writ to Bonner to inquire into it, and to proceed according to the Ecclesiastical Laws. He thereupon formed a Process, & cited the dead Body to answer the Points objected to him; but he, to be sure, neither appearing nor answering, was condemned and burnt. After this, on the 10th of June, Thomas Hawkes, a Gentleman in Essex, who had lived much in the Court, was also burnt at Coxhall: and on the same day John Simpson, and John Ardeley, two Husbandmen, were also burnt in Essex. Thomas Watts, a Linen-Draper, was burnt at Chelmsford. On the 9th, Nicholas Chamberlain, a Weaver, was burnt at Colchester; and on the 15th, Thomas Osmond, a Fuller, was burnt at Manning-tree; and the same day William Bamford, a Weaver, was burnt at Harwich.  
These, with several others, had been sent up by the Earl of Oxford, to Bonner, because they had not received the Sacrament the last Easter, and were suspected of Heresy: and Articles being given to them, they were upon their Answers condemned, and sent to be burnt in the places where they had lived. But upon this occasion, 
The Council writ to the Lords in Essex to gather the Gentry, and assist at these Burn.  the Council fearing some Tumult, or violent Rescue, writ to the Earl of Oxford, and the Lord Rich, to gather the Country, and to see the Heretics burnt. The Earl of Oxford, being some way indisposed, could only send his People to the Lord Rich, who went and obeyed the Orders that had been sent him; for which, Letters of Thanks were written to him; and the Council understanding that some Gentlemen had come to the burning at Colchester, that had not been writ to, but as the words of the Letter have it, had honestly and of themselves gone thither, writ to the Lord Rich to give them the Council's thanks for their Zeal. I find in the Council Books, many Entries made, of Letters writ to several Counties, to the Nobility and Gentry to assist at these Executions: and such as made excuses, were always after that looked on with an ill eye, and were still under great jealousy.  
After these, followed the Execution of Bradford in July; 
Bradford's Martyrdom.  He had been condemned among the first, but was not burnt till now. He had been a Prebendary of St. Paul's, and a celebrated Preacher, in the end of King Edward's days. He had preserved Bourn in the tumult at Pauls-Cross; and that afternoon, preaching at Bow-Church, he severely reproved the people for the disorder at Paul's, but three days after, was put in Prison, where he lay, removed from one Prison to another, near three years; wherever he came, he gained so much on the Keepers, that they suffered Preach and give the Sacrament to his Fellow Prisoners. He was one of those that were carried before the Council on the 22d of January, where Bonner accused him of the Tumult at Paul's; though all he pretended to prove it by, was, that his way of speaking to the People shown, he thought he had some Authority over them, and was a presumption that he had set on the Sedition. Bradford appealed to God that saw his Innocency, and how unworthily he was requited for saving his Enemies, who rendered him evil for good. At last refusing to conform himself to the Laws, he was condemned with the rest on the 31. of Jan. where that Rescue was again laid to his Charge, together with many Letters he had written over England, which (as the Earl of Derby informed the Parliament) had done more hurt than he could have done, if he had been at liberty to Preach. He said, since he understood that they acted by a Commission which was derived from the Pope, he could not answer them, having sworn never to acknowledge that Authority: What he had done at Paul's, was at Bourn's earnest desire, who prayed him for the Passion of Christ, to speak to the People; upon which he stepped up to the Pulpit, and had almost been killed with the Dagger that was thrown at Bourn, for it touched his Sleeve. But in the points of Religion, he professed his Faith so constantly, that for that cause he was condemned. Yet the saving of Bourn was so publicly known, that it was thought undecent to proceed against him so quick as they did with the rest. So both Heath Archbishop of York, and Day Bishop of Chichester, Weston, Harpsfield, and the King's Confessor, and Alphonsus a Castro, went to see him, and endeavoured to gain him: but all to no purpose. It looks very ill in Bourn that he never interposed for Bradford, nor came once to visit him: and as when Bradford was before the Council, Bourn's Brother the Secretary was very sharp upon him; so when he was brought to his Trial, Bourn himself then Bishop of Bath and Wells being present, did not open his mouth for him, though he appealed to him, as to the business of the Tumult. With Bradford one John Lease, an Apprentice of nineteen years old, was lead out to be burnt, who was also condemned upon his answers to the Articles exhibited to him, When they came to the Stake, they both fell down and Prayed. Then Bradford took a Faggot in his hands and kissed it; and so likewise kissed the Stake, expressing thereby the joy he had in his Sufferings: and cried, O England, repent, repent, beware of Idolatry and false Antichrists! But the Sheriff hindering him to speak any more, he embraced his Fellow Sufferer, and prayed him to be of good comfort, for they should Sup with Christ that night. His last words were, Straight is the way and narrow is the gate that leadeth into eternal Life, and few there be that find it.  
Now the Persecution was carried on to other places, Bonner stopping in it again. But Thornton Suffragan of Dover, Harpsfield Archdeacon of Canterbury, and some others, resolved likewise to show their zeal. This Thornton had from the first change made by King Henry been the most officious and forward in every turn; and had been the first in this Reign, that had set up the Mass at Canterbury. He was much despised for it by Cardinal Pool, but Pool could not hinder the fury of those men, without drawing on himself the Pope's indignation. The Pope was his professed and inveterate Enemy: but knew not how to vent his hatred to him, since he had done such an eminent service to the Church, as the reconciling of England. Gardiner understanding this, sent secretly to Rome, to give ill Characters of Pool, which the illnatured Pope was ready enough to receive. Gardiner designed to be made a Cardinal; and to get Pool recalled, and himself made Archbishop of Canterbury. The Pope was resolved, on the first occasion, to take the Legatine power from Pool, and give it to Gardiner, but Pool was so much in the Queen's favour, that this required some time to bring it about. This made Gardiner study to preserve Cranmer, as long as he lived. It seemed more reasonable to have begun with him, who had indeed been the chief Author of the Reformation, and promoter of that they called Heresy: nor had Gardiner such kindness for him, as to interpose on his account; but he knew, that as soon as he was burnt, Pool would be presently invested in the See of Canterbury. Therefore he suggested, that if he could be any way brought off, it would be the most effectual means possible to extirpate Heresy: for if he who had so much set on these Doctrines, did forsake them, it would confound the whole Party, and bring over at least all that were weak or staggering; whereas on the other hand, if he died resolutly for it, his death would confirm them all very much. This was a colour good enough to preserve him. But why the See of Canterbury was not declared vacant, since he was now pronounced an obstinate Heretic, I do not so well apprehend: whether there was any thing in the Pall, or the latter inventions of the Canonists, that made it necessary not to fill his See so long as he lived, I know not. Pool being in these circumstances, durst neither offend those at Rome, nor openly hinder the prosecution of Heretics: which it seems he would have done more steadily, if it had not been for fear of the Pope's taking thereby advantages against him, who had before given out in the Conclave, that he was a favourer of Heresy; and therefore would the more easily be induced to believe any thing that might be written over to Rome to his prejudice.  
Those that sat in Canterbury to judge the Heretics, had four Men brought before them, two Priests, Bland, and Frankesh; and Shiterden, and Midleton, two Laymen. They were condemned upon their Answers to the Articles, exhibited to them, and burnt at Canterbury 
Some burnt at Canterbury.  the 25th of June: and in July Margery poley was burnt at Tunbridge on the like account; who was the first Woman that suffered in this Reign. Christopher Ward was Condemned with her, and burnt in Darford. On the 22d. of July, Dirick Carver was burnt at Lewis; and on the 23d John Launder was burnt at Stoning. They had been taken in London; and brought before Bonner; but he would not meddle with them, and desired they might be sent to their own Ordinaries: One of them being of Surrey was within Gardiner's Jurisdiction, who resolved to proceed no more against the Heretics, so he procured a Letter from the Council to Bonner, requiring him to proceed against them, who thereupon presently condemned them.  
There were at this time several discoveries of Plottings in several Counties, especially in Dorsetshire, and Essex; 
Pretended Plots, and some put to the Torture to make Discovery.  but the nature of these Plots is not set down in the Council Books. Some were taken and put in the Tower: Two or three Privy Councillors were sent thither on the 9th of June, with a Letter from the Council to the Lieutenant of the Tower, to put them to the Torture, according to their discretions: yet nothing following upon this, it is probable these were only surmises devised by the Clergy, to set on the Council more severely against them, whose Ruin they were contriving by all the ways they could think on.  
There was also an outrage committed on two Friars, Peyto and Elston who were Franciscans of the Observance, They had spoken sharply against King Henry in the business of the Divorce, and had fled beyond Sea on that account: 
The Q●. rebuilds the Franciscan's house at Greenwich.  therefore the Queen had sent for them, and not only procured the Attainder that had passed against them, to be repealed in the last Parliament, but made Peyto her Confessor: and being resolved to raise Religious Houses in England again, she had begun with their Order, the Franciscans of the Observance, and with their House at Greenwich, which was the first that was suppressed; as was shown in the former Book; and therefore she ordered that to be rebuilt this Summer. So Elston and Peyto going down by water, there were Stones fling at them by some that were a Shore in London. This the Queen resented highly; so she sent the Lord Treasurer to the Lord Mayor, requiring him to make Proclamation of a Reward to any that should discover those who had done it: but it could not be found out. She ordered all Sir Thomas Mores' Works to be printed 
Sir Th. More's Works Printed.  together in one Volumn, which were in the Press this Year: and it was given out as an extraordinary thing, that King Edward had died, and she succeeded to the Crown, that very day in which he was beheaded. But in publishing his Works, one piece of Fraud has occurred to me since the former Part was printed. 
But his Letter about the Nun of Kent was left out.  I have seen the Manuscript out of which his Letters were printed, where the Originals of the Letters that he writ to his Daughter, Mistress Roper, are; with the Copies of those that he writ to Cromwell. But among these, there is a long Letter concerning the Nun of Kent, in which he speaks fully of her Hypocrisy, and other Villainies. It contains many remarkable passages concerning her, of the high opinion he at first had of her; how he was led into it, and how he was afterwards convinced, That she was the most false dissembling Hypocrite that had been known, and guilty of the most detestable Hypocrisy, and devilish dissembled Falsehood; and he believed, that she had communication with an evil Spirit. This Letter was at that time concealed, but not destroyed: So I find the conjecture I made about it, in my former Part, has proved true; though I did not then hope to come by the Letter itself, as I have done since. It seems it was resolved to raise the Credit of that Story; and since the Nun was believed to be both a Martyr and a Prophetess, it is like she might have been easily gotten to be Canonised; and therefore so great a Testimony from such a Man, was not thought fit to be left in her way. 
Coll. Number 21.  The Letter I have put into the Collections.  
Concerning this Edition of Sir Thomas Mores' Works, I shall recall to the Reader's mind, what was said in the former Part about his Life, pretended to be writ by Rastal; 
Rastal published his works, but did not write his Life.  was now the publisher of his Works, and so much encouraged in it, that the Queen promoted him soon after to be a Judge; and so it is not likely, that Rastal ever writ any such Book, otherwise he had now prefixed it to this Edition. Nor is it probable that the stories, which Sanders vented in his name afterwards, concerning Ann Boleyn, or Queen Elizabeth's Birth, were then so much as contrived: otherwise it is not credible, that they should not have been printed at this time; since the Lady Elizabeth being the only object of the fear and jealousy of the popish Party, was now out of the Queen's favour, and a Prisoner: so that we cannot doubt but all such Stories would have been very acceptable to the Queen, and the Clergy would have taken care to have published them, for the defaming her, and blasting her Title. And therefore these things seem to be afterwards contrived in revenge, when Queen Elizabeth began to proceed severely against that Party, after the many and repeated Conspiracies they had engaged in against her Life.  
But now the Queen 
The Queen restores all he Church Lands that belonged to the Crown. Col. Number 22.  resolved to endow so many Religious Houses, as the Revenues of the Church that were in her hands, could maintain: and about that, and some other particulars, she writ some directions to the Council with her own hand, which will be found in the Collections. I have seen two Copies of these that differ a little, but I follow that which seemed to me to be best derived from the Original. She desired, That those who had Commission to treat with the Cardinal, about the goods of the Church, might wait on him once a week, to finish that and some other matters that were to be prepared for the Parliament: She particularly recommended the care of having good Preaching encouraged, which she wished might be well looked to; and she advised a general Visitation both of the Universities and Churches, to be made, by such as the Cardinal and they should think fit. As for the punishment of Heretics, she wished it might not be done rashly; yet she would have Justice done, on those who by Learning studied to deceive the simple: but would have it so managed, that the People might see, they were not condemned but upon just occasions: and therefore ordered that some of the Council should be present at all the burn about London; and that there should be every where good Sermons at those times: She also verily believed, that many Benefices should not be in one man's hand; but that every Priest ought to look to his Cure, and reside upon it. And she looked on the Pluralities over England, to be a main cause of the want of good Preachers; whose Sermons if joined with a good Example would do much good; and without that, she thought their Sermons would profit little.  
And now I return to the Burn, 
More Heretics burnt.  from which I am not unwilling frequently to break off, since a continued relation of such things cannot be but an ungrateful entertainment to the Reader. In July one Juxon was burnt at Chichester: On the 2d of August James Abeys was burnt at Bury in Suffolk. On the 8th of August Denly a Gentleman was burnt at Uxbridge, and Robert Smith at Waybridge. On the 26th George Tankervil was burnt at St. Alban. And on the 28th of August Patrick Packingham also was burnt there: On the 31st of August one Newman was burnt at Saffron Walden in Essex, and Robert Samuel a Preacher was burnt at Ipswich. There were also in August, six burned in one Fire at Canterbury. Elizabeth Warn burnt at Stratford Le-Bow, Stephen Whorwood at Stratford, Thomas Fust at Ware, and William Hall at Barnet; but of their sufferings the days are not marked. In September on the 6th day of the month George Catmer, and four others were burnt at Canterbury. On the 20th Robert Glover a Gentleman, and one Cornelius Bangey were burnt at Coventry: The same month, but we know not on what days, William Allen was burnt at Walsingham, Roger Coo at Yerford, Thomas Cob in Thetford. Thomas Haywood, and John Garaway, at Lichfield were also burnt on the same account. On the 16th of October following, William Woley, and Robert Pigot, were burnt at Ely; where Shaxton, that had been Bishop of Salisbury in King Henry's time, and quitted his Bishopric on the account of the six Articles, but in the end of that Reign recanted, and was now Bishop Suffragan of Ely, condemned them. It is enough to have named all these, who were burnt merely by the Proceed Ex Officio: for being forced, either to accuse themselves, or to die however, they chose rather plainly to answer those Articles that were ministered to them, and so were condemned for their Answers.  

Ridley and Latimer burnt at Oxford.  But on the 16th of October Ridley and Latimer offered up their lives at Oxford, on which it may be expected I should enlarge a little. The Bishops of Lincoln, Gloucester, and Bristol, were sent to Oxford by a special Commission from the Cardinal to proceed against them. As soon as Ridley heard they proceeded in the name of the Pope, by authority from the Cardinal, he put on his Cap, having stood bare headed before that, because he would express no sign of Reverence to those who acted by such a Commission. He said, he paid great respect to the Cardinal as descended from the Royal Family, and a man endued with such Learning and Virtue; that therefore he honoured and reverenced him: but for his Legatine Authority from the Bishop of Rome, he utterly renounced it; and therefore would show no Reverence to that Character: and so putting off his Cap as he spoke of him on other respects, he put it on again when he named his being Legate; and being required to put it off, refused to do it on that account: but one of the Beadles did it for him. After that the Bishop of Lincoln made him a long exhortation to recant, and acknowledge the See of Rome; since Christ had built his Church on St. Peter, and the Fathers had all acknowledged the pre-eminence of that See, and himself had been once of that opinion. To which he answered, it was upon the Faith which St. Peter confessed, that Christ had founded his Church; he acknowledged, the Bishops of Rome had been held in great esteem, both for the dignity of the City, and the worthiness of the Bishops that had sat in it; but they were only esteemed Patriarches of the West; and the Church had not then thought of that Power, to which they had since advanced themselves: he confessed he was once of their mind, but it was as St. Paul had been a Persecutor: he had seen since such spots in the Church of Rome, that he could never return to it. Upon this followed much discourse: In conclusion they objected to him some Articles, about those Opinions which he had maintained a year and an half before that, in the Schools; and required him to make his answers to them. He began with a Protestation, that by answering them he did not acknowledge the Pope's Authority, and then answered them as he had done before. Latimer used the like protestation, and answers. So they were allowed one nights respite to consider better, whether they would recant or not; but next day they, appearing, and adhering to the Answers they had made, were declared obstinate Heretics, and ordered to be degraded, and so delivered over to the Secular Power.  
After that, new attempts were made on Ridley to persuade him to accept of the Queen's Mercy; but all being to no purpose, the Writ was sent down to burn them. The night before the Execution, Ridley was very joyful, and invited the Mayor and his Wife, in whose House he was kept, to be at his Wedding next day: at which when the Mayor's Wife wept, he said he perceived she did not love him: but he told her, though his breakfast would be sharp, he was sure his Supper would be sweet: he was glad to hear that his Sister would come, and see him die; and was in such composure of mind, that they were all amazed at it. Next morning being the 16th they were led out to the place of Execution, which was before Balliol College: they looked up to the Prison to have seen Cranmer; but he was then engaged in Dispute with some Friars, so that he was not in his Window; but he looked after them with great tenderness, and kneeling down prayed earnestly, that God would strengthen their Faith and Patience in that their last but painful Passage. When they came to the Stake, they embraced one another with great affection, Ridley saying to Latimer, Be of good heart, Brother, for God will either assuage the fury of the Flame, or enable us to abide it. Doctor Smith was appointed to Preach, and took his Text from these words, If I give my body to be burnt, and have no Charity, it profiteth nothing. He compared their dying for Heresy, to Judas' hanging himself; and warned the People to beware of them, with as much bitterness as he could express. The best of it was, the Sermon lasted not above a quarter of an hour. When he had done, Ridley was going to answer him; and the Lord Williams, that was appointed by the Queen to see the Execution, was inclined to hear him: but the Vicechancellor said, Except he intended to recant, he was not to be suffered to speak. Ridley answered, He would never deny his Lord, nor those Truths of his of which he was persuaded; God's Will be done in him: he committed himself to God, who would indifferently judge all. Then he addressed himself to the Lord Williams, and said, Nothing troubled him so much, as that he had received Fines of some, who took Leases of him when he was Bishop of London; and these Leases were now voided: He therefore humbly prayed, that the Queen would give order, that those might be made good to the Tenants, or that the Fines might be restored out of his Goods which he had left in his House, and were of far greater value than those Fines would amount to; and that some pity might be had of Shipside his Brother in law, who was turned out of a place he had put him in, and had now attended on him with great care. Then they both prayed and fitted themselves for the Stake: Latimer saying to Ridley, Be of good comfort, we shall this day light such a Candle in England, as I trust by God's Grace shall never be put out. Then Gunpowder being hanged about their Bodies in great quantities to hasten their death, the Fire was put to, and Latimer was with the first Flame, the Powder taking fire, put out of pain, and died immediately. But Ridley had a more lingering Torment, for they threw on the fire so much wood, that the Flame could not break through it: so that his Legs were almost consumed before this was observed, and then, one opening the Passage to the Flame, it put an end to his Life.  
Thus died these two excellent Bishops: the one for his Piety, Learning, and solid Judgement, the ablest Man of all that advanced the Reformation; and the other for the plain simplicity of his Life, esteemed a truly primitive Bishop and Christian. Of his care of his Bishopric, the Instructions he gave at his Visitation, chief of the Monasteries, will give a good Evidence: and therefore I have put them in the Collection, 
Coll. Num. 24.  as they were copied from the Register of Worcester, by that Ingenious and worthy Counsellor Mr. Summer; who out of his Zeal to the Reformation, searched all the Books there, that he might gather from them such things as he thought could be of use to this Work. Bonner had made an ill Retribution to Ridley, for the kindness he had showed his Friends when he was in possession at London: for he had made Bo●ner's Mother always dine with him, when he lived in his Countryhouse of Fulham, and treated her as if she had been his own Mother; besides his kindness to his other Friends. Heath, than Bishop of Worcester, had been kept Prisoner a Year and a half in Ridley's House, where he lived as if he had been at his own; and Heath used always to call him the best learned of all the Party: yet he so far forgot gratitude and humanity, that though he went through Oxford when he was a Prisoner there, he came not to see him. When they lay in the Tower, both Cranmer and they were, by reason of the number of Prisoners, put into one Chamber for some months; but after they came to Oxford, they could sca●c● send Messages to one another: and men had laid off humanity so much, that all the while they lay there none of the University waited on them: that favoured their Doctrine were then left, and of the rest, it is no wonder that none came to visit them; nor did they supply them with any thing they needed: for all the Charity that was sent to them, came from London.  
This Summer there was a strict search made after all the Goods of the Church, that had been embezzled: and all that had been Visiters, either in King Henry or K. Edward's time, 
Suits about the spoils of Churches.  were brought into Suits about it, but many compounded, and so purchased their quiet, by an off r to the Church of some large Gratuity: and according to the greatness thereof their affection to the Church was measured. Many of those did favour the Reformation, which made them give the more bountifully, that so they might come under good Characters, and be the less suspected.   engraved portrait of Bishop Stephen Gardiner 
EFFIGIES STEPHANI GARDINERI EPISCOPI WINTONIENSIS  H. Holben pinxit. R. White sculp  engraved coat of arms 
HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE  
Natus Burioe fit Episcopus Wintoniensis 1531. Dec. 5.  
Cancellarius Anglioe 1553. Aug. 23. Obijt 1555. Nov: 12.  
Printed for Richard Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church yard.  
Heath Archbishop of York had the Seals in February after; they having been during that interval, in the hands of Sir Nicholas Hare, than Master of the Rolls; and he was made Chancellor during the Queen's pleasure. The Queen also, considering that Whitehall had been taken from the See of York, had a scruple in her Conscience against living in it; but Heath and she agreed it thus: Suffolk-Place by the Duke's Attainder, was now in the Queen's hands; so she gave that to the See of York, which Heath sold, and converted it to Tenements, and purchased another House near Charing-Cross, which from thence forward was called York-House.  

The temper of the Parliament is much changed.  But, for the Parliament, it was now much changed; men's minds were much alienated from the Clergy, and also from the Queen, who minded nothing else but to raise them to great wealth and power again. On the 28th of October it was moved in the House of Commons to give a Subsidy, and two Fifteenths, for paying the Debts of the Crown, but it was opposed with great vehemence. It was said, that the Queen had profusely given away the Riches of the Crown, and then turned to the Laity to pay her Debts: why did she not rather turn it to the Spiritualty? But it was answered, that the Convocation had given her a Subsidy of six shillings in the pound; and the Queen asked now, after almost three years' Reign, nothing but what she had discharged her Subjects of, at her first coming to the Crown. Yet the heats grew such, that on the 1st of November Secretary Petre brought a Message from her, that she thanked them that had moved for two Fifteenths for her, but she refused it: so the Subsidy was agreed on. On the 29th of November the Queen sent for the House of Commons. 
The Queen discharges the Clergy of Tenths and First-fruits.  When they were come, she said to them, she could not with a good Conscience take the Tenths and First-fruits of Spiritual Benefices: It was a Tax her Father laid on the Clergy, to support his Dignity of Supreme Head; of which since she was devested, she would also discharge that. Then the Legate made a speech to show that Tithes & Impropriations of spiritual Benefices were the Patrimony of the Church; and aught to return to it. The Queen upon that, declared, that she would surrender them up likewise to the Church. Then one Story of the House of Commons kneeled down, and said to the Queen, That the Speaker did not open to her their Desire that Licences might be restrained. This was a great Affront to the Speaker; so he returning to the House, complained of Story. This Member thought he might assume more liberty; for in Edward the 6th's time, when the Bill for the first Book of the English Service passed, he spoke so freely against it, with such reflections on the King and the Protector, that he was put in the Sergeants hands, and sent to the Tower. The words he had said, were, Woe unto thee O England, when thy King is a Child; 
Eccles. 10.16.  and an Impeachment was drawn against him. But upon his Submission, the House ordered the Privy Councillors to declare to the Protector, that it was their Resolution that he should be enlarged: and they desired that the King would forgive his Offence against him and his Council: now he had indiscreetly appeared against all Licenses from Rome, thinking he had a privilege to talk more freely; 
Journ. Dom. Com.  but he confessed his Fault, and the House, knowing that he spoke from a good zeal, forgave him. He was afterwards condemned for Treason in Queen Elizabeth's Reign.  
On the 23d of November, the Bill for suppressing the First-Fruits and Tenths, and the resigning up all Impropriations, that were yet in the Queen's Gift, to the Church, to be disposed of as the Legate pleased, for the relief of the Clergy, was brought into the House. It was once thought fit to have the surrender of Impropriations left out: for it was said, the Queen might do that as well by Letters Patents; and if it were put into the Bill, it would raise great Jealousies; since it would be understood, that the Queen did expect that the Subjects should follow her example; but it was resolved, by all means possible, to recover the Tithes to the Church; so it was put into the Bill. It was long argued; some said, the Clergy would rob the Crown, and the Nation both: and that the Laity must then support the Dignity of the Realm. It was particularly committed to Sir William Cecil and others to be examined by them. On the 13th of December the House divided about it, 126 were against it, and 193 were for it.  
There was a Bill sent down against the Countess of Sussex, 
Against thos●, that had fled beyond-Sea, rejected.  who had left her Husband, and gone into France, where she lived openly in Adultery, and bare Children to others. A Bill was put in, to the same purpose, in the first Parliament of this Reign, to take her Jointure from her, and declare her Children Bastards; and was then cast out by the Commons; and had now again the same fate. Another Bill was put in against the Duchess of Suffolk and others, who had gone beyond Sea, to require them to return, under severe punishments: but though it was agreed to by the Lords, yet, upon a division of the House of Commons, it was carried in the Negative. The greatest and wealthiest of those who favoured the Reformation, seeing in how ill a condition they must be in, if they stayed in England, were gone beyond Sea: so it was now endeavoured to force them to return, or to make them lose their Estates: but the Commons thought they had already consented to too severe Laws against them, and therefore would add no more. The Duchess of Suffolk had been persecuted while she was in the Netherlands, but narrowly escaped. Another Bill was put in, for the incapacitating of several Persons from being Justices of Peace; but was cast out by the Commons at the first reading. This was chief against such as were suspected of remissness in the prosecuting of Heretics: but the Commons would do nothing to encourage that; nor was it necessary, since it was in the Queen's power to leave out of the Commission such as she excepted to: but it shown the Zeal of some, who had a mind to recommend themselves by such motions.  
There was a Complaint put into the House of Commons, 
An Act debarring one from the benefit of Clergy.  by the Wife of one Rufford against Bennet Smith, who had hired two Persons to kill her Husband: and which, as the Act passed about it says, was one of the most detestable Murders that had ever been known in England. But Smith that had hired, and afterwards paid the Murderers, might by the Law claim, and have the benefit of Clergy. It is, and hath been, an ancient custom in this Nation, that for some Crimes, those who can read, are not to suffer Death. This was at first done with a declaration, that either they had vowed, or were then resolved to enter into Orders; which was the cause that no Bigami, that is, none that had been twice married, or such as married Widows, were capable of it; because such could not receive Orders: and the Reading was only to show that they were in some sort qualified for Orders: though afterwards, the Reading, without any such Vow or Promise, was all that was required, to give one the benefit of Clergy. This was granted as an Appendix of the Ecclesiastical Immunity; for the Churchmen were not satisfied that their own Persons should be exempted from punishment, but would needs have all that resolved to come among them, be likewise preserved from the punishment due to those Crimes, which they had formerly committed. ted. So Rufford's Wife petitioning, that Smith might by Act of Parliament be debarred that benefit; they sent her to the Queen, to beg, That she would order Smith to be brought from the Tower, where he was then kept, to the Bar of their House: which being done, the other Partners and Actors confessed all: and though he at first denied, yet he afterwards confessed. So the Bill was sent up by the Commons to the Lords, where it was much opposed by the Clergy; who would not consent that any diminution should be made of their ancient Privileges: but the heinousness of the Fact wrought so much on the greater part, that it was passed; The Earls of Arundel and Rutland, the Bishops of London, Worcester, Norwich, and Bristol, the Lords Abergaveny, Fitzwater, and Lumley, protesting. Pates was now Bishop of Worcester, upon Heath's translation to York. He was (as some say) designed to be Bishop of that See by King Henry upon Latimer's Resignation; but being engaged in a correspondence with the Pope and Cardinal Pool, he fled beyond Sea. But the truth is, that upon the Death of Jerome de Ghinuci, he was at Rome made Bishop of Worcester by the Pope, and was thereupon Attainted: But his Attainder had been repealed by the former Parliament, and so he was restored to that See.  
On the 9th of December the Parliament was dissolved. And the day following Sir Anthony Kingston, 
Sir Anthony Kingston put in the Tower for his behaviour in the House of Commons. Ex Lib. Council.  who had been a main Stickler in it, and had one day taken the Keys of the House from the Sergeant; which (it seems,) was not displeasing to the major part of the House, since they did nothing upon it; was sent to the Tower: and that same day, (as it is in the Council Books,) the Bishop of Ely delivered to the Lord Treasurer the Pope's Bull, confirming the King and Queen's Title to Ireland; bearing date the 7th of June. Kingston lay in the Tower till the 23d. of the month and then he submitted, and asked pardon, and was discharged. But he was next year accused to have engaged in a Design with some others, to have rob the Exchequer of 50000 lib. Whereupon six of them, Vdal, Throgmorton, Petham, Daniel, Stanton, and White, were Executed for Felony. What Evidence was brought against them I do not know. But Kingston died on his way to London.  

Card. Pool in Convocation makes Canons for Reforming the Clergy. Rot. Pat. 1st. Par. 3. Reg.  From the Parliament I turn next to the Convocation: where the Cardinal was now at more liberty, being delivered from Gardiner's Jealousies and Opposition. He obtained of the Queen on the 2d of November a Warrant under the great Seal, giving him Licence to hold a Synod. The Licence he had formerly taken out, is made mention of: and to avoid all ambiguities, which might arise from the Laws or Prerogatives of the Crown, she authorised him to call that, or any other Synod after, and to decree what Canons he should think fit: she also authorised the Clergy, to meet, consent to, and obey those Canons, without any danger of the Law. This was thought safe on both sides; both for preserving the Rights of the Crown, and securing the Clergy from being afterwards brought within the statute of Praemunire, as they had been upon thei●●●nowledging Cardinal Woolseys' Legatine power. To this Convocation Pool proposed a Book he had prepared, which was afterwards printed with the Title of The Reformation of England by the Decree of Cardinal Pool; and is now put into the Volumes of the Councils.  

The Heads of Pools Reformation.  The first Decree is, that there should be constantly a remembrance of the Reconciliation now made with Rome, in every Mass: besides, a Procession, with other Solemnities, on the Anniversary of it. He also confirmed the Constitutions of Otho, and Otho bonus, forbidding the reading of all Heretical Books; and set forth the Catholic Faith, in the words of that Exposition of it, which P. Eugenius sent from the Council of Florence to those of Armenia.  
The 2d was, for the careful administering and preserving of the Sacraments; and for the putting away of all Feasting in the Festivities of the Dedications of Churches.  
The 3d exhorts the Bishops to lay aside all secular Cares, and give themselves wholly to the Pastoral Office; and to reside in their Diocese, under the highest pains. Their Canons are also required to reside, and also other Clergy Men. All Pluralities of Benefices with Cure, are simply condemned: and those who had more Benefices with cure, were required within two months to resign all, but one: otherwise it was to be declared that they had forfeited them all.  
The 4th is, that whereas the residence of Bishops could not be of great use, unless they became truly Pastors to their Flock; which was chief done by their preaching the Word of God; that had been, contrary to the Apostles Practise, much neglected by many: therefore he requires them to preach every Sunday or Holy day; or if they were disabled, to find other fit Persons to do it. And they were also in private to instruct and exhort their People; and all the other inferior Clergy; and to endeavour to persuade them to the Catholic Faith; or if need were, to use threaten. And because of the great want of good Preachers, the Cardinal declared he would take care there should be Homilies set out, for the instruction of the Nation. In the mean while, every Bishop was to be sending such as were more eminent in preaching, over their Diocese, thereby to supply the defects of the rest.  
The 5th is, about the lives of the Bishops; that they should be most strict and exemplary: that they should lay aside all Pride and Pomp; should not be clothed in Silk, nor have rich Furniture; and have frugal Tables, not above three or four dishes of Meat; and even so many he rather allows, considering the present time, than approves: that at their Table the Scriptures, or other good Books, should be read, mixed with pious discourses: that they should not have too great numbers of Servants or Horses: but that this Parsimony might appear not to flow from Avarice, they were to lay out the rest of their Revenues on the Poor, and for breeding young Scholars, and other works of Piety. All the same Rules he sets to the inferior Clergy, with a due proportion to their Stations and Profits.  
The 6th is, about giving Orders; They were not to be rashly given, but upon a strict previous Examen. Every one that was to be Ordained, was to give in his Name a long time before, that there might be time to inquire carefully about him. The Bishops were charged not to turn over the Examination upon others, and think their work was only to lay on their hands: but were to examine diligently themselves, and not superficially. And to call to ●heir assistance such as they knew to be pious and learned, and in whom they might confide.  
The 7th was, about conferring Benefices, which in some sort came also within that charge, Lay hands suddenly on no Man. They were to lay aside all partialty in their choice, and seek out the most deserving: and to make such as they put in Benefices bind themselves by Oath to reside.  
The 8th was, against giving the Advousons' of Benefices before they were vacant.  
The 9th was about Simony.  
The 10th against the Alienations of any of the Goods of the Church.  
The 11th was, that in every Cathedral there should be a Seminary for supplying the Diocese: of whom two Ranks were to be made; the one, of those who learned Grammar; the other, of those who were grown up, and were to be ordained Acholyths; and these were to be trained up in Study and Virtue, till they were fit to serve in the Church. And a Tax of the fourth penny was laid on the Clergy for their maintenance.  
The 12th was about Visitations.  
These were all finished, agreed to, and published by him in February next Year.  
In these Decrees mention is made of Homilies, which were intended to be published: 
Ex Manuscr. Col. C.C. Cant.  and among Archbishop Parker's Papers, I find, the Scheme he had of them was thus laid: He designed four Books of Homilies. The first, of the controverted points, for preserving the People from Error: The 2d. for the Exposition of the Creed, and ten Commandments, the Lords Prayer, the Salutation of the Virgin, and the Sacraments: The 3d. was to be for the Saints days, and the Sundays and Holy days of the year; for explaining the Epistles and Gospels: and the fourth was concerning Virtues and Vices, and the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church.  
By all these it may appear, how well tempered this Cardinal was. He never set on the Clergy to Persecute Heretics, 
Pool's Designs for Reforming the Church.  but to reform themselves: as well knowing, that a strict exemplary Clergy can soon overcome all Opposition whatsoever, and bear down even truth itself. For the common People are generally either so ignorant, or so distracted with other affairs, that they seldom enter into any exact discussion of speculative points, that are disputed among Divines: but take up things upon general notions and prejudices; and none have more influence on them, than the scandals or strict lives of Churchmen. So that Pool, intending to correct all those, laid down good Rules, to amend their lives, to throw out those crying scandals of Pluralities and Nonresidence; to oblige Bishops to be exact in their Examinations before Orders, and in conferring Benefices on the most deserving, and not to be biased by partial affections. In this last thing himself was a great Example. For though he had an only Brother, (so I find him called in one of the Cardinal's Commissions to him with some others, though I believe he was a Bastard Brother) David, that had continued all King Henry's time in his Arch-Deaconry of Derby; he, either to punish him for his former compliance, or to show he had no mind to raise his kindred, did not advance him, till after he had been two years in England: and then he gave him only the Bishopric of Peterborough, one of the poorest of the Bishoprics; which considering his nearness to the Crown, and high Birth, was a very small preferment. But above all, that Design of his to have Seminaries in every Cathedral for the planting of the Diocese, shows what a wise prospect he had of the right methods of recovering a Church, which was overrun, as he judged, with Heresy. It was the same that Cranmer had formerly designed; but never took effect. Certainly, Persons form from their Childhood, with others Notions, and another method of living, must be much better fitted for a holy Character, than those that have lived in the pleasures and follies of the world; who, unless a very extraordinary change is wrought in them, still keep some of their old Customs about them, and so fall short of that gravity and decency, that becomes so Spiritual a Function.  
He shown the weakness of his Spirit in one thing, that being against Cruel Proceed with Heretics, he did not more openly profess it: but both suffered the other Bishops to go on, and even in Canterbury, now sequestered in his hands, and soon after put under his care, he left those poor men to the Cruelties of the brutal and fierce Popish Clergy. In this he was to be pitied, that he had not Courage enough to contend with so haughty a Pope as Paul the 4th was: who thought of no other way of bearing down Heresy, but by setting up the Inquisition every where: so Pool, it seems, judged it sufficient for him, not to act himself, nor to set on any; and thought he did enough, when he discouraged it in private; but yet he granted Commissions to the other Bishops and Arch-Deacons to proceed against those called Heretics. He was not only afraid of being discharged of his Legation, and of losing the Archbishopric of Canterbury, which was now ready to fall upon him; but he feared to be sent for to Rome, and cruelly used by the Pope, who remembered all the Quarrels he formerly had with any of the Cardinals, and put Card. Merone (that was Pool's great Friend) in Prison, upon suspicion of Heresy. All these things prevailed with Pool to give way to the Persecution; and it was thought, that he himself hastened the Execution of Cranmer, longing to be invested with that See; which is the only personal blemish I find laid on him.  
One remarkable thing of him was, his not listening to the Proposition the Jesuits made him, of bringing them into England. That Order had been set up about twelve years before this, and was in its first Institution chief designed for propagating the Doctrines of that Church in Heretical or Infidel Countries; to which was afterwards added, the Education of Children. It was not easily allowed of at Rome, because the Bishops did universally complain of the great numbers of exempted Regulars; and therefore at first it was limited to a small number; which Restriction was soon taken off. They, besides the Vows of other Orders took one, for a blind and universal Obedience to the See of Rome: And because they were much to be employed, they were dispensed with, as to the hours of the Choir, which made them be called a Mongrel Order between the Regulars and Seculars. They have since that time, by their care in educating Youth, by their indefatigable Industry, and chief by their Accommodating Pennances, and all the other Rules of Religion, to the Humours and Inclinations of those who confess their Sins to them, drawn almost all the World after them: and are raised now to that height both of Wealth and Power, that they are become the Objects of the Envy and Hatred of all the rest of their own Church. They suggested to Pool, That whereas the Queen was restoring the Goods of the Church that were in her hands, it was but to little purpose to raise up the old Foundations; for the Benedictine Order was become rather a Clog than a Help to the Church: they therefore desired that those Houses might be assigned to them, for maintaining Schools and Seminaries, which they should set on quickly: and they did not doubt but by their dealing with the Consciences of those who were a dying, they should soon recover the greatest part of the Goods of the Church. The Jesuits were out of measure offended with him, for not entertaining their Proposition; which I gather from an Italian Manuscript which my most worthy Friend Mr. Crawford found in Venice, when he was Chaplain there to Sir Thomas Higgins, his Majesty's Envoy to that Republic: but how it came that this motion was laid aside, I am not able to judge.  
There passed nothing else remarkable this Year, but that in the end of November, John Web a Gentleman, George Roper, and Gregory Park were burnt all at at one Stake in Canterbury. And on the 18th of December, Philpot, 
Philpots Martyrdom.  that had disputed in the Convocation, was burnt in Smithfield. He was, at the end of that meeting, put in Prison for what he had said in it; though liberty of speech had been promised; and the nature of the meeting did require it. He was kept long in the Stocks in the Bishop of London's Coal-house, and many conferences were had with him, to persuade him to change. By what Bonner said in one of them, it appears that he hoped they should be better used upon Gardiner's death: for Bonner told him, he thought, because the Lord Chancellor was dead, they would burn no more; but he should soon find his Error, if he did not recant. He continued steadfast in his Persuasion, and pleaded that he had never spoken nor written against their Laws, since they were made, being all the while a Prisoner, except what he had said in Conference with them; yet this prevailed not with Bonner, who had as little Justice as Mercy in his temper. On the 16th of December he was condemned, and delivered to the Sheriffs. He was at first laid in Irons, because he was so poor that he could not fee the Jailor; but next day these were by the Sheriff's order taken off. As he was led into Smithfield on the 18th, he kneeled down, and said, I will pay my Vows in thee O Smithfield. When he was brought to the Stake, he said, Shall I disdain to suffer at this Stake, since my Redeemer did not refuse to suffer on the Cross for me? He repeated the 106th, 107th, and 108th Psalms, and then fitted himself for the Fire, which consumed him to Ashes. So this Year ended, in which there were sixty seven burnt for Religion; and of those, four were Bishops, and thirteen were Priests.  

Foreign Affairs.  In Germany a Diet was held at Ausburg, where the Peace of Germany was fully settled: and it was decreed, that the Princes of the Ausburg Confession should have the free liberty of their Religion; and that every Prince might in his own State establish what Religion he pleased; excepting only the Ecclesiastical Princes, who were to forfeit their Benefices if they turned. Those of Austria, and Ferdinand's other Hereditary Dominions, desired freedom for their Consciences: but Ferdinand refused it; yet he appointed the Chalice to be given in the Sacrament. The Duke of Bavaria did the like in his Dominions. At all this the Pope was highly offended, and talked of deposing Ferdinand. He had nothing so much in his mouth, as the Authority former Popes had exercised, in deposing Princes at their pleasure. He had sworn to the Cardinals, before he was chosen, that he would make but four Cardinals in two Years; but he created seven within one half Year, and would not hear the Consistory argue against it, 
1556.  or remember him of his Promise; but said, his Power was absolute, and could not be limited. One of these Cardinals was Gropper the Dean of Colen, a man of great Learning and Virtues, but inconstant and fearful, as was shown in the former Book: he refused to accept of that Dignity so generally sought after in their Church; and was more esteemed for rejecting it, than others were that had by their Ambition aspired to it.  
In the end of this year, and the beginning of the next, a memorable thing fell out; of which if I give a large account, I do not fear to be much censured by the Reader for it; especially since it is not impertinent to this work, the King and Queen being so much concerned in it. It was, Charles the 5ths 
Charles the 5th's Resignation.  laying down, first some of his hereditary Dominions in October this year; and the rest, with the Empire, not long after. He had now enjoyed, the one, forty years, and the other thirty six. He was much disabled by the Gout, which had held him, almost constantly, for several years: he had been in the greatest Fatigues that ever any Prince had undergone, ever since the 17th year of his age: he had gone, nine times into Germany, six times into Spain, seven times into Italy, four times into France; had been ten times in the Netherlands, had made two Expeditions into afric, and been twice in England, and had crossed the Seas eleven times. He had not only been a Conqueror in all his Wars, but had taken a Pope, a King of France, and some Princes of Germany, Prisoners, besides a vast accession of Wealth and Empire from the West Indies. But he now growing out of love with the Pomp and Greatness of the World, began to have more serious thoughts of another Life; which were much increased in him by the answer one of his Captains gave him, when he desired Leave to retire, and being asked the reason, said, that between the affairs of the World, and the hour of death, there ought to be some interval. He found his for tune turned: his Designs in Germany were blasted: In the Siege of Mets, he saw he could no more command Triumphs to wait on him; for though his Army consisted of 100000 Men, yet he was forced to raise his Siege with the loss of 40000 Men: and though his Wars had been this year more sucessful, both in Italy and Flanders, yet he thought he was too old to deal with the King of France. It was thought, his Son set this forward; who had left England in discontent; being weary both of His Queen, and of holding a titular Crown, only in her Right, being excluded from the Government. All these things concurring, made the Emperor in a solemn Assembly at Brussels on the 25th of October in the presence of his Son, and Maximilian King of Boheme, and of the Duke of Savoy, and his two Sisters the Queen's Dowagers of France and Hungary, with a vast number of others of lower quality, first give his Son the Golden Fleece, and so resign the headship of that Order to him; and then, the Dukedoms of Burgundy, and Brabant, and the other Provinces of the Netherlands. Two months after that, he resigned all his other Hereditary Dominions: and the next year, he sent a Resignation of the Empire to the Diet, who thereupon did choose his Brother Ferdinand Emperor; to which the Pope made great exceptions; for he said, the Resignation ought to have been only to him, and that being made as it was, it was null; and upon that he would not acknowledge the new Emperor.  
Charles stayed sometime in Flanders in a private House. For he left all his Palaces; and had but little company about him. It is said, that when Seld his Brother's Secretary, being sent to him, was leaving him once late at night, all the Candles on the Stairs being burnt out, and none waiting to light him down, the late Emperor would needs carry the Candle down after him: the other, as may be well imagined, being much confounded at it, the Emperor told him, He was now a private Man; and his Servants knowing there was nothing now to be had by attending, did not wait carefully. He bade him tell his Brother, what a change he had seen in him, and how vain a thing the attendance of Courtiers was; since he was so soon forsaken by his own Servants. He reserved but 100000 Crowns a year for his own use: and sixty Servants. But at his coming into Spain, he found even that small Pension was not readily paid; at which he was observed to be much displeased. He retired to a place in the Confines of Castille and Portugal, which he had observed in his Hunting to be fit for a retreat, by reason of the pleasantness of the Situation, and the temperatness of the Air: and there he had ordered a little Apartment of seven Rooms fourteen foot square, to be built for him. He kept only twelve servants about himself and sent the rest to stay in the neighbouring Towns.  
He gave himself at first much to mechanical Curiosities, and had great varieties of Clocks, and some other motions, which surprised the ignorant Monks, who were afraid they were the performances of Magic; especially his Machine's of Birds of wood that did fly out and come back, and the representations of Armies, that by Springs engaged and fought. He also designed that great work of carrying the Tago up a Hill near Toledo; which was afterwards done at a vast charge. He gave himself to Gardening, and used to Graft and Imp with his own hand; and keeping but one Horse, rid abroad some times, attended only by one Footman.  
The making of Clocks was not then so perfect, as it is since: so that he could never bring his Clocks to strike in the same minute: and he used upon that to say, he saw the Folly of endeavouring to bring all Men to be of the same mind in Religion, since he could not bring Machine's to agree exactly.  
He set himself also much to study; and in the second year of his retirement, went oftener to the Chapel, and ●o the Sacrament, than he had done at first: He used also to Discipline himself, with a Cord, which, after his death, having some marks of the severity he had put himself to, was laid up among his Son's chiefest Rarities. But amidst all this, it was believed he became in most points to be of the belief of the Protestants, before he died: and as his Confessor was burnt afterwards for Heresy, so Miranda the Arch-Aishop of Toledo, who used to come often to him, was upon the same suspicions kept long in Prison. Near the end of two years, at the Aniversary of his Mother's Funeral, who had died but a few years before, having lived long mad; he took a conceit, that he would see an Obits made for himself, and would have his own Funeral Rites performed; to which he came himself with the rest of the Monks, and prayed most devoutly for the Rest of his own Soul; which set all the Company on weeping. Two days after, he sickened of a Fever, of which he died on the 21st of September 1558. A rare and great instance of a mind surfeited with the Pomps and Glories of the World, seeking for that Quiet in retirement, which he had long in vain searched after in Palaces and Camps.  
And now I return to the Affairs of England. The 21st of March was Cranmer 
Cranmers Trial.  brought to the end of all his Afflictions, and received his Crown. On the 12 of September the former year, Brooks Bishop of Gloucester, came to Oxford, as the Popes Subdelegate: and Martin, and Story, Commissioners from the King and Queen, sat with him in St. Mary's, to judge him. When he appeared before them, he paid a low reverence to them that sat in the King and Queen's Name: but would give none to Brooks, since he sat by an Authority from the Pope, to which he would pay no respect. Then Brooks made a long Speech, to set forth his Apostasy and Heresy, his Incontinence, and finally his Treason; and exhorted him to repent: and insinuated to him great hopes of being restored to his See upon it. After this, Martin made a Speech of the difference between the Civil and Ecclesiastical Authority.  
When they had done, Cranmer first kneeled down, said the Lord's Prayer; next he repeated the Apostles Creed: th● 〈◊〉 told them he would never acknowledge the Bishop of Room's Authority; he owned his Allegiance to the Crown, according to the Oath he had often sworn; and the submitting to the Pope was directly contrary to that: he could not serve two Masters. He said, the Bishops of Rome not only set up Pretensions that were contrary to the Power of Princes, but they had also made Laws contrary to those made by God: instancing it in the Worship of an unknown Tongue, the denying the Chalice to the People, the pretending to dispose of Crowns, and exalting themselves above every Creature; which shown them not to be the Vicars of Christ, but to be Antichrists, since all these things were manifestly contrary to the Doctrine of Christ, that was delivered in the Gospel. He remembered Brooks, that he had sworn to the King's Supremacy. Brooks said, it was to K. Henry the 8th, and that Cranmer had made him swear it. To which Cranmer replied, that he did him wrong in that; for it was done in his Predecessor Warham's time, who had asserted the King's Supremacy; and it was also sent to be discussed in the Universities, and they had set their Hands and Seals to it; and that Brooks, being then a Doctor, had signed it with the rest: so that all this being done before he came to be Archbishop, it ought not to be called his deed.  
After this, Story made another Speech, of the Authority of the Church; magnifying the See of Rome, and enlarging on those Arguments commonly insisted on; and desired Brooks would put Cranmer to make a plain Answer, and cut off all Debates. Then followed a long Discourse between Martin and Cranmer: in which Martin objected, that he had once sworn to the Pope when he was consecrated, but that aspiring to be Archbishop, he had changed his mind in compliance to King Henry; That he had condemned Lambert of Heresy, for denying the Presence of Christ in the Sacrament, and afterwards turned to that himself. To all this Cranmer answered, pretending that never man came more unwillingly into a Bishopric than he did to his. That he was so far from having aspired to it, that though the King had sent one post to him, to come over to be consecrated, he being then in Germany; yet he had delayed his Journey seven weeks, hoping that in all that time the King might have forgot him: That at his Consecration he publicly explained his meaning in what sense he swore to the Pope, so that he did not act deceitfully in that particular: And that when he condemned Lambert, he did then believe the Corporal Presence; which he continued to do, till Dr. Ridley shown him such Reasons and Authorities as persuaded him to change his Mind, and then he was not ashamed to retract his former Opinion. Then they objected his having been twice married, his keeping his Wife secretly in King Henry's time, and openly in King Edward's Reign; his setting out Heretical Books and Articles, and compelling others to subscribe them: his forsaking the Catholic Church, and denying Christ's Presence in the Sacrament of the Altar; and disputing against it so publicly lately at Oxford. He confessed his living in Marriage, and that he thought it was lawful for all Men to marry; and that it was certainly better to do so, than to lie with other men's Wives, as many Priests did: He confessed all the other Articles; only he said, he had never fortelny to subscribe.  
After this, TR● made a long Speech to him, with many of the common Arguments concerning the Pope's Power, and the Presence in the Sacrament: to which Cranmer made another large Answer. Then many Witnesses were examined upon the Points they had heard Cranmer defend in the Schools; and in conclusion they cited him to appear before the Pope within eighty days, to answer for all those things which were now objected to him. He said, he would do it most willingly, if the King and Queen would send him: but he could not go, if he were still detained a Prisoner.  
After this he was sent back to Prison, where he lay till the 14th of February this Year: and then Bonner and Thirleby were sent down to degrade him. Bonner desired this Employment, as a pleasant Revenge on Cranmer, who had before deprived him: but it was forced on the other, who had lived in great friendship with Cranmer formerly, and was a gentle and good natured Man, but very inconstant and apt to change. They had Cranmer brought before them, and then they caused to read their Commission, which declared him Contumax for not coming to Rome, and required them to degrade him. They clothed him in Pontifical Robes, a Mitre and the other Garments, with a Crosier in his hand: but the Robes were made of Canvas, to make him show more ridiculous in them. Then Bonner made a Speech full of Jeers; This is the Man that despised the Pope, and is now judged by him: This is the Man that pulled down Churches, and is now judged in a Church: This is the Man that contemned the Sacrament, and is now condemned before it: with other such Expressions, at which Thirleby was much offended, and pulled him oft by the Sleeve, desiring him to make an end: and challenged him afterwards, that he had broke the Promise he had made to him before, of treating him with respect. And he was observed to weep much all the while: He protested to Cranmer, that it was the most sorrowful Action of his whole Life, and acknowledged the great Love and Friendship that had been between them; and that no Earthly Consideration, but the Queen's Command, could have induced him to come, and do what they were then about: He shed so many Tears, that oft he stopped, and could not go on in his discourse for the abundance of them. But Cranmer said, his Degradation was no trouble to him at all; he reckoned himself as long ago cut off from all dependence and communion with the See Rome; so their doing it now with so much Pageantry did not much affect him: only he put in an Appeal from the Pope, to the next free General Council: he said, he was cited to Rome, but all the while kept a Prisoner; so there was no reason to proceed against him in his absence, since he was willing to have gone thither and defended his Doctrine: he also denied any authority the Pope had over him, 
He is degraded.  or in England: and therefore appealed from his Sentence. But notwithstanding that, he was degraded, and all that ludicrous Attire was taken, piece after piece, from him, according to the Ceremonies of Degradation, which are in use in the Church of Rome.  
But there were new Engines contrived against him. Many had been sent to confer with him, both English and Spanish Divines, to persuade him to recant: he was put in hopes of Life and Preferment again, and removed out of Prison to the Dean's Lodgings at Christ-Church; where all the Arguments that could be invented, were made use of to turn him from his former persuasion: And, in conclusion, as St. Peter himself had with Curses denied his Saviour, so he who had resisted now almost three years, was at last overcome; and human infirmity, the fears of Death, and the hopes that were given him, prevailed with him to set his Hand to a Paper, 
He recants.  renouncing all the Errors of Luther and Zwinglius, acknowledging the Pope's Supremacy, the seven Sacraments, the Corporal Presence in the Eucharist, Purgatory, Prayer for departed Souls, the Invocation of Saints; to which was added, his being sorry for his former Errors; and concluded, exhorting all that had been deceived by his Example or Doctrine, to return to the unity of the Church: and protesting that he had signed it willingly, only for the discharge of his own Conscience.  
Fox, and other later Writers from him, have said, that one reason of this Compliance, was, that he might have time to finish his Answer to Gardiner's Book, against that which he had written concerning the Sacrament: and Fox has printed the Letter which he avouches to prove this by. But the good Man (it seems) read the Letter very carelessly; for Cranmer says no such thing in it; but only, that he had appealed to the next General Council, to try if that could procure him a longer delay, in which he might have time to finish his Book: and between these two, there is a great difference. How long this was signed before his Execution, I find it no where marked, for there is no Date put to his Subscription.  
Cranmers Recantation was presently printed, and occasioned almost equally great, Insulting on the one hand, and Dejection on the other. But the Queen was not at all wrought on by it: and was now forced to discover that her private Resentments governed her in this matter; which before she had disowned. She was resolved he should be made a Sacrifice, for giving the Judgement of Divorce in her Mother's Marriage; and though hitherto she had pretended only Zeal for Religion, yet now when that could be no more alleged, yet she persisted in her Resolution of having him burnt: She said, since he had been the great Promoter of Heresy that had corrupted the whole Nation; that must not serve his turn, which would be sufficient in other cases: It was good for his own Soul, and might do good to others, that he repent; but yet she ordered the Sentence to be executed. The Writ went out the 24th of February, 
Coll. Num. 28.  which will be found in the Collection. Heath took care, not only to enrol the Writ, but the Warrant sent to him for issuing it, which is not ordinary. It's like he did it, to leave it on Record to Posterity, that he did it not in course, as he did other Writs, but had a special Order from the Queen for it. The long time that passed between the date of the Writ, and the execution of it, makes it probable that he made the formerly mentioned Recantation, after the Writ was brought down; and that the fears of Death, then before his Eyes, did so far work on him, that he signed the Writing: but when the second Order was sent down to execute the former, he was dealt with to renew his Subscription, and then to write the whole over again, which he also did; all this time being under some small hopes of Life: but conceiving likewise some jealousies that they might burn him, he writ secretly a Paper, containing a sincere Confession of his Faith, such as flowed from his Conscience, and not from his weak fears; and being brought out, he carried that along with him. He was carried to S. Mary's, and set on a place raised higher for him to be more conspicuously seen. Cole Provost of Eton preached: he ran out in his Sermon on the Mercy and Justice of God, which two Attributes do not oppose or justle out one another: he applied this to Princes that were Gods on Earth, who must be just, as well as merciful; and therefore they had appointed Cranmer that day to suffer: he said it was he that had dissolved the Marriage between the Queen's Father and Mother, had driven out the Pope's Authority, had been the fountain of all the Heresies in England; and since the Bishop of Rochester and Sir Tho. More had suffered for the Church, it was meet that others should suffer for Heresy: and as the Duke of Northumberland had suffered in More's room, so there was no other Clergyman that was equal or fit to be balanced with Fisher but he. Then he turned to Cranmer, and magnified his Conversion, which he said was the immediate Hand of God; that none of their Arguments had done it, but the inward working of God's Spirit: He gave him great hopes of Heaven, and assured him there should be Dirges and Masses said for his Soul, in all the Churches in Oxford.  
All this while Cranmer expressed great inward confusion, lifting up his Eyes often to Heaven, and then letting them fall downward, as one ashamed of himself; and he often poured out floods of tears. In the end, when Cole bid him declare his Faith; he first prayed, with many moving expressions of deep remorse and inward horror: Then he made his Exhortation to the People, First, Not to love or set their hearts on the things of the World: to obey the King and Queen out of conscience to God: to live in mutual Love: and to relieve the Poor according to their abundance. Then he came to that, on which, he said, all his past Life, and that which was to come, did hang; being now to enter either into the joys of Heaven, or the pains of Hell. He repeated the Apostles Creed, and declared his belief of the Scriptures; and then he spoke to that, which he said troubled his Conscience, more than any thing he had ever done in his whole Life: which was, the subscribing a Paper contrary to the Truth, and against his Conscience, out of the fear of Death, and the love of Life: and when he came to the Fire, he was resolved that Hand that had signed it, should burn first. He rejected the Pope as Christ's enemy, and Antichrist; and said, he had the same belief of the Sacrament, which he had published in the Book he writ about it.  
Upon this, there was a wonderful Confusion in the Assembly: Those who hoped to have gained a great Victory that day, seeing it turning another way, were in much disorder: They called to him to dissemble no more. He said, he had ever loved Simplicity, and, before that time, had never dissembled in his whole Life. And going on in his discourse, with abundance of tears, they pulled him down, and led him away to the Stake, which was set in the same place where Ridley and Latimer were burnt. All the way the Priests upbraided him for his changing: but he was minding another thing.  
When he came to the Stake, he first prayed, 
He suffers Myrtyrdome with great constancy▪ of Mind.  and then undressed himself: and being tied to it, as the Fire was kindling, he stretched forth his Right-Hand towards the Flame; never moving it, save that once he wiped his Face with it, till it was burnt away: which was consumed before the Fire reached his Body. He expressed no disorder for the pain he was in: sometimes saying, that unworthy Hand! and oft crying out, Lord Jesus, receive my Spirit. He was soon after quite burnt.  
But it was no small matter of Astonishment, to find his Heart entire, and not consumed among the Ashes: which though the Reformed would not carry so far, as to make a Miracle of it, and a clear proof that his Heart had continued true, though his Hand had erred; yet they objected it to the Papists, that it was certainly such a thing, that if it had fallen out in any of their Church, they had made it a Miracle.  
Thus did Thomas Cranmer end his days, in the sixty seventh year of his Age. He was a Man raised of God for great Services; 
His Character.  and well fitted for them. He was naturally of a mild and gentle temper, not soon heated, nor apt to give his Opinion rashly of things, or persons: and yet his Gentleness, though it oft exposed him to his Enemies, who took advantages from it to use him ill, knowing he would readily forgive them; did not lead him into such a weakness of Spirit, as to consent to every thing that was uppermost: for as he stood firmly against the six Articles in K. Henry's time, notwithstanding all his heat for them; so he also opposed the Duke of Somerset in the matter of the sale and alienation of the Chantry Lands, and the Duke of Northumberland during his whole Government; and now resisted unto Blood: so that his meekness was really a virtue in him, and not a pusillanimity in his temper. He was a Man of great Candour. He never dissembled his Opinion, nor disowned his Friend: two rare qualities in that Age, in which there was a continued course of dissimulation, almost in the whole English Clergy and Nation, they going backward and forward, as the Court turned. But this had got him that esteem with King Henry, that it always preserved him in his days. He knew, what Complaints soever were brought against him, he would freely tell him the truth: so instead of ask it from other hands, he began at himself. He neither disowned his esteem of Queen Anne, nor his friendship to Cromwell, and the Duke of Somerset in their misfortunes; but owned, he had the same thoughts of them in their lowest Condition that he had in their greatest State.  
He being thus prepared by a candid and good nature, for the searches into Truth, added to these a most wonderful diligence: for he drew out of all the Authors that he read, every thing that was remarkable, digesting these Quotations into Common-places. This begat in King Henry an admiration of him: for he had often tried it, to bid him bring the Opinions of the Fathers and Doctors upon several questions; which he commonly did, in two or three day's time: This flowed from the copiousness of his common place Books. He had a good judgement, but no great quickness of apprehension, not closeness of Style, which was diffused and unconnected: therefore when any thing was to be penned that required more Nerves, he made use of Ridley. He laid out all his Wealth on the poor, and pious uses: He had Hospitals and Surgeons in his House for the King's Seamen; He gave Pensions to many of those that fled out of Germany into England; and kept up that which is Hospitality indeed at his Table, where great numbers of the honest and poor neighbours were always invited, instead of the Luxury and Extravagance of great Entertainments, which the vanity and excess of the Age we live in, has honoured with the name of Hospitality, to which too many are led by the Authority of Custom to comply too far. He was so humble and affable, that he carried himself in all conditions at the same rate. His last Fall was the only blemish of his life; but he expiated it, with a sincere repentance, and a patiented Martyrdom. He had been the chief advancer of the Reformation in his Life; and God so ordered it, that his death should bear a proportion to the former parts of his life, which was no small Confirmation to all that received his Doctrine, when they heard how constantly he had at last sealed it with his Blood. And though it is not to be fancied that King Henry was a Prophet, yet he discovered such things in Cranmers' temper as made him conclude he was to die a Martyr for his Religion: and therefore he ordered him to change his Coat of Arms and to give Pelicans instead of Cranes which were formerly the Arms of his Family: Intimating withal, that as it is reported of the Pelican, that she gives her Blood to feed her young ones; so he was to give his Blood for the good of the Church. That King's kindness to him subjected him too much to him: for great Obligations do often prove the greatest snares to generous and noble minds. And he was so much overborn by his respects to him, and was so affected with King Henry's Death, that he never after that shaved his Beard, but let it grow to a great length: which I the rather mention, because the Pictures that were afterwards made for him, being taken according to what he was at his Death, differ much from that which I have put in my former Volume. Those who compared modern and ancient Times, found in him so many and excellent qualities, that they did not doubt to compare him to the greatest of the Primitive Bishops; not only to the Chrysostom's, Ambroses, and Austin's, but to the Fathers of the first Rate that immediately followed the Apostles, to the Ignatius', Policarps, and Cyprians. And it seemed necessary that the Reformation of this Church, which was indeed nothing else but restoring of the Primitive and Apostolical Doctrine, should have been chief carried on by a Man so eminent in all Primitive and Apostolical Virtues. And to those who upbraided the Reformed with his Fall, it was answered, That Liberius, whom they so much magnify, had fallen as foully upon a much slighter Temptation, only out of a desire to reenter to his See, from which he had been banished, and that he persisted much longer in it.  
But now I shall give account of the rest that were burnt this year. On the 27th of Jan. Tho. Wirtle a Priest, Bartlet Green a Gentleman, Tho. Brown, John Tudson, and John Went, three Tradesmen, Isabel Foster, 
Others suffered on the like account.  and Joan Warn, having all been presented because they came not to Church; Articles were put to them, and upon their Answers they were all condemned, and burnt in Smithfield at the same Stake. And on the 31st of that Month, John Lomas, and four Women, were burnt at Canterbury. They were presented, because they came not to Confession; whereupon Articles being given them, they were found guilty of Heresy, and burnt in one Fire. In the beginning of March two Women were burnt at Ipswich: Three Tradesmen were burnt in Salisbury on the 24th of March. On the 29th of April, Robert Drakes a Priest, William Times a Deacon, and four Tradesmen that were sent out of Essex, because they came not to Church, were condemned, and all burnt together in Smithfield. John Hanpole, and Joan Booek, were burnt at Rochester on the first of April: and on the second John Hallier a Priest was burnt in Canterbury.  
Six Tradesmen were sent up from Colchester: and the Bishop of London, who had hitherto kept his Prisoners for some time to see if he could prevail with them, growing weary of that fruitless labour, and becoming by many Acts of cruelty less sensible of those affections which belong to humane Nature, did without any more ado exhibit the Articles to them; and they answering in the way he accounted Heresy, he gave them time to consider if they would recant, till the Afternoon: but they continuing in the same mind, he condemned them, and sent them back to Colchester, where they were all burnt in one Fire.  
On the 15th of May he gave yet a more astonishing instance of his barbarity. Laverock an old Cripple, a Man of sixty eight years old, and Jo. Apprice a blind Man, were upon the like account condemned, and burnt in the same Fire at Stratford-le-bow; they comforting one another, that they were now to be freed of their lameness, and blindness. The day after, three Women were burnt in Smithfield: another blind Man, with a Tradesman, were burnt at Gloucester this Month. On the 21st of the Month three were burnt at Beckles in Suffolk. On the 6th of June four Men were burnt at Lewis in Sussex. Another was burnt there on the 20th, and one was burnt at Leicester on the 26th. But on the 27th of June, Bonner made an unheard of Execution of thirteen, whereof eleven were Men, and two Women, all burnt in one Fire in Stratfordle-Bow. He had condemned in all sixteen, but, by what Intercession I do not know, three of them were preserved by a Warrant from Cardinal Pool. It seems Bonner thought it not worth the while, to burn those singly, and therefore sent them in such droves to the Stake: but whether the horror of this Action, or the discontent, because the Cardinal had saved some of them, wrought on him, I know not; the latter being the more likely; he burned no more till April next Year.  
The 30th of June three were burnt at Bury in Suffolk: 
A strange barbarity at Gernsy of burning a Child, born in the Fire.  On the 16th of July three Men were burnt at Newberry. But this July there was done in Gernsey an Act of as great inhumanity, as ever was recorded in any Age. A Mother and her two Daughters, were burnt at the same Stake; and one of them a married Woman, big with Child, when she was in the Fire, the violence of it bursting her Belly, a Boy fell out into the Flame, that was snatched out of it by one that was more merciful than the rest: but after they had a little consulted about it, the Infant was thrown in again, and there was literally baptised with Fire. There were many Eye-witnesses of this, who attested it afterwards in Queen Elizabeth's time, when the matter was enquired into, and special care was taken to have full and evident Proofs of it. For indeed the Fact was so unnatural, that a Man must either be possessed with a very ill opinion of the Actors, or be well satisfied about the number and credibility of the Witnesses, before he could believe it, But Lies and Forgeries are seldom made of Actions done in the Face of the Sun, and before so great an Assembly as was present at this. Therefore complaint being made of it to Queen Elizabeth, the Dean of Garnsey was put in Prison for it; and afterwards, he, and nine more, that were all accessary to it, took out their Pardons. So merciful was the Government then, to pardon an Action of such a monstrous nature, because done with some colour of Law; since, it was said, the Mother was condemned to be burnt, and no exception was made of her Belly. On the 18th of July two Women and one Man were burnt at Greenstead. On the first of August Joan Waste, a blind Woman, was burnt at Derby. On the 8th of September one was burnt at Bristol; and another in the same place on the 25th of that Month. On the 24th four were burnt at Mayfield in Sussex. On the 27th a Man and a Woman were burnt at Bristol: And on the 12th of October a Man was burnt at Nottingham. And thus ended the burning this Year: those that suffered were in all eighty five. All these Persons were presented as suspect of Heresy, and were required to answer the Questions that the Bishop put to them; which related to the Corporal Presence in the Sacrament, the necessity of Auricular Confession, or the Sacrifice of the Mass: and upon the Answers they made, were condemned to the Fire: But none of them were accused of any violence committed on the Persons of any Churchman, or of any affront put on their Religion; and all their Sufferings were merely for their Conscience, which they kept as private as they could: so that it rather appeared in their abstaining from the Communion of a Church which, they thought, had corrupted the chief parts of Worship, than in any thing they had said or done. It was an unusual and an ungrateful thing to the English Nation, that is apt to compassionate all in misery, to see four, five, six, seven, and once thirteen burning in one Fire: and the sparing neither Sex nor Age, nor Blind nor Lame, but making havoc of all equally, and above all, the barbarity of Gernsey, raised that horror in the whole Nation, that there seems ever since that time, such an abhorrence to that Religion to be derived down from Father to Son, that it is no wonder an aversion so deeply rooted, and raised upon such grounds, does upon every new provocation, or jealousy of returning to it, break out in most violent and convulsive Symptoms.  
But all those Fires did not extinguish the Light of the Reformation, 
The Reformation spreads for all the Persecution.  nor abate the love of it. They spread it more, and kindled new heats in men's minds: so that what they had read of the former Persecutions under the Heathens, seemed to be now revived. This made those who loved the Gospel meet oft together, though the malice of their Enemies obliged them to do it with great caution and secrecy: yet there were sometimes at their Meetings about 200. They were instructed and watched over by several faithful Shepherds, who were willing to hazard their Lives, in feeding this Flock committed to their care. The chief of these were Scambler, and Bentham, afterwards promoted by Queen Elizabeth to the Sees of Peterborough, and Litchfield: Fowl, Bernher, and Rough a Scotchman, that was afterwards condemned, and burnt by Bonner. There was also care taken, by their Friends beyond Sea, to supply them with good Books; which they sent over to them for their instruction, and encouragement. These that fled beyond Sea went at first for the most part to France, where, though they were well used, in opposition to the Queen, yet they could not have the free exercise of their Religion granted them: so they retired to Geneva, and Zurick, and Arraw, in Switzerland; and to Strasburg, and Frankfort, in the upper Germany; and to Emden in the lower.  
At Frankfort an unhappy difference fell in among some of them, 
The Troubles at Frankfort among the English there.  who had used before the English Liturgy, and did afterwards comply with it, when they were in England, where it had Authority from the Law: yet they thought that being in Foreign Parts they should rather accommodate their Worship to those among whom they lived; so in stead of the English Liturgy, they used one near the Geneva and French Forms. Others thought, that when those in England who had compiled their Liturgy, were now confirming what they had done with their Blood; and many more were suffering for it; it was an high contempt of them, and their sufferings, to departed from these Forms. This contradiction raised that heat, that Dr. Cox, who lived in Strasburg with his Friend Peter Martyr, went thither; and being a Man of great reputation, procured an Order from the Senate, that the English Forms should only be used in their Church. This dissension, being once raised, went further than perhaps it was at first intended. For those who at first liked the Geneva way better, that, being in Foreign Parts, they might all seem to be united in the same Forms; now began to quarrel with some things in the English Liturgy: and Knox, being a Man of a hot temper, engaged in this matter very warmly; and got his Friend Calvin to write somewhat sharply of some things in the English Service. This made Knox and his Party leave Frankfort, and go to Geneva. Knox had also written indecently of the Emperor, which obliged the Senate of Frankfort to require him to be gone out of their Bounds. There fell in other Contests, about the censuring of offences; which some of the Congregation would not leave in the Hands of the Ministers only, but would have it shared among the whole Congregation. Upon these matters there arose great debates, and many Papers were written on both sides, to the great grief of Parker and others, who lived privately in England; and to the scandal of the strangers, who were not a little offended to see a company of People fly out of their Country for their Consciences, and in stead of spending their time in Fasting and Prayer for their persecuted Brethren at home, to fall into such quarrels about matters which, themselves acknowledged, were not the Substantials of Religion, nor Points of Conscience: in which certainly they began the Breach, who departed from that way of Worship, which they acknowledged was both lawful and good: but there followed too much animosity on both sides, which were the Seeds of all those differences that have since distracted this Church.  
They who reflected on the Contests that the Novatians raised, both at Rome, and Carthage, in Cyprians time; and the Heats the Donatists brought into the African Churches, soon after the Persecution was over; found somewhat parallel both to these Schisms now during the Persecution, and to those afterwards raised when it was over.  

Pool is made Archbishop of Canterbury.  I now return to the Affairs of England. On the 22d of March, the very day after Cranmer was burnt, Pool was consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury by the Archbishop of York, the Bishops of London, Ely, Worcester, Lincoln, Rochester, and St. Asaph. He had come over only a Cardinal Deacon; and was last Winter made a Priest, and now a Bishop. It seems he had his Congee d'Elire with his Election, and his Bulls from Rome, already dispatched before this time. The Pope did not know with what face to refuse them, being pressed by the Queen on his account, though he wanted only a colour to wreak his revenge on him; to which he gave vent upon the first opportunity that offered itself. It seems, Pool thought it indecent to be consecrated as long as Cranmer lived; yet his choosing the next day for it, brought him under the suspicion of having procured his death: so that the words of Elijah to Ahab concerning Naboth, were applied to him, Thou hast killed and taken possession. On the 28th of that Month he came in State through London, to Bow-Church; where the Bishops of Worcester, and Ely, after the former had said Mass, put the Pall about him. This was a Device set up by Pope Paschall the second in the beginning of the twelfth Century, for the engaging of all Archbishops to a more immediate dependence on that See: they being, after they took the Pall, to act as the Pope's Legates born, (as the Phrase was) of which it was the Ensign. But it was at the first admitted with great contradiction both by the Kings of Sicily, and Poland, the Archbishops of Palermo, and Gnesna, being the first to whom they were sent; all Men wondering at the novelty of the thing, and of the Oath which the Popes required of them at the delivery of it. This being put on Pool, he went into the Pulpit, and made a cold Sermon, about the Beginning, the Use, and the Matter of the Pall, without either Learning or Eloquence. The Subject could admit of no Learning; and for Eloquence, though in his younger days when he writ against King Henry his Style was too luxuriant and florid, yet being afterwards sensible of his excess that way, he turned as much to the other Extreme, and cutting off all the Ornaments of Speech, he brought his Style to a flatness that had neither life nor beauty in it.  

Some more Religious Houses endowed.  All the Business of England this Year, was the raising of Religious Houses. Greenwich was begun with last Year. The Queen also built a House for the Dominicans in Smithfield, and another for the Franciscans: and they being Begging Orders, these Endowments did not cost much. At Zion near Brainford there had been a Religious House of Women of the Order of St. Bridget. That House was among the first that had been dissolved by King Henry the eighth, as having harboured the King's Enemies, and been Complices to the Business of the Maid of Kent. The Queen anew Founded a Nunnery there. She also Founded a House for the Carthusians at Sheen near Richmond, in gratitude to that Order for their Sufferings upon her Mother's account. From these she went to a greater Foundation, but that which cost her less: for she suppressed the Deanery, and the Cathedral of Westminster; and in September this Year, turned it into a Monastery; and made Fecknam, Dean of Paul's, the first Abbot of it. I have not met with her Foundation of it, which perhaps was razed out of the Records in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign; for it is not enroled among the other Patents of this Year. But on the 23d of September, she gave Warrants for Pensions to be paid to the prebend's of Westminster, till they were otherwise provided: and about that time Fecknam was declared Abbot; though the solemn Instalment of him, and fourteen other Monks with him, was not done till the 21st of November.  
There had been many Searches and Discoveries made, in the former Reign, of great disorders in these Houses; 
All the former Records concerning them are razed.  and at the dissolution of them many had made Confession of their ill Lives, and gross Superstition; all which were laid up and Recorded in the Augmentation Office. There had been also in that state of things, which they now called, The late Schism, many Professions made by the Bishops and Abbots, and other Religious Men, of their renouncing the Pope's Authority, and acknowledging the King's Supremacy: therefore it was moved, that all these should be gathered together and destroyed. So on the 23d of September, the●e was a Commission granted to Bonner, and Cole, (the new Dean of Paul's in Fecknams room) and Dr. Martin, to search all Registers; to find out both the Professions made against the Pope, and the Scrutinies made in Abbeys; which, as the Commission that is in the Collection 
Collection Number 29.  sets forth, tended to the subversion of all good Religion and Religious Houses: These they were to gather, and carry to the Cardinal, that they might be disposed of as the Queen should give order. It is not upon Record how they executed this Commission, but the effects of it appear in the great defectiveness of the Records, in many things of consequence, which are razed and lost. This was a new sort of Expurgation, by which they intended to leave as few footsteps to Posterity, as ●hey could, of what had been formerly done. Their care of their own credits led them to endeavour to suppress the many Declarations themselves had formerly made, both against the See of Rome, the Monastic Orders, and many of the old Corruptions, which they had disclaimed. But many things escaped their diligence; as may appear by what I have already Collected: and considering the pains they were at, in vitiating Registers, and destroying Records; I hope the Reader will not think it strange, if he meets with many defects in this Work. In this Search, they not only took away what concerned themselves, but every collateral thing that might inform or direct the following Ages how to imitate those Precedents: and therefore, among other Writings, the Commission that Cromwell had to be Vicegerent was destroyed: but I have since that time met with it, in a Copy that was in the Cotton Library, which I have put in the Collection. 
Collection Number 30.  How far this resembled the endeavours that the Heathens used in the last and hottest Persecution, to burn all the Registers of the Church, I leave to the Reader. The Abbey of Westminster being thus set up, some of the Monks of Glassenbury, who were yet alive, were put into it. And all the rest of the old Monks that had been turned out of Glaslenbury, 
Endeavours to raise the Abbey of Glassenbury.  and who had not married since, were invited to return to this Monastery. They began to contrive how to raise their Abbey again, which was held the Ancientest, and was certainly the richest in England: and therefore they moved the Queen and the Cardinal, that they might have the House and Site restored and repaired, and they would by Labour and Husbandry maintain themselves; not doubting but the People of the Country would be ready to contribute liberally to their subsistence. The Queen and Cardinal liked the Proposition well; so the Monks wrote to the Lord Hastings, then Lord Chamberlain, to put the Queen in mind of it, and to follow the Business till it were brought to a good Issue; which would be a great Honour to the Memory of Joseph of Arimathea who lay there, whom they did hearty beseech to pray to Christ for good success to his Lordship. This Letter I have put in the Collection 
Collection Number 31.  copied from the Original. What followed upon it, I cannot find. It is probable, the Monks of other Houses made the like endeavours, and every one of them could find some rare thing belonging to their House, which seemed to make it the more necessary to raise it speedily. These of St. Alban could say, the first Martyr of England lay in their Abbey: those of St. Edmundbury had a King that was Martyred by the Heathen Danes: those of Battle could say, they were Founded for the remembrance of William the Conqueror's Victory, from whence the Queen derived her Crown: and those of St. Augustine's in Canterbury had the Apostle of England laid in their Church. In short, they were all in hopes to be speedily restored. And though they were but few in Number, and to begin upon a small Revenue, yet as soon as the belief of Purgatory was revived, they knew how to set up the old Trade anew; which they could drive with the greater advantage; since they were to deal with the People by a new Motive, besides the old ones formerly used, that it was Sacrilege to possess the Goods of the Church; of which it had been rob by their Ancestors. But ●n this it was necessary to advance slowly: since the Nobility and Gentry were much alarumed at it; and at the last Parliament, many had laid their Hands to their Swords in the House of Commons, and said the● would not part with their Estates; but would defend them: yet some that hoped to gain more favour from the Queen, by such compliance did Found Chantries for Masses for their Souls. In the Records of the last Years of Queen Mary's Reign, there are many Warrants granted by her for such Endowments: for though the Statute of Mortmain was repealed; yet for greater security it was thought fit to take out such Licenses. This is all I find of our home Affairs this Year.  

Foreign Affairs.  Foreign Affairs were brought to a quieter state. For by the Mediation of England, a Truce for five Years was concluded between France and Spain: and the new King of Spain was inclined to observe it faithfully; that so he might be well settled in his Kingdoms, before he engaged in War: but the violent Pope broke all this. He was much offended with the Decree made at Ausburg for the liberty of Religion; and with Ferdinand for ordering the Chalice to be given to his Subjects; and chief, for his assuming the Title of Emperor without his approbation. Upon this last provocation the Pope sent him word, that he would let him know, to his grief, how he had offended him. He came to talk in as haughty a Style, as any of all his Predecessors had ever done, that he would change Kingdoms at his pleasure. He boasted that he had made Ireland a Kingdom: 
The Pope is extravagantly insolent.  that all Princes were under his Feet, (and as he said, that, he used to tread with his Feet against the ground;) and he would allow no Prince to be his Companion, nor be too familiar with him: nay, rather than be driven to a mean Action, he would set the whole World on fire. But to pretend to do somewhat for a Reformation, he appointed a Congregation to gather some Rules for the condemning of Simony. These he published, and said, having now reform his own Court, he would next reform the Courts of Princes: and because they had complained much of the corruptions of the Clergy, and Court of Rome; he resolved to turn the matter on them, and said, he would gather all the abuses that were in their Courts and reform them. But he was much provoked by an Embassy that came from Poland, to desire of him, that they might have the Mass in their own Tongue, and the Communion in both kinds; that their Priests might be allowed to marry, that they might pay Annates no more to Rome, and call a National Council in their own Kingdom. These things put him out of all patience, and with all the bitterness he could use, he expressed how detestable they were to him. He then said, he would hold a Council; not that he needed one, for himself was above all: but it should never meet in Trent, to which it had been a vain thing to send about sixty Bishops of the least able, and forty Doctors of the most insufficient, as had been twice done already: that he would hold it in the Lateran, as many of his Predecessors had done: he gave notice of this to the Ambassadors of all Princes: he said he did that only in courtesy, not intending to ask their advice or consent, for he would be obeyed by them all. He intended in this Council to reform them and their Courts, and to discharge all Impositions which they had laid on the Clergy: and therefore he would call it whether they would or not, and if they sent no Prelates to it, he would hold it with those of his own Court: and would let the World see what the Authority of that See was, when it had a Pope of courage to govern it.  
But after all these Imperious humours of his, 
He breaks the Truce between France and Spain, absolving the French King from his Oath.  which sometimes carried him to excesses, that seemed not much different from madness; he was hearty troubled at the Truce between the French and the Spaniards. He hates the Spaniards most, because they supported the Colonesi, whom he designed to ruin. And therefore he sent his Nephew into France, with a Sword and Hat which he had Consecrated, to persuade the King to break the Truce; offering his assistance for the Conquest of the Kingdom of Naples, to the use of one of the younger Sons of France: though it was believed he designed it for his own Nephew. He also sent the French King an Absolution from his Oath that he had sworn for the maintaining of the Truce, and promised to create what Cardinals he pleased, that so he might be sure of a Creature of his own to succeed in the Popedom. Yet the Pope dissembled his design in this, so closely, that he persuaded Sir Edward Caru, that was then the Queen's Ambassador at Rome, that he desired nothing so much as a general Peace: and he hoped, as the Queen had mediated in the Truce, she would continue her endeavours till a perfect Peace were made. He said, he had sent two Legates to procure it; and since he was the Common Father of Christendom, God would impute to him, even his silence in that matter, if he did not all he could to obtain it. He complained much of the growth of Heresy in Poland, and in the King of the Romans' Dominions. For the repressing of it, he said, he intended to have a General Council: and in order to that it was necessary there should be a Peace; since a Truce would not give sufficient encouragement to those who ought to come to the Council. He said, he intended to be present at it himself, and to hold it in the Church of St. John in the Lateran: for he thought Rome, being the Common Country of all the World, was the meetest Place for such an Assembly: and he, being so very old, could go no where out of Rome; therefore he was resolved to hold it there. But he said, he relied chief on the assistance of the Queen, whom he called, That Blessed Queen, and his most Gracious and loving Daughter: and holding her Letters in his Hand, he said, they were so full of respect and kindness to him, that he would have them read in the Consistory: and made a Cross over her Subscription. It was no wonder such discourses, with that way of deportment, deceived so honest and  a Man as Caru was; as it will appear from the Letter that he writ over upon this occasion to the Queen, 
Collection Number 32.  which I have put in the Collection. But it soon appeared on what design he had sent his Legate to France; for he pressed that King vehemently to break the Truce, and renew the War. To this the French King being persuaded by the Cardinal of Lorraine, and Duke of Guise, consented, though all the rest about him dissuaded him from such a dishonourable breach of Faith, or meddling more in the War of Italy, which had been always fatal to their People. The Colonesi had been furnished with assistance from Naples; upon which, the Pope had it proposed in the Consistory, that the King of Spain, by giving them assistance, had lost his Territories: and being then assured of assistance from France, he began the War, imprisoning the Cardinals and Prelates of the Spanish Faction; and the Ambassadors of Spain and England; pretending they kept correspondence with the Colonesi that were Traitors. He also sent to raise some Regiments among the Grisons. But when they came, some told him they were all Heretics, and it would be a reproach for him to use such Soldiers: he understanding they were good Troops, said, He was confident God would convert them, and that he looked on them as Angels sent by God for the defence of his Person. Upon this breaking out of the Popes, the Duke of Alva, that was then in Naples, being himself much devoted to the Papacy, did very unwillingly engage in the War. He first used all ways to avoid it; and made several Protestations of the Indignities that his Master had received, and his unwillingness to enter into a War, with him that should be the Common Father of Christendom. But these being all to no purpose, he fell into Campania, and took all the Places in it, which he declared he held for the next Pope: he might also have taken Rome itself, but the Reverence he had for the Papacy restrained him.  
This being known in England, was a great grief to the Queen and Cardinal, who saw what advantages those of the Reformation would take from the Pope's absolving Princes from the most Sacred Ties of Humane Societies; since the breach of Faith and public Treaties was a thing abhorred by the most depraved Nations: and when he, who pretended to be the Vicar of Christ who was the Prince of Peace, was kindling a new Flame in Christendom, these things were so scandalous, that they knew they would much obstruct and disorder all their designs. And indeed the Protestants every where were not wanting to improve this all they could. It seemed a strange thing, that in the same Year, a great Conqueror, that had spent his Life in Wars and Affairs, should in the 56th Year of his Age retire to a Monastery: and that a Bishop at eighty, who had pretended to such abstraction from the World that he had formerly quitted a Bishopric to retire into a Monastery, should now raise such a War, and set Europe again in a flame.  
In the beginning of the next Year was the Visitation of the Universities. 
1557. The Visitation of the Universities.  To Cambridge Pool sent Scot Bishop of Chester, his Italian Friend Ormaneto, with Watson, and Christopherson, the two Elect Bishops of Lincoln, and Chichester, (in the rooms of White, removed to Winchester; out of which Pool reserved a Pension of 1000 l. and of Day that was dead) with some others. When they came thither, on the 11th of January they put the Churches of St. Mary's and St. Michael's under an Interdict; because the Bodies of Bucer, and Fagius, two Heretics, were laid in them. The University Orator received them with a Speech, that was divided between an Invective against the Heretics, and a Commendation of the Cardinal, who was then their Chancellor. They went through all the Colleges, and gathered many Heretical Books together, and observed the Order used in their Chapels. When they came to Clare-Hall, they found no Sacrament; Ormaneto asked the Head, Swinburn, how that came; he answered, The Chapel was not yet Consecrated: Then Ormaneto chid him more for officiating so long in it; but trying him further, he found he had many Benefices in his Hands; for which he reproved him so severely, that the poor Man was so confounded that he could answer nothing to the other Questions he put to him. But Christopherson himself, being Master of Trinity College, did not escape. Ormaneto found, he had mis-applied the Revenues of the House, and had made a Lease of some of their Lands to his Brother-in-law below the value: Ormaneto tore the Lease to pieces, and chid him so sharply, that he, fearing it might stop his preferment, fell sick upon it.  
Then followed the Pageantry of burning the two Bodies of Bucer, and Fagius. They were cited to appear, or if any would come in their Name, they were required to defend them: so after three Citations, the dead Bodies not rising to speak for themselves, and none coming to plead for them, (for fear of being sent after them) the Visitors thought fit to proceed. On the 26th of January the Bishop of Chester made a Speech, showing the earnestness of the University to have Justice done; to which they, the Commissioners, though most unwilling, were obliged to condescend: therefore, having examined many Witnesses of the Heresies that Bucer and Fagius had taught, they judged them obstinate Heretics; and appointed their Bodies to be taken out of the Holy Ground, and to be delivered to the Secular Power. The Writ being brought from London, on the 6th of February their Bodies were taken up, and carried in Coffins, and tied to Stakes, with many of their Books, and other Heretical Writings, and all were burnt together. Pern preached at it; who as he was that Year Vicechancellor, so he was in the same Office four years after this; when by Queen Elizabeth's Order, public Honours were done to the Memories of those two learned Men; and Sermons and Speeches were made in their Praise: but Pern had turned so oft, and at every one was so zealous, that such turn came to be nicknamed from him. On the Feast of Purification, Watson preached at Cambridge; where to extol the Rites and Processions of the Catholics, and their carrying Candles on that day, he said, Joseph and the Blessed Virgin had carried Wax Candles in Procession that day, as the Church had still continued to do from their Example: which was heard not without the laughter of many.  
The Cardinal did also send Ormanet, and Brooks Bishop of Gloucester, with some others, to Visit the University of Oxford. They went over all the Colleges as they had done at Cambridge; and burned all the English Bibles, with such other Heretical Books as could be found. Then they made a Process against the Body of Peter Martyrs Wife, that lay buried in one of the Churches: but she being a Foreigner that understood no English, they could not find Witnesses that had heard her utter any Heretical Points; so they gave advertisement of this to the Cardinal, who thereupon writ back, That since it was notoriously known, that she had been a Nun, and had married contrary to her Vow, therefore her Body was to be taken up, and buried in a Dunghill, as a Person dying under Excommunication. This was accordingly done. But her Body was afterwards taken up again in Queen Elizabeth's time, and mixed with St. Fridiswides Bones, that she might run the same Fortune with her in all Times coming.  
While these things were doing, there was great Complaints made, that the Inferior Magistrates grew every where slack in the searching after, and presenting of Heretics: 
Great Endeavours used to set forward the Persecution most vigorously.  they could not find in the Counties a sufficient number of Justices of Peace, that would carefully look after it: and in Towns they were generally harboured. Letters were written to some Towns, as Coventry, and Rye, which are entered in the Council-Books, recommending some to be chosen their Majors, who were zealous Catholics. It is probable that the like Letters might have been written to other Towns; for the Council-Books for this Reign are very imperfect and defective. But all this did not advance their design. The Queen understood that the Numbers of the Heretics rather increased than abated: so new Councils were to be taken. I find it said, That some advised that Courts of Inquisition, like those in Spain, might be set up in England. In Spain the Inquisitors, who were then all Dominicans, received private Informations; and upon these laid hold on any that were delated or suspected of Heresy; and kept them close in their Prisons till they form their Processes: and by all the ways of torture they could invent, forced from them Confessions, either against themselves, or others, whom they had a mind to draw within their Toils. They had so unlimited a Jurisdiction, that there was no Sanctuary that could secure any from their Warrants; nor could Princes preserve or deliver Men out of their Hands: nor were their Prisoners brought to any public Trial, but tried in secret: one of the Advocates of the Court, was for Forms sake assigned to plead for them: but was always more careful to please the Court, than to save his Client. They proceeded against them, both by Articles, which they were to answer, and upon Presumptions: and it was a rare thing for any to escape out of their Hands, unless they redeemed themselves, either by great Presents, or by the discovery of others. These had been set up first in the County of Tholouse, for the extirpation of the Albigenses; and were afterwards brought into Spain, upon Ferdinand of Arragon's driving the Moors out of it, that so, none of those might any longer conceal themselves in that Kingdom; who being a false and crafty sort of Men, and certainly Enemies to the Government, it seemed necessary to use more than ordinary severity to drive them out. But now those Courts examined Men suspected of Heresy, as well as of Mahometanisme; and had indeed effectually preserved Spain from any change in Religion. This made the present Pope earnest with all the Princes of Christendom, to set up such Courts in their Dominions; and Philip was so much of the same mind, that he resolved to have them set up in Flanders; which gave the first Rise to those Wars, that followed afterwards there, and ended in the loss of the seven Provinces.  
In England they made now in February a good step towards it. 
A Design to set up the Inquisition in England.  For a Commission was given to the Bishops of London, and Ely, the Lord North, Secretary Bourne, Sir John Mordant, Sir Francis Englefield, Sir Edward Walgrave, Sir Nicholas Hare, Sir Tho. Pope, Sir Roger Cholmly, Sir Richard Read, Sir Tho. straddling, Sir Rowland Hall, and Sergeant Rastall; Cole Dean of Paul's, William Roper, Randulph Cholmley, and William Cook, Tho. Martin, John Story, and John Vaughan, Doctors of the Law: That since many false Rumours were published among the Subjects, and many Heretical Opinions were also spread among them; therefore they, or any three of them, were to inquire into those, either by Presentments by Witnesses, or any other politic way they could devise: and to search after all Heresies; the Bringers in, the Sellers, or Readers, of all Heretical Books: they were to examine, and punish, all misbehaviours, or negligences, in any Church or Chapel; and to try all Priests that did not preach of the Sacrament of the Altar; all Persons that did not hear Mass, or come to their Parish-Church to Service, that would not go in Processions, or did not take Holy Bread, or Holy Water: and if they found any that did obstinately persist in such Heresies, they were to put them into the Hands of their Ordinaries, to be proceeded against according to the Laws: giving them full Power to proceed, as their Discretions and Consciences should direct them: and to use all such means as they could invent, for the searching of the Premises: empow'ring them also to call before them such Witnesses as they pleased, and to force them to make Oath of such things as might discover what they sought after. This Commission I have put in the Collection. 
Collection Number 33.  It will show how high they intended to raise the Persecution, when a Power of such a nature, was put into the Hands of any three of a number so selected. Besides this, there were many subordinate Commissions issued out. This Commission seems to have been granted the former Year, and only renewed now: for in the Rolls of that Year, I have met with many of those subaltern Commissions, relating to this, as superior to them. And on the eighth of March after this, a Commission was given to the Archbishop of York, the Bishop Suffragan of Hull, and divers others, to the same effect: but with this limitation, that if any thing appeared to them so intricate, that they could not determine it, they were to refer it to the Bishop of London and his Colleagues, who had a larger Commission. So now, all was done that could be devised for extirpating of Heresy, except Courts of Inquisition had been set up; to which, whether this was not a previous step to dispose the Nation to it, the Reader may judge.  
I shall next give an account of the Burn this Year. On the 15th of January six Men were burnt in one Fire at Canterbury; and at the same time, 
Proceed against the Heretics.  two were burnt at Wye, and two at Ashford, that were condemned with the other six. Soon after the  Commission, two and twenty were sent up from Colchester to London: yet Bonner, though seldom guilty of such gentleness, was content to discharge them. As they were led through London, the People did openly show their affection to them, above a thousand following them: Bonner upon this writ to the Cardinal, that he found they were obstinate Heretics; yet since he had been offended with him for his former Proceed, he would do nothing till he knew his pleasure. This Letter is to be found in Fox. But the Cardinal stopped him; and made some deal with the Prisoners to Sign a Paper, of their professing that they believed that Christ's Body and Blood was in the Sacrament; without any further explanation: and that they did submit to the Catholic Church of Christ; and should be faithful Subjects to the King and Queen, and be obedient to their Superiors both Spiritual and Temporal according to their duties. It is plain, this was so contrived, that they might have Signed it without either prevaricating or dissembling their Opinions: for it is not said, That they were to be subject to the Church of Rome, but to the Church of Christ: and they were to be obedient to their Superiors according to their duties, which was a good reserve for their Consciences. I stand the longer on this, that it may appear how willing the Cardinal was to accept of any show of submission from them, and to stop Bonner's rage. Upon this they were set at liberty. But Bonner got three Men and two Women presented to him in London in January, and after he had allowed them a little more time than he had granted others, they standing still firm to their Faith, were burnt at Smithfield on the 12th of April. After that, White, the new Bishop of Winchester, condemned three, who were burnt on the third of May in Southwark; one of these, Stephen Gratwick, being of the Diocese of Chichester, appealed from him to his own Ordinary: whether he expected more favour from him, or did it only to gain time, I know not: but they brought in a Counterfeit, who was pretended to be the Bishop of Chichester, (as Fox has printed it from the account written with the Mans own Hand) and so condemned him. On the seventh of May, three were burnt a Bristol. On the 18th of June, two Men, and five Women, were burnt at Maidston: and on the 19th, three Men, and four Women, were burnt at Canterbury; fourteen being thus in two days destroyed by Thornton and Harpsfield: in which it may seem strange, that the Cardinal had less influence to stop the Proceed in his own Diocese, than in London: but he was now under the Pope's disgrace, as shall be afterwards shown. On the 22d of June, six Men, and four Women, were burnt at Lewis in Sussex, condemned by White; for Christopherson, Bishop Elect of Chichester, was not yet consecrated. On the 13th of July too were burnt at Norwich: On the second of August ten were burnt at Colchester, six in the Morning, and four in the Afternoon: they were some of those who had been formerly discharged by the Cardinal's Orders; but the Priests in the Country complained, that the mercy shown to them had occasioned great disorders among them; Heretics and the favourers of them growing insolent upon it; and those who searched after them being disheartened: so now, Bonner being under no more restraints from the Cardinal, new Complaints being made that they came not to Church, condemned them upon their Answers to the Articles, which he objected to them.  
At this time one George Eagle, a Tailor, who used to go about from place to place, and to meet with those who stood for the Reformation, where he prayed and discoursed with them about Religion; and from his indefatigable diligence was nicknamed Trudge-over, was taken near Colchester, and was condemned of Treason for gathering the Queen's Subjects together; though it was not proved, that he had ever stirred them up to Rebellion; but did it only (as himself always protested) to encourage them to continue steadfast in the Faith: he suffered as a Traitor. On the fifth of August one was burnt at Norwich; and on the 20th a Man, and a Woman more, were burnt at Rochester: One was also burnt at Litchfield in August, but the day is not named.  
The same Month, a Complaint was brought to the Council, of the Magistrates of Bristol, that they came seldom to the Sermons at the Cathedral; so that the Dean and Chapter used to go to their Houses in Procession, with their Cross carried before them, and to fetch them from thence: upon which, a Letter was written to them, requiring them to conform themselves more willingly to the Orders of the Church, to frequent the Sermons, and go thither of their own accord. On the 17th of September three Men, and one Woman, were burnt at Islington near London: and on the same day two Women were burnt at Colchester. On the 20th a Man was burnt at Northampton: and in the same Month one was burnt at Laxefield in Suffolk. On the 23d a Woman was burnt at Norwich. There were seventeen burnt in the Diocese of Chichester, about this time: one was a Priest, thirteen were Laymen, and three Women: but the day is not marked. On the 18th of November three were burnt in Smithfield. On the 12d of December John Rough a Scotchman was burnt, whose suffering was on this occasion. On the 12th of December there was a private Meeting of such as continued to Worship God according to the Service set out by King Edward, at Islington; where he was to have administered the Sacrament, according to the Order of that Book. The new Inquisitors had corrupted one of this Congregation to betray his Brethren; so that they were apprehended as they were going to the Communion. But Rough being a Stranger, it was considered by the Council whether he should be tried as a Native. He had a Benefice in Yorkshire in King Edward's days; so it was resolved, and signified to the Bishop of London, that he should be proceeded against as a Subject. Thereupon Bonner objected to him, his condemning the Doctrine of the Church, and setting out the Heresies of Cranmer and Ridley concerning the Sacrament, and his using the Service set out by King Edward; that he had lived much with those who for their Heresies had fled beyond Sea; that he had spoken reproachfully of the Pope and Cardinals, saying, That when he was at Rome, he had seen a Bull of the Popes that licenced Stews, and a Cardinal riding openly with his Whore with him: with several other Articles. The greatest part of them he confessed, and thereupon he, with a Woman that was one of the Congregation, was burnt in Smithfield. And thus ended the Burn this Year; seventy nine in all being burnt.  
These severities against the Heretics, made the Queen show less pity to the Lord Stourton, 
The Lord Stourton hanged for Murder.  than perhaps might have been otherwise expected. He had been all King Edward's time a most zealous Papist, and did constantly descent in Parliament from the Laws then made about Religion. But he had the former Year murdered one Argall and his Son, with whom he had been long at variance: and after he had knocked them down with Clubs, and cut their Throats, he buried them fifteen Foot under ground, thinking thereby to conceal the Fact: but it breaking out, both he and four of his Servants were taken, and indicted for it. He was found guilty of Felony, and condemned to be hanged with his Servants, in Wilt-shire, where the Murder was committed. On the sixth of March they were hanged at Salisbury. All the difference that was made in their Deaths, being only thus, That whereas his Servants were hanged in common Halters, one of Silk was bestowed on their Lord. It seemed an indecent thing, when they were proceeding so severely against Men for their Opinions, to spare one that was guilty of so foul a Murder, killing both Father and Son at the same time. But it is strange, that neither his Quality, nor his former zeal for Popery, could procure a change of the Sentence, from the more infamous way of hanging, to beheading; which had been generally used to Persons of his Quality. It has been said, and it passes for a Maxim of Law, That though in Judgements of Treason the King can order the Execution to be by cutting off the Head, since it being a part of the Sentence, that the Head shall be severed from the Body, the King may in that Case remit all the other parts of the Sentence except that; yet in Felonies the Sentence must be Executed in the way prescribed by Law; and that if the King should order beheading in stead of hanging, it would be Murder in the Sheriff, and those that Execute it: So that in such a Case they must have a Pardon under the Great Seal for killing a Man unlawfully. But this seems to be taken up without good Grounds, and against clear Precedents: For in the former Reign the Duke of Somerset, though condemned for Felony, yet was beheaded. And in the Reign of King Charles the first, the Lord Audley, being likewise condemned for Felony, all the Judges delivered their Opinons, that the King might change the Execution from hanging to beheading, which was done, and was not afterwards questioned. So it seems the hanging the Lord Stourton flowed not from any scruple as to the Queen's Power of doing it lawfully, but that on this occasion she resolved to give a public Demonstration of her Justice and Horror at so cruel a Murder; and therefore she left him to the Law, without taking any further care of him. On the last of February he was sent from London, with a Letter to the Sheriff of Wilt-shire, to receive his Body, and execute the Sentence given against him, and his Servants; which was accordingly done, as has been already shown. Upon this, the Papists took great advantage to commend the strictness and impartiality of the Queen's Justice; that would not spare so zealous a Catholic, when guilty of so foul a Murder. It was also said, That the kill of men's Bodies was a much less crime, than the kill of Souls, which was done by the Propagators of Heresy; and therefore if the Queen did thus execute Justice on a Friend, for that which was a lesser degree of Murder, they who were her Enemies, and guilty of higher Crimes, were to look for no mercy. Indeed, as the Poor Protestants looked for none, so they met with very little; but what the Cardinal shown them: and he was now brought under trouble himself, for favouring them too much, it being that which the Pope made use of to cover his malice against him.  
Now the War had again broken out between France and Spain, and the King studied to engage the English to his assistance. The Queen had often complained to the French Court, that the Fugitives, who left her Kingdom, had been well entertained in France. She understood that the practices of Wyatt, and of her other rebellious Subjects, were encouraged from thence: particularly of Ashton, who went often between the two Kingdoms, and had made use of the Lady Elizabeth's Name to raise Seditions, as will appear by a Letter, (that is in the Collection 
Collection Number 34. ) which some of the Council writ to one that attended that Princess. She was indeed the more strictly kept, and worse used upon that occasion. But besides, it so happened, that this Year one Stafford had gone into France, and gathered some of the English Fugitives together, and with Money and Ships, that were secretly given him by that Court, had come and seized on the Castle of Scarborough: from whence he published a Manifesto against the Queen, that by bringing in the Spaniards, she had fallen from her Right to the Kingdom; of which he declared himself Protector. The Earl of Westmoreland took the Castle on the last of April, and Stafford, with three of his Complices, being taken, suffered as Traitors on the 28th of May. 
The Queen becomes jealous of the French.  His coming out of France added much to the Jealousy, though the French King disowned that he had given him any assistance. But Dr. Wotton, who was then Ambassador there, resolved to give the Queen a more certain discovery of the inclinations of the French, that so he might engage her in the War, as was desired by Philip: He therefore caused a Nephew of his own to come out of England, whom when he had secretly instructed, he ordered him to desire to be admitted to speak with the French King; pretending that he was sent from some that were discontented in England, and desired the French Protection. But the King would not see him, till he had first spoken with the Constable. So Wotton was brought to the Constable, and Melvill, from whose Memoirs I draw this, was called to interpret. The young man first offered him the Service of many in England; that, partly upon the account of Religion, partly for the hatred they bore the Spaniards, were ready, if assisted by France, to make stirs there. The Constable received and answered this but coldly; and said, He did not see what Service they could do his Master in it. Upon which, he replied, They would put Calais into his Hands. The Constable not suspecting a Trick, started at that, and shown great joy at the Proposition; but desired to know, how it might be effected. Young Wotton told him, there were a thousand Protestants in it, and gave him a long formal Project of the way of taking it: with which the Constable seemed pleased, and had much discourse with him about it; he promised him great Rewards, and gave him directions how to proceed in the Design. So the Ambassador having found out what he had designed to discover, sent his Nephew over to the Queen; who was thereupon satisfied, that the French were resolved to begin with her, if they found an opportunity. Her Husband King Philip finding it was not so easy by Letters or Messages, to draw her into the War, came over himself about the 20th of May, and stayed with her till the beginning of July. 
And denounces War.  In that time he prevailed so far with her and the Council, that she sent over a Herald with a formal Denunciation of War, who made it at Rheims, where the King then was, on the seventh of June. Soon after she sent over 8000 Men, under the Command of the Earl of Pembroke, to join the Spanish Army, that consisting of near 50000 Men, sat down before St. Quintin. The Constable was sent to raise the Siege, with a great Force, and all the chief Nobility of France. When the two Armies were in view of one another, 
The great defeat given the French at St. Quintin.  the Constable intended to draw back his Army; but by a mistake in the way of it, they fell in some disorder. The Spaniards upon that, falling on them, did, with the loss only of fifty of their Men, gain an entire Victory: 2500 were killed on the Place; the whole Army was dispersed, many of the first Quality were killed, the Constable with many others were taken Prisoners. The French King was in such a consternation upon it, that he knew not which way to turn himself. Now all the French cursed the Pope's Counsels, for he had persuaded their King to begin this War, and that with a manifest breach of his Faith. This Action lost the Constable that great reputation, which he had acquired and preserved in a course of much success; and raised the credit of the Duke of Guise, who was now sent for in all haste, to come with his Army out of Italy, for the preservation of his own Country. France indeed was never in greater danger than at that time. For if King Philip had known how to have used his Success, and marched on to Paris, he could have met with no resistance. But he sat down before St. Quintin's, which Coligny kept out so long, till the first terror was over, that so great a Victory had raised: and then, as the French took Heart again, so the Spaniards grew less, as well in strength as reputation, and the English finding themselves not well used, returned home into their Country.  
As soon as the Pope heard, that England had made War upon France, he was not a little inflamed with it: and his wrath was much heightened, when he heard of the defeat at St. Quintin's; and that the Duke of Guise Army was recalled out of Italy; by which he was exposed to the mercy of the Spaniards. He now said openly, they might see how little Cardinal Pool 
The Pope is offended with Cadrinal Pool.  regarded the Apostolic See, when he suffered the Queen to assist their Enemies, against their Friends. The Pope being thus incensed against Pool, sought all ways to be revenged of him. At first he made a Decree (in May this Year) for a General Revocation of all Legates and Nuntios in the King of Spain's Dominions; and among these, Cardinal Pool was mentioned with the rest. But Carne, understanding this, went first to the Cardinals, and informed them what a prejudice it would be to their Religion, to recall the Cardinal, while things were yet in so unsettled a state in England. Of this they were all very sensible, and desired him to speak to the Pope about it. So in an Audience he had of him, he desired a Suspension might be made of that Revocation. The Pope pretended he did it in General, in all the Spanish Dominions; yet he promised Carne to propose it to the Congregation of the Inquisition, but he was resolved not to recall it; and said, it did not consist with the Majesty of the Place he sat in, to revoke any part of a Decree which he had solemnly given. In the Congregation the Pope endeavoured to have got the Concurrence of the Cardinals, but they were unwilling to join in it. So he told Carne, that though he would recall no part of his Decree, yet he would give Orders that there should be no Intimation made of it to Cardinal Pool: and that if the Queen writ to him to desire his Continuance in England, it might be granted: He also let fall some words to Carne of his willingness to make Peace with King Philip; and indeed at that time he was much distasted with the French. Of this Carne advertised the King, though he was then so much better acquainted with the Pope's dissimulation than formerly that he did not lay much weight on what he said to him; as will appear by the dispatch he made upon this occasion, which is in the Collection. Whether the Queen did upon this writ to the Pope or not, 
Collection Number 35.  I do not know. It is probable she did: for this matter lay asleep till September; and then the Pope did not only recall Pool, but intended to destroy him. He did not know where to find a Person to set up against the Cardinal, since Gardiner was dead, and none of the other Bishops in England were great enough, or sure enough to him, to be raised to so high a Dignity. Peito the Franciscan Friar seemed a Man of his own temper, because he had railed against King Henry so boldly to his face: and he being chosen by the Queen to be her Confessor, was looked on as the fittest to be advanced. So the Pope wrote for him into England; and when he came to Rome, made him a Cardinal; and sent over his Bulls, declaring that he recalled Pools Legatine Power, 
And recalls his Legatine Power.  and required him to come to Rome, to answer for some Accusations he had received of him, as a favourer of Heretics. This might have perhaps been grounded on his discharging that Year so many delated of Heresy, upon so ambiguous a submission as they had made. The Pope also wrote to the Queen, that he was to send over Cardinal Peito with full power, requiring her to receive him as the Legate of the Apostolic See. The Queen called for the Bulls, and according to the way formerly practised in England, and still continued in Spain, when Bulls that were unacceptable were sent over, she ordered them to be laid up without opening them. It has been shown in the former part, how Archbishop Chicheley, when he was so proceeded against by Pope Martin, appealed to the next General Council; and some that desired to see the Form of such Appeals in those Ages, have thought it an Omission in me, that I had not published his Appeal in the Collection of Records, at the end of that Work: therefore upon this occasion, I shall refer the Reader to it, which he will find in the Collection. But now, 
Collection Number 36.  Cardinal Pool resolved to behave himself with more submission. For though the Queen had ordered the Pope's Breve to him, not to be delivered, yet of himself he laid down the Ensigns of his Legatine Power: and sent Ormaneto, who had the Title of the Pope's Datary, and was his Friend and Confident, to give an account of his whole behaviour in England; and to clear him of these Imputations of Heresy. This he did, with so much submission, that he mollified the Pope: only he said, that Pool ought not to have consented to the Queens joining in War with the Enemies of the Holy See. 
The Queen refuses to admit of Cardinal Peito the new Legate.  Peito had begun his Journey to England: but the Queen sent him word, not to come over; otherwise she would bring him, and all that owned his Authority, within the Praemunire. So he stopped in his Journey; and dying in April following, enjoyed but a short while his new Dignity; together with the Bishopric of Salisbury, to which the Pope had advanced him, clearly contrary to the old Law then in force against Provisions from Rome.  
This Storm against Pool went soon over, by the Peace that was made between Philip and the Pope, of which it will not be unpleasant to give the Relation. The Duke of Guise having carried his Army out of Italy, the Duke of Alva marched towards Rome, and took and spoiled all Places on his way. When he came near Rome, all was in such confusion, that he might have easily taken it; but he made no assault. The Pope called the Cardinals together, and setting out the danger he was in, with many Tears, said, he would undauntedly suffer Martyrdom: which they, who knew that the trouble he was in, flowed only from his restless ambition and fierceness, could scarce hear without laughter. The Duke of Alva was willing to treat. 
A Peace made between the Pope and the King of Spain.  The Pope stood high on the Points of Honour; and would needs keep that entire, though he was forced to yield in the chief matters: he said, rather than lose one jot that was due to him, he would see the whole World ruined; pretending, it was not his own Honour, but Christ's, that he sought. In fine, the Duke of Alva was required by him to come to Rome, and on his Knees to ask pardon, for invading the Patrimony of the Church; and to receive Absolution for himself, and his Master. He being superstitiously devoted to the Papacy, and having got satisfaction in other things, consented to this. So the Conqueror was brought to ask pardon, and the vain Pope received him, and gave him Absolution, with as much haughtiness and state as if he had been his Prisoner. This was done on the 14th of September, and the news of it being brought into England on the 6th of October: Letters were written by the Council to the Lord Major and Aldermen of London, requiring them to come to St. Paul's, where high Mass was to be said, for the Peace now concluded between the Pope and the King, after which, Bonfires were ordered. One of the secret Articles of the Peace, was the restoring Pool to his Legatine Power.  

The beginnings of a War between England and Scotland.  War being now proclaimed between England and France, the French sent to the Scotish Queen Regent, to engage Scotland in the War with England. Hereupon a Convention of the Estates was called. But in it there were two different Parties. Those of the Clergy liked now the English Interest, as much as they had been formerly jealous of it; and so refused to engage in the War: since they were at Peace with England. They had also a secret dislike to the Regent, for her kindness to the Heretical Lords. On the other hand, those Lords were ready enough to gain the protection of the Regent, and the favour of France; and therefore were ready to enter into the War; hoping that thereby they should have their Party made the stronger in Scotland, by the entertainment that the Queen Regent would be obliged to give to such as should fly out of England, for Religion. Yet the greater part of the Convention were against the War. The Queen Regent thought at least to engage the Kingdom in a defensive War, by forcing the English to begin with them. Therefore she sent D'Oisel, who was in chief command, to fortify Aymouth; which by the last Treaty with England, was to be unfortified. So the Governor of Berwick making Inroads into Scotland for the disturbing of their Works; upon that, D'Oisel began the War, and went into England, and besieged Work Castle. The Scotish Lords upon this, met at Edinburgh, and complained that D'Oisel was engaging them in a War with England, without their consent; and required him to return back, under pain of being declared an Enemy to the Nation: which he very unwillingly obeyed. But while he lay there, the Duke of Norfolk was sent down with some Troops, to defend the Marches. There was only one Engagement between him and the Kers; but after a long dispute, they were defeated, and many of them taken. The Queen Regent seeing her Authority was so little considered, writ to France, to hasten the Marriage of her Daughter to the Dolphin; for that he being thereupon invested with the Crown of Scotland, the French would become more absolute. Upon this a Message was sent from France to a Convention of Estates that sat in December, to let them know, that the Dolphin was now coming to be of Age, and therefore they desired they would send oversome, to treat about the Articles of the Marriage. They sent the Archbishop of Glasgow, the Bishop of Orkney, the Prior of St. Andrews, who afterwards was Earl of Murray, the Earls of Rothes, and Cassils', the Lord fleming; and the Provosts of Edinburgh and Mountrose; some of every Estate, that in the Name of the three Estates they might conclude that Treaty.  
These Wars coming upon England, when the Queen's Treasure was quite exhausted, it was not easy to raise Money for carrying them on. They found such a backwardness in the last Parliament, that they were afraid, the supply from thence would not come easily, or at least, that some favour would be desired for the Heretics. Therefore they tried first to raise Money by sending Orders under the Privy Seal, for the borrowing of certain Sums. But though the Council writ many Letters, to set on those Methods of getting Money; yet they being without, if not against Law, there was not much got this way: so that after all, it was found necessary to summon a Parliament, to assemble on the 20th of January. In the end of the Year the Queen had Advertisements sent her from the King, that he understood the French had a design on Calais; but she, either for want of Money, or that she thought the place secure in the Winter, did not send these Supplies that were necessary; and thus ended the Affairs of England this Year.  
In Germany, there was a Conference appointed, 
The Affairs of Germany.  to bring matters of Religion to a fuller settlement. Twelve Papists and twelve Protestants were appointed to manage it. Julius Pflugius, that had drawn the Interim, being the chief of the Papists, moved, that they should begin first with condemning the Heresy of Zuinglius. Melancthon, upon that, said it was preposterous to begin with the condemnation of errors, till they had first settled the Doctrines of Religion. Yet that which the Papists expected, followed upon this: for some of the fiercer Lutherans, being much set against the Zwinglians, agreed to it. This raised heats among themselves, which made the Conference break up, without bringing things to any issue. Upon this occasion, Men could not but see that Artifice of the Roman Church, which has been often used before and since, with too great success. When they cannot bear down those they call Heretics with open force, their next way is to divide them among themselves, and to engage them into Heats about those lesser matters, in which they differ; hoping that by those animosities their endeavours, which being united, would be dangerous to the common Enemy, may not only be broken, but directed one against another. This is well enough known to all the Reformed; and yet many of them are so far from considering it, that upon every new occasion they are made use of to serve the same designs; never reflecting upon the advantages that have been formerly taken from such contentions.  
In France, 
A Persecution of Protestants in France.  the number of the Protestants was now increased much; and in Paris, in September this Year, there was a Meeting of about 200 of them in St. Germains to receive the Sacrament according to the way of Geneva: which being known to some of their Neighbours, they furnished themselves with Stones to throw at them when they broke up their Meeting. So when it was late, as they went home, Stones were cast at some of them: and the enraged Zealots forced the doors, and broke in upon the rest. The Men, drawing their Swords, made their way through them, and most of them escaped: but 160 Women, with some few Men, delivered themselves Prisoners to the King's Officers that came to take them. Upon this there were published all the blackest calumnies that could be devised, of the lose and promiscuous embraces that had been in this Meeting: and so exactly had their Accusers copied from what the Heathens had anciently charged on the Meetings of the Christians, that it was said, they found the Blood of a Child, whom they had Sacrificed and eaten, among them, These things were confidently told at Court, where none durst contradict them, for fear of being judged a favourer of them. But afterwards there was printed an Apology for the Protestants. In it they gloried much, that the same false accusations by which the Heathens had defamed the Primitive Christians, were now cast on them. Those that were taken were proceeded against: Six Men and one Woman were burnt. It had gone further, if there had not come Envoys, both from the Germane Princes, and the Cantons of Switzerland, to interpose for them: upon which, since the King needed assistance in his Wars, especially from the latter, the Prosecution was let fall. The Pope was much troubled, when he heard that the King would exercise no further severity on the Heretics: and though himself had hired them in his Wars, yet he said, the Affairs of France could not succeed, as long as their King had so many Heretics in his Army. That King had also made two Constitutions that gave the Pope great offence: the one, that Marriages made by Sons under thirty, and Daughters under twenty five, without their Father's consent, should be void; the other was for charging the Ecclesiastical Benefices with a Tax, and requiring all Bishops and Curates to reside on their Benefices. So scandalous a thing was Nonresidence then held, that every where the Papists were ashamed of it. Upon which the Pope complained anew, that the King presumed to meddle with the Sacraments, and to tax the Clergy.  
The beginning of the next Year was famous for the loss of Calais. 
1558. Calais is besieged.  The Lord Wentworth had then the command of it; but the Garrison consisted only of 500 Men, and there were not above 200 of the Townsmen, that could be serviceable in a Siege. The Duke of Guise, having brought his Army out of Piedmont, was now in France, and being desirous, when the Constable was a Prisoner, to do some great Action which might raise him in reputation above the other, who was his only Competitor in France, set his thoughts on Calais, and the Territory about it. There were two Forts on which the security of the Town depended. The one Newnambridge, a Mile from it, that commanded the Avenues to it from the Land; from which to the Town there was a way raised through a Marsh lying on both hands of it. On the other side, to the Sea, the Fort of Risbanck commanded the Harbour; so that the whole strength of the Place, lay in those two Forts.  
On the first of January the Duke of Guise came and sat down before it. The Governor having but a small Force within, did not think fit to weaken it by sending such Supplies as those Forts required; so they were taken without any opposition. Then the Town being thus shut up, the Enemy pressed it hard, and drew the Water out of its Current, by which the Ditches about the Town and Castle were drained; and having prepared devices for their Soldiers to pass them without sticking in the Mire, they made the Assault; after they had opened a great breach by their Ordnance: and when the Sea was out, others crossed on that side, and so carried the Castle by Storm; which the Governor had looked on as impregnable, and so had brought his chief Force to the defence of the Town. Seeing the Castle thus unexpectedly lost, he did all he could with his small Force to regain it; but being still repulsed, and having lost 200 of his best Men, he was forced to render the Place on the 7th of January. By their Articles, 
And taken.  all the Townsmen and Soldiers were to go whither they pleased, only he and fifty more were to be Prisoners of War. Thus in one Weeks time, and in Winter, was so strong a Town lost by the English, that had been for many Ages in their Hands. It was taken 210 years ago by Edward the third after the Battle of Cressy; and was still called the Key of France, as long as it continued in English Hands. But now, in a time of War, it was in as ill a condition, as if they had been in the profoundest Peace: And though Philip had offered to put Men into it, yet the English, being jealous that those Advertisements were but Artifices of his, to persuade them to admit a Spanish Garrison into it, left it in so naked a condition, that the Governor could do little to preserve it. But yet, that it might appear he had not been too careful of himself, he was content to agree that he should be a Prisoner of War.  
From this, the Duke of Guise went to Guisnes, 
Guisnes and the rest of that Territory taken by the French.  commanded by the Lord Grace; whose Garrison consisted of about 1100 Men: but the loss of Calais had much disheartened them. At the first impression the French carried the Town, and the Garrison retired into the Castle: but Grace; breaking out on the Soldiers that were fallen to plundering, did beat them out again, and burned the Town. The French battered the Castle, till they made a breach in the Outworks of it, which they carried, after a long resistance, in which the English lost 300. So the Lord Grace was fain to render it; He, and all the Officers, being made Prisoners of War. There was another Castle in that little County, Hams, which lay in such a Marish, that it was thought inaccessible: but the Garrison that was in it, abandoned it, without staying till the Enemy came before them. The French Writers speak more meanly of the resistance made by the Lord Grace, than of that made by the Lord Wentworth: for there went out of Guisnes about 800 Soldiers, whereas there went not out of Calais above 300. But one of our own Writers magnifies the Lord Grace, and speaks dishonourably of the Lord Wentworth, adding, which was an Invention of his own, that he was attainted for the losing of Calais. All that Historians ground for it, is only this, that there was indeed a Mock-citation issued out against the Lord Wentworth; to which he could not appear, being not freed from his imprisonment by the French all this Reign: but he came over in the beginning of the next, when, the Treaty of Peace being on foot, he obtained his liberty, and was tried by his Peers in the first Parliament in Queen Elizabeth's Reign, and acquitted. It was, as he alleged for himself, his misfortune to be employed in a Place, where he had not so much as a fourth part of that Number of Men that was necessary to hold out a Siege. But in the declinations of all Governments, when losses fall out, they must be cast on those that are entrusted, to excuse those who are much more guilty, by neglecting to supply them as the Service required. Among the Prisoners, one of the chief was Sir Edward Grimston, the controller of Calais, and a Privy-Counsellor: He had often, according to the duty of his Place, given advertisement of the ill condition the Garrison was in. But whether those to whom he writ were corrupted by French Money, or whether the Low state of the Queen's Treasury made that they were not supplied, is not certain. It was intended he should not come over to discover that; and therefore he was let lie a Prisoner in the Bastile; and no care was taken of him or the other Prisoners: The Ransom set on him was so high, that having lost a great estate, which he had purchased about Calais, he resolved not to do any further prejudice to his Family by redeeming his liberty at such a rate; and intended either to continue a Prisoner, or make his escape. He lay above two years in the Bastile, and was lodged in the top of it: at the end of that time he procured a File, and so cut out one of the Bars of the Window, and having a Rope conveyed to him, he changed Clothes with his Servant, and went down on the Rope, which proving a great deal too short, he leapt a great way, and having done that before the Gates were shut, made his escape without being discovered. But his Beard, which was grown long, made him fear he should be known by it. Yet by a happy Providence he found in the Pockets of his Servants  a pair of Scissors, and going into the Fields, did so cut his Beard, that he could not have been known; and having learned the Art of War in the Company of the Scotch Guard de Mauche, he spoke that Dialect: So he passed as a Scotch Pilgrim; and by that means escaped into England. And there he offered himself to a Trial, where, after the Evidence was brought, his Innocence did so clearly appear, that the Jury were ready to give their Verdict without going from the Bar. So he was acquitted, and lived to a great Age, dying in his 98th Year. He was Great-Grand-father to my Noble-Patron and Benefactor Sir Harbotle Grimston, which has made me the more willing to enlarge thus concerning him, to whose Heir I own the chief opportunities and encouragements I have had in composing this Work.  
Now the Queen had nothing left of all those Dominions that her Ancestors had once in France, but the Isles of Jersey, Gernsey, Alderney, and Sarke. The last of these, being a naked Place, only inhabited by some Hermit's; but having the advantage of a Harbour, the French made themselves Masters of it. 
Sarke taken by the French.  The strength of it consisted in the difficulty of the ascent: the little Fort they had, being accessible but in one place, where two could only go up abreast. So an ingenious Fleming resolved to beat them out of it: He came thither, and pretending he had a Friend dead in his Ship, offered them a good Present, if he might bury him within their Chapel. The French consented to it, if he would suffer himself and his Men to be so narrowly searched, that they might not bring so much as a Knife . This he consented to; 
And retaken by an Ingenious Stratagem.  and as he landed with his Coffin, the Frenchmen were to send some to his Ship to receive the Present. So the Coffin being carried into the Chapel, and the French apprehending nothing from unarmed Men; the Coffin was opened, which was full of good Arms, and every man furnishing himself they broke out upon the French, and took them all; as their Companions in the Ship did those who went a-board to bring the Present.  
The news of the loss of Calais, filled England with great discontent. 
Great discontents in England.  Those who were otherwise dissatisfied with the conduct of Affairs, took great advantages from it, to disparage the Government, which the Queen had put into the Hands of Priests, who understood not War, and were not sensible of the Honour of the Nation. It was said, they had drained her Treasury by the restitutions and foundations they got her to make; and being sensible how much the Nation hated them, they had set the Queen on other ways of raising Money than by a Parliament; so that never did the Parliament meet, with greater disorder and trouble, than now. But that loss affected none so deeply as the Queen herself; who was so sensible of the dishonour of it, that she was much oppressed with melancholy, and was never cheerful after it. Those who took on them to make Comments on Divine Providence, expounded this loss as their affections led them. Those of the Reformation said, it was Gods heavy Judgement upon England, for rejecting the light of his Gospel, and persecuting such as still adhered to it. But on the other hand, the Papists said, Calais could not prosper, since it had been a Receptacle of Heretics, where the Laws against them had never been put in execution. King Philip, as soon as he heard of this loss, wrote over to England, desiring them to raise a great Force with all possible haste, and send it over to recover Calais before it was fortified: and he would draw out his Army, and join with them; for if they did not retake it before the season of working about it came on, it was irrecoverably lost. Upon which, there was a long Consultation held about it. They found they could not to any purpose send over under 20000 Men; the Pay of them for five Months would rise to 170000 l. Garrisons, and an Army against the Scots, and securing the Coasts against the French, would come to 150000 l. The setting out of a Fleet; and an Army by Sea, would amount to 200000 l. and yet all that would be too little, if the Danes and Swedes, which they were afraid of, should join against them. There was also great want of Ammunition and Ordnance, of which they had lost vast quantities in Calais and Guisnes. All this would rise to above 520000 l. and they doubted much whether the People would endure such Impositions, who were now grown stubborn, and talked very loosely. So they did not see how they could possibly enter into any Action this Year. One Reason, among the rest, was suggested by the Bishops, they saw a War would oblige them to a greater moderation in their Proceed at home: they had not done their Work, which they hoped a little more time would perfect; whereas a slack'ning in that, would raise the drooping Spirits of those whom they were now pursuing. So they desired another Year to prosecute them, in which time they hoped so to clear the Kingdom of them, that with less danger they might engage in a War, the Year after. Nor did they think it would be easy to bring new raised Men, to the hardships of so early a Campagne; and they thought the French would certainly work so hard in repairing the breaches, that they would be in a good condition to endure a straight and long Siege. All this they wrote over to the King on the first of February, as appears from their Letter, which will be found in the Collection. 
Collection Number 37.   

A Parliament is called.  The Parliament was opened on the 20th of January, where the Convocation, to be a good Example to the two Houses, granted a Subsidy of eight Shillings in the Pound, to be paid in four Years: In the House of Peers, the Abbot of Westminster, and the Prior of St. John of Jerusalem, took their Places according to their Writs. Tresham, that had given great assistance to the Queen upon her first coming to the Crown, was now made Prior. But how much was done towards the endowing of that House, which had been formerly among the richest of England, I do not know. On the 24th of January the Lords sent a Message to the Commons, desiring that the Speaker, with ten or twelve of that House, should meet with a Committe● of the Lords; which being granted, the Lords proposed, that the Commons would consider of the defence of the Kingdom. What was at first demanded, does not appear; but after several days arguing about it, they agreed to give one Subsidy, a Fifteenth, and a Tenth; and ordered the Speaker to let the Queen know what they had concluded: who sent them her hearty Thanks for it. Then, Complaints being made of some Frenchmen that were not Denizens, it was carried, that they should go out of the Kingdom, and not return during the War. The Abbot of Westminster, finding the Revenues of his House were much impaired, thought, that if the old Privileges of the Sanctuary were confirmed, it would bring him in a good Revenue from those that fled to it: so he pressed for an Act to confirm it. He brought a great many ancient Grants of the Kings of England, which the Queen had confirmed by her Letters Patents; but they did not prevail with the House, who proceeded no further in it. In this Parliament the Procurers of wilful Murder were denied the Benefit of Clergy; which was carried in the House of Lords by the greater number, as it is in their Journals. The Bishops did certainly oppose it, though none of them entered their dissent. Sir Ambrose, and Sir Robert Dudley, two Sons of the late Duke of Northumberland, were restored in Blood. The Countess of Sussex's Jointure was taken from her for her living in Adultery so publicly, as was formerly mentioned. In the end of the Session a Bill was put in, for the confirming of the Queen's Letters Patents: It was designed chief for confirming the Religious Foundations she had made. As this went through the House of Commons, one Coxley said, He did not approve such a general Confirmation of those she had given, or might give: lest this might be a colour for her to dispose of the Crown from the right Inheritors. The House was much offended at this, and expressed such dislike at the imagination that the Queen would alienate the Crown; that they both shown their esteem for the Queen, and their resolution to have the Crown descend after her death to her Sister. Coxley was made to withdraw, and voted guilty of great irreverence to the Queen. He asked pardon, and desired it might be imputed to his youth: yet he was kept in the Sergeants Hands, till they had sent to the Queen to desire her to forgive his offence. She sent them word, that at their suit she forgave it; but wished them to examine him, from whence that motion sprung. There is no more entered about it in the Journal, so that it seems to have been let fall. The Parliament was, on the seventh of March, prorogued to the seventh of November.  
Soon after this, the King of Sweden sent a Message secretly to the Lady Elizabeth, 
The King of Sweden treats a Marriage with the Lady Elizabeth.  who was then at Hatfield, to propose Marriage to her. King Philip had once designed to marry her to the Duke of Savoy, when he was in hope of Children by the Queen: but that hope vanishing, he broke it off, and intended to reserve her for himself. How far she entertained that motion, I do not know: but for this from Sweden, she rejected it, since it came not to her by the Queen's direction. But to that it was answered, the King of Sweden would have them begin with herself, judging that fit for him as he was a Gentleman; and her good liking being obtained, he would next, as a King, address himself to the Queen. But she said, as she was to entertain no such Propositions unless the Queen sent them to her; so if she were left to herself, she assured them she would not change her state of Life. Upon this, the Queen sent Sir Tho. Pope to her, in April, to let her know how well she approved of the Answer she had made to them; but they had now delivered their Letters, and made the Proposition to her, in which she desired to know her mind. She thanked the Queen for her favour to her, but bade Pope tell her, that there had been one or two noble Propositions made for her in her Brother King Edward's time; and she had then desired to continue in the state she was in, which of all others pleased her best, and she thought there was no state of Life comparable to it: She had never before heard of that King, and she desired never to hear of that Motion more: She would see his Messenger no more, since he had presumed to come to her without the Queen's leave. Then Pope said, he did believe, if the Queen offered her some Honourable Marriage, she would not be averse to it: She answered, What she might do afterwards she did not know; but protested solemnly, that as she was then inclined, if she could have the greatest Prince in Christendom, she would not accept of him; though perhaps the Queen might think, this flowed rather from a Maid's modesty, 
Which is rejected by her.  than any settled determination in her. This I take from a Letter Pope wrote about it, which is in the Collection. Yet her Life at this time was, 
Collection Number 38.  neither so pleasant, nor so well secured, but that, if her aversion to a married state had not been very much rooted in her, it is not unlikely, she would have been glad to be out of the Hands of her unkind Keepers; who grew the more apprehensive of her, the more they observed her Sister to decay: and, as the Bishops did apprehend, she would overthrow all that they had been building, and cementing with so much Blood; so some of them did not spare to suggest the putting of her out of the way: and now that she is so near the Throne, in the Course of this History, I shall look back through this Reign, to give account of what befell her in it.  

She was hardly used all this Reign.  When she was suspected to be accessary to Wiat's Conspiracy; the day after his breaking out, the Lord Hastings, Sir Tho. Cornwallis, and Sir Richard Southwell, were sent for her to come to Court. She then lay sick at her House at Ashridge: but that excuse not being accepted, she was forced to go: so being still ill, she came by slow Journeys to the Queen. She was kept shut up in private at Court, from the fourth of March to the 16th, and then Gardiner, with nineteen of the Council, came to examine her about Wiat's Rebellion. She positively denied she knew any thing of it, or of Sir Peter Carew's designs in the West, which they also objected to her. In conclusion, they told her the Queen had ordered her to be sent to the Tower, till the Matter should be further enquired into; and though she made great Protestations of her Innocence, yet she was carried thither, and led in by the Traitor's Gate; all her own Servants being put from her. Three Men, and as many Women, of the Queen's Servants, were appointed to attend on her; and no Person was suffered to have access to her. Sir John Gage, who was the Lieutenant of the Tower, treated her very severely, kept her closely shut up, without leave to walk either in the Galleries, or on the Leads; nor would he permit her Servants to carry in her Meat to her, but he did that by his own Servants. The other Prisoners were often examined about her, and some were put to the Rack, to try if they could be brought any way to accuse her: but though Wyatt had done it, when he hoped to have saved his own Life by so base an Action; yet he afterwards denied that she knew any of their designs: and lest those denials he made at his Examinations might have been suppressed, and his former Depositions be made use of against her, he declared it openly on the Scaffold at his death. After some days close Imprisonment, upon great intercession made by the Lord Chandois, than Constable of the Tower, it was granted that she might sometimes walk in the Queen's Rooms, in the presence of the Constable, the Lieutenant, and three Women, the Windows being all shut. Then she got leave to walk in a little Garden for some Air; but all the Windows that opened to it were to be kept shut, when she took her Walk: and so jealous were they of her, that a Boy of four years old was severely threatened, and his Father sent for and chid, for his carrying Flowers to her. The Lord Chandois was observed to treat her with too much respect; so he was not any more trusted with the charge of her, which was committed to Sir Hen. Benefield. About the middle of May she was sent, under the Guard of the Lord Williams, and Benefield, to Woodstock. She was so straight kept, and Benefield was so sullen to her, that she believed they intended to put her privately to death. The Lord Williams treated her nobly at his House on the way, at which Benefield was much disgusted. When she was at Woodstock, she was still kept under Guards, and but seldom allowed to walk in the Gardens, none being suffered to come near her. After many Month's Imprisonment, she obtained leave to write to the Queen; Benefield being to see all she wrote. It was believed that some were sent secretly to kill her; but the Orders were given so strictly, that none of them could come near her, without a Special Warrant; and so she escaped at that time. But after King Philip understood the whole Case, he broke all those designs, as was formerly shown; and prevailed to have her sent for to Court. When she came to Hampton-Court, she was kept still a Prisoner. Many of the Council, Gardiner in particular, dealt often with her, to confess her offences, and submit to the Queen's mercy. She said, she had never offended her, not so much as in her thoughts; and she would never betray her own Innocency by such a Confession. One night when it was late, she was sent for by the Queen, before whom she kneeled down, and protested she was, and ever had been, a most faithful Subject to her. The Queen seemed still to suspect her, and wished her to confess her guilt; otherwise she must think, she had been unjustly dealt with: She answered, That she was not to complain, but to bear her burden, only she begged her to conceive a good opinion of her. So they parted fairly, which King Philip had persuaded the Queen to; and being afraid that the sowrness of the Queen's temper, might lead her into passion, he was secretly in a corner of the Room, to prevent any further breach, in case she should have been transported into new heats: but there was no occasion given for it. Soon after that, she was discharged of her Guards, and suffered to retire into the Country; but there were always many Spies about her, and she, to avoid all suspicion, meddled in no sort of business, but gave herself wholly to Study. And thus she passed these five years, under no small fears and apprehensions; which was perhaps a necessary preparation for that high degree to which she was soon after advanced, and which she held in the greatest and longest course of Prosperity and Glory, that ever any of her Sex attained to.  
The Bishops, when the Parliament was sitting, 
The Progress of the Persecution.  did always intermit their cruelties: but as soon as it was over, they fell to them afresh. On the 28th of March, Cuthbert Simpson, that was in Deacons Orders, with two others, were burnt in Smithfield. Simpson had been taken with Rough, that suffered the Year before this. He was put to much torture, he lay three hours on the Rack; besides, two other Inventions of Torture were made use of to make him discover all those in London who met with them in their private Assemblies: but he would tell nothing, and shown such patience, that the Bishops did publicly commend him for it. On the ninth of April a Man was burnt at Hereford: On the 19th of May three Men were burnt at Colchester. At this time, Complaints being made to the Queen, that Books of Heresy, Treason, and Sedition, were either brought in from Foreign Parts, or secretly printed in England, and dispersed among her Subjects; she set out, on the sixth of June, a Proclamation of a strange nature: That whosoever had any of these, and did not presently burn them, without reading, or showing them to any other Person, they should be esteemed Rebels; and without any further delay, be executed by the Martial Law. On the 27th of that Month, when seven were to be led out to be burnt in Smithfield, it was proclaimed in the Queen's Name, that no Man should pray for them, or speak to them, or say, God help them: which was thought a strain of barbarity beyond all the Examples of former times, to deprive dying Men of the good wishes and prayers of their Friends. But however this might restrain Men from giving outward Signs of their praying for them, it could not bind up their inward and secret Devotions. Those seven had been taken at a Meeting in Islington, with many others; of whom some died in Prison, and six others were burnt at Brainford the 14th of July. The rest of them were kept by Bonner, who now seemed to have been glutted with the Blood of so many Innocents', and therefore to have put a stop to the effusion of more: yet those that were kept Prisoners by him, did not so entirely escape his fury, but that he disciplined them himself with Rods, till he was weary; and so gave over that odd way of Pastoral Correction, rather to ease himself, than in pity to them whom he whipped. On the tenth of July a Minister was burnt at Norwich: On the second or third of August, a Gentleman was burnt near Winchester: In August four were burnt at Bury; and in November three more were burnt there. On the fourth of November a Man, and a Woman, were burnt at Ipswich: At that time a Woman was burnt at Exeter: and to close up all, on the tenth of November three Men, and two Women, were burnt at Canterbury, which made in all thirty nine this Year. There had been seventy nine burned the former Year, ninety four the Year before that, and seventy two the first Year of the Persecution: which in all come to 284. But he that writ the Preface to Bishop Ridley's Book De Coena Domini, who is supposed to be Grindal, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, says, That in the two first Years of the Queen's Persecution there were above eight hundred put to most cruel kinds of death for Religion: by which it seems Fox, on whom I depend in the Numbers I have assigned, has come far short in his account. Besides those that were burnt, many others died in Bonds, of whom there are sixty reckoned. There were also great Numbers of those who were vexed with long and grievous Imprisonment: and though they redeemed their Lives by the renouncing, or rather the dissembling of their Consciences; yet this being but forced from them, they carried with them their old Opinions; and the Wound they gave their Consciences to save their Lives, as it begot in many of them great horror for what they had done, so it raised in them the most mortal hatred to those who had driven them to such straits: so that if that Religion was hateful before to the Nation, for the Impostures and Scandals that were discovered in the Clergy, and some few Instances of their Cruelty, the repeated Burn, and other Cruelties, of which now they saw no end, did increase their aversion to it beyond all expression.  

The Method of the Persecutions of this Reign.  At first the Bishops dealt earnestly with those who were brought before them, to recant; and were ready at any time to receive them: the Queen's Pardon was also sent to them as they were ready to be tied to the Stake, if they would then turn. But now it was far otherwise. For in the Council-Books there is an Entry made of a Letter, written on the first of August this Year, to Sir Richard Pexall Sheriff of Hampshire, signifying, That the Queen thought it very strange, that he had delayed the Execution of the Sentence against one Bembridge, condemned of Heresy, because he had recanted: requiring him to execute it out of hand, and if he still continued in the Catholic Faith, which he outwardly pretended, he was then to suffer such Divines as the Bishop of Winchester should appoint, to have access to him for confirming him in the Faith, and to attend on him at his death, that he might die God's Servant: and as soon as the Sheriff had thus burnt him, he was to come to the Council, and answer for his presumption in delaying it so long. The Matter of Fact was thus: Bembridge being tied to the Stake, and the Fire taking hold on him, he, through the violence of it, yielded, and cried out, I recant. Upon which, the Sheriff made the Fire be put out; and Bembridge Signed such a Recantation as Doctor Seton, who was near him, writ for him: but for all that, upon this Order of Council, he was burnt; and the Sheriff was put in the Fleet: so that now it appeared that it was not so much the conversion of those they called Heretics, as their destruction, that the Bishops desired: and so much were their Instruments set on these severities, that though they saw the Queen declining so fast, that there was no appearance of her living many days; yet the Week before she died, they burned, as hath been said, five together in one Fire at Canterbury.  
There was nothing done in the War with France this Year, 
An unhappy Expedition against France.  but the sending out a Fleet of 120 Ships, with 7000 Land-men in it, under the Command of the Lord Clinton; who landed at Port Conquer, in the Point of Britain, where after a small resistance made by the French, he burned the Town; but the Country being gathered together, the English were forced to return to their Ships, having lost above 600 of their Men. The design was, to have seized on Breast, and fortified it; which was proposed by King Philip, who had sent thirty of his Ships to their assistance. This the French knowing by some of the Prisoners whom they took, went and fortified Breast, and kept a great Body of Men together, to resist in case the English should make a second impression. But the Lord Clinton, seeing he could do nothing, returned, having made a very expensive and unprosperous attempt. The English had lost their Hearts; the Government at home was so little acceptable to them, that they were not much concerned to support it; they began to think, Heaven was against them.  
There were many strange accidents at home, 
Strange and unusual accidents.  that struck terror in them. In July, Thunder broke near Nottingham, with such violence, that it beat down two little Towns, with all the Houses and Churches in them: the Bells were carried a good way from the Steeples, and the Lead that covered the Churches, was cast 400 Foot from them, strangely wreathed. The River of Trent, as it is apt upon Deluges of Rain to swell and overrun the Country; so it broke out this Year with extraordinary violence; many Trees were plucked up by the Roots, and with it there was such a Wind, that carried several Men and Children a great way, and dashed them against Trees or Houses, so that they died. Hailstones fell that were fifteen Inches about in other Places: and which was much more terrible, a contagious intermitting Fever, not unlike the Plague, raged every where: so that three parts of four of the whole Nation were infected with it. So many Priests died of it, that in many Places there were none to be had for the performing of the Offices. Many Bishops died also of it, so that there were many vacancies made by the Hand of Heaven, against Queen Elizabeth came to the Crown: and it spreading most violently in August, there were not Men enough, in many Counties, to reap the Harvest: so that much Corn was lost. All these Symptoms concurred to increase the aversion the People had to the Government; which made the Queen very willing to consent to a Treaty of Peace, that was opened at Cambray in October; to which she sent the Earl of Arundel, the Bishop of Ely, and Dr. Wotton, as her Plenipotentiaries.  

A Treaty of Peace between England, France, and Spain.  The occasion of the Peace was from a meeting that the Bishop of Arras had with the Cardinal of Lorraine at Peronne; in which he proposed to him, how much Philip was troubled at the continuance of the War; their Forces being so much engaged in it, that they could make no resistance to the Turk, and the mean while Heresy increasing and spreading in their own Dominions, while they were so taken up that they could not look carefully to their Affairs at home, but must connive at many things: therefore he pressed the Cardinal to persuade the King of France to an Accommodation. The Cardinal was easily induced to this, since besides his own zeal for Religion, he saw that he might thereby bear down the Constable's greatness; whose Friends, chief his two Nephews, the Admiral, and Dandelot, who went then among the best Captains in France, were both suspect of being Protestants; upon which, the latter was shortly after put in Prison: so he used all his endeavours to draw the King to consent to it; in which he had the less opposition, since the Court was now filled with his Dependants, and his four Brothers, who had got all the great Officers of France into their Hands: and the Constable, and Admiral being Prisoners, there was none to oppose their Councils. The King thinking, that by the recovery of Calais, and the Places about it, he had gained enough to balance the loss of St. Quintin, was very willing to hearken to a Treaty: and he was in an ill state to continue the War, being much weakened both by the loss he suffered last Year, and the blow that he received in July last: 
The Battle of Gravelling.  the Marshal de Thermes being enclosed by the Count of Egmont near Gravelling, where the French Army being set on by the Count, and galled with the English Ordnance from their Ships that lay near the Land, was defeated, 5000 killed, the Marshal and the other chief Officers being taken Prisoners. These losses made him sensible, that his Affairs were in so ill a condition, that he could not gain much by the War.  

The Number of the Protestants growing in France.  The Cardinal was the more earnest to bring on a Peace, because the Protestants did not only increase in their Numbers, but they came so openly to avow their Religion, that in the public Walks without the Suburbs of St. , they began to sing David's Psalms in French Verse. The newness of the thing amused many, the devotion of it wrought on others, the Music drew in the rest; so that the Multitudes that used to divert themselves in those Fields, in stead of their ordinary sports, did now nothing for many nights, but go about singing Psalms: and that which made it more remarkable was, that the King and Queen of Navarre came and joined with them. That King, besides the Honour of a Crowned Head, with the small part of that Kingdom that was yet left in their Hands, was the first Prince of the Blood. He was a soft and weak Man; but his Queen, in whose right he had that Title, was one of the most extraordinary Women that any Age hath produced, both for knowledge far above her Sex, for a great judgement in Affairs, an Heroical Greatness of Mind, and all other Virtues; joined to a high measure of Devotion, and true Piety: all which, except the last, she derived to her Son Henry the Great. When the King of France heard of this Psalmody, he made an Edict against it; and ordered the doers of it to be punished: but the Numbers of them, and the respect to those Crowned Heads, made the business to go no further.  
On the 24th of April was the Dolphin married to the Queen of Scotland. 
The Dolphin marries the Queen of Scotland.  Four Cardinals, Bourbon, Lorraine, Chastilion, and Bertrand, with many of the Princes of the Blood, and the other great Men of France, and the Commissioners sent from Scotland, were present. But scarce any thing adorned it more than the Epithalamium written upon it by Buchanan; which was accounted one of the perfectest Pieces of Latin Poetry. After the Marriage was over, the Scotch Commissioners were desired to offer the Dolphin the Ensigns of the Regality of Scotland, and to acknowledge him their King; but they excused themselves, since that was beyond their Commission, which only empow'red them to treat concerning the Articles of the Marriage, and to carry an account back to those that sent them. Then it was desired that they would promote the business at their return to their Country; but some of them had expressed their aversion to those Propositions so plainly, that it was believed they were poisoned by the Brethren of the House of Guise. Four of them died in France; the Bishop of Orkney, and the Earls of Rothes, and Cassils', and the Lord fleming. The Prior of St. Andrews was also very sick; and though he recovered at that time, yet he had never any perfect health after it. When the other four returned into Scotland, a Convention of the Estates was called, to consult about the Propositions they brought.  
This Assembly consists of all those Members that make up a Parliament, who were then, the Bishops, and Abbots, and Priors, 
A Convention of Estates in Scotland.  who made the first Estate; the Noblemen, that were the second Estate; and the Deputies from the Towns; one from every Town, only Edinburgh sends two, were the third Estate. Anciently all that held Lands of the Crown, were summoned to Parliaments, as well the greater as the lesser Barons. But in King James the first's time, the lesser Barons, finding it a great charge to attend ou such Assemblies, desired to be excused from it; and procured an Act of Parliament exempting them, and giving them power to send from every County, two, three, four, or more, to represent them: but they afterwards thought this rather a Charge than a Privilege, and did not use it; so that now the second Estate consisted only of the Nobility. But the Gentry finding the prejudice they suffered by this, and that the Nobility grew too absolute, procured, by King James the sixth's favour, an Act of Parliament restoring them to that Right of sending Deputies, two from every County, except some small Counties that send only one. But according to the Ancient Law, none has a Vote in the Elections, but those who hold Lands immediately of the Crown, of such a value. The difference between a Parliament, and a Convention of Estates, is, that the former must be summoned forty days before it sits; and than it meets in State, and makes Laws, which are to be prepared by a Committee of all the Estates, called the Lords of the Articles: but a Convention may be called within as few days as are necessary for giving notice to all parts of the Nation to make their Elections: They have no Power of making Laws, being only called for one particular Emergent; which, during the division of the Island, was chief upon the breaking out of War betwixt the two Nations, and so their Power was confined to the giving of Money for the occasion which then brought them together.  
In the Convention now held, after much debate and opposition, whether they should consent to the demand made by the Ambassador sent from France, it was carried, that the Dolphin should be acknowledged their King: great assurances being given, that this should be only a bare Title, and that he should pretend to no Power over them. So the Earl of Argile, and the Prior of St. Andrews, who had been the main sticklers for the French Interest, upon the promises that the Queen Regent made them, that they should enjoy the free exercise of their Religion, were appointed to carry the Matrimonial Crown into France. But as they were preparing for their Journey, a great revolution of Affairs fell out in England.  

A Session of Parliament in England.  The Parliament met on the fifth of November. On the seventh the Queen sent for the Speaker of the House of Commons, and ordered him to open to them the ill condition the Nation was in: for though there was a Treaty begun at Cambray, yet it was necessary to put the Kingdom in a posture of defence, in case it should miscarry. But the Commons were now so dissatisfied, that they could come to no resolution. So on the 14th day of November the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Treasurer, the Duke of Norfolk, the Earls of Shrewsbury, and Pembroke, the Bishops of London, Winchester, Lincoln, and Carlisle, the Viscount Montacute, the Lords Clinton, and Howard, came down to the House of Commons, and sat in that place of the House, where the Privy-Counsellors used to sit. The Speaker left his Chair, and he, with the Privy-Counsellors that were of the House, came and sat on low Benches before them. The Lord Chancellor shown the necessity of granting a Subsidy, to defend the Nation, both from the French, and the Scots. When he had done, the Lords withdrew; but though the Commons entered, both that, and the two following days, into the debate, they came to no issue in their Consultations.  
The Queen had never enjoyed her health perfectly, since the false conception that was formerly spoken of; 
The Queen's sickness.  upon which followed the neglect from her Husband, and the despair of Issue, that increased her Melancholy: and this receiving a great addition from the loss of Calais, and the other misfortunes of this Year; she, by a long declination of Health, and decay of her Spirits, was now brought so low, that it was visible she had not many days to live: and a Dropsy coming on her, put a conclusion to her unhappy Reign, 
And death.  and unfortunate Life, on the 17th of November, in the 43d Year of her Age, after she had reigned five Years, four Months, and eleven Days.  
At the same time Cardinal Pool, 
Cardinal Pool dies.  as if one Star had governed both their Nativities, was also dying; and his end being hastened by the Queen's death, he followed her within sixteen hours, in the 59th Year of his Age. He left his whole estate to Aloisi Prioli a Noble Venetian, with whom he had lived six and twenty years in so entire a friendship, that as nothing could break it off, so neither was any thing able to separate them from one another's company. Prioli, being invited by Pope Julius to come and receive a Cardinal's Hat, preferred Pools company before it; and as he had supplied him in his necessities in Italy, so he left his Country now, to live with him in England. Pool made him his Executor: But Prioli was of a more Noble temper, than to enrich himself by his Friend's Wealth; for as he took care to pay all the Legacies he left, so he gave away all that remained, reserving nothing to himself but Pools Breviary and Diary. And indeed the Cardinal was not a Man made to raise a Fortune, being, by the greatness of his Birth, and his excellent Virtues, carried far above such mean designs. He was a Learned, 
His Character.  Modest, Humble, and good natured Man; and had indeed such Qualities, and such a Temper, that if he could have brought the other Bishops to follow his Measures, or the Pope and Queen to approve of them, he might have probably done much to have reduced this Nation to Popery again. But God designed better things for it: so he gave up the Queen to the Bloody Councils of Gardiner, and the rest of the Clergy. It was the only thing in which she was not led by the Cardinal. But she imputed his Opinion in that Particular, rather to the sweetness of his Temper, than to his Wisdom and Experience: and he, seeing he could do nothing of what he projected in England, fell into a languishing, first of his mind, that brought after it a decay of his Health, of which he died. I have dwelled the more copiously on his Character, being willing to deny to none, of whom I writ, the Praises that are due to them: and he being the only Man of that whole Party, of whom I found any reason to say much good, I was the more willing to enlarge about him, to let the World see, how little I am biased in the account I give, by Interest or Opinion. So that if I have written sharply of any others that have been mentioned in this Reign, it was the force of Truth, and my abhorrence of their barbarous Cruelties, that led me to it, more than my being of a contrary Persuasion to them. It is certain, that Pool's method, of correcting the manners of the Clergy, and being gentle to the Reformed, would in all appearance have been much more fatal to the progress of the Reformation; that was set forward by nothing more, than by the severities showed to those that differed from them, and the indulgence of the Bishops to the vices of their own Party. Yet Pool had a vast superstition to the See of Rome; and though his being at the Council of Trent, had opened his Eyes to many things, which he had not observed before; yet he still retained his great submission to that See, and thought it impossible to maintain the Order and Unity of the Church, but by holding Communion with it; which carried him, in opposition to many apprehensions himself had of some Theological Points, still to support the Interests of the Papacy. His neglect of the offer of it, when it was made to him, shown this flowed from no aspire of his own, but purely from his judgement: so that what mistakes soever, his Education, and Heats with King Henry, and the disasters of his Family, might have involved him in, it cannot be denied, that he was a Man of as great Probity and Virtue as most of the Age, if not all of that Church, in which he lived.  

The Queen's Character.  For the Queen herself, her Character has appeared so manifestly in her Reign, that I need make no further description of her. She was a Woman of a strict and innocent Life; that allowed herself few of the diversions, with which Courts abound. She was bred to Learning, and understood the Latin Tongue well; but what further knowledge she had, does not appear to me. She was constant at her Devotions, and was as much addicted to the Interests and Humours of the Clergy, as they could have wished her. She had great resentments of her own ill usage in her Fathers and Brothers times; which made her be easily induced to take her revenge, though she coloured it with her zeal against Heresy. She did not much mind any other Affairs, but those of the Church: so that if she could have extirpated Heresy, she seemed to regard all other things very little: and being given up to follow the Dictates of Rome, with a nice scrupulosity of Conscience, it was no wonder she went on in these designs very vigorously. For as the Pope was ever calling on all Princes that were under his obedience, to set up the Courts of Inquisition; so the fourth General Council of Lateran, to which, with the other General Councils, she paid no less reverence than to the Scriptures, charged Catholic Princes to extirpate all Heretics out of their Dominions; such as were slack must be required to do it by their Bishops; and if that prevailed not, they were to be excommunicated by them; and if they continued negligent, and under that Censure a year, they were to be deprived by the Pope, and their Dominions to be given to others, who should take more care to extirpate Heresy. The Pope had also in February this Year published a Constitution, to which he had made all the Cardinals set their Hands, confirming all former Decrees and Canons against Heretics; declaring, that all Prelates, Princes, Kings, and Emperors, that had fallen into Heresy, should be understood to be deprived of their Dominions, without any further Sentence: and that any Catholics who would take the Forfeiture, should have a good Title to all that they invaded and seized. The Bishops, besides the other Canons binding them to proceed against Heretics, were, by the Words of the Oath of Obedience which they swore to the Pope at their Consecration, engaged to oppose and persecute the Heretics with all their might: so that their giving severe Counsels, and the Queens following them, flowed mainly from the Principles of their Religion: in which the sowrness of her temper made it the more easy to persuade her to a Compliance to those courses, to which her inclination led her without any such Motives. To conclude, her death was as little lamented, as any of all our Princes ever was, the Popish Clergy being almost the only Mourners that were among her own People.  
Thus lived and died Mary Queen of England by Inheritance, and of Spain by Marriage.  
The END of the Second BOOK.   

 engraved portrait of Queen Elizabeth I 
Vol: 2d. Pag: 373.  
EFFIGIES ELIZABETHAE REGINAE ANGLIAE ETC.  R. White sculp.  engraved Royal blazon HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE 
Nata Grenvici 1533 Sept. 7. Sorori Successit in Regno 1558. Nov: 17.  
Obijt 1602/3 Mar: 24 Anno Aetatis 70.  
Printed for Richard Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church yard.    

BOOK III. OF THE SETTLEMENT OF THE REFORMATION OF RELIGION, In the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign.  
QUEEN Mary's Death was concealed for some hours. What the secret Consultations were upon it is not known; 
1558. Queen Elizabeth succeeds.  but the Issue of them appeared about nine a Clock. Then the Lord Chancellor went to the House of Lords, and first imparted to them the News of the Queen's Death; which, as it struck the Bishops with no small fear, so those Counsellors who had been severe in their advices about her Sister, did apprehend she might remember it against them. Yet they all agreed to proclaim her Queen: and by the Zeal they expressed for her coming to the Crown, intended to balance the Errors they had formerly been led to, rather in compliance to the late Queen's resentments, than out of any ill will they bore herself. They sent for the House of Commons, and the Lord Chancellor signified to them the Queen's Death; which, he said, would have been a much more sorrowful loss to them, if they had not such a Successor, that was the next and indisputed Heir to the Crown, Elizabeth, of whose Right and Title none could make any question; therefore they intended to proclaim her Queen, and desired their Concurrence. This was Echoed with many and long repeated Cries, God save Queen Elizabeth. Long and happily may She Reign.  
The Parliament being declared to be dissolved by the late Queen's death, 
And proclaimed Queen.  the Lords proclaimed Elizabeth Queen; and went into London, where it was again done by the Lord Major, and received every where with such excessive Joy, that there was no sign of sorrow expressed for the death of Queen Mary, but what the Priests shown; who, in so public and universal a Joy, were forced to betake themselves to secret Groans, since they durst not vent them in public. Never did any before her come to the Throne with so many good Wishes and Acclamations, which the horror of the Cruelties, and the reflection of the Disasters of the former Reign, drew from the People, who now hoped to see better Times.  

And comes to London.  The Queen was then at Hatfield, where having received the news of her Sister's death, and of her being proclaimed Queen, she came from thence to London. On the 19th at Highgate all the Bishops met her, whom she received civilly, except Bonner, on whom she looked as defiled with so much Blood that she could not think it fit to bestow any mark of her favour on him. She was received into the City, with Throngs much greater than even such Occasions used to draw together, and followed with the loudest shouts of Joy that they could raise. She lay that night at the Duke of Norfolk's House in the , and next day went to the Tower. There at her Entry she kneeled down, and offered up thanks to God for that great change in her Condition; that whereas she had been formerly a Prisoner in that Place, every hour in fear of her Life, she was now raised to so high a Dignity. She soon cleared all People's apprehensions as to the hardships she had formerly met with, and shown she had absolutely forgot from whom she had received them: even Benefield himself not excepted; who had been the chief Instrument of her Sufferings: But she called him always her Gaoler, which though she did in a way of Raillery, yet it was so sharp that he avoided coming any more to the Court.  
She presently dispatched Messengers to all the Princes of Christendom, giving notice of her Sister's death, and her Succession. She writ in particular to King Philip, a large acknowledgement of his kindness to her, to whom she held herself much bound for his interposing so effectually with her Sister for her Preservation. 
She sends a Dispatch to Rome.  She also sent to Sir Edward Karn, that had been her Sisters Resident at Rome, to give the Pope the news of her Succession. The haughty Pope received it in his ordinary Style, declaring, That England was held in Fee of the Apostolic See, that she could not succeed being Illegitimate, nor could he contradict the Declarations made in that matter by his Predecessors, Clement the seventh, and Paul the third: He said, it was great boldness in her to assume the Crown without his consent; for which in reason she deserved no favour at his hands: yet, if she would renounce her Pretensions, and refer herself wholly to him, he would show a fatherly affection to her, and do every thing for her that could consist with the Dignity of the Apostolic See. 
But to no effect.  When she heard of this, she was not much concerned at it; for she had written to Karn as she did to her other Ministers, and had renewed his Powers upon her first coming to the Crown, being unwilling in the beginning of her Reign to provoke any Party against her: But hearing how the Pope received this Address, she recalled Karns Powers, and commanded him to come home. The Pope on the other hand required him not to go out of Rome, but to stay and take the care of an Hospital over which he set him: which it was thought that Karn procured to himself, because he was unwilling to return into England, apprehending the change of Religion that might follow, for he was himself zealously addicted to the See of Rome.  
As soon as Philip heard the news, he ordered the Duke of Feria, 
King Philip courts her in Marriage.  whom he had sent over in his Name to comfort the late Queen in her sickness, to Congratulate the new Queen, and in secret to propose Marriage to her; and to assure her he should procure a Dispensation from Rome: and at the same time he sent thither to obtain it. But the Queen, though very sensible of her Obligation to him, had no mind to the Marriage. It appeared by what hath been said in the former Book, and by the Sequel of her whole Life, that though upon some occasions, when her Affairs required it, she treated about her Marriage, yet she was firmly resolved never to marry. Besides this, she saw her People were generally averse to any Foreigner, and particularly to a Spaniard: and she made it the steady Maxim of her whole Reign, from which she never departed, to rule in their affections as well as over their Persons. Nor did she look on the Pope's Dispensation as a thing of any force to warrant what was otherwise forbidden by God: And the Relation between King Philip and her being the Reverse of that which was between her Father and Queen Katherine, it seeming to be equally unlawful for one Man to marry two Sisters, as it was for one Woman to be married to two Brothers, she could not consent to this Marriage without approving King Henry's with Queen Katherine: and if that were a good Marriage, than she must be Illegitimate, as being born of a Marriage which only the unlawfulness of that could justify. So Inclination, Interest, and Conscience, all concurred to make her reject King Philip's motion. Yet she did it in terms so full of Esteem and Kindness for him, that he still insisted in the Proposition; in which she was not willing to undeceive him, so entirely, as to put him out of all hopes, while the Treaty of Cambray was in dependence, that so she might tie him more closely to her Interests.  
The French, hearing of Queen Mary's Death, 
The Queen of Scots pretends to the Crown of England.  and being alarumed at Philip's design upon the new Queen, sent to Rome, to engage the Pope to deny the Dispensation, and to make him declare the Queen of Scotland to be the right Heir to the Crown of England, and the pretended Queen to be Illegitimate. The Cardinal of Lorraine prevailed also with the French King, to order his Daughter-in-law to assume that Title, and to put the Arms of England on all her Furniture.  
But now to return to England, 
The Queen's Council.  Queen Elizabeth continued to employ some of the same Counsellors that had served Queen Mary: namely, Heath the Lord Chancellor, the Marquis of Winchester Lord Treasurer, the Earls of Arundel, Shrewsbury, Derby, and Pembroke, the Lords Clinton, and Howard, Sir Thomas Cheyney, Sir William Petre, Sir John Mason, Sir Richard Sackvile, and Dr. Wotton, Dean of Canterbury and York. Most of these had complied with all the Changes that had been made in Religion backward and forward since the latter end of King Henry's Reign, and were so dexterous at it, that they were still employed in every new Revolution. To them, who were all Papists, the Queen added, the Marquis of Northampton, the Earl of Bedford, Sir Thomas Parr, Sir Edward Rogers, Sir Ambrose Cave, Sir Francis Knolles, and Sir William Cecil, whom she made Secretary of State; and soon after she sent for Sir Nicolas Bacon; who were all of the Reformed Religion. She renewed all the Commissions to those formerly entrusted, and ordered, that such as were imprisoned on the account of Religion should be set at liberty. After this, a Man that used to talk pleasantly, said to her, that he came to supplicate in behalf of some Prisoners not yet set at liberty: She asked who they were: he said they were Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, that were still shut up; for the People longed much to see them abroad. She answered him as pleasantly, she would first talk with themselves, and see whether they desired to be set at such liberty as he requested for them.  

A Consultation about the change of Religion.  Now the two great things under Consultation were Religion, and Peace. For the former, some were appointed to consider how it was to be Reformed. Beal, a Clerk of the Council, gave advice to Cecil, that the Parliaments under Queen Mary should be declared void; the first being under a force, (as was before related) and the Title of Supreme Head being left out of the Summons to the next Parliament before it was taken away by Law: from whence he inferred, that both these were not lawfully held or duly summoned; and this being made out, the Laws of King Edward were still in force: but this was laid aside as too high and violent a way of proceeding, since the annulling of Parliaments, upon little errors in Writs, or some particular disorders, was a Precedent of such consequence that to have proceeded in such a manner, would have unhinged all the Government and security of the Nation. More moderate Courses were thought on. The Queen had been bred up from her Infancy with a hatred of the Papacy, and a Love to the Reformation: But yet as her first Impressions in her Father's Reign were in favour of such old Rites as he had still retained; so in her own Nature she loved State, and some Magnificence, in Religion, as well as in every thing else: She thought that in her Brother's Reign they had stripped it too much of external Ornaments, and had made their Doctrine too narrow in some Points; therefore she intended to have some things explained in more general terms, that so all Parties might be comprehended by them. She inclined to keep up Images in Churches: and to have the manner of Christ's Presence in the Sacrament left in some general words; that those who believed the Corporal Presence might not be driven away from the Church by too nice an Explanation of it. Nor did she like the Title of Supreme Head; she thought it imported too great a Power, and came too near that Authority which Christ only had over the Church. These were her own private thoughts. She considered, nothing could make her Power great in the World abroad, so much as the uniting all her People together at home: Her Fathers and her Brother's Reign had been much distracted by the Rebellions within England, and she had before her Eyes the Instance of the Coldness that the People had expressed to her Sister on all occasions for the maintaining or recovering of the Dominions beyond Sea: Therefore she was very desirous to find such a Temper in which all might agree. She observed, that in the Changes formerly made, particularly in renouncing the Papacy, and making some Alterations in Worship, the whole Clergy had concurred, and so she resolved to follow and imitate these by easy steps.  
There was a long Consultation had about the Method of the Changes she should make: The substance of which shall be found in the Collection, in a Paper, where, in the way of Question and Answer, 
A Method of doing it proposed. Collection Number 1.  the whole design of it is laid down. This Draught of it was given to Sir William Cecil, and does exactly agree with the account that Cambden gives of it. That Learned and Judicious Man has written the History of this Queen's Reign, with that Fidelity and Care, in so good a Style, and with so much Judgement, that it is without question the best part of our English History: but he himself often says, that he had left many things to those who should undertake the History of the Church; therefore in the Account of the beginnings of this Reign, as I shall in all things follow him with the credit that is due to so extraordinary a Writer, so having met with some things which he did not know, or thought not necessary in so succinct a History to enlarge on, I shall not be afraid to write after him, though the Esteem he is justly in may make it seem superfluous to go over these matters any more.  
It seemed necessary for the Queen to do nothing before a Parliament were called; 
The Heads of it.  for only from that Assembly could the affections of the People be certainly gathered. The next thing she had to do, was to balance the dangers that threatened her both from abroad and at home. The Pope would certainly excommunicate and depose her, and stir up all Christian Princes against her: The King of France would lay hold of any opportunity to embroil the Nation; and by the assistance of Scotland, and of the Irish, might perhaps raise troubles in her Dominions. Those that were in Power in Queen Mary's time, and remained firm to the old Superstition, would be discontented at the Reformation of Religion: the Bishops and Clergy would generally oppose it: and since there was a necessity of demanding Subsidies, they would take occasion, by the discontent the People would be in on that account, to inflame them: and those who would be dissatisfied at the retaining of some of the old Ceremonies, would on the other hand disparage the Changes that should be made, and call the Religion a Cloak'd-Papistry, and so alienate many of the most zealous from it. To remedy all these things, it was proposed to make Peace with France, and to cherish those in that Kingdom that desired the Reformation. The Curses and Practices of Rome were not much to be feared. In Scotland those must be encouraged who desired the like change in Religion; and a little Money among the Heads of the Families in Ireland, would go a great way. And for those that had borh Rule in Queen Mary's time, ways were to be taken to lessen their credit throughout England: they were not to be too soon trusted or employed, upon pretence of Turning; but those who were known to be well affected to Religion, and the Queen's Person, were to be sought after and encouraged. The Bishops were generally hated by the Nation: It would be easy to draw them within the Statute of Praemunire, and upon their falling into it, they must be kept under it, till they had renounced the Pope, and consented to the Alterations that should be made. The Commissions of the Peace, and for the Militia, were to be carefully reviewed, and such Men were to be put in them, as would be firm to the Queen's Interests. When the Changes should be made, some severe punishments would make the rest more readily submit. Great care was to be had of the Universities, and other public Schools, as Eton and Winchester, that the next Generation might be betimes seasoned with the Love and Knowledge of Religion. Some learned Men, as Bill, Parker, May, Cox, Whitehead, Grindall, Pilkington, and Sir Thomas Smith, were to be ordered to meet and consider of the Book of Service. In the mean while the People were to be restrained from Innovating without Authority; and the Queen, to give some hope of a Reformation, might appoint the Communion to be given in both kinds. The Persons that were thought fit to be trusted with the Secret of these Consultations, were the Marquis of Northampton, the Earls of Bedford, and Pembroke, and the Lord John Grace. The Place that was thought most convenient for the Divines to meet in, was Sir Thomas smith's House in Channon-Row, where an Allowance was to be given for their Entertainment.  

The forwardness in many to the Reformation.  As soon as the News of the Queens coming to the Crown was known beyond Sea, all those who had fled thither for shelter did return into England: and those who had lived in Corners during the late Persecution, now appeared with no small assurance: and these, having notice of the Queen's Intentions, could not contain themselves, but in many Places begun to make Changes, to set up King Edward's Service, to pull down Images, and to affront the Priests. Upon this, the Queen, to make some discovery of her own Inclinations, gave order, that the Gospels and Epistles, and the Lords Prayer, the Apostles Creed, and the Ten Commandments, should be read in English, and that the Litany should be also used in English: and she forbade the Priests to Elevate the Host at Mass. Having done this, on the 27th of December she set out a Proclamation against all Innovations, requiring her Subjects to use no other Forms of Worship than those she had in her Chapel, till it should be otherwise appointed by the Parliament, which she had summoned to meet on the 23d of January. The Writs were issued out by Bacon, into whose Hands she had delivered the Great Seal. On the fifth of December, she performed her Sister's Funeral Rites with great Magnificence at Westminster. The Bishop of Winchester being appointed to preach the Sermon, did so mightily extol her and her Government, and so severely taxed the disorders which he thought the Innovators were guilty of, not without reflections on the Queen, that he was thereupon confined to his House till the Parliament met.  

Parker designed to be Archbishop of Canterbury.  One of the chief things under consultation, was, to provide Men fit to be put into the Sees that were now vacant, or that might fall to be so afterwards, if the Bishops should continue intractable. Those now vacant, were the Sees of Canterbury, Hereford, Bristol, and Bangor: and in the beginning of the next Year the Bishops of Norwich, and Gloucester died: so that, as Cambden hath it, there were but fourteen Bishops living when the Parliament met. It was of great importance to find Men able to serve in these Employments, chief in the See of Canterbury. For this, Dr. Parker was soon thought on. Whether others had the offer of it before him or not, I cannot tell: but he was writ to by Sir Nicholas Bacon on the ninth of December, to come up to London; and afterwards on the 30th of December, by Sir William Cecil; and again by Sir Nicholas Bacon, on the fourth of January. He understood, that it was for some high preferment; and being a Man of an humble Temper, distrustful of himself, that loved privacy, and was much disabled by sickness, he declined coming up all he could: he begged he might not be thought of for any public Employment, but that some Prebend might be assigned him, where he might be free both from Care and Government; since the Infirmities, which he had contracted by his flying about in the Nights in Queen Mary's time, had disabled him from a more public station. That to which he pretended, shows how moderate his desires were: for he professed, an Employment of twenty Nobles a year would be more acceptable to him than one of two hundred Pound. He had been Chaplain to Queen Anne Bullen, and had received a special charge from her, a little before she died, to look well to the Instruction of her Daughter in the Principles of the Christian Religion; and now the Queen had a grateful Remembrance of those Services. This, joined with the high Esteem that Sir Nicholas Bacon had of him, soon made her resolve to raise him to that great Dignity. And since such high Preferments are generally, if not greedily sought after, yet very willingly undertaken by most Men; it will be no unfit thing to lay open a modern Precedent, which indeed savours more of the Ancient than the latter Times; for then in stead of that Ambitus, which has given such offence to the World in the latter Ages, it was ordinary for Men to fly from the offer of great Preferments. Some run away when they understood they were to be Ordained, or had been Elected to great Sees, and fled to a Wilderness. This shown they had a great sense of the Care of Souls, and were more apprehensive of that weighty Charge, than desirous to raise or enrich themselves or their Families. It hath been showed before, that Cranmer was very unwillingly engaged in the See of Canterbury; and now, he that succeeded him in that See with the same designs, was drawn into it with such unwillingness, that it was almost a whole year before he could be prevailed upon to accept of it: The account of this will appear in the Series of Letters both written to him, and by him, on that Head; which were communicated to me by the present most Worthy and most Reverend Primate of this Church. I cannot mention him in this place without taking notice, that as in his other great Virtues and Learning he has gone in the steps of those most eminent Archbishops that went before him; so the whole Nation is witness how far he was from aspiring to high Preferment, how he withdrew from all those opportunities that might be steps to it, how much he was surprised with his unlooked-for advancement, how unwillingly he was raised, and how humble and affable he continues in that high Station he is now in: but this is a Subject that I must leave for them to enlarge on that shall write the History of this present Age.  

1559. Bacon made Lord Keeper.  In the beginning of the next Year, the Queen having found that Heath Archbishop of York, then Lord Chancellor, would not go along with her, as he had done in the Reigns of her Father and Brother; and having therefore taken the Seals from him, and put them into Sir Nicholas Bacon's Hand, did now by Patent create him Lord Keeper. Formerly those that were Keepers of the Seal, had no Dignity nor Authority annexed to their Office; they did not hear Causes, nor preside in the House of Lords, but were only to put the Seals to such Writs or Patents as went in course; and so it was only put in the Hands of a Keeper but for some short Interval. But now, Bacon was the first Lord Keeper, that had all the Dignity and Authority of the Lord Chancellor conferred on him; and his not being raised to that high Title, perhaps flowed from his own modesty; for as he was one of the most Learned, most Pious, and Wisest Men of the Nation; so he retained in all his greatness a Modesty equal to what the Ancient Greeks and Romans had carried with them to their highest advancement. He was Father to the great Sir Francis Bacon, Viscount St. Alban, and Lord Chancellor of England, that will be always esteemed one of the greatest Glories of the English Nation.  

The Queen's Coronation.  The Queen was now to be Crowned; and having gone on the twelfth of January to the Tower, she returned from thence in State on the thirteenth. As she went into her Chariot, she lifted up her Eyes to Heaven, and blessed God that had preserved her to see that Joyful Day, and that had saved her as he did his Prophet Daniel out of the Mouth of the Lions. She acknowledged her Deliverance was only from him, to whom she offered up the Praise of it. She passed through London in great Triumph: and having observed that her Sister, by the sullenness of her behaviour to the People, had much lost their affections; therefore she always used, as she passed through Crowds, but more especially this day, to look out of her Coach cheerfully on them, and to return the respects they paid her with great sweetness in her Looks; commonly saying, God bless You, my People; which affected them much. But nothing pleased the City more than her behaviour as she went under one of the Triumphal Arches: There was a rich Bible let down to her, as from Heaven, by a Child, representing Truth; She with great Reverence kissed both her Hands, and receiving it, kissed it, and laid it next her Heart; and professed she was better pleased with that Present, than with all the other Magnificent ones that had been that day made her by the City: This drew Tears of Joy from the Spectators Eyes. And indeed this Queen had a strange Art of insinuating herself by such ways into the affections of her People. Some said she was too Theatrical in it; but it wrought her end; since by these little things in her deportment she gained more on their affections, than other Princes have been able to do by more real and significant Arts of Grace and Favour. The day following she was Crowned at Westminster by Oglethorp Bishop of Carlisle, all the other Bishops refusing to assist at that Solemnity. He, and the rest of that Order, perceived that she would change the Religion then established, and looked on the Alterations she had already made, as Pledges of more to follow; and observed by the favour that Cecil and Bacon had with her, that she would return to what had been set up by her Brother. They had already turned so oft, that they were ashamed to be turning at every time. Heath, Tonstall, and Thirleby, had complied in King Edward's time, as well as in King Henry's; and though Thirleby had continued in credit and favour with them to the last; yet he had been one of those who had gone to Rome, where he made such public Professions of his respect to the Apostolic See; and he had also assisted at the degradation and condemnation of Cranmer; so that he thought it indecent for him to return to that Way any more: Therefore he with all the rest resolved to adhere to what they had set up in Queen Mary's time. There were two of King Edward's Bishops yet alive, who were come into England, yet the Queen chose rather to be consecrated by a Bishop actually in Office, and according to the old Rites, which none but Oglethorp could be persuaded to do. After that, she gave a general Pardon according to the Common Form.  
On the 23d of January, 
The Parliament meets.  being the day to which the Parliament was summoned, it was Prorogued till the 25th, and then it was opened with a long Speech of the Lord Bacon's, in which he laid before them the distracted estate of the Nation, both in matters of Religion, and the other Miseries that the Wars and late Calamities had brought upon them: all which he recommended to their care. For Religion, the Queen desired they would consider of it without heat or partial affection, or using any reproachful term of Papist or Heretic; and that they would avoid the Extremes, of Idolatry and Superstition on the one hand, and contempt and irreligion on the other; and that they would examine matters without Sophistical Niceties, or too subtle Speculations, and endeavour to settle things so as might bring the People to an Uniformity and Cordial Agreement in them. As for the state of the Nation, he shown the Queen's great unwillingness to lay new Impositions on them, upon which he run out largely in her commendation, giving them all assurance that there was nothing she would endeavour more effectually than the advancing of their Prosperity, and the preserving their affections. He laid open the loss of Calais, with great reflections on those who had been formerly in the Government; yet spoke of it as a thing which they could not at that time hope to recover; and laid before them the charge the Government must be at, and the necessities the Queen was in; adding in her Name, that she would desire no Supply, but what they did freely and cheerfully offer.  
One of the first things that the Commons considered, was, whether the want of the Title of Supreme Head, which the Queen had not yet assumed, was a Nullity in the Summons for this and other Parliaments in which it had been omitted; but after this had been considered some days, it was judged to be no nullity; for the annulling of a Parliament, except it had under a force, or for some other error in the Constitution, was a thing of Dangerous Consequence.  
But leaving the Consultations at Westminster, I shall now give an account of the Treaty of Peace at Cambray. 
The Treaty at Cambray.  That at which things stuck most, was the rendering of Calais again to the English, which the French did positively refuse to do. For a great while Philip demanded it with so much earnestness, that he declared he would make Peace on no other terms; since as he was bound in Point of Honour to see the English, who engaged in the War only on his account, restored to the condition that they were in at the beginning of it; so his Interest made him desire that they might be Masters of that Place, by which, it being so near them, they could have the Conveniency of sending over Forces to give a diversion to the French at any time thereafter, as their Alliances with him should require. But when Philip saw there was no hope of a Marriage with the Queen, and perceived that she was making alterations in Religion, he grew less careful of her Interests, and secretly agreed a Peace with the French. But that he might have some colour to excuse himself for abandoning her, he told her Ambassador, that the French had offered him full satisfaction in all his own concerns, so that the Peace was hindered only by the Consideration of Calais; and therefore, unless the English would enter into a League with him for keeping up the War six years longer, he must submit to the necessity of his Affairs. The Queen perceiving that she was to expect no more assistance from the Spaniard, who was so much engaged to the old Superstition, that he would enter into no strict League with any whom he accounted an Heretic, was willing to listen to the Messages that were sent her from France, by the Constable and others, inducing her to agree to a Peace. She on the other hand complained that the Queen of Scotland, and her Husband in her Right, had assumed the Title and Arms of England: It was answered, That was done as the younger Brothers in Germany carried the Title of the great Families from whence they were descended; and for Titles, the Queen of England had little reason to quarrel about that, since she carried the Title, and gave the Arms of France.  

A Peace with France agreed to.  The Queen and her Council saw it was impossible for her to carry on the War with France alone. The laying heavy Impositions on her Subjects in the beginning of her Reign, might render her very ingrateful to the Nation, who loved not to be charged with many Subsidies: and when the War should produce nothing but some Wastes on the French Coasts, which was all that could be expected, since it was unreasonable to look for the Recovery of Calais, it might turn all the Joy they were now in at her coming to the Crown into as general a discontent. It was the ruin of the Duke of Somerset, that he had engaged in a War in the beginning of King Edward's Reign, when he was making Changes in Religion at home: therefore it was necessary to yield to the necessity of the time, especially since the loss of Calais was no reproach on the Queen, but on her Sister: so it was resolved on, to make a general Peace, that being at quiet with their Neighbours, they might with the less danger apply themselves to the correcting what was amiss in England, both in Religion, and the Civil Government. At length a Peace was made on these terms, That there should be free Commerce between the Kingdoms of England, France, and Scotland: the French should keep Calais for eight years; and at the end of that time should deliver it to the English: and if it were not then delivered, they should pay to the English 500000 Crowns, for which they should give good security by Merchants that lived in other Parts, and give Hostages till the Security were given: but if during these years the Queen made War on France, or Scotland, she was to lose her Right to that Town; or if the French or Scots made War on her, Calais should be presently restored; to which she was still to reserve her Right: Aymouth in Scotland was to be razed, and a Commission was to be sent down to some of both Kingdoms, to agree all lesser differences. On these terms a Peace was made, and proclaimed between those Crowns; to which many of the English, that did not apprehend what the charge of a War for the regaining of Calais would have amounted to, were very averse; thinking it highly dishonourable, that they, whose Ancestors had made such Conquests in France, should be now beaten out of the only remainder that they had on the Continent; and thus make a Peace by which it was in effect parted with for ever. For all these Conditions about restoring it were understood to be only for palliating so Inglorious a business. But the Reformed cast the blame of this on the Papists; and some moved, that all the late Queen's Council should be questioned for their Misgovernment in that Particular: for it was thought, nothing would make them so odious to the Nation, as the charging that on them. They on the other hand did cast the blame of it on the Lord Wentworth, that had been Governor of Calais, and was now professedly one of the Reformed, and had been very gentle to these of that Persuasion during his Government. But he put himself on a Trial by his Peers, which he underwent on the 22d of April, and there did so clear himself, that he was by the Judgement of the Peers acquitted.  
The Queen's Government being thus quieted abroad, 
The Proceed of the Parliament.  she was thereby at more leisure to do things at home. The first Bill that was put into the House of Lords to try their affections and disposition to a Change in the matters of Religion, was that for the Restitution of the Tenths and First Fruits to the Crown. It was agreed to by the Lords on the fourth of February, having been put in the 30th of January, and was the first Bill that was read: the Archbishop of York, the Bishops of London, Worcester, Landaffe, Litchfield, Exeter, Chester, and Carlisle, protested against it, these were all of that Order that were at the Session, except the Bishops of Winchester, Lincoln, Ely, and the Abbot of Westminster, who it seems were occasionally absent. On the sixth of February it was sent down to the Commons, to which they readily agreed; and so it had the Royal Assent. By it, not only the Tenths and First Fruits were again restored to the Crown, but also all Impropriated Benefices which had been surrendered up by Queen Mary.  

They address to the Queen for her marrying.  But the Commons, reflecting on the Miseries in which they had been lately involved by Queen Mary's Marriage, had much debate about an Address to the Queen to induce her to marry. On the fourth of February it was argued in the House of Commons; and on the sixth, the Speaker, with the Privy-Counsellors of the House, and thirty Members more, were sent with their desires to the Queen. They expressed the affections of the Nation to her, and said, That if they could hope she might be Immortal they would rest satisfied; but that being a vain Imagination, they earnestly besought her to choose such a Husband as might make the Nation and herself happy; and by the blessing of God, bring such Issue as might Reign after her death, which they prayed God might be very late. 
The Queen's Answer.  She said, She looked on that as an expression both of their affection and respect, since they had neither limited Time nor Place. She declared that she had hitherto lived in a single state with great satisfaction; and had neither entertained some Honourable Propositions which, the Lord Treasurer knew, had been made to her in her Brother's time, nor had been moved by the fears of death that she was in, while she was under her Sister's displeasure, (of which she would say little; for though she knew, or might justly suspect, by whose means it was, yet she would not utter it, nor would she charge it on the Dead, or cast the burden of it wholly upon her Sister:) But she assured them, if ever she married, she would make such a Choice as should be to the satisfaction and good of her People: She did not know what credit she might yet have with them; but she knew well, she deserved to have it, for she was resolved never to deceive them: Her People were to her in stead of Children, and she reckoned herself married to them, by her Coronation: They would not want a Successor when she died; and for her part, she should be well contented that the Marble should tell Posterity, HERE LIES A QUEEN THAT REIGNED SO LONG, AND LIVED AND DIED A VIRGIN: She took their Address in good part, and desired them to carry back her hearty thanks for the care the Commons had of her.  
The Journals of the House of Lords are imperfect, so that we find nothing in them of this matter: yet it appears that they likewise had it before them: for the Journals of the House of Commons have it marked, that on the fifteenth of February, there was a Message sent from the Lords, desiring that a Committee of thirty Commoners might meet with twelve Lords to consider what should be the Authority of the Person whom the Queen should marry. The Committee was appointed to treat concerning it; but it seems, the Queen desired them to turn to other things that were more pressing: for I find nothing, after this, entered in the Journals of this Parliament concerning it.  
On the ninth of February the Lords past a Bill for the Recognising of the Queen's Title to the Crown. 
They recognize her Title to the Crown.  It had been considered whether as Queen Mary had procured a former Repeal of her Mother's Divorce, and of the Acts that passed upon it declaring her Illegitimate, the like should be done now. The Lord Keeper said, The Crown purged all defects, and it was needless to look back to a thing which would at least cast a reproach on her Father: the enquiring into such things too anxiously would rather prejudice than advance her Title. So he advised that there should be an Act passed in general words asserting the lawfulness of her descent, and her Right to the Crown, rather than any special Repeal. Queen Mary and her Council were careless of King Henry's Honour; but it became her rather to conceal than expose his Weakness. This being thought both Wise and Pious Council, the Act was conceived in general Words, That they did assuredly believe and declare, that by the Laws of God and of the Realm she was their lawful Queen, and that she was rightly, lineally, and lawfully descended from the Royal Blood, and that the Crown did without all doubt or ambiguity belong to her, and the Heirs to be lawfully begotten of her Body after her; and that they, as representing the Three Estates of the Realm, did declare and assert her Title, which they would defend with their Lives and Fortunes. This was thought to be very wise Council: for if they had gone to repeal the Sentence of Divorce which passed upon her Mother's acknowledging a Precontract, they must have set forth the force that was on her when she made that Confession: and that, as it was a great dishonour to her Father, so it would have raised discourses likewise to her Mother's prejudice; which must have rather weakened than strengthened her Title: And, as has been formerly observed, this seems to be the true reason why in all her Reign there was no Apology printed for her Mother. There was another Act passed for the restoring of her in Blood to her Mother, by which she was qualified, as a private Subject, to succeed, either to her Grandfather's Estate, or to any others by that Blood.  
But for the matters of Religion, the Commons began; 
The Acts that were passed concerning Religion.  and on the fifteenth of February, brought in a Bill for the English Service, and concerning the Ministers of the Church. On the 21st a Bill was read for annexing the Supremacy to the Crown again; and on the 17th of March another Bill was brought in, confirming the Laws made about Religion in King Edward's time: and on the 21st another was brought in, That the Queen should have the Nomination of the Bishops, as it had been in King Edward's time. The Bill for the Supremacy was passed by the Lords on the 18th of March; the Archbishop of York, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Viscount Montacute, and the Bishops of London, Winchester, Worcester, Landaffe, Coventry and Litchfield, Exeter, Chester, and Carlisle, and the Abbot of Westminster, dissenting. But afterwards the Commons annexed many other Bills to it, as that about the Queens making Bishops, not according to the Act made in King Edward's time, but by the old way of Elections, as it was Enacted in the 25th Year of her Father's Reign, with several Prouisoes; which passed in the House of Lords with the same dissent. By it, all the Acts passed in the Reign of King Henry, for the abolishing of the Pope's Power, are again revived; and the Acts in Queen Mary's time, to the contrary, are repealed. There was also a Repeal of the Act made by her for proceeding against Heretics. They revived the Act made in the first Parliament of King Edward, against those that spoke irreverently of the Sacrament, and against private Masses, and for Communion in both kinds: And declared the Authority of Visiting, Correcting, and Reforming all things in the Church, to be for ever annexed to the Crown, which the Queen and her Successors might by her Letters Patents depute to any Persons to exercise in her Name. All Bishops, and other Ecclesiastieal Persons, and all in any Civil Employment, were required to swear that they acknowledged the Queen to be the Supreme Governor in all Causes as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal within her Dominions; that they renounced all Foreign Power and Jurisdiction; and should bear the Queen Faith and true Allegiance: Whosoever should refuse to swear it, was to forfeit any Office he had either in Church or State; and to be from thenceforth disabled to hold any Employment during Life. And if within a Month after the end of that Session of Parliament, any should, either by discourse or in writing, set forth the Authority of any Foreign Power, or do any thing for the advancement of it, they were to forfeit all their Goods and Chattels: and if they had not Goods to the value of twenty Pounds, they were to be Imprisoned a whole year; and for the second offence they were to incur the Pains of a Praemunire: and the third offence in that kind was made Treason. To this a Proviso was added, That such Persons as should be Commissioned by the Queen to Reform and Order Ecclesiastical Matters, should judge nothing to be Heresy but what had been already so Judged, by the Authority of the Canonical Scriptures, or by the first four General Councils, or by any other General Council in which such Doctrines were declared to be Heresies by the express and plain Words of Scripture: All other Points, not so decided, were to be judged by the Parliament with the assent of the Clergy in their Convocation.  
This Act was in many things short of the Authority that King Henry had claimed, and the severity of the Laws he had made. The Title of Supreme Head was left out of the Oath: This was done to mitigate the Opposition of the Popish Party; but besides, the Queen herself had a scruple about it, which was put in her Head by one Lever, a famous Preacher among those of the Reformation, of which Sands, afterwards Bishop of Worcester, complained to Parker in a Letter that is in the Collection. 
Collection Number 2.  There was no other punishment inflicted on those that denied the Queen's Supremacy, but the loss of their Goods; and such as refused to take the Oath, did only lose their Employments; whereas to refuse the Oath in King Henry's time, brought them into a Praemunire, and to deny the Supremacy was Treason. 
The Bishops oppose the Queen's Supremacy.  But against this Bill the Bishops made Speeches in the House of Lords. I have seen a Speech of this kind was said to have been made by Archbishop Heath; but it must be forgery put out in his Name: for he is made to speak of the Supremacy as a new and unheard of thing, which he, who had sworn it so oft in King Henry's and King Edward's times, could not have the face to say. The rest of the Bishops opposed it, the rather, because they had lately declared so high for the Pope that it had been very indecent for them to have revolted so soon. The Bishop of Duresme came not to this Parliament. There were some hopes of gaining him to concur in the Reformation: for in the Warrant the Queen afterwards gave to some for Consecrating the new Bishops, he is first named; and I have seen a Letter of Secretary Cecils to Parker, that gives him some hope that Tonstal would join with them. He had been offended with the Cruelties of the late Reign; and though the resentments he had of his ill usage in the end of King Edward's time, had made him at first concur more hearty to the restoring of Popery, yet he soon fell off, and declared his dislike of those violent Courses; and neither did he, nor Heath, bring any in trouble within their Dioceses upon the account of Religion; though it is hardly credible that there was no occasion for their being severe, if they had been otherwise inclined to it. The Bishop of Ely was also absent at the passing of this Act; for though he would not consent to it, yet he had done all that was prescribed by it so often before, that it seems he thought it more decent to be absent, than either to consent to it, or to oppose it.  
The Power that was added for the Queens Commissionating some to Execute her Supremacy, gave the Rise to that Court, which was commonly called the High Commission Court; 
The beginning of the High Commission.  and was to be in the room of a single Person, to whom, with the Title of Lord Vicegerent, King Henry did delegate his Authority. It seems, the Clergymen with whom the Queen consulted at this time, thought this too much to be put in one Man's Hand, and therefore resolved to have it shared to more Persons, of whom a great many would certainly be Churchmen: so that they should not be altogether kept under by the hard Hands of the Laity, who having groaned long under the Tyranny of an Ecclesiastical Yoke, seemed now disposed to revenge themselves by bringing the Clergy as much under them; for so Extremes do commonly rise from one another.  
The Popish Clergy were now every where beginning to declaim against Innovation and Heresy. Harpsfield had, in a Sermon at Canterbury in February, stirred the People much to Sedition: and the Members belonging to that Cathedral had openly said, that Religion should not nor could not be altered. The Council also heard that the Prebendaries there had bought up many Arms: so a Letter was written to Sir Thomas Smith, to examine that matter. Harpsfield was not put in Prison, but received only a Rebuke. There came also complaints from many other Places of many Seditious Sermons: So the Queen, following the Precedent her Sister had set her, did, in the beginning of March, forbidden all Preaching, except by such as had a Licence under the Great Seal. But lest the Clergy might now in the Convocation set out Orders in opposition to what the Queen was about to do; she sent, and required them, under the Pains of a Praemunire, to make no Canons. Yet Harpsfield, that was Prolocutor, with the rest of the lower House, made an Address to the upper House, to be by them presented to the Queen, for the discharge of their Consciences. They reduced the Particulars into five Articles. 1. That Christ was corporally present in the Sacrament. 2. That there was no other Substance there but his Body and Blood. 3. That in the Mass there was a Propitiatory Sacrifice for the Dead and the Living. 4. That St. Peter and his lawful Successors had the Power of feeding and governing the Church. 5. That the Power of treating about Doctrine, the Sacraments, and the Order of Divine Worship, belonged only to the Pastors of the Church. These they had sent to the two Universities, from whence they were returned, with the Hands of the greatest part in them to the first four; but it seems they thought it not fit to sign the last: For now the Queen had resolved to have a public Conference about Religion in the Abby-Church of Westminster.  
The Archbishop of York was continued still to be of the Council; so the Conference being proposed to him, he, after he had Communicated it to his Brethren, accepted of it, though with some unwillingness. It was appointed that there should be nine of a side, who should confer about these three Points. 1. Whether it was not against the Word of God, and the Custom of the Ancient Church, to use a Tongue unknown to the People, in the Common-Prayers and the Administration of the Sacraments? 2. Whether every Church had not Authority to appoint, change, and take away, Ceremonies, and Ecclesiastical Rites, so the same were done to edification. 3. Whether it could be proved by the Word of God, that in the Mass there was a Propitiatory Sacrifice for the Dead, and the Living? All was ordered to be done in Writing. The Bishops, as being actually in Office, were to read their Papers first upon the first Point, and the Reformed were to read theirs next; and then they were to exchange their Papers, without any discourse concerning them, for the avoiding of jangling. The next day they were to read their Papers upon the second, and after that, upon the third Head: and then they were to answer one another's Papers. The Nine on both sides were, the Bishops of Winchester, Litchfield, Chester, Carlisle, and Lincoln, and Doctor's Coal, Harpsfield, Langdale, and Chedsey, on the Popish side: and Scory late Bishop of Chichester, Cox, Whitehead, Grindal, Horn, Sands, Guest, Almer, and Jewel, for the Protestants. The last of March was appointed to be the first day of Conference, where the Privy Council was to be present, and the Lord Keeper was to see that they should not departed from the Rules to which they had agreed.  
The noise of this drew vast numbers of People to so unusual a sight: it being expected that there should be much fairer deal now, than had been in the Disputes in Queen Mary's time. The whole House of Commons came to hear it, as no doubt the Lords did also, though it is not marked in their Journal. At their meeting, the Bishop of Winchester said their Paper was not quite ready, and pretended they had mistaken the Order: But Dr. Cole should deliver what they had prepared, though it was not yet in that order that they could copy it out. The Secret of this was, the Bishops had in their private Consultations agreed to read their Paper, but not to give those they called Heretics a Copy of it: They could not decently refuse to give a public account of their Doctrine, but they were resolved not to enter into Disputes with any about it: This seemed to be the giving up of the Faith, if they should suffer it again to be brought into question: Besides, they looked on it as the Highest Act of Supremacy, for the Queen to appoint such Conferences: for she and her Council would pretend to judge in these Points, when they had done disputing. For these Reasons they would not engage to make any Exchange of Papers. The Lord Keeper took notice that this was contrary to the Order laid down at the Council Board, to which the Archbishop of York had in their Names consented. But they pretending they had mistaken the Order, Cole was appointed to deliver their Minds, which he did in a long Discourse, the greatest part of which he read out of a Book, that will be found in the Collection. 
Collection Number 4.  For though they refused to deliver a Copy of it, yet Parker some way procured it, among whose Papers I found it. The Substance of it was, 
Arguments for the Latin Service.  That although it might seem that the Scriptures had appointed the Worship of God to be in a known Tongue; yet that might be changed by the Authority of the Church, which had changed the Sabbath, appointed in the Scripture, without any Authority from thence. Christ washed his Disciples Feet, and bid them do the like, yet this was not kept up: Christ Instituted the Sacrament of his Body and Blood after Supper; and yet the Church appointed it to be received fasting: so had the Church also given it only in one kind, though Christ himself gave it in both: And whereas the Apostles, by Authority from the Holy Ghost, commanded all Believers to abstain from Blood, yet that was not thought to oblige any now: and though there was a Community of Goods in the Apostles times, it was no obligation to Christians to set up that now: so that this matter was in the Power of the Church. And since the Church of Rome had appointed the Latin Service to be every where used, it was Schismatical to separate from it: for according to Ireneus, all Churches ought to agree with her, by reason of her great Preeminence. Upon which they run out largely to show the mischiefs of Schism, both in France, Spain, Germany, and in other Countries. And for the Britain's and Saxons of England, their first Apostles, that converted them to Christianity, were Men of other Nations, and did never use any Service but that of their Native Language. All the Vulgar Tongues did change much, but the Latin was ever the same: and it was not fit for the Church to be changing her Service. The Queen of Ethiopia's Eunuch read Isaiah's Book, though he understood it not; upon which, God sent Philip to him to expound it: So the People are to come to their Teachers, to have those things explained to them which they cannot understand of themselves. There were many Rites in the Jewish Religion, the signification whereof the People understood as little then, as the Vulgar do the Latin now; and yet they were commanded to use them. The People were to use their private Prayers in what Tongue they pleased, though the public Prayers w●●● put up in Latin; and such Prayers may be for their profit, though they understand them not, as absent Persons are the better for the Prayers which they do not hear, much less understand. They said, it was not to be thought that the Holy Ghost had so long forsaken his Church, and that a few lately risen up were to teach all the World. They concluded, that they could bring many more Authorities; but they, being to defend a Negative, thought it needless, and would refer these to the Answers they were to make.  

Arguments against it.  When this was done, the Lord Keeper turned to those of the other side, and desired them to read their Paper. Horn was appointed by them to do it. He began with a short Prayer to God to enlighten their minds, and with a Protestation that they were resolved to follow the Truth according to the Word of God. Then he read his Paper, which will be also found in the Collection. 
Collection Number 3.  They founded their Assertion on St. Paul's words, who, in the 14th Chapter of his first Epistle to the Corinthians, had treated on that Subject of set purpose; and spoke in it, not only of Preaching, but of Praying with the Understanding; and said, that the Unlearned were to say Amen at the giving of Thanks. From that Chapter they argued, that St. Paul commanded that all things should be done to Edification, which could not be by an unknown Language: He also charged them that nothing should be said that had an uncertain sound; and that, as the sound of a Trumpet must be distinct, so the People must understand what is said, that so they might say Amen at the giving of Thanks. He also required those that spoke in a strange Language, and could not get one to interpret, to hold their peace; since it was an absurd thing for one to be a Barbarian to others in the Worship of God: and though the speaking with strange Tongues was then an extraordinary Gift of God, yet he ordered that it should not be used where there was no Interpreter. They added, that these things were so strictly commanded by St. Paul, that it is plain they are not indifferent, or within the Power of the Church. In the Old Testament, the Jews had their Worship in the Vulgar Tongue; and yet the new Dispensation being more Internal and Spiritual, it was absurd that the Worship of God should be less understood by Christians, than it had been by the Jews. The chief end of Worship is, according to David, that we may show forth God's Praises, which cannot be done, if it is in a strange Tongue. Prayer is the offering up of our desires to God, which we cannot do, if we understand not the Language they are in. Baptism and the Lords Supper are to contain Declarations of the Death and Resurrection of Christ, which must be understood, otherwise why are they made? The use of Speech is to make known what one brings forth to another. The most Barbarous Nations perform their Worship in a known Tongue, which shows it to be a Law of Nature. It is plain from Justin Martyrs Apology, that the Worship was then in a known Tongue; which appears also from all the Ancient Liturgies: and a long Citation was brought out of St. Basil, for the singing of Psalms, duly weighing the Words with much attention and devotion; which, he says, was practised in all Nations. They concluded, wondering how such an abuse could at first creep in, and be still so stiffly maintained; and wh●●●hose who would be thought the Guides and Pastors of the Church, were so unwilling to return to the Rule of St. Paul, and the Practice of the Primitive Times.  
There was a great shout of Applause, when they had done. They gave their Paper, signed with all their Hands, to the Lord Keeper, to be delivered to the other side, as he should think fit. But he kept it till the other side should bring him theirs. The Papists, upon this, said; they had more to add on that Head, which was thought disingenuous by those that had heard them profess they had nothing to add to what Cole had said. Thus the Meeting broke up for that day, being Saturday; and they were ordered to go forward on Monday, and to prepare what they were to deliver on the other two Heads. The Papists, though they could complain of nothing that was done, except the applause given to the Paper of the Reformers; yet they saw by that, how much more acceptable the other Doctrine was to the People; and therefore resolved to go no further in that matter. At the next meeting, they desired that their Answer to the Paper read by the Reformed might be first heard: To this the Lord Keeper said, That they had delivered their mind the former day, and so were not to be heard till they had gone through the other Points; and then they were to return on both sides to the answering of Papers. They said that what Cole had delivered the former day, was Ex tempore, and of himself; but it had not been agreed on by them. This appeared to all the Assembly to be very foul dealing; so they were required to go on to the second Point. Then they pressed that the other side might begin with their Paper, and they would follow: for they saw what an advantage the others had the former day, by being heard last. The Lord Keeper said, the Order was that they should be heard first, as being Bishops now in Office. But both Winchester, and Lincoln, refused to go any further, if the other side did not begin. Upon which there followed a long debate; Lincoln saying that the first Order, which was, that all should be in Latin, was changed; and that they had prepared a Writing in Latin: But in this, not only the Counsellors, among whom sat the Archbishop of York, but the rest of his own Party contradicted him. In conclusion, all, except Fecknam, refused to read any more Papers: he said, he was willing to have done it, but he could not undertake such a thing alone; and so the Meeting broke up.  
But the Bishops of Winchester, and of Lincoln, said, 
The Conference between the Papists and Protestants breaks up.  the Doctrine of the Catholic Church was already established, and ought not to be disputed; except it were in a Synod of Divines: that it was too great an encouragement to Heretics, to hear them thus discourse against the Faith before the unlearned Multitude: and that the Queen by so doing had incurred the Sentence of Excommunication; and they talked of excommunicating her and her Council. Upon this they were both sent to the Tower. The Reformed took great advantage from the Issue of this Debate, to say, their Adversaries knew that upon a fair hearing the Truth was so manifestly on their side, that they durst not put it to such hazard. The whole World saw that this Disputation was managed with great Impartiality, and without noise or disorder; far different from what had been in Queen Mary's time: so they were generally much confirmed in their former belief, by the Papists flying the Field. They on the other hand said, they saw the rude Multitude were now carried with a Fury against them; the Lord Keeper was their professed Enemy; the Laity would take on them to judge, after they had heard them; and they perceived they were already determined in their minds; and that this Dispute was only to set off the changes that were to be made with the Pomp of a Victory: and they blamed the Bishops for undertaking it at first, but excused them for breaking it off in time. And the Truth is, the strength of their Cause, in most Points of Controversy, resting on the Authority of the Church of Rome, that was now a thing of so odious a sound, that all Arguments brought from thence, were not like to have any great effect. Upon this whole matter, there was an Act of State made, and Signed by many Privy Counsellors, giving an account of all the steps that were made in it, which will be found in the Collection. 
Collection Number 5.   
This being over, the Parliament was now in a better disposition to pass the Bill for the Uniformity of the Service of the Church. Some of the Reformed Divines were appointed to review King Edward's Liturgy, and to see if in any Particular it was fit to change it. The only considerable Variation was made about the Lord's Supper, of which somewhat will appear from the Letter of Sandys to Parker. It was proposed to have the Communion Book so contrived, that it might not exclude the belief of the Corporal Presence: for the chief design of the Queen's Council was, to unite the Nation in one Faith; and the greatest part of the Nation continued to believe such a Presence. Therefore it was recommended to the Divines to see that there should be no express definition made against it; that so it might lie as a Speculative Opinion, not determined, in which every Man was left to the Freedom of his own Mind. Hereupon the Rubric that explained the reason for kneeling at the Sacrament, That thereby no Adoration is intended to any Corporal Presence of Christ's natural Flesh and Blood, because, that is only in Heaven, which had been in King Edward's Liturgy, was now left out. And whereas at the delivery of the Elements in King Edward's first Liturgy, there was to be said, The Body or Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ Preserve thy Body and Soul to Everlasting Life; which words had been left out in his second Liturgy, as favouring the Corporal Presence too much; and in stead of them, these words were ordered to be used in the distribution of that Sacrament, Take and eat this, in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thy Heart by Faith with Thanksgiving; and Drink this in remembrance that Christ's Blood was shed for thee, and be thankful. They now joined both these in one. Some of the Collects were also a little altered: and thus was the Book presented to the House. But for the Book of Ordination, it was not in express terms named in the Act; which gave an occasion afterwards to question the lawfulness of the Ordinations made by that Book. But by this Act the Book that was set out by King Edward, and confirmed by Parliament in the fifth Year of his Reign, was again authorized by Law; and the Repeal of it in Queen Mary's time was made void. So the Book of Ordinations being in that Act added to the Book of Common-Prayer, it was now legally in force again; as was afterwards declared in Parliament, upon a Question that was raised about it by Bonner.  
The Bill that was put in on the 15th of February, concerning the new Service, being laid aside, a new one was framed, and sent up by the Commons on the 18th of April, and debated in the House of Lords: 
Debates about the Act of Ueiformity.  Heath made a long Speech against it, rather Elegant than Learned; He enlarged much on the several Changes which had been made in King Edward's time: he said, that both Cranmer and Ridley changed their Opinions in the matter of Christ's presence: he called Ridley the most notably learned Man that was of that way. These Changes he imputed to their departing from the Standard of the Catholic Church: he complained much of the robbing of Churches, the breaking of Images, and the Stage-Plays made in mockery of the Catholic Religion. Upon all these Reasons he was against the Bill. The Bishop of Chester spoke also to it: He said, the Bill was against both Faith and Charity: that Points once defined were not to be brought again into question; nor were Acts of Parliament Foundations for a Church's Belief: he enlarged on the Antiquity of their Forms; and said, it was an insolent thing to pretend that our Fathers had lived in Ignorance. The Prophets oftentimes directed the Israelites to ask of their Fathers. Matters of Religion could not be understood by the Laity. It was of great consequence to have their Faith well grounded. Jeroboam made Israel to Sin, when he set up a new way of Worship: and not only the Orthodox, but even the Arrian Emperors ordered, that points of Faith should be examined in Councils. Gallio by the light of Nature knew that a Civil Judge ought not to meddle with matters of Religion: In the Service-Book that was then before them, they had no Sacrifice for their Sins, nor were they to adore Christ in the Host; and for these reasons he could not agree to it: but if any thought he spoke this because of his own concern, or pitied him for what he might suffer by it, he would say in the words of our Saviour Weep not for me, Weep for yourselves.  
After him spoke Fecknam Abbot of Westminster; He proposed three Rules by which they should judge of Religion; it's Antiquity, its constancy to itself, & the influence it had on the Civil Government: he said the old Religion began in the time of King Lucius, according to Gildas; the Book now proposed, was not used before the two last years of King Edward: the one was always the same, the other was changed every second year, as appeared in the point of the Presence of Christ in the Sacrament: there had been great Order and Obedience in Queen Mary's Reign; but now every where great Insolences were committed by the People, with some very indecent Profanations of the most holy things: he recommended to them, in St. Austin's words, the adhering to the Catholic Church: the very name Catholic, which Heretics had not the confidence to assume, shown their Authority. The Consent of the whole Church in all Ages, with the perpetual Succession of Pastors in St. Peter's Chair, aught to weigh more with them, than a few new Preachers, who had distracted both Germany and England of late.  
Thus I have given the substance of their Speeches, being all that I have seen of that side. I have seen none at all on the other side; though it is not probable but some were made in defence of the Service, as well as these were against it. But upon this Occasion I shall set down the substance of the second Paper, which the Reformed Divines had prepared on the second point, for the Conference about the Authority of every particular Church to change or take away Ceremonies. I do not put it in the Collection, because I have not that which the Papists prepared in Opposition to it. But the heads of this Paper were as followeth.  

Arguments for the Changes made in the Service.  It is clear by the Epistles which St. Paul writ to the Corinthians and other Churches, that every Church has Power in itself to order the Forms of their Worship, and the administration of the Sacraments, among them, so as might best tend to Order, Edification, and Peace. The like Power had also the seven Angels of the Churches to whom St. John writ. And for the first three Ages, there was no General Meeting of the Church in Synods, but in those times the neighbouring Pastors and Bishops, by mutual advice rather than Authority, ordered their affairs: and when Heresies sprung up, they condemned them, without staying for a General Determination of the whole Church. There were also great differences among them in their Customs, as about observing Lent and Easter. Ceremonies grew too soon to a great number. When Errors or Abuses appeared, private Bishops reform their own Dioceses: So those who came in the room of Arrian Bishops, even when that Heresy was spread over all the East, and the See of Rome itself was defiled with it, yet reform their own Churches. Ambrose finding the custom of Feasting in Churches on the Anniverssaries of the Martyrs gave occasion to great Scandals, took it away. Even in Queen Mary's time, many of the old Superstitions of Pilgrimages and Relics, which had been abolished in King Henry's time, were not then taken up again: from which they argued, that if some things might be altered, why not more? So that if there was good reason to make any Changes, it could not be doubted but that as Hezekiah and Josiah had made by their own power, so the Queen might make Reformations: which were not so much the setting up of new things, as the restoring of the state of Religion to what it was anciently; which had been brought in by consent of Parliament and Convocation in King Edward's time. The Rules they offered in this Paper about Ceremonies, were, that they should not be made necessary parts of Worship; that they should not be too many, nor dumb and vain, nor should be kept up for gain and advantage.  
These were the Arguments used on both sides: But the Reformed being superior in number, the Bill passed in the House of Lords; the Archbishop of York, the Marquis of Winchester, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Viscount Montacute, the Bishops of London, Worcester, Ely, Coventry, Chester, and Carlisle; and the Lords, Morley, Stafford, Dudley, Wharton, Rich, and North, and the Abbot of Westminster dissenting. By this Act the new Book was to take place by St. John Baptist's day.  
Another Act passed, That the Queen might reserve to herself the Lands belonging to Bishoprics, as they fall void, giving the full value of them in Impropriated Tithes in lieu of them. To this the Bishops dissented on the 7th of April, when it passed in the House of Lords. But when this came to the Commons, there was great opposition made to it. Many had observed, that in Edward the 6th's time, under a pretence of giving some Endowments to the Crown, the Courtiers got all the Church-Lands divided amongst themselves; so it was believed the use to be made of this, would be the robbing of the Church, without enriching the Crown. After many days Debate, on the 17th of April, the House divided, and 90 were against it, but 133 were for it, and so it passed.  
On the 5th of May, another Bill passed with the like opposition. It was for annexing of all Religious Houses to the Crown. After that there followed some private Acts for declaring the deprivation of the Popish Bishops in K. Edward's Time to have been good. When they were restored by Q. Mary, the Sentences passed against them, were declared to have been void from the beginning; and so all Leaves that were made by Ridley, Poinet, and Hooper, and the Patents granted by the King, of some of their Lands, were annulled. It was particularly remembered in the House of Commons, that Ridley had made the confirming of these Leases his last desire, when he was going to be tied to the Stake. The ground on which the Sentences were declared void, was, because the Parties had appealed, though in the Commission, by virtue of which the Delegates deprived them, they were impowered to proceed notwithstanding any Appeal. To this, not only the Bishops, but the Marquis of Winchester, and the Lords, Stafford, Dudley, and North, dissented.  
It shows the great Moderation of this Government, that this Marquis, notwithstanding his adhering to the Popish Interest in the House of Lords, was still continued Lord Treasurer; which employment he held fourteen Years after this, and died in the 97th Year of his Age, leaving 103 issued from his own Body, behind him. He was the greatest instance of good Fortune and Dexterity, that we find in the English History; who continued Lord Treasurer in three such different Reigns, as King Edward's, Queen Mary's, and Queen Elizabeth's were.  
There was a Subsidy, and two Tenths, and two Fifteenths given by the Parliament, with the Tonnage and Poundage, for the Queen's Life; and so on the 8th of May it was dissolved.  
There were three Bills that did not pass in the House of Commons, 
Bills that were proposed, but not passed.  but upon what account they were laid aside, it does not appear. The one was for the Restoring of the Bishops that had been deprived by Q. Mary. There were but three of these alive, Barlow, Scory, and Coverdale; the first of these had resigned, and the last, being old, had no mind to return to his Bishopric: So perhaps it was not thought worth the while to make an Act for one Man's sake, especially since there were so many vacant Bishoprics in the Queen's hands, and more were like to fall. The other Bill was, for the restoring of all Persons that were deprived from their Benefices because they were married. This the Queen odered to be laid aside; of which Sands complained much in his Letter to Parker: But yet the Queen took no notice of the Laws formerly made against their Marriage; and promoted many married Priests, particularly Parker himself. There was no Law now in force against clergymen's marrying; for Queen Mary had only repealed the Laws of Edward the 6th, which allowed it, but had made none concerning that Matter: So there was nothing but the Canon Law against it; and that was resolved to be condemned, by continuing that Article of Religion concerning the Lawfulness of their Marriage, among those that should be set out. The next Bill, that came to nothing, was a new Act for giving Authority to 32 Persons, to revise the Ecclesiastical Laws, and digest them into a Body; it was laid aside at the second Reading in the House of Commons, and has slept ever since.  

The Bishops refuse the Oath of Supremacy.  When the Parliament was over, the Oath of Supremacy was soon after put to the Bishops and Clergy. They thought, if they could stick close to one another in refusing it, the Queen would be forced to dispense with them, 
Vita Parkeri.  and would not at one stroke turn out all the Bishops in England. It does not appear how soon after the Dissolution of the Parliament, the Oath was put to them; but it was not long after, for the last Collation Bonner gave of any Benefice, was on the 6th of May this Year. The Oath being offered to Heath, Archbishop of York, to Bonner of London, Thirleby of Ely, Bourn of Bath and Wells, Christopherson of Chichester, Bain of Litchfield, White of Winchester, and Watson of Lincoln, Oglethorpe of Carlisle, Turbervile of Exeter, Pool of Peterburgh, Scot of Chester, Pates of Worcester, and Goldwell of St. Asaph, they did all refuse to take it: So that only Kitchen Bishop of Landaff took it. There was some hope of Tonstall; so it was not put to him till September, but he being very old, chose to go out with so much Company, more for the decency of the thing, than out of any scruple he could have about the Supremacy for which he had formerly writ so much. They were, upon their refusal, put in Prison for a little while; but they had all their Liberty soon after, except Bonner, White, and Watson. There were great Complaints made against Bonner, that he had, in many things, in the prosecution of those that were presented for Heresy, exceeded what the Law allowed; so that it was much desired to have him made an Example. But as the Queen was of her own nature Merciful, so the Reformed Divines had learned in the Gospel, not to render Evil for Evil, nor to seek Revenge; and as Nazianzen had of old exhorted the Orthodox, when they had got an Emperor that favoured them, not to retaliate on the Arrians for their former Cruelties: So they thought it was for the honour of their Religion, to give this real demonstration of the Conformity of their Doctrine, to the Rules of the Gospel, and of the Primitive Church, by avoiding all Cruelty and Severity, when it looked like Revenge.  

The Queen's gentleness to them.  All this might have been expected from such a Queen, and such Bishops. But it shown a great temper in the whole Nation, that such a Man as Bonner had been, was suffered to go about in safety, and was not made a Sacrifice to the Revenge of those who had lost their near Friends by his means. Many things were brought against him, and White, and some other Bishops; upon which the Queen promised to give a Charge to the Visitors, whom she was to send over England, to inquire into these things; and after she had heard their Report, she said, she would proceed as she saw cause: by this means she did not deny justice, but gained a little time to take off the Edge that was on men's Spirits, who had been much provoked by the ill usage they had met with from them.  
Heath was a Man of a generous temper, and was so well used by the Queen, for as he was suffered to live securely at his own House in Surrey, so she went thither sometimes to visit him. Tonstall and Thirleby lived in Lambeth with Parker, with great freedom and ease; the one was Learned and good natured, the other was a Man of Business: but too easy and flexible. White and Watson were morose sullen Men; to which their Studies, as well as their Tempers, had disposed them; for they were much given to Scholastical Divinity, which inclined Men to be Cinical, to over-value themselves, and despise others. Christopherson was a good Grecian, and had translated Eusebius and the other Church Historians into Latin, but with as little fidelity, as may be expected from a Man violently addicted to a Party. Bain was learned in the Hebrew, which he had professed at Paris, in the Reign of Francis the First. All these chose to live still in England; only Pates, Scot, and Goldwell, went beyond Sea. After them went the Lord Morley, Sir Francis Englefield, Sir Robert Peckham, Sir Thomas Shelley, and Sir John Gage; who it seems, desired to live where they might have the free exercise of their Religion: And such was the Queen's gentleness, that this was not denied them, though such favour had not been showed in Q. Mary's Reign. Feeknam Abbot of Westminster, was a charitable and generous Man, and lived in great esteem in England. Most of the Monks returned to a Secular course of Life, but the Nuns went beyond Sea.  
Now the Queen intended to send Injunctions over England, 
A Visitation and Injunctions ordered by the Queen.  and in the end of June they were prepared. There was great difficulty made about one of them; the Queen seemed to think the use of Images in Churches, might be a means to stir up Devotion, and that at least it would draw all People to frequent them the more: for the great measure of her Councils was, to unite the whole Nation into one way of Religion. The Reformed Bishops and Divines opposed this vehemently; they put all their Reasons in a long Writing which they gave her concerning it; the Preface and Conclusion of which will be found in the Collection. 
Coll. Numb. 6.  They protested they could not comply with that, which, as it was against their own Consciences, so it would prove a Snare to the Ignorant: they had often pressed the Queen in that Matter; 
The Queen inclined to retain Images in Churches.  which, it seems, stuck long with her: They prayed her not to be offended with that Liberty they took, thus to lay their Reasons before her, it being a thing which Christian Princes had at all times taken well from their Bishops. They desired her to commit that Matter to the Decision of a Synod of Bishops and Divines, and not to do such a thing merely upon some Political Considerations; which as it would offend many, so it would reflect much on the Reign of her most Godly Brother, and on those who had then removed all Images, and had given their Lives afterwards for a Testimony to the Truth.  
The substance of their Reasons, 
Reasons brought against it.  (which for their length I have not put in the Collection) is, That the second Commandment forbids the making of any Images, as a resemblance of God. And Deut. 27. there was a Curse pronounced on those who made an Image, an abomination to the Lord, and put it in a secret place; which they expounded of some Sacraria in private Houses: and Deut. 4. among the Cautions Moses gives to the People of Israel to beware of Idolatry; this is one, that they do not make an Image, for the use of these does naturally degenerate into Idolatry: The Jews were so sensible of this after the Captivity, that they would die, rather than suffer an Image to be put in their Temple. The Book of Wisdom, calls an Image, A Snare for the feet of the Ignorant. St. John charged those he writ to, to beware of Idols. So Tertullian said, It was not enough to beware of Idolatry towards them, but of the very Images themselves. And as Moses had charged the People not to lay a stumbling-block in the way of the Blind; so it was a much greater Sin to leave such a Trap for the weak Multitude. This was not for Edification, since it fed the Superstition of the Weak and Ignorant, who would continue in their former dotage upon them, and would alienate others from the Public Worship; So that between those that would separate from them if they were continued, and the Multitude that would abuse them, the number of those that would use them aright, would be very inconsiderable: The outward splendour of them would be apt to draw the minds of the Worshippers, if not to direct Idolatry, yet to staring and distraction of Thoughts. Both Origen and Arnobius tell us, That the Primitive Christians had no Images at all. Ireneus accused the Gnostics for carrying about the Image of Christ. St. Austin commends Varro, for saying, that the old Romans worshipped God more chastely, without the use of any Images. Epiphanius tore a Veil with an Image on it; and Serenus broke Images in Gregory the Great's Time. Valens and Theodosius, made a Law against the Painting or Graving of the Image of Christ: And the use of Images in the Eastern Churches, brought those distractions on that Empire, that laid it open to the Invasions of the Mahometans.  
These Reasons prevailed with the Queen, to put it into her Injunctions, to have all Images removed out of the Church.  
The Injunctions given by King Edward, at his first coming to the Crown, were all renewed, with very little variation. To these some things were added, of which I shall give account.  

The Heads of the Injunctions.  It was not where declared, neither in the Scriptures, nor by the Primitive Church, that Priests might not have Wives; upon which, many in King Edward's Time had married. Yet great offence was given by the indecent Marriages that some of them then made. To prevent the like Scandals for the future, it was ordered, That no Priest or Deacon should marry without allowance from the Bishop of the Diocese, and two Justices of the Peace, and the Consent of the Woman's Parents or Friends. All the Clergy were to use Habits, according to their Degrees in the Universities; the Queen declaring, that this was not done for any Holiness in them, but for Order and Decency. No Man might use any Charm, or consult with such as did. All were to resort to their own Parish Churches, except for an extraordinary Occasion. Innkeepers were to sell nothing in the Times of Divine Service. None were to keep Images, or other Monuments of Superstition, in their Houses. None might Preach, but such as were licenced by their Ordinary. In all Places, they were to examine the Causes, why any had been in the late Reign Imprisoned, Famished, or put to Death, upon the pretence of Religion; and all Registers were to be searched for it. In every Parish the Ordinary was to name three or four discreet Men, who were to see that all the Parishioners did duly resort on Sundays and holidays to Church; and those who did it not, and upon admonition did not amend, were to be denounced to the Ordinary. On Wednesdays and Fridays, the Common Prayer and Litany was to be used in all Churches. All slanderous words, as Papist, Heretic, Schismatic, or Sacramentary, were to be forborn, under severe pains. No Books might be printed without a Licence, from the Queen, the Archbishop, the Bishop of London, the Chancellor of the Universities, or the Bishop, or Archdeacon of the Place where it was printed. All were to kneel at the Prayers, and to show a Reverence when the Name of Jesus was pronounced. Then followed an Explanation of the Oath of Supremacy, in which the Queen declared that she did not pretend to any Authority for the ministering of Divine Service in the Church, and that all that she challenged was that which had at all times belonged to the Imperial Crown of England; that she had the Sovereignty and Rule over all manner of Persons under God, so that no Foreign Power had any Rule over them; and if those who had formerly appeared to have Scruples about it, took it in that sense, she was well-pleased to accept of it, and did acquit them of all Penalties in the Act. The next was about Altars and Communion-Tables; she ordered, that for preventing of Riots, no Altar should be taken down, but by the consent of the Curate and Churchwardens; that a Communion-Table should be made for every Church, and that on Sacrament days it should be set in some convenient Place in the Chancel; and at other Times should be placed where the Altar had stood. The Sacramental Bread was ordered to be round and plain, without any Figure on it, but somewhat broader and thicker than the Cakes formerly prepared for the Mass. Then the form of bidding Prayer was prescribed, with some variation from that in King Edward's Time; for whereas to the Thanksgiving for God's Blessings to the Church in the Saints departed this Life, a Prayer was added, That they with us, and we with them, may have a glorious Resurrection; now those words, they with us, as seeming to import a Prayer for the Dead, were left out.  
For the Rule about Churchmen Marrying, 
Reflections made on the Injunctions.  those who reflected on it, said, They complained not of the Law, but as St. Jerom did in the making a Law in his Time, they complained of those that had given occasion for it. Ministers wearing such Apparel as might distinguish them from the Laity, was certainly a means to keep them under great restraint, upon every indecency in their Behaviour, laying them open to the Censures of the People; which could not be, if they were habited so, as that they could not be distinguished from other Men: and humane nature being considered, it seems to be a kind of Temptation to many, when they do but think their Disorders will pass unobserved. Bowing at the Name of Jesus, was thought a fit expression of their grateful acknowledging of our Saviour, and an owning of his Divinity: And as standing up at the Creed, or at the Gloria Patri, were solemn expressions of the Faith of Christians; So since Jesus is the Name by which Christ is expressed to be our Saviour, it seemed a decent piece of acknowledging our Faith in him, to show a Reverence when that was pronounced; not as if there were a peculiar sanctity or virtue in it, but because it was his proper Name, Christ being but an Appellation added to it. By the Queen's care, to take away all words of Reproach, and to explain the Oath of Supremacy; not only clearing any ambiguity that might be in the words, but allowing Men leave to declare in what sense they swore it, the moderation of her Government did much appear; in which, instead of inventing new Traps to catch the Weak, which had been practised in other Reigns, all possible care was taken to explain things so, that they might be as comprehensive to all Interests as was possible. They reckoned, if that Age could have been on any terms separated from the Papacy, though with allowance for many other superstitious Conceits, it would once unite them all; and in the next Age they would be so educated, that none of those should any more remain. And indeed this Moderation had all the effect that was designed by it for many Years, in which the Papists came to Church, and to the Sacraments. But afterwards, it being proposed to the King of Spain, then ready to engage in a War with the Queen, upon the account of her supporting of the United Provinces, that he must first divide England at home, and procure from the Pope a Sentence against the Queen, and a condemnation of such Papists as went to the English Service; and that for the maintaining and educating of such Priests as should be his Tools to distract the Kingdom, he was to found Seminaries at Douai, Louvain, and St. Omers, from whence they might come over hither, and disorder the Affairs of England: The prosecution of those Counsels, raised the Popish Party among us, which has ever since distracted this Nation, and has oftener than once put it into most threatening convulsive Motions, such as we feel at this day.  

The first high Commission.  After the Injunctions were thus prepared, the Queen gave out Commissions for those who should visit all the Churches of England: in which they lost no time, for the New Book of Service was by Law to take place on St. John Baptist's day; and these Commissions were signed that same day. 
Coll. Num. 7.  One of those Commissions, which was for the Archbishopric and Province of York, is put into the Collection. It was granted to the Earls of Shrewsbury and Derby, and some others, among whom Dr. Sands is one.  
The Preamble sets forth, That God having set the Queen over the Nation, she could not render an account of that Trust, without endeavouring to propagate the True Religion with the right way of worshipping God in all her Dominions; therefore she intending to have a General Visitation of her whole Kingdom, empowered them, or any two of them, to examine the true State of all the Churches in the Northern Parts; to suspend or deprive such Clergymen as were unworthy, and to put others into their Places, to proceed against such as were obstinate, by Imprisonment, Church-Censure, or any other legal way. They were to reserve Pensions for such as would not continue in their Benefices, but quitted them by Resignation; and to examine the condition of all that were Imprisoned on the account of Religion, and to discharge them; and to restore all such to their Benefices, as had been unlawfully turned out in the late Times.  
This was the first High Commission that was given out; that for the Province of Canterbury was, without doubt, of the same nature. The prudence of reserving Pensions for such Priests as were turned out, was much applauded; since thereby they were kept from extreme want, which might have set them on to do mischief; and by the Pension which was granted them upon their good Behaviour, they were kept under some awe, which would not have been otherwise. That which was chief condemned in these Commissions, was, the Queen's giving the Visitors Authority to proceed by Ecclesiastical Censures, which seemed a great stretch of her Supremacy: but it was thought, that the Queen might do that, as well as the Lay-Chancellors did it in the Ecclesiastical Courts; So that one Abuse was the excuse for another.  
These Visiters having made Report to the Queen of the Obedience given to the Laws and her Injunctions, it was found, that of 9400 Benificed Men in England, there were no more but fourteen Bishops, six Abbots, twelve Deans, twelve Arch-Deacons, fifteen Heads of Colleges, fifty Prebendaries, and eighty Rectors of Parishes, that had left their Benefices upon the account of Religion. So compliant were the Papists generally. And indeed the Bishops after this time had the same apprehension of the danger into which Religion was brought by the juggle of the greatest part of the Clergy, who retained their affections to the old Superstition, that those in King Edward's time had: So that if Queen Elizabeth had not lived so long as she did, till all that Generation ●as dead, and a new Set of Men better educated and principled, were grow n up and put in their rooms; and if a Prince of another Religion ● d succeeded before that time, they had probably turned about again ●o the old Superstitions as nimbly as they had done before in Queen Mary's days. That which supported the superstitious Party in King Edward's time most, was, that many great Bishops did secretly favour and encourage them: Therefore it was now resolved to look well to the filling of the vacant Sees.  
It has been said before, that Parker 
Parker's unwillingness to accept of the Canterbury.  was sent for to London by the Queen's Order, and the Archbishopric of Canterbury was offered him: he was, upon that, cast into such a perplexity of mind, that he was out of measure grieved at it. As soon as he was returned home, he writ a Letter to the Lord-Keeper; which, with all the other Letters that passed in this matter, I have put into the Collection: 
Coll. Numb. 8.  He professed he never had less joy of a Journey to London, and was never more glad to get from it, than upon his last being there. He said, It was necessary to fill that See with a Man that was neither Arrogant, Faint-hearted, nor Covetous; an Arrogant Man would perhaps divide from his Brethren in Doctrine, whereas the whole strength of the Church depended on their Unity; but if their should be Heartburning among them, and the private quarrels, that had been beyond Sea, should be brought home, the Peace of the Church would be lost, and the Success of all their Design would be blasted: and if a faint-hearted Man were put in, it would raise the Spirits of all their Adversaries; A Covetous Man was good for nothing. He knew his own unfitness both of Body and Mind, so well, that though he should be sorry to offend him, and Secretary Cecil, whom he honoured above all Men in the World, and more sorry to displease the Queen; yet he must above all things avoid God's Indignation, and not enter into a station into which he knew he could not carry himself so as to answer it either to God, or the World for his Administration. And if he must go to Prison for his obstinate untowardness, (with which it seems they had threatened him) he would suffer it rather with a quiet conscience, than accept of an Employment which he could not discharge. He said, he intended by God's Grace never to be of that Order, neither higher nor lower. He knew what he was capable of: he was poor, and not able to enter on such a station; he had a Rupture which made him that he could not stir much; therefore he desired some place in the University, where he might wear out his Life tolerably. He knew he could not answer their Expectation, which made him so importunate not to be raised so high: He said, he had great apprehensions of Differences like to fall out among themselves; which would be a pleasant diversion to those of the Church of Rome: He saw some Men were Men still, even after all their teaching in the School of Affliction. He protested he did not seek his own private gain or ease; he had but two or three years more of life before him, and did not intent to heap up for his Children. This he writ the first of March.  
The business of the Parliament made this Motion to be laid aside, till that was dissolved; and then on the 17th of May the L. Keeper wrote to him concerning it: He told him, that he saw by a Resolution taken that day in the Queen's Presence, that it would be very hard for his Friends to get him delivered from that Charge. For his own part, if he knew a Man to whom the Characters in his Letter did agree better than to himself, he should be for preferring of such a one; but knowing no such, he must be still for him. On the 19th after that, the Lord Keeper, and Secretary Cecil, signed a Letter in the Queen's Name, requiring him to come up; and after that, they sent a second Command to him to come to Court, on the 28th of the Month. He came up, but again excused himself. Yet at last, being so often pressed, he writ to the Queen herself, protesting that extreme Necessity forced him to trouble her, both out of Conscience to God, and regard to her Service: he knew his great unworthiness for so high a Function; therefore as on his Knees he humbly besought her to discharge him of that Office, which did require a Man of more Learning, Virtue, and Experience, than he perfectly knew was in himself. He lamented his being so meanly qualified, that he could not serve her in that high station; but in any other inferior Office, he should be ready to discharge his Duty to her, in such a Place as was suitable to his infirmity. But in the conclusion he submitted himself to Her pleasure. In the end he was with great difficulty brought to accept of it. So on the 8th day of July the Congee d' Elire was sent to Canterbury; and upon that, on the 22d of July a Chapter was summoned to meet the first of August; where the Dean and Prebendaries meeting, they, according to a method often used in their Elections, did by a Compromise refer it to the Dean to name whom he pleased: and he naming Doctor Parker, according to the Queen's Letter, they all confirmed it, and published their Election, singing Te Deum upon it. On the 9th of September the Great Seal was put to a Warrant for his Consecration, directed to the Bishops of Duresm, Bath and Wells, Peterborough, Landaff, and to Barlow, and Scory (styled only Bishops, not being then elected to any Sees) requiring them to Consecrate him. From this it appears, that neither Tonstal, Bourn, nor Pool were at that time turned out: It seems there was some hope of gaining them to obey the Laws, and so to continue in th●ir Sees.   engraved portrait of Archibishop of Canterbury Matthew Parker 
EFFIGIES MATTHAEI PARKERI ARCHIEPISCOPI CANTUARIENSIS  R. White sculp  engraved coat of arms 
Natus Nordorici 1504 August: 6. Decanꝰ Lincoln. sub Edrardo VI.  
Consecr. Archiep. Cantuariensis 1559: Dec. 17. Obijt 1575. Maij 17.  
Printed for Richard Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church yard.  
I have given the more distinct Account of these Promotions, 
The Fable of the Nagshead confuted.  because of a most malicious Slander with which they were aspersed in aftertimes. It was not thought on for forty years after this. But than it was forged, and published, and spread over the World, with great confidence, That Parker himself was not legally nor truly Consecrated. The Author of it was said to be one Neale, that had been sometime one of Bonner's Chaplains. The Contrivance was, that the Bishop of Landaff being required by Bonner not to Consecrate Parker, or to give Orders in his Diocese, did thereupon refuse it: Upon that the Bishops Elect being met in Cheapside at the Nags-head-Tavern, Neale, that had watched them thither, peeped in through an hole of the Door, and saw them in great disorder, finding the Bishop of Landaff was intractable. But (as the Tale goes on) Scory bids them all kneel, and he laid the Bible upon every one of their Heads or Shoulders, and said, Take thou Authority to Preach the Word of God sincerely, and so they risen up all Bishops. This Tale came so late into the World, that Sanders, and all the other Writers in Queen Elizabeth's time, had never heard of it: otherwise we may be sure they would not have concealed it. And if the thing had been true, or if Neale had but pretended that he had seen any such thing, there is no reason to think he would have suppressed it. But when it might be presumed that all those persons were dead that had been present at Parker's Consecration, than was the time to invent such a Story; for than it might be hoped that none could contradict it. And who could tell but that some who had seen Bishops go from Bow-Church to dine at that Tavern with their Civilians, as some have done after their Confirmation, might imagine that then was the time of this Nags-head-Consecration. If it were boldly said, one or other might think he remembered it. But as it pleased God, there was one then living that remembered the contrary. The old Earl of Nottingham, who had been at the Consecration, declared it was at Lambeth, and described all the Circumstances of it, and satisfied all reasonable men that it was according to the Form of the Church of England. The Registers both of the See of Canterbury, and of the Records of the Crown, do all fully agree with his Relation. For as Parker's Congee d' Elire, with the Queen's Assent to his Election, and the Warrant for his Consecration, are all under the Great Seal: So upon the Certificate made by those who Consecrated him, the Temporalties were restored by another Warrant also enroled; which was to be showed in the House of Lords when he took his Place there. Besides that the Consecrations of all the other Bishops made by him, show that he alone was first Consecrated without any other. And above all other Testimonies, the Original Instrument of Archbishop Parker's Consecration lies still among his other Papers in the Library of Corpus Christi College at Cambridge, which I saw and read. It is as manifestly an Original Writing, 
Coll. Numb. 9  as any that I ever had in my hands: I have put it in the Collection, for the more full discovery of the Impudence of that Fiction. But it served those ends for which it was designed. Weak people hearing it so positively told by their Priests, came to believe it; and I have myself met with many that seemed still to give some credit to it, after all that clear Confutation of it, made by the most Ingenious and Learned Bishop Bramhall, the late Primate of Ireland. Therefore I thought it necessary to be the larger in the Account of this Consecration; and the rather, because of the influence it hath into all the Ordinations that have been since that time derived down in this Church.  
Some excepted against the Canonicalness of it, because it was not done by all the Bishops of the Province, and three of the Bishops had no Sees when they did it, and the fourth was only a Suffragan-Bishop. But to all this it was said, That after a Church had been overrun with Heresy, those Rules, which were to be observed in its more settled state, were always superseded; as appears particularly when the Arrian Bishops were turned out of some great Sees, for the Orthodox Bishops did then ordain others to succeed them, without judging themselves bound by the Canons in such Cases. And Bishops that had been rightly Consecrated, could certainly derive their own Character to others, whether they were actually in Sees or not. And a Suffragan-Bishop, being Consecrated in the same manner that other Bishops were, though he had a limited Jurisdiction, yet was of the same Order with them. All these things were made out with a great deal of Learning by Mason, who upon the publishing of that Fiction, wrote in Vindication of the English Ministry.  
Thus were the Sees filled, the Worship Reform, and the Queen's Injunctions sent over England. Three things remained yet to be done. The first was, To set out the Doctrine of the Church, as it had been done in King Edward's Time. The second was, To Translate the Bible, and publish it with short Notes. And the third was, To regulate the Ecclesiastical Courts. The Bishops therefore set about these. And for the first, Though they could not, by public Authority, set out the Articles of the Church till they met in a Convocation; yet they soon after prepared them. And for the present, they agreed on a short Profession of their Doctrine, which all Incumbents were obliged to read and publish to their People. This will be found in the Collection, 
Coll. Num. 11.  copied from it, as it was then printed.  
In the Articles made in King Edward's Reign, which I have put in the Collection, the Reader will find on the Margin the differences between those and these marked. In the third Article, the explanation of Christ's descent to Hell, was left out. In that about the Scriptures, they now added an enumeration of the Canonical and Apocryphal Books; declaring, that some Lessons were read out of the latter, for the Instruction of the People, but not for the confirmation of the Doctrine. About the Authority of the Church, they now added, That the Church had power to decree Rites and Ceremonies, and had Authority in Controversies of Faith; but still subordinate to the Scripture.  
In the Article about the Lord's Supper, there is a great deal left out, for instead of that large refutation of the Corporal Presence, from the impossibility of a Bodies being in more places at once; from whence it follows, that since Christ's Body is in Heaven, the Faithful ought not to believe or profess a Real or Corporal Presence of it in the Sacrament. In the new Articles, it is said, That the Body of Christ is given and received after a Spiritual manner; and the means by which it is received, is Faith. But in the Original Copy of these Articles, 
M.SS. C. Cor. Christ. Cant.  which I have seen subscribed by the hands of all that sat in either House of Convocation, there is a further addition made. The Articles were subscribed with that Precaution which was requisite in a matter of such consequence; for before the Subscriptions, there is set down the number of the Pages, and of the Lines in every Page of the Book, to which they set their hands.  
In that Article of the Eucharist, these words are added, Christus in Coelum ascendens, corpori suo immortalitatem dedit, naturam non abstulit: Humanae enim naturae veritatem, juxta scripturas perpetuo retinet, quam in uno & definito loco esse, & none in multa vel omnia simul loca diffundi, oportet: Quum igitur Chistus in Coelum sublatus, ibi usque ad finem Soeculi sit permansurus, atque inde, non aliunde, (ut loquitur Augustinus) venturus sit ad judicandum vivos & mortuos, non debet quisquam fidelium, Carnis ejus & Sanguinis realem & corporalem (ut loquuntur) praesentiam in Eucharistia, vel credere vel profiteri. In English thus; Christ, 
An Explanation of Christ's Presence in the Sacrament.  when he ascended into Heaven, made his Body Immortal, but took not from it the nature of a Body: For still it retains, according to the Scriptures, the verity of a humane Body; which must be always in one definite place, and cannot be spread into many, or all places at once. Since than Christ being carried up to Heaven, is to remain there to the end of the World, and is to come from thence, and from no place else, (as says St. Austin) to judge the Quick and the Dead; None of the Faithful aught to believe or profess the real, or (as they call it), the corporal Presence of his Flesh and Blood in the Eucharist.  
But this in the Original is dashed over with minium; yet so, that it is still legible. 
●u● 'tis suppresse●.  The Secret of it was this; The Queen and her Council studied, (as hath been already shown) to unite all into the Communion of the Church: and it was alleged, that such an express definition against a Real Presence, might drive from the Church many who were still of that Persuasion; and therefore it was thought to be enough to condemn Transubstantiation, and to say, that Christ was present after a Spiritual manner, and received by Faith; to say more, as it was judged superfluous, so it might occasion Division. Upon this, these words were, by common consent, left out: And in the next Convocation, the Articles were subscribed without them, of which I have also seen the Original.  
This shows that the Doctrine of the Church, subscribed by the whole Convocation, was at that time contrary to the belief of a Real or Corporal Presence in the Sacrament; only it was not thought necessary or expedient to publish it. Though from this silence, which flowed not from their Opinion, but the Wisdom of that Time, in leaving a Liberty for different Speculations, as to the manner of the Presence; some have since inferred, that the chief Pastors of this Church, did then disapprove of the Definition made in King Edward's Time, and that they were for a Real Presence.  
For the Translating of the Bible, it was divided into many Parcels. The Pentateuch was committed to William Alley Bishop of Exeter. The Books from that, to the second of Samuel, were given to Richard Davis, who was made Bishop of St. David's, when Young was removed to York. All from Samuel, to the second Book of Chronicles, was assigned to Edwin Sandys, than Bishop of Worcester. From thence to the end of Job, to one whose Name is marked A. P. C. The Book of the Psalms was given to Thomas Bentham, Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield. The Proverbs to one who is marked A. P. The Song of Solomon to one Marked A. P. E. All from thence to the Lamentations of Jeremy, was given to Robert Horn Bishop of Winchester. Ezekiel and Daniel, to Bentham. From thence to Malachi, to Grindal Bishop of London. The Apocryphas to the Book of Wisdom, was given to Barlow Bishop of Chichester, and the rest of it, to Parkhurst Bishop of Norwich. The Gospels, Acts, and Epistle to the Romans, were given to Richard Cox Bishop of Ely. The Epistles to the Corinthians, to one marked G. G. I know not to whom the rest of the New Testament was assigned. All these Allotments I gather from the Bible itself, as it was afterwards set out by Parker. What Method they followed in this Work, I cannot discover; unless the Rules afterwards given in King James his Time, when the Translation was revived, 
Coll. Num. 10.  were copied from what was now done: which Rules, for the curiosity of the thing, I shall put in the Collection, as I copied it from B. Ravis' Paper. They were given with that care that such a matter required. There were many Companies appointed for every parcel of the Scripture, and every one of a Company was to translate the whole Parcel: then they were to compare these together; and when any Company had finished their Part, they were to communicate it to the other Companies. So it is like, that at this Time those several Bishops that had undertaken the Translation, did associate to themselves Companies, with whose assistance they perfected it afterwards; and when it was set out, at the end of every Section, the initial Letters of his Name, that had translated it, were printed, as W. E. E. W. for Will. Exon, and Edwin Wigorn; and so in the rest. In what Year this was first printed, I am not so well assured. For I have not seen the first Impression of it, but I believe it was in the Year 1561, or soon after it; for the Almanac prefixed for the Movable Feasts, gins with that Year.  
As for the Canons and Rules of the Church Government, they were not so soon prepared. There came out some in the Year 1571, and more in the Year 1597, and a far larger Collection of them in the first Year of King James' Reign. But this Matter has yet wanted its chief force; for Penitentiary Canons have not been set up, and the Government of the Church is not yet brought into the Hands of Churchmen. So that in this Point the Reformation of the Church wants some part of its finishing, in the Government and Discipline of it.  
Thus did Queen Elizabeth again recover the Reformation of Religion: and it might have been expected, 
The Beginnings of the Divisions of this Church.  that under such moderate and wise Councils, things should have been carried with that Temper, that this Church should have united in its endeavours to support itself, and become the Bulwark of the Reformation, and the Terror of Rome. But that Blessing was, by the Sins of the Nation, the Passions of some, the Interests of others, and the Weakness of the greatest part, in a great measure denied us. The Heats that had been raised beyond Sea, were not quite forgotten; and as some Sparks had been kindled about clergymen's Habits in K. Edward's Reign; so, though Hooper and Ridley had buried that Difference in their Ashes, it broke out again concerning the Vestments of the Inferior Clergy. Other things were also much contested. Some were for setting up Ecclesiastical Courts in every Parish, for the exercising of Discipline against scandalous Persons; others thought this might degenerate into Faction. These lesser Differences were craftily managed by some who intended to improve them so far, that they might have the Church-Lands divided among them, and they carried these Heats further in Queen Elizabeth's Reign, than one would imagine, that considers the temper of that Government. But since that, still by many Degrees, and many Accidents in the Civil Government, they are now grown to that height; that, though considering the Grounds on which they have been, and still are maintained, they appear to be of no great force or moment: Yet if the Animosities and Heats that are raised by them, are well examined, there is scarce any probable hopes left of composing those Differences, unless our Lawgivers do vigorously apply themselves to it.  

The Reformation in Scotland.  
Having giving this Account of the Establishment of the Reformation here in England under Queen Elizabeth: I have, in some sort, discharged myself of the Design of my Engagement in this Work: but since the Settlement of Religion in Scotland was made the same Year, I shall next give some account of that; which I do with the more assurance, having met with several important things relating to it in Melvill's Memoires, that are in none of the printed Books. When the Treaty began for a Peace between the two Crowns of France and Spain, the secret Reason of making it, was, to root out Heresy, so much was expressed in the Preamble to it, that to extirpate Heresy, to have a General Council called, and the Church fully Reform, both from Errors and Abuses, those Princes had entered into a firm Peace.  
The Cardinal of Lorraine writ to his Sister the Queen, Regent of Scotland; that now, since they were making Peace, they were resolved to purge the World of Heresy. He also writ to the Archbishop of St. Andrews to the same Effect. The Queen Regent was much confounded at this. She was now forced to break her Faith with those who had served her Interests hitherto; and to whom she had often promised, that they should not be troubled for their Consciences. The danger was also very great from their Combination, since the Queen of England would certainly assist them; both because the Religion was the same in both Countries; and because, by dividing that Kingdom, she would secure the North of England from the mischief Scotland could do it, if moved and set on to it by France. But the Bishops in Scotland, shutting their Eyes upon all Dangers, resolved by some signal Instance, to strike a Terror into the People.  
The Archbishop of St. Andrews, having gathered a meeting of many Bishops, Abbots, and Divines, brought before them one Walter Mill, an old decrepit Priest, who had long given over saying Mass, and had preached in several places of the Country. They had in vain dealt with him to recant; 
Mils Martyrdom.  so now he was brought to his Trial. They objected Articles to him, about his asserting the lawfulness of Priests Marriages; denying the Seven Sacraments; saying the Mass was Idolatry; denying the Presence of Christ's Flesh and Blood in the Sacrament; and condemning the Office of Bishops; speaking against Pilgrimages; and teaching privately in Houses.  
To these he answered beyond all their Expectation; for he was so old and infirm, that they thought he could say nothing. He said, He esteemed Marriage a blessed Bond, and free for all Men to enter into it; and that it was much better for Priests to marry, than to vow Chastity and not keep it, as they generally did. He said, He knew no Sacraments, but Baptism and the Lord's Supper; the rest he left to them. He said, The Priests sole communicating was, as if a Lord should invite many to Dinner, and ring a Bell for them to come; but when they came, should turn his back on them, and eat all himself. He said, That Christ was only spiritually in the Sacrament; and that there was no other Sacrifice, but that which he offered on the Cross. He held, That they were Bishops indeed, who did the Work of a Bishop; and not they who sought only their sensual Pleasures, and neither regarded the Word of God, nor their Flocks. He knew Pilgrimages had been much abused, and great Uncleanness was committed, under the colour of going to them; but there was no ground for them in Scripture.  
Upon these Answers he was required to Recant; but he said, he knew he was to die once, and what they intended to do with him, he wished they would do it soon. Upon this, he was declared an obstinate Heretic. But the Country was so alienated from them, that they could not find a Man to burn him; and he that had the Jurisdiction in that Regality, refused to execute the Sentence. Yet at last, one of the Arch-Bishops Servants was gotten to undertake it; but in the whole Town, they could find none that would sell them a Cord to tie him to the Stake; so they were forced to put it off till the next day; and then, since none other could be had, the Archbishop sent the Cords of his own Pavilion for that use. When Mill was brought to the Stake, he said, he would not go up of his own accord, because he would not be accessary to his own Death; but if they would put their hand to him, they should see how cheerfully he should do it. That being done, he went up, and said, I will go in to the Altar of God. He exhorted the People to be no more seduced by the Lies of their Priests, but to depend upon Christ and his Mercy; for whose Doctrine, as many Martyrs had offered up their Lives, so he blessed God that had so honoured him to call him to give this Testimony, for whose Glory he most willingly offered up his Life. When the Fire was set to him, he called to the People to pray for him, and continued to cry, Lord have mercy on me, till he could speak no more.  
His Suffering was much resented by the Inhabitants of St. Andrews, 
The Nation was much provoked by it.  who raised a great heap of Stones in the place where he was burnt, for a Memorial of it; and though the Priests scattered them often, they renewed them still, till a Watch was set about it.  
In all parts of Scotland, and especially in the Towns, and in the Families of the Nobility and Gentry, the Reformation had been received, and secretly professed. So they began now to consult what to do. They had many meetings in several places; and finding their Interest was great over the Kingdom, they entered into Confederacies to maintain the true Religion.  
Before the Parliament met last Year, they had sent a Petition to the Queen Regent, That the Worship of God might be in the Vulgar Tongue, and the Communion might be given in both Kind's: That there should be great care taken in the Election of Ministers, that it might be according to the Custom of the Primitive Church; and that scandalous Ministers might be removed, and more worthy Men put in their Places.  
But the Queen Regent, to keep them in hopes till the Dolphin should be acknowledged King of Scotland, promised they should not be hindered to have Prayers in their own Tongue, so they would keep no public Assemblies in Edinburgh and Leith.  
In the Parliament, they proposed the abrogating of the Laws for Church-mens proceed against Heretics; and that none should be condemned of Heresy, but according to the Word of God; with some other Limitations of the Severities against them. But the Queen still gave them good hopes; only she said, she could not agree to those things, by reason of the opposition that would be made by the Spiritual Estate: But she suffered them to read a Protestation in Parliament, declaring their desires of a Reformation; and that if, upon the denial of it, Abuses were removed violently, they were not to be blamed, who had begun thus in a modest way to Petition for it.  
This Year it was become visible that she resolved to proceed to extremities. She ordered all the reformed Preachers to appear at Sterling the 10th of May. When this was done, the Earl of Glencarn went to her in the Name of the rest, and asked her the reason of that way of proceeding. She answered him in passion, ' That maugre them and all that would take part with them, the Ministers should be banished Scotland, though they preached as sound as St. Paul did. Upon this, he remembered her of the Promises she had often made them: to which she answered, ' That the Promises of Princes should be no further strained than seemed convenient to them to perform. Glencarn replied, ' if she would keep no Promises, they would acknowledge her no more, but renounce their Obedience to her.  

A Revolt began at St. Johnstoun. ●  That very night she heard that in the Town of St. Johnstoun, the People had Sermons openly in their Churches. Upon that she ordered the Lord Ruthven to go and reduce that Town: He answered, he could not govern their Consciences: Upon which, she vowed she would make him and them both repent it. The Ministers were coming from all parts, accompanied with many Gentlemen, to appear on the Day to which they were cited. The Queen hearing that, sent word to them to go home, for she would not proceed in the Citation. Many of them upon that returned to their homes, but others went to St. Johnstoun: Yet upon their not appearing, she made them all be declared Rebels, contrary to her Promise: This made many leave her, and go over to them at St. Johnstoun. The People began there first to break Images; and then they fell into the Houses of the Franciscans and Dominicans, where they found much more Wealth than agreed with their pretended Poverty. They also pulled down a great House of the Carthusians, with so much Hast, that within two days there was not one Stone left to show where it had stood: but yet the Prior was suffered to carry away the Plate. All that was found in these Houses, besides what the Monks carried away, was given to the Poor. The Queen, hearing this, resolved to make that Town an Example; and sent over all the Kingdom to gather the French Soldiers together, with such others as would join with her in this Quarrel. But the Earl of Glencarn with incredible haste came to their assistance, with 2500 Men: And there were gathered in all, in and about the Town, 7000 Men. The Queen, seeing it now turned to an open Rebellion, employed the Earl of Argile and the Prior of St. Andrews to treat with them. An Oblivion for what was passed was agreed on: The Queen was to come to St. Johnstoun, without her Frenchmen: and the matters of Religion were to be referred to a Parliament. Upon this, she went thither; but carried Frenchmen with her, and put a Garrison in the Town; and proceeded to the Fining of many, and the Banishing of others. Being pressed with her Promise, she said, The Promises of Princes ought not to be strictly urged, and those were not to be kept that were made to Heretics; she declared that she would take it on her Conscience, to kill and undo all that Sect, and make the best excuse she could when it was done. Upon this, all the Nation forsook her: and in many other places they went on to cleanse the Churches, and pull down Monasteries.  
When the News of this came to the Court of France, it was at first not rightly understood. The Queen Regent represented it, as if it had been a Design to shake off the French Power; and desired a great Force to reduce them. The King then saw too late, that the Constable had given him good Advice, in dissuading the Match with Scotland: 
The French Kind intends to grant Liberty of Religion.  and fearing to be entangled in a long chargeable War, he resolved to send one thither to know the true occasion of these Stirs. So the Constable proposed to him the sending of Melvil, by whom he had understood, that the Reason of all their disorders was the Queen's breaking her Word to them in the matters of Religion. He carried Melvil to the King, and in his presence gave him Instructions, to go to Scotland, and see what was the true cause of all these disorders; and particularly, how fare the Prior of St. Andrews, (afterwards the Earl of Murray,) was engaged in them; and if he, by secret Ways, could certainly find there was nothing in it but Religion, that then he should give them Assurances of the free Exercise of it, and press them not to engage any further till he was returned to the French Court, where he was promised to find a great Reward for so important a Service: but he was not to let the Queen Regent understand his business. He found upon his going into Scotland, that it was even as he had formerly heard; that the Queen Regent was now much hated and distasted by them: but that upon an Oblivion of what was passed, and the free Exercise of their Religion for the future, all might be brought to peace and quiet. But before he came back, the King of France was dead, the Constable in disgrace, and the Cardinal of Lorraine governed all: 
But is killed.  So he lost his Labour, and Reward, which he valued much less, being a generous and virtuous Man, than the Ruin that he saw coming on his Country.  
The Lords that were now united against the, Queen Mother came and took St. Johnstoun. From thence they went to Stirling, and Edinburgh: and every where they pulled down Monasteries; all the Country declared on their side; so that the Queen Regent was forced to fly to Dumbar-Castle. The Lords sent to England for Assistance, which the Queen readily granted them. They gave out, that they desired nothing but to have the French driven out, and Religion settled by a Parliament. The Queen Regent, seeing all the Country against her, and apprehending that the Q. of England would take advantage from these Stirs to drive her out of Scotland, was content to agree to a Truce; 
A Truce agreed to in Sc●●l●●d.  & to summon a Parliament to meet on the 10th of January. But the new King of France sent over Mr. de Croque, with a high threatening Message, that he would spend the whole Revenue of France rather than not be revenged on them that raised these Tumults in Scotland. The Lords answered, that they desired nothing but the Liberty of their Religion: and that being obtained, they should be in all other things his most obedient Subjects. The Queen Regent, having gotten about 2000 Men from France, fortified Leith; and in many other things broke the Truce. There came over also some Doctors of the Sorbonne to dispute with the Ministers, because they heard the Scotish Clergy were scarce able to defend their own Cause. The Lords gathered again, and seeing the Queen Regent had so often broke her Word to them, they entered into Consultation to deprive her of her Regency. Their Queen was not yet of Age; and in her Minority, they pretended that the Government of the Kingdom belonged to the States: and therefore they gathered together many of her Maleadministrations, for which they might the more colorably put her out of the Government. 
The Queen Regent is deposed.  The things they charged on her were chief these: That she had without Law begun a War in the Kingdom, and brought in Strangers to subdue it; had governed without the consent of the Nobility, embased the Coin to maintain her Soldiers; had put Garrisons in five Towns; and had broke all Promises and Terms with them. Thereupon they declared her to have fallen from her Regency, and did suspend her Power, till the next Parliament. So now it was an irreconciliable Breach. The Lords lay first at Edinburgh, and from thence retired afterwards to Sterling: Upon which, the French came and possessed themselves of the Town, and set up the Mass again in the Churches. Greater Supplies came over from France under the Command of the Marquis of Elbeuf, one of the Queen Regent's Brothers; who, though most of his Fleet were dispersed, yet brought to Leith 1000 Foot, so that there were now above 4000 French Soldiers in that Town. But what Accession of strength soever the Queen Regent received from these, she lost as much in Scotland; for now almost the whole Country was united against her; and the French were equally heavy to their Friends and Enemies. They marched about by Sterling to waste Fife, where there were some small Engagements between them and the Lords of the Congregation.  
But the Scots, 
The Scots implore the Q. of England's Aid.  seeing they could not stand before that force that was expected from France the next Spring, sent to Queen Elizabeth to desire her Aid openly; for the secret Supplies of Money and Ammunition, with which she hitherto furnished them, would not now serve the Turn. The Counsel of England apprehended that it would draw on a War with France: yet they did not fear that much; for that Kingdom was falling into such Factions, that they did not apprehend any great Danger from thence till their King was of Age. So the Duke of Norfolk was sent to Berwick, to treat with the Lords of the Congregation; who were now headed by the Duke of Chattelherhault. On the 27th of February they agreed on these Conditions: They were to be sure Allies to the Queen of England; and to assist her, both in England and Ireland, as she should need their help. She was now on the other hand, to assist them to drive the French out of Scotland: after which, they were still to continue in their obedience to their Natural Queen. This League was to last, during their Queen's Marriage to the French King, and for a Year after: and they were to give the Queen of England Hostages, who were to be changed every six Months.  
This being concluded, and the Hostages given, the Lord Grace marched into Scotland with 2000 Horse, and 6000 Foot. Upon that, the Lords sent and offered to the Queen Regent, that if she would send away the French Forces, the English should likewise be sent back, and they would return to their Obedience.  
This not being accepted, they drew about Leith 
Leith is besieged by the English.  to besiege it. In one Sally which the French made, they were beaten back with the loss of 300 Men. This made the English more secure, thinking the French would no more come out: but they understanding the ill order that was kept, sallied out again, and killed near 500 of the English. This made them more watchful for the future. So the Siege being form, a Fire broke out in Leith, which burned down the greatest part of the Town: the English playing all the while on them, distracted them so, that the Soldiers being obliged to be on the Walls, the Fire was not easily quenched. Hereupon the English gave the Assault, and were beaten off with some loss: but the Duke of Norfolk sent a supply of 2000 Men more, with the assurance of a great Army, if it was necessary; and charged the Lord Grace, not to quit the Siege till the French were gone. Ships were also sent to lie in the Frith, to block them up by Sea. The French apprehending the total loss of Scotland, sent over Monluc Bishop of Valence to London, to offer to restore Calais to the Queen of England, if she would draw her Forces out of Scotland. She gave him a quick Answer on the sudden herself, that she did not value that Fish-Town, so much as she did the quiet of Britain. But the French desiring that she could mediate a Peace between them and the Scots, she undertook that, and sent Secretary Cecil and D. Wotton into Scotland to conclude it. As they were on the Way, the Queen Regent died 
The Queen Regent of Scotland dies.  in the Castle of Edinburgh, on the 10th of June. She sent for some of the chief Lords before her Death, and desired to be reconciled to them; and asked them pardon for the Injuries she had done them. She advised them to send both the French and English Soldiers out of Scotland; and prayed them to continue in their Obedience to their Queen. She also sent for one of their Preachers, Willock, and discoursed with him about her Soul, and many other things, and said unto him, that she trusted to be saved only by the Death and Merits of Jesus Christ: and so ended her Days; which if she had done a Year sooner, before these last Passages of her Life, she had been the most universally lamented Queen that had been in any time in Scotland. For she had governed them with great Prudence, Justice, and Gentleness; and in her own Deportment, and in the order of her Court, she was an Example to the whole Nation: but the Directions sent to her from France, made her change her Measures, break her Word, and engage the Kingdom in War; which rendered her very hateful to the Nation. Yet she was often heard to say, that if her Counsels might take place, she doubted not to bring all things again to perfect Tranquillity and Peace.  
The Treaty between England, France, and Scotland, 
A Peace is concluded.  was soon after concluded. The French were to be sent away within Twenty Days; an Act of Oblivion was to be confirmed in Parliament; the Injuries done to the Bishops and Abbots were referred to the Parliament; Strangers and Churchmen were no more to be trusted with the chief Offices; & a Parliament was to meet in August for the confirming of this. During the Queen's absence the Nation was to be governed by a Council of Twelve: of these the Queen was to name seven, and the States five: the Queen was neither to make Peace nor War, but by the Advice of the Estates, according to the Ancient Custom of the Kingdom. The English were to return, as soon as the French were gone: and for the matter of Religion, that was referred to the Parliament: and some were to be sent from thence to the King and Queen, to set forth their desires to them: and the Queen of Scotland was no more to use the Arms and Title of England. All these Conditions were agreed to on the 8th of July; and soon after, both the French and English left the Kingdom.  
In August thereafter the Parliament 
Reformation is settled in Scotland by Parliament.  met, where four Acts passed; one for the abolishing of the Pope's Power. A second, For the repealing of all Laws made in favour of the former Superstition. A third, For the punishing of those that said or heard Mass. And the fourth was, A Confirmation of the Confession of Faith; which was afterwards ratified, and inserted in the Acts of Parliament, held Anno 1567. It was penned by Knox, and agrees, in almost all things, with the Geneva Confession.  
Of the whole Temporalty, none but the Earl of Athol, and the Lords, Somervile and Borthick, dissented to it: They said, they would believe as their Fathers had done before them. The Spiritual Estate said nothing against it. The Abbots struck in with the Tide, upon assurance, that their Abbeys should be converted to Temporal Lordships, and be given to them. Most of the Bishops, seeing the Stream so strong against them, complied likewise; and to secure themselves, and enrich their Friends or Bastards, did dilapidate all the Revenues of the Church, in the strangest manner that has ever been known; and yet, for most of all these Leases and Alienations, they procured from Rome Bulls to confirm them; pretending at that Court, that they were necessary for making Friends to their Interest in Scotland.  
Great numbers of these Bulls I myself have seen and read: So that after all the noise that the Church of Rome had made of the Sacrilege in England, they themselves confirmed a more entire waste of the Church's Patrimony in Scotland; of which there was scarce any thing reserved for the Clergy. But our Kings have since that time, used such effectual endeavours there, for the recovery of so much as might give a just encouragement to the Labours of the Clergy; that universally the inferior Clergy is better provided for in no Nation than in Scotland; for in Glebe and Tithes, every Incumbent is by the Law provided with at least 50 l. Sterling a Year; which, in proportion to the cheapness of the Country, is equal to twice so much in most parts of England. But there are not among them such Provisions for encouraging the more Learned and deserving Men, as were necessary. When these Acts of the Scotish Parliament were brought into France to be confirmed, they were rejected with much scorn; so that the Scots were in fear of a new War. 
Francis the 2d died.  But the King of France dying in the beginning of December, all that Cloud vanished; their Queen being now only Dowager of France, and in very ill terms with her Mother-in-Law Queen Katherine de Medici, who hated her, because she had endeavoured to take her Husband out of her Hands, and to give him up wholly to the Counsels of her Uncles. So she being ill used in France, was forced to return to Scotland, and govern there in such manner, as the Nation was pleased to submit to.  
Thus had the Queen of England separated Scotland entirely from the Interests of France, and united it to her own: And being engaged in the same Cause of Religion, she ever after this, had that influence on all Affairs there, that she never received any disturbance from thence, during all the rest of her glorious Reign. In which, other Accidents concurred to raise her to the greatest Advantages in deciding Foreign Contests, that ever this Crown had.  
In July after she came to the Crown, Henry the Second of France, 
The Civil Wars of France.  was unfortunately wounded in his Eye at a Tilting, the Beaver of his Helmet not being let down; so that he died of it soon after. His Son Francis the Second succeeding, was then in the 16th Year of his Age, and assumed the Government in his own Name; but put it into the hands of his Mother, the Cardinal of Lorraine, and the Duke of Guise. The Constable was put from the Court, the Princes of the Blood were not regarded, but all things were carried by the Cardinal and his Brother; between whom, and the Queen-Mother, there arose great misunderstandings, which proved fatal to the Queen of Scotland; for she, being much engaged with her Uncles, and having an Ascendant over her Husband, did so divide him from his Mother, that before he died, she had only the shadow of the Government. This she remembered ever after against her Daughter-in-Law, and took no care of her afterwards in all her Miseries.  
But the Prince of Conde, with the Admiral, and many others, resolving to have the Government in their Hands, engaged some Lawyers to examine the point of the King's Majority: These writ several Books on that Subject, to prove that two and twenty was the soon that any King had been ever held to be of Age to assume the Government: and that no Strangers, nor Women, might be admitted to it by the Law of France, but that it belonged to the Princes of the Blood, during the King's Minority; who were to manage it by the Advice of the Courts of Parliament, and the three Estates. So that the Design now concerted between these great Lords, to take the King out of their hands who disposed of him, was grounded on their Laws: Yet as this Design was laying all over France, Papists and Protestants concurring in it, it was discovered by a Protestant, who thought himself bound in Conscience to reveal it. Upon this, the Prince of Conde and many others were seized on; and had not the King's Death, in the beginning of December 1560, saved him, the Prince himself, and all the Heads of that Party, had suffered for it.  
But upon his Death, Charles the Ninth that succeeded him, being but eleven Years Old, the King of Navarre was declared Regent; and the Queen Mother, who then hated the Cardinal of Lorraine, united herself to him and the Constable, and drew the weak Regent into her Interests. Upon this, some Lawyers examining the Power of the Regent's, found that the other Princes of the Blood were to have their share of the Government with him; and that he might be checked by the Courts of Parliament, and was subject to an Assembly of the three Estates.  
In July, the next Year, there was a severe Edict passed against the Protestants, to put down all their Meetings, and banish all their Preachers. The Execution of it was put into the hands of the Bishops; but the greater part of the Nation would not bear it.  
So in January thereafter, another Edict passed, in a great Assembly of the Princes of the Blood, the Privy Counsellors, and eight Courts of Parliament, for the free exercise of that Religion; requiring the Magistrates to punish those who should hinder or disturb their Meetings. Soon after this the Duke of Guise, and his Brother, reconciled themselves to the Queen Mother, and resolved to break that Edict. This was begun by the Duke of Vassy, where a Meeting of the Protestants being gathered, his Servants disturbed them; they began with reproachful Words, from these it went to Blows, and throwing of Stones; and by one of them the Duke was wounded: for which his Men took a severe Revenge, for they killed sixty of them, and wounded two hundred, sparing neither Age now Sex▪ After this, the Edict was  broken. Many Lawyers were of Opinion, that the Regent could not do it, and that the People might lawfully follow the next Prince of the Blood in defence of the Edict.  
Upon this, his Brother, the Prince of Conde gathered an Army. In the beginning of the War, the King of Navarre was killed at the Siege of Rouen; so that, by the Law, the Prince of Conde ought to have succeeded him in the Regency; and thus the Wars that followed after this could not be called Rebellion; since the Protestants had the Law and the first Prince of the Blood of their side, to whom the Government did of right belong.  
Thus began the Civil Wars of France, which lasted above thirty Years; in all which time, the Queen of England, by the Assistance she sent them, sometimes of Men, but for the most part, of Money and Ammunition, did support the Protestant Interest with no great Charge to herself. And by that, she was not only secured from all the Mischief which so powerful a Neighbour could do her, but had almost the half of that Kingdom depending on her.  

The Wars of the Netherlands.  The State of the Netherlands afforded the like Advantages in those Provinces; where the King of Spain, finding the Proceed of the Bishops were not effectual for the Extirpation of Heresy, their Sees being so large, intended to have founded more Bishoprics, and to have set up the Courts of Inquisition in those Parts; and apprehending some opposition from the Natives, he kept Garrisons of Spaniards among them, with many other things, contrary to the Laetus Intro●●us, that had been agreed to, when he was received to be their Prince.  
The People finding all Terms broken with them, and that by that Agreement they were disengaged from their Obedience, if he broke those Conditions, did shake off his Yoke. Upon which followed the Civil Wars of the Netherlands, that lasted likewise above thirty Years. To them the Queen gave assistance; at first more secretly, but afterwards more openly: and as both they and the French Protestants were assisted with Men out of Germany, which were generally led by the brave, but seldom fortunate, Casimir, Brother to the Elector Palatine, so the money that paid them, was for most part furnished from England.  
And thus was Queen Elizabeth the Arbiter of all the Neighbouring parts of Christendom. She at Home brought the Coin to a true Standard: Navigation prospered; Trade spread, both in the Northern Seas to Archangel, and to the East and West Indies; and in her long Wars with Spain, she was always Victorious. That great Armada, set out with such assurance of Conquest, was, what by the Hand of Heaven in a Storm, what by the unweildiness of their Ships, and the nimbleness of Ours, so shattered and sunk, that the few remainders of it returned with irrecoverable shame and loss to Spain again. She reigned in the Affections of her People, and was admired for her Knowledge, Virtues, and Wisdom, by all the World. She always ordered her Councils so, that all her Parliaments, were ever ready to comply with them; for in every thing she followed the true Interest of the Nation. She never asked Subsidies, but when the necessity was visible; and when the Occasions, that made her demand any, vanished, she discharged them.  
She was admired even in Rome itself, where Sixtus the Fifth used to speak of her, and the King of Navarre, 
Vita de Sisto 5.  as the only Princess that understood what it was to Govern; and profanely wished, he might enjoy her but one night, hoping they would beget a New Alexander the Great between them. But if that had been, and the Child had taken after the Father, it would have been more like Alexander the Sixth.  
Notwithstanding all the Attempts of Rome against her Person and Government, she still lived and triumphed. In the first ten Years of her Reign, all things were carried with such moderation, that there was no stir about Religion. Pope Pius the Fourth, reflecting on the capricious and high Answer his mad Predecessor had made to her Address, sent one Parpalias to her, in the second Year of her Reign, to invite her to join herself to that See, and he would disannul the Sentence against her Mother's Marriage; confirm the English Service, and the use of the Sacrament in both Kind's. But she sent the Agent word to stay at Brussels, and not to come over. The same Treatment met Abbot Martinengo, who was sent the Year after with the like Message. From that Time, all Treaty with Rome was entirely broken off. Pius the Fourth proceeded no further; but his Successor, Pius the Fifth, resolved to contrive her Death, as he that writ his Life relates. 
Catena.   
The unfortunate Queen of Scotland, upon the Wars in her Country, was driven to seek shelter in England, where it was at first resolved to use her well, and to restore her to her Crown and Country; as will appear by two Papers, which for their Curiosity, being Originals, I have put into the Collection. 
Coll. Numb. 12.  The one is the Advice that Sir Henry Mildmay gave about it: the other is a long Letter written concerning it by the Earl of Leicester to the Earl of Sussex. They were given me by that most ingenious and virtuous Gentleman, Mr. Evelyn, who is not satisfied to have advanced the knowledge of this Age, by his own most useful and successful Labours, about Planting, and divers other ways, but is ready to contribute every thing in his Power to perfect other men's Endeavours.  
But while the English Council intended to have used the Queen of Scotland well, her own officious Friends, by the frequent Plots that were in a Succession of many Years carried on, sometimes by open Rebellion, as in the North of England, and in Ireland, but more frequently by secret Attempts, brought on her the Calamities of a long Imprisonment, and Death in the Conclusion.  
Her Death was the greatest blemish of this Reign, being generally censured by all the Age, except by Pope Sixtus the Fifth, 
Vita de Sisto 5.  who was a Man that delighted in cruel Executions, and so concluded her to be a happy Woman that had the pleasure to cut off a Crowned Head. But Queen Elizabeth's own preservation from the many Designs that were against her Life, made it in some sort, if not necessary, yet more excusable in her: especially that unfortunate Queen having herself cherished the Plot of Babington and Ballard, and having set her hand to the Letters that were written to them about it, though she still denied that, and cast the blame of it on her Secretaries; who (as she said) had gotten her hand to them without her Knowledge. The Pope had deposed the Queen (as will appear by his Sentence, which I have put in the Collection; 
Coll. Num. 13. ) and the Queen of Scotland being the next Heir to the Crown, and a zealous Papist, those of that Religion hoped, by destroying the Queen▪ to set her in her room; which put England in no small disorder, by Associations, and other means that were used for preserving the Queen, and destroying the Popish Interest. The Rebellions and Plots in England and Ireland, were not a little supported by the Assistance of King Philip of Spain, who did all he could to embroil the Queen's Affairs at home, though still without Success. But the steps of the Queen's Proceed, both against Papists and Puritans, are so set out by her great and wise Secretary, Sir Francis Walsingham in so clear a manner, that I shall set it down here as a most important piece of History; being written by one of the wisest and most virtuous Ministers that these latter Ages have produced. He wrote it in French to one Monsieur Critoy a Frenchman, of which I have seen an English Copy, taken (as is said) from the Original.  
SIR,  

Walsingham's Letter concerning the Queen's proceed against both Papists and Puritans.  WHereas you desire to be advertized, touching the proceed here in Ecclesiastical Causes, because you seem to note in them some Inconstancy and Variation, as if we inclined sometimes to one side, and sometimes to another; and as if that Clemency and Lenity were not used of late, that was used in the beginning: all which you imputed to your own superficial understanding of the Affairs of this State, having, notwithstanding her Majesty's do in singular Reverence, as the real Pledges which she hath given unto the World of her Sincerity in Religion, and of her Wisdom in Government well meriteth. I am glad of this Occasion, to impart that little I know in that matter unto you, both for your own Satisfaction, and to the end you may make use thereof, towards any that shall not be so modestly and so reasonably minded, as you are. I find therefore her Majesty's Proceed to have been grounded upon two Principles.  
The one, that Consciences are not to be forced, but to be won and reduced by force of Truth, with the aid of Time, and use of all good means of Instruction and Persuasion.  
The other, that Causes of Consciences when they exceed their bounds, and grow to be matter of Faction, lose their Nature, and that Sovereign Princes ought distinctly to punish their Practices and Contempt, though coloured with the pretence of Conscience and Religion.  
According to these Principles, her Majesty at her coming to the Crown, utterly disliking the Tyranny of Rome, which had used by Terror and Rigour to settle Commandments of men's Faiths and Consciences. Though as a Princess of great Wisdom and Magnanimity, she suffered but the exercise of one Religion; yet her proceed towards the Papists, was with great Lenity: expecting the good Effects which time might work in them; and therefore her Majesty revived not the Laws made in the 28th and 35th of her Father's Reign, whereby the Oath of Supremacy might have been offered at the King's Pleasure to any Subject, so he kept his Conscience never so modestly to himself, and the refusal to take the same Oath, without further Circumstances was made Treason. But contrariwise, her Majesty not liking to make Windows into men's Hearts and secret Thoughts, except the abundance of them did overflow into overt and express Acts, or Affirmations, tempered her Law so, as it restraineth every manifest disobedience, in impugning and impeaching, advisedly and maliciously, her Majesty's supreme Power, maintaining and extolling a Foreign Jurisdiction: And as for the Oath, it was altered by her Majesty into a more grateful Form; the hardness of the Name and Appellation of Supreme Head, was removed; and the Penalty of the refusal thereof, turned only to disablement to take any Promotion, or to exercise any Charge, and yet of liberty to be reinvested therein, if any Man should accept thereof, during his Life. But after, when Pius Quintus excommunicated her Majesty, and the Bulls of Excommunication were published in London, whereby her Majesty was in a sort proscribed, and that thereupon, as upon a principal Motive or Preparative, followed the Rebellion in the North; yet because the ill Humours of the Realm were by that Rebellion partly purged, and that she feared at that time no Foreign Invasion, and much less the Attempt of any within the Realm, not backed by some potent Power and Succour from without, she contented herself to make a Law against that special case of bringing in and publishing of any Bulls, or the like Instruments; Whereunto was added a Prohibition upon pain, not of Treason, but of an inferior degree of Punishment, against the bringing of the Agnus Dei's, and such other Merchandise of Rome, as are well known not to be any essential part of the Romanish Religion, but only to be used in practice, as Love-Tokens, to inchant and bewitch the people's Affections, from their Allegiance to their Natural Sovereign. In all other Points, her Majesty continued her former Lenity: but when about the 20th Year of her Reign, she had discovered in the King of Spain, an intention to Invade her Dominions; and that a principal part of the Plot, was to prepare a Party within the Realm, that might adhere to the Foreigner; and that the Seminaries began to blossom, and to send forth daily, Priests, and professed Men, who should by Vow taken at Shrift, reconcile her Subjects from their Obedience; yea, and bind many of them to attempt against her Majesty's Sacred Person; and that, by the Poison which they spread, the Humours of most Papists were altered, and that they were no more Papists in Conscience, and of Softness, but Papists in Faction: Then were there new Laws made, for the punishment of such as should submit themselves to such Reconcilements, or Renunciation of Obedience: And because it was a Treason carried in the Clouds, and in wonderful secrecy, and come seldom to light; and that there was no presuspition thereof so great, as the Recusancy to come to Divine Service, because it was set down by their Decrees, that to come to Church before Reconciliation, was to live in Schism; but to come to Church after Reconcilement, was absolutely heretical and damnable. Therefore there were added Laws containing Punishment pecuniary, videlicet, such as might not enforce Consciences, but to enfeeble and impoverish the means of those about whom it resteth indifferent and ambiguous, whether they were reconciled or not: and when, notwithstanding all this Provision, the Poison was dispersed so secretly, as that there was no means to stay it, but by restraining the Merchants that brought it in. Then lastly, There was added a Law, whereby such seditious Priests, of new Erection, were exiled; and those that were at that time within the Land, shipped over, and so commanded to keep hence upon pain of Treason. This hath been the proceeding, though intermingled, not only with sundry Examples of her Majesty's Grace towards such as in her Wisdom she knew to be Papists in Conscience, and not Faction and Singularity, but also with extraordinary mitigation towards the Offenders in the highest Degree, committed by Law, if they would but protest, that if in case this Realm should be invaded with a Foreign Army, by the Pope's Authority, for the Catholic Cause, as they term it, they would take part with her Majesty, and not adhere to her Enemies.  
For the other Party, which have been offensive to the State, though in another Degree, which named themselves Reformers, and we commonly call Puritan, this hath been the proceeding towards them: A great while, when they enveighed against such Abuses in the Church, as Pluralities, Nonresidence, and the like, their Zeal was not condemned, only their Violence was sometime censured. When they refused the use of some Ceremonies and Rites, as Superstitious, they were tolerated with much connivancy and gentleness; yea, when they called in question the superiority of Bishops, and pretended to a Democracy into the Church; yet their Propositions were here considered, and by contrary Writings debated and discussed. Yet all this while, it was perceived that their Course was dangerous, and very popular: as because Papistry was odious, theretofore it was ever in their Mouths, that they sought to purge the Church from the Relics of Papistry; a thing acceptable to the people, who love ever to run from one extreme to another.  
Because multitude of Rogues, and Poverty was an Eyesore, and a dislike to every Man; therefore they put into the people's head, that if Discipline were planted, there should be no Vagabonds nor Beggars, a thing very plausible: and in like manner they promised the people many of the impossible Wonders of their Discipline; besides, they opened to the people a way to Government, by their Consistory and Presbytery; a thing, though in consequence no less prejudicial to the Liberties of private Men, than to the Sovereignty of Princes; yet in first show very popular. Nevertheless this, except it were in some few that entered into extreme contempt, was born with, because they pretended in dutiful manner to make Propositions, and to leave it to the Providence of God, and the Authority of the Magistrate.  
But now of late Years, when there issued from them that affirmed, the consent of the Magistrate was not to be attended; when under pretence of a Confession, to avoid Slander and Imputations, they combined themselves by Classes and Subscriptions, when they descended into that vile and base means of defacing the Government of the Church, by ridiculous Pasquil's, when they begun to make many Subjects in doubt to take Oaths which is one of the Fundamental parts of Justice in this Land, and in all Places; when they began both to vaunt of their strength, and number of their Partisans and Followers, and to use Cominations that their Cause would prevail, though Uproar and Violence, than it appeared to be no more Zeal, no more Conscience, but mere Faction and Division: And therefore though the State were compelled to hold somewhat a harder hand to restrain them than before, yet was it with as great moderation, as the Peace of the State or Church could permit. And therefore, Sir, to conclude, consider uprightly of these Matters, and you shall see, her Majesty is no more a Temporizer in Religion: It is not the Success Abroad, nor the Change of Servants here at Home, can alter her; only as the things themselves alter, she applied her Religious Wisdom to Methods correspondent unto them; still retaining the two Rules before mentioned, in dealing tenderly with Consciences, and yet in discovering Faction from Conscience, and Softness from Singularity. Farewell.  
Your loving Friend, F. Walsingham.  
THUS I have prosecuted what I at first undertook, the Progress of the Reformation, from its first and small beginnings in England, till it came to a complete settlement in the time of this Queen. Of whose Reign, if I have adventured to give any Account, it was not intended so much for a full Character of Her and her Councils, as to set out the great and vissible Blessings of God that attended on her; the many Preservations she had, and that by such signal Discoveries, as both saved her Life, and secured her Government; and the unusual happiness of her whole Reign, which raised her to the Esteem and Envy of that Age, and the Wonder of all Posterity. It was wonderful indeed, that a Virgin Queen could rule such a Kingdom, for above 44 Years, with such constant success, in so great tranquillity at Home, with a vast increase of Wealth, and with such Glory abroad. All which may justly be esteem-to have been the Rewards of Heaven, crowning that Reign with so much Honour and Triumph, that was begun with the Reformation of Religion.   
The end of the third Book; and of the History of the Reformation of the Church of England.   

THE TABLE OF THE CONTENTS Of the Second Part of the History of the Reformation of the CHURCH of England.  

BOOK I. Of the Life and Reign of King Edward the Sixth.  

1547.  
K. Edward's Birth and Baptism. pag. 1  
His Education and Temper, pag. 2  
Cardan's Character of him, ibid.  
A design to create him Prince of Wales, pag. 3  
King Henry dies, and he succeeds, ibid.  
King Henry's Will, ibid.  
Debate about choosing a Protector, pag. 4  
The Earl of Hartford is chosen, pag. 5  
It is declared in Council, ibid.  
The Bishops take out Commissions, pag. 6  
Reasons for a Creation of Peers, ibid.  
Affairs of Scotland, pag. 8  
Lay men in Ecclesiastical Dignities, ibid.  
Images taken away in a Church in London, pag. 9  
The progress of Image-Worship, ibid.  
Many pull down Images, pag. 11  
Gardiner is offended at it, ibid.  
The Protector writes about it, ibid.  
Gardiner writes to Ridley about them, pag. 12  
Commissions to the Justices of Peace, pag. 13  
The form of Coronation changed, ibid.  
King Henry's Burial, ibid.  
Soul-Masses examined, pag. 14  
A Creation of Peers, pag. 15  
The King is crowned, ibid.  
The Lord Chancellor is turned out, ibid.  
The Protector made by Patent, pag. 17  
The Affairs of Germany, pag. 19  
Ferdinand made K. of the Romans, ibid.  
The Diet at Spire, ibid.,  
Emperor makes Peace with France, and with the Turk, pag. 20  
And sets about the ruin of the Protest. ibid.  
Protestant Princes meet at Frankfort, pag. 21  
D. of Sax, and Land. of Hesse Arm, pag. 22  
Peace between England and France, pag. 23  
Francis the first dies, ibid.  
A Reformation set about in England, pag. 24  
A Visitation resolved on, pag. 26  
Some Homilies compiled, pag. 27  
Injunctions for the Visitation, pag. 28  
Injunctions for the Bishops, pag. 29  
Censures passed upon them, ibid.  
Protector goes into Scotland, pag. 31  
Scotland said to be Subject to England, ib.  
Protector enters Scotland, pag. 33  
Makes Offers to the Scots, ibid.  
The Scots Defeat at Musselburgh, pag. 34  
Protector returns to England, pag. 35  
The Visitors execute the Injunctions, pag. 36  
Bonner Protests and Recants, ibid.  
Gardiner would not obey, ibid.  
His Reasons against them, ibid.  
He complains to the Protector, pag. 38  
The Lady Mary complains also, pag. 39  
The Protector writes to her, ibid.  
The Parliament meets, ibid.  
An Act repealing severe Laws, pag. 40  
An Act about the Communion, pag. 41  
Communion in both kinds, ibid.  
Private Masses put down, pag. 42  
An Act about the admission of Bishops, pag. 43  
Ancient ways of electing Bishops, ibid.  
An Act against Vagabonds, pag. 45  
Chauntries given to the King, ibid.  
Acts proposed, but not passed, pag. 46  
The Convocation meets, pag. 47  
And makes some Petitions, ibid.  
The Clergy desire to have Representatives in the House of Commons, ibid.  
The Grounds of that, pag. 48  
The Affairs of Germany, pag. 50  
Duke of Saxe taken, ibid.  
The Archbishop of Colen resigns, pag. 51  
A Decree made in the Diet, pag. 52  
Proceed at Trent, ibid.  
The Council removed to Boloign, pag. 53  
The French quarrel about Buloign, ibid.  
The Protector and the Admiral fall out, pag. 54   

1548.  
Gardiner is set at liberty, pag. 55  
M●rq. of Northampton sues a Divorce, pag. 56  
The Arguments for it, pag. 57  
A Progress in the Reformation, pag. 58  
Proclamation against Innovation, pag. 59  
All Images taken away pag. 60  
Restraints put on Preachers, pag. 61  
Some Bishops and Doctors examine the Public Offices and Prayers, ibid.  
Corruptions in the Office of the Commun. pag. 62  
A new Office for the Communion, pag. 64  
It is variously censured, pag. 65  
Auricular Confession left indifferent, ibid.  
Chantry Lands sold, pag. 67  
Gardiner falls into new Troubles, pag. 68  
He is ordered to preach, pag. 69  
But gives offence, and is imprisoned, pag. 70  
A Catechism set out by Cranmer, pag. 71  
A further reformation of public Offices, ibid.  
A new Liturgy resolved upon, pag. 72  
The Changes made in it, pag. 73  
Preface to it, pag. 79  
Reflections made on it, ibid.  
All preaching forbid for a time, pag. 81  
Affairs of Scotland, ibid.  
The Queen of Scots sent to France, pag. 82  
The Siege of Hadingtoun, ibid.  
A Fleet sent against Scotland, pag. 83  
But without success, ibid.  
The Siege of Hadingtoun raised, pag. 84  
Discontents in Scotland, pag. 85  
The Affairs of Germany, ibid.  
The Book of the Interim, pag. 86  
Both sides offended at it, ibid.  
Calvin writes to the Protector, pag. 88  
Bucer writes against Gardiner, ibid.  
A Session of Parliament, ibid.  
Act for the Marriage of the Clergy, pag. 89  
Which was much debated, ibid.  
Arguments for it from Scripture, ibid.  
And from the Fathers, pag. 90  
The Reasons against it examined, pag. 91  
An Act confirming the Liturgy, pag. 93  
Censures passed upon it, pag. 94  
The singing of Psalms set up, ibid.   

1549.  
An Act about Fasts, pag. 95  
Some Bills that did not pass, pag. 96  
A design of digesting the Common Law into a Body, ibid.  
The Admiral's Attainder, pag. 97  
He was sent to the Tower, ibid.  
The Matter referred to the Parliament, pag. 99  
The Bill against him passed, ibid.  
The Warrant for his Execution, pag. 100  
It is signed by Cranmer, ibid.  
Censures upon that, ibid.  
Subsidies granted, pag. 101  
A New Visitation, ibid.  
All obey the Laws except Lady Mary, pag. 103  
A Treaty of Marriage for her, ibid.  
The Council required her to obey, pag. 104  
Christ's Presence in the Sacrament examined, ibid.  
Public Disputations about it, pag. 105  
The manner of the Presence explained, pag. 107  
Proceed against Anabaptists, pag. 110  
Of these there were two sorts, ibid.  
Two of them burnt, pag. 112  
Which was much censured, ibid.  
Disputes concerning Infant Baptism, ibid.  
Predestination much abused, pag. 113  
Tumults in England, ibid.  
Some are soon quieted, pag. 114  
The Devonshire Rebellion, pag. 115  
Their Demands, ibid.  
An Answer sent to them, pag. 116  
They make new Demands, pag. 117  
Which are rejected, ibid.  
The Norfolk Rebellion. ibid.  
The Yorkshire Rebellion, pag. 118  
Exeter besieged, ibid.  
It is relieved, and the Rebels defeated, pag. 119  
The Norfolk Rebels are dispersed, ibid.  
A general Pardon, pag. 120  
A Visitation of Cambridg, ibid.  
Dispute about the Greek pronunciation, ibid.  
Bonner in new Troubles, ibid.  
Injunctions are given him, pag. 121  
He did not obey them, pag. 122  
He is proceeded against, ibid.,  
He defends himself, pag. 123  
He Appeals, pag. 125  
But is deprived, pag. 126  
Censures passed upon it, pag. 127  
The French fall into Bulloign, pag. 128  
Ill Success in Scotland, pag. 129  
The Affairs of Germany, ibid.  
A Faction against the Protector, pag. 130  
Advices about Foreign Affairs. pag. 131.  
Paget sent to the Emperor. ibid.  
But can obtain nothing. pag. 133.  
Debates in Council. ibid.  
Complaints of the Protector. pag. 134.  
The Counsellors leave him. pag. 135.  
The City of London joins with them. pag. 136.  
The Protector offers to submit. ibid.  
He is accused and sent to the Tower. pag. 138.  
Censures passed upon him. ibid.  
The Papists much lifted up. pag. 139.  
But their hopes vanish. ibid.  
A Treaty with the Emperor. pag. 140.  
A Session of Parliament. ibid.  
An Act against Tumults. ibid.  
And against Vagabonds. ibid.  
Bishops move for a Power of Censuring. pag. 141.  
An Act about Ordinations. ibid.  
An Act about the Duke of Somerset. ibid.  
The Reformation carried on. pag. 142.  
A Book of Ordinations made. pag. 143.  
Heath disagrees to it, and put in Prison. ibid.  
Interrogations added in the new Book. pag. 144.  
Boulogne was resolved to be given to the French. pag. 146.  
Pope Paul the third dies. ibid.  
Cardinal Pool was elected Pope. ibid.  
Julius the third chosen. pag. 147.   

1550.  
A Treaty between the English and French. ibid.  
Instructions given the English Ambassador. ibid.  
Articles of the Treaty. pag. 148.  
The Earl of Warwick governs all. pag. 149.  
Ridley made Bishop of London. ibid.  
Proceed against Gardiner. pag. 150.  
Articles sent to him. ibid.  
He signed them with Exceptions. pag. 151.  
New Articles sent him. ibid.  
He refuses them, and is hardly used. ibid.  
Latimer advises the King about his Marriage. pag. 152.  
Hooper made Bishop of Gloucester. ibid.  
But refuses the Episcopal Garments. ibid.  
Upon that great H●●t● arose. ibid.  
Bucers' Opinion about it. pag. 153.  
And Peter Martyrs. pag. 154.  
A Germane Congregation 〈◊〉 London. ibid.  
Polidore Virgil lea●●● England. ibid.  
A Review made of the Common-Prayer-Book. pag. 155.  
Bucers' advice concerning it. ibid.  
He writ a Book for the King. pag. 156.  
The 〈◊〉 studies to reforms abuses. pag. 157.  
He keeps a Journal of his Reign. ibid.  
Ridley visits his Diocese. pag. 158.  
Altars turned to Communion-Tables. ibid.  
The Reasons given for it. pag. 159.  
Sermons on Working-days forbidden. ibid.  
The Affairs of Scotland. pag. 161.  
And of Germany. ibid.   

1551.  
The Compliance of the Popish Clergy. pag. 162.  
Bucers' Death and Funeral. pag. 163.  
His Character. pag. 164.  
Gardiner is deprived. pag. 165.  
Which is much censured. ibid.  
Hooper is Consecrated. pag. 166.  
Articles of Religion prepared. ibid.  
An Abstract of them. pag. 167.  
Corrections in the Common-Prayer-Book. pag. 169.  
Reasons of kneeling at the Communion. pag. 170.  
Orders for the King's Chaplains. pag. 171.  
The Lady Mary has Mass still. ibid.  
The King is earnest against it. pag. 172.  
The Council write to her about it. ibid.  
But she was intractable. pag. 174.  
And would not hear Ridley preach. pag. 175.  
The Designs of the Earl of Warwick. pag. 176.  
The Sweeting Sickness. ibid.  
A Treaty for a Marriage with the Daughter of France. pag. 177.  
Conspiracy against the Duke of Somerset. pag. 178.  
The King is alienated from him. pag. 179.  
He is brought to his Trial. ibid.  
Acquitted of Treason, but not of Felony. pag. 180.  
Some others condemned with him. pag. 181.  
The Seal is taken from the Lord Rich. pag. 182.  
And given to the Bishop of Ely. ibid.  
Church-mens being in Secular Employments much censured. pag. 183.  
Duke of Somersets Execution. pag. 184.  
His Character. pag. 185.  
Affairs of Germany. pag. 186.  
Proceed at Trent. pag. 187.   

1552.  
A Session of Parliament. pag. 189.  
The Common-Prayer-Book confirmed, ibid.  
Censures past upon it. pag. 190.  
An Act concerning Treasons. ibid.  
An Act about Fasts and holidays. pag. 191.  
An Act for the married Clergy. pag. 192.  
An Act against Usury. ibid.  
A Bill against Simony not passed pag. 193.  
The Entail of the Duke of Somersets Estate cut-off. pag. 194.  
The Commons refuse to attaint the Bishop of Duresme by Bill. ibid.  
The Parliament is dissolved. pag. 195.  
A Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Courts is considered. ibid.  
The chief heads of it. pag. 197.  
Rules about Excommunication. pag. 201.  
Projects for relieving the poor Clergy. pag. 202.  
Heath and Day deprived. pag. 203.  
The Affairs of Ireland. ibid.  
A change in the order of the Garter. pag. 205.  
Paget degraded from the Order. pag. 206.  
The increase of Trade. pag. 207.  
Cardan passes through England. pag. 208.  
The Affairs of Scotland. ibid.  
The Affairs of Germany. pag. 210.  
Proceed at Trent. pag. 211.  
An Account of the Council there. pag. 212.  
A Judgement of the Histories of it. ibid.  
The freedom of Religion established in Germany. pag. 213.  
The Emperor is much cast down. pag. 214.   

1553.  
A Regulation of the Privy Council. ibid.  
A New Parliament. ibid.  
The Bishopric of Duresm suppressed and two new ones were to be raised. pag. 215.  
A Visitation for the Plate in Churches. pag. 216.  
Instructions for the Precedent in the North. pag. 217.  
The form of the Bishop's Letters Patents. pag. 218.  
A Treaty with the Emperor. pag. 219.  
The King's sickness. pag. 221.  
His care of the poor. ibid.  
Several Marriages. pag. 222.  
He intends to leave the Crown to Lady Jane Grace. ibid.  
Which the Judges opposed at first. ibid.  
Yet they consented to it except Hales. pag. 222.  
Cranmer is hardly prevailed with. pag. 224.  
The King's sickness becomes desperate. ibid.  
His last Prayer. ibid.  
His Death and Character. ibid.    

BOOK II. The Life and Reign of Queen Mary.  

QVeen Mary succeeds but is in great danger. pag. 233.  
And retires to Suffolk. ibid.  
She writes to the Council. pag. 234.  
But they declare for the Lady Jane. ibid.  
The Lady Janes Character. ibid.  
She unwillingly accepts the Crown. pag. 235.  
The Council writes to Queen Mary. ibid.  
They proclaim the Lady Jane Queen. ibid.  
Censures passed upon it. pag. 236.  
The Duke of Northumberland much hated. pag. 237.  
The Council send an Army against Queen Mary. ibid.  
Ridley Preaches against her. pag. 238.  
But her Party grows strong. ibid.  
The Council turn and proclaim her Queen. pag. 239.  
The Duke of Northumberland is taken. ibid.  
Many Prisoners are sent to the Tower. ibid.  
The Queen comes to London. pag. 240.  
She was in danger in her Father's time. ibid.  
And was preserved by Cranmer. pag. 241.  
She submitted to her Father. ibid.  
Designs for changing Religion. pag. 242.  
Gardiner's policy. ibid.  
He is made Chancellor. ibid.  
Duke of Northumberland and others Attainted. ibid.  
He at his Death professes he had been always a Papist. pag. 243.  
His Character. pag. 244.  
King Edward's Funeral. ibid.  
The Queen declares she will force no Conscience. pag. 245.  
A Tumult at Paul's. ibid.  
A Proclamation against Preaching. ibid.  
Censures passed upon it. pag. 246.  
She uses those of Suffolk ill. ibid.  
Consultations among the Reformed. pag. 247.  
Judge Hales barbarously used. ibid.  
Cranmer declares against the Mass. pag. 248.  
Bonner's insolence. ibid.  
Cranmer and Latimer sent to the Tower. pag. 250.  
Foreigners sent out of England. ibid.  
Many English fly beyond Sea. ibid.  
The Queen rewards those who had served her. pag. 251.  
She is Crowned and discharges a Tax. ibid.  
A Parliament summoned. pag. 252.  
The Reformed Bishops thrust out of the House of Lords. ibid.  
Great disorders in Elections. ibid.  
An Act moderating severe Laws. pag. 253.  
The Marriage of the Queen's Mother Confirmed. ibid.  
Censures passed upon it. pag. 254.  
The Queen is severe to the Lady Elis. ibid.  
King Edward's Laws about Religion repealed. pag. 255.  
An Act against injuries to Priests. ibid.  
An Act against unlawful assemblies. ibid.  
Marquess of Northamptons' 2d Marriage broken. pag. 256.  
The Duke of Norfolk's Attaindor annulled. ibid.  
Cranmer and others attainted. pag. 257.  
But his See is not declared void. ibid.  
The Queen resolves to reconcile with Rome. ibid.  
Cardinal Pool sent Legate. pag. 258.  
But is stopped by the Emperor. pag. 259.  
The Queen sends to him. ibid.  
His advice to the Queen. pag. 260.  
Gardiner's methods are preferred. pag. 261.  
The House of Commons offended with the Queen's Marriage then treated about. ibid.  
The Parliament is dissolved. ibid.  
1200000 Crowns sent to corrupt the next Parliament. pag. 262.  
Proceed in the Convocation. ibid.  
Disputes concerning the Sacrament. ibid.  
Censures passed upon them. pag. 283.   

1554.  
Ambassadors treat with the Queen for her Marriage. ibid.  
Articles agreed on. ibid.  
The Match generally disliked. p. 284.  
Plots to oppose it are discovered. ibid.  
Wyatt breaks out in Kent. ibid.  
His Demands. p. 286.  
He is defeated and taken. ibid.  
The Lady Jane and her Husband Executed. p. 271.  
Her preparations for Death. ibid.  
The Duke of Suffolk is Executed. p. 272.  
The Lady Elis is unjustly suspected. p. 273.  
Many severe proceed. ibid.  
The Imposture in the Wall. ibid.  
Instructions for the Bishops. p. 274.  
Bishops that adhere to the Reform▪ deprived. ibid.  
The Mass every where set up. pag. 276.  
Books against the married Clergy. pag. 277.  
A New Parliament. ibid.  
The Queen's Regal Power asserted. ibid.  
The secret Reasons for that Act. ibid.  
Great jealousies of the Spaniards. pag. 279.  
The Bishopric of Duresm restored. ibid.  
Disputes at Oxford. pag. 280.  
With Cranmer. pag. 281.  
And Ridley. pag. 282.  
And Latimer. pag. 283.  
Censures passed upon them. ibid.  
They are all Condemned. ibid.  
The Prisoners in London give reasons why they would not dispute. pag. 284.  
King Philip Lands. pag. 286.  
And is Married to the Queen. ibid.  
He brings a great Treasure with him. ibid.  
Acts of favour done by him. pag. 287.  
He preserves the Lady Elizabeth, ibid.  
He was little beloved. pag. 288.  
But much Magnifyed by Gardiner. ibid.  
Bonner's carriage in his Visitation. ibid.  
No reordination of those Ordained in King Edward's time. pag. 289.  
Bonner's rage. pag. 290.  
The Sacrament stolen. pag. 291.  
A New Parliament. ibid.  
Cardinal Pools Attaindor repealed. ibid.  
He comes to London. pag. 292.  
And makes a speech to the Parliament. ibid.  
The Queen is believed with Child. ibid.  
The Parliament petition to be reconciled. pag. 293.  
The Cardinal absolves them. ibid.  
Laws against the See of Rome repealed pag. 294.  
A Proviso for Church Lands. ibid.  
A Petition from the Convocation. ibid.  
An Address from the inferior Clergy. pag. 295.  
Laws against Heretics revived. pag. 296.  
An Act declaring Treasons. ibid.  
Another against seditious words. ibid.  
Gardiner in great esteem. pag. 297.  
The fear of losing the Church Lands. ibid.  
Consultations how to deal with Heretics. pag. 298.  
Cardinal Pool for moderate courses. pag. 299.  
But Gardiner is for violent ones. ibid.  
To which the Queen is inclined. pag. 300.   

1555.  
They begin with Rogers and others. ibid.  
Who refusing to comply are judged. pag. 301.  
Rogers and Hooper burnt. pag. 302.  
 and Taylor burnt. pag. 303.  
These cruelties are much censured, pag. 304.  
Reflections made on Hoopers' Death. ibid.  
The Burn much disliked. pag. 305.  
The King Purges himself. ibid.  
A Petition against persecution. ibid.  
Arguments to defend it. pag. 306.  
More are Burnt. pag. 307.  
Ferrar and others Burnt. pag. 308.  
The Queen gives up the Church Lands. ibid.  
Pope Julius dies, and Marcellus succeeds. pag. 309.  
Paul the 4th succeeds him. pag. 310.  
English Ambassadors at Rome. ibid.  
Instructions sent for persecution. pag. 311.  
Bonner required to Burn more. pag. 312.  
The Queen's delivery in vain expected. ibid.  
Bradford and others Burnt. pag. 313.  
Sir Thomas Mores works Published. pag. 316.  
His Letter of the Nun of Kent. ibid.  
Ridley and Latimer Burnt. pag. 318.  
Gardiner's Death and Character. pag. 320.  
The temper of the Parliament is much changed. pag. 322.  
The Queen discharges tenths and first fruits. ibid.  
An Act against those that fled beyond Sea rejected. pag. 323.  
An Act debarring a Murderer from the benefit of Clergy opposed. ibid.  
Sir Anthony Kingston put in the Tower. pag. 324.  
Pool holds a Convocation. ibid.  
The heads of his Decrees. ibid.  
Pools design for Reforming of abuses. pag. 326.  
Pool will not admit the Jesuits to England. pag. 327.  
Philpots Martyrdom. pag. 328.  
Foreign affairs. ibid.  
Charles the 5ths' Resignation. pag. 329.  
Cranmers' Trial. pag. 332.  
He is degraded. pag. 333.  
He recants. ibid.  
He reputes of it. pag. 334.  
His Martyrdom. pag. 335.  
His Character. ibid.  
Others suffer on the like account. pag. 337.  
A Child born in the Fire and burnt. ibid.  
The Reformation grows. pag. 338.  
Troubles at Frankfort among the English there. pag. 339.  
Pool is made Archbishop of Canterbury. pag. 340.  
Some Religious Houses are endowed. ibid.  
Records are razed. pag. 341.  
Endeavours for the Abbey of Glassenburg. ibid.  
Foreign Affairs. pag. 342.  
The Pope is extravagantly proud. ibid.  
He dispenses with the French Kings Oath. pag. 343.  
And makes War with Spain. pag. 344.   

1557.  
A Visitation of the Universities. pag. 345.  
The Persecution set forward. pag. 346.  
A Design for setting up the Inquisition. pag. 347.  
Burn for Religion. pag. 348.  
Lord Stourton hanged for Murder. pag. 350.  
The Queen is jealous of the French. pag. 351.  
The Battle at St. Quintin. pag. 352.  
The Pope offended with Cardinal Pool. ibid.  
He recalls him. pag. 353.  
The Queen refuses to receive Cardinal Peito. ibid.  
A Peace between the Pope and Spain. pag. 354.  
A War between England and Scotland. ibid.  
The Affairs of Germany. pag. 355.  
A Persecution in France. pag. 356.   

1558.  
Calais is besieged. ibid.  
And it and Guisnes are taken. pag. 357.  
Sark taken by the French. pag. 358.  
And retaken strangely. pag. 359.  
Great discontents in England. ibid.  
A Parliament is called. pag. 360.  
King of Sweden courts the Lady Elizabeth. pag. 361.  
But is rejected by her. ibid.  
She was ill used in this Reign. pag. 362.  
The Progress of the Persecution. pag. 363.  
The Methods of it. pag. 364.  
An Expedition against France. pag. 365.  
Many strange Accidents. ibid.  
A Treaty of Peace. pag. 366.  
The Battle of Gravelling, ibid.  
Many Protestants in France. ibid.  
Dolphin marries the Queen of Scots. pag. 367.  
A Convention of Estates in Scotland. ibid.  
A Parliament in England. pag. 368.  
The Queen's Sickness and Death. pag. 369.  
Cardinal Pool dies. ibid.  
His Character. ibid.  
The Queen's Character. pag. 370.    

BOOK III. Of the Settlement of the Reformation of Religion in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign.  

QVeen Elizabeth succeeds. pag. 373.  
And comes to London. pag. 374.  
She sends a Dispatch to Rome, ibid.  
But to no effect. ibid.  
King Philip Courts her. pag. 375.  
The Queen's Council. ibid.  
A Consultation about the Change of Religion. pag. 376.  
A Method proposed for it. pag. 377.  
Many forward to Reform. pag. 378.  
Parker named to be Archbishop of Canterbury. ibid.   

1559.  
Bacon made Lord Keeper. pag. 380.  
The Queen's Coronation. ibid.  
The Parliament meets. pag. 381.  
The Treaty at Cambray. pag. 382.  
A Peace agreed on with France. ibid.  
The Proceed of the Parliament. pag. 383.  
An Address to the Queen to marry. pag. 384.  
Her Answer to it. ibid.  
They Recognise her Title. pag. 385.  
Acts concerning Religion. ibid.  
The Bishops against the Supremacy. pag. 386.  
The beginning of the High Commission. pag. 387.  
A Conference at Westminster. pag. 388.  
Arguments for the Latin Service. pag. 389.  
Arguments against it. pag. 390.  
The Conference breaks up. pag. 391.  
The Liturgy corrected and explained. pag. 392.  
Debates about the Act of Uniformity. pag. 393.  
Arguments for the Changes then made. pag. 394.  
Bills proposed, but rejected. pag. 395.  
The Bishops refuse the Oath of Supremacy. pag. 396.  
The Queen's gentleness to them. ibid.  
Injunctions for a Visitation. pag. 397.  
The Queen desires to have Images retained. ibid.  
Reasons brought against it. ibid.  
The Heads of the Injunctions. pag. 398.  
Reflections made on them. pag. 399.  
The first High Commission. pag. 400.  
Parker's unwillingness to accept of the Archbishopric of Canterbury. pag. 401.  
His Consecration. pag. 402.  
The Fable of the Nagshead confuted. pag. 403.  
The Articles of Religion prepared. pag. 405.  
An Explanation of the Presence in the Sacrament. ibid.  
The Translation of the Bible. pag. 406.  
The beginnings of the Divisions. pag. 407.  
The Reformation in Scotland. ibid.  
Mills Martyrdom. pag. 408.  
It occasions great discontents. pag. 409.  
A Revolt at St. Johnstoun. pag. 410.  
The French King intends to grant them liberty of Religion. pag. 411.  
But is killed. ibid.  
A Truce agreed to. ibid.  
The Queen Regent is deposed. pag. 412.  
The Scots implore the Queen of England's Aid. ibid.  
Leith besieged by the English. ibid.  
The Queen Regent dies. pag. 413.  
A Peace is concluded. ibid.  
The Reformation settled by Parliament. ibid.  
Francis the second dies. ibid.  
The Civil Wars of France. pag. 415.  
The Wars of the Netherlands. pag. 416.  
The misfortunes of the Queen of Scotland. pag. 417.  
Queen Elizabeth deposed by the Pope. pag. 418.  
Sir Fr. Walsinghams' Letter concerning the Queens proceeding with Papists, and Puritans. ibid.  
The Conclusion. pag. 421.    
FINIS.   

A COLLECTION OF RECORDS AND Original Papers; WITH OTHER INSTRUMENTS Referred to in the SECOND PART OF THE History of the Reformation OF THE Church of England.  
LONDON, Printed by J.D. for Richard Chiswell. 1680.   


The Journal of King EDWARD'S Reign, written with his own Hand.  
The Original is in the Cotton Library. Nero C. 10.  
THe Year of our Lord 1537, was a Prince born to King Henry the 8th, by Jane Seimour then Queen; who within few days after the Birth of her Son, died, and was buried at the Castle of Windsor. This Child was Christened by the Duke of Norfolk, the Duke of Suffolk, and the Archbishop of Canterbury. Afterwards was brought up till he came to six Years old among the Women. At the sixth Year of his Age he was brought up in Learning by Master Doctor Cox, who was after his Almoner, and John Cheek Master of Arts, two well-learned Men, who sought to bring him up in learning of Tongues, of the Scripture, of Philosophy, and all Liberal Sciences. Also John Bellmaine Frenchman, did teach him the French Language. The tenth Year not yet ended, it was appointed he should be created Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, and Count Palatine of Chester: At which time, being the Year of our Lord 1547, the said King died of a Dropsy as it was thought. After whose Death incontinent came Edward Earl of Hartford, and Sir Anthony Brown Master of the Horse, to convoy this Prince to Enfield, where the Earl of Hartford declared to him, and his younger Sister Elizabeth, the Death of their Father.  

Here he gins anew again.  
AFter the Death of King Henry the 8th, his Son Edward, Prince of Wales, was come to at Hartford, by the Earl of Hartford, and Sir Anthony Brown Master of the Horse; for whom before was made great preparation that he might be created Prince of Wales, and afterward was brought to Enfield, where the Death of his Father was first showed him; and the same day the Death of his Father was showed in London, where was great lamentation and weeping: and suddenly he proclaimed King. The next day, being the _____ of _____ He was brought to the Tower of London, where he tarried the space of three weeks; and in the mean season the Council sat every day for the performance of the Will, and at length thought best that the Earl of Hartford should be made Duke of Somerset, Sir Thomas Seimour Lord Sudley, the Earl of Essex Marquis of Northampton, and divers Knights should be made Barons, as the Lord Sheffield, with divers others. Also they thought best to choose the Duke of Somerset to be Protector of the Realm, and Governor of the King's Person during his Minority; to which all the Gentlemen and Lords did agree, because he was the King's Uncle on his Mother's side. Also in this time the late King was buried at Windsor with much solemnity, and the Officers broke their Staves, hurling them into the Grave; but they were restored to them again when they came to the Tower. The Lord Lisle was made Earl of Warwick, and the Lord Great Chamberlainship was given to him; and the Lord Sudley made Admiral of England: all these things were done, the King being in the Tower. Afterwards all things being prepared for the Coronation, the King being then but nine Years old, passed through the City of London, as heretofore hath been used, and came to the Palace of Westminster; and the next day came into Westminster-Hall. And it was asked the People, Whether they would have him to be their King? Who answered; Yea, yea: Then he was crowned King of England, France, and Ireland, by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and all the rest of the Clergy and Nobles; and Anointed, with all such Ceremonies as were accustomed, and took his Oath, and gave a General Pardon, and so was brought to the Hall to Dinner on Shrove-sunday, where he sat with the Crown on his Head, with the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Lord Protector; and all the Lords sat at Board's in the Hall beneath, and the Lord Marshal's Deputy, (for my Lord of Somerset was Lord Marshal) road about the Hall to make room; then came in Sir John Dimock Champion, and made his Challenge, and so the King drank to him, and he had the Cup. At night the King returned to his Palace at Westminster, where there was Justs and Barriers; and afterward Order was taken for all his Servants being with his Father, and being with the Prince, and the Ordinary and Unordinary were appointed. In the mean season Sir Andrew Dudley, Brother to my Lord of Warwick, being in the Paunsie, met with the Lion, a principal Ship of Scotland, which thought to take the Paunsie without resistance; but the Paunsie approached her, and she shot, but at length they came very near, and then the Paunsie shooting off all one side, burst all the overlop of the Lion, and all her Tackling, and at length boarded her and took her; but in the return, by negligence, she was lost at Harwich-Haven, with almost all her Men.  
In the month of 
* Should be March.  May died the French King called Francis, and his Son called Henry, was proclaimed King. There came also out of Scotland an Ambassador, but brought nothing to pass, and an Army was prepared to go into Scotland. Certain Injunctions were set forth, which took away divers Ceremonies, and Commissions sent to take down Images, and certain Homilies were set forth to be read in the Church. Dr. Smith of Oxford recanted at Paul's certain Opinions of the Mess, and that Christ was not according to the Order of Melchisedeck. The Lord Seimour of Sudley married the Queen, whose name was Katherine, with which Marriage the Lord Protector was much offended.  
There was great preparation made to go into Scotland, and the Lord Protector, the Earl of Warwick, the Lord Dacres, the Lord Grace, and Mr. Brian, went with a great number of Nobles and Gentlemen to Barwick; where the first day after his coming, he mustered all his Company, which were to the number of 13000 Footmen, and 5000 Horsemen. The next day he marched on into Scotland, and so passed the Pease; then he burned two Castles in Scotland, and so passed a straight of a Bridge, where 300 Scots Light-Horsemen set upon him behind him, who were discomfited. So he passed to Musselburgh, where the first day after he came, he went up to the Hill, and saw the Scots, thinking them, as they were indeed at least, 36000 Men; and my Lord of Warwick was almost taken, chase the Earl of Huntley, by an Ambush, but he was rescued by one Bertivell, with twelve Hagbuttiers on Horseback, and the Ambush ran away.  
The 10th day of September, the Lord Protector thought to get the Hill, which the Scots seeing, passed the Bridge over the River of Musselburgh, and strove for the higher Ground, and almost got it; but our Horsemen set upon them, who although they stayed them, yet were put to flight, and gathered together again by the Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector, and the Earl of Warwick, and were ready to give a new Onset. The Scots being amazed with this, fled theirwayes, some to Edinburgh, some to the Sea, and some to Dalkeith; and there were slain 10000 of them, but of Englishmen 51 Horsemen, which were almost all Gentlemen, and but one Footman. Prisoners were taken, the Lord Huntley Chancellor of Scotland, and divers other Gentlemen; and slain of Lairds 1000 And Mr. Brian, Sadler, and Vane, were made Bannerets.  
After this Battle Broughtie-craig was given to the Englishmen, and Hume, and Roxburgh, and Heymouth, which were Fortified, and Captains were put in them, and the Lord of Somerset rewarded with 500 l. Lands. In the mean season, Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, was, for not receiving the Injunctions, committed to Ward. There was also a Parliament called, wherein all Chaunteries were granted to the King, and an extreme Law made for Vagabonds, and divers other things. Also the Scots besieged Broughty-craig, which was defended against them all by Sir Andrew Dudley Knight, and oftentimes their Ordnance was taken and marred.   

YEAR II.  
A Triumph was, where six Gentlemen did challenge all Comers, at Barriers, Justs, and Tournay; and also that they would keep a Fortress with thirty, with them against an hundred, or under, which was done at Greenwich.  
Sir Edward Bellingam being sent into Ireland Deputy, and Sir Anthony St. Leaguer revoked, he took O-Canor, and Omor, bringing the Lords that rebelled into subjection; and O-Canor and Omor leaving their Lordships, had apiece an 100 l. Pension.  
The Scots besieged the Town of Haddington, where the Captain, Mr. Willford, every day made issues upon them, and slew divers of them. The thing was very weak, but for the Men, who did very manfully. Oftentimes Mr. Holcroft and Mr. Palmer did Victual it by force, passing through the Enemies; and at last the Rhinegrave unawares set upon Mr. Palmer, which was there with near a thousand and five hundred Horsemen, and discomfited him, taking him, Mr. Bowes Warden of the West-Marches, and divers other, to the number of 400, and slew a few. (Upon St. Peter's day the Bishop of Winchester was committed to the Tower.) Then they made divers brags, and they had the like made to them. Then went the Earl of Shrewsbury General of the Army, with 22000 Men, and burned divers Towns and Fortresses, which the Frenchmen and Scots hearing, levied their Siege in the month of September; in the levying of which, there came one to Tiberio, who as then was in Haddington, and setting forth the weakness of the Town, told him, That all Honour was due to the Defenders, and none to the Assailers; so the Siege being levied, the Earl of Shrewsbury entered it, and victualled, and reinforced it. After his departing by night, there came into the Outer Court, at Haddington, 2000 Men armed, taking the Townsmen in their Shirts; who yet defended them, with the help of the Watch, and at length, with Ordnance, issued out upon them, and slew a marvellous number, bearing divers Assaults, and at length drove them home, and kept the Town safe.  
A Parliament was called, where an Uniform Order of Prayer was institute, before made by a number of Bishops and learned Men gathered together in Windsor. There was granted a Subsidy, and there was a notable Disputation of the Sacrament in the . Also the Lord Sudley, Admiral of England, was condemned to Death, and died in March ensuing. Sir Thomas Sharington was also condemned for making false Coin, which he himself confessed. Divers also were put in the Tower.   

YEAR III.  
Hume-Castle was taken by Night, and Treason, by the Scots. Mr. Willford, in a Skirmish, was left of his Men, sore hurt and taken. There was a Skirmish at Broughty-craig, wherein Mr. Lutterell, Captain after Mr. Dudley, did burn certain Villages, and took Monsieur de Toge Prisoner. The Frenchmen by night assaulted Boulingberg, and were manfully repulsed, after they had made Faggots with Pitch, Tar, Tallow, Rosin, Powder, and Wildfire, to burn the Ships in the Haven of bolein, but they were driven away by the Bollonors, and their Faggots taken.  
In Mr. Bowes Place, who was Warden of the West-Marches, was put the Lord Dacres; and in the Lord Gray's Place, the Earl of Rutland; who after his coming entered Scotland, and burned divers Villages, and took much Prey. The People began to rise in Wiltshire, where Sir William Herbert did put them down, overrun, and slew them. Then they risen in Sussex, Hampshire, Kent, Glocestershire, Suffolk, Warwickshire, Essex, Hartfordshire, a piece of Leicestershire, Worcestershire, and Rutlandshire, where by fair Persuasions, partly of honest Men among themselves, partly by Gentlemen, they were often appeased; and because certain Commissions were sent down to pluck down Enclosures, they did rise again. The French King perceiving this, caused War to be proclaimed; and hearing that our Ships lay at Jersey, sent a great number of his Galleys, and certain Ships, to surprise our Ships; but they being at anchor, beat the French, that they were fain to retire with the loss of 1000 of their Men.  
At the same time the French King passed by Bullein to New-Haven, with his Army, and took Blackness, by Treason, and the Almain Camp; which done, New-Haven surrendered. There were also in a Skirmish, between 300 English Footmen, and 300 French Horsemen, six Noblemen slain. Then the French King came with his Army to bolein, which they seeing, razed Boulingberg; but because of the Plague, he was compelled to retire, and Chastilion was left behind, as Governor of the Army. In the mean season, because there was a rumour that I was dead, I passed through London.  
After that they risen in Oxfordshire, Devonshire, Norfolk, and Yorkshire. To Oxford, the Lord Grace of Wilton was sent with 1500 Horsemen and Footmen, whose coming, with the assembling of the Gentlemen of the Country, did so abash the Rebels, that more than half of them ran theirways, and other that tarried, were some slain, some taken, and some hanged. To Devonshire, the Lord Privy-Seal was sent, who with his Band, being but small, lay at Honington, whiles the Rebels besieged Exeter, who did use divers pretty Feats of War, for after divers Skirmishes, when the Gates were burnt, they in the City did continue the Fire till they had made a Rampire within; also after, when they were undermined, and Powder was laid in the Mine, they within drowned the Powder and the Mine, with Water they cast in; which the Lord Privy-Seal having thought to have gone to enforce them a by-way, of which the Rebels having spial, cut all the Trees betwixt St. Mary Outrie and Exeter; for which cause the Lord Privy-Seal burned that Town, and thought to return home: The Rebels kept a Bridge behind his Back, and so compelled him, with his small Band, to set upon them, which he did, and overcame them, killing 600 of them, and returning home without any loss of Men. Then the Lord Grace, and Spinola, with their Bands, came to him, and afterward Grey, with 200 of Redding, with which Bands he being reinforced, came to raise the Siege at Exeter, for because they had scarcity of Victual; and as he passed from Honington, he came to a little Town of his own, whither came but only two ways, which they had reinforced with two Bulwarks made of Earth, and had put to the defence of the same about 2000 Men; and the rest they had laid, some at a Bridge called Honington-Bridg, partly at a certain Hedge in a Highway, and the most part at the Siege of Exeter. The Rearward of the Horsemen, of which Travers was Captain, set upon the one Bulwark, the Waward and Battle on the other; Spinola's Band kept them occupied at their Wall: At length Travers drove them into the Town, which the Lord Privy-Seal burnt. Then they ran to a Bridge thereby, from whence being driven, there were in a Plain about 900 of them slain.  
The next day they were met about other 2000 of them, at the entry of a Highway, who first desired to talk, and in the mean season fortified themselves; which being perceived, they ran theirways, and that same Night the City of Exeter was delivered of the Siege. After that they gathered at Launston, to whom the Lord Privy-Seal, and Sir Will. Herbert went, and overthrew them, taking their chief Heads and executing them. Nevertheless some sailed to Bridgwater, and went about Sedition, but were quickly repressed. Hitherto of Devonshire. At this time the Black Galley was taken. Now to Norfolk; The People suddenly gathered together in Norfolk, and increased to a great number, against whom the Lord Marquis of Northampton was sent, with the number of 1060 Horsemen, who winning the Town of Norwich, kept it one day and one night; and the next day in the morning, with the loss of 100 Men, departed out of the Town, among whom the Lord Sheffield was slain. There were taken divers Gentlemen, and Serving-men, to the number of thirty; with which Victory, the Rebels were very glad; but afterward hearing that the Earl of Warwick came against them, they began to stay upon a strong plot of Ground upon a Hill near to the Town of Norwich, having the Town confederate with them. The Earl of Warwick came with the number of 6000 Foot, and 1500 Horsemen, and entered into the Town of Norwich, which having won, it was so weak that he could scarcely defend it; and oftentimes the Rebels came into the Streets, killing divers of his Men, and were repulsed again; yea, and the Townsmen were given to Mischief themselves: So having endured their Assaults three days, and stopped their Victuals, the Rebels were constrained, for lack of Meat, to remove; whom the Earl of Warwick followed with 1000 Almains, and his Horsemen, leaving the English Footmen in the Town, and overcame them in plain Battle, killing 2000 of them, and taking Ket their Captain, who in January following was hanged at Norwich, and his Head hanged out; Ket's Brother was taken also, and punished alike. In the mean season Chastilion besieged the Peer of Bolloin made in the Haven, and after long Battery, 20000 shot or more, gave assault to it, and were manfully repulsed; nevertheless they continued the Siege still, and made often Skirmishes, and false Assaults, in which they won not much. Therefore seeing they profited little that way, they planted Ordnance against the Mouth of the Haven that no Victual might come to it; which our Men seeing, set upon them by night and slew divers Frenchmen, and dismounted many of their Pieces; nevertheless the French came another time and planted their Ordnance toward the Sandside of the Sand-Hills, and beat divers Ships of Victuallers at the Entry of the Haven, but yet the Englishmen, at the King's Adventure, came into the Haven and refreshed divers times the Town. The Frenchmen seeing they could not that way prevail, continued their Battery but smally, on which before they had spent 1500 Shot in a day, but loaded a Galley with Stones and Gravel, which they let go in the Stream to sink it; but or ere it sunk, it came near to one Bank, where the Bulloners took it out, and brought the Stones to reinforce the Peer. Also at Guines was a certain Skirmish, in which there was about an 100 Frenchmen slain, of which some were Gentlemen and Noblemen. In the mean season in England risen great Stirs, like to increase much if it had not been well foreseen. The Council, about nineteen of them, were gathered in London, thinking to meet with the Lord Protector, and to make him amend some of his Disorders. He fearing his state, caused the Secretary, in My Name, to be sent to the Lords, to know for what Cause they gathered their Powers together; and if they meant to talk with him, that they should come in a peaceable manner. The next morning, being the 6th of October and Saturday, he commanded the Armour to be brought down out of the Armoury of Hampton-Court, about 500 Harnesses, to Arm both his and My Men, with all the Gates of the House to be Rampeired, People to be raised: People came abundantly to the House. That night, with all the People, at nine or ten of the Clock of the night, I went to Windsor, and there was Watch and Ward kept every night. The Lords sat in open Places of London, calling for Gentlemen before them, and declaring the Causes of Accusation of the Lord Protector, and caused the same to be proclaimed. After which time few came to Windsor, but only Mine own Men of the Guard, whom the Lords willed, fearing the Rage of the People so lately quieted. Then began the Protector to treat by Letters, sending Sir Philip Hobbey, lately come from his Ambassage in Flanders, to see to his Family, who brought in his return a Letter to the Protector, very gentle, which he delivered to him, another to Me, another to my House, to declare his Faults, Ambition, Vainglory, entering into rash Wars in my Youth, negligent looking on New-Haven, enriching of himself of my Treasure, following of his own Opinion, and doing all by his own Authority, etc. Which Letters were openly read, and immediately the Lords came to Windsor, took him, and brought him through Holborn to the Tower. Afterward I came to Hampton-Court, where they appointed, by My consent, six Lords of the Council to be Attendant on Me, at least two and four Knights; Lords, the Marquis of Northampton, the Earls of Warwick and Arundel, the Lords, Russel St. John, and Wentworth; Knights, Sir Andr. Dudley, Sir Edw. Rogers, Sir Tho. Darcy, and Sir Tho. Wroth. After I came through London to Westminster. The Lord of Warwick made Admiral of England. Sir Thomas Cheiney sent to the Emperor for Relief, which he could not obtain. Master Wotton made Secretary. The Lord Protector, by his own Agreement and Submission, lost his Protectorship, Treasureship, Marshalship, all his Movables, and more, 2000 l. Land, by Act of Parliament. The Earl of Arundel committed to his House, for certain Crimes of suspicion against him, as plucking down of Bolts and Locks at Westminster, giving of My Stuff away, etc. and put to fine of 12000 l. to be paid 1000 l. Yearly; of which he was after relieved.  
Also Mr. Southwell committed to the Tower for certain Bills of Sedition, written with his Hand, and put to fine of 500 l. Likewise Sir Tho. Arundel, and six, then committed to the Tower for Conspiracies in the West Places. A Parliament, where was made a manner to Consecrate, Priests, Bishops, and Deacons. Mr. Paget surrendering his Comptrolership, was made Lord Paget of Beaudesert, and cited into the Higher House by a Writ of Parliament. Sir Anthony Wingfield; before Vicechamberlain, made controller. Sir Thomas Darcy made Vicechamberlaine. Guidotty made divers Errands from the Constable of France to make Peace with us; upon which were appointed four Commissioners to Treat, and they after long Debatement made a Treaty as followeth.   

Anno 1549. Mart. 24.  
Peace concluded between England, France, and Scotland; By our English side, John Earl of Bedford, Lord Privy Seal, Lord Paget de Beaudesert, Sir William Petre Secretary, and Sir John Mason. On the French side, Monsieur de Rochepot, Monsieur Chastilion, Guilluart de Mortier, and Boucherel de Sany, upon these Conditions, That all Titles, Tribute, and Defences, should remain; That the Faults of one Man, except he be punished, should not break the League. That the Ships of Merchandise shall pass to and fro: That Pirates shall be called back, and Ships of War. That Prisoners shall be delivered of both sides. That we shall not War with Scotland. That bolein, with the pieces of New Conquest, and two Basilisks, two Demy-Cannons, three Culverines', two Demy-Culverins, three Sacres, six Falcons, 94 Hagbutts, a Crook, with Wooden Tails, and 21 Iron Pieces; and Lauder, and Dunglass, with all the Ordnance save that that came from Haddington, shall, within six months after this Peace proclaimed, be delivered; and for that the French to pay 200000 Scutes within three days after the delivery of bolein, and 200000 Scutes on our Lady Day in Harvest next ensuing; and that if the Scots raised Lauder, and we should raze Roxburg and Heymouth. For the performance of which, on the 7th of April, should be delivered at Guisnes and Ardres, these Hostages.  

Marquess de Means.  
Monsieur Trimoville.  
Monsieur D'anguien.  
Monsieur Montmorency.  
Monsieur Henandiere.  
Vicedam de Chartres.  
My Lord of Suffolk.  
My Lord of Hartford.  
My Lord Talbot.  
My Lord Fitzwarren.  
My Lord Martavers.  
My Lord Strange.   
Also that at the delivery of the Town, Ours should come home, and at the first Payment three of theirs; and that if the Scots raze Lauder and Dunglass, We must raze Roxburgh and Heymouth, and none after fortify them, with comprehension of the Emperor.  
25. This Peace, Anno 1550, proclaimed at Calais and Bollein.  
29. In London, Bonfires.  
30. A Sermon in Thanksgiving for Peace, and Te Deum sung.  
31. My Lord Somerset was delivered of his Bonds, and came to Court.   

April.  
2. The Parliament prorogued to the second day of the Term in October ensuing.  
3. Nicholas Ridley, before of Rochester, made Bishop of London, and received his Oath.  
Thomas Thirlby, before of Westminster, made Bishop of Norwich, and received his Oath.  
4. The Bishop of Chichester, before a vehement affirmer of Transubstantiation, did preach against it at Westminster in the preaching place.  
Removing to Greenwich from Westminster.  
6. Our Hostages passed the Narrow Seas between Dover and Calais.  
7. Monsieur de Fermin, Gentleman of the King's Privy Chamber, passed from the French King by England to the Scotch Queen, to tell her of the Peace.  
An Ambassador came from Gustave the Swedish King, called Andrew, for a surer Amity touching Merchandise.  
9 The Hostages delivered on both the sides, for the Ratification of the League with France and Scotland; for because some said to Monsieur Rochfort Lieutenant, that Monsieur de Guise, Father to the Marquis of Means, was dead, and therefore the delivery was put over a day.  
8. My Lord Warwick made General Warden of the North, and Mr. Herbert Precedent of Wales; and the one had granted to him 1000 Marks Land, the other 500; and Lord Warwick 100 Horsemen at the King's Charge.  
9 Licences signed for the whole Council, and certain of the Privy Chamber to keep among them 2340 Retainers.  
10. My Lord Somerset taken into the Council. Guidotti the beginner of the talk for Peace, recompensed with Knightdom, 1000 Crowns Reward, 1000 Crowns Pension, and his Son with 250 Crowns Pension.  
Certain Prisoners for light Matters dismissed; agreed for delivery of French Prisoners taken in the Wars. Peter Vane sent Ambassador to Venice. Letters directed to certain Irish Nobles, to take a blind Legate coming from the Pope, calling himself Bishop of Armagh. Commissions for the delivery of Bulloin, Lauder, and Dunglass.  
6. The Flemings Men of War would have passed our Ships without vailing Bonnet; which they seeing, shot at them, and drove them at length to veil Bonnet, and so departed.  
11. Monsieur Trimaul, Monsieur Vicedam de Char, and Monsieur Henaudie, came to Dover, the rest tarried at Calais till they had leave.  
13. Orders taken, that whosoever had Benefices given them, should preach before the King in or out of Lent, and every Sunday there should be a Sermon.  
16. The three Hostages aforesaid came to London, being met at Debtford by the Lord Grace of Wilton, Lord Bray, with divers other Gentlemen, to the number of 20, and Servingmen an 100, and so brought into the City, and lodged there, and kept Houses every Man by himself.  
18. Mr. Sidney and Mr. Nevel made Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber. Commission given to the Lord Cobham Deputy of Calais, William Petre chief Secretary, and Sir John Mason French Secretary, to see the French King take his Oath, with certain Instruction; and that Sir John Mason should be Ambassador Leaguer.  
Commission to Sir John Davies, and Sir William Sharington, to receive the first Payment, and deliver the Quittance.  
19 Sir John Mason taken into the Privy Council, and William Thomas made Clerk of the same.  
Whereas the Emperor's Ambassador desired leave, by Letters Patents, that my Lady Mary might have Mass; it was denied him. And where he said we broke the League with him, by making Peace with Scotland, it was answered, That the French King, and not I, did comprehend them, saving that I might not invade them without occasion.  
10. Lauther being besieged of the Scots, the Captain hearing that the Peace was Proclaimed in England, delivered it, as the Peace did will him, taking Sureties, that all the Bargains of the Peace should be kept.  
18. Monsieur de Guise died.  
20. Orders taken for the Chamber, that three of the Outer Privy-Chamber Gentlemen should always be here, and two lie in the Palace, and fill the Room of one of the four Knights; that the Squires should be diligent in their Office; and five Grooms should be always present, of which one to watch in the Bedchamber.  
21. The Marquis de Means, the Duke de Anguien, and the Constable's Son, arrived at Dover.  
23. Monsieur Trimoville, and the Vicedam of Chartres, and Monsieur Henaudy, came to the Court, and saw the Order of the Garter, and the Knights, with their Sovereign, receive the Communion.  
24. Certain Articles touching a straighter Amity in Merchandise sent to the King of Sweeden, being these.  
First; If the King of Sweden sent Bullion, he should have our Commodities and pay no Toll.  
Secondly; He should bring Bullion to none other Prince.  
Thirdly; If he brought Ozymus, and Steel, and Copper, etc. he should have our Commodities, and pay Custom as an Englishman.  
Fourthly; If he brought any other, he should have free intercourse, paying Custom as a Stranger, etc.  
It was answered, to the Duke of Brunswick, that whereas he offered Service with 10000 Men of his Land, that the War was ended; and for the Marriage of my Lady Mary to him, there was talk for her Marriage with the Infant of Portugal, which being determined, he should have answer.  
25. Lord Clinton Captain of Bulloin, having sent away before all his Men saving 1800, and all his Ordnance, saving that the Treaty did reserve, issued out of the Town with these 1800, delivering it to Monsieur Chastilion, receiving of him the six Hostages English, an Acquittance for delivery of the Town, and safe Conduct to come to Calais; whither when he came, he placed 1800 in the Emperor's Frontiers.  
27. The Marquis du Means Count d' Anguien, and the Constable's Son, were received at Black-Heath by my Lord of Rutland, my Lord Grace of Wilton, my Lord Bray, my Lord Lisle, and divers Gentlemen, with all the Pensionaries, to the number of an hundred, beside a great number of Servingmen.  
It was granted, that my Lord of Somerset should have all his movable Goods and Leases, except those that be already given.  
The King of Sweden's Ambassador departed home to his Master.  
29. The Count d' Anguien, Brother to the Duke of Vendosme, and next Heir to the Crown after the King's Children; the Marquis de Means, Brother to the Scotch Queen; and Monsieur Montmorency, the Constable's Son came to the Court, where they were received with much Music at Dinner.  
26. Certain were taken that went about to have an Insurrection in Kent, upon May day following; and the Priest, who was the chief Worker, ran away into Essex, where he was laid for.  
30. Dunglass was delivered as the Treaty did require.   

May.  
2. Joan Bocher, otherways called Joan of Kent, was burnt for holding, That Christ was not Incarnate of the Virgin Mary; being condemned the Year before, but kept in hope of Conversion; and the 30th of April, the Bishop of London, and the Bishop of Ely, were to persuade her, but she withstood them, and reviled the Preacher that preached at her Death.  
The first payment was paid at Calais, and received by Sir Thomas Dennis, and Mr. Sharington.  
4. The Lord Clinton, before Captain of bolein, came to Court, where after Thanks, he was made Admiral of England, upon the Surrender of the Earl of Warwick's Patent; He was also taken into the Privy-Council, and promised further Reward. The Captain also, and Officers of the Town, were promised Rewards. Monsieur de Brisay passed also by the Court to Scotland, where at Greenwich he came to the King, telling him, That the French King would see that if he lacked any Commodity that he had, he would give it him; and likewise would the Constable of France, who then bore all the Swing.  
5. The Marquis the Means departed to Scotland with Monsieur de Brisay, to acquaint the Queen of the death of the Duke of Guise.  
6. The Master of Ayrskin, and Monsieur Morret's Brother came out of Scotland for the Acceptation of the Peace, who after had Passport to go into France.  
7. The Council drew a Book for ever Shire, who should be Lieutenants in them, and who should tarry with Me; but the Lieutenants were appointed to tarry till Chastilions, Sarcy, and Boucherels coming, and then to departed.  
9 Proclamation was made, That the Soldiers should return to their Mansions; and the Mayor of London had charge to look through all the Wards, to take them and send them to their Countries.  
The Debt of 30000 l. and odd Money, was put over an Year, and there was bought 2500 Cinquetales of Powder.  
11. Proclamation was made, That all Wooll-winders should take an Oath that they would make good Cloth there, as the Lord Chancellor would appoint them, according to an Act of Parliament made by Edward the Third.  
7. The Lord Cobham, the Secretary Petre, and Sir John Mason came to the French King to Amiens, going on his Journey, where they were received of all the Nobles, and so brought to their Lodgings, which were well dressed.  
10. The French King took the Oath for the Acceptation of the Treaty.  
12. Our Ambassadors departed from the French Court, leaving Sir John Mason as Legier.  
14. The Duke of Somerset was taken into the Privy-Chamber, and likewise was the Lord Admiral.  
15. It was appointed that all the Light-Horsemen of bolein, and the Men of Arms, should be paid their Wages, and be led by the Lord Marquis of Northampton, Captain of the Pensioners; and all the Guard of bolein under the Lord Admiral. Also that the chiefest Captains should be sent, with 600 with them, to the strengthening of the Frontiers of Scotland.  
The comprehension of Peace with Scotland was accepted so far as the League went, and Sealed.  
16. The Master of Ayrskin departed into France.  
17. Removing from Westminster to Greenwich.  
18. The French King came to Bollein to visit the Pieces lately delivered to him, and to appoint an Order, and staying things there; which done he departed.  
19 Peter Vane went as Ambassador to Venice, and departed from the Court with his Instructions.  
20. The Lord Cobham and Sir William Petre, came home from their Journey, delivering both the Oath, and the Testimonial of the Oath, witnessed by divers Noblemen of France; and also the Treaty sealed with the Great Seal of France: and in the Oath was confessed, That I was Supreme Head of the Church of England and Ireland, and also King of Ireland.  
23. Monsieur Chastilion, and Mortier, and Boucherel, accompanied with the Rhinegrave, Dandelot the Constable's second Son, and Chenault the Legier, came to Duresm Place, where in their Journey they were met by Mr. Treasurer, and sixty Gentlemen, at Woollwich, and also saluted with great Peals, at Woollwich, Debtford, and the Tower.  
24. The Ambassador came to me presenting the Legier; and also delivering Letters of Credence from the French King.  
25. The Ambassador came to the Court, where they saw Me take the Oath for the Acceptation of the Treaty; and afterwards dined with Me: and after Dinner saw a Pastime of ten against ten at the Ring, whereof on the one side were the Duke of Suffolk, the Vicedam, the Lord Lisle, and seven other Gentlemen apparalleled in Yellow. On the other, the Lord Strange, Monsieur Hennadoy, and the eight other in blue.  
26. The Ambassador saw the baiting of the Bears and Bulls.  
27. The Ambassadors, after they had hunted, sat with me at Supper.  
28. The same went to see Hampton-Court, where they did Hunt, and the same night returned to Duresm-place.  
25. One that by way of Marriage had thought to assemble the People, and so to make an Insurrection in Kent, was taken by the Gentlemen of the Shire, and afterward punished.  
29. The Ambassadors had a fair Supper made them by the Duke of Somerset; and afterward went into the Thames, and saw both the Bear hunted in the River, and also Wildfire cast out of Boats, and many pretty Conceits.  
30. The Ambassadors took their leave, and the next day departed.   

June.  
3. The King came to Shein, where was a Marriage made between the Lord Lisle the Earl of Warwick's Son, and the Lady Ann Daughter to the Duke of Somerset; which done, and a fair Dinner made, and Dancing finished, the King and the Ladies went into two Antichambers made of Boughs, where first he saw six Gentlemen of one side, and six of another, run the course of the Field twice over. Their names here do follow.  

The Lord Edward.  
Sir John Apleby, etc.   
And afterwards came three Masters of one side, and two of another, which ran four Courses apiece. Their Names be;  
Last of all came the Count of Regunete, with three Italians, who ran with all the Gentlemen four Courses, and afterwards fought at Tournay; and so after Supper he returned to Westminster.  
4. Sir Robert Dudley third Son to the Earl of Warwick, married Sir John Robsarts Daughter; after which Marriage, there were certain Gentlemen that did strive who should first take away a Goose's Head which was hanged alive on two cross Posts.  
5. There was Tilt and Tournay on foot, with as great Staves as they run withal on Horseback.  
6. Removing to Greenwich.  
8. The Gests of My Progress were set forth, which were these; From Greenwich to Westminster, from Westminster to Hampton-Court, from Hampton-Court to Windsor, from Windsor to Guildford, from Guilford to Oatland, from Oatland to Richmond, etc.  
Also the Vicedam made a great Supper for the Duke of Somerset and the Marquis of Northampton, with divers Masques and other Conceits.  
9 The Duke of Somerset, Marquess of Northampton, Lord Treasurer, Bedford, and the Secretary Petre, went to the Bishop of Winchester to know to what he would stick. He made answer, That he would obey and set forth all things set forth by Me and my Parliament; and if he were troubled in Conscience, he would reveal it to the Council, and not reason openly against it.  
The first Payment of the Frenchmen, was laid up in the Tower for all Chances.  
10. The Books of my Proceed were sent to the Bishop of Winchester, to see whether he would set his Hand to it, or promise to set it forth to the People.  
11. Order was given for Fortifying and Victualling Cales for four months; and also Sir Henry Palmer and Sir— Alce, were sent to the Frontiers of Scotland, to take a view of all the Forts there, and to report to the Council where they thought best to fortify.  
12. The Marquis de Means came from Scotland in Post, and went his way into France.  
13. Commissions were signed to Sir William Herbert, and thirty other, to Entreat of certain Matters in Wales, and also Instructions to the same, how to behave himself in the Presidentship.  
14. The Surveyor of Calais was sent to Calais, first to raze the Walls of Risbank toward the Sand-hills, and after to make the Wall massy again, and the round Bulwark to change to a pointed one, which should run twenty foot into the Sea, to beat the Sand-hills, and to raze the Mount. Secondly, To view Maubeug, to make an high Bulwark in the midst, with Flankers, to beat through all the straight; and also four Sluices to make Calais Haven better. Afterwards he was bid to go to Guisnes, where first he should take away the three-corned Bulwark to make the outward Wall of the Keep, and to fill the space between the Keep and the said outward Wall with the foresaid Bulwark, and to raise the Old Keep that it might defend the Town. Also he was bid to make Parson's Bulwark, where it is now, round, without Flankers, both pointed, and also with six Flankers to bear hard to the Keep.  
Atwood and Lambert were sent to take view of Allderny, Silly, Jernsey, Gernsey, and the Isle of Gitto.  
The Duke of Somerset, with five others of the Council, went to the Bishop of Winchester; to whom he made this Answer; I having deliberately seen the Book of Common-Prayer, although I would not have made it so myself, yet I find such things in it as satisfieth my Conscience, and therefore I will both execute it myself, and also see other my Parishioners to do it.  
This was subscribed by the foresaid Counsellors, that they heard him say these words.  
16. The Lord Marquis, Mr. Herbert, the Vicedam Henandie, and divers other Gentlemen, went to the Earl of Warwick's, where they were honourably received; and the next day they ran at the Ring a great number of Gentlemen.  
19 I went to Debtford, being bidden to Supper by the Lord Clinton; where before Supper I saw certain Men stand upon the end of a Boat, without holding of any thing, and ran one at another, till one was cast into the Water. At Supper Monsieur Vicedam and Henandie supped with me. After Supper was there a Fort made upon a great Lighter on the Thames which had three Walls, and a Watch-Tower; in the midst of which Mr. Winter was Captain, with forty or fifty other Soldiers in Yellow and Black. To the Fort also appertained a Gallery of Yellow Colour, with Men and Ammunition in it for defence of the Castle: Wherefore there came four Pinnaces with their Men in White, handsomely dressed; which intending to give assault to the Castle, first drove away the Pinnace, and after with Clods, Squibs, Canes of Fire-Darts made for the nonce, and Bombards, assaulted the Castle; and at length came with their Pieces, and burst the outer Walls of the Castle, beating them off the Castle into the second Ward, who after issued out and drove away the Pinnaces, sinking one of them, out of which, all the Men in it, being more than twenty, leapt out and swum in the Thames; Then came the Admiral of the Navy, with three other Pinnaces, and won the Castle by Assault, and burst the top of it down, and took the Captain and under Captain. Then the Admiral went forth to take the Yellow Ship, and at length clasped with her, took her, and assaulted also her top, and won it also by compulsion, and so returned home.  
20. The Mayor of London caused the Watches to be increased every night, because of the great Frays, and also one Alderman to see good Rule kept every night.  
22. There was a privy search made through all Sussex for all Vagabonds, Gipsies, Conspirators, Prophesiers, all Players, and such like.  
24. There were certain in Essex about Rumford, went about a Conspiracy, which were taken, and the Matter stayed.  
25. Removing to Greenwich.  
23. Sir John Yates, Sheriff of Essex, went down with Letters to see the Bishop of London's Injunctions performed, which touched plucking down of Superaltaries, Altars, and such like Ceremonies and Abuses.  
29. It was appointed that the Germans should have the Austin-Friars for their Church to have their Service in, for avoiding of all Sects of Anabaptists, and suchlike.  
17. The French Queen was delivered of a third Son, called Monsieur d' Angoulesme.  
13. The Emperor departed from Argentin to Augusta.  
30. John Poynet made Bishop of Rochester, and received his Oath.   

July.  
5. There was Money provided to be sent into Ireland, for payment of the Soldiers there; and also Order taken for the dispatch of the Strangers in London.  
7. The Master of Arskin passed into Scotland coming from France. Also the French Ambassador did come before Me, first after showing the Birth of Monsieur d' Angoulesme; afterward declaring, That whereas the French King had for my sake let go the Prisoners at St. Andrews, who before they were taken, had shamefully murdered the Cardinal, he desidered that all Scots that were Prisoners might be delivered. It was answered, That all were delivered. Then he moved for one called the Archbishop of Glasgow; who since the Peace, came disguised without Passport, and so was taken. It was answered, That we had no Peace with Scotland, such, that they might pass our Country, and the Master of Erskin affirmed the same.  
8. It was agreed that the 200 that were with Me, and 200 that were with Mr. Herbert, should be sent into Ireland; Also that the Mint should be set a set a work that it might coin 24000 l. a Year, and so bear all my Charges in Ireland for this Year, and 10000 l. for my Coffers.  
9 The Earl of Warwick, the Lord Treasurer, Sir William Herbert, and the Secretary Petre, went to the Bishop of Winchester with certain Articles signed by Me and the Council, containing the confessing of his Fault, the Supremacy, the establishing of Holy Days, the abolishing of six Articles, and divers other, whereof the Copy is in the Council-Chest; whereunto he put his Hand, saving to the Confession.  
10. Sir William Herbert and Secretary Petre were sent unto him, to tell him, I marvelled that he would not put his Hand to the Confession. To which he made answer, That he would not put his Hand to the Confession, for because he was Innocent, and also the Confession was but the Preface of Articles.  
11. The Bishop of London, the Secretary Petre, Mr. Cecil, and Goderick, were commanded to make certain Articles according to the Laws, and to put in the Submission.  
12. It was appointed, That under the Shadow of preparing for the Sea-Matters, there should be sent 5000 l. to the Protestants to get their good Will.  
14. The Bishop of Winchester did deny the Articles that the Bishop of London and the other had made.  
13. Sir John Yates was sent into Essex to stop the going away of the Lady Mary, because it was credibly informed that Scipperus should steal her away to Antwerp; divers of her Gentlemen were there, and Scipperus a little before came to see the Landing-places.  
16. It was appointed that the two hundred with the Duke of Somerset, and two hundred with the Lord Privy-Seal, and four hundred with Master St. Legier, should be sent to the Sea-Coast.  
17. It was agreed, that on Wednesday next, We should go in one day to Windsor and dine at Zion.  
18. It was thought best that the Lord Bowes should tarry in his Wardenship still, and the Earl of Warwick should tarry here and be recompensed.  
19 The Bishop of Winchester was sequestered from his Fruits for three months.  
20. Hooper was made Bishop of Gloucester. The Merchants were commanded to stay as much as they could their Vent into Flanders, because the Emperor had made many straight Laws against them that professed the Gospel.  
21. A Muster was made of the Boullonois, who were fully paid for all past, and a month to come. Sir John Wallop, Francis Hall, and Doctor Coke, were appointed Commissioners to appoint the Limits between Me and the French King.  
23. Removing to Windsor.  
22. The Secretary Petre, and the Lord Chancellor, were appointed to go to the Lady Mary, to cause her to come to Oking, or to the Court.  
25. It was appointed, that half the French King's Payment should be bestowed on paying 10000 l. at Calais, 9000 l. in Ireland, 10000 l. in the North, 2000 l. in the Admiralty, so that every Crown might go for one of our Nobles.  
27. Because the Rumour came so much of Scipperus coming, it was appointed that they of the Admiralty should set my Ships in readiness.  
26. The Duke of Somerset went to set Order in Oxfordshire, Sussex, Wiltshire, and Hampshire.  
28. The Lady Mary, after long communication, was content to come to Leez to my Lord Chancellor, and then to Hunsden; but she utterly denied to come to the Court or Oking at that time.  
31. The Earl of Southampton died.  
14. Andrew Dory took the City of— in Africa, from the Pirate Dragutte, who in the mean season burnt the Country of Genoa.  
8. The Emperor came to Ausburg.   

August.  
4. Mr. St. Legier was appointed, by Letters Patents, to be Deputy there; and had his Commission, Instructions, and Letters to the Nobles of Ireland for the same purpose.  
5. The same Deputy departed from the Castle of Windsor.  
6. The Duke of Somerset departed to Redding to take an Order there.  
7. It was appointed, that of the Money delivered to Me by the French King, there should be taken 100000 Crowns to pay 10000 l. at Calais, 10000 in the North, and 2000 in the Admiralty, and 8000 in Ireland.  
8. Monsieur Henaudy took his leave to departed to Calais, and so upon the Payment, to be delivered Home; and Tremoville being sick, went in a Horselitter to Dover.  
9 The French Ambassador came to Windsor, to sue for a Passport for the Dowager of Scotland; which being granted, so she came like a Friend; he required 300 Horse to pass, with 200 Keepers, which was not wholly granted, but only that 200 Horse, with an 100 Keepers in one Company, coming into this Realm, as should be appointed, should, without let, pass into France, and not return this way.  
11. The Vicedam of Chartres shown his Licence to tarry here, with a Letter written to the same purpose.  
10. The Ambassador of France departed not a little contented with his gentle Answers.  
12. Removing to Guildford.  
13. The Parliament was Prorogued to the 20th of February next following.  
Mr. Cook Master of Requests, and certain other Lawyers, were appointed to make a short Table of the Laws and Acts that were not wholly unprofitable, and present it to the Board.  
The Lord Chancellor fell sore sick, with forty more of his House, so that the Lady Mary came not thither at that time.  
14. There came divers Advertisements from Chamberlain, Ambassador with the Queen of Hungary, that their very Intent was to take away the Lady Mary, and so to begin an Outward War, and an Inward Conspiracy; insomuch that the Queen said Scipperus was but a Coward, and for fear of one Gentleman that came down, durst not go forth with his Enterprise to my Lady Mary.  
16. The Earl of Maxwell came down to the North-Border with a good Power to overthrow the Gremes, who were a certain Family that were yielded to Me; but the Lord Dacre stood before his Face with a good Band of Men, and so put him from his Purpose, and the Gentlemen, called Gremes, skirmished with the said Earl, slaying certain of his Men.  
17. The Council appointed, among themselves, That none of them should speak in any Man's behalf for Land to be given, Reversion of Offices, Leases of Manors, or extraordinary Annuities, except for certain Captains who served at bolein, their Answer being deferred till Michaelmass next.  
18. A Proclamation that till Michaelmass all Strangers that sued for Pensions should go their way.  
20. Removing to Oking.  
15. The second Payment of the French was paid, and Henaudie and Tremoville delivered.  
21. 8000 l. of the last Payment was appointed to be paid to the Dispatch of Calais, and 5000 at the North.  
24. 10000 l. was appointed to be occupied to win Money to pay the next Year, pay the outward Pays; and it was promised that the Money should double every month.  
26. Removing to oatland's.  
27. Andrea Doria gave a hot Assault to the Town of— in Africa kept by the Pirate called Drogute, but was repulsed by the Townsmen.  
29. The Pirate gave a hot Assault to Andrea Dorea by Night, and slew the Captain of Thames, with divers other notable Men.  
31. The Duke Maurice made answer to the Emperor, That if the Council were not free, he would not come at it.   

September.  
2. Maclamore in Ireland before a Rebel, by the means of Mr. Baberson, surrendered himself and gave Pledges.  
6. Mr. Wotton gave up his Secretaryship, and Mr. Cecil got it of him.  
8. Removing from Nonsuch.  
13. Removing to oatland's.  
22. A Proclamation was set forth, by the which it was commanded; 1. That no kind of Victual, no Wax, Tallow, Candles, nor no such thing should be carried over, except to Calais, putting in Sureties to go thither. 2. That no Man should buy or sell the selfsame things again except Brokers, who should not have more than ten quarters of Grain at once. 3. That all Justices should divide themselves into Hundreds, Rapes, and Wapentakes, to look in their Quarters what superfluous Corn were in every Barn, and appoint it to be sold at a reasonable price. Also that one of them must be in every Market to see the Corn brought. Furthermore, whoever shipped over any Thing aforesaid to the Parts beyond Sea, or Scotland, after eight days following the publication of the Proclamation, should forfeit his Ship, and the Ware therein, half to the Lord of the Franchize, and half to the finder thereof; whoso bought to sell again after the day aforesaid, should forfeit all his Goods, Farms, and Leases, to the use, one half of the Finder, the other of the King; whoso brought not in Corn to Market as he was appointed, should forfeit 10 l. except the Purveyors took it up, or it were sold to his Neighbours.  
25. Letters sent out to the Justices of the Peace for the due execution thereof.  
18. Andrea Doria had a repulse from the Town of 
* Afrodisium  in Africa, and lost many of his Men, and the Captain of Thames, and nevertheless left not yet the Siege.  
24. Order was given for the Victualling of Calais.  
26. The Lord Willoughby, Deputy of Calais, departed and took his journey thitherward.  
28. The Lord Treasurer sent to London to give Order for the preservation of the City, with help of the Mayor.  
Whereas the Emperor required a Council, they were content to receive it, so it were free and ordinary, requiring also that every Man might be restored to his Right, and a general Peace proclaimed. They desired also, that in the mean season no Man might be restrained to use his fashion of Religion.  
18. The Emperor made Answer, That the Council should be to the Glory of God, and Maintenance of the Empire at Trent; He knew no Title to any of his Territories, Peace he desired, and in the mean season would have them observe the Interim and last Council of Trent; he would also that they of Breme and Hamburgh, with their Associates, should leave their Seditions, and obey his Decrees.  
21. George Duke of Mecklenburgh came with 8000 Men of War to the City of Magdeburgh, being Protestant; against whom went forth the Count of Mansfield, and his Brother, with 6000 Men, and eight Guns, to drive him from Pillage; but the other abiding the Battle, put the Count to flight, took his Brother Prisoner, and slew 3000 Men, as it is reported.   

October.  
4. Removing to Richmond.  
5. The Parliament Prorogued to the 20th of January.  
6. The French King made his entry into Rouen.  
10. It was agreed that York, Master of one of the Mints at the Tower, should make his Bargain with Me; viz. To take the Profit of Silver rising of Bullion that he himself brought, should pay all my Debts, to the Sum of 1200000 l. or above, and remain accountable for the Overplus, paying no more but 6 s. and 6 d. the ounce, till the Exchange were equal in Flanders, and after 6 s. and 2 d. Also that he should declare all his Bargains to any should be appointed to oversee him, and leave off when I would: For which I should give him 15000 l. in Prest, and leave to carry 8000 l. over-Sea to abase the Exchange.  
16. Removing to Westminster.  
19 Prices were set of all kind of Grains, Butter, Cheese, and Poultry-Ware, by a Proclamation.  
20. The Frenchmen came to Sandefield and Fins-wood, to the number of 800, and there on my Ground did spoil my Subjects that were relieved by the Wood  
26. The French Ambassador came to excuse the foresaid Men, saying, They thought it not meet that that Wood should be spoiled of us, being thought and claimed as theirs, and therefore they lay there.  
24. There were 1000 Men embarked to go to Calais, and so to Guisnes, and Hams, Rishumbee, Newmanbridge, the Causey and the Bulwarks, with Victual for the same.   

November.  
19 There were Letters sent to every Bishop to pluck down the Altars.  
20. There were Letters sent down to the Gentlemen of every Shire, for the observation of the last Proclamation touching Corn, bccause there came none to the Markets, commanding them to punish the Offenders.  
29. Upon the Letters written back by the same, the second Proclamation was abolished.   

December.  
15. There was Letters sent for the taking of certain Chaplains of the Lady Mary for saying Mass, which she denied.  
19 Borthwick was sent to the King of Denmark, with privy Instructions for the Marriage of the Lady Elizabeth to his Son.  
20. There was appointed a Band of Horsemen divided amongst the Nobles.  

An 100 to the Duke of Somerset.  
50 to my Lord Marq. Northampton.  
Lord Marquis of Dorset.  
Earl of Wiltshire.  
Lord Wentworth.  
Lord Admiral.  
Lord Paget.  
Mr. Sadler.  
Mr. Darcy.  
To the Earl of Warwick.  
Lord Privy-Seal.  
Mr. Herbert.  
Mr. Treasurer.   
24. Removing to Greenwich.  
26. Peace concluded between the Emperor and the Scots.   

January.  
6. The Earl of Arundel remitted of 8000 l. which he ought to have paid for certain Faults he had committed within 12 Years.  
7. There was appointed, for because the Frenchmen did go about practice in Ireland, that there should be prepared four Ships, four Barks, four Pinnaces, and twelve Victuallers, to take three Havens; of which two were on the Southside toward France, and one in James Cannes the Scottish Country, and also send and break the foresaid Conspiracies.  
10. Three Ships being sent forth into the Narrow Seas, took certain Pirates, and brought them into England, where the most part was hanged.  
27. Monsieur de Lansac came from the French King by way of request, to ask that Coumilis, the fishing of the Tweed, Edrington, the Ground debatable, and the Scotch Hostages that were put here in the King my Father's days, should be delivered to the Scots, that they might be suffered to Traffic, as though they were in Peace, and that all Interest of the foresaid Houses should be delivered to the Scots. Also that those Prisoners which were bound to pay their Ransoms before the Peace last concluded, should not enjoy the benefit of the Peace.  
18. The Lord Cobham was appointed to be General Lieutenant in Ireland.  
30. Letters written to Mr. St. Lieger to repair to the South parts of Ireland with his Force.   

February.  
3. Mr. Croftis appointed to go into Ireland, and there with Rogers and certain Artificers, to take the Havens aforesaid, and begin some Fortification.  
5. Divers Merchants of London were spoken withal for provision of Corn out of Danzig, about 40000 Quarters.  
10. Mountford was commanded to go to provide for certain proportions of Victual for the Ships that should go into Ireland.  
11. Also for Provision to be sent to Barwick and the North parts.  
16. Whaley was examined, for persuading divers Nobles of the Realm to make the Duke of Somerset Protector at the next Parliament, and stood to the denial, the Earl of Rutland affirming it manifestly.  
13. The Bishop of Winchester, after a long Trial, was deposed of his Bishopric.  
20. Sir William Pickering Kt. was dispatched to the French King for Answer to Monsieur de Lansac, to declare, That although I had right in the foresaid Places, yet I was content to surrender them, under Conditions to be agreed on by Commissioners on both sides; and for the last Articles I agreed without condition.  
25. The Lord Marquess Dorset appointed to be Warden of the North-Borders, having three Sub-Wardens, the Lord Ogle, etc. in the East, and the Lord Coniers in the West. Also Mr. Auger had the charge for victualling Calais.  
28. The Learned Man Bucerus died at Cambridg; who was two days after buried in St. Mary's Church at Cambridg; all the whole University, with the whole Town, bringing him to the Grave, to the number of 3000 Persons. Also there was an Oration of Mr. Haddon made very eloquently at his Death, and a Sermon of 
* Dr. Parker.  after that Master Redman made a third Sermon; which three Sermons made the People wonderfully to lament his Death. Last of all, all the Learned Men of the University made their Epitaphs in his praise, laying them on his Grave.   

March.  
3. The Lord Wentworth Lord Chamberlain, died about ten of the Clock at Night, leaving behind him sixteen Children.  
1. Sir John York made great loss about 2000 l. weight of Silver, by Treason of English Men which he brought for Provision of the Mints. Also Judd 1500, and also Tresham 500; so the whole came to 4000 l.   

February.  
20. The Frenchmen came with a Navy of 160 Sail into Scotland, loaden with provision of Grain, Powder, and Ordnance; of which sixteen great Ships perished on Ireland Coast, two loaden with Artillery, and fourteen with Corn.  
Also in this month the Deputy there set at one, certain of the West Lords that were at variance.   

March.  
10. Certain new Fortifications were devised to be made at Calais; That at Gravelling the Water should be let in in my Ground, and so should fetch a compass by the six Bulwarks to Guisnes, Hams, and Newnambridg; and that there should be a Wall of eight foot high, and six broad of Earth, to keep out the Water, and to make a great Marsh about the Territories of Calais 37 miles long. Also for Flankers at the Keep of Guisnes, willed to be made a three-cornered Bulwark at the Keep to keep it. Furthermore, at Newnambridg, a massy Wall to the French-side there, as was a Green. Besides, at the West Gittie there should be another Gittie, which should defend the Victuallers of the Town always from Shot from the Sand-hills.  
5. Mr. Archer had 2000 l. in Money, wherewith he provided out of Flanders for Calais 2000 Quarters of Barley, 500 of Wheat.  
18. The Lady Mary, my Sister, came to me to Westminster, where after Salutations, she was called, with my Council, into a Chamber; where was declared how long I had suffered her Mass, in hope of her reconciliation, and how now being no hope, which I perceived by her Letters, except I saw some short amendment I could not bear it. She answered, That her Soul was God's, and her Faith she would not change, nor dissemble her Opinion with contrary do. It was said, I constrained not her Faith, but willed her not as a King to Rule, but as a Subject to obey; and that her Example might breed too much inconvenience.  
19 The Emperor's Ambassador came with a short Message from his Master of War, if I would not suffer his Cousin, the Princess, to use her Mass. To this was no answer given at this time.  
20. The Bishops of Canterbury, London, Rochester, did consider to give licence to sin, was sin; to suffer and wink at it for a time might be born, so all haste possible might be used.  
23. The Council having the Bishop's Answers, seeing my Subjects taking their vent in Flanders, might put the whole Realm in danger. The Flemings had Cloth enough for a Year in their hand, and were kept far under the danger of the Papists; the 1500 Cinquetales of Powder I had in Flanders, the Harness they had for preparation of the Gendarmory, the Goods my Merchants had there at the Woolfleet, decreed to send an Ambassador to the Emperor, Mr. Wotton, to deny the matter wholly, and persuade the Emperor in it, thinking, by his going, to win some time for a preparation of a Mart, convenience of Powder, Harness, etc. and for the Surety of the Realm. In the mean season to punish the Offenders, first of my Servants that heard Mass, next of hers.  
24. Sir Anthony Brown sent to the Fleet for hearing Mass, with Sergeant Morgan, Sir Clement Smith, which a Year before heard Mass, chidden.  
25. The Ambassador of the Emperor came to have his Answer, but had none, saving that one should go to the Emperor within a month or two to declare the Matter.  
22. Sir William Pickering came with great thanks from the French King.  
27. Removing to Greenwich.  
31. A Challenge made by Me, that I, with sixteen of my Chamber, should run at Base, Shoot, and run at the Ring with any seventeen of my Servants Gentlemen in the Court.  
Mr. Crosted arrived in Ireland, and came to Waterford to the Deputy, consulting for Fortification of the Town.   

April.  
1. The first day of the Challenge at Base, or Running, the King won.  
3. Monsieur de Lansac came again from the French King to go to Scotland, for appointing his Commissioners on the Scotch side, who were the French Ambassador in Scotland, the Bishop of— the Master of Erskin, etc.  
Thomas Darcy made Lord Darcy of Chich. and Lord Chamberlain; for maintenance whereof he had given 100 Marks to his Heirs generally, and 300 to his Heirs Males.  
6. I lost the Challenge of Shooting at Rounds, and won at Rovers.  
7. There were appointed Commissioners on my side, either the Bishop of Litchfield if he had no Impediment, or Norwich, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Bekwith, and Sir Thomas Chaloner.  
8. Sir John Yates made Vicechamberlain, and Captain of the Guard, and 120 l. Land.  
5. Poinet Bishop of Rochester received his Oath for the Bishopric of Winchester, having 2000 Mark Land appointed to him for his Maintenance.  
7. A certain Arrian of the Strangers, a Dutch Man, being excommunicated by the Congregation of his Countrymen, was after long disputation condemned to the Fire.  
9 The Earl of Wiltshire had 50 more in my Lord Marquis Dorset's Place, Warden in the North, and my Lord of Rutland in my Lord Wentworth's Place other fifty.  
10. Mr. Wotton had his Instructions made to go withal to the Emperor, to be as Ambassador Legier in Mr. Morison's place, and to declare this Resolution, That if the Emperor would suffer my Ambassador with him, to use his Service, than I would his; if he would not suffer Mine, I would not suffer his. Likewise, that my Sister was my Subject, and should use my Service appointed by Act of Parliament.  
Also it was appointed to make 20000 pound weight for necessity somewhat base, to get gains 16000 l. clear, by which the Debt of the Realm might be paid, the Country defended from any sudden Attempt, and the Coin amended.  
11. Mr. Pickering had his Instructions and Dispatch to go into France as Ambassador Legier there, in Mr. Mason's Place, who desired very much to come home; and Mr. Pickering had Instructions to tell the French King of the appointing of my Commissioners in Scotland aforesaid.  
2. They of Magdeburg having in January last passed taken in a conflict the Duke of Mecklenburg, and three other Earls, did give an Onset on Duke Maurice by Boats on the River, when it overflowed the Country, and slew divers of his Men, and came home safe, receiving a great portion of Victual into the Town.  
15. A Conspiracy opened of the Essex-men, who within three days after minded to declare the coming of Strangers, and so to bring People together to Chelmsford, and then to spoil the Rich Men's Houses if they could.  
16. Also of Londoners, who thought 
* Here the sense is not perfect.  Woodcock to rise on May-day against the Strangers of the City, and both the Parties committed to Ward.  
23. The French King, and the Lord Clinton, chosen into the Order of the Garter; and appointed that the Duke of Somerset, the Marquis of Northampton, the Earl of Wiltshire, and the Earl of Warwick should peruse and amend the Order.  
24. The Lords sat at London, and banqueted one another this day, and three days after, for to show agreement amongst them, whereas Discord was bruited, and somewhat to look to the punishment of Tale-bearers, and apprehending of evil Persons.  
25. A Bargain made with the Foulcare for about 60000 l. that in May and August should be paid for the defraying of it. 1. That the Foulcare should put it off for 10 in the 100 2. That I should buy 12000 Marks weight, at 6 s. the ounce, to be delivered at Antwerp, and so conveyed over. 3. I should pay 100000 Crowns for a very fair Jewel of his, four Rubies marvellous big, one Orient and great Diamond, and one great Pearl.  
27. Mallet, the Lady Mary's Chaplain, apprehended and sent to the Tower of London.  
30. The Lord Marquis of Northampton appointed to go with the Order, and further Commission of Treaty, and that in Post; having joined with him in Commission, the Bishop of Ely, Sir Philip Hobbey, Sir William Pickering, and Sir John Mason Knights, and two other Lawyers, Smith that was Secretary, etc.   

May.  
2. There was appointed to go with my Lord Marquis, the Earls of Rutland, Worcester, and Ormond; the Lords Lisle, Fitzwater, and Bray, Barguenny, and divers other Gentlemen, to the number of thirty in all.  
3. The Challenge at running at the Ring performed; at the which first came the King, sixteen Footmen, and ten Horsemen, in black Silk Coats, pulled out with white Taffeta; then all the Lords, having three Men likewise apparelled; and all Gentlemen their Footmen in white Fustian, pulled out with black Taffeta. The other side came all in yellow Taffeta; at length the yellow Band took it thrice in 120 courses, and my Band touched often, which was counted as nothing, and took never, which seemed very strange, and so the Prize was of my Side lost. After that Tournay followed, between six of my Band, and six of theirs.  
4. It was appointed that there should be but four Men to wait on every Earl that went with my Lord Marquis of Northampton, three on every Lord, two on every Knight or Gentleman: Also that my Lord Marquis should in his Diet be allowed for the loss in his Exchange.  
5. The Muster of the Gendarmoury appointed to be the first of June if it were possible, if not the 8th.  
6. The Testourn cried down from 12 d. to 9 d. and the Groat from 4 d. to 3 d.  
9 One Stewart a Scotchman meaning to poison the young Queen of Scotland, thinking thereby to get Favour here, was, after he had been a while in the Tower and Newgate, delivered on my Frontiers at Calais to the French, for to have him punished there according to his deserts.  
10. Divers Lords and Knights sent for to furnish the Court at the coming of the French Ambassador, that brought hither the Order of St. Michael.  
12. A Proclamation proclaimed, to give warning to all those that keep any Farms, multitudes of Sheep, above the number limited in the Law, viz. 2000; decayed Tenements and Towns, Regratters, Forestall Men that sell dear, having plenty enough, and put Plough Ground to Pasture, and Carrier's over-Sea of Victual, That if they leave not these Enormities, they shall be straight punished very shortly, so that they should feel the smart of it; and to command execution of Laws made for this purpose before.  
14. There mustered before Me an hundred Archers, two Arrows apiece, all of the Guard; afterward shot together, and they shot at an inch Board, which some pierced quite, and stuck in the other Board; divers pierced it quite thorough with the Heads of their Arrows, the Board's being very well-seasoned Timber. So it was appointed there should be ordinarily 100 Archers, and 100 Halbertiers, either good Wrestlers, or casters of the Bar, or Lepers, or Runners, or tall Men of Personage.  
15. Sir Philip Hobbey departed toward France, with ten Gentlemen of his own, in Velvet Coats and Chains of Gold.  
16. Likewise did the Bishop of Ely depart with a Band of Men well furnished.  
20. A Proclamation made, That whosoever found a Seditious Bill, and did not tear and deface it, should be a partaker of the Bill, and punished as the Maker.  
21. My Lord Marquis of Northampton had Commission to deliver the Order, and to treat of all things, and chief of Marriage for Me to the Lady Elizabeth his Daughter. First, To have the Dote 12000 Marks a Year, and the Dowry at least 800000 Crowns. The Forfeiture 100000 Crowns at the most if I performed not, and paying that to be delivered; and that this should not impeach the former Covenants with Scotland, with many other Branches.  
22. He departed himself in Post.  
24. An Earthquake was at Croidon and Blechinglee, and in the most part of Surrey, but no harm was done.  
30. Whereas before Commandment was given that 160000 l. should be Coined of three ounces in the Pound fine, for discharge of Debts, and to get some Treasure, to be able to alter all, now was it stopped, saving only 80000 l. to discharge my Debts, and 10000 Mark weight that the Foulcare delivered in the last Exchange, at four ounces in the pound.  
31. The Musters defered till after Midsummer.   

June.  
2. It was appointed that I should receive the Frenchmen that came hither at Westminster, where was made preparation for the purpose, and four garnish of new Vessels taken out of Church Stuff, as Mitres, and Golden Missals, and Primers, and Crosses, and Relics of Plessay.  
4. Provision made in Flanders for Silver and Gold Plate, and Chains to be given to these Strangers.  
7. A Proclamation set forth, that Exchange, or Re-exchange, should be made under the Punishment set forth in King Henry the Seventh's Time, duly to be executed.  
10. Monsieur Marshal departed from the Court to Boulogne in Post, and so hither by Water in his Galleys and Foists.  
In this Month, and the Month before, was great Business for the City of Parma, which Duke 
* It should be Octavio.  Horatio had delivered to the French King, for the Pope ascited him, as holding it in capite of him, whereby he could not alienate it without the Pope's Will; but he came not at his Day, for which cause the Pope and Imperialists raised 8000 Men, and took a Castle on the same River side. Also the French King sent Monsieur de Thermes, who had been his General in Scotland, with a great piece of his Gendarmory into Italy, to help Duke Horatio. Furthermore the Turks made great preparation for War, which some feared would at length burst out.  
21. I was elected of the Company of St. Michael in France by the French King and his Order.  
13. Agreement made with the Scots for the Borders, between the Commissioners aforesaid, for both the Parties.  
In this month Dragute, a Pirate, escaped (Andrea Doria, who had closed him in a Creek) by force of his Galleyslaves, that digged another way into the Sea, and took two of Andrea's Galleys that lay far into the Sea.  
14. Pardon given to those Irish Lords that would come in before a certain day limited by the Deputy; with Advertisement to the Deputy to make sharp War with those that would resist; and also should administer my Laws .  
18. Because of my Charges in Fortifications at Calais and Barwick should be paid, it was agreed, that beside the Debt of the Realm 80000 l. there should be 40000 l. coined, three ounces Fine, nine of Alloy; and 5000 pound weight should be coined in a Standard of seven ounces Fine at the least.  
17. Soperantio came as Ambassador from Venice, in Daniel Barbaro's Place.  
16. I accepted the Order of Monsegnieur Michael by promise to the French Ambassador.  
17. My Lord Marquis of Northampton came to Nants with the Commissioners, and all those Noblemen and Gentlemen that came over-Sea with him.  
20. Upon Advertisement of Scipperus coming, and rigging of certain Ships in Holland; also for to show the Frenchmen pleasure at their coming, all the Navy that lay in Gillingham-water was appointed to be rigged, and furnished with Ordnance, and lay in the River of Thames, to the intent, that if Scipperus came afterward, he might be met with, and at least the Frenchmen should see the force of my Navy.  
22. The Lady Mary sent Letters to the Council, marveling at the Imprisonment of Dr. Mallet, her Chaplain, for saying of Mass before her Household, seeing it was promised the Emperor's Ambassador she should not be molested in Religion, but that she and her Household should have the Mass said before them continually.  
24. They answered, That because of their Duties to King, Country, and Friends, they were compelled to give her answer, That they would see, not only him, but also all other Mass-Sayers, and breakers of Order, straight punished. And that as for promise they had, nor would give none to make her free from the punishment of the Law in that behalf.  
18. Chastilion came to my Lord Marquis, and there banqueted him by the way at two times between Nantes and Chasteau Brian, where the King lay.  
15. Mendoza, a Gentleman of the King's Chamber, was sent to him to conduct him to the Court.  
19 My Lord Marquis came to Chasteau-Brian, where half a mile from the Castle there met him— with an hundred Gentlemen, and brought him to the Court booted and spurred to the French King.  
20. The French King was invested with the Order of the Garter in his Bedchamber, where he gave a Chain to the Garter worth 200 l. and his Gown dressed with Auglets worth, 25 l. The Bishop of Ely making an Oration, and the Cardinal of Lorraine making him Answer. At Afternoon the Lord Marques moved the French King to the Marriage of the Scots Queen to be consummate, for whose hearing he appointed two Commissioners.  
21. The Cardinal of Lorraine, and of Chastilion, the Constable, the Duke of Guise, etc. were appointed Commissioners on the part of France, who absolutely denied the first Motion for the Scotch Queen, saying, Both they had taken too much Pains, and spent too many Lives for her. Also a conclusion was made for her Marriage to the Dolphin. Then was proponed the Marriage of the Lady Elizabeth, the French King's eldest Daughter; to which they did most cheerfully assent. So after they agreed neither Party to be bound in Conscience nor Honour, till she were twelve Years of Age and upwards. Then they came to the Dote, which was first asked 1500000 Scutes of France, at which they made a mock; after for donatio propter nuptias, they agreed that it should be as great as hath been given by the King my Father to any Wife he had.  
22. Our Commissioners came to 1400000 of Crowns, which they refused, then to a Million, which they denied; then to 800000 Crowns, which they said they would not agree to.  
23. Then our Commissioners asked what they would offer? First they offered 100000 Crowns, than 200000, which they said was the most, and more than ever was given. Then followed great Reasonings, and showing of Precedents, but no nearer they would come.  
24. They went forward unto the Penalties if the Parties misliked, after that the King's Daughter were twelve and upwards, which the French offered 100000, 50000 Crowns, or promise, that she should be brought, at her Father's Charge, three months before she were twelve, sufficiently Jewelled and stuffed. Then Bonds to be delivered alternatively at London, and at Paris, and so forth.  
26. The Frenchmen delivered the foresaid Answers written to my Commissioners.   

July.  
1. Whereas certain Flemish Ships, twelve Sail in all, six tall Men of War, looking for eighteen more Men of War, went to Diep, as it was thought, to take Monsieur le Marshal by the way; order was given, that six Ships being before prepared, with four Pinnaces and a Brigantine, should go both to conduct him, and also to defend, if any thing should be attempted against England, by carrying over the Lady Mary.  
2. A Brigandine sent to Diep, to give knowledge to Monsieur le Marshal of the Flemings coming; to whom all the Flemings vailed their Bonnet. Also the French Ambassador was advertised; who answered, That he thought him sure enough when he came into our Streams, terming it so.  
2. There was a Proclamation signed for shortening of the fall of the Money to that day; in which it should be proclaimed, and devised, that it should be in all places of the Realm within one day proclaimed.  
3. The Lord Clinton and Cobham was appointed to meet the French at Gravesend, and so to convoy him to Duresme-place, where he should lie.  
4. I was banqueted by the Lord Clinton at Debtford, where I saw the Primrose and the Mary Willoughby launched.  
The Frenchmen landed at Rye, as some thought, for fear of the Flemings lying at the Landsend, chief because they saw our Ships were let by the Wind that they could not come out.  
6. Sir Peter Meutas, at Dover, was commanded to come to Rye to meet Monsieur le Marshal, who so did; and after he had delivered his Letters, written with Mine own Hand, and made my Recommendations, he took order for Horses and Carts for Monsieur le Marshal, in which he made such Provision as was possible to be for the sudden.  
7. Monsieur le Marshal set forth from Rye, and in his Journey Mr. Culpepper, and divers other Gentlemen, and their Men, to the number of 1000 Horse, well furnished, met him, and so brought him to Maidston that Night.  
Removing to Westminster.  
8. Monsieur le Mareschal came to Mr. Bakers, where he was very well feasted and banqueted.  
9 The same came to my Lord Cobham's to Dinner, and at night to Gravesend.  
Proclamation made that a Testourn should go at 9 d. and a Groat at 3 d. in all Places of the Realm at once.  
At this time came the Sweat into London, which was more vehement than the Old Sweat; for if one took cold, he died within three hours; and if he escaped, it held him but nine hours or ten at the most: also if he slept the first six hours, as he should be very desirous to do, than he roved, and should die roving.  
11. It grew so much, for in London the 10th day there died 100 in the Liberties, and this day 120; and also one of my Gentlemen, another of my Grooms fell sick and died, that I removed to Hampton-Court with very few with Me.  
The same night came the Marshal, who was saluted with all my Ships being in the Thames, fifty and odd, all with shot well furnished, and so with the Ordnance of the Tower. He was met by the Lord Clinton Lord Admiral, with forty Gentlemen, at Gravesend, and so brought to Duresme-place.  
13. Because of the Infection at London, he came this day to Richmond, where he lay with a great Band of Gentlemen, at least 400, as it was by divers esteemed, where that night he hunted.  
14. He came to Me at Hampton-Court at nine of the Clock, being met by the Duke of Somerset at the Wall-end, and so coveied first to Me; where after his Master's Recommendations and Letters, he went to his Chamber on the Queens-side, all hanged with Cloth of Arras, and so was the Hall, and all my Lodging. He dined with Me also. After Dinner, being brought into an Inner-Chamber, he told Me, he was come, not only for delivery of the Order, but also for to declare the great Friendship the King his Master bore Me; which he desired I would think to be such to Me as a Father beareth to his Son, or Brother to Brother. And although there were divers Persuasions, as he thought, to dissuade Me from the King his Master's Friendship, and Witless Men made divers Rumours, yet he trusted I would not believe them. Furthermore, that as good Ministers on the Frontiers do great good, so ill much harm. For which cause he desired no Innovation should be made on things had been so long in controversy by Hand-strokes, but rather by Commissioners talk. I answered him, That I thanked him for his Order, and also his Love, etc. and I would show like Love in all Points. For Rumours, they were not always to be believed, and that I did sometime provide for the worst, but never did any harm upon their hearing. For Ministers, I said, I would rather appease these Controversies with words, than do any thing by force. So after, he was conveyed to Richmond again.  
17. He came to present the Order of Monsiegneur Michael; whereafter with Ceremonies accustomed, he had put on the Garments, he, and Monsieur Gye likewise of the Order, came one at my right Hand, the other at my left to the Chapel, where-after the Communion celebrated, each of them kissed my Cheek. After that they dined with Me, and talked after Dinner, and saw some Pastime, and so went home again.  
18. A Proclamation made against Regratters, and Forestallers, and the words of the Statute recited, with the Punishment of the Offenders. Also Letters were sent to all Officers and Sheriffs for the executing thereof.  
19 Another Proclamation made for punishment of them that would blow Rumours of abasing and enhaunsing of the Coin to make things dear withal.  
The same night Monsieur le Marshal St. Andre supped with Me; after Supper saw a dozen Courses, and after I came and made Me ready.  
20. The next Morning he came to Me to mine Arraying, and saw my Bedchamber, and went a hunting with Hounds; and saw Me shoot, and saw all my Guards shoot together. He dined with Me, heard Me play on the Lute, Ride; came to Me to my Study, supped with Me, and so departed to Richmond.  
19 The Scots sent an Ambassador hither for receiving the Treaty, sealed with the Great Seal of England, which was delivered him. Also I sent Sir Thomas Chaloner, Clerk of my Council, to have the Seal of them, for Confirmation of the last Treaty at Northampton.  
17. This day my Lord Marquis and the Commissioners coming to treat of the Marriage, offered by later Instructions 600000 Crowns, after 400000 l. and so departed for an hour. Then seeing they could get no better, came to the French Offer of 200000 Crowns, half to be paid at the Marriage, half six months after that.  
Then the French agreed that her Dote should be but 10000 Marks of Lawful Money of England.  
Thirdly, It was agreed, that if I died, she should not have the Dote, saying, They did that for Friendships-sake without precedent.  
19 The Lord Marques having received and delivered again the Treaty sealed, took his leave, and so did all the rest.  
At this time was there a bickering at Parma between the French and the Papists, for Monsieur de Thermes, Petro Strozi, and Fontivello, with divers other Gentlemen to the number of thirty, with 1500 Soldiers, entered Parma, Gonzaga with the Emperors and Pope's Band lay near the Town. The French made Sallies, and overcame, slaying the Prince of Macedonia, and the Signior Baptista the Pope's Nephew.  
22. Mr. Sidney made one of the four chief Gentlemen.  
23. Monsieur de Marshal came to Me, declaring the King his Master's well-taking my readiness to this Treaty; and also how much his Master was bend that way. He presented Monsieur Bois Dolphin to be Ambassador here, as my Lord Marquis the 19th day did present Mr. Pickering.  
26. Monsieur le Marshal dined with Me. After Dinner saw the strength of the English Archers. After he had so done, at his departure I gave him a Diamond from my finger, worth, by estimation, 150 l. both for Pains, and also for my Memory. Then he took his leave.  
27. He came to a hunting to tell me the News, and show the Letter his Master had sent him, and doubtless of Monsieur Termes and Marignans Letters, being Ambassador with the Emperor.  
28. Monsieur le Mareschal came to Dinner to Hyde-park, where there was a fair House made for him, and he saw the Coursing there.  
30. He came to the Earl of Warwick's, lay there one night, and was well received.  
29. He had his Reward, being worth 3000 l. in Gold, of currant Money. Monsieur de Gye 1000 l. Monsieur Chenault 1000 l. Monsieur Movillier 500 l. the Secretary 500 l. and the Bishop Peregrueux 500 l.   

August.  
3. Monsieur le Mareschal departed to Bolleign, and had certain of my Ships to conduct him thither.  
9 Four and twenty Lords of the Council met at Richmond, to commune of my Sister Mary's matter; who at length agreed, That it was not meet to be suffered any longer, making thereof an Instrument signed with their Hands, and sealed, to be on Record.  
11. The Lord Marquis, with the most part of his Band, came home, and delivered the Treaty Sealed.  
12. Letters sent for Rochester, Inglefield, and Walgrave to come the 13th day, but they came not till another Letter was sent to them the 13th day.  
14. My Lord Marquess' Reward was delivered at Paris, worth 500 l. my Lord of Ely's 200. Mr. Hobbey's 150; the rest all about one scantling.  
14. Rochester, etc. had commandment neither to hear nor to suffer any kind of Service, but the Common and Orders set forth at large by Parliament, and had a Letter to my Lady's House from my Council for their Credit, another to herself from me. Also appointed that I should come and sit at Council when great Matters were debating, or when I would.  
This last month Monsieur de Termes, with 500 Frenchmen, came to Parma, and entered safely; afterward certain issued out of the Town, and were overthrown, as Scipiaro, Dandelot, Petro, and others, were taken, and some slain; after they gave a Skirmish, entered the Camp of Gonzaga, and spoiled a few Tents, and returned.  
15. Sir Robert Dudley and Barnaby sworn too of the six ordinary Gentlemen. The last month the Turks Navy won a little Castle in Sicily.  
17. Instructions sent to Sir James Croftes for divers purposes, whose Copy is in the Secretary's hands. The Testourn cried down from 9 d. to 6 d. the Groat from 3 d. to 2 d. the 2 d. to 1 d. the Penny to an Halfpenny, the Halfpenny to a Farthing, etc.  
1. Monsieur Termes and Scipiero overthrew three Ensigns of Horsemen at three times; took one dispatch sent from Don Fernando to the Pope concerning this War, and another from the Pope to Don Fernando; Discomfited four Ensigns of Footmen; took the Count Camillo of Castilion, and slew a Captain of the Spaniards.  
22. Removing to Windsor.  
23. Rochester, etc. returned, denying to do openly the charge of the Lady Mary's House for displeasing her.  
26. The Lord Chancellor, Mr. controller, the Secretary Petre, sent to do the same Commission.  
27. Mr. Coverdale made Bishop of Exeter.  
28. Rochester, etc. sent to the Fleet.  
The Lord Chancellor, etc. did that they were commanded to do to my Sister and her House.  
31. Rochester, etc. committed to the Tower.  
The Duke of Somerset taking certain that began a new Conspiracy for the destruction of the Gentlemen at Okingam two days past, executed them with Death for their Offence.  
29. Certain Pinnaces were prepared to see that there should be no conveyance over-Sea of the Lady Mary secretly done. Also appointed that the Lord Chancellor, Lord Chamberlain, the Vice-chamberlain, and the Secretary Petre should see by all means they could, whether she used the Mass; and if she did that, the Laws should be executed on her Chaplains. Also that when I came from this Progress to Hampton-Court, or Westminster, both my Sisters should be with Me, till further Order were taken for this purpose.   

September.  
3. The French Ambassador came to declare, first how the Emperor wronged divers of his Master's Subjects and Vassals; arrested also his Merchants, and did cloakedly begin War, for he besieged Mirandula round about with Forces he had made in the French King's Country. Also he stayed certain French Ships going a fishing to the Newfoundland. Furthermore he set out a dozen of Ships, which bragged they would take the Dowager of Scotland, which thing stayed her so long at Diep. Whereupon his Master had taken the whole Fleet of Antwerp, conveying it to his Country into his Ports, by 20 Ships he had set forth under Baron de la Garde. Also minded to send more help to Piedmont and Mirandula. For this cause he desired that on my Coasts the Dowager might have safe passage, and might be secured by my Servants at the Sea-Coast if any chance should happen.  
He was willed to put it in writing; he shown how the Turks Navy, having spoiled a piece of Sicily, went to Malta, and there took an Isle adjacent called Gozo; from thence they went to Tripoli. In Transilvania Rosto-Bassa was leader of the Army, and had spoiled it wholly.  
In Hungary the Turks had made a Fort by the Mines to get them. Magdeburg was freshly victualled, and Duke Maurice came his way, being suspected that he had conspired with them there.  
4. It was answered, to the French Ambassador, That the Dowager should in all my Ports be defended from Enemies, Tempest, and likewise also Thanks were given for the News.  
5. The Emperor's Ambassador came to require, That my Sister Mary's Officers should be restored to their Liberty, and she should have her Mass till the Emperor was certified thereof.  
It was answered, That I need not to answer except I list, because he spoke without Commission, which was seen by the shortness of the time since the committing of her Officers, of which the Emperor could not be advertised. He was willed no more to move these Piques, in which he had been often answered, without Commission. He was answered, That the Emperor was by this time advertised, although the Matter pertained not to him. Also that I had done nothing but according to a King's Office herein, in observing the Laws that were so Godly, and in punishing the Offenders. The Promise to the Emperor was not so made as he pretended, affirmed by Sir Philip Hobbey being at that time their Ambassador.  
6. Deliberation touching the Coin. Memorandum, That there were divers Standards nine ounces fine, a few eight ounces fine, as ill as four, because although that was fine, yet a Shilling was reckoned for two Shillings, six ounces, very many four ounces, many also three ounces, 130000 l. now of late. Whereupon agreed that the Testourn being called to six Pence, four with help of six should make ten fine, eight fine with help of nine, being fewer than those of eight, should make ten ounces fine, the two ounces of Alloy should quit the charges of Minting; and those of threepences, being but few, should be turned to a Standard of four of Farthings, and Halfpences, and Pence, for to serve for the poor People, because the Merchants made no Exchange of it, and the Sum was not great. Also to bear the Charges, for because it was thought that few or none were left of nine ounces fine, eight ounces were naught, and six ounces were two ways devised, one without any craft, the other was not fully six, of which kind was not a few.  
9 A Proclamation set forth touching the Prices of , of Hogs, Pigs, Beefs, Oxen, Muttons, Butter, and Cheese, after a reasonable price, not fully so good cheap as it was when the Coin was at the perfectest, but within a fifth part of it, or thereabouts.  
10. I removed to Farnham.  
12. A Proclamation set forth touching the Coin, That whereas it was so that Men for Gain melted down the Ninepences Testourn continually, and the ; also there should no Person in any wise melt it down, upon pain to incur the Penalty of the Laws.  
13. A Letter directed to the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Great Master, and the Master of the Horse, to meet at London, for the ordering of my Coin, and the payment of my Debts; which done, to return, and make report of their Proceed.  
11. War proclaimed in Britain between the Emperor and the French, by these Terms, Charles Roy d' Espaigne, et Duc de Milan, leaving out Emperor.  
10. Four Towns taken by the French Soldiers that were the Emperor's in Piedmont Guerra: from Amiens also the Emperor's Country there was spoiled, and 120 Castles or Fortresses taken.  
Proclamation made in Paris touching the Bulls, that no Man should go for them to Rome.  
Other Ships also taken by Prior de Capua Merchants, to the number of a dozen; Prior de Capua had 32 Galleys.  
19 The French Ambassador sent this News also, That the Turks had taken Tripoli.  
20. The Secretary Cecil, and Sir Philip Hobbey, sent to London to help the Lord Treasurer, etc. in the Matters of the Bishops of Chichester, Worcester, and Duresme, and examination of my Sisters Men.  
18. Removing to Windsor.  
20. The Lords at London having tried all kinds of Stamping, both of the Fineness of 9, 8, 6, 4, and 3, proved that without any loss, but sufferable, the Coin might be brought to eleven ounces fine: For whereas it was thought before, that the Testourn was, through ill Officers and Ministers corrupted, it was tried, that it had the valuation just by eight sundry kinds of melting, and 400 l. of Sterling Money, a Testourn being but , made 400 l. 11 ounces fine of Money Sterling.  
22. Whereupon they reported the same, and then it was concluded that the Testourn should be eleven ounces fine, the proportion of the Pences according to the Gold; so that five Shillings of Silver should be worth five of Gold.  
23. Removing to oatland's.  
24. Agreed that the Stamp of the Shilling and  should be on one side, a King painted to the Shoulders in Parliament-Robes, with a Chain of the Order. Five Shillings of Silver, and half five Shillings, should be a King on Horseback, armed with a naked Sword hard to his Breast. Also that York's Mint, and Throgmorton's in the Tower, should go and work the fine Standard. In the City of York and Canterbury should the small Money be wrought of a base State. Officers for the same were appointed.  
A piece of Barwick Wall fell, because the Foundation was shaken by working of a Bulwark.  
28. The Lord Marquis of Dorset grieved much with the disorder of the Marches toward Scotland, surrendered the Wardenship thereof to bestow where I would.  
27. The Wardenship of the North given to the Earl of Warwick.  
Removing to Hampton-Court.  
28. Commissioners appointed for sitting on the Bishop of Chichester and Worcester; three Lawyers, and three Civilians.  
10. The Imperialists took the Suburbs of Heading, and burned them.  
26. The Passport of the Dowager of Scotland was made for a longer time, till Christmas; and also if she were driven, to pass quietly by Land into Scotland.  
20. Monsieur d' Angoulesme was born; and the Duke of Vendosme had a Son by the Princes of Navarr his Wife.  
30. The Feast of Michaelmass was kept by Me in the Robes of the Order.   

October.  
1. The Commission for the making of five Shillings, half five Shillings, Groats, and Six-pences, eleven ounces fine, and Pence, with Halfpences, and Farthings, four ounces fine, was followed and signed.  
5. Jarnac came in Post for declaration of two things; the one, that the Queen had a third Son of which she was delivered, called Le Duc d' Angoulesme, of which the King prayed Me to be Godfather. I answered, I was glad of the News, and that I thanked him for that I should be Godfather, which was a token of good Will he bore me. Also that I would dispatch for the accomplishment thereof, the Lord Clinton, the Lord Admiral of England. He said, he came also to tell a second Point of the good success of his Master's Wars; He told how the last month in Shampaign, beside Sedan, 1000 Horse Imperialists, with divers Hungarians, Martin Vanrossy being their Captain and Leader, entered the Country; and the Alarm came, the Skirmish began so hot, that the French Horse, about two or three hundred Men of Arms, came out and took Vanrossy's Brother, and slew divers. Also how in Piedmont, since the taking of the last four Towns, three other were taken, Monrechia, Saluges, and the Town of Burges. The Turks had come to Naples, and spoiled the Country, and taken Ostium in the Mouth of Tyberis. Also in Sicily he had taken a good Haven and a Town.  
6. Jarnac departed, having lying in the Court under my Lodging. The Night before the Bishops of Worcester and Chichester were deposed for Contempts.  
7. There were appointed to go with the Lord Admiral, Mr. Nevil, Mr. Barnaby, Gentlemen of the Chamber; Sir William Stafford, Sir Adrian Poinings, Sir John Norton, Sir John Teri, Knights; and Mr. Brook.  
8. Letters directed to the Captains of Gandarms, that they should muster the 8th of November, being the Sunday after Hallow-Eve day.  
11. Henry Marquess of Dorset, created Duke of Suffolk; John Earl of Warwick, created Duke of Northumberland; William Earl of Wiltshire, created Marquis of Winchester; Sir William Herbert, created Earl of Pembroke, and Lord of Cardiff; Mr. Sidney, Mr. Nevil, Mr. Cheek, all three of the Privy-Chamber, made Knights; also Mr. Cecil one of the two Secretaries.  
13. Proclamation signed touching the calling in of Testourns and Groats, that they that list might come to the Mint and have fine Silver of Twelvepences for two Testourns.  
3. Prior de Capna departed the French King's Service, and went to his Order of Knights in Malta, partly for displeasure to the Count Villars the Constable's Brother-in-Law, partly for that Malta was assailed often by the Turks.  
7. Sir Thomas Palmer came to the Earl of Warwick, since that time Duke of Northumberland, to deliver him his Chain, being a very fair one (for every Link weighed an ounce) to be delivered to Jarnac, and so to receive as much; whereupon in my Lord's Garden he declared a Conspiracy, How at St. George's day last, my Lord of Somerset, who then was going to the North, if the Master of the Horse, Sir William Herbert, had not assured him on his Honour that he should have no hurt, went to raise the People, and the Lord Grace went before to know who were his Friends. Afterward a Device was made to call the Earl of Warwick to a Banquet, with the Marquis of Northampton, and divers others, and to cut off their Heads. Also he found a bare Company about them by the way to set upon them.  
11. He declared also, that Mr. Vane had 2000 Men in readiness; Sir Thomas Arundel had assured my Lord, that the Tower was safe; Mr. Partridge should raise London, and take the Great Seal with the Apprentices of London; Seymour and Hammond should wait upon him, and all the Horse of the Gandarms should be slain.  
13. Removing to Westminster, because it was thought this Matter might easilier and surelier be dispatched there, and likewise all other.  
14. The Duke sent for the Secretary Cecil to tell him he suspected some ill. Mr. Cecil answered, That if he were not guilty, he might be of good courage; if he were, he had nothing to say, but to lament him. Whereupon the Duke sent him a Letter of Defiance, and called Palmer, who after denial made of his Declaration, was let go.  
16. This morning none was at Westminster of the Conspirators. The first was the Duke, who came later than he was wont of himself. After Dinner he was apprehended. Sir Thomas Palmer on the Terrace walking there, Hammond passing by Mr. Vice-chamberlain's Door, was called in by John Piers to make a match at Shooting, and so taken. Nudegates was called for as from my Lord his Master, and taken; likewise were John Seimour and David Seimour. Arundel also was taken, and the Lord Grace coming out of the Country. Vane upon two sendings of my Lord in the morning, fled at the first sending; he said, My Lord was not stout, and if he could get home, he cared for none of them all he was so strong. But after he was found by John Piers in a Stable of his Mans at Lambeth under the Straw. These went with the Duke to the Tower this Night, saving Palmer, Arundel, and Vane, who were kept in Chambers here apart.  
17. The Duchess, Crane and his Wife, with the Chamber-keeper, were sent to the Tower for devising these Treasons. James Wingfield also for casting of Bills seditiously; also Mr. Partridge was attaqued, and Sir James Holcroft.  
18. Mr. Banister and Mr. Vaughan were attaqued and sent to the Tower, and so was Mr. Stanhope.  
19 Sir Thomas Palmer confessed that the Gandarms, on the Muster-day, should be assaulted by 2000 Footmen of Mr. Vane's, and my Lord's hundred Horse; besides his Friends which stood by, and the idle People which took his part. If he were overthrown, he would run through London, and cry, Liberty, Liberty, to raise the Apprentices, and R; if he could, he would go to the Isle of Wight, or to Pool.  
22. The Dowager of Scotland was by Tempest driven to Land at Portsmouth, and so she sent word she would take the benefit of the safe Conduct to go by Land and to see Me.  
23. She came from Portsmouth to Mr. Whites House.  
24. The Lords sat in the Star-Chamber, and there declared the Matters and Accusations laid against the Duke, meaning to stay the minds of the People.  
25. Certain Germane Princes, in the beginning of this month, desired Aid in Cause of Religion 400000 Dollars, if they should be driven to make shift by necessity, and offered the like also, if I entered into any War for them; whereupon I called the Lords, and considered, as appeareth by a Scroll in the Board at Westminster, and thereupon appointed that the Secretary Petre, and Sir William Cecil another Secretary, should talk with the Messenger to know the matter precisely, and the Names of those would enter the Confederacy.  
28. The Dowager came to Sir Richard Cotton's House.  
29. She came from Sir Richard Cotton's to the Earl of Arundel to Dinner, and brought to Mr. Brown's House, where met her the Gentlemen of Sussex.  
30. She came and was conveied by the same Gentlemen to Guildford, where the Lord William Howard, and the Gentlemen of Surrey met her.  
All this month the Frenchmen continued spoiling of the Emperor's Frontiers, and in a Skirmish at Ast they slew 100 Spaniards.  
31. A Letter directed to Sir Arthur Darcy to take the charge of the Tower, and to discharge Sir John Markham upon this, that without making any of the Council privy, he suffered the Duke to walk abroad, and certain Letters to be sent and answered between David Seimour and Mrs. Poinings, with other divers Suspicions.  
17. There were Letters sent to all Emperors, Kings, Ambassadors, noblemans, Men, and Chief Men, into Countries, of the late Conspiracy.  
31. She came to Hampton-Court, conveied by the same Lords and Gentlemen aforesaid; and two miles and an half from thence, in a Valley, there met her the Lord Marquis of Northampton, accompanied with the Earl of Wiltshire, Son and Heir to the Lord High Treasurer; Marquis of Winchester; the Lord Fitzwater, Son to the Earl of Sussex; The Lord Evers, the Lord Bray, the Lord Robert Dudley, the Lord Garet, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, Sir Edward Rogers, and divers other Gentlemen, besides all the Gentlemen Pensioners, Men of Arms and Ushers, Sewers and Carvers, to the number of 120 Gentlemen, and so she was brought to Hampton-Court. At the Gate thereof met her the Lady Marquis of Northampton, the Countess of Pembroke, and divers other Ladies and Gentlewomen, to the number of sixty; and so she was brought to her Lodging on the Queen-side, which was all hanged with Arras, and so was the Hall, and all the other Lodgings of Mine in the House very finely dressed; and for this night, and the next day, all was spent in Dancing and Pastime, as though it were a Court, and great presence of Gentlemen resorted thither.  
26. Letters were written, for because of this Business, to defer the Musters of Gendarmory till the— day of December.   

November.  
1. The Dowager perused the House of Hampton-Court, and saw some coursing of Deer.  
2. She came to the Bishop's Palace at London, and there she lay, and all her Train lodged about her.  
3. The Duke of Suffolk, the Earl of Warwick, Wiltshire, and many other Lords and Gentlemen were sent to her to welcome her, and to say, on My behalf, That if she lacked any thing she should have it for her better Furniture; and also I would willingly see her the day following.   

The 26th of October.  
Crane confessed the most part, even as Palmer did before, and more also, how that the place where the Nobles should have been banqueted, and their Heads stricken off, was the Lord Paget's House, and how the Earl of Arundel knew of the Matter as well as he, by Stanhop who was a Messenger between them; also some part, how he went to London to get Friends once in August last, feigning himself sick. Hammond also confessed the Watch he kept in his Chamber at Night. Bren also confessed much of this matter. The Lord Strange confessed how the Duke willed him to stir me to marry his third Daughter, the Lady Jane, and willed him to be his Spy in all Matters of my Do and Say, and to know when some of my Council spoke secretly with Me; this he confessed of himself.   

November.  
4. The Duke of Suffolk, the Lord Fitzwater, the Lord Bray, and divers other Lords and Gentlemen, accompanied with his Wife the Lady Francis, the Lady Margaret, the Duchess' of Richmond and of Northumberland, the Lady Jane Daughter to the Duke of Suffolk; the Marquis of Northampton and Winchester; the Countesses of Arundel, Bedford, Huntingdon, and Rutland; with 100 other Ladies and Gentlewomen went to her, and brought her through London to Westminster. At the Gate there received her the Duke of Northumberland, Great Master, and the Treasurer, and controller, and the Earl of Pembroke, with all the Sewers, and Carvers, and Cupbearers, to the number of thirty. In the Hall I met her, with all the rest of the Lords of my Council, as the Lord Treasurer, the Marquis of Northampton, etc. and from the outer-Gate up to the Presence-Chamber, on both sides, stood the Guard. The Court, the Hall, and the Stairs, were full of Servingmen; the Presence-Chamber, Great-Chamber, and her Presence-Chamber, of Gentlemen. And so having brought her to her Chamber, I retired to Mine. I went to her to Dinner; she dined under the same Cloth of State, at my left Hand; at her rearward dined my Cousin Francis, and my Cousin Margaret; at Mine sat the French Ambassador. We were served by two Services, two Sewers, Cupbearers, Carvers, and Gentlemen. Her Master Hostell came before her Service, and my Officers before Mine. There were two Cup-boards, one of Gold four Stages high, another of massy Silver six Stages: In her great Chamber dined at three Board's the Ladies only. After Dinner, when she had heard some Music, I brought her to the Hall, and so she went away.  
5. The Duke of Northumberland, the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Marquis of Northampton, the Lord Privy-Seal, and divers others, went to see her, and to deliver a Ring with a Diamond, and two Nags, as a Token from Me.  
6. The Duke of Northumberland, with his Band of a hundred, of which forty were in Black-Velvet, white and black Sleeves, sixty in Cloth, The Earl of Pembroke with his Band, and fifty more, The Earl of Wiltshire, with 58 of his Father's Band, all the Pensioners, Men of Arms, and the Country, with divers Ladies, as my Cousin Margaret, the Duchess' of Richmond and Northumberland, brought the Queen to Shoreditch, through Cheapside and Cornhill; and there met her Gentlemen of Middlesex an 100 Horse, and so she was conveied out of the Realm, met in every Shire with Gentlemen.  
8. The Earl of Arundel committed to the Tower, with Master Stroadly, and St. Alban his Men, because Crane did more and more confess of him.  
7. A Frenchman was sent again into France, to be delivered again to the eight Frenchmen at the Borders, because of a Murder he did at Diep, and thereupon he fled hither.  
14. Answer was given to the Germans, which did require 400000 Dollars, if need so required, for maintenance of Religion.  
First, That I was very well inclined to make Peace, Amity, or Bargain with them I knew to be of mine Religion; for because this Messenger was sent only to know my Inclination and Will to enter, and not with full Resolution of any Matters.  
Secondly, I would know whether they could get unto them any such strength of other Princes as were able to maintain the War, and to do the Reciprogue to Me if need should require; and therefore willed those three Princes, Duke Maurice of Saxon, the Duke of Mecklenburgh, and the Marquis John of Brandenburg, from which he was sent, to open the Matter to the Duke of Prussia, and to all Princes about them, and somewhat to get the good Will of Hamburgh, Lubeck, Bremen, etc. showing them an inkling of the matter.  
Thirdly, I would have the matter of Religion made more plain, lest when War should be made for other Quarrels, they should say it were Religion.  
Fourthly, He should come with more ample Commission from the same States to talk of the sum of Money, and other Appurtenances. This Answer was given, lest if I assented wholly at the first, they would declare mine Intent to the Stadts and whole Senates, and so to come abroad, whereby I should run into danger of breaking the League with the Emperor.  
16. The Lord Admiral took his leave to go into France for christening of the French King's Son.  
18. Fossey, Secretary to the Duke Maurice, who was here for matter above-specified.  
20. A Proclamation appointed to go forth, for that there went one before this time, that set prices of Beef, Oxen, and Muttons, which was meant to continue but to November; when-as the Parliament should have been to abbrogate that, and to appoint certain Commissioners to cause the Graziers to bring to the Market, and to sell at prices reasonable. And that certain Overseers should be besides to certify of the Justice's do.  
23. The Lord Treasurer appointed High-Steward for the Arraignment of the Duke of Somerset.  
At this time Duke Maurice began to show himself a Friend to the Protestants, who before that time had appeared their Enemy.  
21. The foresaid Proclamation proclaimed.  
17. The Earl of Warwick, Sir Henry Sidney, Sir Henry Nevil, and Sir Henry Yates, did challenge all Comers at Tilt the third of January, and at Tornay the sixth of January; and this Challenge was proclaimed.  
28. News came that Maximilian was coming out of Spain, nine of his Galleys with his Stuff, and 120 Gennets, and his Treasure, was taken by the French.  
24. The Lord Admiral entered France, and came to Bulloign.  
26. The Captain of Portsmouth had word and commandment to bring the Model of the Castle and Place, to the intent it might be fortified, because Baron de la Gardiner had seen it, having an Engineer with him, and as it was thought had the Plot of it.  
30. 22 Peers and Nobles, besides the Council, heard Sir Thomas Palmer, Mr. Hammond, Mr. Crane, and Nudigate, swear that their Confessions were true; and they did say, that that was said without any kind of Compulsion, Force, Envy, or Displeasure, but as favourably to the Duke as they could swear to with safe Consciences.  
24. The Lord Admiral came to Paris.   

December.  
1. The Duke of Somerset came to his Trial at Westminster-Hall; The Lord-Treasurer sat as High-Steward of England, under the Cloth of State, on a Bench between two Posts, three degrees high. All the Lords to the number of 26, viz.  

Dukes.  
Suffolk.  
Northumberland.   

Marquis.  
Northampton.   

Earls.  
Derby.  
Bedford.  
Huntingdon.  
Rutland.  
Bath.  
Sussex.  
Worcester.  
Pembroke.  
Vis. Hereford.   

Barons.  
Burgaveny.  
Audley.  
Wharton.  
Evers.  
Latimer.  
Bourough.  
Souch.  
Stafford.  
Wentworth.  
Darcy.  
Sturton.  
Windsor.  
Cromwell.  
Cobham.  
Bray.   
These sat a degree under, and heard the Matter debated.  
First, After the Indictments were read, five in number, the Learned Counsel laid to my Lord of Somerset, Palmer's Confession. To which he answered, That he never minded to raise the North, and declared all the ill he could devise of Palmer, but he was afraid for Bruits, and that moved him to send to Sir William Herbert. Replied it was again, that the worse Palmer was, the more he served his purpose. For the Banquet, he swore it was untrue, and required more Witnesses. Whence Crane's Confession was read, He would have had him come Face to Face. For London, he meant nothing for hurt of any Lord but for his own Defence. For the Gendarmoury, it were but a mad matter for him to enterprise with his 100 against 900. For having Men in his Chamber at Greenwich, confessed by Partridge, it seemed he meant no harm, because when he could have done harm he did it not. My Lord Strange's Confession, he swore it was untrue, and the Lord Strange took his Oath it was true. Nudigate's, Hammond's, and Alexander Seimour 's Confessions he denied, because they were his Men.  
The Lawyers rehearsed, how to raise Men at his House for an ill Intent, as to kill the Duke of Northumberland, was Treason, by an Act, Anno tertio of my Reign, against Unlawful Assemblies, for to devise the Death of the Lords was Felony. To mind resisting his Attachment was Felony; To Raise London was Treason, and to Assault the Lords was Felony. He answered, He did not intent to raise London, and swore, that the Witnesses were not there. His assembling of Men was but for his own defence. He did not determine to kill the Duke of Northumberland, the Marquis, etc. but spoke of it, and determined after the contrary, and yet seemed to confess he went about their Death.  
The Lords went together. The Duke of Northumberland would not agree that any searching of his Death should be Treason. So the Lords acquitted him of High-Treason, and condemned him of Treason Felonious, and so he was adjudged to be hanged.  
He gave thanks to the Lords for their open Trial, and cried Mercy of the Duke of Northumberland, the Marquis of Northampton, and the Earl of Pembroke, for his ill-meaning against them, and made suit for his Life, Wife, Children, Servants, and Debts, and so departed without the Axe of the Tower. The People knowing not the Matter, shouted half a dozen of times so loud, that from the Hall-Door it was heard at Charing-Cross plainly, and rumours went that he was quit of all.  
2. The Peace concluded by the Lord Marquis, was ratified by Me before the Ambassador, and delivered to him Signed and Sealed.  
3. The Duke told certain Lords that were in the Tower, that he had hired Bertivill to kill them; which thing Bertivill examined on, confessed, and so did Hammond that he knew of it.  
4. I saw the Musters of the new Band-men of Arms; 100 of my Lord Treasurers; 100 of Northumberland, 100 Northampton, 50 Huntingtoun, 50 Rutland, 120 of Pembroke, 50 Darcy, 50 Cobham, 100 Sir Thomas Cheyney, and 180 of the Pensioners and their Bands, with the old Men of Arms, all wellarmed Men; some with Feathers, Staves, and Pencils of their Colours; some with Sleeves and half-Coats; some with Bards and Staves, etc. The Horses all fair and great, the worst would not have been given for less than 20 l. there was none under fourteen handful and an half the most part, and almost all Horses with their Guider going before them. They passed twice about St. James' Field, and compassed it round, and so departed.  
15. Then were certain Devices for Laws delivered to my Learned Council to Pen, as by a Schedule appeareth.  
18. It was appointed I should have six Chaplains ordinary, of which two ever to be present, and four always absent in preaching: one Year two in Wales, two in Lancashire and Derby; next Year two in the Marches of Scotland, two in Yorkshire; the third Year, two in Devonshire, two in Hampshire; fourth Year, two in Norfolk and Essex, and two in Kent and Sussex, etc. These six to be Bill, Harle, Perne, Grindall, Bradford 
* The other name dashed. .  
20. The Bishop of Duresme was for concealment of Treason written to him, and not disclosed at all till the Party did open him, committed to the Tower.  
21. Richard Lord Rich Chancellor of England, considering his sickness, did deliver his Seal to the Lord-Treasurer, the Lord great Master, and the Lord Chamberlain, sent to him for that purpose during the time of his sickness, and chief of the Parliament.  
5. The Lord Admiral came to the French King, and after was sent to the Queen, and so conveied to his Chamber.  
6. The Lord Admiral christened the French King's Child, and called him, by the King's commandment, Edward Alexander. All that day there was Music, Dancing, and Playing with Triumph in the Court; but the Lord Admiral was sick of a double Quartane, yet he presented Barnaby to the French King, who took him to his Chamber.  
7. The Treaty was delivered to the Lord Admiral, and the French King read it in open Audience at Mass, with Ratification of it. The Lord Admiral took his leave of the French King, and returned to Paris very sick.  
The same day the French King shown the Lord Admiral Letters that came from Parma, how the French Men had gotten two Castles of the Imperialists; and in the defence of the one, the Prince of Macedonia was slain on the Walls, and was buried with triumph at Parma.  
22. The Great Seal of England delivered to the Bishop of Ely, to be Keeper thereof during the Lord Rich's sickness.  
The Band of 100 Men of Arms, which my Lord of Somerset of late had, appointed to the Duke of Suffolk.  
23. Removing to Greenwich.  
24. I began to keep Holy this Christmas, and continued till Twelve-tide.  
26. Sir Anthony St. Legier, for Matters laid against him by the Bishop of Dublin, was banished my Chamber till he had made answer, and had the Articles delivered him.  
28. The Lord Admiral came to Greenwich.  
30. Commission was made out to the Bishop of Ely, the Lord Privy-Seal, Sir John Gates, Sir William Petre, Sir Robert Bowes, and Sir Walter Mildmay, for calling in my Debts.   

January.  
1. Orders were taken with the Chandler's of London, for selling their Tallow-Candles, which before some denied to do; and some were punished with Imprisonment.  
3. The Challenge that was made in the last Month, was fulfilled.  

The Challengers were.  
Sir Henry Sidney.  
Sir Henry Nevel.  
Sir Henry Gates.   

Defendants.  
The Lord Williams.  
The Lord Fitzwater.  
The Lord Ambrose.  
The Lord Roberts.  
The Lord Fitzwarren.  
Sir George Howard.  
Sir William Stafford.  
Sir John Parrot.  
Mr. Norice.  
Mr. Digby.  
Mr. Warcop.  
Mr. Courtney.  
Mr. Knolls.  
The Lord Bray.  
Mr. Paston.  
Mr. Cary.  
Sir. Anthony Brown.  
Mr. Drury.   
These in all ran six Courses apiece at Tilt against the Challengers, and accomplished their Courses rightwell, and so departed again.  
5. There were sent to Guisnes Sir Richard Cotton, and Mr. Bray, to take view of Calais, Guisnes, and the Marches; and with the advice of the Captain and Engineers, to devise some amendment, and thereupon to make me Certificate, and upon mine Answer to go further to the Matter.  
4. It was appointed, that if Mr. Stanhop left Hull, then that I should no more be charged therewith, but that the Town should take it, and should have 40 l. a Year for the repairing of the Castle.  
2. I received Letters out of Ireland, which appear in the Secretary's Hand, and thereupon the Earldom of Thowmount was by Me given from O-brians' Heirs, whose Father was dead, and had it for term of Life, to Donnas' Baron of Ebrecan, and his Heirs Males.  
3. Also Letters were written of Thanks to the Earls of Desmond and Clanrikard, and to the Baron of Dunganan.  
3. The Emperor's Ambassador moved me several times that my Sister Mary might have Mass, which with no little reasoning with him was denied him.  
6. The foresaid Challengers came into the Tourney, and the foresaid Defendants entered in after, with two more with them, Mr. Terrill, and Mr. Robert Hopton, and fought rightwell, and so the Challenge was accomplished.  
The same Night was first of a Play, after a Talk between one that was called Riches, and the other Youth, whether of them was better. After some pretty Reasoning, there came in six Champions of either side.  

On Youth's side came.  
My Lord Fitzwater.  
My Lord Ambrose.  
Sir Anthony Brown.  
Sir William Cobham.  
Mr. Cary.  
Mr. Warcop.   

On Riches side.  
My Lord Fitzwarren.  
Sir Robert Stafford.  
Mr. Courtney.  
Digby.  
Hopton.  
Hungerford.   
All these fought two to two at Barriers in the Hall. Then came in two apparelled like Almains, the Earl of Ormond and Jaques Granado, and two came in like Friars, but the Almains would not suffer them to pass till they had fought; the Friars were Mr. Drury and Thomas Cobham. After this followed two Masques, one of Men, another of womans. Then a Banquet of 120 Dishes. This day was the end of Christmas.  
7. I went to Debtford to dine there, and broke up the Hall.  
8. Upon a certain Contention between the Lord Willowby, and Sir Andrew Dudley Captain of Guisnes, for their Jurisdiction, the Lord Willowby was sent for to come over, to the intent the Controversy might cease, and Order might be taken.  
12. There was a Commission granted to the Earl of Bedford, to Mr. Vicechamberlain, and certain others, to call in my Debts that were owing Me, and the days past; and also to call in these that be past when the days be come.  
17. There was a Match run between six Gentlemen of a side at Tilt.  

Of one Side.  
The Earl of Warwick.  
The Lord Roberts.  
Mr. Sidney.  
Mr. Novel.  
Henry Gates.  
Anthony Digby.   

Of the other Side.  
The Lord Ambrose.  
The Lord Fitzwater.  
Sir Francis Knollis.  
Sir Anthony Brown.  
Sir John Parrot.  
Mr. Courtney.   
These wan by four Taints.  
18. The French Ambassador moved, That We should destroy the Scotch part of the Debatable Ground as they had done Ours. It was answered: 1. The Lord Coniers that made the Agreement, made it none otherwise but as it should stand with his Superiour's Pleasure: whereupon the same Agreement being misliked, because the Scotch part was much harder to overcome, word was sent to stay the Matter. Nevertheless the Lord Maxwell did, upon malice to the English Debatablers, overrun them; whereupon was concluded, That if the Scots will agree it, the Ground should be divided; if not, then shall the Scots waste their Debatablers, and we Ours, commanding them by Proclamation to departed.  
This day the Stiliard put in their Answer to a certain Complaint that the Merchant-Adventurers laid against them.  
19 The Bishop of Ely, Custos Sigilli, was made Chancellor, because as Custos Sigilli, he could execute nothing in the Parliament that should be done, but only to Seal ordinary things.  
21. Removing to Westminster.  
22. The Duke of Somerset had his Head cut off upon Tower-hill, between eight and nine a Clock in the morning.  
16. Sir William Pickering delivered a Token to the Lady Elizabeth, a fair Diamond.  
18. The Duke of Northumberland having under him 100 Men of Arms, and 100 Light-Horse, gave up the keeping of 50 Men at Arms to his Son the Earl of Warwick.  
23. The Sessions of Parliament began.  
24. John Gresham was sent over into Flanders, to show to the Foulcare, to whom I owed Money, that I would defer it; or if I paid it, pay it in English, to make them keep up their French Crowns, with which I minded to pay them.  
25. The Answer of the Stiliard was delivered to certain of my Learned Council to look on and oversee.  
27. Sir Ralph Vane was condemned of Felony in Treason, answering like a Ruffian.  
Paris arrived with Horses, and shown how the French King had sent Me six Cortalls, two Turks, a Barbary, two Gennets, a stirring Horse, and two littles Mules, and shown them to Me.  
29. Sir Thomas Arundel was likewise cast of Felony in Treason, after long controversy, for the Matter was brought in Trial by seven of the Clock in the morning.  
28. At noon the Inquest went together; they sat shut up in a House together, without Meat or Drink, because they could not agree all that Day, and all that Night.  
29. This day in the morning they did cast him.   

February.  
2. There was a King of Arms made for Ireland, whose Name was Ulster, and his Province was all Ireland; and he was the fourth King of Arms, and the first Herald of Ireland.  
The Emperor took, the last month and this, a Million of pounds in Flanders.  
6. It was appointed that Sir Philip Hobbey should go to the Regent, upon pretence of ordering of Quarrels of Merchants, bringing with him 63000 l. in French Crowns to be paid in Flanders at Antwerp, to the Schortz and their Family, of Debts I owed them, to the intent he might dispatch them both under one.  
5. Sir Miles Partridge was condemned of Felony for the Duke of Somerset's Matter, for he was one of the Conspirators.  
8. Fifty Men at Arms appointed to Mr. Sadler.  
9 John Beaumond, Master of the Rolls, was put in Prison for forging a false Deed from Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk, to the Lady Ann Powis, of certain Lands and Leases.  
10. Commission was granted out to 32 Persons, to examine, correct, and set forth the Ecclesiastical Laws.  

The Persons Names were these.  The Bishops. The Divines. Civilians. Canterbury. Taylor of Lincoln. Mr. Secretary Petre. Ely. Tylor of Hadlee. Mr. Secretary Cicil. London. Mr. Cox, Almoner. Mr. Traherne. Winchester. Sir John Cheek. Mr. Red. Exeter. Sir Anthony Cook. Mr. Coke. Bath. Petrus Martyr. May, Dean of Paul's. Gloucester. Joannes Alasco. Skinner. Rochester. Parker of Cambridge.   

Lawyers.  Justice Broomley. Goodrick. Lucas. Justice Hales. Stamford. Gawdy. Gosnald. Carel.   
10. Sir Philip Hobbey departed with somewhat more Crowns than came to 53500 and odd Livers, and had authority to borrow, in my Name, of Lazarus Tuker 10000 l. Flemish, at 7 per Cent. for six months, to make up the Pay, and to employ that that was in Bullion, to bring over with him; also to carry 3000 Marks weight upon a Licence the Emperor granted the Scheitz which they did give me. After that to departed to Bruges, where the Regent lay, and there to declare to her the Griefs of my Subjects.  
11. There was delivered of Armour, by John Gresham Merchant, 1100 pair of Corslets and Horsemen-harnesses, very fair.  
14. It was appointed that the Jesus of Lubeck, a Ship of 800 Tun, and the Mary Gouston of 600 Tun, should be let out for a Voyage to Merchantmen for a 1000 l. they at the Voyage to Levants-end to answer the Tackling, the Ship, the Ordnance, Munition, and to leave it in that case they took it. Certain others of the worst of my Ships were appointed to be sold.  
9 Proclamation was made at Paris, that the Bands of the Dolphin, the Duke of Vendosme, the Count d' Anguien, the Constable of France, the Duke de Guise, and d' Aumale, the Count de Sancerres, the Marshal S. Andrew, Monsieur de Jarnac and Tavennes, should, the 15th day of March, assemble at Troy's in Champaign to resist the Emperor. Also that the French King would go thither in Person, with 200 Gentlemen of his Household, and 400 Archers of his Guard.  
16. The French King sent his Secretary de Lausbespine to declare this Voyage to him, 
* This is imperfect.  and to desire him to take pains to have Mr. Pickering with him, and to be a Witness of his Do.  
19 Whereupon it was appointed, that he should have 2000 Crowns for his Furnishment, besides his Diet, and Barnaby 800.  
20. The Countess of Pembroke died.  
18. The Merchant-Adventurers put in their Replication to the Stiliards Answer.  
23. A Decree was made by the Board, that upon knowledge and information of their Charters, they had found: First, That they were no sufficient Corporation. 2. That their Number, Names, and Nation, was unknown. 3. That when they had forfeited their Liberties, King Edward the 4th did restore them on this condition, That they should colour no Strangers Goods, which they had done. Also that whereas in the beginning they shipped not passed 8 Clothes, after 100, after 1000, after that 6000; now in their Name was shipped 44000 Clothes in one Year, and but 1100 of all other Strangers. For these Considerations sentence was given, That they had forfeited their Liberties, and were in like case with other Strangers.  
28. There came Ambassadors from Hamburgh, and Lubeck, to speak on the behalf of the Stiliard Merchants.  
29. A Fleming would have searched the Falcon for Frenchmen, the Falcon turned, shot off, boarded the Fleming, and took him.  
Paiment was made of 63500 l. Flemish to the Foulcare, all saving 6000 l. which he borrowed in French Crowns by Sir Philip Hobbey.   

March.  
2. The Lord of Burgaveny was committed to Ward for striking the Earl of Oxford in the Chamber of presence.  
The Answer for the Ambassadors of the Stiliard was committed to the Lord Chancellor, the two Secretaries, Sir Robert Bows, Sir John Baker, Judge Montague, Griffith Solicitor, Gosnald, Goodrick, and Brooks.  
3. It was agreed, for better dispatch of things, certain of the Council, with others joined with them, should overlook the Penal Laws, and put certain of them in execution. Others should answer Suitors; Others should oversee my Revenues, and the Order of them; also the superfluous Payments heretofore made. Others should have Commission for taking away superfluous Bulwarks.  
First, Order was given for defence of the Merchants, to send four Barks and two Pinnaces to the Sea.  
4. The Earl of Westmoreland, the Lord Wharton, the Lord Coniers, Sir Tho. Palmer, and Sir Tho. Chaloner, were appointed in Commission to meet with the Scotch Ambassadors, for equal division of the Ground that was called the Debatable.  
6. The French Ambassador declared to the Duke of Northumberland, how the French King had sent him a Letter of Credit for his Ambassadry. After delivery made of the Letter, he declared how Duke Maurice of Saxony, the Duke of Mecklenburgh, the Marquis of Brandenburg, the Count of Mansfield, and divers other Princes of Germany, made a League with his Master Offensive and Defensive; the French to go to Strasburg, with 30000 Footmen, and 8000 Horsemen; the Almains to meet with them there the 25th of this month, with 15000 Footmen, and 5000 Horsemen. Also the City of Strasburg had promised them Victual, and declared how the French would send me Ambassadors to have Me into the same League. Also that the Marquis of Brandenburg, and Count of Mansfield, had been privately conveied to the French King's Presence, and were again departed to levy Men; and he thought by this time they were in the Field.  
10. He declared the same thing to Me in the same manner.  
9 It was consulted touching the Marts, and it was agreed that it was most necessary to have a Mart in England for the enriching of the same to make it the more famous, and to be less in other men's danger, and to make all things better cheap, and more plentiful. The time was thought good to have it now, because of the Wars between the French King and the Emperor. The Places were the meetest, Hull for the East parts. Southampton for the South Parts of England, as appeareth by two Bills in my Study. London also was thought no ill place, but it was appointed to begin with the other two.  
11. The Bills put up to the Parliament were over-seen, and certain of them were for this time thought meet to pass and to be read, other of them for avoiding tediousness to be omitted, and no more Bills to be taken.  
15. Those that were appointed Commissioners for the Requests, or for the execution of Penal Laws, or for overseeing of the Courts, received their Commissions at my Hand.  
18. It was appointed, that for the payment of 14000 l. in the end of April, there should be made an Anticipation of the Subsidy of London, and of the Lords of my Council, which should go near to pay the same with good Provision.  
20. The French Ambassador brought me a Letter of Credit from his Master, and thereupon delivered me the Articles of the League betwixt the Germans and him, desiring Me to take part of the same League; which Articles I have also in my Study.  
23. The Merchants of England having been long stayed, departed, in all about 60 Sail, the Woolfleet, and all to Antwerp. They were countermanded because of the Mart, but it was too late.  
24. Forsomuch as the Exchange was stayed by the Emperor to Lions, the Merchants of Antwerp were sore afraid; and that the Mart could not be without Exchange, liberty was given to the Merchants to exchange and rechange Money for Mony.  
26. Henry Dudley was sent to the Sea with four Ships, and two Barks, for defence of the Merchants, which were daily before rob; who, as soon as he came to the Sea, took two Pirates Ships and brought them to Dover.  
28. I did deny, after a sort, the Request to enter into War, as appeareth by the Copy of my Answer in the Study.  
29. To the intent the Ambassador might more plainly understand My meaning, I sent Mr. Hobbey and Mr. Mason to him, to declare him mine intent more amply.  
31. The Commissioners for the Debatable of the Scotch side, did deny to meet, except a certain Castle, or Pile, might be first razed; whereupon Letters were sent to stay our Commissioners from the Meeting till they had further word.  
10. Duke Maurice mustered at Artnstat in Saxony all his own Men, and left Duke August, the Duke of Anhault, and the Count of Mansfield, for defence of his Country, chief for fear of the Bohemians. The Young Lansgrave, Reiffenberg, and others, mustered in Hassen.  
14. The Marquis Albert of Brandenburg mustered his Men two leagues from Erdfort, and after entered the same, receiving of the Citizens, a Gift of 20000 Florins; and he borrowed of them 60000 Florins, and so came to Steinfurt, where Duke Maurice and all the Germane Princes were assembled.   

April.  
2. I fell sick of the Measles and Small Pox.  
4. Duke Maurice, with his Army, came to Augusta; which Town was at the first yielded to him, and delivered into his Hands, where he did change certain Officers, restored their Preachers, and made the Town more free.  
5. The Constable, with the French Army, came to Metz, which was within two days yielded to him, where he found great provision of Victuals, and that he determined to make the Staple of Victual for his Journey.  
8. He came to a Fort wherein was an Abbey called Gocoza, and that Fort abide 80 Canonshot; at length came to a Parley, where the Frenchmen got in and won it by Assault, slew all, saving 115, with the Captain, whom he hanged.  
9 He took a Fort called Maranges, and razed it.  
12. The French King came to Nancy to go to the Army, and there found the Duchess and the young Duke of Lorraine.  
13. The Marshal St. Andrew, with 200 Men of Arms, and 2000 Footmen, carried away the young Duke, accompanied with few of his old Men, toward France, to the Dolphin, which lay at Rheims, to the no little discontentation of his Mother the Dutches. He fortified also divers Towns in Lorraine, and put in French Garrisons.  
14. He departed from Nancy to the Army which, lay at Metz.  
7. Monsieur Senarpon gave an overthrow to the Captain of St. Omers, having with him 600 Footmen, and 200 Horsemen.  
15. The Parliament broke up, and because I was sick, and not able to go well abroad as then, I signed a Bill containing the Names of the Acts which I would have pass; which Bill was read in the House. Also I gave Commission to the Lord Chancellor, two Arch-Bishops, two Bishops, two Dukes, two Marquesses, two Earls, and two Barons, to dissolve wholly this Parliament.  
18. The Earl of Pembroke surrendered his Mastership of the Horse, which I bestowed on the Earl of Warwick.  
19 Also he left 50 of his Men of Arms, of which 25 were given to Sir Philip Hobbey, and 25 to Sir John Gates.  
21. It was agreed that Commissions should go out for to take certificate of the superfluous Church Plate to Mine use, and to see how it hath been embezeled.  
The French Ambassador desired, That forasmuch as it was dangerous carrying of Victual from Bolleign to Ard by Land, that I would give licence to carry by Sea to Calais, and from Calais to Ard, in my Ground.  
22. The Lord Paget was degraded from the Order of the Garter for divers his Offences, and chief because he was no Gentleman of Blood, neither of Father-side nor Mother-side.  
Sir Anthony St. Leaguer, which was accused by the Bishop of Dublin for divers brawling Matters, was taken again into the Privy-Chamber, and sat among the Knights of the Order.  
23. Answer was given to the French Ambassador, that I could not accomplish his Desire, because it was against my League with the Emperor.  
24. The Order of the Garter was wholly altered, as appeareth by the new Statutes. There were elected Sir Andrew Dudley, and the Earl of Westmoreland.  
26. Monsieur de Couriers came from the Regent, to desire that her Fleet might safely, upon occasion, take harbour in my Havens. Also he said, he was come to give order for redressing all Complaints of our Merchants.  
25. Whereas it was appointed that the 14000 l. that I owed in the last of April, should be paid by the anticipation of the Subsidy of London, and of the Lords, because to change the same over-Sea, was loss of the sixth part of the Money I did so send over. Stay was made thereof, and the payment appointed to be made over of 20000 l. Flemish, which I took up there 14 per Cent. and so remained 6000 l. to be paid there the last of May.  
30. Removing to Greenwich.  
28. The Charges of the Mints were diminished 1400 l. and there was left 600 l.  
18. King Ferdinando, Maximilian his Son, and the Duke of Bavaria, came to Linx, to treat with Duke Maurice for a Peace; where Maurice declared his Griefs.  
16. Duke Maurice's Men received an overthrow at Vlms; Marquis Albert spoilt the Country, and gave them a day to answer.  
31. A Debt of 14000 l. was paid to the Foulcare.   

May.  
1. The Stilyard-men received their Answer; which was, to confirm the former Judgement of my Council.  
2. A Letter was sent to the Foulcare from my Council to this effect; That I have paid 63000 l. Flemish in February, and 14000 in April, which came to 77000 l. Flemish, which was a fair Sum of Money to be paid in one Year, chief in this busy World, whereas it is most necessary to be had for Princes. Besides this, That it was thought Money should not now do him so much pleasure as at another time peradventure. Upon these Considerations they had advised Me to pay but 5000 l. of the 45000 I now own, and so put over the rest according to the old Interest, 14 per Cent. with which they desired him to take patience.  
4. Monsieur de Couriers received his Answer, which was, That I had long ago given order that the Flemish Ships should not be molested in my Havens, as it appeareth, because Frenchmen chase Flemings into my Havens, could not get them because of the rescue they had, but that I thought it not convenient to have more Ships to come into my Havens than I could well rule and govern. Also a note of divers Complaints of my Subjects was delivered to him.  
10. Letters were sent to my Ambassadors, That they should move to the Princes of Germany, to the Emperor, and to the French King, That if this Treaty came to any effect or end, I might be comprehended in the same.  
Commission was given to Sir John Gates, Sir Robert Bowes, the Chancellor of the Augmentation, Sir Walter Mildmay, Sir Richard Cotton, to sell some part of the Chantry Lands, and of the Houses, for the payment of my Debts, which was 251000 l. Sterling at the least.  
Taylor, Dean of Lincoln, was made Bishop of Lincoln.  
Hooper, Bishop of Gloucester, was made Bishop of Worcester and Gloucester.  
Story, Bishop of Rochester, was made Bishop of Chichester.  
Sir Robert Bowes was appointed to be made Master of the Rolls.  
Commandment was given to the Treasurers, that nothing of the Subsidy should be disbursed but by Warrant from the Board; and likewise for our Lady-day Revenues.  
14. The Baron of the Exchequer, upon the surrender made by Justice Lecister, was made Chief-Justice, the Attorney Chief-Baron, the Sollicitor-General Attorney, and the Solicitor of the Augmentation, Gosnold, General-Sollicitor, and no more Solicitor to be in the Augmentation Court. Also there were appointed eight Sergeants of the Law against Michaelmass next coming.  

Gaudy.  
Stamford.  
carel, etc.   
16. The Muster was made of all the Men at Arms saving 50 of Mr. Sadlers, 25 of Mr. Vicechamberlains, and 25 of Sir Philip Hobbey's, and also of all the Pensioners.  
17. The Progress was appointed to be by Dorchester to Pool in Dorsetshire, and so through Salisbury homeward to Windsor.  
18. It was appointed Money should be cried down in Ireland after a Pay, which was of Money at Midsummer next; in the mean season the thing to be kept secret and close. Also the Pirry, the Mint-masters, taking with him Mr. Brabamon, chief Treasurer of the Realm, should go to the Mines and see what profit may be taken of the Oar the Almains had digged in a Mine of Silver; and if it would quit cost, or more, to go forward withal, if not, to leave off and discharge all the Almains.  
Also that of 500 of the 2000 Soldiers there being, should be cut off, and as many more as would go and serve the French King, or the Emperor, leaving sufficient at Home, no Fortifications to be made also yet for a time, in no place unfortified; and many other Articles were concluded for Ireland.  
20. Sir Richard Wingfield, Rogers, and— were appointed to view the State of Portsmouth, and to bring again their Opinions concerning the fortifying thereof.  
4. The French King having passed the Straits of Lorraine, came to Savern, four miles from Strasburg, and was victualled by the Country, but denied passage through their Town.  
21. Answer came from the Foulcare, That for the deferring of 30000 l. parcel of 45 Troas, he was content; and likewise August Pyso, he might have paid him 20000 l. as soon as might be.  
22. It was appointed, that forasmuch as there was much disorder on the Marches on Scotland-side, both in my Fortifications of some Places, and negligent looking to other Forts, the Duke of Northumberland, general Warden thereof, should go down and view it, and take order for it, and return home with speed. Also a pay of 10000 l. to go before him.  
23. It was appointed that these Bands of Men of Arms should go with me this Progress.  

Lord Treasurer 30  
Lord Great Master 25  
Lord Privy-Seal 30  
Duke of Suffolk 25  
Earl of Warwick 25  
Earl of Rutland 15  
Earl of Huntingdon 25  
Earl of Pembroke 50  
Lord Admiral 15  
Lord Darcy 30  
Lord Cobham 20  
Lord Warden 20  
Mr. Vicechamberlain 15  
Mr. Saddler 10  
Mr. Sidney 10   
26. It was appointed that Thomas Gresham should have paid him out of the Money that came of my Debts 7000 l. for to pay 6800 l. the last of the month, which he received the same Night.  
28. The same Thomas Gresham had 9000 l. paid him toward the payment of 20000 l. which the Foulcare required to be paid at the Passmart, for he had taken by Exchange from hence 5000 l. and odds, and 10000 l. he borrowed of the Scheits, and ten of Lazarus Tukkar. So there was in the whole 25, of which was paid the last of April 14, so there remained 11000, and 9000 l. which I now made over by Exchange, which made 20000 l. to pay the Foulcare with.  
30. I received Advertisement from Mr. Pickering, that the French King went from Savern to Aroumasshes, which was yielded to him; from this to Leimsberg, and so towards Spires, his Army to be about 20000 Footmen, and 8000 Horsemen, well appointed, besides Rascals. He had with him 50 pieces of Artillery, of which were 26 Cannons, and six Organs, and great number of Boots. From Leimsberg, partly doubting Duke Maurice's meaning, partly for lack of Victual; and also because he had word that the Regent's Army, of which were Guides the Count de Egmont, Monsieur de Rye, Martin Vanrouse, and the Duke of Holest, to the number of 16000 Footmen, and 6000 Horsemen, had invaded Champaign, and fortified Aschenay; he retired homeward till he came to Striolph, and there commanded all unprofitable Carriage and Men should departed to Chalons, and sent to the Admiral to come to him with 6000 Swissers, 4000 Frenchmen, 1500 Horsemen, and 30 pieces of Ordnance, meaning, as it was thought, to do some Enterprise about Luxemburg, or to recover Aschenay which the Regent had fortified. There died in this Journey 2000 Men for lack of good Victual; for eight days they had but Bread and Water, and they had marched 60 Dutch miles at the least, and past many a Straight, very painfully and laboursomly.  
19 Duke Maurice coming from Auspurg in great haste, came this day to the first Passage called the Clowse, which the Emperor had caused to be strongly fortified and victualled, a passage through an Hill, cut out artificially in the way to Inspurg, and there was a strong Bulwark made hard by it, which he won, after a long fight within an hour and an half by Assault, and took and slew all that were within. And that Night he marched through that Hill into a Plain, where he looked for to see twelve Ensigns of Lance-knights of his Enemies, but they retired to the second Streight, and yet divers of them were both slain and taken; and so that Night he lodged in the Plain, at the entry of the second Passage, where there were five Forts and one Castle, which with Ordnance slew some of Duke Maurice's Men.  
20. This morning the Duke of Mecklenburg, with 3000 Footmen, cast a Bridge over a River five miles beneath the Sluice, and came and gave assault behind the Sluice, and Duke Maurice gave assault in the Face, and the Countrymen of Tirol, for hate of the Spaniards, helped Duke Maurice, so that five Forts were won by Assault, and the Castle yielded upon condition to departed, not to serve in three months after the Emperor. In this Enterprise he slew and took 3000 and 500 Persons, and 23 pieces of Artillery, and 240000 S.  
The Emperor hearing of this, departed by Night from Inshpruk, forty miles that Night in Post; he killed two of his Gennets, and road continually every Night, first to Brixinium; and after for doubt of the Cardinal of Ferrara's Army, turned to Villucho in Carinthia. The 30th of May, tarrying for the Duke d' Alva, who should come to him with 2000 Spaniards, and 3000 Italians that came from Parma. Also the Emperor delivered Duke Frederic from Captivity, and sent him through Bohemia into Saxony, to raise a Power against Duke Maurice's Nephew.  
22. Duke Maurice, after that Hala and divers other Towns about Inshpruk in Tirol had yielded, came to Inshpruk, and there caused all the Stuff to be brought to the Marketplace, and took all that pertained to Imperialists as confiscate, the rest he suffered the Townsmen to enjoy. He took there fifty pieces of Ordnance, which he conveied to Ausburg, for that Town he fortified, and made it his Staple of Provision.  
Certain Things which the Commissioners for the Requests shall not meddle withal.  
First, Suits for Lands.  
Secondly, Suits for Forfeits, amounting to more than 40 l. value.  
Thirdly, Suits for Pensions.  
Fourthly, Reversions of Farms, which have more than one Year to come.  
Fifthly, Leases of Manors.  
Sixthly, Leases for more than 21 Years.  
Seventhly, No Offices of special Trust in Reckon of Money, as Customers, Comptrollers, Surveyors, Receivers, Auditors, Treasurers, and Chancellors, etc. to be given otherwise than durante beneplacito. Also all Mint-masters, and others that have a doing in the Mint, and suchlike. The Bishops, Judges, and other Officers of Judgement, quam diu se bene gesserit. Balliwicks, Stewardships, keeping of Parks and Houses, etc. to be granted during Life.  
Eighthly, Suits for forgivement of Debts.  
Ninthly, Releasing of Debts to be paid.  
Tenthly, Suits for Money, to the intent to pay Debts they own elsewhere.  
Eleven, Suits to buy Land.  
Twelve, Suits for Licenses, to carry over Gold, Silver, Led, Leather, Corn, Wood, etc. that be things unlawful.  
Thirteen, Unresidence upon Benefices.  
They shall meddle with Baliewicks' and Stewardships, during Leases for 21 Years; Forfeits under 40 l. Receiverships, Woodwardships, Surveyorships, etc. during pleasure. Instalments of days for Debts. To those Gentlemen that have well-served, Fee-Farms to them and their Heirs Males of their Body, paying their Rent, and discharging the Annuities due to all Officers touching the same. Keeping of Houses and Parks, ordinary Offices, as Yeomen of the Crown, the Household Offices, etc.   

June.  
2. Sir John Williams, who was committed to the Fleet for disobeying a Commandment given to him for not paying any Pensions, without not making my Council privy, upon his submission was delivered out of Prison.  
4. Beaumont Master of the Rolls, did confess his Offences, who in his Office of Wards had bought Land with my Money, had lent it, and kept it from Me, to the value of 9000 l. and above, more than this twelve month, and 11000 in Obligations, how he being Judge in the Chancery between the Duke of Suffolk and the Lady Powis, took her Tittle, and went about to get it into his Hands, paying a Sum of Money, and letting her have a Farm of a Manor of his, and caused an Indenture to be made falsely, with the old Duke's counterfeit Hand to it; by which he gave these Lands to the Lady Powis, and went about to make twelve Men perjured. Also how he had concealed the Felony of his Man to the Sum of 200 l. which he stole from him, taking the Money into his own hand again. For these Considerations he surrendered into my Hands all his Offices, Lands, and Goods, movable and unmoveable, toward the payment of this Debt, and of the Fines due to these particular Faults by him done.  
6. The Lord Paget, Chancellor of the Duchy, confessed how he, without Commission, did sell away my Lands and great Timber-Woods; how he had taken great Fines of my Lands, to his said particular Profit and Advantage, never turning any to my Use or Commodity; how he made Leases in Reversion for more than 21 Years. For these Crimes, and other-like recited before, he surrendered his Office, and submitted himself to those Fines that I or my Council would appoint to be levied of his Goods and Lands.  
7. Whaley, Receiver of Yorkshire, confessed how he lent my Money upon Gain and Lucre; how he paid one Years Revenue over, with the Arrearages of the last; how he bought mine own Land with my own Money; how in his Accounts he had made many false Suggestions; how at the time of the fall of Money, he borrowed divers Sums of Money, and had allowance for it, after by which he gained 500 l. at one crying down, the whole Sum being 2000 l. and above. For these and suchlike Considerations he surrendered his Office, and submitted to Fines which I or my Council should assign him, to be levied of his Goods and Lands.  
8. The Lords of the Council sat at Guildhall in London, where in the presence of a thousand People, they declared to the Mayor and Brethren their sloathfulness in suffering unreasonable prices of Things, and to Craftsmen their wilfulness, etc. telling them, That if upon this Admonition they did not amend, I was wholly determined to call in their Liberties as confiscate, and to appoint Officers that should look to them.  
10. It was appointed that the Lord Grace of Wilton should be pardoned of his Offences, and delivered out of the Tower.  
Whereas Sir Philip Hobbey should have gone to Calais with Sir Richard Cotton, and William Barnes Auditor, it was appointed Sir Anthony St. Legier, Sir Richard Cotton, and Sir Thomas Mildmay, should go thither, carrying with them 10000 l. to be received out of the Exchequer.  
Whereas it was agreed that there should be a Pay now made to Ireland of 5000 l. and then the Money to be cried down, it was appointed that 3000 weight which I had in the Tower, should be carried thither, and coined at 3 Denar. fine; and that incontinent the Coin should be cried down.  
12. Because Pirry tarried here for the Bullion, William Williams Essay-Master was put in his place, to view the Mines with Mr. Brabazon, or him whom the Deputy should appoint.  
13. Banester and Crane, the one for his large Confession, the other because little Matter appeared against him, were delivered out of the Tower.  
16. The Lord Paget was brought into Star-Chamber, and there declared effectuously his submission by word of Mouth, and delivered it in writing.  
Beaumond who had before made his Confession in writing, began to deny it again; but after being called before my Council, he did confess it again, and there acknowledged a Fine of his Land, and signed an Obligation in surrender of all his Goods.  
17. Monsieur de Couriers took his leave.  
2. The French King won the Castle of Robdemac. Certain Horsemen of the Regent's came and set upon the French King's Baggage, and slew divers of the Carriers, but at length, with some loss of the Frenchmen, they were compelled to retire. The French King won Mount St. Ann.  
4. The French King came to Deuvillars, which was a strong Town, and besieged it, making three Breaches.  
12. The Town was yielded to him, with the Captain. He found in it 2500 Footmen, 200 Horsemen, 63 great Brass-pieces, 300 Hagbuts of Croke, much Victual, and much Ammunition, as he did write to his Ambassador.  
19 It was appointed that the Bishop of Durham's Matter should stay till the end of the Progress.  
20. Beaumond in the Star-Chamber confessed, after a little sticking upon the Matter, his Faults, to which he had put to his Hand.  
22. It was agreed that the Bands of Men of Arms, appointed to Mr. Sidney, Mr. Vicechamberlain, Mr. Hobbey, and Mr. Sadler, should not be furnished, but left off.  
25. It was agreed, that none of my Council should move Me in any Suit of Land for Forfeits above 20 l. for Reversion of Leases, or other extraordinary Suits, till the State of my Revenues were further known.  
15. The French King came to a Town standing upon the River of Mosa, called Yvoire, which gave him many hot Skirmishes.  
18. The French King began his Battery to the Walls.  
14. The Townsmen of Mountmedy gave a hot Skirmish to the French, and slew Monsieur de Toge's Brother, and many other Gentlemen of the Camp.  
12. The Prince of Salerno, who had been with the French King to treat with him touching the Matter of Naples, was dispatched in Post with this Answer, That the French King would aid him with 13000 Footmen, and 1500 Horsemen in the French Wages, to recover and conquer the Kingdom of Naples; and he should marry, as some said, the French King's Sister, Madam Margaret. The Cause why this Prince rebelled against the Emperor, was, partly the uncourteous handling of the Viceroy of Naples, partly Ambition.  
The Flemings made an Invasion into Champaign, in so much that the Dolphin had almost been taken; and the Queen lying at Chalons, sent some of her Stuff toward Paris.  
Also another Company took the Town of Guise, and spoiled the Country.  
22. Monsieur de Tallie was sent to raise the Arrierbands and Legionars of Picardy and Champaign, to recover Guise, and invade Flanders.  
27. Removing to Hampton-Court.  
30. It was appointed that the Statds should have this Answer, That those Clothes which they had bought to carry over to the Sum of 2000 Clothes and odd, should be carried at their old Custom, so they were carried within six weeks; and likewise all Commodities they brought in till our Lady-day in Term next, in all other Points, the old Decree to stand, till by a further communication the Matter should be ended and concluded.  
The Lord Paget was licenced to tarry at London, and , till Michaelmass, because he had no Provision in his Country.  
26. Certain of the Heralds, Lancaster and Portcullis, were committed to Ward, for counterfeiting Clarencieux Seal to get Money by giving of Arms.  
23. The French King having received divers Skirmishes of the Townsmen, and chief two; in the one, they slew the French Light-horse, lying in a Village by the Town; in the other, they entered into the Camp, and pulled down Tents; which two Skirmishes were given by the Count of Mansfield Governor of the Town. And the Duke of Luxemburg and his 300 Light-horse, understanding by the Treason of four Priests, the weakest part of the Town, so affrighted the Townsmen and the Flemish Soldiers, that they by threaten, compelled their Captain the Count, that he yielded himself and the Gentlemen Prisoners, the Common-Souldiers to departed with white Wands in their Hands. The Town was well Fortified, Victualled, and Furnished.  
24. The Town of Mountmedy yielded to the French King, which before had given a hot Skirmish.   

July.  
4. Sir John Gates Vicechamberlain was made Chancellor of the Duchy.  
7. Removing to oatland's.  
5. The Emperor's Ambassador delivered the Regent's Letter, being of this effect; That whereas I was bound by a Treaty with the Emperor, made Anno Dom. 1542, at Dotrecht, That if any Man did Invade the two Counties, I should help him with 5000 Footmen, or 700 Crowns a day during four months, and make War with him within a month after the Request made; and now the French King had invaded Luxemburg, desiring my Men to follow the Effect of the Treaty.  
7. The Names of the Commissioners was added, and made more, both in the Debts, the surveying of the Courts, the Penal Laws, etc. and because my Lord Chamberlain, my Lord Privy-Seal, Mr. Vice-chamberlain, and Mr. Secretary Petre, went with me this Progress.  
8. It was appointed that 50 pound weight of Gold should be coined after the new Standard, to carry about this Progress, which maketh 150 l. Sterling.  
9 The Chancellor of the Augmentation was willed to surcease his Commission, given him the third Year of our Reign.  
3. Monsieur de Bossy, Grand Escuyer to the Emperor, was made General of the Army in the Low-Countries, and Monsieur de Prat over the Horsemen.  
10. It was appointed here, that if the Emperor's Ambassador did move any more for Help or Aid, this Answer should be sent him by two of my Council, That this Progress-time my Council was dispersed, I would move by their Advise, and he must tarry till the Matter were concluded, and their Opinions heard. Also I had committed the Treaty to be considered by divers learned Men, etc. And if another time he would press Me, then answer to be made, That I trusted the Emperor would not wish Me, in these young Years, having felt them so long, to enter into them. How I had Amity sworn with the French King, which I could not well break; and therefore if the Emperor thought it so meet, I would be a Mean for a Peace between them, but not otherwise. And if he did press the Treaty, lastly to conclude, That the Treaty did not bind Me which my Father had made, being against the profit of my Realm and Country; and to desire a new Treaty to be made between Me and the Emperor in the last Wars. He answered, That he marvelled what We meant, for we are bound, quoth the Emperor, and not You. Also the Emperor had refused to fulfil it divers times, both in not letting pass Horses, Armour, Ammunition, etc. which were provided by Me for the Wars. As also in not sending Aid upon the Foraging of the Low-Country of Calais.  
12. A Letter was written to Sir Peter Meutas, Captain of the Isle of Jersey, both to command him that Divine Service may there be used as in England; and also that he take heed to the Church-Plate that it be not stolen away, but kept safe till further Order be taken.  
9 The French King came to the Town Aveins in Hainault, where after he had viewed the Town, he left it, and besieged a Pile called Tirlokbut; the Bailiff of the Town perceiving his departure, gave the Onset on his Rearward with 2000 Footmen, and 500 Horsemen, and slew 500 Frenchmen. After this, and the winning of certain Holds of little force, the French King returned into France, and divided his Army into divers good Towns to rest them, because divers were sick of the Flux, and such other Diseases, meaning shortly to increase his Power, and so to go forward with his Enterprise.  
12. Frederick Duke of Saxony was released from his Imprisonment, and sent by the Emperor into his own Country, to the great rejoicing of all the Protestants.  
5. The Emperor declared, That he would none of these Articles to which Duke Maurice agreed, and the King of the Romans also. The Copy of them remaineth with the Secretary Cecil.  
Marquis Albert of Brandenburg did great harm in the Country of Franconia, burned all Towns and Villages about Norimberg, and compelled them to pay to the Princes of his League 200000 Dollars, ten of the fairest pieces of Ordnance, and 150 kintals of Powder. After that he went to Frankfort, to distress certain Soldiers gathered there for the Emperor.  
15. Removing to Guildford.  
20. Removing to Petworth.  
23. The Answer was made to the Emperor's Ambassador, touching the Aid he required, by Mr. Wotton, and Mr. Hobbey, according to the first Article supra.  
24. Because the number of Bands that went with Me this Progress made the Train great, it was thought good they should be sent home, save only 150 which were picked out of all the Bands. This was, because the Train was thought to be near 4000 Horse, which were enough to eat up the Country, for there was little Meadow nor Hay all the way as I went.  
25. Removing to Londre, Sir Anthony Brown's House.  
27. Removing to Halvenaker.  
30. Whereas it had been before devised, that the New Fort of Barwick should be made with four Bulwarks; and for making of two of them, the Wall of the Town should be left open on the Enemy's side a great way together, (which thing had been both dangerous and chargeable) it was agreed the Wall should stand, and two Slaughter-houses to be made upon it to scour the outer Courtins; a great Rampire to be made within the Wall, a great Ditch within that, another Wall within that, with two other Slaughter-Houses, and a Rampire within that again.  
26. The Flemings entered in great numbers into the Country of Terovenne; whereupon 500 Men of Arms arose of Frenchmen, and gave the Onset on the Flemings, overthrew them, and slew of them 1435, whereof were 150 Horsemen.  
31. It was appointed, on my Lord of Northumberland's Request, that he should give half his Fee to the Lord Wharton, and make him his Deputy-Warden there.   

August.  
2. Removing to Warblington.  
3. The Duke of Guise was sent into Lorraine, to be the French King's Lieutenant there.  
4. Removing to Waltham.  
8. Removing to Portsmouth.  
9 In the morning I went to Chaterton's Bulwark, and viewed also the Town; at afternoon went to see the Storehouse, and there took a Boat and went to the wooden Tower, and so to Haselford. Upon viewing of which things, it there was devised two Forts to be made upon the entry of the Haven; one where Ridley's Tower standeth, upon the Neck that maketh the Camber; the other upon a like Neck standing on the other side the Haven, where stood an old Bulwark of Wood This was devised for the strength of the Haven. It was meant, that that to the Town-side should be both stronger and larger.  
10. Henry Dudley who lay at Portsmouth, with a warlike Company of 140 good Soldiers, was sent to Guisnes with his Men, because the Frenchmen assembled in these Frontiers in great numbers.  
Removing to Tichfield, the Earl of Southampton's House.  
14. Removing to Southampton.  
16. The French Ambassador came to declare how the French King meant to send one that was his Lieutenant in the Civil Law, to declare which of our Merchant's Matters have been adjudged on their side, and which against them, and for what Consideration.  
16. Removing to Beuleu.  
The French Ambassador brought news how the City of Sienna had been taken by the French-side on St. James' day, by one that was called the Count Perigliano, and other Italian Soldiers, by Treason of some within the Town; and all the Garrison of the Town, being Spaniards, were either taken or slain. Also how the Marshal Brisac had recovered Saluzzo, and taken Verucca. Also how Villebone had taken Turnaham and Mountreville in the Low-country.  
18. Removing to Christ-Church.  
21. Removing to Woodlands.  
In this month, after long Business, Duke Maurice and the Emperor agreed on a Peace, but Marquis Albert of Brandenburg would not consent thereto, but went away with his Army to Spires and Worms, Colen and Treves, taking large sums of Money of all Cities which he passed, but chief of the Clergy. Duke Maurice's Soldiers perceiving Marquis Albert would enter into no Peace, went almost all to the Marquess' Service; among which were Principal the Count of Mansfelt, Baron Haydeke, and a Colonel of 3000 Footmen, and 1000 Horsemen, called Reiffenberg; So that of 7000 which should been sent into Hungary against the Turks, there remained not 3000. Also the Duke of Wittenberg did secretly let go 2800 of the best Soldiers in Germany, to the Service of Marquis Albert, so that his Power was now very great.  
Also in this month the Emperor departing from Villachia, came to Insbruk, and so to Monaco, and to Augusta, accompanied with 8000 Spaniards, and Italians, and a little Band of a few ragged Almains. Also in this month did the Turks win the City of Tamesino in Transilvania, and gave a Battle to the Christians, in which was slain Count Pallavicino, and 7000 Italians and Spaniards. Also in this month did the Turks Navy take the Cardinal of Trent's two Brethren, and seven Galleys, and had in chase 39 other. Also in this month did the Turks Navy Land at Terracina in the Kingdom of Naples; and the Prince of Salerno set forward with 4000 Gascons, and 6000 Italians; and the Count Perigliano brought to his Aid 5000 Men of those that were at the Enterprise of Sienna. Also the Marshal Brisac won a Town in Piedmont called Bussac.  
24. Removing to Salisbury.  
26. Upon my Lord of Northumberland's return out of the North, it was appointed, for the better strengthening of the Marches, that no one Man should have two Offices; and that Mr. Sturley, Captain of Barwick, should leave the Wardenship of the East-Marches to the Lord Evers; and upon the Lord Coniers resignation, the Captainship of the Castle of Carlisle was appointed to Sir— Grace, and the Wardenship of the West-Marches to Sir Richard Musgrave.  
27. Sir Richard Cotton made controller of the Household.  
28. Removing to Wilton.  
30. Sir Anthony Archer was appointed to be Marshal of Calais, and Sir Edward Grimston controller of Calais.  
22. The Emperor being at Augusta, did banish two Preachers Protestants out of Augusta, under pretence that they preached seditiously, and left Mecardus the chief Preacher, and six other Protestant Preachers in the Town, giving the Magistrates leave to choose others in their place that were banished.  
29. The Emperor caused eight Protestant Citizens of the Town to be banished, of them that went to the Fair at Lintz, under pretence, that they taking Marquis Albert's part, would not abide his Presence.   

September.  
2. Removing to Wotisfunt, my Lord Sands House.  
5. Removing to Winchester.  
7. From thence to Basin, my Lord Treasurer's House.  
10. And so to Donnington-Castle besides the Town of Newberry.  
12. And so to Reading.  
15. To Windsor.  
16. Stuckley being lately arrived out of France, declared, how that the French King being wholly persuaded that he would never return again into England, because he came away without leave, upon the apprehension of the Duke of Somerset his old Master, declared to him his Intent, That upon a Peace▪ made with the Emperor, he meant to besiege Calais, and thought surely to win it by the way of Sandhills, for having Ricebank both to famish the Town, and also to beat the Marketplace; and asked Stuckley's Opinion: When Stuckley had answered, he thought it impossible. Then he told him that he meant to Land in England, in an Angle thereof about Falmouth, and said, the Bulwarks might easily be won, and the People were papistical; also that Monsieur de Guise at the same time should enter into England by Scotland-side, with the Aid of the Scots.  
19 After long reasoning it was determined, and a Letter was sent in all haste to Mr. Morison, willing him to declare to the Emperor, That I having pity, as all other Christian Princes should have, on the Invasion of Christendom by the Turk, would willingly join with the Emperor, and other States of the Empire, if the Emperor could bring it to pass in some League against the Turk and his Confederates, but not to be aknown of the French King, only to say, That he hath no more Commission, but if the Emperor would send a Man into England, he should know more. This was done on intent to get some Friends. The Reasonings be in my Desk.  
21. A Letter was sent only to try Stuckley's Truth to Mr. Pickering, to know whether Stuckley did declare any piece of this Matter to him.  
Barnaby was sent for home.  
23. The Lord Grace was chosen Deputy of Calais in the Lord Willowby's place, who was thought unmeet for it.  
24. Sir Nicholas Wentworth was discharged of the Portership of Calais, and one— Cotton was put into it. In consideration of his Age, the said Sir Nicholas Wentworth had 100 l. Pension.  
26. Letters were sent for the discharge of the Men of Arms at Michaelmass next following.  
27. The young Lords Table was taken away, and the Masters of Requests, and the Sergeants of Arms, and divers other extraordinary Allowances.  
26. The Duke of Northumberland, the Marquis of Northampton, the Lord Chancellor, Mr. Secretary Petre, and Mr. Secretary Cecil, ended a Matter at Eaton-College, between the Master and the Fellows; and also took order for the amendment of certain superfluous Statutes.  
28. Removing to Hampton-Court.  
29. Two Lawyers came from the French King to declare what things had passed with the Englishmen in the King's Privy-Council; what and why against them, and what was now in doing, and with what diligence. Which when they had eloquently declared, they were referred to London, where there should speak with them Mr. Secretary Petre, Mr. Wotton, and Sir Thomas Smith; whereby then was declared the Griefs of our Merchants, which came to the Sum of 50000 l. and upwards; to which they gave little answer, but that they would make Report when they came home, because they had yet no Commission, but only to declare us the Causes of things done.  
The first day of this month the Emperor departed from Augusta toward ulme's; and thanking the Citizens for their steadfast sticking to him in these perilous Times, he passed by them to Strasburg, accompanied only with 4000 Spaniards, 5000 Italians, 12000 Almains, and 2000 Horsemen, and thanking also them of Strasburg for their goodwill they bore him, that they would not let the French King come into their Town, he went to Weysenberg, and so to Spires, and came thither the 23 d of this month. Of which the French King being advertised, summoned an Army to Metz, and went thitherward himself; sent a Pay of three months to Marquis Albert, and the Rhinegrave and his Band; also willing him to stop the Emperor's Passage into these Low-Countries, and to fight with him.  
27. The Matter of the Debatable was agreed upon, according to the last Instructions.  
26. Duke Maurice, with 4000 Footmen and 1000 Horsemen, arrived at Vienna against the Turks.  
21. Marquis Hans of Brandenburg, came with an Army of 13000 Footmen, and 1500 Horsemen, to the Emperor's Army; and many Almain Soldiers increased his Army wonderfully, for he refused none.   

October.  
3. Because I had a pay of 48000 l. to be paid in December, and had as yet but 14000 beyond Seas to pay it withal, the Merchants did give me a Loan of 40000 l. to be paid by them the last of December, and to be repaied again by Me the last of March. The manner of levying this Loan was of the Clothes, after the rate of 20 s. a Cloth, for they carried out at this Shipping 40000 Broad-cloths. This Grant was confirmed the 4th day of this month, by a company assembled of 300 Merchant-Adventurers.  
2. The Bulwarks of Earth and Board's in Essex, which had a continual allowance of Soldiers in them, were discharged, by which was saved presently 500 l. and hereafter 700 or more.  
4. The Duke D'alva, and the Marquis of Marigna, set forth with a great part of the Emperor's Army, having all the Italians and Spaniards with them, towards Treves, where the Marquis Albert had set ten Ensigns of Launceknights to defend it, and tarried himself with the rest of his Army at Landaw besides Spires.  
6. Because Sir Andrew Dudley, Captain of Guisnes, had indebted himself very much by his Service at Guisnes, also because it should seem injurious to the Lord Willowby, that for the Contention between him and Sir Andrew Dudley, he should be put out of his Office, therefore it was agreed, That the Lord William Howard should be Deputy of Calais, and the Lord Grace Captain of Guisnes.  
Also it was determined that Sir Nicholas Sturley should be Captain of the new Fort at Barwick, and that Alex. Brett should be Porter, and one Roksby should be Marshal.  
7. Upon report of Letters written by Mr. Pickering, how that Stuckley had not declared to him, all the while of his being in France, no one word touching the Communication afore specified; and declared also how Mr. Pickering thought, and certainly advertised, that Stuckley never heard the French King speak no such word, nor never was in credit with him, or the Constable, save once, when he became an Interpreter between the Constable and certain English Pioners, He was committed to the Tower of London.  
Also the French Ambassador was advertised how we had committed him to Prison, for that he untruly slandered the King our good Brother, as other such Runagates do daily the same. This was told him, to make him suspect the English Runagates that be there. A like Letter was sent again to Mr. Pickering.  
8. Le Seigneur de Villandry came in Post from the French King with this Message. First, That although Mr. Sidney's and Mr. Winter's Matters, were justly condemned; yet the French King, because they both were my Servants, and one of them about me, was content gratuito to give Mr. Sidney his Ship, and all the Goods in her; and Mr. Winter his Ship, and all his own Goods. Which Offer was refused, saying, We required nothing gratuito, but only Justice and Expedition. Also Villandry declared, That the King his Master, wished that an Agreement were made between the Ordinances and Customs of England and France in Marine Affairs. To which was answered, that our Ordinances were nothing but the Civil Law, and certain very old Additions of the Realm; That we thought it reason not to be bound to any other Law than their old Laws, which had been of long time continued, and no fault found with them. Also Villandry brought forth two new Proclamations, which for things to come were very profitable for England, for which he had a Letter of Thanks to the King his Master. He required also Pardon and Releasement of Imprisonment for certain Frenchmen taken on the Sea-Coast. It was showed him they were Pirates: Now some of them should by Justice be punished, some by Clemency pardoned; and with this Dispatch he departed.  
11. Horn Dean of Durham, declared a secret Conspiracy of the Earl of Westmoreland, the Year of the apprehension of the Duke of Somerset, How he would have taken out Treasure at Midleham, and would have rob his Mother, and sold 200 l. Land; and to please the People, would have made a Proclamation for the bringing up of the Coin, because he saw them grudge at the fall. He was commanded to keep this Matter close.  
6. Mr. Morison, Ambassador with the Emperor, declared to the Emperor the Matter of the Turks before specified; whose Answer was, He thanked us for our gentle Offer, and would cause the Regent to send a Man for the same purpose, to know our further meaning in that behalf.  
11. Mr. Pickering declared to the French King, being then at Rheims, Stuckley's Matter of Confession, and the Cause of his Imprisonment: Who after protestation made of his own good Meaning in the Amity, and of Stuckley's Ingratitude toward him, his lewdness and ill-demeanour, thanked Us much for this so gentle an uttering of the Matter, that we would not be led with false Bruits and Tales.  
The Bishop Tunstal of Durham was deprived of his Bishopric.  
In this month Monsieur de Rue, Martin Rossen, and an Army of Flemings, while the French had assembled his Men of War in Lorraine, had sent the Constable to the Army, which lay four leagues from Verdun, the Duke de Guise with 7000 Men to Metz, and the Marshal St. Andrew at Verdeun, razed and spoiled, between the River of Some and Osse, many Towns, as Noyon, Roy, Chamy; and Villages, Nelle, Follambray, a new built House of the King's, &c. insomuch that the French King sent the Admiral of France to help the Duke of Vendosme against that Army.  
There was at this time a great Plague that reigned in sundry parts of France, of which many Men died.  
20. A Man of the Earl of Tyrones was committed to the Tower, because he had made an untrue Suggestion and Complaint against the Deputy and the whole Council of Ireland. Also he had bruited certain ill Bruits in Ireland, how the Duke of Northumberland, and the Earl of Pembroke were fallen out, and one against another in the Field.  
17. The Flemings, and the Englishmen that took their parts, assaulted by Night Hamletue; the Englishmen were on the Walls, and some some of the Flemings also; but by the cowardice of a great part of the Flemings, the Enterprise was lost, and many Men slain. The number of the Flemings were 4000, the number of the Men within Hambletue 400. The Captain of this Enterprise was Monsieur de Vandeville Captain of Gravelin.  
6. Monsieur de Boissey entered Treves with a Flemish Army, to the number of 12000 Footmen, and 2500 Horsemen, Burgunions, without any resistance, because the Ensigns there left by Marquis Albert were departed; and thereupon the Duke d' Alva, and the Marquis of Marion, marched toward Metz; the Emperor himself, and the Marquis Hans of Brandenburg, having with him the rest of his Army, the ninth day of this month departed from Landaw towards Metz. Monsieur de Boissey's Army also joined with him at a place called Swayburg, or Deuxpont.  
23. It was agreed, that because the State of Ireland could not be known without the Deputy's presence, that he should, in this dead time of the Year, leave the governance of the Realm to the Council there for the time, and bring with him the whole State of the Realm, whereby such order might be taken, as the superfluous Charge might be avoided, and also the Realm kept in quietness, and the Revenue of the Realm better and more profitably gathered.  
25. Whereas one George Paris an Irishman, who had been a practiser between the Earl of Desmond and other Irish Lords, and the French King, did now, being weary of that Matter, practise means to come home, and to have his old Lands in Ireland again. His Pardon was granted him, and a Letter written to him from my Council, in which he was promised to be considered and helped.  
There fell in this month a great Contention among the Scots, for the Kers slew the Lord of Balcleugh, in a Fray in Edinburgh; and as soon as they had done, they associated to them the Lord Home and all his Kin: But the Governor thereupon summoned an Army to go against them; but at length, because the Dowager of Scotland favoured the Kers and Homes, and so did all the French Faction, the French King having also sent for 5000 Scotch Footmen, and 500 Horsemen, for his Aid in these Wars, the Governor agreed the 5000 Footmen under the leading of the Earl of Cassils'; and 500 Light-Horsemen, of which the Kers and the Homes should be Captains, and go with such haste into France, that they might be in such place as the French King would appoint them to serve in, by Christmas, or Candlemass at the furthest. And thus he trusted to be well rid of his most mortal Enemies.  
27. The Scots hearing that George Paris practised for Pardon, committed him to Ward in Striveling-Castle.  
25. Monsieur de Rue having burnt in France eighteen leagues in length, and three leagues in breadth; having pillaged, and sacked, and razed the fair Towns of Noyon, Roy, Nelle, and Chamy, the King's new House of Follambray, and infinite other Villages, Bulwarks, and gentlemen's Houses in Champaign and Picardy, returned into Flanders.  
23. The Emperor in his Person came to the Town of Metz with his Army, which was reckoned 45000 Footmen, as the Bruit went, and 7000 Horsemen. The Duke d' Alva with a good Band went to view the Town; upon whom issued out the Soldiers of the Town, and slew of his Men about 2000, and kept him play till the main force of the Camp came down, which caused them to retire with loss. On the French Party was the Duke of Nemours hurt on the Thigh. There was in the Town as Captain, the Duke of Guise; and there were many other great Lords with him, as the Prince of Rochsurion, the Duke de Namours, the Vicedam of Chartres, Pierro Stozzy, Monsieur Chastilion, and many other Gentlemen.   

November.  
5. Monsieur de Villandry returned to declare, how the King his Master did again offer to deliver four Ships against which Judgement had passed. He said, The King would appoint Men to hear our Merchants at Paris, which should be Men of the best sort. He said likewise, how the King his Master meant to mend the Ordinance, of which Amendment he brought Articles.  
7. These Articles were delivered to be considered by the Secretaries.  
9 Certain were thought to be sought out by several Commissions; viz. Whether I were justly answered of the Plate, Led, Iron, etc. that belonged to Abbeys? Whether I were justly answered the Profit of Alum, Copper, Fustians, etc. which were appointed to be sold? and of such Land as the King my Father sold, and suchlike Articles.  
12. Monsieur Villandry received answer for the first Article, as he did before, How I meant not by taking freely so few, to prejudice the rest. For hearing of our Merchant's Matters at Paris, by an inferior Council, We thought both too dilatory after these long Suits, and also unreasonable, because the inferior Council would undo nothing (though cause appeared) which had been before judged by the higher Council. And as for the New Ordinances, we liked them in effect as ill as their Old, and desired none other but the Old accustomed one's which have been used in France of late Time, and to be yet continued between England and the Low-Country. Finally, We desire no more Words, but Deeds.  
4. The Duke d'Aumail being left in Lorraine, both to stop the Emperor's Provision, annoy his Camp, and to take up the Stragglers of the Army, with a Band of 400 Men of Arms, which is 1200 Horse, and 800 Light-Horse, hearing how Marquis Albert began to take the Emperor's part, sent first certain Light-Horse to view what they intended. Those Avan-Couriers lighted on a Troop of 500 Horsemen, who drove them back till they came to the Duke's Person; Whereupon the Skirmish grew so great, that the Marquis with 12000 Footmen, and 1000 Horsemen, came to his men's succours, so the Duke's Party was discomfited, the Duke himself taken and hurt in many places; Monsieur de Rouen was also slain, and many other Gentlemen slain and taken. This Fight was before Toul, into which Fort escaped a great part of the Light-Horse.  
6. Heading Town and Castle was taken by the Monsieur de Reux; The Castle was reckoned too well stored of all things, and rendered either by Cowardice or Treason. The Battery was very small, and not suitable. The most was, that the Captain, Monsieur Jeulis, was, with one of the first shots of the Cannon, slain, and his Lieutenant with him.  
In this month Ferdinando Gonzaga besieged St. Martin's in Piedmont.  
18. There was a Commission granted out to Sir Richard Cotton, Sir John Gates, Sir Robert Bowes, and Sir Walter Mildmay, to examine the account of the fall of Money, by the two Proclamations.  
20. The Lord Ogle leaving the Wardenship of the Middle Marches, because my Lord Evers Land lay there, he was made Deputy-Warden there, with the Fee of 600 Marks; and Sir Thomas Dacres of the East Marches, with the Fee of 500 Marks.  
24. Thomas Gresham came from Antwerp hither, to declare how Monsieur de Langie, Treasurer to the Emperor, of Flanders, was sent to him from the Regent with a certain Packet of Letters which the Burgonions had taken in Bullonois, coming from the Dowager of Scotland: The Effect whereof was, How she had committed George Paris the Irishman to Prison, because she had heard of his meaning to return into England; how she had found the Pardon he had, and divers other Writings; and how she had sent O-Coners's Son into Ireland, to comfort the Lords of Ireland. Also he shown certain Instructions, Anno 1548, upon the Admiral's fall, given to a Gentleman that came hither, That if there were any here of the Admiral's Faction, he should do his uttermost to raise an Uproar.  
29. Henry Knowls was sent in Post into Ireland with a Letter, to stay the Deputy, if he met him, in Ireland, because of the Business; and that he should seem to stay for his own Affairs, and prolong his going from Week to Week, lest it be perceived. Also he had with him certain Articles concerning the whole state of the Realm, which the Deputy was willed to answer.  
30. There was a Letter of Thanks written to the Regent, and sent to Mr. Chamberlain, to deliver her for the gentle Overture made to Thomas Gresham by the Treasurer Langie. He was also willed to use gentle words in the delivery of the Letters, wishing a further Amity: And for recompense of her Overture, to tell her of the French King's practice, for 5000 Scotch Footmen, and 500 Horsemen. And also how he taketh up by Exchange at Lubeck 100000 l. whereby appeareth some meaning that way the next Spring.  
28. The Lord Paget was put to his Fine of 6000 l. and 2000 l. diminished to pay it within the space of— Years, at days limited.   
Here the Journal ends, or if more was written by the King, it is lost.   

Some other Papers written with King Edward the Sixth's own Hand.  

Number 2. A Collection of Passages of Scripture against Idolatry, in French, dedicated to the Protector.  

In Trinity Coll. Libr. Cambridg.  LE fervent zele que Je vous apercoy avoir en la Reformation de Idolatrie, Tres-cher et bien aimè Oncle, ma incitè comme par maniere de passe temps, en lisant la sainct Escriture, de nôter plusieurs lieux en icelle qui defendent de n●adorer ny faire aucuns Images. Non seulement de Dieux Estranges, mais ausi de ne former chose pensant la faire semblable a la Majestè de Dieu lè Creature si tresbahy. Veu qui lui mesme & son St. Esprit, par la bouche de ses Prophetes, L'a si souvent defendu, que tant de gens ont osè et osent commetre Idolatrie en faisant et adorant les Images. Mais Je croy que cestoit pourtant quils n'avoient ou n'entendoit pas ses paroles. Car comme il dit il ne peut estre veu en choses qui soient materielles. Mais veut estre veu par ses ovures, ni plus ne moins que quand on voit quelque excellente piece d'ouvrage sans voir ouvrier qui L'a fait, on peut Imaginer son excellence: Ainsi regardant et considerant l'excellence du Firmament et les choses tant parfaites et mervelleuses, que y sont comprises, nous pouvons Imaginer quelle è le Createur qui les a formees seulement par sa parole, et en telle maniere nostre Oeil Spirituel pouroit beaucoup mieux voir quelle chosé c'est que de Dieu, que nostre Oeil corporell ne le pourroit voir en chose que Creature humane ait fait et formee. Pourtant, cher Oncle, apres avoir notè en ma Bible en Anglois plusieurs sentences qui contradisent a tout Idolatrie a celle fin de m'apprendre et exercer en l'Escriture Francoise, je me suis amusè a le Translater en la dite Langue Francoise: Puis les ay fait rescire en se petit livret, lequell de tresbon cueur Je vous offre: Priant Dieu le Createur de vous donner grace de continuer en vostre labeur spirituel au salut de vostre ame et a l' honneur et gloire d' iceluy.  
Then follow 72 Passages out of the Old Testament, against worshipping strange Gods or Images, with little Paraphrases of his own, he concludes.  
Il y a autres places en la sainte Escriture, tant Apocryphes que autres, desquelles je ne fais nulle mention pour le present, qui toutesfois sont correspondentes a celles dont est fait mention par cy devant. Mais pour tant que quasi tous les Prophetes et autres Saints, desquels la Sainte Escriture parle deffendent de ne commetre Idolatrie Je desire et exhorte toute la Congregation des Chrestiens qu'un chascun d'eux vueille delaisser cest abominable vice.   

A Discourse about the Reformation of many Abuses. Number 2. The Government of this Realm is divided into two parts, one Ecclesiastical, and the other Temporal.  
THe Ecclesiastical consisteth in setting forth the Word of God, 
Cotton Libr. Nero C. 10.  continuing the People in Prayer, and the Discipline. The setting forth of the Word of God, consisteth in the good discreet Doctrine and Example of the Teachers, and Spiritual Officers; for as the good Husbandman maketh his Ground good and plentiful, so doth the true Preacher with Doctrine and Example, print and graft in the People's Mind the Word of God, that they at length become plentiful. Prayers also to God must be made continually, of the People, and Officers of the Church, to assist them with his Grace. And those Prayers must first, with good consideration, be set forth, and Faults therein be amended. Next, being set forth, the People must continually be alured to hear them. For Discipline, it were very good that it went forth, and that those that did notably offend in Swearing, Rioting, neglecting of God's Word, or such the like Vices, were duly punished, so that those that should be the Executors of this Discipline, were Men of tried Honesty, Wisdom, and Judgement. But because those Bishops who should execute it, some for Papistry, some for Ignorance, some for Age, some for their ill Name, some for all these, are Men unable to execute Discipline; it is therefore a thing unmeet for these Men: Wherefore it were necessary, that those that were appointed to be Bishops, or Preachers, were honest in Life, and learned in their Doctrine; that by rewarding of such Men, others might be alured to follow their good Life.  
As for the Prayers, and Divine Service, it were meet the Faults were drawn out (as it was appointed) by-learned Men, and so the Book to be established, and all Men willed to come thereunto to hear the Service, as I have put in Remembrances in Articles touching the Statutes of this Parliament. But as for Discipline, I would wish no Authority given generally to all Bishops, but that Commission be given to those that be of the best sort of them to exercise it in their Dioceses.  
Thus much generally for Religion.   

Temporal Regiment.  
The Temporal Regiment consisteth, in well-ordering, enriching, and defending the whole Body Politic of the Commonwealth, and every part of the whole, to one Part, not the other. The Example whereof may be best taken of a Man's Body; for even as the Arm defendeth, helpeth, and aideth the whole Body, chief the Head, so ought Servingmen, and Gentlemen chief, and suchlike kind of People, be always ready to the defence of their Country, and chief of their Superior and Governor; and aught in all things to be vigilant and painful for the increasing and aiding of their Country. And forasmuch as they, in serving their King and Country, have divers great and manifold Charges, even as the Arm doth many times bear great stresses for defence of the Head and Body, having no kind of way to enrich themselves, neither by Merchandise, neither by Handicraft, neither by Husbandry; as the Arm doth decoct no Meat itself, nor engendereth no Blood, therefore even as the Stomach, Liver, and Lights, which parts engender the Blood, doth send nourishment to the Arms and Legs sufficient to strengthen the part, even so must the Artificers so use their Gain in working, and so truly and justly make that that they work; The Merchants must so sell their Ware, and so labour to bring in strange Commodities; The Husbandmen must pay such Rent, and so sell Things that come of the increase of the Ground, that the Hands, and the Legs, that is to say, the States of Gentlemen and of Servingmen may well do the Commonwealth that Service they ought to do. And as the Gentlemen and Servingmen ought to be provided for, so ought not they neither to have so much as they have in France, where the Peasantry is of no value, neither yet meddle in other Occupations, for the Arms and Legs doth never draw the whole Blood from the Liver, but leaveth it sufficient to work on; neither doth meddle in any kind of engendering of Blood. No nor no one part of the Body doth serve for two Occupations; even so neither the Gentleman ought to be a Farmer, nor the Merchant an Artificer, but to have his Art particularly. Furthermore, no Member in a well-fashioned and whole Body, is too big for the proportion of the Body: So must there be in a wellordered Commonwealth, no Person that shall have more than the proportion of the Country will bear; so it is hurtful immoderately to enrich any one Part. I think this Country can bear no Merchant to have more Land than 100 l. no Husbandman nor Farmer worth above 100 or 200 l. no Artifice above 100 Marks; no Labourer much more than he spendeth. I speak now generally, and in such Cases may fail in one Particular; but this is sure, This Commonwealth may not bear one Man to have more than two Farms, than one Benefice, than 2000 Sheep, and one kind of Art to live by. Wherefore as in the Body no part hath too much, nor too little, so in a Commonwealth ought every part to have ad victum & non ad saturitatem. And there is no Part admitted in the Body that doth not work and take pains, so ought there no part of the Commonwealth to be but laboursome in his Vocation. The Gentleman ought to labour in Service in his Country; the Servingman ought to wait diligently on his Master; the Artificer ought to labour in his Work; the Husbandman in Tilling the Ground; the Merchant in passing the Tempests; but the Vagabonds ought clearly to be banished, as is the superfluous Humour of the Body, that is to say, the Spittle and Filth, which because it is for no use, it is put out by the strength of Nature. This is the true ordering of the state of a well-fashioned Commonwealth, That every Part do obey one Head, one Governor, one Law, as all Parts of the Body obey the Head, agree among themselves, and one not to eat another up through greediness, but that we see that Order, Moderation, and Reason, bridle the Affections. But this is most of all to be had in a Commonwealth wellordered, That the Laws and Ordinances be well executed, duly obeyed, and ministered without corruption. Now having seen how things ought to be, let us first see how now they be ordered, and in what state they stand now, and then go forward to seek a Remedy.  
The first Point in ordering the Commonwealth we touched, was, That the Gentlemen, noblemans, and Serving-men, should stand stoutly to the defence of their Superior and Governor, and should be painful in ordering their Country; which thing, although in some part, and the most part, be well (thanks be to God) yet in some parts is not absolutely, which I shall show hereafter particularly.  
But the second Point, for maintenance of the State of Landed Men, is ill-looked to; for that State of Gentlemen and Noblemen, which is truly to be termed the State of Nobles, hath alonely not exercised the Gain of living: for Merchants, have enhanced their Ware; Farmers have enhanced their Corn and ; Labourers their Wages; Artificers the price of their Workmanship; and Mariners and Boatsmen their Hire for Service, whereby they recompense the loss of things they buy; but the most part of true Gentlemen (I mean not these Farming Gentlemen, nor Clarking Knights) have little or nothing increased their Rents; yet their House-keeping is dearer, their Meat is dearer, their Liveries dearer, their Wages greater; which thing at length, if speedy Remedy be not had, will bring that State into utter Ruin, Quod absit.  
The Artificers work falsely; the Clothiers use deceit in Cloth; the Masons in Building; the Clockmakers in their Clocks; the Joiner in his working of Timber, and so forth all other almost, to the intent they would have Men oftener come to them for amending their Things, and so have more Gain, although at the beginning they take out of measure. The Merchants adventure not to bring in strange Commodities, but loiter at home, send forth small Hoys with two or three Mariners, occupy exchange of Money, buy and sell Victual, steal out Bullion, Corn, Victual, Wood, and suchlike things, out of the Realm, and sell their Ware unreasonably. The Husbandmen and Farmers take their Ground at a small Rent, and dwell not on it, but let it to poor Men for triple the Rent they take it for, and sell their Flesh, Corn, Milk, Butter, etc. at unreasonable prices. The Gentleman, constrained, by Necessity and Poverty, becometh a Farmer, a Grazier, or a Sheep-master. The Grazier, the Farmer, the Merchants become Landed-men, and call themselves Gentlemen, though they be Churls; yea, the Farmer will have ten Farms, some twenty, and will be a Pedlar-Merchant. The Artificer will leave the Town, and for his more Pastimes, will live in the Country; yea, and more than that, will be a Justice of Peace, and will think scorn to have it denied him; so Lordly be they : for now they are not content with 2000 Sheep, but they must have 20000, or else they think themselves not well; they must have twenty mile square their own Land, or full of their Farms, and four or five Crafts to live by is too little, such Hellhounds be they. For Idle Persons, there were never I think more than be now; the Wars, Men think is the cause thereof, such Persons can do nothing but Rob and Steal; but slack execution of the Laws hath been the chiefest sore of all; the Laws have been manifestly broken, the Offenders banished, and either by Bribery, or foolish Pity, escaped punishment. The Dissension, and Disagreement, both for private Matters, and also in Matters of Religion, hath been no little cause, but the principal hath been the disobedient and contentious talking and doing of the foolish and fond People, which for lack of teaching, have wandered, and broken wilfully and disobediently the Laws of this Realm. The Lawyers also, and Judges, have much offended in Corruption and Bribery.  
Furthermore, they do  much use to forestall, not only private Markets of Corn and Victual, whereby they enhance the price thereof, but also send to the Sea too, aboard Ships, and take the Wine, Sugar, Dates, or any other Ware, and bring it to London, where they sell at double the price. What shall I say of those that buy and sell Offices of Trust, that impropriate Benefices, that destroy Timber; that not considering the sustaining of Men of their Corn, turn Till Ground to Pasture; that use excess in Apparel, in Diet, and in building of Enclosures of Wastes and Commons; of those that cast false and seditious Bills; but that the thing is so tedious, long, and lamentable to entreat of the Particulars, that I am weary to go any further in the Particulars; wherefore I will cease, having told the worst, because the best will save itself.  
Now I will begin to entreat of a Remedy. The Ill in this Commonwealth, as I have before said, standeth in deceitful working of Artificers, using of Exchange and Usury, making vent with Hoys only into Flanders; conveying of Bullion, Led, Bellmettle, Copper, Wood, Iron, Fish, Corn, and , beyond Sea; enhancing of Rents; using no Arts to live by; keeping of many Sheep, and many Farms; idleness of People; disobedience of the lower sort; buying and selling of Offices, Impropriations, Benefices; turning Till Ground to Pasture; exceeding in Apparel, Diet, and Building; enclosing of Commons; casting of ill and seditious Bills.  
These Sores must be cured with these Medicines or Plasters. 1. Good Education. 2. Devising of good Laws. 3. Executing the Laws justly, without respect of Persons. 4. Example of Rulers. 5. Punishing of Vagabonds and idle Persons. 6. Encouraging the Good. 7. Ordering well the Customers. 8. Engendering Friendship in all parts of the Commonwealth. These be the chief Points that tend to order well the whole Commonwealth.  
And for the first, as it is in order first, so it seemeth to be in dignity and degree; for Horace saith very wisely, 
Quo est muta recens servabit odorem  
Testa diu—  With whatsoever thing the New Vessel is imbued, it will long keep the savour, saith Horace; meaning, That for the most part Men be as they be brought up, and Men keep longest the favour of their first bringing up. Wherefore seeing that it seemeth so necessary a thing, We will show our device herein. Youth must be brought up, some in Husbandry, some in Working, Graving, Gild, Joining, Printing, making of Clothes, even from their tenderest Age, to the intent they may not, when they come to Man's Estate, loiter as they do now adays, and neglect, but think their Travail sweet and honest. And for this purpose would I wish that Artificers and others were either commanded to bring up their Sons in like Trade, or else had some Places appointed them in every good Town, where they should be Apprentices, and bound to certain kind of Conditions. Also that those Vagabonds that take Children and teach them to beg, should, according to their demerits, be worthily punished. This shall well ease and remedy the deceitful working of Things, disobedience of the lower Sort, casting of Seditious Bills, and will clearly take away the Idleness of People.  
2. Devising of good Laws, I have showed my Opinion heretofore, what Statutes I think most necessary to be enacted this Sessions; nevertheless I would wish, that beside them hereafter, when time shall serve, the superfluous and tedious Statutes were brought into one Sum together, and made more plain and short, to the intent that Men might the better understand them; which thing shall much help to advance the profit of the Commonwealth.  
3. Nevertheless when all these Laws be made, established, and enacted, they serve to no purpose, except they be fully and duly executed. By whom? By those that have authority to execute; that is to say, the Noblemen, and the Justices of Peace. Wherefore I would wish, that after this Parliament were ended, those Noblemen, except a few that should be with Me, went to their Countries, and there should see the Statutes fully and duly executed; and that those Men should be put from being Justices of Peace, that be touched or blotted with those Vices that be against these new Laws to be established; for no Man that is in fault himself, can punish another for the same offence. Turpe est Doctori cum culpa redarguit ipsum. And these Justices being put out, there is no doubt for execution of the Laws.  Desunt caetera.  

Number 3. A Reformation of the Order of the Garter; Translated out of English into Latin by King Edward.  
EEwardus sextus Dei Gratia Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae, Rex, etc. 
Cotton Libr. Nero C. 10.  Omnibus qui praesentes videbunt Literas Salutem. Serenissimi Majores nostri Reges Angliae deliberantes & secumipsis cogitantes, de eo officio quo uti debeant erga Deum, Patriam, & eos qui suae ditioni erant subjecti, satis facile invenerunt nihil tam ad suum officium pertinere quam ut bonos, fortes, magnanimos, prudentes & claros viros (pro singularibus eorum meritis) honore gloriaque afficerent, & amicitiam, societatem, consensionem quandam in bonis rebus inter omnes, praecipue vero inter pares foverent. Honorem enim (ut certe est) praemium virtutis judicabant; concordiam vero fundamentum & auctricem rerumpublicarum existimabant. Haec igitur illis perpendentibus, optimum visum est constituere societatem coetum aut conventum aliquem eorum, qui in domesticis pacis negotiis optime se gesserant, & in militaribus pugnis fortiter & prudenter se exercuerant. Hosque voluerunt in signum concordiae & unitatis Tibias fascia quadam circumligare, quasi eo facto divulgantes sese non dubitare Patriae Religionis & Domini causa vitam & bona profundere, eamque ob causam Ordinem Garterii nominaverunt. Quem quidem Ordinem omnium voce celebratum, serpens ille humano generi infestus Satanas conspiciens, tantopere ad virtutem homines incitare, conatus est poenitus delere. In quo tantum elaboravit, tam diligenter praedam quaesivit, tam ingeniose & callide homines decepit, ut tandem repliverit decreta hujus Societatis multis ambiguis, superstitiosis, Papisticis & inter se contrariis sententiis. Putandum enim erit, quod si Evangelii lux non apparuisset, de isto Ordine penitus actum fuisset, saltem de his rebus in Ordine in quo bonorum nomen meruissent. Indies enim crevit malum; Nos autem summopere commoti, antiquitate, magnificentia & pulchritudine hujus Ordinis omnibus viribus elaboravimus, ad eum reducendum ad statum pristinum. Quapropter in caetu quodam celebrato die Anno Dom. 1551 Regni vero nostri.  
Ubi permulti Milites ejusdem Ordinis aderant, constitutum erat a nobis, Autoritate eorundem Militum, quod hi articuli infrascripti firmissime observabuntur, ut hujus Ordinis Decreta.  
1. Primum Conclusum Statutumque existit, quod hic ordo posthac appellabitur Ordo Garterii; non Ordo Sancti Georgii: nec idem Georgius amplius posthac appellabitur; nec nominabitur Patronus Ordinis, ne ille honor qui soli Deo debeatur, cuidam creaturae attribuatur.  
2. Item Milites circumligabunt Tibias Garteriis (ut vulgo dicunt) quibus inscribunt haec verba. Honi soit qui mal y pense; in collis autem cathenarum more gerent equitem sculptum, altera manu tenentis gladium penetrantem librum, in quem gladium scribetur Protectio, in Librum vero Verbum Dei, altera autem Clipeum in quem inscribetur Fides, hac re significantes se concordes protectores Verbi Divini & Fideles existere. Cum enim ab Georgio eodem auferetur honor ille, quod Patronus amplius Ordinis non erit, Milites non amplius gestabunt eundem divum, post Festum Michaelis proxime sequentis.  
3. Arma tamen Ordinis maneant in eodem Statu quo antea manere sunt solita, viz. Crux rubea in Campo Argenteo.  
4. Numerus Militum erunt 24 praeter praefectum, si enim plures existant tum minori in honore habebitur Collegam esse Ordinis, hi autem Milites jam existunt.  
5. Quod Rex Angliae, Haeredes & Successores ejus, erunt hujus Ordinis Praefecti quemadmodum & solitum est antehac. Et quia saepe oriuntur ambiguitates contentiones & mutationes temporum; propter quas aut tolli, aut definiri, aut adjungi debent aliqua decreta hujus Ordinis, saepe etiam in mortuorum Militum locum alii substituantur necesse est: Idcirco conclusum est, quod licet eidem Regi Angliae, aliqua tali re mota, Advocatis sex ex Sociis Ordinis, cum eorum consensu, celebrato in loco aliquo, mutare, definire, addere, aut detrahere ab hoc Ordine; ut illis bonum videbitur, & etiam eligere, in numerum Militum, alios omnes, qui sunt generosi, insignia gestantes, a parte Patrum & Matrum per tres progenies sive generationes quoscunque arbitrabuntur maxime idoneos.  
6. Omnes hi qui rei sunt inventi Capitalium Criminum, aut ignave a praelio aufugerunt, aut Notabili Crimine sunt contaminati, quanquam mors illis non infligatur, tamen Milites Ordinis esse desinent. Aequum enim qui esse potest, enim qui insigni & foedo aliquo vitio sit contaminatus, in bonorum Societate aut caetu manere. Capitalia vero sint Crimina, pro quibus leges judicant debere mortis paenam subire.  
7. Si autem idem Ordinis praefectus intelligat locum aliquem vacuum existere, tum mittet ad Milites vicinos & propinquos ut certo quodam die adsint, hasque literas mittet triduum ante diem celebrandi caetus; nisi forte adsint plus quam sex Milites.  
8. Qui Milites Congregati in caetu quodam vestibus Ordinis induti, si locus aliquis sit vacuus, scribent unusquisque nomina trium Principium: viz. Imperatorum, Regum, Archiducum, Ducum, Marchionum, Comitum, aut Vicecomitum, nomina tria Baronum, sive Dominorum, & nomina trium Militum Aureatorum quos Baccalaureos Milites vulgo dicunt.  
9 Cum nomina sunt scripta, tum Rex Angliae Ordinis praefectus ex eorum numero eliget quem maxime idoneum arbitrabitur ex antiqua illustrique familia natum, aut qui suis gestis praeclaris nomen famam & honorem summum acquisiverit, nam in electione Militum divitias respicere nullo modo oportet, sed virtutem & generis Nobilitatem, primo autem in loco virtutem.  
10. Miles electus, cum proxime adsit; adducetur in Domum ubi caetus celebratur per duos Collegas Ordinis, Praefectus induet eum cathena sive Collario Rosarum circumligatorum fasciis cum sculpta equitis imagine, ut praedixi, appendente; duo vero Collegae fascia, sive ut vulgo dicunt, Garterio tibiam circumligabunt: Tradetur etiam electo Militi liber horum decretorum.  
11. Miles vero electus ibit Windesoram, & Praefectus Ordinis mittet ad illum substitutum suum & duos coadjutores, qui collocabunt eum, si fieri possit, sine aliorum Militum detrimento in sede, ejus gradui Nobilitatis apta & accomoda, & secundum veterem modum vestes recipiet (quas vulgo dicunt Anglice, The mantle, the Cirtel, and the Hood) & his vestibus indutus audiet preces divinas in sede illi constituta, simul cum substituto & coadjutoribus Communionem recipiens.  
12. Post preces absolutas recipiet hoc jusjurandum; se pro viribus velle sustinere & defendere omnes honores, titulos, querelas & Dominia Regis Angliae Ordinis Praefecti; velle etiam (quantum in se est) protegere amare & colere Divini Verbi studiosos; velle deponere humanas Traditiones & augere Gloriam & Honorem Dei.  
13. Ille ordo qui institutus fuit olim de insignibus, gladiis, galaeis & armis reponendis in cellis aut sedibus, maneat in priori forma.  
14. Adhaec cum Dedicatio Ordinis auferatur a divo Georgio, & si tempus anni non sit idoneum ad multos homines cogendos, & ex patria accersendos, praesertim vero ne ipsam dedicationem Verbis auferentes re videremur retinere, idcirco statutum est caetum caelebratum fore, ut olim in Anglia die Divi Georgii; sic nunc primo Die Sabbati, & primo Die Dominico in mense Decembris, nisi forte primus dies mensis Decembris sit dies Dominicus; tunc autem celebrabitur primo Die Sabbati, & secundo die Dominico.  
15. Primo vero Die Sabbati Milites qui adsunt (omnes autem adesse debent nisi forte habeant licitam excusationem) audient preces Vespertinas institutas Autoritate Parliamenti vestibus Ordinis induti, sedentes quisque in sede constituta. Miles autem electus non collocatus in sede stabit directe versus eum locum ubi collocabitur.  
16. Die Dominico sequenti in aurora audient supradicti Milites preces, & qui se paratos facere possint, Communionem recipient, vesperi etiam audient preces vespertinas.  
17. Milites autem absentes tenebuntur eadem facere in suis aedibus toto hoc tempore vestibus Ordinis induti.  
18. Praeterea Milites qui adsunt vestibus Ordinis induti prandebunt omnes, ab uno latere sedentes in eodem gradu quo collocantur Windesorae, in cellis in caetum etiam intrabunt hoc die, ut si, quid faciendum sit, perficiant.  
19 Cantatores & Praebendarii fruentur suis possessionibus durante Vita, post mortem autem eorum conferentur in Concionatores in castro Windesorae.  
20. Pauperes autem qui in eodem Collegio manent, habebunt omnia sua pristino more, loci autem conferentur in Milites vulneratos aut admodum senes viros, solum privabuntur superstitiosis & vanis Caeremoniis quibus uti sunt soliti ut Oratione pro defunctis, etc. Quemadmodum vero soliti sunt missae adesse sic jam adsint in precibus constitutis.  
21. Sunt autem certae summae Argenti quae solent impendi cum moriantur Milites Ordinis.  
 l. s. d. A Rege Angliae 08 06 8 A Rege peregrino 06 13 4 A Principe 05 16 8 A Duce 05 00 0 A Marchione 03 13 0 A Comite 02 10 0 A Vice Counte 02 01 8 A Barone 01 13 4 A Milite 00 16 8 Baccalaureo  
Adhaec cum Milites eligantur solvendae sunt hae summae Peccuniae.  
 l. s. d. A Rege Angliae 30 00 0 A Rege peregrino 20 00 0 A Principe 13 06 8 A Duce 10 00 0 A Marchione 08 06 8 A Comite 06 13 8 A Vice Comite 05 16 8 A Barone 05 00 0 A Milite 03 06 8  
Hae praedictae summae Argenti colligantur & quotannis pauperibus destribuantur ut interdum solitum est fieri.  
22. Rex Angliae exsolvat Pecuniam quam peregrini Principes debebunt propter articulum supradictum.  
23. Sed quia difficile est omnia haec sine Ministris idoneis fieri, igitur constitutum est fore quatuor Ordinis hujus Ministros. Cancellarius, Annotator sive Register, Praecessor qui nigram virgam gestabit, & praecipuus Rex armorum qui ab Ordine nomen obtinebit Garter.  
24. Sigillum Ordinis habebit ex uno latere Arma Angliae & Franciae simul cum Armis Ordinis circumligata hac circumscriptione, Verbum Domini manet in aeternum, ex altera parte equitem sculptum, ut Milites gestabunt circumligatum fascia sive Garterio.  
25. Hoc sigillo Cancellarius sigillabit omnia decreta, licentias, constitutiones, literas & reliqua omnia quae ad ordinem praedictum pertinent aut ullo modo debent pertinere.  
26. Annotator in magno Libro Annotabit Latine quibus temporibus quisque miles fuerit electus, quibus mortuus, quaenam sancita erant decreta, quaenam dissoluta, & si quae erunt alia pertinentia ad Ordinem supradictum, hunc autem librum relinquet in Castro Windesorae suo successori in eodem officio.  
27. Rex Heraoldorum & insignium Garter servabit nomina & cognomina arma & insignia cujusque Militis electi, eundem librum relinquens suo successori, & si quae sit ambiguitas de armis, ipse dijudicabit.  
28. Praecessor Ordinis gestans virgam nigram praeibit ordinem & ostium custodiet, & eandem autoritatem habebit, qua antehac usus est. Quod siquis Militum contumeliose & graviter offenderit, & ejus criminis in cetu fuerit convictus, Praecessor Ordinis cum Rege Heroaldorum eum exuent catena & Garterio.  
29. Adhaec cum aliquis peregrinus Rex in Militum numerum substituatur & eligatur, Caeremoniis hujus Ordinis non detinebitur, sed prout placuerit.  
30. Post electionem vero praefectus Ordinis mittet duos Milites ejusdem Ordinis, qui post preces in ejus patria vulgares induent eum vestibus illis quae solent gestari, viz. Anglice, The mantle, the Cirtel, and the Hood. In collum etiam imponent catenam rosarium cum equite sculpto appendente & fascia vulgo dicto Garterio.  
31. Postea per procuratorem in sede collocabitur, nullum omnino juramentum recipiens, nec preces unquam alias quam solitas audiens.  
32. Quod Rex Angliae possit dispensare & veniam dare omittendi ullas Caeremonias, si causa postulet.  
33. Quod hi articuli ut monumenta decreta & Leges Ordinis reponentur in Collegio Windesorae, omnes autem his contrariae penitus abrogabuntur.  
FINIS.   

A Paper concerning a Free Mart in England.  
Number 4. The Reasons and Causes why it is now most necessary to have a Mart in England.  
1. BEcause our vent of Clothes might be open in all Wars.  
2. Because our Merchant's Goods might be out of danger of Strangers, without fear of arresting for every light Cause.  
3. Because it would much enrich the Realm; for as a Market enricheth a Town, so doth a Mart enrich a Realm.  
4. Because for at a need, round Sums of Money might be of them borrowed that haunt the Mart.  
5. Because we should have a great multitude of Ships strangers to serve in the Wars.  
6. Because all strangers Goods, when War is made, should be in our danger.  
7. Because we should buy all things at the first hand of Strangers, whereas now the Spaniards sell to the Flemings their Wares, and the Flemings to us.  
8. Because the Towns toward the Seaside should be much more populous.  
9 Because whereas now they bring Tapestry, Points, Glasses, and Laces, they would then bring in Bullion, and other substantial Merchandise, to the intent to have our Cloth and our Tin.  
10. Because we should take from our Enemies their Power, and make that they should borrow no Money of Merchants but when we list, at least not great Sum of Mony.   

The Causes why this Time is most Commodious to erect a Mart in.  
1. The Wars between the French King and the Emperor, and the Ships of either side, maketh the Italians, Genoa, Portugals, and Spaniards, to forbear their Trade to Antwerp. 2. The Frenchmen, the Stadts, the Sprusses, and Ships of Eastland, being against the Emperor, will not come neither. 3. The French King invading Lorraine, and fearing Flanders. 4. And the Almains lying on the River of Rhine, stopeth the Course of Merchants out of Italy to Antwerp, and also Frankfort. 5. The putting of Men of War in the Town, maketh the Merchants to forbear their Traffic, and to look to their Lives. 6. The breach of the last Tempest is like, they say, to make the Channel uncertain, and the Haven naught. 7. The stop of the Exchange to Lions, will make many Flemings Bankrupts. These things will decay the Marts of Antwerp and Frankfort. But these Nations cannot live without a Vent, therefore they will now most willingly come hither if they had a Free Mart.  
2. It were an easier matter to come to Southampton for the Spaniards, Britanes, Vascoins, Lombard's, Geneoese, Normands, and Italians, than to go to Antwerp.  
3. It were easier for the Merchants of the Eastland, the Sprusses, the Danes, sweden, and Norvegians, to come to Hull than to Antwerp.  
4. Southampton is a better Port than Antwerp.  
5. The Flemings have alured Men to make a Mart there with their Privileges, having but very little Commodities; much easier shall we do it, having Cloth, Tin, Seacole, Led, Bellmettal, and such other Commodities, as few Realms Christian have the like; nor they when they began had no such opportunity.   

How the Mart will be brought to pass.  
1. Our Merchants are to be stayed from a Mart or two, under pretence that they abstain because of the Imposition.  
2. Then Proclamation must be made in divers places of the Realm where Merchants resort, That there shall be a free Mart kept at Southampton, with these Liberties and Customs.  
1. The time of the Mart to begin after Whitsuntide, and to hold on five weeks; by which means it shall not let St. James' Fair at Bristol, nor Bartholomew Fair at London.  
2. All Men coming to the Mart shall have free going and free coming, without Arresting, except in cases of Treason, Murder, or Felony.  
3. For the time of the Mart, all sorts of Men shall pay but half the Custom they do in other places of the Realm.  
4. No Shipping shall be from any other place from South-Wales to Essex during that time.  
5. In the Shires of Hampshire, Wiltshire, Sussex, Surrey, Kent, Dorsetshire, That no Bargain shall be made of Wares during that time but in the Mart Town.  
6. A Court to correct Offenders, with Liberties thereto.  
7. Some one Commodity must be assigned to the Mart, or some one kind of Cloth.  
8. The Merchants of the Staple must be bargained withal, and contented with some honest Offer, to the intent by their Liberties they may not let the Mart.  
9 Some more Liberties must be given to the Inhabitants of Southampton; and if Money may be spared, some must be lent them to begin their Trade withal.  
10. Our Ships on the Sea must look as well as they may, observing the Treaties, to the safeguard of the Merchants when they come.  
11. If this prove well, then may another be made at Hull, to begin after Stowrbridg-Fair, to the intent they may return before the great Ices come to their Seas.   

The Discommodities and Let's to the Mart to be kept in England.  
1. BEcause Strangers lack access hither by Land, which they have at Antwerp.  
2. The ill-working of our , which maketh them less esteemed.  
3. The abundance of our  in Flanders will make them less sought for here.  
4. The Merchants have established their dwelling-places at Antwerp.  
5. That other Nations will stay their coming hither for a while by the Emperor's Commandment.  
6. The denial of the Request of the Merchants of the Stiliard, will somewhat let the Mart, if it be not looked to.  
7. The poverty and littleness of the Town of Southampton.  
8. The goodliness of the Rhine.   

The Remedies and Answers thereunto.  
To the first Point.  
1. At this time when the Mart should begin at Southampton, the French King and the Almains shall stop the intercourse by Land, so that nothing shall come that way but in great danger.  
2. When War shall be made against us, than our Navy may defend them.  
3. As the Town of Southampton lacketh the Commodity of the Access of Merchandise by Land, so it hath this Commodity, that there can be no access of Enemies by Land, which may be at Antwerp, and Men think will be this Year, which is a great safety to the Merchants.  
4. The Traffic that cometh by Land will not much diminish the Mart, for it is only almost the Venetians Traffic, who shall much easilier come hither by Sea, than to Antwerp, and with less danger of the Seas.   

To the second Point.  
1. The ill-making of our Clothes will be meet to be looked on this Parliament, and order thereupon to be given. The Matter is come to some ripeness already, the Upper House hath one Bill, and the Nether House hath another in good forwardness.  
2. As ill as they be made, the Flemings do at this time desire them wonderfully, offering rather to pay the Imposition of the Emperor than to lack them.   

To the third Point.  
1. It were very necessary that the Ships that shall be hereafter going were stayed till the Mart were come to some ripeness.  
2. The Clothes hereafter might be bought up with our Money here, and conveied to Southampton, to be there uttered at the Mart time, and so it should help the Mart very well.   

To the fourth Point.  
1. The danger of their Lives, which they now fear very much, will make them seek another Harbour to rest in more safely.  
2. They came from Bruges to Antwerp only for the English Commodities, although they were settled at Bruges.  
3. They have a great Commodity to come to Southampton, and a great fear of spoiling to drive them from Antwerp.  
4. The Merchants never assign to themselves such a Mansion, but for more gain they will leave that, and take another.   

To the fifth Point.  
1. The Emperor is at this time so driven to his Shifts, that neither he shall be able to attend the stay of Money from coming to the Mart, neither if he were able to attend, could, I think, do it, now the Flemings being put in such fear as they be of the loss of all they have.  
2. The Flemings and the Spaniards which be under him, can hardlier be without us than we without them, and therefore they would hardly be brought to forbear our Traffic.   

To the sixth Point.  
1. It were good the Stiliard-men were for this time gently answered, and that it were seen, whether by any gentle offer of some part of their Liberties, again they might be brought to ship their Wares to the Mart. The Frenchmen also I think would easily be brought to come hither, having now none other Traffic but hither, these two Nations would suffice to begin a Mart for the first part.   

To the seventh Point.  
1. It is not the ability of the English Merchants only that maketh the Mart, but it is the resort of other Nations to some one place when they do exchange their Commodities one with another, for the bargaining will be as well amongst the Strangers themselves; the Spaniards with the Almains, the Italians with Flemings, the Venetians with the Danes, etc. as other Nations will bargain with Us.  
2. The Merchants of London, of Bristol, and other places, will come thither for the Mart time, and traffic.  
3. The Merchants will make shift enough for their Lodging.  
4. There may be some of these Clothes that shall go hereafter, be bought with my Money, and so carried to Southampton to be there uttered.   

To the eighth Point.  
1. Bruges, where the Mart was before, stood not on the River of Rhine, nor Antwerp doth not neither stand on that River.  
2. Frankfort Mart may well stand for a Fair in Almain, although Southampton serve for all Nations that lie on the Seaside; for few of those come to Frankfort Mart.   


Windsor, Sept. 23. Sexto Edwardo Sexti. 1552.  Number 5. The Method in which the Council represented Matters of State to the King. An Original. Written by Sir William Cecil Secretary of State.  

Questions.  
1. Whether the King's Majesty shall enter into the Aid of the Emperor?   

Answ. He shall.  

A Pacto.  1. THe King is bound by the Treaty; and if he will be helped by that Treaty, he must do the Reciproque.  

A periculo vitando.  2. If he do not Aid, the Emperor is like to Ruin, and consequently the House of Burgundy come to the French Possession, which is perilous to England; and herein the greatness of the French King is dreadful.  

Religio Christiana.  3. The French King bringeth the Turk into Christendom, and therefore that exploit to be stayed.  

Periculum violati pacti.  4. If the Emperor, for Extremity, should agree now with the French, than our Peril were double greater. 1. The Emperor's Offence for lack of Aid. 2. The French King's Enterprises towards us; and in this Peace, the Bishop of Rome's devotion towards us.  

Pro Repub. & Patria.  5. Merchants be so evil used, that both for the loss of Goods and Honour, some Remedy must be sought.  

Pericula consequentia.  6. The French King's Proceed be suspicious to the Realm, by breaking and burning of our Ships, which be the old strength of this Isle.  
Declaration of Stuckley's Tale.   

Answer, He shall not.  

Difficile quasi impossibile.  1. The Aid is to be chargeable for the Cost, and almost to be executed is impossible.  

Solitudo in periculis.  2. If the Emperor should die in this Confederacy, we should be left alone in the War.  

Amicorum suspitio vitanda.  3. It may be the Germane Protestants might be more offended with this Conjunction with the Emperor, doubting their own Causes.  

Sperandum bene ab amicis.  4. The Amity with France is to be hoped will amend and continue; and the Commissioners coming may perchance restore.    

Corrolarium of a mean way. Judicium.  
1. So to help the Emperor as we may also join with other Christian Princes, and conspire against the French King, as a common Enemy to Christendom.   

Reasons for the Common Conjunction.  
1. The cause is common, 
Auxilia communia.  and therefore there will be more Parties to it.  
2. It shall avoid the chargeable entry into Aid with the Emperor, 
Sumptus vitandi.  according to the Treaties.  
3. If the Emperor should die or break off, 
Amicorum copia.  yet it is most likely some of the other Princes and Parties will remain, so as the King's Majesty shall not be alone.  
4. The Friendship shall much advance the King's other Causes in Christendom. 
Dignitas causae.   
5. It shall be most honourable to break with the French King for this common Quarrel of Christendom. 
Pro fide & Religione.    

Reasons against this Conjunction.  
1. The Treaty must be with so many Parties, 
Inter multos nihil secretum.  that it can neither be speedily or secretly concluded.  
2. If the Matter be revealed, and nothing concluded, 
Amicitiae irritatae.  then consider the French King's Offence, and so may he at his leisure be provoked to practise the like Conjunction against England with all the Papists.   

Conclusion.  
1. The Treaty to be made with the Emperor, 
The King's Hand.  and by the Emperor's means with other Princes.  
2. The Emperor's Acceptation to be understanded, before we treat any thing against the French King.   

Number 6. A Method for the Proceed in the Council, written with King Edward's Hand.  

The Names of the whole Council.  
The Bishop of Canterbury  
The Bp of Ely Lord Chancellor.  
The Lord Treasurer  
The Duke of Northumberland.  
The Lord Privy-Seal.  
The Duke of Suffolk.  
The Marquis of Northampton.  
The Earl o● Shrewsbury.  
The Earl of Westmore●●nd.  
The Earl of Huntingdon.  
The Earl of Pembr●●k.  
The Viscount Hereford.  
The Lord Admiral.  
The Lord Chamberlain.  
The Lord Cobham.  
The Lord Rich.  
Mr. controller.  
Mr. Treasurer.  
Mr. Vicechamberlain.  
Mr. Secretary Petre.  
Mr. Secretary Cecil.  
Sir Philip Hobbey.  
Sir Robert Bowes.  
Sir John Gage.  
Sir John Mason.  
Mr. Ralph Sadler.  
Sir John Baker.  
Judge Broomley.  
Judge Montague.  
Mr. Wotton.  
Mr. North.   

Those that be now called in Commission.  
The Bishop of London.  
The Bishop of Norwich.  
Sir Thomas Wroth.  
Sir Richard Cotton.  
Sir Walter Mildmay.  
Mr. Solicitor.  
Mr. Gosnold.  
Mr. Cook.  
Mr. Lucas.   

The Counselor's  to be thus divided into several Commissions and Charges. First, For hearing of those Suits which were wont to be brought to the whole Board.  
The Lord Privy-Seal.  
The Lord Chamberlain.  
The Bishop of London.  
The Lord Cobham.  
Mr. Hobbey.  
Sir John Mason.  
Sir Ralph Sadler.  
Mr. Wotton.  
Mr. Cook, Masters of Requests.  
Mr. Lucas, Masters of Requests.   
Those Persons to hear the Suits, to answer the Parties, to make Certificate what Suits they think meet to be granted; and upon answer received of their Certificate received, to dispatch the Parties: Also to give full answer of denial to those Suits that be not reasonable nor convenient: Also to dispatch all Matters of Justice, and to send to the common Courts those Suits that be for them.  
The Calling of Forfeits done against the Laws, for punishing the Offenders and breakers of Proclamations that now stand in force.  

The Lord Privy-Seal.  
The Earl of Pembroke.  
The Lord Chamberlain.  
Sir Thomas Wroth.  
Sir Robert Bowes.  
Mr. Secretary Petre.  
Mr. Hobbey.  
Mr. Wotton.  
Sir John Baker.  
Mr. Solicitor.  
Mr. Gosnald.   
These shall first see what Laws Penal, and what Proclamations, standing now in force, are most meet to be executed, and shall bring a Certificate thereof. Then they shall inquire in the Countries how they are disobeyed, and first, shall begin with the greatest Offenders, and so afterward punish the rest, according to the pains set forth. They shall receive also the Letters out of the Shires, of Disorders there done, and punish the Offenders.  

For the State.  
The Bishop of Canterbury.  
The Lord Chancellor.  
The Lord Treasurer.  
The Duke of Northumberland.  
The Duke of Suffolk.  
The Lord Privy-Seal.  
The Marquis of Northampton.  
The Earl of Shrewsbury.  
The Earl of Pembroke.  
The Earl of Westmoreland.  
The Lord Admiral.  
The Viscount Hereford.  
The Lord Chamberlain.  
Mr. Vicechamberlain.  
Mr. Treasurer and controller.  
Mr. Cecil.  
Mr. Petre.  
Mr. Wotton.  
Sir Philip Hobbey.  
Sir Robert Bowes.   
These to attend the Matters of the State, I will sit with them once a week to hear the debating of things of most importance.  
These Persons under-written shall look to the state of all the Courts, especially of the new erected Courts, as the Augmentation, the First Fruits and Tithes, the Wards; and shall see the Revenues answered at the half Years end, and shall consider with what superfluous Charges they be burdened, and thereof shall make a Certificate which they shall deliver.  

The Lord Chamberlain.  
The Bishop of Norwich.  
Sir Thomas Wroth.  
Sir Robert Bowes.  
Sir Richard Cotton.  
Sir Walter Mildmay.  
Mr. Gosnald.   
I understand it is a Member of the Commission that followeth, but yet those shall do well to do it for the present, because the other shall have no leisure till they have called in the Debts; after which done, they may sit with them.  
Those that now be in Commission for the Debts, to take Accounts of all Payments since the 35th of the King that dead is, after that they have done this Commission they are now in hand with.  
Likewise for the Bulwarks, the Lord Chamberlain, Mr. Treasurer, and Mr. controller, to be in Commission in their several Jurisdictions.  
The rest of the Council, some go home to their Countries straight after the Parliament, some be sore sick that they shall not be able to attend any thing, which when they come, they shall be admitted of the Council. Also that these Councils that sit apart. Also that those of the Council that have these several Commissions.  
Desunt quedam. 15. Jan. 1552.   

This seems not to be the King's Hand, but is interlined in many places by him.  
Certain Articles devised and delivered by the King's Majesty, for the quicker, better, and more orderly dispatch of Causes, by his Majesty's Privy-Council.  

Cotton Libr. Nero. C. 10.  1. HIs Majesty willeth, that all Suits, Petitions, and common Warrants delivered to his Privy-Council, be considered by them on the Mundays in the Morning, and answered also on the Saturdays at Afternoon; and that that day, and none others, be assigned to that purpose.  
2. That in answering of these Suits and Bills of Petition, heed be taken that so many of them as pertain to any Court of his Majesty's Laws be as much as may be referred to those Courts where by order they are triable; such as cannot be ended without them, be with expedition determined.  
3. That in making of those Warrants for Money that pass by them, it be foreseen that those Warrants be not such as may already be dispatched by Warrant dormant, lest by means of such Warrants, the Accounts should be uncertain.  
4. His Majesty's pleasure is, That on the 
* Provided that on Sundays they be present at Common-Prayer.  Sundays, they intent the Public Affairs of this Realm; they dispatch Answers to Letters for the good order of the Realm, and make full Dispatches of all Things concluded the Week before.  
5. That on the Sunday Night, the Secretaries, or one of them, shall deliver to his Majesty a Memorial of such Things as are debated to be by his Privy-Council, and then his Majesty to appoint certain of them to be debated on several days, viz. Monday Afternoon, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, Morning.  
6. That on Friday at Afternoon, they shall make a Collection of such things as have been done the four days past; how many of those Articles they have concluded; how many they debated but not ended; how many the time suffered not to peruse; and also the principal Reasons that moved them to conclude on such Matters as seemeth doubtful.  
7. That on Saturday Morning they shall present this Collection to his Majesty, and know his Pleasure upon such things as they have concluded, and also upon all the private Suits.  
8. That on Sunday Night again, his Majesty having received of the Secretaries such new Matters as hath arisen upon new occasion, with such Matters as his Council have left, some not determined, and some not debated, shall appoint what Matters, and on which days shall be determined, the next Week following.  
9 That none of them departed his Court for longer than two days, without there be left here at the least eight of the Council, and that not without giving notice thereof to the King's Majesty.  
10. That they shall make no manner of Assembly or Meeting in Council, without there be to the number of four at the least.  
11. Furthermore, if they be assembled to the number of four, and under the number of six, than they shall reason and debate things, examine all Inconveniences and Dangers, and also Commodities on each side; make those things plain which seem diffuse at the first opening; and if they agree amongst themselves, then at the next full Assembly of six, they shall make a perfect conclusion and end with them.  
12. Also if there rise such matter of weight, as it shall please the King's Majesty himself to be at the debating of, than warning shall be given, whereby the more may be at the debating of it.  
13. If such Matter shall happen to rise as shall require long debating and reasoning, or e'er it come to a full conclusion or end, than his Majesty's Council shall not intermeddle other Causes; nor fall to other Matters for that day, until they have brought it to some end.  
14. When Matters for lack of time be only debated, and yet brought to no end, than it shall be noted how far, and to what point the Matter is brought, and which have been the principal Reasons on each side, to the intent when the Matter is treated or spoken of again, it may the sooner and easilier come to conclusion.  
15. In Matters that be long, tedious, and busy, there may be pointed or chosen two or three, more or less, as the case shall seem to require, to prepare, set forth, and make plain the Matters, and to bring report thereof, whereby the things being less cumbrous and diffuse, may the easilier be dispatched.  
Finally; If upon Advertisements, Letters, or other occasion whatsoever there arise, Matters of great Importance, that require haste, his Majesty's meaning is not, but that such Matters be waved, considered, and determined, notwithstanding the Articles pointed to several days, so that nevertheless this Order be not generally or commonly broken.  
17. That all Warrants for Reward above 40 l. and for his Business or Affairs above 100 l. pass not but under his Signature.  
18. That no private Suit be intermeddled with the great Affairs, but heard on the Mundays before.  
19 If there be under four, and a Matter of Expedition arise, they shall declare it to the King's Majesty, and before him debate it, but not send answer without it require wonderful haste.     

A COLLECTION OF RECORDS, etc.  

Number 1. The Character of EDWARD the Sixth, as it is given by Cardanus, lib. 12. de Genituris, de Genitura Edwardi Sexti.  
A Derant enim illi gratiae; Linguas enim multas adhuc Puer callebat: Latinam, Anglicam patriam, Gallicam; non expers, ut audio, Graecae, Italicae & Hispanicae, & forsan aliarum: Non illi Dialectica deerat, non Naturalis Philosophiae principia, non Musica: Mortalitatis nostrae imago, gravitas Regiae Majestatis, indoles tanto Principe digna; In universum magno miraculo humanarum rerum, tanti ingenii & tantae expectationis, Puer educabatur. Non haec Rhetorice exornata veritatem excedunt, sed sunt minora.  

And afterwards.  
Fuit in hoc monstrificus puellus: hic linguas jam septem, ut audio, perdidicerat; propriam, Gallicam & Latinam exacte tenebat. Dialecticae non expers, & ad omnia docilis. Cum illo congressus, decimum quintum adhuc agebat annum, interrogavit, (Latine non minus quam ego polite & prompte loquebatur) quid contineant libri tui de rerum varietate rari? Hos enim nomini M. S. dedicaveram. Tum ego, Cometarum primum causam, diu frustra quaesitam, in primo capite ostendo. Quaenam, inquit ille? Concursus ego aio, luminis, erraticorum syderum. At Rex, Quomodo cum diversis motibus astra moveantur, non statim dissipatur aut movetur illorum motu? At ego, Movetur equidem, sed longe celerius illis, ob diversitatem aspectus, velut in Cristallo & sole cum iris in pariete relucet. Parva enim mutatio magnam facit loci differentiam. At Rex, Et quonam pacto absque subjecto illud fieri potest, irridi enim paries subjectum? Tum ego, velut in lactea via, & luminum reflectione, cum plures candelae prope accensae medium quoddam lucidum & candidum efficiunt. Itaque ex ungue leonem, ut dici solet. Fuit hic in maxima omnium aut bonorum aut eruditorum expectatione ob ingenuitatem atque suavitatem morum. Prius ceperat favere artibus quam nosceret, & noscere antequam uti posset. Conatus quidam humanae conditionis quem non solum Anglia, sed orbis, ereptum immature deflere debet. Plurimum educationi debueramus, plus ereptum est hominum dolo, fraudeve. O quam bene dixerat ille, Immodicis brevis est aetas & rara senectus.  
Specimen vertutis exhibere potuit, non exemplum.  
Flete nefas magnum, sed toto flebitis orbe  
Mortales, vester corruit omnis honor;  
Nam regum decus, & juvenum flos, spesque bonorum,  
Delitiae saecli, & gloria gentis erat.  
Dignus Apollineis Lachrymis, doctaeque Minervae  
Flosculus, heu misere concidis ante diem!  
Te tumulo dabimus Musae, supremaque flentes  
Munera, Melpomene tristia fata cavet.  
Ubi gravitas Regia requirebatur, senem vidisses, ut blandus erat & comis aetatem referebat. Cheli pulsabat, publicis negotiis admovebatur, liberalis animo, atque in his patrem aemulabatur. Qui dum nimium bonus esse studuit, malus videri poterat: sed a filio aberat suspicio criminis, indoles Philosophiae studiis exculta fuit.    

Number 2. The Commission which the Archbishop of Canterbury took out for his Archbishopric.  

Regist. Cran. Fol. 28.  EDwardus sextus, Dei Gratiae, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae, Rex, Fidei Defensor, ac in terra Ecclesiae Anglicanae & Hiberniae supremum Caput, Reverendissimo in Christo Partri, ac praedicto Consiliario nostro, Thomae Cant. Archiep. salutem. Quandoquidem omnis juris dicendi Autoritas, atque etiam Jurisdictio omnimodo; tum illa quae Ecclesiastica dicitur, quam secularis, a regia Potestate velut a supremo Capite, ac omnium Magistratuum infra Regnum nostrum, fonte & scaturigine primitus emanaverit; sane illos qui jurisdictionem hujusmodi antehac non nisi praecario fungebantur beneficium hujusmodi sic eis ex liberalitate Regia indultum gratis animis agnoscere, idque Regiae munificentiae solummodo acceptum referre, eique, quoties ejus Majestati videbitur, cedere convenit. Nos tuis in hac parte supplicationibus humilibus inclinati, & nostrorum subditorum commodis consulere cupientes. Tibi vices nostras sub modo & forma inferius descriptis committend. fore; teque licentiand. esse decernimus ad Ordinand. igitur quoscunque infra Dioces. tuam Cant. ubicunque Oriundos, quos, moribus & literatura praevio diligenti & rigoroso examine idoneos fore compereris, ac ad omnes etiam sacros & Presbyteratus Ordines promovend. ordinand. praesentatosque ad beneficia Ecclesiastica quaecunque infra Dioc. tuam Cant. constituta, si ad curam Beneficiis hujusmodi iminentem sustinend. habiles reperti fuerint & idonei, ac non aliter admittend. ac in & de eisdem instituend. & investiend. ac etiam si res ita exigat, destituend. Beneficiaque Ecclesiastica quaecunque ad tuam collationem sive dispositionem spectantia & pertinentia Personis idoneis conferend. atque approband. testamenta & ultimas voluntates. Necnon administrationes committend. bonorum quorumcunque subditorum nostrorum ab intestat decedend. quorum bona jura sive credita in diversis Dioc. sive jurisdictionibus, aut alibi juxta consuetudinem Curiae Praerogativae Cant. vitae & mortis suarum tempore habentium calculumque & ratiocinium, & alia in ea parte expediend. testamentaque & administrationes, quorumcunque tuae Dioc. ut prius approband. & committend. causasque lites & negotia coram te aut tuis deputatis pendend. Indecisas, necnon alias sive alia quascunque sive quaecunque ad forum Ecclesiasticum pertinend. ad te aut tuos deputatos sive deputandos per vestram querelae, aut appellationis devolvend. sive deducend. quae citra legum nostrarum & Statutorum Regni nostri offensionem coram te aut tuis deputatis agitari, aut ad tuam sive alicujus Comissariorum per te vigore hujus Commissionis jure deputandorum cognitione devolvi aut deduci valeant, & possunt examinand. & decidend. Caeteraque omnia & singula in Praemissis, seu circa ea necessaria, seu quomodolibet opportuna, per & ultra ea quae tibi ex sacris Literis divinitus Commissa esse dignoscuntur, vice, nomine & Autoritate nostris exequend. Tibi de cujus sana Doctrina, Conscientiae puritate, vitaeque & morum integritate, ac in rebus gerundis fide & industria plurimum confidimus, vices nostras cum potestate alium vel alios, Commissarium vel Commissarios, ad praemissa vel eorum aliqua surrogand. & substituend. eosdemque ad placitum revocand. tenore praesentium Committimus, ac liberam facultatem concedimus, teque licentiamus per praesentes ac nostrum beneplacitum duntaxat duraturatum cum cujuslibet congrue & Ecclesiast. coercionis potestate, quacunque inhibitione ante dat. praesentium emanata in aliquo non obstante, tuam Conscientiam coram Deo strictissime onerantes, & ut summo omnium judici aliquando rationem reddere, & coram nobis tuo sub periculo corporali, respondere intendis te admonentes, ut interim tuum officium juxta Evangelii normam pie & sancte exercere studeas, & ne quem ullo tempore unquam ad sacros Ordines promoveas; vel ad curam animarum gerendam quovismodo admittas; nisi eos duntaxat quos & tanti & tam venerabilis officii functionem, vitae & morum Integritas notissimis testimoniis approbata, literarum scientia & aliae qualitates requisitae ad hoc habiles & idoneos clare & luculenter ostenderint & declaraverint. Nam ut maxime compertum cognitumque habemus morum omnium & maxime Christianae Religionis corruptelam, a malis pastoribus in populum emanasse, sic & veram Christi Religionem vitaeque & morum emendationem a bonis pastoribus iterum delectis & assumptis in integrum restitutum iri haud dubie speramus. In cujus rei testimonium praesentes Literas nostras inde fieri, & sigilli nostri quo ad causas Ecclesiasticas utimur appensione jussimus communiri. Datum septimo die mensis Februarii, Anno Dom. millesimo quingentesimo quadragesimo sexto & Regni nostri Anno primo.   

Number 3. The Councils Letter to the Justices of Peace. An Original.  

Cotton Libr. Titus B. 2.  AFter our right hearty Commendations, where the most Noble King, of famous memory, our late Sovereign Lord and Master King Henry the 8th, (whom God pardon) upon the great Trust which his Majesty had in your virtous Wisdoms and good Dispositions to the Commonwealth of this Realm, did specially name and appoint you, among others, by his Commissions under his Great Seal of England, to be Conservators and Justices of his Peace, within that his County of Norfolk. Forasmuch as the same Commissions were dissolved by his decease, it hath pleased the King's Majesty, our Sovereign Lord that now is, by the Advice and Consent of us, the Lord Protector and others Executors to our said late Sovereign Lord, whose Names be under-written; to whom with others, the Government of his most Royal Person, and the Order of his Affairs, is by his last Will and Testament committed, till he shall be of full Age of eighteen Years, to cause new Commissions again to be made for the conservation of his Peace throughout this Realm, whereof you shall by this Bearer receive one for that County. And for that the good and diligent execution of the Charge committed to you and others by the same, shall be a notable Surety to the King, our Sovereign Lord's Person that now is, to whom God give increase of Virtue, Honour, and many Years, a most certain Stay to the Commonwealth, which must needs prosper where Justice hath place and reigneth. We shall desire you, and in his Majesty's Name charge and command you, upon the receipt hereof, with all diligence, to assemble yourselves together; and calling unto you all such others as be named in the said Commission. You shall first cry and call to God to give you Grace to execute this Charge committed unto you with all truth and uprightness, according to your Oaths, which you shall endeavour yourselves to do in all things appertaining to your Office accordingly: in such sort as all private Malice, Sloth, Negligence, Displeasure, Disdain, Corruption, and sinister Affections set apart, it may appear you have God, and the preservation of your Sovereign Lord, and natural Country before your Eyes; and that you forget not that by the same, yourselves, your Wives, and your Children, shall surely prosper and be also preserved. For the better doing whereof, you shall at this your first Assembly, make a division of yourselves into Hundreds or Wapentakes; that is to say, Two at the least to have especial eye and regard to the good Rule and Order of that, or those Hundreds, to see the Peace duly kept, to see Vagabonds and Perturbers of the Peace punished, and that every Man apply himself to do as his Calling doth require; and in all things to keep good Order, without alteration, innovation, or contempt of any thing that by the Laws of our late Sovereign Lord is prescribed and set forth unto us, for the better direction and framing of ourselves towards God and honest Policy. And if any Person, or Persons, whom ye shall think you cannot Rule and Order, without trouble to this Country, shall presume to do the contrary, upon your Information to us thereof, we shall so aid and assist you in the execution of Justice, and the punishment of all such contemptuous Offenders, as the same shall be example to others. And further, his Majesty's Pleasure, by the Advice and Consent aforesaid is, That you shall take such Orders amongst you, as you fail not once every six weeks, till you shall be otherwise commanded, to write unto the said Lord Protector, and others of the Privy-Council, in what state that Shire standeth; and whether any notable things have happened, or were like to happen, in those Parts that you cannot redress, which would be speedily met withal and looked unto; or whether you shall need any advice or counsel, to the intent we may put our hands to the stay and reformation of it in the beginning, as appertains: Praying you also to take order, That every Commissioner in the Shire may have a Double, or a Copy of this Letter, both for his own better Instruction, and to show to the Gentlemen, and such others as inhabit in the Hundreds, specially appointed to them, that every Man may the better conform himself to do Truth, and help to the advancement of Justice according to their most bounden Duties, and as they will answer for the contrary. Thus far you well.  
From the Tower of London, the 12th of February. Your loving Friends, 

E. Hertford.  
T. Cantuarien.  
Thomas Wriothelsey Cancel.  
W. St. John.  
J. Russell.  
Anthony Brown.  
Anthony Denny.  
Cuth. Duresme.  
William Paget.  
W. Herbert.  
Edward North.     

Number 4. The Order for the Coronation of King Edward. Sunday, the 13th of Febr. at the Tower, etc.  
THis day the Lord Protector, and others his Executors, 
Ex Libro Concilii.  whose Names be hereunto subscribed, upon mature and deep deliberation had among them, did finally resolve, That forasmuch as divers of the old Observances and Ceremonies afore-times used at the Coronations of the Kings of this Realm, were by them thought meet, for sundry respects, to be corrected; and namely, for the tedious length of the same, which should weary and be hurtsome peradventure to the King's Majesty, being yet of tender Age, fully to endure and bide out. And also for that many Points of the same were such as by the Laws of the Realm at this present were not allowable. The King's Majesty's Coronation should be done and celebrated upon Shrove-Sunday next ensuing, in the Cathedral Church of Westminster, after the Form and Order ensuing.  
First; The Archbishop of Canterbury shall show the King to the People at four parts of the great Pulpit or Stage to be made for the King, and shall say on this wise; Sirs, Here I present King Edward rightful and undoubted Inheritor, by the Laws of God and Man, to the Royal Dignity and Crown Imperial of this Realm, whose Consecration, Inunction, and Coronation, is appointed by all the Nobles and Peers of this Land to be this day. Will ye serve at this time, and give your good-wills and assents to the same Consecration, Inunction, and Coronation, as by your Duty of Allegiance ye be bound to do?  
The People to Answer, Yea, Yea, Yea; King Edward, King Edward, King Edward.  
This done, the Archbishop of Canterbury, being revested as he should go to Mass, with the Bishops of London and Winchester on both sides, with other Bishops, and the Dean of Westminster in the Bishop's absence, to go in order before the King; the King shall be brought from his Seat by them that assisted him to the Church to the high Altar, where after his Prayer made to God for his Grace, he shall offer a Pall and a pound of Gold, 24 pound in Coin, which shall be to him delivered by the Lord Great Chamberlain. Then shall the King fall grovelling before the Altar, and over him the Archbishop shall say this Collect, Deus humilium, etc. Then the King shall rise and go to his Chair, to be prepared before the Altar, his Face to the Altar, and standing, one shall hold him a Book; and the Archbishop standing before the King, shall ask him, with a loud and distinct Voice, in Manner and Form following.  
Will ye grant to keep to the People of England, and others your Realms and Dominions, the Laws and Liberties of this Realm, and others your Realms and Dominions?  

I grant and promit.  
You shall keep, to your strength and power, to the Church of God, and to all the People, holy Peace and Concord.   

I shall keep.  
You shall make to be done, after your Strength and Power, equal and rightful Justice in all your Dooms and Judgements, with Mercy and Truth.   

I shall do.  
Do you grant to make no Laws, but such as shall be to the Honour and Glory of God, and to the Good of the Commonwealth; and that the same shall be made by the consent of your People, as hath been accustomed.   

I grant and promit.  
Then shall the King rise out of his Chair, and by them that before assisted him, be led to the High Altar, where he shall make a solemn Oath upon the Sacrament, laid upon the said Altar, in the sight of all the People, to observe the Premises; and laying his Hand again on the Book, shall say;  
The things which I have before promised, I shall observe and keep. So God help me, and those Holy Evangelists by Me bodily touched upon this Holy Altar.  
That done, the King shall fall again grovelling before the High Altar, and the said Archbishop kneeling before him, shall, with a loud Voice, begin Veni Creator Spiritus, etc.  
Which done, the said Archbishop standing, shall say over the King, Te invocamus; and at the end shall kneel again, and then shall the King rise and be set in the Chair again; and after a little pause he shall rise, and assisted with those that did before that Office, go again to the High Altar, where he shall be unclothed by his Great Chamberlain unto his Coat of Crimson Satin; which, and also his Shirt, shall be opened before and behind on the Shoulders, and the bowght of the Arms, by the said Great Chamberlain, to the intent that on those Places he be anointed; and whiles he is in the anointing, Sir Anthony Denny, and Sir William Herbert, must hold a Pall over him. And first, The said Archbishop shall anoint the King, kneeling, in the Palms of his Hands, saying these words, Vngas Manus; with this Collect, Respice Omnipotens Deus. After he shall anoint him in the Breast, in the midst of his Back, on his two Boughts of his Arms, and on his Head making a Cross; and after making another Cross on his Head, with Holy Chrism, saying as he anointeth the places aforesaid, Vngatur Caput, ungantur scapulae, etc. During which time of Unction, the Choir shall continually sing, Vngebant Regem, and the Psalm, Domine in virtute tua laetabitur Rex. And it is to be remembered, that the Bishop or Dean of Westminster, after the King's Inunction, shall dry all the Places of his Body, where he was anointed, with Cotton, or some Linen Cloth, which is to be burnt. And furthermore the places opened for the same, is to be clothed by the Lord Great Chamberlain; and on the King's Hands shall be put, by the said Archbishop of Canterbury, a pair of Linen Gloves, which the Lord Great Chamberlain shall before see prepared.  
This done, the King shall rise, and the Archbishop of Canterbury shall put on the King a Tabert of Tanteron-white, shaped in manner of a Dalmatick; and he shall put up on the King's Head a Quoif, the same to be brought by the Great Chamberlain. Then the King shall take the Sword he was girt withal, and offer it himself to God, laying it on the Altar, in token that his Strength and Power should first come from God. And the same Sword he shall take again from the Altar, and deliver to some great Earl, to be redeemed of the Bishop or Dean of Westminster for 100 s. which Sword shall be born naked afterwards before the King.  
Then the King being set in his Chair before the Altar, shall be crowned with St. Edward's Crown; and there shall be brought, by the Bishop or Dean of Westminster, Royal Sandals and Spurs to be presently put on by the Lord Great Chamberlain; and the Spurs again immediately taken off, that they do not encumber him.  
Then the Archbishop, with all the Peers and Nobles, shall convey the King, sustained as before, again into the Pulpit, setting him in his Siege Royal; and then shall the Archbishop begin, Te Deum Laudamus; which done, the Archbishop shall say unto the King, Sta & retine a modo locum. And the King being thus set, all the Peers of the Realm, and Bishops, holding up their Hands, shall make unto him Homage as followeth; first, the Lord Protector alone, than the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Lord Chancellor, so two and two as they be placed.  
J. N. become your Liege Man, of Life and Limb, and of earthly Worship, and Faith, and Truth, I shall bear unto you, against all manner of Folks, as I am bound by my Allegiance, and by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm. So help us God and all-hallows. And then every one shall kiss the King's left Cheek; which done, all they holding up their hands together, in token of their Fidelity, shall with one Voice on their knees say. We offer to sustain and defend you and your Crown, with our Lives, and Lands, and Goods, against all the World. And then with one Voice to cry, God save King Edward; which the People shall cry accordingly. Then shall the King be led to his Travers to hear the High Mass, and so depart home crowned in Order, as he set forth accordingly.  
E. Hertford. T. Cantuarien. Tho. Wriothesley, Cancel. W. St. John. J. Russel. John Lisle. Cuth. Duresme. Anthony Brown. W. Paget. Anthony Denny. W. Herbert.    

Number 5. The Commission for which the Lord Chancellor was deprived of his Office; with the Opinion of the Judges concerning it.  

Ex Libro Concilii. Fol. 49.  EDwardus sextus Dei Gratia Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae, Rex, Fidei Defensor; & in terra Ecclesiae Anglicanae & Hiberniae supremum Caput, dilectis & fidelibus Consiliariis suis, Roberto Southwell Militi, custodi ac Magistro Rotulorum Cancellariae nostrae, & Johanni Tregonwell Armigero uni Magistrorum Cancellariae nostrae praedictae, & dilectis sibi Johanni Oliver Clerico, & Antonio Bellasis Clerico, Magistris ejusdem Cancellariae nostrae salutem. Quia praedilectus & fidelis consanguineus noster Thomas Comes Southampton Cancellarius noster Angliae, nostris arduis negotiis ex mandato nostro continuo intendens, in eisdem adeo versatur, quod ad ea quae in Curia Cancellariae nostrae, in causis & materiis inter diversos ligeos & subditos nostros ibidem pendentibus, tractand. audiend. discutiend. & terminand. Sicut ut fieri debeant, ad presens non sufficiat: volentes proinde in ejusdem Cancellarii nostri absentia omnibus ligeiss & subditis nostris quibuscunque, quascunque materias suas in Curia Cancellariae nostrae praedictae prosequentibus, plenam & celerem justitiam exhiberi, ac de fidelitatibus, & providis circumspectionibus vestris plenius confidentes, assignavimus, vos tres, & duos vestrum, ac tenore praesentium damus vobis tribus & duobus, plenam potestatem & autoritatem audiendi & examinandi quascunque materias, causas, & Petitiones coram nobis in Cancellaria nostra, inter quoscunque ligeos & subditos nostros nunc pendents, & in posterum ibidem exhibend. & pendend. & easdem materias, causas & Petitiones, juxta sanas vestras discretiones, finaliter terminand. & debitae executioni demandand. partesque in materiis sive causis vel Petitionibus illis nominatis & specificatis ad testes & alios quoscunque, quos vobis fore videbitur, evocandos, quoties expedire videbitis coram vobis tribus vel duobus vestrum evocandos; & ipsos & eorum quemlibet debite examinari compellend. diesque productorios imponend. & assignand. processusque quoscunque in ea parte necessarios concedend. & fieri faciend. contemptus etiam quoscunque ibidem commissos sive perpetratos, debite castigand. & puniend. caeteraque omnia & singula faciend. & exequend. quae circa praemissa necessaria fuerint; seu quomodolibet opportuna: Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod circa promissa diligenter attendatis, ac ea faciatis, & exequamini cum effectu. Mandamus etiam tenore praesentium omnibus & singulis Officiariis & Ministris nostris curiae nostrae praedictae, quod vobis tribus, & duobus vostrum in executione praemissorum diligenter intendant, prout decet: Volumus enim & per praesentes concedimus, quod omnia & singula judicia sive finalia decreta per vos tres vel duos vestrum super hujusmodi causis, sive materiis reddend. seu fiend. sicut & esse debeant, tanti & consimilis valoris, effectus, efficaciae, roboris, & virtutis, ac si per Dominum Cancellarium Angliae & Curiae Cancellariae praedictae, reddita seu reddenda forent, proviso semper, quod omnia & singula hujusmodi judicia seu finalia decreta, per vos tres vel duos vestrum, virtute praesentium reddend. seu fiend. manibus vestris trium vel duorum vestrum, subscribantur & consignentur, & superinde eadem judicia sive decreta praefato Cancellario nostro praesententur & liberentur, ut idem Cancellarius noster antequam irrotulentur, eadem similiter manu sua consignet. In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus Patentes, Teste meipso apud Westmonast. 18 die Feb. Anno Regni nostri primo.  
THE said Students referring to the consideration of the said Protector and Council, what the granting out of the said Commission without warrant did weigh; Forasmuch as the said Protector and Council minding the surety of the King's Majesty, and a direct and upright proceeding in his Affairs, and the observation of their Duties in all things, as near as they can, to his Majesty, with a desire to avoid all things which might offend his Majesty, or his Laws; and considering, that the said Commission was none of the things which they in their Assemblies in Council, at any time since the Death of the King's Majesty late deceased, did accord to be passed under the Great Seal, have for their own Discharges required us, whose Names be under-written, for the Opinion they have of our knowledge and experience in the Laws of this Realm, to consider the said Case of making of the said Commission without warrant; and after due consideration thereof, to declare in writing to what the said Case doth weigh in Law. We therefore, whose Names be under-written, after mature and advised consultation and deliberation thereupon; do affirm and say, for our Knowledges and Determinations, That the said Chancellor of England having made forth, under the Great Seal of England, without any Warrant, the Commission aforesaid hath done, and doth by his so doing offend the King's Majesty, hath and doth by the Common Law, forfeit his Office of Chancellor, and incurreth the Danger, Penalty, and Payment, of such Fine as it shall please the King's Majesty, with the advice of the said Lord Protector and Council to set upon him for the same; with also Imprisonment of his Body at the King's Will: In Witness whereof we have set our Names to this Present, the last day of February, in the first Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord King Edward the 6th, by the Grace of God, King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and in Earth of the Church of England; and also of Ireland the Supreme Head; And have likewise, for more ample testimony of this our Opinion of, and upon the Premises, put and subscribed our Names to this present Duplicate of the same here asserted, in this present Act of this 6th day of the month of March accordingly.   

Number 6. The Duke of Somerset's Commission to be Protector.  

Ex Libro Concilii. Fol. 62.  EDward the 6th, by the Grace of God, King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and of the Church of England, and also of Ireland, in Earth the Supreme Head. Whereas our Council, and divers of the Nobles and Prelates of this our Realm of England, considering Our young and tender Age, have thought meet and expedient, as well for Our Education, and bringing up in Knowledge, Learning, and Exercises of Good and Godly Manners, Virtues, and Qualities, meet and necessary for a Prince of Our Estate, and whereby We should, and may at Our full Age be the more able to minister and execute the Charge of our Kingly Estate and Office, committed unto Us by the Goodness of Almighty God, and left, and come unto Us, by right Inheritance, after and by the decease of Our late Sovereign Lord and Father, of most famous Memory, King Henry the 8th, whose Soul God pardon. As also to the intent, that during the time of our Minority, the great and weighty Causes of our Realms and Dominions may be set forth, conducted, passed, applied, and ordered, in such sort, as shall be most to the Glory of God, our Surety and Honour; and for the Weal, Benefit, and Commodity of Us, Our said Realms and Dominions, and of all Our loving Subjects of the same, have advised Us to nominate, appoint, and authorise some one meet and trusty Personage, above all others, to take the special Care and Charge of the same for Us, and in our Name and Behalf; without the which the things before remembered could not, nor can be done so well as appertaineth. We therefore using their Advices and Counsels in this behalf, did heretofore assign and appoint our dear and wellbeloved Uncle Edward, now Duke of Somerset, Governor of our Person, and Protector of Our said Realms and Dominions, and of our Subjects and People of the same. Which thing, albeit We have already declared heretofore, and our Pleasure therein published by Word of our Mouth, in the presence of Our said Council, Nobles, and Prelates of Our said Realm of England, and not by any Writing set forth under Our Seal for that only purpose. Yet for a more perfect and manifest knowledge, and further corroboration and understanding of Our determination in that behalf; and considering that no manner of Person is so meet to have and occupy the said Charge and Administration, and to do Us service in the same, as is Our said Uncle Edward, Duke of Somerset, eldest Brother to our Natural most gracious late Mother Queen Jane, as well for the proximity of Blood, whereby he is the more stirred to have special eye and regard to our Surety and good Education, in this Our said Minority; as also for the long and great experience which Our said Uncle hath had in the Life-time of Our said dear Father, in the Affairs of our said Realm and Dominions, both in time of Peace and War; whereby he is more able to Order and Rule Our said Realms, Dominions, and Subjects of the same: and for the special confidence and trust that We have in Our said Uncle, as well with the Advice and Consent of our Council, and other our Nobles and Prelates, as also of divers discreet and sage Men that served Our said late Father in his Council and weighty Affairs; We therefore, by these Presents, do not only ratify, approve, confirm, and allow, all and every thing and things whatsoever devised or set forth, committed or done by Our said Uncle, as Governor of our Person, and Protector of our said Realms and Dominions, and of the Subjects of the same, sigh the time he was by Us named, appointed, and ordained by Word Governor of our Person, and Protector of Our said Realms and Dominions, and of the Subjects of the same, as is aforesaid, or otherwise any time before, since the death of Our said late Father. But also by these Presents, We for a full and perfect Declaration of the Authority of Our said Uncle, given and appointed as aforesaid, do nominate, appoint, and ordain Our said Uncle, Governor of Our said Person, and Protector of Our said Realms and Dominions, and of the Subjects of the same, until such time as We shall have, by the sufferance of God, accomplished the Age of eighteen Years.  
And We also do grant to Our said Uncle, by these Presents, full Power and Authority, from time to time, until such time as We shall have accomplished the said Age of eighteen Years, to do, procure, and execute, and cause to be done, procured, and executed, all and every such Thing and Things, Act and Acts, which a Governor of the King's Person of this Realm, during his Minority, and a Protector of his Realms, Dominions, and Subjects, aught to do, procure, and execute, or cause to be done, procured, and executed; and also all and every other thing and things, which to the Office of a Governor of a King of the Realm, during his Minority, and of a Protector of his Realms, Dominions, and Subjects, in any wise appertaineth or belongeth. Willing, Authorising, and Commanding, Our said Uncle, by these Presents, to take upon him the Name, Title, and Authority of Governor of our Person, and Protector of our Realms, Dominions, and Subjects; and to do, procure, and execute, and cause to be done, procured and executed, from time to time, until We shall have accomplished the said Age of eighteen Years, all and every Thing and Things, Act and Acts, of what Nature, Quality, or Effect soever they be or shall be, concerning our Affairs, Do, and Proceed, both Private and Public, as well in Outward and Foreign Causes and Matters, as also concerning our Affairs, Do, and Proceed within Our said Realms and Dominions, or in any of them, or concerning any Manner, Causes, or Matters, of any of our Subjects of the same, in such like manner and form as shall be thought, by his Wisdom and Discretion, to be for the Honour, Surety, Prosperity, good Order, Wealth, or Commodity of Us, or of any of Our said Realms and Dominions, or of the Subjects of any of the same.  
And to the intent Our said Uncle should be furnished with Men qualified in Wit, Knowledge, and Experience for his Aid and Assistance, in the managing and accomplishment of Our said Affairs, We have, by the Advice and Consent of Our said Uncle, and others, the Nobles, Prelates, and wise Men of Our said Realm of England, chosen, taken, and accepted, and by these Presents do choose, take, accept, and ordain to be our Counsellors, and of our Council, the most Reverend Father in God, Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, and our right Trusty and wellbeloved William, Lord St. John, Great Master of our Household, and Precedent of our Council; John Lord Russel Keeper of our Privy-Seal; and Our trusty and right wellbeloved Cousins, William Marquis of Northampton; John Earl of Warwick, Great Chamberlain of England; Henry Earl of Arundel, our Lord Chamberlain; Thomas Lord Seymour of Sudley, High Admiral of England; the Reverend Father in God, Cuthbert Bishop of Duresm, and Our right trusty and wellbeloved Richard Lord Rich; Sir Thomas Cheyney Knight of our Order, and Treasurer of our Household; Sir John Gage Knight of our Order, and controller of our Household; Sir Anthony Brown Knight of our Order, Master of our Horses; Sir Anthony Wingfield Knight of our Order, our Vicechamberlain; Sir William Paget Knight of our Order, Our chief Secretary; Sir William Petre Knight, one of Our two principal Secretaries; Sir Ralph Sadler Knight, Master of our Great Wardrobe; Sir John Baker Kt. Dr. Wotton Dean of Canterbury and York; Sir Anthony Denny and Sir William Herbert Kts. Gentlemen of our Privy-Chamber; Sir Edward North Kt. Chancellor of our Court of Augmentations and Revenues of our Crown; Sir Edward Montague Kt. Chief Justice of our Common-Pleas; Sir Edward Wotton Kt. Sir Edmund Pekham Kt. Cofferer of our Household; Sir Thomas Bromley Kt. one of the Justices for Pleas before us to be holden, and Sir Richard Southwell Kt.  
And furthermore We are contented and pleased, and by these Presents do give full Power and Authority to our said Uncle, from time to time, until We shall have accomplished, and be of the full Age of eighteen Years, to call, ordain, name, appoint, and swear such, and as many other Persons of our Subjects, as to him our said Uncle shall seem meet and requisite to be of our Council; and that all and every such Person or Persons, so by our said Uncle, for and during the time aforesaid to be called, named, ordained, appointed, and sworn of our Council, and to be our Counsellor or Counsellors, We do by these Presents name, ordain, accept, and take our Counsellor and Counsellors, and of our Council in like manner and form, as if he, they, and every of them, were in these Presents by Us appointed, named, and taken to be of our Council, and our Counsellor or Counsellors, by express Name or Names. And that also of our forenamed Counsellors, or of any others which our said Uncle shall hereafter at any time take and choose to be our Counsellor or Counsellors, or of our said Council, he our said Uncle shall, may, and have Authority by these Presents, to choose, name, appoint, use, and swear of Privy-Council, and to be our Privy-Counsellor or Counsellors, such and so many as he from time to time shall think convenient.  
And it is Our further pleasure, and also We will and grant by these Presents, for Us, our Heirs and Successors, That whatsoever Cause, Matter, Deed, Thing, or Things, of what Nature, Quality, or Condition soever the same be; yea, though the same require, or aught by any Manner, Law, Statute, Proclamation, or other Ordinance whatsoever, to be specially, or by Name, expressed or set forth in this Our present Grant or Letters Patents, and be not herein expressed or mentioned, specially which Our said Uncle, or any of our Privy-Counsellor, or Counsellors, with the Advice, Consent, or Agreement of Our said Uncle, have thought necessary, meet, expedient, decent, or in any manner-wise convenient to be devised, done, or executed, during our Minority, and until We come to the full Age of eighteen Years, for the Surety, Honour, Profit, Health, or Education of our Person; or for the Surety, Honour, Profit, Weal, Benefit, or Commodity of any of our Realms, Dominions, or Subjects; and the same have devised, done, or executed, or caused to be devised, executed, or done at any time since the Death of Our most Noble Father of most famous memory. We are contented, and pleased, and will and grant, for Us, our Heirs and Successors, by these Presents, that the same Cause, Matter, Deed, Thing and Things, and every of them, shall stand, remain, and be (until such time our said Uncle, with such and so many of Our foresaid Counsellors as he shall think meet to call unto his assistance, shall revoke and annihilate the same) good, sure, stable, available, and effectual, to all Intents and Purposes, without offence of Us, or against Us, or of or against any of our Laws, Statutes, Proclamations, or other Ordinances whatsoever; and without incurring therefore into any Danger, Penalty, Forfeit, Loss; or any other Encumbrance, Penalty, or Vexation of his or their Bodies, Lands, Rents, Goods, or Chattels; or of their, or of any of their Heirs, Executors, or Administrators, or of any other Person or Persons whatsoever, which have done or executed any Cause, Matter, Deed, Thing or Things, now, or any time since the Death of Our said Father, by the Commandment or Ordinance of Our said Uncle, or any of our Counsellors, with the Advice, Consent, or Agreement of Our said Uncle.  
And further We are contented and pleased, and will and grant, for Us, our Heirs and Successors, by these Presents, that whatsoever Cause, Matter, Deed, Thing or Things, of what Nature, Quality, or Condition soever the same be, or shall be; yea, though the same require, or aught by any Manner, Law, Statute, Proclamation, or other whatsoever Ordinance to be specially and by name expressed and set forth in this our present Grant and Letters Patents, and be not herein specially named or expressed, which our said Uncle shall at any time, during our Minority, and until We shall come to the full Age of eighteen Years, think necessary, meet, expedient, decent, or in any wise convenient to be devised, had, made, executed or done in our Name, for the Surety, Honour, Profit, Health, or Education of our Person, or which our said Uncle, with the Advice and Consent of such, and so many of our Privy-Council, or of our Counsellors, as he shall think meet to call unto him from time to time, shall at any time, until We come unto the full Age of eighteen Years, think necessary, meet, decent, expedient, or in any-wise convenient to be devised, had, made, executed, or done in our Name, for the Surety, Honour, Profit, Weal, Benefit, or Commodity of any of our Realms, Dominions, or Subjects, or any of them, he Our said Uncle and Counsellors, and every of them, and all and every other Person or Persons, by his Our said Uncle's Commandment, Direction, Appointment, or Order, or by the Commandment, Appointment, Direction, or Order of any of Our said Counsellors, so as Our said Uncle agree, and be contented, to and with the same, shall and may do, or execute the same without displeasure to Us, or any manner of Crime or Offence to be by Us, our Heirs or Successors, laid or imputed to him Our said Uncle, or any Our said Counsellors, or any other Person or Persons therefore, or in that behalf, and without any offence of or against our Laws, Statutes, Proclamations, or other whatsoever Ordinances; and without incurring therefore into any Damages, Penalty, Forfeit, Loss, or any other Encumbrance, Trouble, or Vexation of his, or any of their Bodies, Lands, Tenements, Goods or Chattels; or of his or their, or any their Heirs, Successors, Assigns, Executors or Administrators. And therefore we Will and Command, not only all and every our Judges, Justices, Sergeants, Attorneys, Solicitors, Sheriffs, Escheators, Bailiffs, and all other our Officers, Ministers, and Subjects, that now be, or hereafter shall be, in no wise to Impeach, Appeal, Arrest, Trouble, Vex, Injure, or Molest in our Name or otherwise, Our said Uncle, or our said Counsellors, or any of them, or any other Person, for any Cause, Matter, Deed, Thing or Things, which he or they, or any of them have done, or shall do, execute, or cause to be executed or done as aforesaid; But also We require, and nevertheless straight Charge and Command, by these Presents, all and every our Officers, Ministers, and Subjects, of what Estate, Degree, or Condition soever he or they be, or shall be, to be obedient, aiding, attendant and assisting to Our said Uncle and Counsellors, and to every of them as behoveth, for the execution of this Charge and Commission given and committed unto Our said Uncle and Council as aforesaid, as they tender our Favour, and their own Weals, and as they will answer unto Us at their uttermost Perils for the contrary. In Witness whereof, We have caused these our Letters to be made Patents; Witness ourselves at Westminster, the 13th day of March, in the first Year of our Reign.  


E. Somerset.  
T. Cantuarien.  
W. St. John.  
J. Russell.  
W. Northamp.  
T. Cheynie.  
William Paget.  
Anthony Brown.     

Number 7. The King's Letter to the Archbishop of York, concerning the Visitation then intended.  
EDwardus sextus, Dei Gratia, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae, Rex, 
Cotton Libr. Titus B. 2.  Fidei Defensor, ac in terra Ecclesiae Anglicanae & Hiberniae supremum Caput, Reverendissimo in Christo Patri, ac praedilecto Consiliario nostro Roberto permissione divina Eboracen. Archiepisc. Angliae Primati & Metropolitano salutem.  
Quum nos, suprema Authoritate nostra Regia, omnia & singula loca Ecclesiastica, clerumque & populum infra & per totum nostrum Angliae Regnum constituta, propediem visitare statuerimus, Vobis tenore praesentium stricte inhibemus atque mandamus & per vos Suffraganeis vestris confratribus Episcopis, ac per illos suis Archidiaconis ac aliis quibuscunque jurisdictionem Ecclesiasticam exercentibus, tam exemptis quam non exemptis, infra vestram Provinciam Eboracens. ubilibet constitutis sic inhibere volumus atque praecipimus, quatenus nec vos nec quisquam eorum Ecclesias, aut alia loca praedicta Clerumve aut populum visitare, aut ea quae sunt jurisdictionis exercere seu quicquam aliud in praejudicium dictae nostrae Visitationis generalis quovismodo attemptare presumat sive presumant sub poena contemptus, donec & quousque licentiam & facultatem vobis & eye in ea parte largiend. & impertiend. fore duxerimus. Et quia non solum internam animorum subditorum nostrorum pacem; verum etiam externam eorum concordiam multiplicibus opinionum procellis ex contentione, dissentione & contraversiis concionatorum exortis, multum corruptam, violatam ac misere divulsam esse cernimus; Idcirco nobis admodum necessarium visum est ad sedandas & componendas hujusmodi opinionum varietates, quatenus inhibeatis, seu inhiberi faciatis omnibus & singulis Episcopis, nec alibi quam in Ecclesiis suis Cathedralibus, & aliis Personis Ecclesiasticis quibuscunque, ne in alio loco quam in suis Ecclesiis, Collegiatis, sive Parochialibus, in quibus intitulati sunt, predicent, aut subditis nostris quovismodo concionandi munus exerceant, nisi ex gratia nostra speciali ad id postea licentiati fuerint, sub nostrae indignationis paena. In cujus rei testimonium, Sigillum nostrum, quo ad causas Ecclesiasticas utimur, praesentibus apponi mandavimus. 

E. Somerset.  
T. Seimour.  
T. Cantuarien.  
W. St. John.  
Will. Petre Secretary.  
J. Russell.  
John Barker.  
John Gage.    
Dat. quarto die mensis Maii, Anno Dom. 1547. & Regni nostri Anno primo.   

Number 8. The Form of bidding Prayer before the Reformation. The Bedes on the Sunday.  

Out of the Festival, printed An. 1509.  YE shall kneel down on your Knees, and lift up your Hearts, making your Prayers to Almighty God, for the good State and Peace of all-holy Church, that God maintain, save, and keep it. For our Holy Father the Pope, with all his true College of Cardinals, that God for his Mercy them maintain and keep in the right Belief, and it hold and increase, and all Misbelief and Heresy be less and destroyed. Also ye shall pray for the Holy Land, and for the Holy Cross that Jesus Christ died on for the redemption of Man's Souls, that it may come into the power of Christian Men the more to be honoured for our Prayers. Also ye shall pray for all Arch-Bishops and Bishops; and especially for the Archbishop of Canterbury our Metropolitan, and for the Bishop of N. our Diocesan, that God of his Mercy give to them Grace so to govern and rule Holy Church, that it may be to the Honour and Worship of him, and Salvation of our Souls. Also ye shall pray for Abbots, Priors, Monks, Canons, Friars, and for all Men and Women of Religion, in what Order, Estate, or Degree that they stand in, from the highest Estate unto the lowest Degree. Also ye shall pray for all them that have Charge and Cure of Christian men's Souls, as Curates and Parsons, Vicars, Priests and Clarks; and in especial for the Parson and Curate of this Church, and for all the Priests and Ministers that serve therein, or have served therein; and for all them that have taken any Order, that Almighty God give them Grace of continuance well for to keep and observe it to the honour and health of their Souls. Also ye shall pray for the Unity and Peace of all Christian Realms, and in especial for the good Estate, Peace and Tranquillity, of this Realm of England, for our Liege Lord the King, that God for his great Mercy send him Grace so to Govern and Rule this Realm, that God be pleased and worshipped, and to the Profit and Salvation of this Land. Also ye shall pray for our Liege Lady the Queen, my Lord Prince, and all the noble Progeny of them; for all Dukes, Earls, Barons, Knights, and Esquires, and other Lords of the King's Council, which have any Rule and Governance in this Land, that God give them Grace so to Council, Rule, and Govern, that God be pleased, the Land defended, and to the profit and Salvation of all the Realm. Also ye shall pray for the Peace both on Land, and on the Water; that God grant Love and Charity among all Christian People. Also ye shall pray for all our Parishes, where that they be, on Land or on Water, that God save them from all manner of Perils; and for all the good Men of this Parish, for their Wives, Children, and Men, that God them maintain, save and keep. Also ye shall pray for all true Tithers, that God multiply their Goods and Increase; for all true tilers that labour for our Sustenance, that Till the Earth; and also for all the Grains and Fruits that be sown, set, or done on the Earth, or shall be done, that God send such Wether that they may grow, increase, and multiply, to the help and profit of all Mankind. Also ye shall pray for all true Shipmen and Merchants, wheresoever that they be, on Land or on Water, that God keep them from all Perils, and bring them home in safety, with their Goods, Ships, and Merchandises, to the Help, Comfort, and Profit of this Realm. Also ye shall pray for them that find any Light in this Church, or give any Behests, Book▪ Bell, Chalice, or Vestment, Surplice, Water-cloath, or Towel, Lands, Rents, Lamp or Light, or any other Adornments, whereby God's Service is the better served, sustained and maintained in Reading and Singing, and for all them that thereto have counselled, that God reward and yield it them at their most need. Also ye shall pray for all true Pilgrims and Palmers, that have taken their way to Rome, to Jerusalem, to St. Katherine's, or St. James, or to any other Place, that God of his Grace give them time and space, well for to go and to come, to the profit of their Lives & Souls. Also ye shall pray for all them that be sick or diseased of this Parish, that God send to them Health, the rather for our Prayers; for all the Women which be in our Lady's Bands, and with Child, in this Parish, or in any other, that God send to them fair Deliverance, to their Children right Shape, Name, and Christendom, and to the Mother's purification; and for all them that would be here, and may not, for Sickness or Travail, or any other lawful Occupation, that they may have part of all the good Deeds that shall be done here in this Place, or in any other. And ye shall pray for all them that be in good Life, that good them hold long therein; and for them that be in Debt, or deadly Sin, that Jesus Christ bring them out thereof, the rather for our Prayer. Also ye shall pray for him or her that this day gave the Holy Bread, and for him that first began and longest holdeth on, that God reward it him at the day of Doom; and for all them that do well, or say you good, that God yield it them at their need, and for them that otherwise would that Jesus Christ amend them; For all those, and for all Christian Men and Women, ye shall say a Pater Noster; Ave Maria; Deus misereatur nostri; Gloria Patri; Kyrie Eleison; Christ Eleison; Kyrie Eleison; Pater Noster; Et ne nos; Sed libera; Versus; ostend nobis; Sacerdotes; Domine salvum fac Regem; Salvum fac Populum; Domine fiat Pax; Domine exaudi; Dominus vobiscum; Oremus; Ecclesiae tuae quaesumus; Deus in cujus manu; Deus a quo sancta, etc. Furthermore, ye shall pray for all Christian Souls, for Arch-Bishops and Bishops Souls; and in especial, for all that have been Bishops of this Diocese; and for all Curates, Parsons and Vicar's Souls, and in especial, for them that have been Curates of this Church, and for the Souls that have served in this Church. Also ye shall pray for the Souls of all Christian Kings and Queens, and in especial for the Souls of them that have been Kings of this Realm of England; and for all those Souls that to this Church have given Book, Bell, Chalice, or Vestment, or any other thing, by the which the Service of God is better done, and Holy Church worshipped. Ye shall also pray for your Father's Soul, for your Mother's Soul; for your Godfathers Souls, for your Godmothers Souls; for your Brethren and Sisters Souls, and for your Kindred's Souls, and for your Friends Souls, and for all the Souls we be bound to pray for; and for all the Souls that be in the Pains of Purgatory, there abiding the Mercy of Almighty God; and in especial for them that have most need and least help, that God of his endless Mercy lessen and minish their Pains by the means of our Prayers, and bring them to his Everlasting Bliss in Heaven. And also of the Soul N. or of them that upon such a day this Week we shall have the Anniversary; and for all Christian Souls ye shall devoutly say a Pater Noster and Ave Maria; Psalmus de profundis, etc. with this Collect, Oremus; Absolve quaesumus Domine animas famulorum tuorum Pontificum, Regum, Sacerdotum, Parentum, Parochianorum, Amicorum, Benefactorum Nostrorum, & omnium fidelum defunctorum, ab omni vinculo delictorum; ut in Resurrectionis Gloria inter sanitos & electos tuos resuscitati respirent, per jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.   

Number 9 Bishop Tonstall's Letter, proving the Subjection of Scotland to England. An Original.  

Cotton Libr. Caligula B. 7  PLease it your Grace, my Lord Protector, and you right hounourable Lords of the King's Majesties Council, to understand, that I have received your Letter of the 4th of this month, by which ye will me to search all mine old Registers, and ancient Places to be sought, where any thing may be found for the more clear declaration to the World of the King's Majesties Title to the Realm of Scotland, and to advertise you with speed accordingly: And also to signify unto you what ancient Charters and Monuments for that purpose I have seen, and where the same are to be sought for. According unto which your Letters, I have sought with all diligence all mine old Registers, making mention of the Superiorities of the Kings of England to the Realm of Scotland, and have found in the same of many Homages made by the Kings of Scots to the Kings of England, as shall appear by the Copies which I do send to your Grace and to your Lordships herewith. Ye shall also find in the said Copies the Gift of the Barony of Coldingham, made to the Church of Duresm by Edgar the King of Scots; which Original Gift is under Seal, which I shown once to my Lord Maxwell at Duresm, in the presence of you my Lord Protector. I find also a confirmation of the same Gift by King William Rufus in an old Register, but not under Seal, the Copy whereof is sent herewith. The Homages of Kings of Scotland which I have found in the Registers, I have sent in this Copy. I send also herewith the Copy of a Grant made by King Richard the First unto William King of Scots and his Heirs, How as oft as he is summoned to come to the Parliament, he shall be received in the Confines of the Realm of Scotland, and conducted from Shire to Shire unto his coming to the Parliament; and what the King doth allow him for his Diet every day unto the Court; and also what Diet and Allowance he hath, being at the Parliament, both in Bread and Wine, Wax and Candle, for his time of his abode there; and of his Conduct in his return home.  
And where King William, King of Scots, made Homage to King Henry the Second, and granted, That all the Nobles of his Realm should be his Subjects, and make Homage to him; and all the Bishops of his Realm should be under the Arch-Bishops of York: And the said King William delivered to the said King Henry, the Castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh, and the Castle of Barwick, as is found in my Register; and that the King of England should give all Abbeys and Honours in Scotland, or at least they should not be given without his Counsel. I do find, in the confirmation of the same, out of the old Registers of the Priors of Duresm, Homage made by the Abbots, Priors, and Prioresses of Scotland, to King Edward the First, in French, which I do send herewith. Also I do send herewith in French, how King Edward the First was received and taken to be Supreme Lord in Scotland, by all those that pretended Title to the Crown of Scotland, as next Heirs to the King, that was then dead without Issue, and the compromise of them all made unto the said King Edward the First to stand to his Judgement, which of all them that did claim should have the Crown of Scotland: The Transcript of which Compromise in French, was then sent by the said King Edward, under the Seal of the King's Exchequer in green Wax, to the Prior of Duresm, to be registered for a perpetual Memory, that the Supremity of Scotland belonged to the Kings of England, which yet the Chapiters' of Duresm have to show, which thing he commandeth them to put in their Chronicles.  
And touching the second part of your Letter, where you will me to advertise you what I have seen in the Premises; so it is, that I was commanded by mine old Master, of famous memory, King Henry the 8th, to make search among the Records of his Treasury, in the Receipt for Solemnities to be done at his Coronation in most solemn manner; according to which commandment, I made search in the said Treasury, where I fortuned to find many Writings for the Supremacy of the King to the Realm of Scotland; and among others also, a Writing with very many Seals of Arms of Scots, confessing the right of the Supremacy to the King of England; which Writings I doubt not may be found there.  
I have also sent a Copy of a Book myself have of Homages made to the Kings of England by the Kings of Scotland, which the Chancellor of England in King Henry the Sevenths days had gathered out of the King's Records, which I doubt not, but out of the King's Records and Ancient Books, the same may be found again by my Lord Chancellor and the Judges.  
Furthermore your Grace, and you the Right Honourable Lords of the Council, shall understand, That in making much search for the Premises, at the last we found, out of the Registers of the Chapters of Duresm, when it was a Priory, the Copy of a Writing, by which King Edward the Second doth renounce such Superiority as he had in the Realm of Scotland, for him and his Heirs, to Robert King of Scots then being, as will appear by a Copy of the same, which I do send you herewith, making mention, in the end of the said Writings, of a Commission that he gave to Henry the Lord Percy, and to William the Lord Souch, under his Letters Patents, to give his Oath upon the same. And after the said Writing, we found also in the said Book, a Renunciation of the said King Edward, of a Process that he had commenced before the Bishop of Rome, against Robert King of Scots and his Subjects, for breaking their Oath to him, as will appear by the Copy thereof, which I do send also herewith. And touching the said Renunciation of King Edward the Second, to the Superiority of the Realm of Scotland, I have often heard it spoken of by Scots, but I did never see the form of it in writing, until I see it now; which thing it is not unlikely but the Scots have under the Seal of the said King Edward. Whereunto answer is to be made, That a King renouncing the right of his Crown, cannot prejudice his Successors, who have at the time of their entry, the same whole right that their Predecessors had at their first entry, as Men learned in the Civil Law can by their learning show.  
And furthermore, search is to be made in the King's Records in the Treasury, whether Homages have been made since King Edward the Second Time; that is to say, in the Times of King Edward the Third, King Richard the Second, King Henry the Fourth, King Henry the Fifth, and King Henry the Sixth. In which Times, if any Homage can be found to be made, it shall appear the same Renunciation to have taken none effect in the Successors, and Ancient Right to be continued again. For after King Edward the Fourth and King Henry the Sixth strove for the Crown, I think none Homage of Scotland will be found, for than was also lost Gascoigne and Guienne in France. It is also to be remembered, that when the Body of King Henry the Fifth was brought out of France to be buried at Westminster, the King of Scots then being, came with him, and was the chief Mourner at his Burial; which King of Scots, whether he made any Homage to King Henry the Fifth in his Life-time, or to King Henry the Sixth at his Coronation, it is to be searched by the Records of that time.  
This is all that can be found hitherto, by all most diligent search that I could make in my Records here; and if any more can be found, it shall be sent with all speed.  
And thus Almighty preserve your Grace, and your Honourable Lordships, to his Pleasure and yours.  
From Ackland the 15th of October, 1547. Your Grace's most humble Orator at Commandment. Cuth. Duresme.   

Number 10. A Letter from the Scotish Nobility to the Pope, concerning their being an Independent Kingdom. An Original. Literae directae ad Dominum Summum Pontificem per Communitatem Scotiae. 1320.  
SAnctissimo Patri in Christo, 
Ex Autogr. apud Ill. Com. de H.  ac Domino D. Johanni Divina Providentia Sacrosanctae Romanae & Universalis Ecclesiae Summo Pontifici, filii sui humiles & devoti, Duncanus Comes de Fife, Thomas Ranulph Comes Moraviae, D. Manniae & Vallis Annandiae, Patricius de Dumbar, Comes Marchiae, Malisius Comes de Straherne, Malcolmus Comes de Levenex, Willielmus Comes de Ross, Magnus Comes Cathaneae & Orcadiae, & Willielmus Comes Sutherlandiae, Walterus Senescallus Scotiae, Willielmus de Souls Buttelarius Scotiae, Jacobus D. Douglas, Rogerus de Mowbray, David D. de Brechen, David de Grahame, Ingelramus de Umphavill, Johannes de Meneteth custos Comitatis de Meneteth, Alex. Fraser, Gilbertus de Haia Constabularius Scotiae, Robertus de Keith Mariscallus Scotiae, Henricus de Sancto Claro, Johannes de Grahame, David de Lindsey, Willielmus Oliphant, Patricius de Grahame, Johannes de Tenton, Willielmus de Abernethie, David de Weemes, Willielmus de Monte fixo, Fergusus de Ardrossane, Eustachius de Maxwell, Willielmus de Ramsay, Willielmus de Monte alto, Alanus de Moravia, Donenaldus campbel, Johannes Cambrime, Regenaldus de Chein, Alex. de Seaton, Andreas de Lescelyne, & Alex. de Straton, caeterique Barones & libere-tenentes; ac tota Communitas Regni Scotiae, omnimodam reverentiam filialem, cum devotis pedum osculis Beatorum; Scimus; Sanctissime Pater, & Domine, & ex antiquorum gestis & libris colligimus, quod inter caeteras nationes egregias, nostra [scilicet Scotorum Natio] multis praeconiis fuerit insignita; quae de majori Scythia per Mare Tyrrhenum & Columnas Herculis transiens, & in Hispania inter faerocissimos per multa temporum curricula residens, a nullis quantumcunque Barbaricis poterat alicubi subjugari; Indeque veniens post mille & ducentos annos a transitu Populi Israelitici sibi sedes in occidente, quas nunc obtinet, expulsis Brittonibus, & Pictis omnia deletis: licet per Norwagienses, Dacos & Anglicos saepius impugnata fuerit, multis sibi victoriis & laboribus quamplurimis adquisivit; ipsasque ab omni servitute liberas (ut priscorum testantur Historiae) semper tenuit: In quorum Regno centum & tres decem Reges de ipsorum regali praesapia, nullo alienigena interveniente, Regnaverunt; Quorum Nobilitas & merita (licet ex aliis non clarerent) satis patenter effulgent ex eo; quod Rex regum D. Jesus Christus post Passionem & Resurrectionem suam ipsos in ultimis terrae finibus constitutos, quasi primos ad suam fidem sanctissimam convocavit, nec eos per quemlibet in dicta fide confirmari voluit, sed per suum primum Apostolum, quamvis ordine secundum vel tertium, Sanctum Andream meritissimum beati Petri Germanum, quem semper ipsis praecesse voluit ut Patronum. Haec autem Sanctissimi Patres & Predecessores vestri sollicita ment pensantes, ipsum Regnum & Populum, ut beati Petri germano peculium multis favoribus & privilegiis quam plurimis muniverunt. Itaque gens nostra sub ipsorum protectione libera hactenus degit & quieta; donec ille princeps Magnificus Rex Anglorum Edwardus, Pater istius, (qui hunc est) Regnum nostrum Acephalum, populumque nullius mali aut doli conscium, nec bellis aut insultibus tunc assuetum sub amica & confederata specie innumerabiliter infestavit. Cujus injurias, caedes, & violentias, praedationes, incendia, Praelatorum incarcerationes, Monasteriorum combustiones, Religiosorum spoliationes & occisiones, alia quoque enormia, quae in dicto populo exercuit, nulli parcens aetati aut sexui, Religioni aut ordini; nullus scriberet nec ad plenum intelligeret nisi quem experientia informaret: a quibus malis innumeris (ipso juvante qui post vulnera medetur & sanat) liberati sumus per serenissimum Principem Regem & Dominum nostrum, D. Robertum, qui pro populo & haereditate suis de manibus inimicorum liberandis, quasi alter Maccabeus aut Josua, labores, & taedia, inedias & pericula, leto sustinuit animo; quem etiam divina dispositio, & juxta leges & consuetudines nostras, quas usque ad mortem sustinere volumus, juris Successio, & debitus nostrorum omnium consensus & assensus, nostrum fecerunt Principem ac Regem: Cui, tanquam illi, per quem salus in populo facta est, pro nostra libertate tuenda tam jure quam meritis tenemur & volumus in omnibus adhaerere; Quem, (si ab inceptis desistet, Regi Anglorum aut Anglicis nos, aut Regnum nostrum, volens subjicere) tanquam inimicum nostrum, & sui nostrique juris subversorem, statim expellere intemur; & alium Regem nostrum, qui ad defensionem nostram sufficiet, faciemus: Quia, quamdiu centum vivi remanserint nunquam Anglicorum dominio aliquatenus volumus subjugari. Non enim propter gloriam, divitias, aut honores, pugnamus; sed propter libertatem solummodo, quam nemo bonus nisi simul cum vita amittet. Hinc est, Reverende Pater & Domine, quod sanctitatem vestram cum omni praecum instantia genuflexis cordibus exoramus, quatenus sincero corde menteque pia recensentes, quod apud eum, cujus vices in terris geritis, non sit pondus & pondus, nec distinctio Judaei & Graeci, Scoti aut Anglici, tribulationes & Augustias nobis & Ecclesiae Dei illatas ab Anglicis, paternis oculis intuentes Regem Anglorum, cui sufficere debet quod possidet (cum olim Anglia septem aut pluribus solebat sufficere Regibus) monere & exhortari dignemini, ut nos Scotos in exili degentes, Scotia (ultra quam habitatio non est) nihilque nisi nostrum cupientes in pace dimittat: Cui pro nostra procuranda quiete, quicquid possumus (ad statum nostrum respectu habito) facere volumus cum effectu. Vestra enim interest, Sancte Pater, hoc facere, qui paganorum feritatem Christianorum culpis exigentibus in Christianos saevientem aspicitis, & Christianorum terminos arctari indies. 
* Quaedam sunt deleta. — Sanctitatis memoriae derogat, si (quod absit) Ecclesia in aliqua sui parte vestris temporibus patiatur Ecclipsin aut Scandalum, vos videritis: Exhortet igitur Christianos Principes, qui non causam ut causam ponentes se fingunt in subsidium terrae sanctae propter guerras, quas habent cum proximus ire non posse; Cujus impedimenti causa est verior, quod in minoribus proximis debellandis utilitas proprior, & resistentia de bilior estimantur. Sic quam leto corde dictus D. Rex Noster & nos; Si Rex Anglorum nos in pace dimittit, illuc iremus; qui nihil ignorat satis novit: quod Christi Vicario totique Christianitati ostendimus & testamur. Quibus, si Sanctitas vestra Anglorum relatibus nimis credula, fidem sinceram non adhibet, aut ipsis in nostram confusionem favere non desinat, Corporum excidia, animarum exitia, & caetera quae sequenturin commoda, quae ipsi in nobis & nos in ipsis fecerimus, vobis ab altissimo credimus imputanda; ex quo sumus & erimus in his quae tenemur, tanquam obedientiae filii, vobis tanquam ipsius vicario, in omnibus complacere; ipsique tanquam summo Regi & judici causam nostram ruendam committimus, cogitatum nostrum jactitantes in ipso, sperantesque finem; quod in nobis virtutem faciet, & ad nihilum rediget Hostes nostros Serenitatem ac Sanctitatem vestram conservet Altissimus, Ecclesiae suae Sanctae per tempora diuturna. Datum apud Monasterium de Aberbroth in Scotia, 6 die Aprilis, Anno gratiae Millesimo trecentesimo vicesimo. Anno vero Regni Regis nostri supradicti quintodecimo.   

Number 11. The Oath given to the Scots, who submitted to the Protector.  
YOu shall bear your Faith to the King's Majesty, 
Ex Libro Concilii. Fol. 139.  our Sovereign Lord Edward the Sixth, etc. till such time as you shall be discharged of your Oath by special Licence. And you shall, to the uttermost of your power, serve his Majesty truly and faithfully, against all other Realms, Dominions, and Potentates, as well Scots as others. You shall hear nothing that may be prejudicial to his Majesty, or any of his Realms or Dominions, but with as much diligence as you may, shall cause the same to be opened, so as the same come to his Majesty's Knowledge, or to the knowledge of the Lord Protector, or some of his Majesty's Privy-Council. You shall, to the uttermost of your possible Power, set forwards and advance the King's Majesty's Affairs in Scotland, for the Marriage and Peace.   

Number 12. The Protestation of the Bishop of London made to the Visitors, when he received the King's Majesty's Injunctions and Homilies.  

Ex Libro Concilii. Fol. 110.  I Do receive these Injunctions and Homilies, with this Protestation, That I will observe them, if they be not contrary and repugnant to God's Law, and the Statutes and Ordinances of this Church.  
The Submission and Revocation of the same Bishop, made before the Lords of the King's Majesty's Council, presently attending upon his Majesty's Person; with the subscription of his Name thereunto.  
Where I Edmund Bishop of Lodon, have at such time as I received the King's Majesty's, my most dread Sovereign Lord's Injunctions and Homilies at the Hands of his Highness Visitors, did unadvisedly make such Protestation, as now upon better consideration of my duty of Obedience, and of the ill Example that may ensue to others thereof, appeareth to me neither reasonable, nor such as might well stand with the Duty of an humble Subject; forasmuch as the same Protestation, at my request, was then by the Register of that Visitation enacted and put in Record; I have thought it my bounden Duty, not only to declare before your Lordships, That I do now, upon better consideration of my Duty, renounce and revoke my said Protestation, but also most humbly beseech your Lordships, that this my Revocation of the same may likewise be put in the same Records for a perpetual Memory of the Truth: Most humbly beseeching your good Lordships, both to take order that it may take effect, and also that my former unadvised do may, by your good Mediations, be pardoned of the King's Majesty.  
Edmund London.   

Number 13. Gardiner's Letter to Sir John Godsalve concerning the Injunctions.  

Ex MS. Col. C. C. Cantab.  Mr. Godsalve, after my right hearty Commendations, with like thanks for the declaration of your good mind towards me (as you mean it) although it agreeth not with mine Account, such as I have had leisure to make in this time of Liberty, since the Death of my late Sovereign Lord, (whose Soul Jesus pardon). For this have I reckoned, that I was called to this Bishopric without the offence of God's Law, or the King's, in the attaining of it. I have kept my Bishopric these sixteen Years, accomplished this very day, that I writ these my Letters unto you, without offending God's Law, or the King's, in the retaining of it, howsoever I have of frailty otherwise sinned. Now if I may play the third part well, to departed from the Bishopric without the offence of God's Law, or the King's, I shall think the Tragedy of my Life well passed over: and in this part to be well handled is all my care and study now, how to finish this third Act well; for so I offend not God's Law, nor the King's, I will no more care to see my Bishopric taken from me, than myself to be taken from the Bishopric. I am by Nature already condemned to die, which Sentence no Man can pardon, nor assure me of delay in the execution of it; and so see that of necessity I shall leave my Bishopric to the disposition of the Crown from whence I had it, my Household also to break up, and my bringing up of Youth to cease, the remembrance whereof troubleth me nothing. I made in my House at London a pleasant Study that delighted me much, and yet I was glad to come into the Country and leave it; and as I have left the use of somewhat, so can I leave the use of all to obtain a more quiet; it is not loss to change for the better. Honesty and Truth are more leef to me than all the Possessions of the Realm, and in these two to say and do frankly, as I must, I never forbore yet: and in these two, Honesty and Truth, I take such pleasure and comfort, as I will never leave them for no respect, for they will abide by a Man, and so will nothing else. No Man can take them away from me but myself; and if myself do them away from me, than myself do undo myself; and make myself worthy to lose my Bishopric, whereat, such as gape, might take more sport than they are like to have at my hands. What other Men have said or done in the Homilies I cannot tell, and what Homilies or Injunctions shall be brought hither, I know not; such as the Printers have sold abroad, I have read and considered, and am therefore the better instructed how to use myself to the Visitors at their repair hither, to whom I will use no manner of Protestation but a plain Allegation, as the Matter serveth, and as Honesty and Truth shall bind me to speak; for I will never yield to do that should not beseem a Christian. Bishop's ought never to lose the Inheritance of the King's Laws due to every English Man for want of Petition. I will show myself a true Subject, humble and obedient, which repugneth not with the preservation of my Duty to God, and my Right in the Realm, not to be enjoined against an Act of Parliament: which mine intent I have signified to the Council, with request of redress in the Matter, and not to compel me to such an Allegation, which, without I were a Beast, I cannot pretermit: and I were more than a Beast, if after I had signified to the Council Truth and Reason in words, I should then seem in my Deeds not to care for it. My Lord Protector, in one of such Letters as he wrote to me, willed me not to fear too much; and indeed I know him so well, and divers others of my Lords of the Council, that I cannot fear any hurt at their hands, in the allegation of God's Law and the King's, and I will never defame them so much to be seen to fear it. And of what strength an Act of Parliament is, the Realm was taught in the case of her that we called Queen Ann, where all such as spoke against her in the , although they did it by special Commandment of the King, and spoke that was truth, yet they were fain to have a Pardon, because that speaking was against an Act of Parliament. Did you never know, or here tell of any Man, that for doing that the King our late Sovereign Lord willed, devised, and required to be done, He that took pains, and was commanded to do it, was fain to sue for his Pardon, and such other also as were doers in it: and I could tell who it were. Sure there hath been such a Case, and I have been present when it hath been reasoned, That the doing against an Act of Parliament, excuseth not a Man, even from the Case of Treason, although a Man did it by the King's Commandment. You can tell this to your remembrance, when you think further of it, and when it cometh to your remembrance, you will not be best content with yourself, I believe, to have advised me to enter the breach of an Act of Parliament, without surety of Pardon, although the King command it, and were such indeed as it were no matter to do it at all. And thus I answer the Letters with worldly civil Reasons, and take your Mind and Zeal towards me to be as tender as may be; and yet you see that the following of your Advice might make me lose my Bishopric by mine own Act, which I am sure you would I should keep, and so would I, as might stand with my Truth and Honesty, and none otherwise, as knoweth God, who send you hearty well to far.   

Number 14. The Conclusion of Gardiner's Letter to the Protector, against the lawfulness of the Injunctions.  

Cotton Libr. Vesp. D. 18.  Whether the King may command against the Common Law, or an Act of Parliament, there is never a Judge, or other Man in the Realm, aught to know more by experience, of that the Lawyers have said, than I  
First, My Lord Cardinal had obtained his Legacy by our late Sovereign Lord's Request at Rome; yet being it was against the Laws of the Realm, the Judges censured the Offence of Praemunire; which Matter I bore away, and take it for a Law of the Realm, because the Lawyers said so, but my Reason digested it not.  
The Lawyers, for the confirmation of their Do, brought in a Case of my Lord Typtest, an Earl he was, and learned in Civil Laws; who being Chancellor, because in execution of the King's Commission he offended the Laws of the Realm, he suffered on Tower-Hill: they brought in the Examples of many Judges that had Fines set on their Heads in like case, for transgression of the Laws by the King's Commandment; and this I learned in this Case.  
Since that time being of the Council, when many Proclamations were devised against the Carriers out of Corn; when it came to punishing the Offenders, the Judges would answer, it might not be by the Laws, because the Act of Parliament gave liberty, Wheat being under a price: Whereupon at the last followed the Act of Proclamations, in the passing whereof were many large words.  
When the Bishop of Exeter and his Chancellor were by one Body brought into a Praemunire, I reasoned with the Lord Audley then Chancellor so far, as he bade me hold my peace, for fear of entering a Praemunire myself: But I concluded, that although I must take it as of their Authority that it is Common Law, yet I could not see how a Man authorised by the King, as since the King's Majesty hath taken upon him the Supremacy, every Bishop is, that Man could fall in a Praemunire.  
I reasoned once in the Parliament House, where was free Speech without danger; and there the Lord Audley Chancellor, then to satisfy me, because I was in some secret estimation as he knew. Thou art a good Fellow, Bishop, (quoth he) look the Act of the Supremacy, and there the King's do be restrained to Spiritual Jurisdiction: And in an other Act, No Spiritual Law shall have place contrary to a Common Law, or an Act of Parliament. And if this were not (quoth he) the Bishops would enter in with the King, and by means of his Supremacy order the Law as you listed; but we will provide (quoth he) that the Praemunire shall never go off your Heads. This I bore away there, and held my peace.  
Since that time, in a Case of Jewels, I was fain, with the Emperor's Ambassador Chapinius when he was here, and in the Emperor's Court also, to defend and maintain by Commandment, that the King's Majesty was not above his Laws, and therefore the Jeweller, although he had the King's Bill signed, yet it would not serve, because it was not obtained after the Order of the Law, in which Matter I was very much troubled. Even this time twelvemonth, when I was in Commission with my Lord great Master, and the Earl of Southampton, for the altering of the Court of Augmentations, there was my Lord Montague, and other of the King's Learned Council, of whom I learned what the King might do against an Act of Parliament, and what danger it was to them that meddled. It is fresh in my Memory, and they can tell whether I say true or no; and therefore being learned in so notable Causes, I wrote in your absence therein, as I had learned by hearing the Common Lawyers speak (whose Judgements rule these Matters) howsoever my reason can digest them. When I wrote thereof, the Matter was so reasonable, as I have been learned by the Lawyers of the Realm, that I trusted my Lords would have stayed till your Grace's return.   

Number 15. A Letter from the Duke of Somerset to the Lady Mary in the beginning of King Edward's Reign.  
Madam, my humble Commendations to your Grace premised;  
THese may be to signify unto the same, 
Cotton Libr. Faustin. C. 2.  that I have received your Letters of the second of this present, by Jane your Servant, reknowledging myself thereby much bound unto your Grace; nevertheless I am very sorry to perceive that your Grace should have or conceive any sinister or wrong Opinion in me and others, which were by the King, your late Father, and our most gracious Master, put in trust as Executors of his Will, albeit the truth of our do being known to your Grace, as it seemeth by your said Letter not to be. I trust there shall be no such fault found in us, as in the same your Grace hath alleged; and for my part, I know none of us that will willingly neglect the full execution of every Jot of his said Will, as far as shall and may stand with the King our Master's Honour and Surety that now is: otherwise I am sure that your Grace, nor none other his Faithful Subjects, would have it take place; not doubting but our Do and Proceed therein, and in all things committed to our Charge, shall be such as shall be able to answer the whole World, both in honour and discharge of our Consciences. And where your Grace writeth, that the most part of the Realm, through a naughty Liberty and Presumption, are now brought into such a Division, as if we Executors go not about to bring them to that stay that our late Master left them; they will forsake all Obedience, unless they have their own Will and Fantasies, and then it must follow that the King shall not be well served, and that all other Realms shall have us in an Obloquy and Derision, and not without just cause. Madam, as these words written or spoken by you soundeth not well, so can I not persuade myself, that they have proceeded from the sincere mind of so virtuous and so wise a Lady, but rather by the setting on and procurement of some uncharitable and malicious Persons, of which sort there are too many in these days, the more pity: but yet we must not be so simple so to weigh and regard the Say of illdisposed People, and the Do of other Realms and Countries, as for that Report we should neglect our Duty to God, and to our Sovereign Lord and Native Country, for than we might be justly called evil Servants and Masters; and thanks be given unto the Lord, such hath been the King's Majesty's Proceed, our young Noble Master that now is, that all his faithful Subjects have more cause to render their hearty thanks for the manifold Benefits showed unto his Grace, and to his People and Realm, since the first day of his Reign until this hour, than to be offended with it; and thereby rather to judge and think, that God who knoweth the Hearts of all Men, is contented and pleased with his Ministers, who seek nothing but the true Glory of God, and the Surety of the King's Person, with the Quietness and Wealth of his Subjects. And where your Grace writeth also, That there was a Godly Order and Quietness left by the King our late Master, your Grace's Father, in this Realm at the time of his Death; and that the Spiritualty and Temporalty of the whole Realm, did not only, without compulsion, fully assent to his Do and Proceed, specially in Matters of Religion, but also in all kind of Talk, whereof, as your Grace wrote, ye can partly be witness yourself; at which your Graces Say I do something marvel. For if it may please you to call to your remembrance what great Labours, Travels, and Pains, his Grace had, before he could reform some of those stiffnecked Romanists or Papists: yea, and did not they cause his Subjects Rise and Rebel against him, and constrained him to take the Sword in his hand, not without danger to his Person and Realm? Alas, why should your Grace so shortly forget that great Outrage done by those Generations of Vipers unto his Noble Person only for God's Cause? Did not some of the same ill kind also, I mean that Romanist Sect, as well with his own Realm as without, conspire oftentimes his Death, which was manifestly and oftentimes proved, to the confusion of some of their privy Assisters. Then was it not that all the Spiritualty, nor yet the Temporalty, did so fully assent to his Godly Orders, as your Grace writeth of? Did not his Grace also departed from this Life before he had fully finished such Orders as he minded to have established to all his People, if death had not prevented him? Is it not most true, that no kind of Religion was perfected at his Death, but left all uncertain, most like to have brought us in Parties and Divisions, if God had not only helped us? And doth your Grace think it convenient it should so remain? God forbidden. What regret and sorrow our late Master had, the time he saw he must departed, for that he knew the Religion was not established as he purposed to have done, I and others can be witness and testify; and what he would have done further in it, if he had lived, a great many know, and also I can testify: And doth your Grace, who is learned, and should know God's Word, esteem true Religion, and the knowledge of the Scriptures, to be new-fangledness and fantasy? For the Lord's sake turn the Leaf, and look the other while upon the other side, I mean, with another Judgement, which must pass by an humble Spirit through the Peace of the Living God, who of his infinite Goodness and Mercy grant unto your Grace plenty thereof, to the satisfying of your Sovereign, and your most noble Hearts continual desire.   

Number 16. Certain Petitions and Requests made by the Clergy of the Lower House of the Convocation, to the most Reverend Father in God the Archbishop of Canterbury his Grace, and the residue of the Prelates of the Higher House, for the furtherance of certain Articles following.  
FIrst; 
Ex M. S. Dr. Stillingfleet.  That Ecclesiastical Laws may be made and established in this Realm by thirty two Persons, or so many as shall please the King's Majesty to name and appoint, according to the effect of a late Statute made in 35th Year of the most noble King, and of most famous Memory, King Henry the 8th. So that all Judges Ecclesiastical, proceeding after those Laws, may be without danger and peril.  
Also that according to the Ancient Custom of this Realm, and the Tenor of the King's Writ for the summoning of the Parliament, which be now, and ever have been, directed to the Bishops of every Diocese, the Clergy of the Lower House of the Convocation may be adjoined, and associate with the Lower House of the Parliament; or else, That all such Statutes and Ordinances as shall be made concerning all Matters of Religion and Causes Ecclesiastical, may not pass without the sight and assent of the said Clergy.  
Also that whereas by the Commandment of King Henry the 8th, certain Prelates and learned Men were appointed to alter the Service in the Church, and to devise other convenient and uniform Order therein; Who according to the same Appointment, did make certain Books, as they be informed; Their Request is, That the said Books may be seen and perused by them, for a better expedition of Divine Service to be set forth accordingly.  
Also that Men being called to Spiritual Promotions, or Benefices, may have some Allowance for their necessary Living, and other Charges to be sustained and born, concerning the same Benefices, in the first Year wherein they pay the first Fruits.  
Whether the Clergy of the Convocation may liberally speak their Minds without danger of Statute or Law?   

Number 17. A second Petition to the same purpose.  

Ex M. S. Dr. Stillingfleet.  WHere the Clergy, in this present Convocation assembled, have made humble suit unto the most Reverend Father in God, my Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, and all the other Bishops, That it may please them to be a Mean to the King's Majesty, and Lord Protector's Grace, that the said Clergy, according to the Tenor of the King's Writ, and the Ancient Laws and Customs of this Noble Realm, might have their Room and Place, and be associated with the Commons in the Nether House of this present Parliament, as Members of the Commonwealth, and the King's most humble Subjects. And if this may not be permitted and granted unto them, that then no Statutes nor Laws concerning the Christian Religion, or which shall concern especially the Persons, Possessions, Rooms, Live, Jurisdictions, Goods or Chattels of the said Clergy, may pass nor be enacted, the said Clergy not being made privy thereunto, and their Answers and Reasons not heard. The said Clergy do most humbly beseech an Answer and Declaration to be made unto them, what the said most Reverend Father in God, and all other the Bishops, have done in this their humble Suit and Request, to the end that the said Clergy, if need be, may choose of themselves such able and discreet Persons, which shall effectually follow the same Suit in the Name of them all.  
And whereas in a Statute ordained and established by Authority of Parliament at Westminster, in the 25th Year of the Reign of the most excellent Prince King Henry the 8th; The Clergy of this Realm submitting themselves to the King's Highness, did knowledge and confess, according to the Truth, That the Convocations of the same Clergy have been, and aught to be assembled by the King's Writ, and did promise farther, in Verbo Sacerdotii, that they never from thenceforth would presume to attempt, allege, claim, or put in use, or enact, promulge, or execute any new Canons, Constitutions, Ordinances, Provincials, or other, or by whatsoever other Name they shall be called in the Convocation, unless the King's most Royal Assent and Licence may to them be had to make, promulge, and execute the same. And his Majesty to give his most Royal Assent and Authority in that behalf, upon pain of every one of the Clergy doing the contrary, and being thereof Convict, to suffer Imprisonment, and make Fine at the King's Will. And that no Canons, Constitutions, or Ordinances shall be made or put in execution within this Realm, by Authority of the Convocation of the Clergy, which shall be repugnant to the King's Prerogative Royal, or the Customs, Laws, or Statutes of this Realm; which Statute is eftsoons renewed and established in the 27th Year of the Reign of the most noble King, as by the Tenor of both Statutes more at large will appear. The said Clergy being presently assembled in Convocation, by Authority of the King's Writ, do desire that the King's Majesty's Licence in writing, may be for them obtained and granted, according to the effect of the said Statutes authorising them to attempt, entreat, and commune of such Matters, and therein freely to give their Consents, which otherwise they may not do upon pain and peril premised.  
Also the said Clergy desireth, that such Matters as concerneth Religion, which be disputable, may be quietly and in good order reasoned and disputed among them in this House, whereby the Verities of such Matters shall the better appear, and the Doubts being opened, and resolutely discussed, Men may be fully persuaded with the quietness of their Consciences, and the time well spent.   

Number 18. A Paper offered to Q. Elizabeth, and afterwards to K. James, concerning the Inferior Clergies being brought to the House of Commons. Reasons to induce her Majesty, that Deans, Arch-Deacons, and some other of her grave and wise Clergy, may be admitted into the Lower House of Parliament.  
1. IN former Times, when Causes Ecclesiastical were either not at all, 
Ex M.S. Dr. Borlace.  or else very rarely treated of in that Assembly, the Clergy were thought Men most meet to consult and determine of the Civil Affairs of this Realm.  
2. The Supreme Authority in Church Causes, is not newly granted, but reunited and restored to the Crown; and an Order is by Law already established, how all Abuses in the Church are to be reform: so as no cause concerning Religion may be handled in that House, without her Majesty's special leave, but with the manifest impeaching of her Prerogative Royal, and contempt of the said Order.  
3. If it shall please her Highness to give way to this Course, that Church-Matters be there debated, and in part concluded: How much more necessary is it now, than it was in former Times, that some of the Clergy should be there present at the same?  

* In the same Paper written over to be presented to K. James, this Article is thus varied. It is thought the Clergy falling into a Praemunire, and so not in the King's Protection, it did afterwards please the King to pardon them, but not to restore them. So began this Separation, as far forth as can be collected; then the Wisdom of a great Politician, meeting with the Ambition of as great a Prelate, wrought the continuance of the said Separation; under this pretence, That it should be most for the Honour of him and his Clergy, to be still by themselves in two Assemblies of Convocation, answerable in proportion to the two Houses of Parliament. There are many other inconsiderable Amendments made by Bishop Ravis 's own hand.  It doth not appear why they were excluded, but as it is thought either the King offended with some of them, did so grievously punish the whole Body, or else the Ambition of one of them meeting with the subtlety of an undermining Politic, did occasion this causeless Separation.  
5. They are yet to this day called by several Writs, directed into their several Dioceses under the Great Seal, to assist the Prince in that High Court of Parliament.  
6. Though the Clergy and the Universities be not the worst Members of this Commonwealth, yet in that respect they are of all other in worst condition; for in that Assembly every Shire hath their Knights, and every incorporate Town their Burgesses, only the Clergy and the Universities are excluded.  
7. The Wisdom and Justice of this Realm doth intent, That no Subject should be bound to that Law, whereunto he himself (after a sort) hath not yielded his Consent; but the Clergy and the Universities may now be concluded by Law, without their Consent, without their just Defence, without their Privity.  
8. The many Motions made so prejudicial to the State and being of the Clergy and Universities, followed now with so great eagerness in that House, would then be utterly silenced, or soon repressed, with the sober and sufficient Answers of the Clergy present.  
9 It would much repair the Reputation and Credit of the Clergy, which now is exposed to great contumely and contempt, as generally abroad in this Land, so particularly in that House. And whoso is religious and wise may observe, That the Contempt of the Clergy is the high way to Atheism and all Profaneness. Men are Flesh and not Spirit, led by ordinary outward Means, and not usually overwrought by extraordinary Inspirations; and therefore do easily despise their Doctrine, whose Persons they have in contempt.  
10. Look into the whole World, Christian or Unchristian, and see if the Civil State in every Place be not supported and maintained by the Dignity and Authority of their Clergies, subordinate and subjected unto them: As on the contrary, where the Clergy is base and contemptible, there grows an Anarchy and Confusion. It is Conscience that works Obedience to the temporal Magistrate, not Constitutions, nor Constraint; the one may command it, the other may correct the breach of it, only Religion effects a peaceable Subjection.  
11. It concerneth the Clergy most of all Men in England, that the present State be continued, as now it is happily established without any alteration. Whereas some others in that House may think it would be good for them to fish in troubled Waters, or that any change would be better to them, than their present Estate wherein they live so Malcontent, through their own unthriftiness or malignity of Nature, or perverseness of Opinion.  
12. If hereafter God in justice should plague us for our Sins, by taking away the joy of our Hearts, yet how greatly would it tend to his Glory, the Good of this Land, and the Honour of her blessed Memory; if it shall please her Majesty, to leave a Portion of the Clergy interessed in that House, where they may stand for the Godly Government established in her days, against all Innovation of Popery or Puritanism?  
13. In the mean time (which God in Mercy grant may be for many Generations) her Majesty shall be sure of a number more in that Assembly, that ever will be most ready to maintain her Prerogative, and to enact whatsoever may make most for her Highness' safety and contentment, as the Men that next under God's Goodness do most depend upon her Princely Clemency and Protection.  
14. It would much recover the ancient Estimation and Authority of that Assembly, if it might be increased with Men of Religion, Learning, and Discretion; which now is somewhat embased by Youths, Servingmen, and Outlaws, that injuriously are crept into the Honourable House.  
15. And it is the more necessary that there were some more Men of Sobriety and Judgement in that Meeting, that might counterpoise the haste and headiness of others that have intruded themselves, especially considering that a Cipher is as sufficient to promote a single Figure of One into the place of Ten, as the best Man that giveth Voice in that House, when they come to calculating.   

Number 19 A Letter of Martin Bucers to Gropper.  
Gratiam & Pacem Doctissime & Amicissime & Vir.  
QUod tam sero respondeo ad tuas Literas, 
Ex M S. Col. C. C. Cantab.  quanquam etiam occupationes Ministerii mei, tamen id magis in causa fuit, quod non satis liqueret, quomodo respondere conveniret, simul meae in te Charitati, meoque Ministerio, & praesenti temporis conditioni. Sed tamen quia Charitati Deus facile omnia secundat, & frugifera facit, hac incitatus nunc respondeo, & respondeo ex ejus dictatione.  
Et primum de eo, quod te de meo adventu & Ministerio non praemonuerim. Quod per totam Germaniam increbuerat, etiam antea-quam Ego certus de vocatione ista essem, non putavi te latere posse. Mox etiam ut adveni & priusquam aliquid Ministerii inivissem, tuum colloquiwm expetii. Certe nihil maluissem quam a te ante omnia doceri & institui. Novit Christus quid tibi Tribuam.  
Quod scribis te cupere meam conditionem sic esse ut Clero & Populo Vestrae Coloniae Agrippinae gratus esse & placere possem, nunc cum secus se res habeant, non esse quod tibi quid imputem. Tibi optime Groppere nihil hujus imputo, confido enim te, me, quo ipse loco habes, eo etiam studere apud alios collocare.  
Sed cogitemus juxta, cui, Ego Clero istic, cui populo & cur gratus minus sim, & non placeam, Clerus & Populus Christi cum Domino suo, Personam nullam in invocantibus Christum, in iis praesertim, quos aliqua Religionis Nostrae opinio commendat, aversatur: quamvis deprehensi in contumelia Christi, in desertione verbi ejus, in Scandalo objecto Ecclesiae ejus; Lex nostra non Judicat quenquam nisi audierit prius ab eo, & cognoverit quid fecerit. Audiant, cognoscant, tum Judicent: si audire & cognoscere nolunt nec Judicare jure possunt. Vulgata est haec Responsio, sed nosti etiam Jure Divino, Naturae, & scripto ab hominibus niti.  
Sed O Clerum, O sortem Domini, & habentes Christum sortem suam. Gratias ago Christo Domino nostro quod in me nihil deprehendet vester Clerus & Populus, cur me ullo Jure abjicere, nedum persequi queant. Assumpsit me Dominus, Servorum non est rejicere: posuit me in Ministerium suum Christus, depelli me eo nemo de Clero Christi postulabit. Agnoscunt se invicem & amant, atque in opere eodem promovent, quicunque Christi Spiritu vivunt & aguntur, qui hunc non habent, Christi non sunt, quicquid ipsi se, vel alii eos vocent.  
Displicet in me quod videor aliquid Canonum, sed humanitus tantum Conditorum, transgressus. Hoc si propter Ecclesiam Christi, vel ejus aedificationem vel ornatum displiceret, non tolerata fuissent tam diu, & hodie tolerarentur, tam horrendae & Manifestae Simoniae, Sacrilegia, & vitae totius tanta, adeoque & Canonibus, & Divinis Legibus graviter damnata foeditas. Christi igitur veritas, & libertas in me istis displicet, non transgressio Canonum, quam in summa necessariis Sanctionibus penitus & tot jam saeculis pro ridiculo habent.  
Consolabor itaque me in Domino, Beati estis, cum vos odio habuerint homines, & a se excluserint, atque convitiis prosciderint & rejecerint nomen vestrum tanquam nefandum, Causa filii hominis. Qui in Coelis sedet Pater ridet profecto hosce conatus contra Regnum Filii sui, & brevi loquetur illis in ira sua. Avertat misericordia ejus, quae sequuntur.  
Deploranda profecto Caecitas, non videre hanc Dei clarissimam Lucem, infanda stupiditas, ista Dei Judicia non sentire. Quotidie enim vident & audiunt ut collidantur, qui impingunt in hanc poenam Scandali, & ut commolat illa, in quos ipsa ceciderit, & tamen conantur adhuc rejicere hunc lapidem, quem Pater in Zion pro fundamento & angulo posuit. Sed dolent haec & tibi, ac mecum ea deploras, provides enim quid ista malorum invehant, & adhuc invectura sint.  
Audio plerosque multo quam antea solitum fuit concionari purius, audivi etiam quosdam ipse, in quorum concionibus nihil reprehendendum audiebatur, at quam multa desiderabantur. Nam pro Amplitudine Majestatis Christi, praedicanda Christi omnia sunt: hoc est summa perspicuitate, libertate & virtute, non enim ut multa praeclara cogitemus, aut loquamur, sed ut Domino magis magisque fidamus, nomen ejus celebremus: idque verbis & factis omnibus, sacrae Conciones habendae sunt. Quare etiam opposita juxta se ponenda sunt ut magis illucescant, sed ad singularia Sermo dimittendus est ut plus moneat.  
In Templo D. Columbae, aiunt Idolo ejus Imaginis parari vestem majoris precii quàm Centum Florenorum. Si jam Pastor hujus Parochiae Christum pure & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum effectu praedicat, qui fert tam pudendam Idololatriam? Et si ornari statuam posse aliquo colore dicere conetur, quare non eum cultum prescribit, quem gratum Martyribus & S. Patres testantur, cultum qui Cruci Christi sit consentaneus: Sed sicut ipsi verbis Christo omnia tribuunt, facto autem quaerunt & prosequuntur tam multa contra Christum, ita faciunt etiam populum delectari nonnihil Saniore Doctrina. Omni autem Vita & Religione permanere in omnibus Superstitionibus & Vitae impuritate in qua antea haerebat.  
Jactatur magna populi devotio istis & erga Pastores suos reverentia, hoc autem gravius peccatur, cum illis Christus non quam simplicissime in omnibus etiam Ceremoniis praedicatur. Sed O spinas existimationis & commoditas mundialis, O fundum tenuem, & humorem malignum, in quo aestus Crucis enatum semen tam cito arefacit. Haec de iis scribo ad quos pertinent.  
De te non dubito Gloriam Christi & propugnationem Regni ejus tibi quoque ut scribis, cordi esse: tamen te rogo per Christum id quod subjicis diligenter & coram Christo Domino excutias.  
Sed nolui tamen sic urgere Causam Christi, ut dum promotam eam velim, magis remorer. Zelum oportet esse secundum scientiam, Recte haec, si rite intelligantur. Sed scientia Spiritus, non Carnis, hic opus est. Causa Christi nec debet nec potest per se quidem urgeri nisi assiduis praecibus, & modesta, leni, Religiosa, sed libera, sed clara, sed integra confessione & praedicatione Christi, eaque quae non verbis tantum sed etiam factis constet. Hoc si scimus & agimus, Zelum habemus secundum scientiam, & Causam Christi tantum promovere, & remorari non possumus. Nam Christo tradita est omnis potestas in Coelo & in Terra, igitur nihil est Potestatis per se Pontifici, cucullatis & personatis, ac quibusvis titulis titulatis hominibus, qui scilicet aegreferant liberam & puram Christi Praedicationem. Est quidem aliquando tacendum Evangelium Christi, sed apud canes & porcos, imo nec apud hos tacendum est, cum Gloria Christi agitur: sed animose confitendum est, quanquam non sit illis late explicandum, id est, Sanctum hoc projiciendum & Margaritae istae spargendae.  
Sunt qui ferre nos Lutheranos non possunt, & tamen a Regno Christi non abhorrent? Ubi quaeso sunt & qui? Qui enim aliquid Christi habent, two neminem odisse & condemnare sustinent, non auditum, non cognita causa; nam Filii Dei agnoscunt loquelam Christi, oves ejus sequuntur vocem ejus, per quemcunque eam insonari fecerit.  
Si Reformatio Ecclesiae per istos ulla quaeritur, indubie id quaerent, ut Membra Christi omnia sub capite Christo recolligantur & reconcinnentur & cooptentur. Quare nemo horum, qui vero Reformationis verae studio tenetur, ullum hominem sub ullo titulo, quamvis odiosum invidia Crucis Christi, cuiquam imposuerit, ab hoc sancto opere instaurandi Ecclesias rejiciat, praesertim cum luce meridiana constet clarius, Pontificios nihil prorsus passuros mutari. Quid ergo? non quaeremus ut Patria nostra tam pernitiosis desidiis aliquando liberaretur, ut uno tandem ore Christum glorificemus.  
Ne resecemus vites, & uvas queramus a Spinis. Valeat apud nos praejudicium Christi: quosque ille assumpsit; eos conservi ne repudiemus. Quid cuique datum sit facile videre est: arbor quaelibet ut plantata est, ut ingenium habet, ita fert fructum. Ne fugiamus Scandalum Crucis cum quo Christus est. Et si Christi nos non pudet, nec servorum ejus nos pudeat. Paulus scribit Timotheo, ne pudet te Testimonii Domini Nostri, neque mei vincti ejus: ita dum nos negotia Domini agimus sinceriter, nec nostri quisquam, quantumlibet nos Mundus inter damnatos numeret, qui Christi sit, pudebit. Non est res ulla, ad quam quisquis eam sincere agit, magis expetat adjuvari se, etiamsi fieri possit ab omnibus Creaturis, atque est negotium Reformationis Christianae.  
Irascentur quidam, tumultuabuntur graviter credo, & impedient negotium Domini; hoc non credo, neque enim poterunt. Et ut Dominus eis gravissima contra Regnum suum facere concedat, tamen nobis Filiis Dei propterea nihil tacendum, nihil dissimulandum, nihil remittendum est in hac Causa Christi.  
Jubes me non suspicari te sic mundo inescatum, ut refugias Crucem Domini ferre, si ita res postulet, & fructum facturus videare: de te profecto hoc bonis apud quos convenit semper Testor, te mihi multo plura in Causa Christi hactenus semper reipsa praestitisse, quam promisisses aut etiam verbis prae te tulisses: apud me quidem, cum contrarium nunc accidat a quodam, nisi te Christi membrum & praeclaris dotibus ornatum suspicerem, crede, ita dedit mihi Dominus sublimia Mundi non mirari, tuam amicitiam & familiaritatem tantopere non quaesivissem, nec tali studio colerem: sed valde oro Dominum det tibi videre ubi, quando & qua ratione fructum pro Regno facere possis; & animet te ac corroboret forti contemplatione Potestatis & Majestatis suae, ut vere dicas, absit mihi gloriari nisi in Cruce Domini Nostri Jesu Christi per quem mihi Mundus Crucifixus est & ego mundo. Tantae opes, honores, Curae rerum saecularium, tamen spinae sunt, tamen onera sunt. Presbyter es Domini Nostri Jesu Christi, cujus praecipuum munus est praedicare Christum. Clericum veteres Sancti non patiebantur, vel tutelam pupillorum, vel curam viduarum suscipere, tam liberum volebant esse curis hujus Saeculi omnem Clericum: at quantis tu ac etiam privatis causis, nec tamen semper Pupillorum & Viduarum praegravaris, id dolet indubie & tibi ipsi. Acceptabile Tempus nunc est & Dies Salutis, sed tempus breve, visitationem Nostram tempore agnoscamus & sequamur.  
Haec dum non datur commentari tecum coram, quia te vere diligo, quia colo sinceriter, cum hunc certum haberem nuncium, ad te scribere volui.  
Quod magnificum D. Cancellarium meis Verbis diligenter Salutasti, gratias ago, utinam autem & resalutare ille, vel hic cum fuit, quod usque ad eam Diem quo iterum abiit clam me fuit, admittere me ad pium colloquium dignatus esset. Tamen rogo salutes illum officiose meis verbis.  
Dominus Jesus qui solus & efficit & largitur omne bonum, donet ut omnia in ipso quaeramus, & ab ipso expectemus: Sic facile nos in ipso agnoscemus & complectemur, quicquid odiosorum Titulorum Diabolus & Membra ejus injiciant. In Christo enim nec Mas quidem & Foemina, Judaeus & Ethnicus, nedum Lutherani & Romani; sed omnes unum sunt. In hoc bene vale, & fac pro Chrsti Charitate ut tandem nos aliquando videamus, & Sancto Colloquio nos mutuo recreemus. Optime mi & colende atque vere dilecte Cordi meo Groppere. Bonner pridie Calendas Februarii 1543.  
Deditus Tibi in Domino, M. Bucerus.  
Praecipuum oblitus eram, te per Christum rogo & obtestor, mone ad huc me, versantem in Negotio Christi. Debes hoc Christo; & apud me tuto depones omnia nec unquam frustra monebis.   

Number 20. Questions and Answers concerning the Divorce of the Marquis of Northampton.  
1. QUid dirimit Matrimonii Vinculum? 
Ex M. S. Dr. Stillingfleet.   
2. Quas ob causas dirimi poterit?  
3. An dirimi poterit Conjugium a thoro, non a vinculo?  
4. Quibus casibus possit sic dirimi?  
5. An exceptio illa (excepta Fornicationis causa) etiam in Lucae, Marci & Pauli locis, qui de his rebus tractant, est subaudienda?  
6. An etiam Uxor, repudiata propter Adulterium, alteri poterit nubere?  
7. An redire ad priorem maritum, repudiatae Adulterae liceat?  
8. An Maritus, propter Adulterium, ab Uxore casta possit repudiari?  
Ad primam Respondemus; Ipso Adulterii facto Matrimonii vinculum dirimi. Nam alioquin, ob solum Adulterium non liceret viro Uxorem repudiare: voluntas viri solicitat judices, Judices palam faciunt Ecclesiae, virum licite talem repudiare Uxorem.  
Ad secundam Resp. Quod ob solam causam stupri dirimitur Matrimonii vinculum: cujus ipso quidem facto, Conjugii dissolvitur nodus, & loquimur his, qui Sacrosancti Matrimonii jus agnoscunt.  
Ad tertiam Resp. Quod non; quia Mulier quamdiu vixerit, alligata & viro, Rom. 7. item ne fraudetis vos invicem, 1 Cor. 7. item in eodem loco Uxori Vir debitam benevolentiam reddat simpliciter, & Uxor viro, item Vir non habeat potestatem sui corporis, sed Uxor similiter; nec Vxor habeat potestatem sui corporis, sed Vir.  
Ad quartam patet in responsione ad tertiam.  
Ad quintam Respondemus; quod exceptio ista, viz. Nisi causa stupri; est subaudienda in Luca, Marco & Paulo: alioquin manifesta erit repugnantia inter Matthaeum & eos.  
Ad sextam respond. Quod repudiata propter Adulterium, quia Uxor repudiantis desiit esse, ob idque libera est sicut aliae omnes post obitum virorum possunt aliis nubere; aequo jure juxta illud Pauli, si non contineant, contrahant Matrimonium, 1 Cor. 7.  
Ad septimam respond. Quod non licet repudiatae Adulterae redire ad repudiantem, tanquam alligatae ei Jugi vinculo Matrimonii.  
Ultima Questio Nihil ad Nos.   

Number 21. Injunctions given by the King's Majesty's Visitors, to all and every the Clergy and Laity, now resident within the Deanery of Duncastre.  

Ex MS. Dr. Item. Johnson.  YOu shall not hereafter, in the Pulpit or elsewhere, on the Sunday, or any other day, give knowledge to your Parishioners, when or what day in the Week any of the Abrogate holidays were solemnised or kept in the Church, but omit the same with silence as other Working-days, for the utter abolishing of the remembrance thereof.  
Item. You shall teach your Parishioners, That Fasting in the Lent, and other days, is a mere Positive, that is to say, Man's Law; and by the Magistrates, upon considerations, may be altered, changed, and dispensed with: and that therefore all Persons having just cause of Sickness, or other Necessity, or being licenced thereto, may temperately eat all kinds of Meat, without scruple or grudge of Conscience.  
Item. You shall every day, that an High Mass is said or sung at the High Altar, before the same Mass, read openly in your Churches the English Suffrages, for the preservation and safeguard of the King's Majesty's People, and prosperous success of his Affairs.  
Item. You shall every Sunday, at the time of your going about the Church with Holy Water, into three or four places, where most audience and assembly of People is, for the declaration of the Ceremonies, say, distinctly and plainly, that your Parishioners may well hear and perceive the same, these words, Remember Christ's Bloodshedding, by the which most holy sprinkling, of all your Sins you have free pardon. And in like manner, before the dealing of the Holy Bread, these words, Of Christ's Body this is a Token; which on the Cross for our Sins was broken; wherefore of his Death if you will be partakers, of Vice and Sin you must be forsakers. And the Clerk in the like manner shall bring down the Pax, and standing without the Church Door, shall say loudly to the People these words; This is a Token of joyful Peace, which is betwixt God and men's Conscience: Christ alone is the Peacemaker, which straight commands Peace between Brother and Brother. And so long as ye use these Ceremonies, so long shall ye use these Significations.  
Item. The Churchwardens of every Parish-Church shall, some one Sunday, or other Festival day, every Month, go about the Church, and make request to every of the Parish for their charitable Contribution to the Poor; and the Sum so collected, shall be put in the Chest of Alms for that purpose provided. And forasmuch as the Parish-Clark shall not hereafter go about the Parish with his Holy Water as hath been accustomed, he shall, instead of that labour, accompany the said Churchwardens, and in a Book Register the Name and Sum of every Man that giveth any thing to the Poor, and the same shall intable; and against the next day of Collection, shall hang up somewhere in the Church in open place, to the intent the Poor having knowledge thereby, by whose Charity and Alms they be relieved, may pray for the increase and prosperity of the same.  
Item. The Churchwardens, for the better relief of honest Poverty, shall, upon sufficient Surety found for the repayment of the same, lend to some young married Couple, or some poor Inhabitants of their Parish, some part of the said Alms, whereby they may buy some kind of Stuff: by the working, sale, and gains whereof, they may repay the Sum borrowed, and also well relieve themselves; or else the said Churchwardens to buy the Stuff themselves, and pay the Poor for their working thereof; and after sale of the same, to return the Sum, with the Gain, to the said Chest, there to remain to suchlike use.  
Item. Forasmuch as heretofore you have not, by any means, diligence, or study, advanced yourselves unto knowledge in God's Word, and his Scriptures, condignly, as appertaineth to Priests, and Dispensators of God's Testament; to the intent you may hereafter be of better ability to discharge yourselves towards God, and your Offices to the World, you shall daily, for your own study and knowledge, read over diligently, and weigh with judgement, two Chapters of the New Testament, and one of the Old, in English, and the same shall put in ure and practice, as well in living as preaching, at times convenient, when occasion is given.  
Item. Forasmuch as Drunkenness, Idleness, Brawls, Dissension, and many other Inconveniences do chance between Neighbour and Neighbour, by the assembly of People together at Wakes, and on the Plough- Mundays; it is therefore ordered and enjoined, That hereafter the People shall use, make, or observe no more such Wakes, Plough- Mundays, or drawing of the same, with any such Assembly or Rout of People, or otherwise, as hath been accustomed, upon pain of forfeiting to the King's Highness 40 s. for every Default, to be paid by the Owner of the Plough and Housholder, whereunto the said Plough is drawn, or Wakes are kept.  

The Names of the Visitors.  
Sir John Markham.  
John Hearn.  
Thomas Gragrave.  
Roger Tongue.  
William Moreton.  
Edmund Farley.    

Number 22. A Proclamation against those that do innovate, altar, or leave down any Rite or Ceremony in the Church of their private Authority; and against them which Preach without Licence. Set forth the 6th day of February, in the Second Year of the King's Majesty's most gracious Reign.  

Ex Reg. Cranmer. Fol. 111.  THe King's Majesty, by the advice of his most entirely beloved Uncle, the Duke of Somerset, Governor of his most Royal Person, and Protector of all his Realms, Dominions, and Subjects, and others of his Counsel; Considering nothing so much to tend to the disquieting of this Realm, as diversity of Opinions, and variety of Rites and Ceremonies concerning Religion, and worshipping of Almighty God; and therefore studying all the ways and means which can be to direct this Church, and the Cure committed to his Highness, in one and most true Doctrine, Rite, and Usage, yet is advertised, That certain private Curates, Preachers, and other Laymen, contrary to their bounden Duties of Obedience, do rashly attempt, of their own and singular Wit and Mind, in some Parish-Churches, and otherwise, not only to persuade the People from the old and accustomed Rites and Ceremonies, but also themselves bringeth in new Orders every one in their Church, according to their Fantasies; the which, as it is an evident token of Pride and Arrogance, so it tendeth both to Confusion and Disorder, and also to the high displeasure of Almighty God, who loveth nothing so much as Order and Obedience. Wherefore his Majesty straight chargeth and commandeth, That no manner of Person, of what Estate, Order, or Degree soever he be, of his private Mind, Will, or Fantasy, do omit, leave done, change, alter, or innovate any Order, Rite, or Ceremony, commonly used and frequented in the Church of England, and not commanded to be left undone at any time in the Reign of Our late Sovereign Lord, his Highness' Father, other than such as his Highness, by the Advice aforesaid by his Majesty's Visitors, Injunctions, Statutes, or Proclamations, hath already, or hereafter shall command to be omitted, left, innovated, or changed, but that they be observed after that sort as before they were accustomed, or else now sigh prescribed by the Authority of his Majesty, or by the means aforesaid: upon pain, That whosoever shall offend contrary to this Proclamation, shall injure his Highness' Indignation, and suffer Imprisonment, and other gxievous Punishments, at his Majesty's Will and Pleasure. Provided always, that for not bearing a Candle upon Candlemass-day; not taking Ashes upon Ash-wednesday; not bearing Palm upon Palm-Sunday; not creeping to the Cross; not taking Holy Bread, or Holy Water; or for omitting other such Rites and Ceremonies concerning Religion, and the Use of the Church, which the most Reverend Father in God, the Archbishop of Canterbury, by his Majesty's Will and Commandment, with the Advice aforesaid, hath declared, or hereafter shall declare to the other Bishops, by his Writing under Seal, as heretofore hath been accustomed to be omitted or changed, no Man hereafter be imprisoned, nor otherwise punished, but all such things to be reputed for the observation and following of the same, as though they were commanded by his Majesty's Injunctions. And to the intent that rash and seditious Preachers should not abuse his Highness' People, it is his Majesty's Pleasure, That whosoever shall take upon him to Preach openly in any Parish-Church, Chapel, or any other open place, other than those which he licenced by the King's Majesty, or his Highness' Visitors; the Archbishop of Canterbury, or the Bishops of the Diocese where he doth preach, except it be Bishop, Parson, Vicar, Dean, Warden, or Provost, in his or their own Cure, shall be forthwith, upon such attempt and preaching, contrary to this Proclamation, be committed to Prison, and there remain, until such time as his Majesty, by the advice aforesaid, hath taken order for the further punishment of the same; and that the Premises should be more speedily and diligently done and performed, his Highness giveth straight in Commandment, to all justices of Peace, Mayor, Sheriffs, Constables, Headborroughs, Churchwardens, and all other his Majesty's Officers and Ministers, and Rulers of Towns, Parishes, and Hamlets, that they be diligent and attendent to the true and faithful execution of this Proclamation, and every part thereof, according to the intent, purport, and effect of the same. And that they of their proceed herein, or if any Offender be, after they have committed the same to Prison, do certify his Highness, the Lord Protector, or his Majesty's Council, with all speed thereof accordingly, as they tender his Majesty's Pleasure, the Wealth of the Realm; and will answer to the contrary at their uttermost perils.  
God save the King.   

Number 23. An Order of Council for the Removing of Images.  
AFter our right hearty Commendations to your good Lordship, 
Regist. Cranmer. Fol. 32.  where now of late, in the King's Majesty's Visitation, among other Godly Injunctions commanded to be generally observed throughout all Parts of this his Highness' Realm, one was set forth for the taking down all such Images as had at any time been abused with Pilgrimages, Offerings, or Censings. Albeit that this said Injunction hath in many parts of the Realm been well and quietly obeyed and executed, yet in many other places much strife and contention hath arisen, and daily ariseth, and more and more increaseth, about the execution of the same: some Men being so superstitious, or rather wilful, as they would by their good-wills, retain all such Images still, although they have been most manifestly abused; and in some places also the Images, which by the said Injunctions were taken down, be now restored and set up again; and almost in every place is contention for Images, whether they have been abused or not. And whiles these Men go about on both sides contentiously to obtain their Minds, contending whether this or that Image hath been offered unto, kissed, censed, or otherwise abused, Parties have in some places been taken, in such sort, as further inconvenience is very like to ensue, if Remedy be not provided in time. Considering therefore that almost in no places of the Realm is any sure quietness, but where all Images be wholly taken away and pulled down already; to the intent that all Contention in every part of the Realm for this Matter may be clearly taken away, and that the lively Images of Christ should not contend for the dead Images, which be things not necessary, and without which the Churches of Christ continued most Godly many Years, We have thought good to signify unto you, That his Highness' Pleasure, with advice and consent of us the Lord Protector, and the rest of the Council, is, That immediately upon the sight hereof, with as convenient diligence as you may, you shall not only give order, that all the Images remaining in any Church or Chapel within your Diocese be removed and taken away, but also by your Letters signify unto the rest of the Bishops within your Province, this his Highness' Pleasure, for the like Order to be given by them, and every of them within their several Diocese; and in the execution hereof We require, both you and the rest of the said Bishops, to use such foresight, as the same may be quietly done, with as good satisfaction of the People as may be. Thus far your good Lordship well.  
From Somerset House, the 21 of February, 1547. Your Lordship's assured Friends, 

E. Somerset.  
Jo. Russel.  
Henricus Arundel.  
T. Seymor.  
Anthony Wingfield.  
William Paget.     

Number 24. The Copy of a Letter sent to all those Preachers which the King's Majesty hath licenced to Preach, from the Lord Protector's Grace, and other of the King's Majesty's most honourable Council; the 13th day of May, in the Second Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord, King Edward the Sixth.  
AFter our right hearty Commendations, as well for the Conservation of the quietness and good order of the King's Majesty's Subjects, as that they should not, by evil and unlearned Preachers, be brought unto Superstition, Error, or evil Doctrine, or otherwise, be made stubborn and disobedient to the King's Majesty's Godly Proceed, his Highness, by our Advice, hath thought good to inhibit all manner of Preachers, who have not such Licence, as in the same Proclamation is allowed, to preach, or stir the People, in open and common preach of Sermons, by any means, that the devout and godly Homilies, might the better, in the mean while, sink into his Subjects Hearts, and be learned the sooner, the People not being tossed to and fro with seditious and contentious Preaching, while every Man, according to his Zeal, some better, some worse, goeth about to set out his own Fantasy, and to draw the People to his Opinion. Nevertheless it is not his Majesty's Mind hereby clearly to extinct the lively Teaching of the Word of God, by Sermons made after such sort, as for the time the Holy Ghost shall put into the Preacher's Mind, but that rash, contentious, hot, and undiscreet Preachers, should be stopped; and that they only which be chosen and elect, be discreet and sober Men, should occupy that place, which was made for Edification, and not for Destruction; for the Honour of God, and Peace and Quietness of Conscience to be set forward, not for private Glory to be advanced; to appease, to teach; to instruct the People with Humility and Patience, not to make them contentious and proud; to instil into them their Duty to their Heads and Rulers, Obedience to Laws and Orders, appointed by the Superiors who have Rule of God; not that every Man should run before their Heads hath appointed them what to do, and that every Man should choose his own way in Religion: The which thing yet being done of some Men, and they being rather provoked thereto by certain Preachers, than dehorted from it, it was necessary to set a stay therein: And yet forasmuch as we have a great confidence and trust in you, that you will not only Preach truly and sincerely the Word of God, but also will use circumspection and moderation in your Preaching, and such Godly Wisdom as shall be necessary and most convenient for the Time and Place. We have sent unto you the King's Majesty's Licence to Preach, but yet with this Exhortation and Admonishment, That in no wise you do stir and provoke the People to any Alteration or Innovation, other than is already set forth by the King's Majesty's Injunctions, Homilies, and Proclamations; but contrariwise, That you do in all your Sermons exhort Men to that which is at this time more necessary; that is, to the emendation of their own Lives, to the observance of the Commandments of God, to Humility, Patience, and Obedience to their Heads and Rulers; comforting the Weak, and teaching them the right way, and to flee all old Erroneous Superstitions, as the Confidence in Pardons, Pilgrimages, Beads, Religious Images, and other such of the Bishop of Rome's Traditions and Superstitions, with his usurped Power; the which things be here in this Realm most justly abolished; and straight rebuking those, who of an arrogancy and proud hastiness, will take upon them to run before they be sent, to go before the Rulers, to alter and change things in Religion, without Authority, teaching them to expect and tarry the time which God hath ordained, to the revealing of all Truth, and not to seek so long blindly and hidling after it, till they bring all Orders into contempt. It is not a private Man's Duty to alter Ceremonies, to innovate Orders in the Church; nor yet it is not a Preachers part to bring that into contempt and hatred, which the Prince doth either allow, or is content to suffer. The King's Highness, by our Advice, as a Prince most earnestly given to the true knowledge of God, and to bring up his People therein, doth not cease to labour and travel by all godly means, that his Realm might be brought and kept in a most Godly and Christian Order, who only may and aught to do it. Why should a private Man, or a Preacher, take this Royal and Kingly Office upon him; and not rather, as his Duty is, obediently follow himself, and teach likewise others to follow and observe that which is commanded. What is abolished, taken away, reform, and commanded, it is easy to see by the Acts of Parliament, the Injunctions, Proclamations, and Homilies: the which things most earnestly it behoveth all Preachers in their Sermons to confirm and approve accordingly, in other things which be not yet touched, it behoveth him to think, that either the Prince doth allow them, or else suffer them; and in those it is the part of a Godly Man, not to think himself wiser than the King's Majesty, and his Council: but patiently to expect and to conform himself thereto, and not to intermeddle further, to the disturbance of a Realm, the disquieting of the King's People, the troubling of men's Consciences, and disorder of the King's Subjects.  
These things we have thought good to admonish you of at this time, because we think you will set the same so forward in your preaching, and so instruct the King's Majesty's People accordingly, to the most advancement of the Glory of God, and the King's Majesty's most Godly Proceed, that we do not doubt but much profit shall ensue thereby, and great conformity in the People the which you do instruct; and so we pray you not to fail to do: and having a special regard to the weakness of the People what they may bear, and what is most convenient for the time; in no case to intermeddle in your Sermons, or otherwise, with Matters in contention or controversion, except it be to reduce the People in them also to Obedience, and following of such Orders as the King's Majesty hath already set forth, and no others, as the King's Majesty and our Trust is in you, and as you tender his Highness Will and Pleasure, and will answer to the contrary at your Peril.  
Far you well.  
Printed at London, June 1. 1548.   

Number 25. Queries put concerning some Abuses of the Mass; with the Answers that were made by many Bishops and Divines to them.  

Quest. 1. Whether the Sacrament of the Altar was instituted to be received of one Man for another, 
Ex M. S. Dr. Stillingfleet.  or to be received of every Man for himself?  

Answers.  
THe Sacrament of the Altar was not instituted to be received of one Man for another, 
Cantuarien.  but to be received by every Man for himself.  
The Sacrament of the Altar was not instituted to be received of one Man for one other, but of every Man for himself. 
Eboracen.   
I think that the Sacrament of Thanks was not instituted to be received of one Man for another, 


London.  
Hereford.  
Cicestren.  
Worcester.  
Norvicen.  
Assaven.    but of every Man for himself.  
The Sacrament of the Altar was instituted, 
Dunelm.  to be received of every Man by himself, to make him a Member of Christ's Mystical Body, and to knit and unite him to Christ our Head; as St. Paul saith, 1 Cor. 10. Vnus Panis, & unum Corpus, multi sumus omnes qui de uno pane participamus.  
The Sacrament of the Altar was not instituted to be received of one Man for another Sacramentally, 
Sarisburien.  no more than one Man to be Christened for another: notwithstanding the Grace received by him that is Housled, or Christened, is profitable and available to the whole Mystical Body of Christ, and therefore to every lively Member thereof.  
The Sacrament (as they call it) of the Altar, 
Lincoln.  was not instituted to be received of one for another, but of every Man for himself: For Christ, the Institutor of this Sacrament, saith, with manifest words, Take, eat, etc. Mat. 26. And also, John 6. Except ye eat the Flesh of the Son of Man, and drink his Blood, ye have no Life in you. Whoso eateth my Flesh, and drinketh my Blood, hath eternal Life. Nor the receiving of one Man doth avail or profit any other; otherwise than by the way of Example, whereby the People present are provoked to the imitation of the thing that is good.  

Elien.  The Sacrament of the Altar was not instituted to be received of one Man for another, but of every Man for himself.  

Covent. & Litchfield.  I think and suppose, that the Sacrament of the Altar was instituted to be received of every Man for himself; for so are the words of Christ, Comedite & bibite, speaking to them present, and to every one of them.  

Carliolen.  The Sacrament of the Altar was not ordained or instituted to be received of one Man alone, but of all, and for all, because it is the General and continual Remedy, help, and secure of all, which maketh no let or stop of themselves, and their own unfaithful or sinful Life.  

Roffen.  Of every Man for himself.  

Bristollen.  The Sacrament of the Altar was not instituted to be received of one Man for another Sacramentally, no more than one Man to be Christened for another, but every Man to receive it in Faith and cleanliness of Life for himself.  

Meneven.  The Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ was not instituted, that one Man should receive it for another, but every Man for himself. Probet autem seipsum homo, & sic de pane illo edat, & de poculo illo bibat. Cor. 11.  

Dr. Cox.  The Sacrament of Thanks was instituted to be received of every Man for himself, and not of one for another.  

Dr. Tyler.  Of every Man for himself.    

Quest. 2. Whether the Receiving of the said Sacrament of one Man doth avail and profit any other?  

Answers.  

Cantuarien.  THe Receiving of the said Sacrament by one Man, doth avail and profit only him that receiveth the same.  

Eboracen.  The Receiving of the Sacrament only availeth the Receivers thereof, except it be by reason of such Communion as is among the Members of the Mystical Body of Christ.  



London.  
Worcester.  
Hereford.  
Norvicen.  
Cicestren.  
Assaven.    I think that the Receiving of the said Sacrament doth not avail or profit any other, but only as all other good Works done of any Member of Christ's Church, be available to the whole Mystical Body of Christ, and to every lively Member of the same, by reason of mutual Participation, and spiritual Communion between them. And also it may be profitable to others, as an Example whereby others may be stirred to Devotion, and to like Receiving of the same.  
The Receiving of the Sacrament of one Man doth profit another, 
Dunelmen.  as the health and goodliking of one Member, doth in part strengthen the Body, and other Members of the same: for St. Paul saith, Multi unum corpus sumus in Christo, singuli autem alter alterius membra, Rom. 12. & 1 Cor. 12. Si gaudet unum membrum, cangaudent omnia membra. And in a Mystical Body, the good living of one Man, stirreth another to the same.  
The Oblation made after the Consecration in the Mass, 
Sarisburien.  is the offering unto the Father of the Body and Blood of Christ, by the Minister, with the Commemoration of the Passion, and with Thanksgiving for the same, and with the Prayers of the Minister and People, that it may be available to all Christian People.  
The Receiving thereof of one Man, 
Elien.  doth not avail or profit any other, but as all good Deeds profit the Congregation; and as one Member healed or taking nourishment, profiteth another Member.  
And I suppose also, 
Covent. & Litchfield.  that the Receiving of one Man doth not avail or profit another, but as every good Act or Deed of one Member doth profit to the whole Body.  
The Receiving of the Sacrament, 
Carliolen.  as it noteth the Act of him who receiveth, it may be, that it neither availeth or profiteth him who receiveth, nor any other, but also hurts the Receiver, if he presume to take it rashly or unworthily. But as touching the thing which is Sacred, offered, and distributed by the Common Minister in the Mass, representing the Holy Church, or Mystical Body of Christ, and is received both of him and other that will, whatsoever the Receiving or Receiver be, it availeth and profiteth all present, absent, Living and Dead.  
No, but as the receipt of wholesome Doctrine, 
Roffen.  the receipt of the Fear of God, the receipt of any Godly Gift that is profitable to any one Member of Christ's mystical Body, may be said generally to profit the whole Body, because there is a mystical Communion, and a spiritual Participation amongst all the Members of Christ in all Godliness; as there is in the natural Body a natural participation of all natural Affections both good and evil.  
It appeareth, by the words of St. Cyprian, 
Bristollen.  Epist. 6. Lib. 3. that it should be profitable and available to others, forasmuch as he wrote these words of the faithful Christians which departed this World in Prison,. and said; Quanquam fidelissimus & devotissimus frater noster, inter caetera solicitudinem & curam suam cum fratribus in omni obsequio operationis impertitur, qui nec illic curam corporum— scripserit ac scribat ac significat mihi dies quibus in carcere beati fratres nostri ad immortalitatem gloriosae mortis exitu transeant & celebrentur, hic a nobis Oblationes & Sacrificia ob commemorationes eorum, quae cito vobiscum, domine prosperante, celebrabimus. Ita enim docuit Apostolus Christi unus Panis & unum Corpus multi sumus omnes, 
1 Cor. 1.  qul de uno Pane, & de uno Calice participamus. Nec loquitur de his solis qui eo tempore Corinthi conveniebant, & Sacramentum ab unius Sacerdotis manu recipiebant; Verum potius de seipso tunc procul a Corintho agente, & Corinthiis ipsis omnibusque in Christum credentibus ubi tandem constituti essent quos omnes significat unum esse Corpus qui toto orbe de uno Pane communicantes participarent.  

Meneven.  The Sacrament profiteth him only, that receiveth it worthily; likeas it damnifieth him only that receiveth it unworthily. Nam qui edit aut bibit indigne, judicium sibi ipsi edit ac bibit, 1 Cor. 11.  

Dr. Cox.  The Receiving of the said Sacrament, doth avail and profit the Receiver only, and none other, but by occasion to do the like.  

Dr. Tyler.  So much as the Christening of Man profiteth another, which after my Opinion profiteth nothing.    

Quest. 3. What is the Oblation and Sacrifice of Christ in the Mass?  

Answers.  

Cantuarien.  THe Oblation and Sacrifice of Christ in the Mass is not so called, because Christ indeed is there offered and sacrificed by the Priest and the People, (for that was done but once by himself upon the Cross) but it is so called, because it is a Memory and Representation of that very true Sacrifice and Immolation which before was made upon the Cross.  

Eboracen.  The Oblation and Sacrifice of Christ in the Mass, is the presenting of the very Body and Blood of Christ to the Heavenly Father, under the Forms of Bread and Wine, consecrated in the Remembrance of his Passion, with Prayer and Thanksgiving for the Universal Church.  



London.  
Worcester.  
Hereford.  
Norvicen.  
Cicestren.  
Assaven.    I think it is the Presentation of the very Body and Blood of Christ being really present in the Sacrament; which Presentation the Priest maketh at the Mass, in the Name of the Church, unto God the Father, in memory of Christ's Passion and Death upon the Cross; with thanksgiving therefore, and devout Prayer, that all Christian People, and namely they which spiritually join with the Priest in the said Oblation, and of whom he maketh special remembrance, may attain the benefit of the said Passion.  

Dunelm.  The Oblation and Sacrifice of Christ in the Mass, is the presenting of Christ by the Priest, in commemoration of his Passion, being our eternal and permanent Sacrifice, present in the Sacrament by his Omnipotent Word left to us, to have his Death and Passion in remembrance, with giving thanks for the same, and Prayer of the Minister, and them which be present, that the same may be available to the whole Church of Christ, both Quick and Dead in the Faith of Christ.  
Which Oblation, commemoration of Christ's Passion, 
Sarisburie  giving of Thanks and Prayer, taketh effect only in them which by their own proper Faith shall receive the same effect.  
There is properly no Oblation nor Sacrifice, 
Lincoln.  but a remembrance of the One Oblation of Christ upon the Cross, made once for all; a giving of Thanks for the same, and the Prayer of the public Minister for the whole Congregation; which Prayer only taketh effect in them, who by their own proper Faith receive the benefit of Christ: And where many of those Authors do say there is an Oblation and Sacrifice, they spoke so, because in this Sacrament we be admonished of the Oblation and Sacrifice of Christ upon the Cross.  
If Oblation be taken pro re Oblata, then, 
Elien.  as old Ancient Doctors write, it Is, Corpus & Sanguis, scil. Verum, & Corpus, scil. Mysticum. If ye take it pro actu offerendi, it is a Commemoration and Representation of Christ's Death once suffered upon the Cross, with Thanksgiving for the same.  
I suppose the very Oblation and Sacrifice of Christ in the Mass, 
Covent. & Litchfield.  is this; That after the Benediction, that is to say, the words of Consecration spoken by the Priest, and the divine working of Christ presently, by the which there is the very precious Body, and the precious Blood of Christ present to be so received; then the Priest offereth up the holy Memory of our Redemption to God the Father, most humbly praying, That as it was once offered up by Christ upon the Cross, for the Redemption of Mankind, so it may take effect now, and at all times, especially in those that with a true Faith, with a full Trust and hope shall so worthily receive it.  
The Oblation and Sacrifice of Christ in the Mass, is, 
Carliolen.  even the same which was offered by Christ on the Cross, ever and  abiding and enduring of like strength, virtue and power. The difference is, That on the Cross Christ being there both Priest and Sacrifice, offered himself visibly; and in the Mass, being likewise both Priest and Sacrifice, offereth himself invisibly, by the common Minister of the Church, who in the name and stead of the whole faithful Congregation offereth and presenteth, as he bid and commanded by Christ.  
The Representation and Commemoration of Christ's Death and Passion, said and done in the Mass, is called the Sacrifice, Oblation, 
Roffen.  or Immolation of Christ; Non rei veritate, (as learned Men do write) sed significandi Mysterio.  
It is in giving Thanks unto the Father, 
Bristollen.  as Christ did himself at his Supper, taking the Bread and Wine into his hands, and with the words of Consecration, consecrating the same, and then making presentation of the very Body and Blood of Christ unto God the Father, in the Name of the Church, in the memory of Christ's most painful Passion and Death, suffered upon the Cross; and so worthily receiving the same, and with giving thanks again for the same at the latter end; as the Gospel saith, Hymno dicto; but what this Hymn or Prayer was, I find no mention.  

Meneven.  The Oblation and Sacrifice of Christ mentioned in the Mass, is a memorial of Christ's only Sacrifice upon the Cross, once offered for ever; Vnica enim Oblatione, perfectos effecit in perpetuum eos qui sanctificantur, Heb. 10.  

Dr. Cox.  The Oblation of the Sacrifice of Christ in the Mass, is the Prayer, the Praise, the Thanksgiving, and the remembrance of Christ's Passion and Death.  

Dr. Tyler.  There is no Oblation, speaking properly; but some Ancient Doctors, and the use of the Church, calleth the receiving of it, with the Circumstances then done, an Oblation; that is to say, a Memorial and Remembrance of Christ's most precious Oblation upon the Cross.    

Quest. 4. Wherein consisteth the Mass by Christ's Institution?  

Answers.  

Cantuarien.  THe Mass, by Christ's Institution, consisteth in those things which be set forth in the Evangelists; Matth. 26. Mark 14. Luke 22. 1 Cor. 10, & 11.  

Eboracen.  The Mass, by Christ's Institution, consisteth in the Consecration and Oblation of the very Body and Blood of Christ, with Prayer, Thanksgiving, and Receiving of the same, as appeareth in the Evangelists, Matth. 26.27. Mark 14. & 15. Luke 22. & 23. John 6. 1 Cor. 10, & 11. Acts 2.  

London. Worcester. Hereford. Norvicen. Cicestren. Assaven.  I think it consisteth principally, in the Consecration, Oblation, and Receiving of the Body and Blood of Christ; with Prayers and Thanksgiving; but what the Prayers were, and what Rites Christ used or commanded at the first institution of the Mass, the Scripture declareth not.  

Dunelm.  The Mass, by Christ's Institution, consisteth in those things which be set forth by the Evangelists, Mat. 26. Mark 19 Luke 22. and Paul, 1 Cor. 10, 11, & 12. and Acts 2. with humble and contrite Confession, the Oblation of Christ, as before: the Receiving of the Sacrament, giving of Thanks therefore, and Common Prayer for the Mystical Body of Christ.  
The Mass, by Christ's Institution, 
Sarisburien.  consisteth in those things which be set forth in the Evangelists, Matth. 26. Mark 14. Luke 22. 1 Cor. 10, & 11. Acts 2, and 13.  
It consisteth in these things which be set forth Matth. 26. Mark 19 Luke 22. 1 Cor. 10.11. Acts 2. 
Lincoln.   
The Mass, by Christ's Institution, 
Elien.  consisteth in those things which be set forth in the Evangelists, Matth. 26. Luke 22. and 1 Cor. 10.11. and Acts 2.  
The Mass, by Christ's Institution, 
Covent. & Litchfield.  only expressing the Form of Christ by the Scripture, consisteth in the taking of the Bread, and giving thanks to God the Father, in the Benediction and Consecration, in the receiving or distribution, and receiving of them, to whom the distribution is made by the hands of the Priest: as the Eldest Authors affirm, in the renewing of the memory of our Redemption by an undoubted Faith, and for that to give most humble thanks; so calling to remembrance, as often as it is thus done, the inestimable benefit of our Redemption. What Thanks that Christ gave before this most holy Action, or what Thanks that he gave after it, by the general words of Matthew, Hymno dicto, are not expressed: 
Chap. 24.  So that there appeareth, both before this most Holy Action, and also after, to be a certain Ceremony appointed by Christ more than is expressed: Moreover, 
1 Cor. 11.  by the Doctrine of the Apostle, it behoveth every Man to be wise and circumspect, that he receive not this most blessed Sacrament unworthily and unreverently, not making difference betwixt the receiving of the most blessed Body of Christ, and other Meats.  
The Mass, by Christ's Institution, consisteth in Consecrating, 
Carliolen.  Offering, Receiving, and Distributing of the blessed Body and Blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ, according to that he himself did, willed, and commanded to be done. This we have manifested by the Evangelists, St. Paul, and St. Luke, in the Acts. But because Christ was, after his Resurrection long with his Disciples, communicating and treating of the Kingdom of God, what should be done here to come thither, it may be well thought, that whatsoever he or his Holy Spirit left with the Apostles, and they with others, after which also the whole Universal Congregation of Christian People useth and observeth, most ancient and holy Doctors in like form noteth, may likewise be said and taken as of Christ's Institution.  
I am not able to say, 
Roffen.  that the Mass consisteth by Christ's Institution in other things, than in those which be set forth in the Evangelists, Matthew, Mark, and Luke, in the Acts, and 1 Cor. 10. & 11.  
As I take it, the Mass by Christ's Institution, 
Bristollen.  consisteth in those Things and Rites, which be set forth unto us, in the 26th of St. Matthew, the 14th of St. Mark, and the 22 of St. Luke; and also as mention is made in the first Epistle to the Corinthians, Chap. 10. and 11. and Acts 11. any other Institution I read not of by Scripture.  

Meneven.  Christ's Institution compriseth no more in the Mass, than the Communion of the Body and Blood to be ministered and received under both kinds, of Bread and Wine, according as is declared by the Evangelists, Mat. 26. Mark 14. Luke, in the Acts 2.  

Dr. Cox.  The Mass, by Christ's Institution, consisteth in Thanksgiving to the Father, in distributing of the Body and Blood of Christ to the Congregation, to have the Death and Passion of Christ in remembrance, and in the end to laud and praise God.  

Dr. Tyler.  In giving of Thanks to God the Father, and blessing and breaking it, and reverently receiving the Holy Sacraments, with all such Rites and Circumstances as Christ did in both the kinds.    

Quest. 5. What time the accustomed Order began first in the Church, that the Priest alone should receive the Sacrament?  

Answers.  

Cantuarien.  I Think the use, that the Priest alone did receive the Sacrament without the People, began not within six or seven hundred Years after Christ.  

Eboracen.  The accustomed Order that the Priest alone should receive the Sacrament, began about the time of Zepherinus; who when the common People had left their daily and frequent Communion, ordained that they should communicate, at the lest once in the Year, that was at Easter; which Ordinance Innocentius the third confirmed.  



London.  
Worcester.  
Her●ford.  
Norwich.  
Chichester.  
St. Asaph.    I know no further Order or Commandment of the Church, but what time the devotion of the People was so greatly decayed, that they would not come to receive the Sacrament, than the Priests were compelled to receive it alone.  
The custom began, that the Priest alone should receive the Sacrament of necessity, 
Dunelm.  when the People falling from Devotion would not come to the Communion, but cared more for their worldly Business, than for godly receiving the Sacrament: for in the beginning they received it daily by fervent Devotion; after, thrice a Week; after, on the Sundays only; after, thrice in the Year, at Christmas, Easter, and Whitsunday; after, only once in the Year, at Easter, by coldness of Devotion.  
The time certain is not known, most Men ascribe it unto Gregory, 
Lincoln.  who was more than 600 Years after Christ; for that every Bishop of Rome bringing in his Portion, (some Introitus, some Kyrie Eleison, some Graduale); the Mass in the said Gregory's time, was grown to the full quantity it is now of, and men's Inventions began to step before, and get ground of Christ's Institution; but from the beginning it was not so, for Christ did not eat and drink alone at his last Supper, but gave the Bread and Cup to all present. In the Primitive Church one did not eat alone, and the rest look on, but they did eat together, and drink together, as it is to be seen Acts 2. 1 Cor. 11. And Anacletus writes thus, Peracta Consecratione omnes communicent, qui noluerint Ecclesiasticis caveant liminibus. De Conso. Dist. 1. Cum Episcopus, etc.  
The very time I know not, but is to be supposed, 
Eli.  that that custom crept into the Church by negligence and slackness of the Lay-People, who would not so oft receive it as the Priest would; for in the beginning, the Communion with the Laity was Quotidiane, which the Priest observeth still unto this day, and not the Laity; and there be Canons that bindeth the Priest to the receiving of it as oft as he doth Consecrate; and the cause why the Priests did not receive it, after they had consecrated, should seem to be, that there was none to receive it with them, which was the occasion of these making of those Canons, as I suppose.  
Because Scripture saith, Panis quem frangimus, 
Roffen.  nun communicatio corporis est, etc. Likewise the Chalice, cui benedicimus; and also, bibite ex eo omnes. And the Canons said to be of the Apostles, Can. 10. and 10. and of the Antiochian Council, Can. 2. Anacletus in an Epistle, commandeth the Sacrament to be received of more than of the Priest alone. Dyonise also declareth the same, and also long after, Chrys. St. Ambrose, and St. Austin, both complain of the slackness of some, and earnestly exhorteth the People to the receipt thereof. Therefore I suppose that custom, that the Priest should receive it alone, where it was celebrated openly, was not received in the Church of Christ by the space of four or five hundred Years at least after Christ.  
I know no such Order or Commandment of the Church, 
Bristol.  but what time the Devotion of the People began greatly to decay, and would not come to receive the Sacrament, than I think the Priests were compelled to receive it alone.  
I suppose not long after the Apostles time, 
Dr. Cox.  the godly Devotions of the People decaying, who at the beginning used to come daily, and after that weekly, after that thrice in the Year, and at last but once in the Year, the Priest was forced to receive the Sacrament alone.    

Quest. 6. Whether it be convenient that the same Custom continue still within this Realm?  

Answers.  

Cantuarien.  I Think it more agreeable to the Scripture and Primitive Church, that the first usage should be restored again, that the People should receive the Sacrament with the Priest.  



London.  
Worcester.  
Hereford.  
Norvicen.  
Cicestren.  
Assaven.    I would wish, that at every Mass, there would be some to receive the Sacrament with the Priest: Nevertheless if none will come to receive it, I think it lawful and convenient, that the Priests of this Realm of England may say Mass, and receive the Sacrament alone.  

Dunelm.  It were much convenient that People were exhorted to come to it oftener, if they could be brought thereto. Nevertheless if none will communicate, it is not meet that the Priests stirred to communicate, or should forbear for coldness or lack of other men's Devotion.  

Lincoln.  Nothing can be better, or more wisely devised than Christ did ordain, and the Apostles, according to his Ordinance, did use; we ought therefore to captivate our Senses and Understandings to the Wisdom of Christ; and think that most convenient, that to his Ordinance is most correspondent: And as St. Paul notes, By eating all of one Bread, and drinking all of one Cup, we be put in remembrance, that we be all one Body in Christ, and have received all one Spirit. Nevertheless the slackness of some ought not to be prejudicial to the rest, nor the refusing of one to be impediment to another.  

Elien.  If the Lay-Men could be brought to it, it were better not to continue; but if they cannot, it is not convenient that Priests, who would communicate for their own comfort, should be defrauded by other men's slackness.  

Roffen.  I suppose it were best, that that Custom should be reform unto the Rule of Scripture, and unto the Pattern of the Primitive Church.  

Bristollen.  I think it were good, that at every Mass there were some to receive the Sacrament with the Priest; nevertheless, if none will come to receive it, I think it lawful and convenient, that the Priest say Mass, and receive the Sacrament alone, when he is disposed, or by the Christian Congregation desired.  

Dr. Cox.  I think it not convenient that the said Custom should continue, if by any godly Mean the People might be brought to receive the Sacrament with the Priest.    

Quest. 7. Whether it be convenient that Masses Satisfactory should continue, (that is to say) Priests hired to sing for Souls departed?  

Answers.  
I Think it not convenient that Satisfactory Masses should continue. 
Cantab.   
I think that such of the Schoolmen as do write of Masses Satisfactory, do define them otherwise than is declared in this Question: 


London.  
Worcester.  
Hereford.  
Norwich.  
Chichester.  
St. Asaph.    Nevertheless I think, that it is not against the Word of God, but that Priests praying in the Mass, both for the Quick and Dead, and doing other things in the Church about the Ministration of the Sacraments, may take a Living for the same.  
All Priests saying Mass be bound in the same, 
Dunelmen.  to pray for the whole mystical Body of Christ, Quick and Dead, though they be not hired thereto; and those that be deputed thereto, if they say Mass, must do the same though they were not hired: And yet, as St. Paul saith, Those that be partakers of Spiritual Things with others, ought to minister unto them temporal Things in recompense, Rom. 15.  
St. Paul saith, Heb. 10. 
Lincoln.  That we are made Holy by the Offering of the Body of Jesus once for all; and Heb. 9 That Christ by his own Blood, entered in once to the holy place and found eternal Redemption; which Redemption and Satisfaction, unless we think insufficient, it were meet Masses Satisfactory to be taken away, and not to count Christ and his Apostles, either unlearned, or unloving Teachers; and who could not or would not teach a thing so necessary. Nauclerus does write, that Gregory the third gave commandment to Priests to pray and offer for the Dead. And though ancient Writers make oft mention of Prayer for the Dead, yet they never allow any Hireling to that purpose. Lege August. ad Aurel. de coercenda temulentia.  
It is one thing to sing Satisfactory, 
Eli.  and another to be hired to sing Mass for the Souls departed: for the first importeth, that the Mass should be a Satisfaction for the sins of the Soul departed; which is not so, but the second, that is, to sing or pray for the Souls departed, is a laudable custom, and seemeth to have some ground in Scripture; which custom hath been always continued from the Apostles time, and hath been used in the Mass, as appeareth by Ancient Doctors, Aust. Amb. Chrys. and others; and therefore this to continue I think it meet. But to say Mass for Money, thinking it a Commutation or just Compensation betwixt the Prayer and the Money that he is hired for, I think it soundeth to Avarice and Simony; and yet, dignus est operarius mercede sua. Likeas, Praedicans Evangelium sine sumptu debet ponere Evangelium, & tamen Dominus ordinavit his qui Evangelium annunciant de Evangelio vivere.  

Carlisle.  If by this be meant, that any Thing, or Action either of the Priest, should be a full and perfect Satisfaction of Sins Venial and Mortal; I know we read not of any such Satisfactory, neither would I say that Priests be hired after that common fashion and contracts of the World, to sing for Souls departed, but rather that they, as they be ordered to do, do say and sing their Mass, having in their remembrance, both generally and specially, as shall most appertain both to the Living and the Dead; and then, as they be worthy, must have their Live by the Altar which they serve, as St. Paul at large declareth. But as for the full and perfect Satisfaction of all manner of Sins, that is to be attributed only to Christ, his Passion and Justification; yet after the mind of St. Austin, St. Jerom, with others, Pro non valde malis propitiatones fiant & de levioribus peccatis, cum quibus obligati defuncti sunt, possunt post mortem absolvi, etc.  

Roffen.  That Masses Satisfactory should continue to be sung for Souls departed, by Priests hired thereunto, I think it not convenient.  

Bristol.  I think that the Word of God, and St. Paul meant, that all Priests may offer Gifts and Sacrifices unto God for the Offences of the People, (as it is written in the 5th of the Hebrews) Omnis Pontifex, etc. and may receive and take (ministering the Sacrament and Sacramentals in the Church to the Congregation) a Living for the same.  

Dr. Cox.  Masses to be said for satisfaction of Sin, (since Christ is the only Satisfaction for all Sin) is an Abuse not to be continued: and Priests to be hired only to sing for Souls departed, seemeth to be a superfluous Function in Christ's Church.    

Quest. 8. Whether the Gospel ought to be taught, at the time of the Mass, to the understanding of the People being present?  

Answers.  

Cantab.  I Think it very convenient, that the Gospel, concerning the Death of Christ, and our Redemption, should be taught to the People in the Mass.  

York.  It is expedient that the Gospel be taught at the time of the Mass, to the Understanding of the People being present.  

London, etc.  I think it not necessary to have a Sermon at every Mass, but the oftener the same is done to the edifying of the People (so that the service of their Vocation be not thereby defrauded) the more it is to be commended.  
It is much convenient that the Gospel be taught to the understanding of the People being present, when it may be. Howbeit, 
Dunelm.  it is not so of the Substance of the Mass, but the Mass may be done without it, and it done at other times as well as at the Mass.  
Christ distributing the Sacrament to his Disciples, does say, 
Lincoln.  (as it is Luke 22.) Hoc facite in meam commemorationem: And if St. Paul doth thus write to the Corinthians, Quotiescunque manducabitis panem hunc ac calicem bibitis, mortem domini annunciabitis donec veniet. The glad Tidings therefore, the great Benefit that we receive by Christ's Death and Sufferings, (which we see as in a Glass, in this Holy Sacrament) ought to be set forth and preached to the People, so oft as they come to the Holy Communion.  
That the Gospel be read or taught at the time of the Mass, 
Elien.  that the People there present may understand; it is good and godly, and convenient it should be so.  
I think it convenient and necessary, 
Carliolen.  that as the King's most Excellent Majesty, his most dear Uncle my Lord Protector's Grace, with the most honourable Council beside, hath already appointed and enjoined to be done, that at all such times as the People (as they ought) be most gathered together, in the Principal and High Mass, the Gospel be taught and declared to the best understanding of the People.  
The Annunciation of Christ's Death and Passion, 
Roffen.  and the Benefit of the same, that the forgiveness of Sins, to all the true and faithful Believers therein, ought evermore to be set forth in the Mass to the edification of the People; which thing cannot be done, according to St. Paul's mind and meaning, 1 Cor. 14. as I suppose, except it be set forth to the People's understanding.  
I think it is not against God's Word, 
Bristollen.  but the oftener the same is done to the edifying of the People, received with Devotion, and intending redress of Life thereby, the more it is to be affected and used.  
In the Mass-time, it were convenient to have some Doctrines, 
Dr. Cox.  after the Example of the Primitive Church, that at the Blessed Communion the people might be edified.    

Quest. 9 Whether in the Mass it were convenient to use such Speech as the People may understand?  

Answers.  

Cantuarien.  I Think it convenient to use the Vulgar Tongue in the Mass, except in certain secret Mysteries, whereof I doubt.  

Eboracen.  It were convenient to use such Speech in the Mass, as the People might understand.  



London.  
Hereford.  
Cicestren.  
Worcester.  
Norvicen.  
Assaven.    To have the whole Mass in English, I think it neither expedient, neither convenient.  

Dunelm.  It is convenient that the common Latin Tongue to these West parts of Christendom, be used in the Mass, being the Common-Prayer of the whole Church, namely, in the Mysteries thereof, lest rude People should vilely profane the Holy Mysteries thereof by contempt. Nevertheless certain Prayers might be in the Mother Tongue, for the instruction and stirring of the Devotion of the People, as shall be thought convenient.  

Lincoln.  St. Paul would all things in the Congregation, and Public Assembly, so to be spoken that they might edify; and in such a Language, that the People present might say Amen to our Thanksgiving. And long after the Apostles times, all the People present did answer the Priest, (he speaking in a Language that they did understand) likeas the Clerk or Boy doth now answer (as he is taught) in a Language that he understands not. Cypri. habet de Cons. distinct. 1. Ca Quando.  

Elien.  It was so used in Dalmatia in St. Hierom's time, and in Sclavonia in Cyril's time, who making suit to the Court of Rome for the same; and the Matter being debated in the Consistory, and having many Adversaries, suddenly there was heard a Voice, as it were, from Heaven; Omnis Spiritus laudet Dominum, & omnis Lingua confiteatur ei. Whereupon Cyrillus had his Petition granted him.  
Elien. Haec jam mea est Opinio, sed, sic ut, auditis melioribus cedam.  

Carliolen.  This Question was deeply searched and tried for, in the most excellent and of highest memory, King Henry the Eighth his time, by the best Clarks of his Realm, in his presence; and then and there concluded, and upon that same by Proclamation commanded, That Holy Scripture should not be evulgate in English. Yet after it was otherwise seen and provided for: Therefore therein I would wish, that were most to the quiet edification of Christian People, and shall submit my self to my Superiors and Betters, submitting mine Understanding to their Judgements.  
I think it not only convenient that such Speech should be used in the Mass, as the People might understand, 
Roffen.  but also to speak it with such an audible Voice, that the People might hear it, that they be not defrauded of their Own, which Saint Paul teacheth to belong to them; and also that they may answer, as Cyprian saith, the People did in his days, Habemus ad Dominum. Nevertheless, as concerning that part that pertaineth to the Consecration, Dionise and Basil moveth me to think it no inconvenience, that part should be spoken in silence.  
If the Mass should be wholly in English, 
Bristollen.  I think we should differ from the Custom and Manner of all other Regions: therefore if it may stand with the King's Majesty's Pleasure, I think it not good to be said all in English.  Per me Paulum Episcopum Bristollensem.   

Quest. 10. When the Reservation of the Sacrament, and the hanging up of the same first began?  

Answers.  
THe Reservation of the Sacrament began, I think, 
Cantuarien.  six or seven hundred Years after Christ: The hanging up, I think, began of late time.  
Polidore Virgil doth write, 
Lincoln.  that Innocentius the Third decreed the Sacrament to be kept, to be in a readiness for the Sick. And Honorius the third confirmed the same; adding, that it ought to be reserved in loco singulari, mundo, & signato. Commanding also the Priests that they should often instruct the People reverently to bow down at the Elevation-Time, and when it is born to the sick. As for the hanging up of the Sacrament over, or setting it upon the Altar, is of a later time, not yet received in divers places of Christendom.    

Some Questions, with Answers made to them by the Bishops of Worcester, Chichester, and Hereford. The Question. What or wherein John's Fasting, giving Alms, being Baptised, or Receiving the Sacrament of Thanks in England, doth profit and avail Thomas dwelling in Italy, and not knowing what John in England doth?  

The Answer.  



Worcester.  
Chichester.  
Hereford.    THe distance of place doth not let nor hinder the Spiritual Communion which is between one and another, so that John and Thomas, wheresoever they be, far and sundry, or near together, being both lively Members of Christ, receive either of others Goodness some Commodity; although to limit what or wherein, is unsearchable, and only pertaineth to the Knowledge of God.    

The Question. Whether the said Acts in John do profit them that be in Heaven, and wherein?  

The Answer.  

Luc. 15.  Gaudium est in Coelo super uno peccatore poenitentiam agente, etc.    

The Question. Whether it lieth in the said John, to defraud any Member of Christ's Body of the benefit of his Fasting, Alms-Deeds, Baptism, or Receiving of the Sacrament, and to apply the same benefit to one Person more than to another?  

The Answer.  
Charity defraudeth no Man of any such benefit that might come to him; and it lieth in God only to apply the same, and not in any Man, otherwise than by desire and prayer; but the better the Man is, the more available his Prayer is to them, for whom he especially prayeth.    

The Question. What thing is the Presentation of the Body and Blood of Christ in the Mass, which you call the Oblation and Sacrifice of Christ? and wherein standeth it, in Act, Gesture, or Words; and in what Act, Gesture, or Words?  

The Answer.  
The Presentation, etc. standeth in such Words, Prayers, Supplications, and Actions, as the Priest useth at the Mass, having the Body and Blood of Christ there present in the Sacrament.    

The Question. Is there any Rite or Prayer not expressed in the Scripture, which Christ used or commanded at the first Institution of the Mass, which we be now bound to use; and what the same be?  

The Answer.  
That Christ used Rites and Prayers at the Institution and Distribution of the Sacrament, the Scripture declareth: But what Rites and Prayers they were we know not; but I think we ought to use such Rites and Prayers as the Catholic Church hath, and doth uniformly observe.    

The Question. Whether in the Primitive Church there were any Priests that lived by saying of Mass, Matins, and Evensong, and praying for Souls only? And whether any such state of Priesthood be allowed in the Scripture, or be meet to be allowed now?  

The Answer.  
There were Priests in the Primitive Church which preached not, but exercised themselves in Prayer for the Quick and the Dead, and other Spiritual Ministrations in the Church; and accustomably used common Prayers both Morning and Evening; and such state of Priesthood is not against the Scripture.    

The Question. For what Cause it were not expedient nor convenient to have the whole Mass in English?  

The Answer.  
This Question is answered by Dyonise and Basil, De Spiritu Sancto; and also an uniformity of all Churches in that thing is to be kept.     

Number 26. A Collection of some of the Chief Indulgences then in the English Offices.  
Horae B. Mariae Virg. ad usum Sarum; Printed at Paris, 1526.  

Folio 38.  
TO all them that be in the State of Grace, that daily say devoutly this Prayer before our Blessed Lady of Pity, she will show them her blessed Visage, and warn them the Day and the Hour of Death; and in their last End, the Angels of God shall yield their Souls to Heaven; and he shall obtain 500 Years, and so many Lents of Pardon, granted by five Holy Fathers, Popes of Rome.   

Folio 42.  
Our Holy Father Sixtus the 4th, Pope, hath granted to all them that devoutly say this Prayer before the Image of our Lady, the sum of 11000 Years of Pardon.   

Folio 44.  
Our Holy Father the Pope, Sixtus, hath granted, at the instance of the high-most and excellent Princess Elizabeth, late Queen of England, and Wife to our Sovereign Liege Lord King Henry the 7th, (God have mercy on her sweet Soul, and all Christian Souls) that every day in the Morning, after three tollings of the Ave-Bell, say three times the whole Salutation of our Lady, Ave Maria Gratia; that is to say, at six of the Clock in the Morning three Ave Maries; at twelve of the Clock at Noon three Ave Maries; and at six of the Clock at Even; for every time so doing, is granted of the Spiritual Treasure of Holy Church, 300 days of Pardon, toties quoties. And also our Holy Father, the Archbishop of Canterbury and York, with other nine Bishops of this Realm, have granted, three times in the day, forty days of Pardon to all them that be in the state of Grace, able to receive Pardon; the which began the 26th day of March, Anno 1492. Anno Henrici 7. and the sum of the Indulgence and Pardon for every Ave Maria, 860 days, toties quoties. This Prayer shall be said at the tolling of the Ave-Bell.   

Folio 47.  
Our Holy Father the Pope, Bonifacius, hath granted to all them that devoutly say this lamentable contemplation of our Blessed Lady standing under the Cross weeping, and having compassion with her sweet Son Jesus, seven Years of Pardon, and forty Lents. And also Pope John the 22d hath granted 300 days of Pardon.   

Folio 50.  
These be the fifteen Does, the which the Holy Virgin S. Bridget was wont to say daily before the Holy Rood in S. Paul's Church at Rome; whoso says this a whole Year, shall deliver fifteen Souls out of Purgatory of his next Kindred, and convert other fifteen Sinners to good Life; and other fifteen Righteous Men of his kind shall persevere in good Life; and what ye desire of God ye shall have it, if it be to the Salvation of your Souls.   

Folio 54.  
To all them that before this Image of Pity devoutly say five Pater Nosters, and five Ave Maries, and a Credo, piteously beholding those Arms of Christ's Passion, are granted 32755 Years of Pardon; and Sixtus the 4th Pope of Rome, hath made the fourth and the fifth Prayer, and hath doubled his foresaid Pardon.   

Folio 56.  
This Epistle of our Saviour, sendeth our Holy Father, Pope Leo, to the Emperor Carolo Magno; of the which we find written, Who that beareth this Blessing upon him, and saith it once a day, shall obtain forty Years of Pardon, and eighty Lenting, and he shall not perish with sudden Death.   

Folio 57  
This Prayer made by S. Austin, affirming who that says it daily kneeling, shall not die in Sin; and after this Life shall go to the everlasting Joy and Bliss.   

Folio 58.  
Our Holy Father the Pope, John 22d, hath granted to all them that devoutly say this Prayer, after the Elevation of our Lord Jesus Christ, 3000 days of Pardon for deadly sins.   

Ibid.  
Our Holy Father the Pope, Bonifacius the Sixth, hath granted to all them that say devoutly this Prayer following, between the Elevation of our Lord, and the three Agnus Dei, 10000 Years of Pardon.   

Folio 61.  
Our Holy Father, Sixtus the 4th, hath granted to all them that be in the state of Grace, saying this Prayer following immediately after the Elevation of the Body of our Lord, clean remission of all their Sins perpetually enduring. And also John the Third, Pope of Rome, at the request of the Queen of England, hath granted to all them that devoutly say this Prayer before the Image of our Lord Crucified, as many days of Pardon, as there were wounds in the Body of our Lord in the time of his bitter Passion, the which were 5465.   

Folio 65.  
These five Petitions and Prayers made S. Gregory, and hath granted unto all them that devoutly say these five Prayers, with five Pater Nosters, five Ave Maries, and a Credo, 500 Years of Pardon.   

Folio 66.  
These three Prayers be written in the Chapel of the Holy Cross in Rome, otherwise called, Sacellum Sanctae Crucis septem Romanorum, who that devoutly say them, they shall obtain ten hundred thousand Years of Pardon for deadly Sins, granted of our Holy Father John, 22d Pope of Rome.   

Folio 68  
Who that devoutly beholdeth these Arms of our Lord Jesus Christ, shall obtain 6000 Years of Pardon of our Holy Father S. Peter, the first Pope of Rome, and of thirty other Popes of the Church of Rome, Successors after him. And our Holy Father, Pope John the 22d, hath granted unto all them, very contrite and truly confessed, that say these devout Prayers following, in the commemoration of the bitter Passion of our Lord Jesus Christ, 3000 Years of Pardon for deadly Sins, and other 3000 for venial Sins, and say first a Pater Noster and Ave Maria.   

Folio 71.  
Our Holy Father, Pope Innocentius the Second, hath granted to all them that say this Prayer devoutly, in the worship of the Wound that our Lord had in his blessed Side, when he was dead, hanging in the Cross, 4000 days of Pardon.   

Folio 72.  
This most devout Prayer, said the Holy Father S. Bernard, daily kneeling in the worship of the most Holy Name Jesus. And it is well to believe, that through the Invocation of the most excellent Name of Jesus, S. Bernard obtained a singular Ward of perpetual Consolation of our Lord Jesus Christ. And these Prayers written in a Table that hanged at Rome in S. Peter's Church, nigh to the High Altar there, as our Holy Father the Pope evely is wont to say the Office of the Mass; and who that devoutly, with a contrite Heart, daily say this Orison, if he be that day in the state of eternal Damnation, than his eternal Pain shall be changed him in temporal pain of Purgatory; then if he hath deserved the pain of Purgatory, it shall be forgotten and forgiven, through the infinite Mercy of God.    

Number 27. Injunctions for a Visitation of Chauntries. To the Parson, Vicar, Curate, chanter, Priests, Churchwardens, and two of the most honest Persons of the Parish of _____ being no Founders, Patrons, Donors, Lessees, nor Farmers of the Promotions or Corporations hereafter recited, nor of any part thereof, and to four of them at the least.  

Ex MS. Dr. Johnson.  FIrst, Ye shall make diligent search and inquiry, immediately upon the receipt hereof, of the number; and how many Chauntries, Hospitals, Colleges, free Chapels, Fraternities, Brotherhoods, Guilds and Salaries, or Wages of Stipendiary Priests, being Perpetuities now charged, or that aught to be charged, or chargeable, to the payment of the first Fruits and Tenths, and of all Colleges chargeable, and not chargeable to the said payment of Tenths and first Fruits, which be within your Church and Parish.  
Also you shall inquire of the Orders, Ordinances, Kind's, Qualities, Degrees, Uses and Abuses, or Misuses, Conditions, Estates, and Necessities, of and concerning all and every the said Chantries, Fraternities, Guilds, Stipends, or Wages, and other the Premises; and by what Names, Surnames, Corporations, or Titles, they and every of them be taken or known; and to what intents, purposes, and deeds of Charity they and every of them were founded, ordained, and made; and ye shall take into your hands, and also bring with you, at the day of your Certificate, the Foundations, and all other Writings which you have or can attain, for the true declaration and proof of the same.  
Also you shall inquire, how and what manner or sort the Revenues and Profits of the Lands and Possessions of all the aforesaid Promotions, and every of them, be used, expended, employed, or bestowed.  
Also how many of the said Promotions be Parish-Churches.  
Also how far space or distance the said Chantries and Chapels be, and stand from the Parish-Churches, of the Parishes wherein they do stand.  
Also ye shall inquire of all the Houses, Lands, Tenths, Rents, Possessions and Revenues, united, annexed, or appertaining to the aforesaid Chantries, Hospitals, Guilds, and other Promotions abovesaid, and to every of them, and of the yearly value thereof, and shall make a true and perfect Rental or other Book thereof.  
And ye shall inquire of all the Resolutes, Deductions, and yearly payments or charges going forth of the Premises, and of every part thereof, and shall certify the same in writing; that is to say, for every Chantry, or other the aforesaid Promotions severally by itself; and over this, to bring with you all such Rentals of the same, and every of them, as ye have or may attain or come by.  
Also ye shall inquire of all the Lands, Rents, Possessions, and Hereditaments, which were or be united, annexed, or pertaining to the aforesaid Promotions or Corporations, or to any of them, which at any time since the fourth day of February, in the 27th Year of the King's Majesty's Reign, did appertain or belong to them, or any of them, and of the Goods, Jewels, and Ornaments, lately pertaining or belonging to the same.  
Also ye shall inquire how many of the aforesaid Chantries, Hospitals, Guilds, and other the aforesaid Promotions and Corporations, and what Lands, Rents, or parcels thereof, since the 4th day of February, in the 27th Year of the Reign of our aforesaid Sovereign Lord, been or have been dissolved, purchased, or by any other means or ways taken, entered unto, or obtained by any of the King's Majesty's Subjects, by their own Authorities, without the King's Licence.  
And ye shall inquire of the Lands, Tenths, Rents, and Hereditaments thereof, and of the yearly Value of the same, and of all the Goods and Ornaments of the same; and of the yearly Resolutes, Deductions, and Payments going forth of the same; and shall make a true Rental or Book thereof, and shall certify the same particularly.  
Also ye shall inquire of all the Plate, Jewels, Ornaments, Goods, and Chattels, merely and truly pertaining or belonging to all the aforesaid Promotions or Corporations, and to every of them severally, and shall make one true Inventory thereof, with the Value of the same, and of every parcel thereof, that is to say, in true weight of all parcels of Plate, Chalices, and other; and the price or value of all other Ornaments, Goods, or Chattels, and in whose hands or possession the same be or remain.  
Also, finally, ye shall make ready and finish your Certificate in writing, before the _____ of all and singular the Premises, and of every Article abovesaid severally, and not in gross, or in one whole Article, as ye will answer and be sworn to the same: And that you, and every of you, being resident or remaining within the said Parish, shall Sign and Seal the same; and ye shall send the same your Certificate sealed unto us, at such day and place as hereafter shall be assigned unto you, by one of the most honest of the aforesaid Churchwardens, and by all the Incumbents of the Chantries, Chapels, Hospitals, Guilds and Promotions aforesaid, if there be but one Incumbent in the said Promotions, or any of them; And if there be more Incumbents than one in the said Promotions, or any of them being of one Foundation, that then one of the said Incumbents, together with the said honest Churchwarden, and other Incumbents, being but one of one Foundation, as is aforesaid. Foreseeing always, that your Proceed and Certificate of the Premises, and every part thereof, be executed, ordered, and done, with all diligence, substantially and truly, that the same may so appear unto us at our repair to view and survey the Premises, as ye will then have condign thanks for the same, and avoiding your extreme damage, which may ensue of the contrary.  


Robert Archbishop.  
Sir Michael Stanhope.  
Sir Leonard Bekworth.  
Mr. Robert Henneage.  
Mr.— Babthorpe.  
Mr. Wallay.  
Mr. Norton.  
Mr. Chaloner.  
Mr. Gargrave.  
Mr.— Auditor.     

Number 28. The Protector's Letter to Gardiner, concerning the Points he was to handle in his Sermon.  

Ex MS. Col. Cor. C. Cant.  WE commend us unto you; We sent to you yesterday our Servant William Cecil, to signify unto you our Pleasure and Advice, That you should, in this your next Sermon, forbear to entreat upon those Principal Questions, which remain amongst the number of learned Men in this Realm, as yet in controversy, concerning the Sacrament of the Altar, and the Mass; as well for that your private Argument or Determination therein might offend the People, naturally expecting decisions of litigious Causes, and thereby Discord and Tumult arise; the occasions whereof we must necessarily prevent and take away; as also for that the Questions and Controversies rest at this present in consultation, and with the pleasure of God, shall be, in small time, by public Doctrine and Authority, quietly and truly determined. This Message we send to you, not thinking but your own Wisdom had considered so much in an apparent Matter; or at the least, upon our remembrance, ye would understand it and follow it with good will, consulting thereby your own Quiet in avoiding Offence, as observing our Pleasure in avoiding Contention. Your Answer thereunto, our said Servant hath declared unto us in this manner. Ye can not wise forbear to speak of the Sacrament, neither of the Mass; this last being the chief Foundation, as ye say, of our Religion, and that without it we cannot know that Christ is our Sacrifice; the other being so spoken of by many, that if you should not speak your mind thereof what ye think, you know what other Men would think of you; in the end, concluding generally, that you will speak the Truth, and that ye doubt not but that we shall be therewith content; adding also, as our said Servant reporteth unto us, That you would not wish that we ourselves should meddle or have to do in these Matters of Religion, but that the care thereof were committed to you the Bishops, unto whom the blame, if any should be deserved, might well be imputed.  
To this your Answer, if so it be, we reply very shortly, signifying unto you our express Pleasure and Commandment, on our Sovereign Lord the King's Majesty's behalf, charging you, by the Authority of the same, to abstain in your said Sermon from treating of any Matter in controversy concerning the said Sacrament and the Mass, and only to bestow your Speech in the expert explication of the Articles prescribed unto you, and in other wholesome Matter, of Obedience of the People, and good Conversation and Living; the same Matters being both large enough for a long Sermon, and not unnecessary for the time. And the treaty of other, which we forbidden you not meet in your private Sermon to be had, but necessarily reserved for a public Consultation, and at this present utterly to be forborn for the common Quiet.  
This our express Pleasure, wherein we know how reasonably we may command you, and you (we think) know how willingly ye ought to obey us. For our intermeddling with these Causes of Religion, understand you, that we account it no small part of our Charge, under the King's Majesty, to bring his People from Ignorance to Knowledge, and from Superstition to true Religion, esteeming that the chief Foundation to build Obedience upon: and where there is a full consent of others, the Bishops and learned Men, in a Truth, not to suffer you, or a few other, with wilful headiness, to dissuade all the rest. And although we presume not to determine Articles of Religion by ourselves, yet from God we knowledge it, we be desirous to defend and advance the Truth, determined or revealed, and so consequently we will not fail, but withstand the Disturbers thereof. So far you well.  
From Zion, June 28. Anno 1548. Your Loving Friend, E. Somerset.   

Number 29. Some of the Collects and Hymns to the Saints in the Hours ad usum Sarum, printed at Paris, Anno 1520. In which, immediate Adoration is offered to them, and those things are asked of them, which God only gives.  

Folio 4.  SAncta Dei Genetrix, quae digne meruisti concipere, quem totus orbis nequivit comprehendere; tuo pio interventu, culpas nostras ablue, ut perennis sedem gloriae, per te redempti, valeamus scandere, ubi manes cum Filio tuo sine tempore.  

Fol. 11. S. Pauthaleon.  Sancte Panthaleon Martyr Christi, militari ordine fuisti, quo promeruisti;— Demum heremiticam vitam acquisisti,— Tu vero hydropicum sanum reddidisti— Missus in equleo ungues perdidisti— Costas cum lampadibus adustus fuisti— Collum subdens gladio pronus pertulisti— Fundens lac pro sanguine vitam sic finisti— Cunctas febres dilue a plebe tam tristi— Qui Coelestis Gloriae Regna meruisti.  

Fol. 12. S. Tho. Cant.  Tu per Thomae sanguinem, quem pro te impendit, fac nos Christe scandere, quo Thomas ascendit— Versicle gloria & honore coronasti, eum Domino: Resp. & constituisti, eum supra opera manuum tuarum.  

Fol. 12. of Pope Nicolaus. And so in many other places.  Ut ejus meritis & precibus a gehennae incendiis liberemur.  
Sancta Maria succurre miseris, Juva pusillanimes, refove flebiles, ora pro populo: 
Fol. 30.  interveni pro clero, intercede pro devoto femineo sexu.  

Fol. 33.  Virgo singularis, inter omnes mitis, nos culpis solutos, mites fac & castos: Vitam presta puram, iter para tutum, ut videntes Jesum, semper collaetemur.  

Fol. 44.  A Prayer to the Virgin, to the sayers of which, Pope Calestine granted 300 days of Pardon; a part of which is. Consolare peccatorem, & ne tuum des honorem, alieno vel crudeli; precor te Regina Coeli. Me habeto excusatum, apud Christum tuum natum, cujus iram expavesco, & furorem pertimesco, nam peccavi tibi soli. O Maria Virgo, noli esse mihi aliena, gratia Coelesti plena; esto custos cordis mei, signa me timore Dei, confer vitae sanitatem, & da morum honestatem: Et da peccata me vitare, & quod justum est amare, O dulcedo Virginalis, nunquam fuit nec est talis, etc.  

Fol. 77. S. George.  Georgi Martyr inclite, te decet laus & gloria: praedotatum militia, per quem puella Regia, existens in tristitia, coram Dracone pessimo, salvata est, & animo; te rogamus corde intimo, ut cum cunctis fidelibus, Coeli jungamur civibus, nostris abluti sordibus, ut simul cum laetitia, tecum simus in gloria, nostraque reddant labia laudes Christo cum gloria.  
Martyr Christophore, pro salvatoris honore, fac nos ment fore, 
Ibid. St. Christopher.  dignos deitatis amore, Promisso Christi, quia quod petis obtinuisti, da populo tristi, bona quae moriendo petisti: confer solamen, & mentis tolle gravamen; judicis examen, fac mite sit omnibus Amen.  
O Willielme Pastor bone, Cleri pater & patrone, 
Fol. 78.  munda nobis in agone, confer opem & depone, vitae sordes & Coronae Coelestis da gaudia.  
O vos undena millia, puellae gloriosae, virginitatis lilia, 
Fol. 80. 11000 Virgins.  Martyrii Rosae, in vita me defendite, prebendo mihi juvamen, in morte vos ostendite supremum ferendo solamen.  
To St. Alban.  
Te nunc petimus patrone, praeco sedule, qui es nostra vera gloria, solve precum votis, servorum scelera.  
To St. Peter and St. Paul.  
Beate Petre qui Maxima reseras, claudis verbo Coeli limina, sume pius vota fidelia, peccati cuncta dissolvendo vincula: Sacra Paule ingere dogmata, illustrans plebis pectora.  
In die omnium Sanctorum.  
Mariam primam vox sonet nostra, per quam nobis vitae sunt data praemia: Regina quae es mater, & casta, solve nostra per filium peccamina: Angelorum concio sacra, & Arch-Angelorum turma inclita, nostra diluant jam peccata praestando supernam Coeli gloriam.   

Number 30. Dr. Redmayn's Opinion concerning the Marriage of the Clergy. An Original.  
I Think that although the Word of God does exhort and counsel Priests to live in Chastity, 
Ex MS. Col. C. C. Cant.  out of the cumber of the Flesh and of the World, that thereby they may wholly attend to their Calling; yet the Bond of continuing from Marriage, doth only lie upon Priests in this Realm, by reason of Canons and Constitutions of the Church, and not by any Precept of God's Word, as in that they should be bound by any Vow: Which (in as far as my Conscience is) Priests in this Church of England do not make.  
I think that it standeth well with God's Word, that a Man which hath been, or is but once married, being otherwise accordingly qualified, may be made a Priest.  
And I do think, that for as much as Canons and Rules made in this behalf are neither Universal nor Everlasting, but upon Considerations may be altered & changed; Therefore the King's Majesty, and the higher Powers of the Church, may, upon such Reasons as shall move them, take away the Clog of perpetual Continence from Priests, and grant that it may be lawful for such as cannot, or will not contain, to marry a Wife; and if she die, than the said Priest to marry no more, remaining still in the Ministration.  
John Redmayn.   

Number 31. Articles of High Treason, and other Misdemeanours against the King's Majesty, and his Crown, objected to Sir Thomas Seymour Kt. Lord Seymour of Sudley, and High Admimiral of England.  

Ex Libro Concilii. Fol. 236.  1. Whereas the Duke of Somerset was made Governor of the King's Majesty's Person, and Protector of all his Realms and Dominions, and Subjects; to the which you yourself did agree, and gave your consent in writing; it is objected and laid unto your Charge, That this notwithstanding you have attempted and gone about, by indirect means, to undo this Order, and to get into your hands the Government of the King's Majesty, to the great danger of his Highness' Person, and the subversion of the State of the Realm.  
2. It is objected, and laid to your Charge, that by corrupting with Gifts, and fair Promises, divers of the Privy Chamber, you went about to allure his Highness to condescend and agree to the same your most heinous and perilous purposes, to the great danger of his Highness' Person, and of the subversion of the State of the Realm.  
3. It is objected, and laid unto your Charge, that you wrote a Letter with your own hand; which Letter the King's Majesty should have subscribed, or written again after that Copy, to the Parliament House; and that you delivered the same to his Highness for that intent: With the which so written by his Highness, or subscribed, you had determined to have come into the Commons-House yourself; and there, with your Fautors and Adherents before prepared, to have made a Broil, or Tumult, or Uproar, to the great danger of the King's Majesty's Person, and subversion of the State of this Realm.  
4. It is objected, and laid unto your Charge, That you yourself spoke to divers of the Council, and laboured with divers of the Nobility of the Realm, to stick and adhere unto you for the Alteration of the State, and Order of the Realm, and to attain your other Purposes, to the danger of the King's Majesty's Person, now in his tender Years, and subversion of the State of the Realm.  
5. It is objected, and laid unto your Charge, that you did say openly and plainly, You would make the Blackest Parliament that ever was in England.  
6. It is objected, and laid to your Charge, That being sent for by the Authority, to answer to such things as were thought meet to be reform in you, you refused to come; to a very evil Example of Disobedience, and danger thereby of the subversion of the State of the Realm.  
7. It is Objected, and laid to your Charge, That sigh the last Sessions of this Parliament, notwithstanding much clemency showed unto you, you have still continued in your former mischievous Purposes; and continually, by yourself and other, studied and laboured to put into the King's Majesty's Head and Mind, a misliking of the Government of the Realm, and of the Lord Protector's do, to the danger of his Person, and the great peril of the Realm.  
8. It is Objected, and laid to your Charge, That the King's Majesty being of those tender Years, and as yet by Age unable to direct his own things, you have gone about to instill into his Grace's Head, and as much as lieth in you, persuaded him to take upon himself the Government and managing of his own Affairs, to the danger of his Highness' Person, and great peril of the whole Realm.  
9 It is Objected, and laid to your Charge, That you had fully intended and appointed, to have taken the King's Majesty's Person into your own hands and custody, to the danger of his Subjects, and peril of the Realm.  
10. It is Objected, and laid to your Charge, That you have corrupted, with Money, certain of the Privy-Chamber, to persuade the King's Majesty to have a credit towards you; and so to insinuate you to his Grace, that when he lacked any thing, he should have it of you and none other Body, to the intent he should mislike his ordering, and that you might the better, when you saw time, use his King's Highness for an Instrument to this purpose, to the danger of his Royal Person, and subversion of the State of the Realm.  
11. It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That you promised the Marriage of the King's Majesty at your Will and Pleasure.  
12. It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That you have laboured, and gone about to combine and confederate yourself with some Persons: and specially moved those Noblemen, whom you thought not to be contented, to departed into their Countries, and make themselves strong; and otherwise to allure them to serve your purpose by gentle Promises and Offers, to have a Party and Faction in readiness to all your Purposes, to the danger of the King's Majesty's Person, and peril of the State of the Realm.  
13. It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That you have parted, as it were, in your imagination and intent the Realm, to set Noblemen to countervail such other Noblemen as you thought would let your devilish Purposes, and so laboured to be strong to all your Devices; to the great danger of the King's Majesty's Person, and great peril of the State of the Realm.  
14. It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That you had advised certain Men to entertain and win the favour and good-wills of the head Yeomen and Ringleaders of certain Countries, to the intent that they might bring the Multitude and Commons, when you should think meet, to the furtherance of your Purposes.  
15. It is Objected, and laid to your Charge, That you have not only studied and imagined how to have the Rule of a number of Men in your hands, but that you have attempted to get, and also gotten, divers Stewardships of Nobleman's Lands, & their Mannoreds, to make your Party stronger, for your Purposes aforesaid; to the danger of the King's Majesty's Person, and great peril of the State of the Realm.  
16. It is Objected, and laid to your Charge, That you have retained young Gentlemen, and hired Yeomen, to a great multitude, and far above such number as is permitted by the Laws and Statutes of the Realm, or were otherwise necessary or convenient for your Service, Place, or Estate, to the fortifying of yourself towards all your evil Intents and Purposes; to the great danger of the King's Majesty, and peril of the State of the Realm.  
17. It is Objected, and laid to your Charge, That you had so travailed in that Matter, that you had made yourself able to make, of your own Men, out of your Lands, and Rules, and other your Adherents, 10000 Men, besides your Friends, to the advancement of all your Intents and Purposes; to the danger of the King's Majesty's Person, and the great peril of the State of the Realm.  
18. It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That you had conferred, cast, and weighed so much Money as would find the said 10000 Men for a Month; and that you knew how and where to have the same Sum; and that you had given warning to have and prepare the said Mass of Money in a readiness; to the danger of the King's Majesty's Person, and great peril to the State of the Realm.  
19 It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That you have not only, before you married the Queen, attempted and gone about to marry the King's Majesty's Sister, the Lady Elizabeth, second Inheritor, in remainder to the Crown, but also being then let by the Lord Protector, and others of the Council, since that time, both in the life of the Queen, continued your old labour and love; and after her death, by secret and crafty means, practised to achieve the said purpose of marrying the said Lady Elizabeth; to the danger of the King's Majesty's Person, and peril of the state of the same.  
20. It is Objected, and laid to your Charge, That you married the late Queen so soon after the late King's Death, that if she had conceived straight after, it should have been a great doubt whether the Child born, should have been accounted the late King's or yours; whereupon a marvellous danger and peril might, and was like to have ensued to the King's Majesty's Succession, and Quiet of the Realm.  
21. It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That you first married the Queen privately, and did dissemble and keep close the same, insomuch that a good space after you had married her, you made labour to the King's Majesty, and obtained a Letter of his Majesty's Hand, to move and require the said Queen to marry with you; and likewise procured the Lord Protector to speak to the Queen to bear you her favour towards Marriage; by the which colouring, not only your evil and dissembling Nature may be known, but also it is to be feared, that at this present you did intent to use the same practice in the marriage of the Lady Elizabeth's Grace.  
22. It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That you not only, so much as lay in you, did stop and let all such things as, either by Parliament or otherwise, should tend to the advancement of the King's Majesty's Affairs, but did withdraw yourself from the King's Majesty's Service; and being moved and spoken unto, for your own Honour, and for the Ability that was in you, to serve and aid the King's Majesty's Affairs, and the Lord Protectors, you would always draw back, and feign Excuses, and declare plainly that you would not do it.  
Wherefore upon the discourse of all these foresaid things, and of divers others, it must needs be intended, that all these Preparations of Men and Money, the attempts and secret practices of the said Marriage; the abusing and persuading of the King's Majesty, to mislike the Government, State, and Order of the Realm that now is, and to take the Government into his own hands; and to credit you, was to none other end and purpose, but after a Title gotten to the Crown, and your Party made strong both by Sea and Land, with Furniture of Men and Money sufficient, to have aspired to the Dignity Royal, by some heinous Enterprise against the King's Majesty's Person; to the subversion of the whole State of the Realm.  
23. It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That you not only had gotten into your hands the strong and dangerous Isles of Silly, bought of divers Men; but that so much as lay in your power, you travailed also to have Londay; and under pretence to have victualled the Ships therewith, not only went about, but also moved the Lord Protector, and whole Council, that you might, by public Authority, have that, which by private fraud and falsehood, and confederating with Sharington, you had gotten, that is, the Mint at Bristol, to be yours wholly, and only to serve your Purposes, casting, as may appear, that if these Traitorous Purposes had no good success, yet you might thither convey a good Mass of Money; where being aided with Ships, and conspiring at all evil Events with Pirates, you might at all times have a sure and safe Refuge, if any thing for your demerits should have been attempted against you.  
24. It is also Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That having knowledge that Sir William Sharington Kt. had committed Treason, and otherwise wonderfully defrauded and deceived the King's Majesty, nevertheless you both by yourself, and by seeking Council for him, and by all means you could, did aid, assist, and bear him, contrary to your Allegiance and Duty to the King's Majesty, and the good Laws and Orders of the Realm.  
25. It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That where you owed to Sir William Sharington Kt. a great sum of Money, yet to abet, bear, and cloak the great falsehood of the said Sharington, and to defraud the King's Majesty, you were not afraid to say and affirm, before the Lord Protector and the Council, that the same Sharington did owe unto you a great Sum of Money, viz. 2800 l. and to conspire with him in that falsehood, and take a Bill of that feigned Debt into your custody.  
26. It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That you by yourself and Ministers have not only extorted and bribed great Sums of Money of all such Ships as should go into Island, but also as should go any other where in Merchandise, contrary to the Liberty of this Realm, and to the great discouragement and destruction of the Navy of the same; to the great danger of the King's Majesty, and the State of the Realm.  
27. It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That where divers Merchants, as well Strangers as Englishmen, have had their goods piratously rob and taken, you have had their Goods in your hands and custody, daily seen in your House, and distributed among your Servants and Friends, without any restitution to the Parties so injured and spoiled; so that thereby Foreign Princes have in a manner been weary of the King's Majesty's Amity, and by their Ambassadors divers times complained; to the great slander of the King's Majesty, and danger of the State of the Realm.  
28. It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That where certain Men have taken certain Pirates, you have not only taken from the Takers of the said Pirates all the Goods and Ships so taken, without any reward, but have cast the said Takers, for their good Service done to the King's Majesty, into Prison; and there detained them a great time, some eight Weeks, some more, some less, to the discouraging of such as truly should serve the King's Majesty against his Pirates and Enemies.  
29. It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That divers of the Head Pirates being brought unto you, you have let the same Pirates go again free unto the Seas; and taking away from the Takers of them, not only all their Commodity and Profit, but from the true Owners of the Ships and Goods, all such as ever came into the Pirate's hands, as though you were authorised to be the chief Pirate, and to have had all the Advantage they could bring unto you.  
30. It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That where Order hath been taken, by the Lord Protector and the whole Council, that certain Goods, piratically taken upon the Seas, and otherwise known not to be Wreck nor Forfeited, should be restored to the true Owners, and Letters thereupon written by the Lord Protector and the Council; to the which Letters, you yourself, among the other, did set to your Hand; Yet you, this notwithstanding, have given commandment to your Officers, That no such Letters should be obeyed; and written your private Letters to the contrary, commanding the said Goods not to be restored, but kept to your own use and profit, contrary to your own Hand before in the Council-Chamber written, and contrary to your Duty and Allegiance, and to the perilous Example of others, and great slander and danger of the Realm.  
31. It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That where certain Strangers, which were Friends and Allies to the King's Majesty, had their Ships, with Wind and Wether broken, and yet came unwrecked to the Shore; when the Lord Protector and the Council had written for the restitution of the said Goods, and to the Country to aid and save so much of the Goods as might, you yourself subscribing and consenting thereto; yet this notwithstanding, you have not only given contrary commandment to your Officers, but as a Pirate have written Letters to some of your Friends to help, that as much of these Goods as they could, should be conveyed away secretly by Night further off, upon hope that if the same Goods were assured, the Owners would make no further labour for them, and then you might have enjoyed them; contrary to Justice and your Honour, and to the great slander of this Realm.  
32. It is Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That you have not only disclosed the King's Majesty's Secret Council, but also where you yourself, amongst the rest, have consented and agreed to certain things for the advancement of the King's Affairs, you have spoken and laboured against the same.  
33. It is further Objected, and laid unto your Charge, That your Deputy Steward, and other your Ministers of the Holt, in the County of Denbigh, have now, against Christmas last passed, at the said Holt, made such provision of Wheat, Malt, Beefs, and other such things as be necessary for the sustenance of a great number of Men; making also, by all the means possible, a great Mass of Money; insomuch that all the Country doth greatly marvel at it, and the more, because your Servants have spread Rumours abroad, that the King's Majesty was dead; whereupon the Country is in a great maze, doubt, and expectation, looking for some Broil, and would have been more, if at this present, by your apprehension, it had not been stayed.  

The Lord Admiral's Answer to three of the former Articles.  
TO the first, he saith, That about Easter-Tyde was twelvemonth's, he said to Fowler, as he supposeth it was, that if he might have the King in his custody as Mr. Page had, he would be glad; and that he thought a Man might bring him through the Gallery to his Chamber, and so to his House: But this he said he spoke merrily, meaning no hurt. And that in the mean time after he heard, and upon that sought out certain Precedents, that there was in England at one time, one Protector, and another Regent of France, and the Duke of Exeter, and the Bishop of Winchester, Governors of the King's Person; Upon that he had thought to have made suit to the  for that purpose, and he had the names of all the Lords, and totted them whom he thought he might have to his purpose to labour them. But afterwards communing with Mr. controller at Ely-place, being put in remembrance by him of his assenting and agreeing with own his Hand, that the Lord Protector should be governor of the King's Person, he was ashamed of his do, and left off that suit and labour.  
To the second he saith, He gave Money to two or three of them which were about the King. To Mr. Cheek he saith, he gave at Christmass-tide was twelvemonth's, when the Queen was at Enfield 40 l. whereof to himself 20 l. the other for the King, to bestow where it pleased his Grace amongst his Servants. Mr. Cheek was very loath to take it, howbeit he would needs press that upon him; and to him he gave no more, at no time as he remembreth, sigh the King's Majesty was crowned.  
To the Grooms of the Chamber he hath at Newyears-tydes given Money, he doth not well remember what.  
To Fowler, he saith, he gave Money for the King, sigh the beginning of this Parliament now last at London, 20 l.  
And divers times, he saith, the King hath sent to him for money, and he hath sent it. And what time Mr. Latimer preached before the King, the King sent to him to know what he should give Mr. Latimer, and he sent to him by Fowler 40 l. with this word, that 20 l. was a good reward for Mr. Latimer, and the other he might bestow amongst his Servants; whether he hath given Fowler any money for himself he doth not remember.  
To the third, he saith, It is true, he drew such a Bill indeed himself, and proffered it to the King, or else to Mr. Cheek, he cannot well tell; and before that, he saith, he caused the King to be moved by Mr. Fowler, whether he could be contented that he should have the Governance of him as Mr. Stanhope had. He knoweth not what answer he had; but upon that he drew the said Bill to that effect, that his Majesty was content, but what answer he had to the Bill he cannot tell, Mr. Cheek can tell.    

Number 32. The Warrant for the Admiral's Execution. March 17.  

Ex Libro Concilii. Fol. 247.  THis day, the 17th of March, the Lord Chancellor, and the rest of the King's Council, meeting in his Highness' Palace of Westminster, heard the Report of the Bishop of Ely, who by the said Lords, and others of the Council, was sent to instruct and comfort the Lord Admiral; after the hearing whereof, consulting and deliberating with themselves of the time most convenient for the execution of the said Lord Admiral, now attainted and condemned by the Parliament, They did condescend and agree, that the said Lord Admiral should be executed the Wednesday next following, betwixt the hours of nine and twelve in the forenoon the same day, upon Tower-Hill. His Body and Head to be buried within the Tower. The King's Writ (as in such Cases as heretofore hath been accustomed) being first directed and sent forth for that purpose and effect. Whereupon calling to the Council-Chamber the Bishop of Ely, they willed him to declare this their Determination to the said Lord Admiral; and to instruct and teach him, the best he could, to the quiet and patiented suffering of Justice, and to prepare himself to Almighty God.  


E. Somerset.  
T. Cantuarien.  
R. Rich Cancel.  
W. St. John.  
J. Russel.  
J. Warwick.  
F. Shrewsbury.  
Thomas Southampton.  
William Paget.  
Anthony Wingfield.  
William Petre.  
A. Denny.  
Edward North.  
R. Sadler.     

Number 33. Articles to be followed and observed, according to the King's Majesty's Injunctions and Proceed.  
1. THat all Parsons, Vicars, and Curates, 
Ex MS. Dr. Johnson.  omit in the reading of the Injunctions, all such as make mention of the Popish Mass, of Chantries, of Candles upon the Altar, or any other suchlike thing.  
2. Item. For an Uniformity, that no Minister do counterfeit the Popish Mass, as to kiss the Lord's Table; washing his Fingers at every time in the Communion; blessing his Eyes with the Paten or Sudary, or crossing his Head with the Paten, shifting of the Book from one place to another, laying down and licking the Chalice of the Communion; holding up his Fingers, Hands, or Thumbs, joined towards his Temples, breathing upon the Bread or Chalice, showing the Sacrament openly before the distribution of the Communion; ringing or sacrying Bells, or setting any Light upon the Lord's Board at any time: And finally, to use no other Ceremonies than are appointed in the King's Book of Common Prayers, or kneeling otherwise than is in the said Book.  
3. Item. That none buy or sell the Holy Communion, as in Trentals and such other.  
4. Item. That none be suffered to pray upon Beads, and so the People to be diligently admonished; and such as will not be admonished, to put from the Holy Communion.  
5. Item. That after the Homily, every Sunday, the Minister exhort the People, especially the Communicants, to remember the poor men's Box with their Charity.  
6. Item. To receive no Corpse but at the Churchyard, without Bell or Cross.  
7. Item. That the Common-Prayer, upon Wednesdays and Fridays, be diligently kept, according to the King's Ordinances, exhorting such as may conveniently come, to be there.  
8. Item. That the Curates, every sixth Week at the least, teach and declare diligently the Catechism, according to the Book of the same.  
9 Item. That no Man maintain Purgatory, Invocation of Saints, the six Articles, Bedrolls, Images, Relics, Lights, Holy Bells, Holy Beads, Holy Water, Palms, Ashes, Candles, Sepulchers Paschal, creeping to the Cross, hallowing of the Font of the Popish manner, Oil, Chresme, Altars, Beads, or any other such Abuses and Superstitions, contrary to the King's Majesty's Proceed.  
10. Item. That within any Church or Chappel, be not used any more than one Communion upon any day, except Christmass-day and Easter-day.  
11. Item. That none keep the Abrogate holidays, other than those that have their proper and peculiar Service.  
12. Item. That the Churchwardens suffer no buying nor selling, gaming, or unfitting Demeanour, in Church, or Churchyards, especially during the Common-Prayer, the Sermon, and reading of the Homily.  
13. Item. That going to the Sick with the Sacrament, the Minister have not with him either Light or Bells.   

Number 34. A Paper written by Luther to Bucer, concerning a Reconciliation with the Zwinglians. An Original.  

Ex M S. Col. C. Ch. Cant.  PRimo, Ut nullo modo concedamus de nobis dici, quod neutri neutros ante Intellexerunt: Nam isto Pharmaco non medebimur tanto vulneri: cum nec ipsi credamus utrimque hoc verum esse, & alii putabunt a nobis hoc fingi; ut ita magis suspectam reddemus causam, vel potius per totum dubiam faciemus; cum sit communis omnium, ut in tantis animorum turbis & scrupulis non expedit hoc nomine addere offendiculum.  
Secundo, Cum hactenus dissenserimus, quod illi signum, nos Corpus Christi asseruerimus plane contrarii: Nihilominus mihi videtur utile, ut mediam, ut novam statuamus sententiam, qua & illi concedant Christum adesse vere & nos concedamus panem solum manducari. Considerandum certe est, quantam hic fenestram aperiemus in re omnibus communi cogitandi & Orientium hinc fontes questionum & opinionum 
* Here a word is wanting, it is like it should be Occludendi.  _____ Ut tutius multo sit illos simpliciter manere in suo signo, cum nec ipsi suam, nec nos nostram partem, multo minus utrique totum orbem pertrahemus in eam sententiam; Sed potius irritabimus ad varias Cogitationes, ideo vellem potius ut sopitum maneret dissidium in duabus istis sententiis, quam ut occasio daretur infinitis questionibus ad Epicurismum profuturis.  
Istis salvis, nihil est quod a me peti possit: nam ut ego hoc dissidium vellem (testis est mihi Christus meus) redemptum Corpore & Sanguine meo. Sed quid faciam? Ipsi forte Conscientia bona sunt in altera sententia. Feramus igitur eos: si sinceri sunt, liberabit eos Christus Dominus. Ego contra captus sum bona mea Conscientia, nisi ipsi mihi sum ignotus, in meam sententiam: ferant & me, si non possunt mihi accedere.   

Number 35. The Sentence against Joan of Kent, with the Certificate made upon it.  
IN Dei Nomine, Amen. Nos Thomas, 
Regist. Cran. Fol. 175.  permissione divina Cantuarien. Archiepiscopus, totius Angliae primas & Metrapolitanus, Thomas Smith Miles, Willielmus Cook Decanus de Arcubus, Hugo Latimer Sacrae Theologiae Professor, & Richardus lyel Legum Doctor, illustrissimi, invictissimi in Christo Principis & Domini nostri Domini Edwardi sexti, Dei Gratia Angliae, etc. per Literas suas Regias Patentes, dat. duodecimo die mensis Aprilis, Anno Regni sui tertio, contra te Joannam Bocher, alias nuncupatam Joannam de Kente, coram nobis super haeretica pravitate, juxta & secundum Commissionem dicti Domini nostri Regis detectam & declaratam, ac in ea parte apud bonos & graves Notorie & Publice, diffamatam, rite & legitime procedentes, auditis, visis, intellectis, cognitis, rimatis, & matura deliberatione discussis & ponderatis dicti negotii meritis & circumstantiis, servatisque in omnibus & per omnia in eodem negotio de jure servandis in quomodolibet requisitis: judicialiter & pro tribunali sendentes, Christi nomine invocato ac ipsum solum Deum praeoculis nostris habentes; Quia per acta inactitata, deducta, probata, confessata, ac per te saepius coram nobis in eodem negotio recognita, comperimus & clare invenimus te, tum per confessiones, tum per recognitiones tuas coram nobis judicialiter factas, nefandum & intollerabilem errorem, haeresin damnatam & scandalosam opinionem subscriptam, juri Divino & Fidei Catholicae obviantem, contrariam & repugnantem: viz. That you believe, that the Word was made Flesh in the Virgin's Belly; but that Christ took Flesh of the Virgin, you believe not; because the Flesh of the Virgin, being the outward Man, was sinfully gotten and born in Sin; but the Word, by the consent of the inward Man of the Virgin, was made Flesh. Quem quidem e●rorem, haeresin damnatam & scandalosam opinionem, juri divino & Fidei Catholicae obviantem, contrariam & repugnantem, etc. Id circo nos Thomas Archiep. etc. te Joannam Bocher, alias Joannam de Kente praedictam, de meritis, culpis, obstinaciis & contumaciis, etc. de & super horrendo haereticae pravitatis reatu confessam, ad Ecclesiae unitatem redire nolentem, haereticam opinionem credentem, praemissorum praetextu fuisse & esse, cum animi dolore & cordis amaritudine Judicamus, teque ex nunc tanquam pertinacem & obstinatam haereticam, judicio sive curiae seculari ad omnem juris effectum, qui exinde sequi debeat, aut poterit, relinquendam fore decernimus & declaramus, & sic per praesentes de facto relinquimus; Teque Joannam Bocher, alias Joannam de Kent, memoratam haereticam, pertinacem, in majoris Excommunicationis sententiam occasione praemissorum incidisse & incurrisse, necnon excommunicatam fuisse & esse, etiam sententialiter & definitive pronunciamus & declaramus, per hanc nostram sententiam definitivam, quam ferimus & promulgamus in his scriptis. Lecta fuit haec sententia per praenominatos, Reverendum, etc.  

Sermo factus Domino Regi contra Joannam Bocher, alias dictam, J●annam de Kent pro Brachio Seculari.  
ILlustrissimo & Invictissimo in Christo Principi, Domino nostro Edwardo sexto, Dei Gratia Angliae, etc. Thomas Permissione Divina Cantuarien, etc. Thomas Smith & Commissarii praedicti & Inquisitores vestrae Celsitudinis, per Literas vestras Regias Patentes, dat. 12 Aprilis, Anno Regni vestri tertio, sufficienter & legitime deputati honorem & perpetuam foelicitatem in eo, per quam Reges regnant & Principes dominantur. Vestrae Regiae Celsitudini, Tenore praesentum significamus, quod nos adversus quandam, Joannam Bocher alias Joannam de Kent dictam, subditam vestram de & super nefando Crimine Haereseos ac detestanda Anabaptistarum Secta apud bonos & graves enormiter defamatam, & super reatu earundem nobis detectam, delatam & denuntiatam, rite & legitime juxta literarum vestrarum Regiarum Commissionalium exigentiam, & tenorem procedentes, eandem Joannam, per nos examinatam, comperimus & invenimus Errores, Haereses & damnatas Opiniones pertinaciter animo indurato saepenumero manutenuisse, defendisse & in eisdem permansisse, & ab eisdem nullo modo resipiscisse, nec resipiscere cuirass; sed ad Sanctae Matris Ecclesiae gremium redire penitus neglexisse: Ideo, cum animi amaritudine & cordis dolore, eandem Joannam, saepius monitam & per nos ad Ecclesiae unitatem redire hortatam, salutaribus nostris monitis parere omnino spernentem, de & cum consensu Collegarum nostrorum, tanquam ovem morbidam a grege domini (ne alios viros subditos sua contagione inficiat) ejiciendam & eliminandam fore decrevimus, ipsamque Joannam occasione iniquitatis suae inveteratae, haereticam ac haereticis Opinionibus credentem, mediante nostra sententia definitiva, pronunciavimus & decrevimus. Cum igitur Sancta Mater Ecclesia non habeat, quod ulterius facere & exequi debeat, in hac parte vestrae Regiae sublimitati & brachio vestro seculari dictam Haereticam & relapsam relinquimus, condigna animadversione plectendam. In cujus rei testimonium; Nos Thomas Archiep. etc. Commissarius vester humillimus supradictus, de consensu Collegarum nostrorum, hic se subscribentium, Sigillum nostrum Archiepiscopale praesentibus apponi fecimus. Datum ultimo die mensis Aprilis, Anno Dom. 1549. & Regni vestri foelicissimi Anno tertio.  
Folio 178. After this followeth the Process, and Sentence of Condemnation of one George van Parr a Dutchman, for obstinately maintaining the like Opinions; together with a Petition imploring the execution thereof, and the assistance of the Secular Power, conform to the Tenor of that above-written, bearing date the 6th of April, Anno Dom. 1551.  
The Judges and Commissioners of this Process, were Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, Nicholas Bishop of London, William May, Griffin Leyson, John Oliver, Miles Coverdale, Richard lyel, John Gosnold, and Christopher Nevison.  
His Heresy that he believeth, is, That God the Father is only God: and that Christ is not very God, is non-Heresie. And being asked, by an Interpreter, Whether he would abjure the said Opinion? He answered; No.    

Number 36. A Letter from the Protector to Sir Philip Hobby, concerning the Rebellions at Home.  
KNowing that all such as be Ambassadors abroad, 
Cotton Libr. Galba. B. 12.  are not only desirous of News, for the love they bear to their own Country naturally, desiring often to hear of the estate of it, but also to confirm and confute such Rumours as be spread in the Parts where they lie, we have thought good to impart what sigh our last Letters hath chanced. The Devonshire Men are well chastised and appeased; three other of their Captains have voluntarily come in, and simply submitted themselves to Sir Thomas Pomery Kt. Wise and Harrice, who before were fled, and could not be found; and the Country cometh in daily to my Lord Privy-Seal, by 100 and 1000, to crave their Pardon, and be put in some sure hope of Grace. Burry, and some one or two more of their blind Guides, that escaped from the Sword, have attempted, in the mean Season, to stir up Somersetshire, and have gotten them a Band or Camp; but they are sent after, and we trust by this, they have as they deserve. The Earl of Warwick lieth near to the Rebels in Norfolk, which faint now, and would have Grace gladly, so that all might be pardoned, Ket, and the other Arch-Traitors. The number upon that is at a stay, and they daily shrink so fast away, that there is great hope that they will leave their Captains destitute and alone, to receive their worthy Reward; the which is the thing we most desire, to spare, as much as may be, the effusion of Blood, and that namely of our own Nation. In Yorkshire a Commotion was attempted the Week last passed; but the Gentlemen were so soon upon them, and so forwardly, that it was straight suppressed; and with weeping Eyes, the rest upon their Knees, they wholly together desired the Gentlemen to obtain their Pardons; the which the King's Majesty hath so granted unto them, as may stand with his Highness' Honour: So that for the Inner Parts (thanks be to the Almighty God) the Case standeth in good Points. The Causes and Pretences of these Uproars and Rise, are divers and uncertain, and so full of variety almost in every Camp, (as they call them) that it is hard to write what it is; as ye know, is like to be of People without Head and Rule, and that would have that they wots not what: Some crieth, pluck down Enclosures and Parks, some for their Commons; others pretend the Religion; a number would Rule another while, and direct things as Gentlemen have done; and indeed all have conceived a wonderful hate against Gentlemen, and taketh them all as their Enemies. The Ruffians among them, and the Soldiers, which be the chief Doers, look for spoil. So that it seemeth no other thing but a Plague and a Fury amongst the vilest and worst sort of Men: for except only Devonshire and Cornwall, and they not passed two or three, in all other Places not one Gentleman, or Man of Reputation was ever amongst them, but against their Wills, and as Prisoners. In Norfolk, gentlemans, and all Servingmen, for their sakes, are as ill handled as may be; but this Broil is well assuaged, and in a manner at a point shortly to be fully ended, with the Grace of God.  
On the other part of the Seas, we have not so good News; for the French King taking now his time, and occasions of this Rebellion within the Realm, is come unto Bullingnois, with a great number of Horsemen and Footmen, himself in Person: And as we are advertised, of the Letters of the 24th of this present, from Ambletue or Newhaven, the Almain Camp, or Almain Hill, a piece appertaining to the said Ambletue, was that day delivered to the French, by traitorous consent of the Camp; their variance falling out, or feigned, between the Captain and the Soldiers, so that they are now besieged very near, and in a manner round. Howbeit they writ, that they trust the piece itself of Newhaven will be well enough defended, God assisting them, who be in as good and stout a courage as any Men may be, and as desirous to win Honour, and give a good account of their Charge. Thus we bid you hearty farewel. August 24. 1549.   

Number 37. A Letter of Bonner 's after he was deprived. An Original. The first part of this Letter, is the recommending the Bearer, that they might find a good Marriage for him.  
— The Pears were so well accepted in every place, where I had so many Thanks for my Distribution, that I intent, by God's Grace, to send down to you your Frail again, to have an eching, either of more Pears, or else of Puddings, etc. ye do know what, etc. doth mean, by that Italian Proverb, Dio me guarda da furia di villani, da Conscientia di preti, da chi odi due mess nel giorno, da quasibuglie di medici da &c. di notarii, da chi jura per la Conscientia mia. I do not write to Sir John Burn, nor to my Lady, for any thing, their Conscience is not over-large; and the like is in Mr. Hornvale, and also my old Acquaintance John Badger. But if amongst you I have no Puddings, then must I say, as Messer, our Priest of the Hospital, said to his mad Horse, in our last journey to Hostia, All diavolo, all diavolo, aitutti diavolli. Our Lord preserve you, and all yours, with desire to be recommended to all. Festo omnium Sanctorum, in the Marshalsea.  
To my dear beloved Friend, the Worshipful Richard Lechmore. Your loving and assured old Acquaintance, Edmond Bonner.   

Number 38. Letters and Instructions touching Proceed with the Emperor, to Sir William Paget, Knight of the Order, sent to the Emperor. 1549.  
FIrst, He shall communicate his Instructions, 
Cotton Libr. Galba. B. 12.  and the cause of his coming with Sir Philip Hobbey Ambassador, Resident with the Emperor, and accompanied with him at his access to the said Emperor, shall deliver his Letters of Credit; and for his Credit shall utter his Charge as followeth.  
First, He shall declare what good Will we have to the continuance of the Amity, and the increase of the same, by such means as may be devised on either Party; and how the Reciproque hath been promised on their behalf.  
Item. To the intent they may as well perceive our forwardness therein, as also the World see the same take effect indeed, he is sent to show what We have thought upon for this purpose; and also if they be of a like forwardness, to hear again what they think meet in that behalf; and upon this Conference, either to conclude upon both Our Devices, or such one of them as shall be thought best for both Parties.  
Item. We think good, that the Treaty already made between the Emperor and the King's Majesty of famous memory, deceased, be made perpetual, that is to say, confirmed by the Prince, and the Countries on both sides, whose Commodity depend upon the same Treaty.  
Item. Before the Confirmation, the Treaty to be revised by him; and the Ambassador, and certain other to be appointed by the Emperor, to the intent it may appear whether we have both one understanding of the words of the Treatise.  
Item. Where the debating to and from of the Amity with his Ambassador here, occasion hath risen to talk of Marriage, between the Infant of Portugal and the Lady Mary; to which thing we perceive the Emperor hath since been made privy; and that in case the Emperor mind to treat further of that Matter, he shall say he hath commission to hear and conclude thereof.  
Item. To declare the State of our Affairs in Scotland at this time; and forasmuch as the Scots have been very much aided with Victuals, Ammunitions, and other Necessaries from his Dominions, by reason whereof they are more stiff and unwilling to come to Reason; the said controller declaring this Consideration, shall do wh●t he may to procure, that not only all safe Conducts granted by the Emperor, or the Regent may be cassed; but also his consent, that if any his Subjects traffic into Scotland, being common Enemies, if they be taken beyond Barwick thitherward, it may be lawful for our Men to take their Goods as forfeit.  
Item. To declare our proceed with France at this time, and of our sending Commissioners upon the French Motion, who shall not conclude any thing prejudicial to the Amity or Treaties already passed, or now to be passed, between Us and the Emperor, but shall depend wholly upon his proceeding there; so as if the Emperor shall, upon consultation of his Affairs, determine with us to do any thing to France, we will frame our Communications with the French thereafter: if otherwise, than the said Commissioners now sent to the French shall do accordingly.  
Item. For making the Treaty perpetual, We think convenient, that the Prince of Spain do confirm and sign the same, and the Low-Countries comprised therein, do also in their General Parliaments or Assemblies make like Confirmation, and in their Courts to make Decrees thereof; and this, or such form as hath been used in those Parts heretofore in like Cases, to be done for their part: And for our part, the King to Ratify it, the Parliament to Confirm it, and the Courts of Chancery, King's Bench, and Common-Pleas, to make Decrees thereof.  
Item. In the revising of the Treaty, if any Doubt rise for the understanding of it, which shall seem by his and the Ambassadors discretion to be for the King's Profit, to conclude upon it, if they will agree to the same; and if there arise doubt, which shall seem to their discretions against the King, then to advertise hither.  
Item. For the case of the Marriage, to declare at the first what was left by the King's Majesty deceased; and yet nevertheless afterward to offer 100000 Crowns, or the Revenue yearly which she hath now upon convenable Dower. The said 100000 Crowns, or Revenue, to be paid at Calais, if the Marriage take place; she to be conveyed to Calais at the King's Charges; the Marriage to be made in the Emperor's Court, or elsewhere in the Low-Country, by his appointment; and for her Dowry to ask _____ by the Year to be paid in case of the Infant's Death, at Calais yearly, at the Feasts of _____ and the Feast of _____ and She to return into England with Jewels, Plate, Householdstuff, such as should be agreed upon. And thus far to enter for the first Degree; and in case of further Communication, to advertise and reecive answer from hence.  
Item. Touching our Proceeding with France, to declare how we have continued in War with them, and Scotland these four Years alone, without help; and that we think it expedient for us, upon this occasion now ministered by France, to give ear; in the which hearing, we mind to attribute much to the Emperor's Friendship; for loath we are to let slip from the King any one jot of his Right, if the Emperor will assist; but otherwise we must make such a Bargain for the King, as we may with regard to his Honour and Surety. And in this Point the controller shall press the said Emperor to enter with us, and to put him in a remembrance of his Quarrels, and all such other things as he can devise for this purpose; and to put him in hope generally, that we will enter gallantly with him. And if he descend to Particulars for the form of the Entry, to hear his Opinion, and to advertise, and then proceed as answer cometh from hence; but specially to remember to set forth the comprehension of Bulloign for defence, upon a like Reciproque, for so shall he be brought to think we mind not to conclude with France, and thereby stay such practices, as upon occasion of the said Comptroller's going, either he with France, or France with him, might enter together. And so the Commissioners sent to France, may make the better Bargain for the King. Marry, this Point is not to be opened throughly, till he hear some likelihood that our Commissioners in France break off without conclusion.  
Item. The said controller shall essay, as of himself, whether they will accept Bulloign at the King's Majesty's Hands, for some other reasonable recompense.  
Item. The said controller shall use his discretion, to open the Points aforesaid to the Emperor, Granvela, or D'arras, either at one time, or several times, as to his discretion shall seem convenient; and shall address his Pacquets to the Commissioners for France lying at Calais, to the end they may see his Proceed, and send them over with speed, directing their Charge the better hereafter.   

Number 39 An Account of a Conference the English Ambassadors had with the Emperor's Ministers, in a Letter to the Protector.  
IT may like your Grace to be advertised, 
Cotton Libr. Galba. B. 12.  that upon the 20th of this Present, came to the Lodging of me the controller, Monsieur d' Arras, and in his company the two Precedents of the Council, St. Maurice and Viglius; who after a few words of Office passed between them and us, entered the cause of their coming, saying, That the Emperor having been informed of such Conference as was passed this other day between me and Granvela, hath to declare his readiness to any thing that might satisfy his good Will and Affection to the intent of the King, sent us here to revisit the Treaties, and see how we do agree upon the understanding of the same. I the controller answered, That it was not amiss, howbeit I had not so opened the Matters, nor looked to have it passed in such order. But first to know the Emperor's Resolution, how he can be contented with the Confirmation of the Treaty, in the form that I had moved, and then that agreed upon, to proceed to the revisitation of the same. In good Faith, quoth d' Arras, we did so understand it, and have so reported to the Emperor, and this Commission hath he now given us. Well, quoth I, seeing you are now here, and have brought the Treaty with you for that purpose, we may do somewhat in it, and afterwards be advised further, requiring, that in case any thing should be found in the passages of the Treaty meet to be considered, that we might, before further wading in the Matter, know the Emperor's Resolution, touching as well the Confirmation of the Treaty, as in such things as now might be moved: which they thought reasonable. And so we began to read the Treaty; and when we came to the sixth Article, wherein it is provided for the common Enmity in case of Invasion, and by the Establishment set forth, with what number the Invasion must be made; and that both for the Invasion, and the Number the Prince required to join, shall credit the Letters of the Prince requiring. I put this Case, quoth I, for the understanding of this Matter, that the King my Master will signify by his Letters to the Emperor, that such a day the Scots, our common Enemies, to the number of 7000 Men, with the aid of the French King, affronted the Borders of England, comprehended in the Treaty, and set above 2000 Men into the Realm to invade: who did indeed invade, and spoil, and burn, and take Prisoners; and therefore would require the Emperor, according to the Treaty, to take the French King, who had aided his Enemies, for his Enemies; for so doth he, and so will use him for his Enemies. Is not the Emperor bound to do it? What say you, quoth I, how do you understand this Article? It should seem yes, quoth d' Arras, but we will speak with the Emperor in it, and bring you an answer. The words be plain, quoth I, and cannot be avoided.  
Then in the seventh Article, where it is said, That the Prince requiring for his Aid Money instead of Men, must, if the Invasion made by the Enemy cease, restore the Money again which remaineth. And afterwards says, That though the Invasion cease, yet if he will follow the Enemy, he may use the Aid for the time appointed in the Treaty; saying in generality, (eo casu subsidiis auxiliaribus, etc.) I asked, Whether in those general words, they mean not the Money as well as the Men? Whereupon they seemed to doubt, and took a Note thereof, to know the Emperor's Pleasure in the same.  
In the ninth Article, where it is treated for redress of Injuries done by one Subject to the other, there we fell into a brawl of half an hour, upon a Question that I moved, viz. When they took Justice to be denied? And their Answer was, That we used none at all. And here at length, I fell into their manner of Arresting of one whole Nation upon a Knave Mariner's Complaint. And he, What Thiefs our Nation was upon the Sea, and Lawless People, and that they never proceed to such Extremities, but when their Subjects had been in England and Justice was denied. That hath never been seen, quoth I; but if any of your Subjects think himself grieved, straight he runneth to Monsieur le Protecteur; and he, by and by, setting all the King's Affairs apart, must attend to the Affairs of Monsieur le Mariniure, or else home runneth he with open cry, That he cannot have Justice in England, and you straight believe; and thereupon cometh these often Blusters. And do you think it reason, that Monsieur G. or you should attend to every private Man's Complaint; you should then have a goodly Office. No, you send them to the ordinary Justices, and so let that take place and way as it will; but you will never impeach yourself more with the Matter. And reason, quoth he, but the Cause is not alike with you in England, for there, quoth he, all things come to the Lord Protector's Hand, there is none other Judge or Justice used or cared for in the Realm; no, and his Letters sometimes not esteemed, and that our Subjects fear full often, and therefore of force they must resort to Monsieur Protecteur. And this is not true, quoth I, and that Monsieur Hobbey knoweth, my Lord Protector, nor none of the Privy-Council, meddle with no private Matters whosoever it be, but only meddle with Matters of State, leaving all other things to the ordinary course of Justice, except only many times to gratify your Ambassador, and to show himself glad to nourish the Amity, he troubleth himself with the Complaints of your Subjects, which, by St. Mary, by my advice, he shall do no more, seeing it is so little considered, but shall refer them to the common Justice. Whither is that? (quoth he). To the Admiralty, quoth I. Marry, a goodly Justice, quoth he, for so shall the poor Man's Cause be tried before his Adversary. And why not tried in our Admiralty (quoth I) as well as in yours. Nay, quoth he, both be naught indeed; they were very ordinary Courts at the beginning of the redress of Matters upon the Sea, but now they feel the sweet of the Gain such, as they care little for Justice. And here, as well for relief of poor Men spoiled and rob upon the Seas, as to avoid Arrests, and such other troublesome Proceed on either side, we fell to devising, and came to this Point; If the Princes for their parts, upon their advertisement to the Emperor, and we to your Grace, shall like it, that Commission sufficient be given by the Emperor to two of his Privy-Council, to hear and determine by their discretion, summary; & de pleno, all Complaints by the King's Subjects here for criminal Causes upon the Sea; and the King's Majesty to do the like to two of his Privy-Council, for the Complaints in like case of the Emperor's Subjects.  
And this was all was passed in open Conference, saying, That in the Discourse for the Confirmation in the Treaty by the Prince and their Countries, as they seemed to show the Emperor's readiness, (but yet not so resolved) that the Prince should confirm the Treaty, and that further any other thing should be done that he might reasonably do, to declare his good Will to the entertainment and augmentation of his Amity and Affection to the King's Majesty. So he alleged divers Reasons why the Emperor should not seek to his Subjects to confirm his Treaties with Foreign Princes. We alleged the Example of the King, and the French King in times past; and what was said in that Case at C. _____ in the presence of himself the C. _____ and Chap. _____ Whereunto he answered, That the State of France was more restrained than the Emperor's; and that the French King could give no piece of his Patrimony, nor bind his Country, without the consent of his Parliament at Paris, and the three Estates; but he thought the King of England to have a greater Prerogative, and the Emperor he was sure had a greater Prerogative; and so had all his Ancestors, and therefore would be loath now to put himself so far in their danger: They were, he said, fifteen or sixteen Parliaments, and if a thing should be proposed unto them, whereof they had never heard the like before, they would not only muse much at the Matter, but they would have also the scanning of it; and what would come of it, the Emperor could not tell, peradventure dash the Matter, and so prejudice his Prerogative with them. Yet now where he and his Ancestors do, and have always passed Treaties with other Princes, and bind their Subjects thereby without making them privy thereto, it would by this means come to pass, that from henceforth their Subjects would look to be privy to every Treaty, which were not convenient; marry, for the Prince which shall succeed to confirm the Treaty, he thought the Emperor could not take it but reasonable, and doubted not to bring a good Answer in the same. So as we see for this Point, it will come to the confirmation of the King and the Prince, and upon any condition or interpretation of the Treaty to them also, wherein we intent to go forwards, for so our Instruction beareth us, unless that before the conclusion and shutting up of the Matter, we hear from your Grace to the contrary.  
The things being thus far passed, and our open Talk at a Point, and they ready to departed, Monsieur d' Arras taking occasion (as it seemed) to stay because of the Rain, took me aside, and asked me if I would command him any other Service. I answered, No Service, but Friendship, and the continuance of his good Will to the King's Majesty's Affairs; whereunto he making large Offers, I began to enter with him, how much your Grace, and all the rest, reposed themselves in the friendship of the Emperor, and the good Ministry of his Father and him, to the furtherance of the King's Majesty's Affairs; to whom, as in that behalf, they shown themselves great Friends, so did they, like good Servants to their Master, for the prosperous success of the Affairs of the one, served the turn of the other, and the contrary. Whereupon I discoursed largely, as far as my poor Capacity would extend, how necessary it was for the Emperor to aid and assist us in all things, so as we are not oppressed by force, or driven, for want of Friendship, to take such ways to keep us in quiet, as both we ourselves would be loath, and our Friends should afterwards have peradventure cause to forethink.  
I repeated first how we entered the Wars for your sake; for the King might have made his Bargain honourable with France, which no Man knew better than I: how long we have endured the War, and how long alone; how favourable they are to our common Enemies the Scots; how ungentle the French be to us, and by indirect means think to consume us, to make the Emperor the weaker.  
I recited the practices of the French with the Turk, with the Pope, with the Germans, with Denmark; his Aid of the Scots, and all upon intent to impeach the Emperor when he seethe time, or at the least attending a good hour, upon hope of the Emperor's Death; the weaker that we be, the easilier shall he do it; if we forgo any our Pieces on this side, we must needs be the weaker; and that so we had rather do, than alone to keep War against Scotland and France. Wherefore if they will both provide for their own Strength, and give us courage to keep still that which we have, the Emperor must be content to take 
* This is a Cipher, and stands, I suppose, for Bulloign.  13 into defence, as well as other places comprehended in the Treaty; which, I said, we meant not, but upon a reasonable Reciproque. What Reciproqe (quoth he) roundly? Thereupon advise you reasonably, quoth I O, quoth he, I cannot see how the Emperor can honourably make a true Treaty for that Point, without offence of his Treaty with France; and we mean to proceed directly and plain with all Men, quoth he. Why, quoth I, we may bring you justly, by and by with us, if we will advertise you, as I did even now put my Case. Yea, if your Case be true, quoth he; but herein we will charge your Honours and Consciences, whether the Fact be so or no? for your Grace shall understand, that I talked in the Matter so suspiciously, as though such an Invasion had been made, and that you would require common Enmity.  
In fine, Sir, after many Motions and Persuasions, and long Discourses used on my behalf, to induce them to take 13 into defence. His refuge was only, That they would fain learn how they might honestly answer the French; albeit I shown him some forms of Answers, which he seemed not to l●ke; yet in the end I said, He was a great Doctor, and as he had put the Doubt, so he was learned sufficiently, if he listed to assoil the same. He said, he would open these Matters to the Emperor, and trusted to bring me such an Answer as I should have reason to be satisfied, and so departed; whereof, as soon as we have knowledge, your Grace shall be advertised accordingly. And thus we beseech God, to send your Grace well to do all your Proceed.   

Number 40. A Letter from Sir William Paget, and Sir Philip Hobbey, concerning their Negotiation with the Emperor's Ministers. An Original.  
IT may like your Grace be advertised, That yesterday at Afternoon, 
Cotton Libr. Galba. B. 12.  Monsieur d' Arras, accompanied with two Precedents of the Council, St. Maurice and Viglius, came unto the Lodging of me the controller; and after some words of Office passed on either part, d' Arras began to set forth the cause of their coming, saying, That the Emperor having at good length considered and debated the things proponed and communed of between us since my coming hither, had sent them to report unto me his final Answer and Resolution to the same.  
And first (quoth he) to your Case, That at our being together for the revisitation of the Treaty, ye put forth upon the sixth Article for the common Enmity in case of Invasion, his Majesty museth much, what ye should mean thereby, for seeing the Case is not in ure, he thinketh, that doubting of his Friendship, ye go about, by these means, to grope and feel his Mind; which ye need not do, he having hitherto showed himself ready in all things to show the King, his good Brother, pleasure, and to observe the Treaty in all Points to the uttermost; and if this Case should happen to come in ure, then will he not fail to do whatsoever the Treaty bindeth him unto, till when he can make no other answer therein.  
As to your Question, moved upon the sixth Article of the Treaty, viz. Whether Money be not meant as well as Men by these words, Subsidiis Auxiliaribus? His Majesty taketh the words to be plain enough, and thinketh they cannot be otherwise interpreted, than to be meant, as well for Money as Men, for so doth he understand them.  
Unto the Order that was communed upon for the Administration of Justice on both sides, for matter of Spoil or Piracy upon the Sea, his Majesty having weighed what is best to be done therein further, he hath good cause first to complain of the over many Spoils that your Men have made on his poor Subjects, and the small Justice that hath been hitherto ministered unto them herein, whereof he hath continual Complaints, and therefore he thinketh it were meeter,  ever any further Order shall be concluded upon, that his Subjects were first recompensed of these wrongs they have sustained, and the Matter brought to some equality, and his People put in as much good case as yours are; for I assure you (quoth he) the Wrongs our Men have sustained are many; among the rest a poor Jeweler, having gotten a safe conduct of the King that dead is, to bring into England certain Jewels, because after he had the King's Hand and Seal to the Licence, he had not the same sealed also with the Great Seal of England, his Jewels were taken from him; and he, being not present (although it were so named in the Sentence) condemned to lose them by the order of your Law, contrary to all Equity and Justice: Which seemeth strange, that the King's Hand and Seal should appear to be sufficient for a greater Matter than this. The Treaties also provide, That the Subjects of the one Prince may frankly, without impediment, traffic and occupy into the other Prince's Country; but to shadow the Matter with all, one, I cannot tell who, hath been agreed withal, and so the poor Man and his Heirs put from their Right, which his Majesty wisheth to be considered. And albeit he thinketh that the King your Master, being under Age, cannot himself, by the order of the Law, conclude upon any thing now in his Minority, that shall be of due force and strength, able to bind him and his Country when he shall come to his perfect Age. Yet taking that his Tutors being authorised thereto, by the common Assent of your Parliament, may go through and conclude upon these, or like things in his Name, his Majesty thinketh it will do well, when his Subjects shall be recompensed of the Wrongs they have hitherto sustained, that some order be devised for the administration of Justice hereafter in like Cases.  
As touching the Confirmation of the Treaty, considering that the same was first made between the Emperor and King Henry the Eighth, and not ratified by the King your Master since his Father's Death, his Majesty thinketh that he hath most cause to require the same: Wherefore because (as I told you even now) he thinketh that these things, the King himself should conclude upon during his Minority, cannot be of sufficient force, if his Tutors shall be, by the Authority of your Parliament enabled thereto, his Majesty is content the Treaty be confirmed by them in the King's Name, and by the Prince of Spain, in such form as shall be thought best for both Parties.  
As to the comprehension of Bulloign, ye must know, that we have a Treaty with France as well as with you, which the Emperor cannot, without some touch of his Honour, break, without just Grounds: And albeit his Majesty would be loath to see the King, his good Brother, forgo either that Piece, or any other Jot of his Right, yet can he not enter this Defence, unless he would break with France out of hand; which in respect of his other Affairs he cannot yet do, howbeit he will gladly assist his good Brother in any other thing the best he may, and will not fail to show him all the Pleasure he can with regard to his Honour; but with Bulloign he cannot meddle at this time. And here he staying; Is this the Emperor's resolute and full Answer, Monsieur d' Arras? quoth I. Yea, (quoth he); wherewith he prayeth the King, his good Brother, to rest satisfied, and take it in good part. Albeit (quoth I) I have no Commission to make any Reply thereto, because it was not known to your Grace what the Emperor's Resolution should be, yet in the way of talk I will be bold to say my mind herein; We have, Monsieur d' Arras (quoth I) always esteemed the Emperor's Friendship, and desired the observation of the Treaties, and the entertainment of the Amity, as a thing necessary and common to both the Parties; for the better establishment whereof, and that now and in this time some good Fruit, to the benefit of both, might appear to the World to follow of the same, I was sent hither, which was the chiefest cause of my coming: And because that the Amity between both Princes might be the firmer, and that all Doubts being taken away, no cause of Quarrel shall be left, we thought best to put you in mind of the Confirmation and Revisitation of the Treaty, to the intent, that by the one, the World might see an establishment of our Friendship by our deed; and that by the other, one of us might understand another, and consider whether any thing were to be added for the Commodity of both Parties, which I suppose standeth you as much upon to desire, as it doth us. And whereas ye say that the King's Majesty, because he is under Age, cannot conclude or go through with any thing that shall be of sufficient force, I must needs tell you plainly, That ye touch his Majesty's Honour over-near herein, for we think that the Majesty of a King is of such efficacy, that he hath even the same Authority, and full Power, at the first hour of his Birth, that he hath thirty Years after. And what your Laws are, I know not, but sure I am, that by our Laws, whatsoever is done by the King in his Minority, or by his Ministers in his Name, is of no less force and strength, than if it had been done in time of his full Age and Years, if once the Great Seal of his Realm have passed, there is no Remedy but needs must he stand thereto. Marry, let the Ministers take heed what they do, and look that they may be able to discharge themselves towards him of their Do, if he shall require account of them when he cometh to Age, for it is they must answer him; but he must needs stand to whatsoever they have counselled him to agree unto during his Minority. And to prove that our Laws giveth him the same Authority now, that he shall have when he cometh to his perfect Age; if any Man, either for instruction of Learning, or any other Cause, should presume to lay hands on, or touch his Majesty in way of correction, he should by Law be taken for a Traitor. And if the Matter were as ye take it, we should then be in a strange and evil case, for neither might we conclude Peace, League, or Treaty, nor make Laws or Statutes, during the King's Minority, that should be of sufficient force to bind him and his to the observation of the same. But ye mistake the Matter much; and therefore if the Emperor mind to proceed to this Confirmation he may, or otherwise do as it shall please him.  
And as touching my Case (quoth I) ye must understand, I did not move it without some just ground, for remembering that all your Commissioners, and all ours being together at Vtrecht for the Esclarcisement of the Treaty, although the words of the Treaty were plain enough, and could receive none other interpretation than was there plainly written, yet would ye needs understand the Article for common Enmity, in case of Invasion, after your own minds. And whereas, by the words of the Treaty, no mention is made of any number, and therefore with howsoever few in number the Invasion be made, ought the Invaders to be taken for common Enemies? Your Commissioners did nevertheless interpret the Matter at their pleasure, and would needs prescribe a number of 8000 Men; under which number of Invasion were made, the Treaties in this case should not stand to any force. And likeas ye put a doubt here, where none was to be found, so thought I, ye might do in other things were they never so plain; and that moved me to put this case, to see whether ye understood this Point as ye ought to do, after the literal sense; and partly to know your minds therein, because perhaps the Matter hath been already in ure. This, I say, was the occasion why I put further this Question, and not for any mistrust of the Emperor's Friendship, whom I must confess we have always found our Well-willer, and so we doubt not he will continue; and therefore I need not grope his mind herein, neither did I mean any such thing hereby.  
As to your Answer to the order of Justice, I see not that the Emperor hath so much cause to complain of lack of Justice in his Subjects Cases, as ye seem to set forth; for hitherto there hath not any Man complained in our Country, and required Justice, unto whom the same hath been denied. And although some Man abiding the order of our Law, or having had some Sentence that pleased him not, hath complained hither of delay or lack of Justice, ye must not therefore, by and by, judge that he saith true, or that there is not uprightness or equity used in our Country, for we have there, as ye have here, and elsewhere, Ministers that are wise, and well-learned in our Law, and Men of honesty and good Conscience, who deal and proceed justly, as the order of the Law leadeth them, without respect to favour or friendship to any Man.  
And as for the Jeweller's Case that ye moved, ye must understand, that as ye have Laws here in your Country, for the direction of your Commonwealth, so have we also in ours; whereby amongst the rest we do forbid, for good respect, the bringing in, or transporting forth of certain Things, without the King's safe conduct or Licence. And although, as ye alleged before, the Treaty giveth liberty to the Subjects of either Prince to traffic into the others Country, it is not for all that meant hereby, that they shall not be bound to observe the Law and Order of the Country whereunto they Traffic: for this liberty is only granted for the security of their Persons to go and come without impeachment, and maketh them not for all that Lawless. And whereas further it is provided by our Law, that in certain things to be granted by the King, the same Grant must pass under the Great Seal; Then if any of those things pass under any other Seal, they be not of due force until they have also passed the Great Seal of England; wherefore if the Jeweller, either by negligence or covetousness, of himself, or of those he put in trust, did not observe this Order; but thereto contrary, for sparing a little Cost, did presume to bring in his Jewels before his Licence came to the Great Seal, me thinketh neither he, nor any other, can have just cause to say that he was wronged, if according to our Laws he were sentenced to lose the same: and yet, after he was thus condemned, more to gratify the Emperor, than for that I took it to be so reasonable, I myself was a Suitor to my Lord Protector's Grace, for some Recompense to be made to the Jeweller's Wife, whom we knew, and none other to be Party: for she followed the Suit, she presented the Petitions, in her Name were they made; and finally she, and none others, was by the Emperor's Ambassador commended unto us.  
I have seen the Sentence (quoth he) and do mislike nothing so much therein, as that the Man is condemned, and named to have been present, at the time of his Condemnation, when indeed he was dead a good while before.  
He was present (quoth I) in the Person of his Wife, who was his Procurator, and represented himself; and I know, that those before whom this Matter passed, are Men both Learned and of good Conscience, and such as would not have done herein any thing against Right and Order of Law.  
The Sentences that are given in our Country by the Justices and Ministers, they are just and true, and therefore neither can we, nor will we revoke them for any Man's pleasure, after they have once passed the Higher Court, from whence there is no further appellation, no more than you will here call back such final Order, as hath been in any case taken by your High Court of Brabant. And the cause why we for our part misliked not this order of Justice, was for the better establishment of the Amity, and to avoid the continual Arrests that are made on our poor Men; to the end also that this sort of Suitors might be the sooner dispatched, without troubling either my Lord Protector in England, or you here, when you are busied in other Affairs of more importance.  
And as concerning the Comprehension of Bulloign, in good Faith, because we thought that if the same should happen to be taken from the King's Majesty by force, as I trust it shall not, the loss should be common, and touch the Emperor almost as near as us; We thought good, for the better security thereof, to move this Comprehension, which we take to be as necessary for the Emperor as us. And though we are not so wise and well seen in your things as yourselves are, yet do we look towards you, and guests of your Affairs afar off, and perhaps do somewhat understand the state of the same, whereof I could say more than I now intent. But ye say this is the Emperor's Resolution herein; We take it as an Answer, and shall do accordingly. Marry, whereas you stick so much upon your Honour in breaking your Treaties with the French, I remember Monsieur Granvela your Father, at my being with him, did not let to say, That he had his Sleeve full of Quarrels against the French, whensoever the Emperor list to break with them.  
Yea, so have we indeed (quoth he) but the time is not yet come: we must temporize our things in this case as the rest of our Affairs lead us.  
Ye say well (quoth I) ye have reason to regard chief the well-guiding of your own things, and yet me thinketh some respect ought to be given to Friends. But seeing this is your Answer, I will reply no more thereto.  
Yet one thing, Monsieur d' Arras, (quoth I) I moved to your Father, which ye make no mention of, and I would gladly know your mind in, which is, the granting of safe Conducts to the common Enemy: which the Treaty, by plain and express words, forbiddeth either Prince to do.  
Indeed, Monsieur Ambassadeur, (quoth he) the words of the Treaty are as ye say, plain enough; and yet the Matter were very straight, if it should be taken in such extremity; for hereafter, in time of War, ye might happen to have need of Wood, Canvas, or Wine, and we of the like, and other necessaries; and if in such Cases the Princes should not have Prerogative to grant safe Conducts, it shall be a great inconvenience, and a thing not hereafter seen; howbeit the Emperor for his part will not, I think, stick much hereupon, but observe the plain meaning of the Treaty. Nevertheless I cannot say any thing expressly on his behalf herein, because Monsieur Granvela spoke nothing thereof. And yet did we move him of it (quoth I) and he bade us grant none, and the Emperor for his part would not grant any. No more hath he done, quoth he, since his coming into this Country, nor intendeth not hereafter. He needeth not, quoth I, for those that have been given out before are sufficient for a great while. Nay, that they are not, quoth he, for the longest was granted but for a Year, and now are they expired; and whereas a while since, one presuming upon his safe Conduct, came into this Country to Traffiqe, because the time thereof was expired, he was taken and imprisoned.  
The said d' Arras, after this talk, touched further unto me two Points, which the Emperor, he said, desireth may be reform; The first was, Our Merchants, contrary to our Intercourse, do enhance the prices of their Wools, and will not sell at such prices as they are bound by the Intercourse; wherewith the Merchants here do find themselves aggrieved, and therefore the Emperor desireth some order may be taken herein.  
Whereunto I answered, that I understood not the Matters, and yet I supposed our Men did not this but upon some grounds and just occasion, by reason of other breach of Order on their parts here. Howbeit I shown him I would inform your Grace thereof, and doubted not, but if any thing were amiss on our parts, it shall be reform; accordingly looking for the semblable on their behalf.  
The other, he said, was, That our Men have of late begun to build a Bulwark, which standeth half on the King's Majesty's Ground, and half on the Emperor's Territory. And although Monsieur de Rue have viewed the same, and perceiving the Emperor to be wronged thereby, hath required our Folks to proceed no further therein; yet cease they not to build still, which the Emperor marvelleth much at, and thinks we would not take it well that he should attempt the like Fortification upon the King's Territory; and therefore requireth that some Redress may be given in time therein.  
I answered, That I knew not of this thing; howbeit, as I went homeward, I would inform myself of the case, and make report thereof to your Grace, who I doubted not would take such order therein, as should stand with Reason.  
And here Monsieur d' Arras setting forth with many good words the Emperor's Amity towards the King, and his readiness to show his Majesty's Pleasure in all things that he conveniently may; and that in case we proceed to any further Treaty with France; he doubted not but we would have regard to them, according to our Treaties: and that also, if we grew to any Peace with the Scots, seeing that his Majesty is entered in Enmity chief for our sake, whereby his Subjects have been sundry ways endangered, he trusteth he will have consideration to see that convenient Recompense be made to them by the Scots,  ever we go through with any conclusion; the rather, because the Scots have, and cease not still to offer, besides a large Recompense, very great Conditions, if his Majesty would fall to any Peace with them, which chief for our sakes he hath, and will refuse to do. We answered hereunto generally, That the King's Majesty, in such case, we doubted not, would have due respect to the Emperor's Amity, and proceed herein as appertaineth.  
This was the substance of their cold Answer, as your Grace may see, of small effect, although interlaced with plenty of good words, which we also thought best to use towards them, and requite them with the like. And thus, after I had required of d' Arras a time to take my leave of the Emperor, and his promise to procure the same, as shortly as he might, we departed. And thus we beseech God to send your Grace as well to do as we do wish.  
From Bruges, July 24. 

William Paget.  
Philip Hobbey.     

Number 41. The Council's Letter to the King against the Protector. An Original.  
MOst high and mighty Prince, our most gracious Sovereign lord 
Cotton Libr. Titus B. 2.  It may please your Majesty to be advertised, That having heard such Message as it pleased your Majesty to send unto us by your Highness' Secretary, Sir William Petre; like as it was much to our grief and discomfort to understand, that upon untrue Informations, your Majesty seemed to have some doubt of our Fidelites; so do we, upon our knees, most humbly beseech your Majesty to think, that as we have always served the King's Majesty, your most noble Father, and your Highness likewise, faithfully and truly, so do we mind always to continue your Majesty's true Servants, to the effusion of our Blood, and loss of our Lives. And for the security of your most Royal Person's safeguard, and preservation of your Realms and Dominions, have at this time consulted together, and for none other cause, we take God to witness. We have heretofore, by all good and gentle means, attempted to have had your Highness' Uncle, the Duke of Somerset, to have governed your Majesty's Affairs, by the advice of us, and the rest of your Councillors; but finding him so much given to his own Will, that he always refused to hear Reason; and therewith doing sundry such things as were, and be most dangerous, both to your most Royal Person, and to your whole Realm, we thought yet again to have gently and quietly spoke with him in these things, had he not gathered Force about him, in such sort, as we might easily perceive him earnestly bend to the maintenance of his old wilful and troublous do. For redress whereof, and none other cause, we do presently remain here ready to live and die your true Servants. And the Assembly of almost all your Council being now here, we have, for the better Service of your Majesty, caused your Secretary to remain here with us, most humbly beseeching your Grace to think in your Heart, that the only preservation of your Person, and your Estate, for the discharge of our Duties, enforceth us to devise how to deliver your Grace from the peril your Highness standeth in, and no other respect; for whatsoever is, or shall be said to your Highness, no earthly thing could have moved us to have seemed to stand as a Party, but your only preservation, which your Majesty shall hereafter perceive (and we doubt not) repute us for your most faithful Servants and Councillors, as our do shall never deserve the contrary; as God knoweth, to whom we shall daily pray for your Majesty's preservation; and with our Bodies, defend your Person and Estate as long as Life shall endure.  


R. Rich Canc.  
W. Saint John.  
W. Northampton.  
J. Warwick.  
Arundel.  
F. Shrewsbury.  
Thomas Southampton.  
T. Cheyne.  
William Petre, Secretary.  
Edward North.  
John Gage.  
R. Sadler.  
Nicholas Wotton.  
Edward Montague.  
Richard Southwell.     

Number 42. Articles offered by me the Lord Protector, to the King's Majesty, in the presence of his Highness' Council, and others his Majesty's Lords and Gentlemen, at Windsor, to be declared on my behalf, to the Lords, and the rest of his Highness' Council remaining at London.  

Cotton Libr. Caligula B. 7  FIrst, That I do not, nor did not mean to apprehend any of them, or otherwise to disturb or molest them; but hearing tell of their such Meetings and Assemblies, and gathering of Horsemen, and other Powers, out of several Countries, not being privy of the Causes thereof, to avoid further inconveniences and danger which might ensue to your Majesty's Person; which by many Rumours, certain Intelligences, and sundry Messages, was declared imminent unto your Highness, and to me the Lord Protector, was forced to seek this Defence, as I at the first beginning declared unto your Highness.  
Secondly, That this Force and Power which here is assembled about your Majesty at this present, is to do none of them which be there at London, or elsewhere, either in Person or Goods, any damage or hurt, but to defend only, if any violence should be attempted against your Highness.  
As for any contention and strife betwixt me the Lord Protector, and the Council there, I do not refuse to come to any reasonable end and conclusion, that should be for the preservation of your Majesty, and tranquillity of the Realm, if they will send any two of them with Commission on their behalves, to conclude and make a good end betwixt us.  
And I most humbly beseech your Majesty to appoint any two of such as be here about your Majesty, to join with the same; and whatsoever those four, or three of them shall determine, I do, and shall wholly and fully submit myself thereunto. And that for more confirmation, if it shall be so thought good to the said Persons, their Agreement and Conclusion to be established and ratified by Parliament, or any other Order that shall be devised. And I beseech your Majesty, that at my humble suit, and by the advice of me, and other of your Council here, for the better proceed herein, and to take away all Doubts and Fears that might arise, to grant to them four, or any such two of them, which they shall send for the purpose abovesaid, free passage for themselves, and with each of them twenty of their Servants, to safely come, tarry here, and return at their pleasure. And I most humbly beseech your Majesty, that this Bill, signed with your Majesty's Hands, and ours, may be a sufficient Warrant therefore. Given and exhibited at the Castle of Windsor, Octob. 8. 1549.   

Number 43. Letters sent from the Lords at London, to the King's Majesty.  
MOst high and mighty Prince, our most gracious Sovereign Lord, 
Ex Libro Concilii.  we have received, by Mr. Hobbey, your Majesty's most gracious Letters, of the 8th of this Instant, and heard such further Matter as it pleased your Majesty to will to be declared by him. And sorry we be, that your Majesty should have these occasions to be troubled, especially in this kind of Matter; the beginning and only occasion whereof, as we be well able to prove to your Majesty, hath proceeded of the Duke of Somerset. It is much discomfort to us all, to understand that your Royal Person should be touched with any care of Mind; and most of all it grieveth us, that it should be persuaded your Majesty, that we have not that care that beseemeth us of the pacifying of these Uproars, and conservation of your Majesty's Commonwealth and State from Danger; wherein whatsoever is informed your Highness, we humbly beseech your Majesty to think, we be as careful as any Men living may be; and do not, nor (we trust) shall not forget the Benefits received of your Majesty's most noble Father, nor any of our bounden Duties of Allegiance; the consideration, and the special care whereof, forced us to consult seriously, and to join in this sort: which thing, if we had not presently followed, not only your most Royal Person (whom Almighty God long preserve) but this your whole Estate being already much touched, and in great towardness of ruin, was most like to come, in short time, to most imminent danger and peril; the Causes whereof, as we do all well know, and can prove to have proceeded from the said Duke. So if we should not earnestly provide for the same, we should not be able to answer to your Majesty hereafter for not doing our Duties therein; therefore do we nothing doubt, but your Majesty, of your great clemency and good nature, will not think that all and every of us, being the whole state of your Privy-Council, one or two excepted, should be led in these things by private Affections, or would presume to write to your Majesty, that whereof we were not most assured; and much more, we trust that your Highness, of your goodness, will, without any jealousy or suspicion, think that most expedient, both for your own most Royal Person, and all your Subjects, that by the Body of your Council may be thought expedient; to whom, and to no one Man, your Highness most grave Father, appointed by his last Will and Testament, the Care of your Majesty, and all your most weighty Affairs. We cannot therefore but think ourselves much wronged, that your said most Royal Person is in this sort by the Duke only detained and shut up from us, to all our great heaviness, and the great fear of all other your Majesty's true Subjects, and wonder of all the World; sooner may one Man intent ill, than a multitude of us, who we take God to witness to be a thousand times more careful of Your Highness' surety, than for all our own Lives. We trust also, that of Your Majesty's good Nature, You will not think that wilfulness, which Your whole Council doth, or shall agree upon, for Your Majesty's Surety and Benefit; where the more agreeable we be, the better Opinion we trust Your Majesty will conceive of us and our do. It comforteth us much to see the great appearance of Your Majesty's natural clemency, even in these Your young Years; and the assured hope which we have thereof, encourageth us to be persuaded, that You both do, and will conceive good Opinion of us and all our do; and that Your Majesty is, and so will continue, our gracious good Lord, with whom (as we trust) we never deserve willingly to be called in the standing of any Judgement with Your Majesty.  
For the end of this Matter, touching the Duke of Somerset, if he have that respect to Your Majesty's Surety that he pretendeth; if he have that consideration of his Duty to God that his Promise and Oath requireth; if he have that remembrance of the performance of Your Majesty's Father's Will, that to the effect of a good Executor appertaineth; if he have the reverence to Your Law that a good Subject aught to have, Let him first quietly suffer us, Your Majesty's most humble Servants, and true Counsellors, to be restored to Your Majesty's presence; let him, as becometh a true Subject, submit himself to Your Majesty's Council, and the order of Your Highness' Laws; let the Forces assembled be sent away, and then may we do our Duties, in giving our attendance upon Your Majesty; and after consult there with Your Majesty more freely, for such order as may be thought most meet for Your Grace's Surety: By these means Your Majesty's Subjects may be at quiet, and all occasions of stir taken away. And if the said Duke refuse to agree hereunto, we must think him to remain in his naughty and detestable determination. The Protectorship and Governance of your most Royal Person, was not granted him by your Father's Will, but only by agreement, first amongst us the Executors, and after of others. Those Titles and special Trust was committed to him during Your Majesty's Pleasure; and upon condition he should do all things by advice of Your Council. Which condition, because he hath so many times broken, and notwithstanding the often speaking to, without all hope of amendment, we think him most unworthy those Honours or Trust. Other particular things, too many and too long to be written to Your Majesty at this time, may at our next access to Your Royal Presence, be more particularly opened, consulted upon, and moderated, for the conservation of Your Majesty's Honour, Surety, and good Quiet of Your Realms and Dominions, as may be thought most expedient.   

Number 44. Letters from the Lords at London, to the Archbishop of Canterbury and Sir William Paget, etc.  
MY Lords, after our most hearty Commendations, 
Ex Libro Concilii.  we have received your Letters by Mr. Hobbey, and heard such Credence as he declared on the King's Majesty's and your behalves unto us. The Answers whereunto, because they may at more length appear to you both, by our Letters to the King's Majesty, and by report also of the said Mr. Hobbey, we forbear to repeat here again; most hearty praying, and requiring your Lordships, and every of you; and nevertheless charging and commanding you, in the King's Majesty's Name, to have a continual earnest watch, respect and care, to the surety of the King's Majesty, our natural and most gracious Sovereign Lord's Person; and that he be not removed from his Majesty's Castle of Windsor, as you tender your Duties to Almighty God and his Majesty, and as you will answer for the contrary at your uttermost perils. We are moved to call earnestly upon you herein, not without great cause, and amongst many others, we cannot but remember unto you, That it appeareth very strange unto us, and a great wonder unto all true Subjects, that you will either assist or suffer his Majesty's most Royal Person to remain in the Guard of the Duke of Somerset's Men, sequestered from his own old sworn Servants. It seemeth strange, that in his Majesty's own House, Strangers should be armed with his Majesty's own Armour, and be nearest about his Highness' Person; and those to whom the ordinary Charge is committed, sequestered away, so as they may not attend according to their sworn Duties. If any ill come hereof, you can consider to whom it must be imputed once; the Example is very strange and perilous. And now, my Lords, if you tender the preservation of his Majesty, and the State, join with us to that end: we have written to the King's Majesty, by which way things may soon be quietly and moderately compounded. In the doing whereof, we mind to do none otherwise than we would be done to, and that with as much moderation and favour as honourably we may. We trust none of you have just cause to note any one of us, and much less all of such cruelty, as you so many times make mention of. One thing in your Letters we marvel much at, which is that you writ, that you know more than we know. If the Matters come to your knowledge, and hidden from us, be of such weight as you seem to pretend; or if they touch, or may touch his Majesty or the State, we think you do not as you ought, in that you have not disclosed the same unto us, being the whole State of the Council. And thus praying God to send you the Grace to do that may tend to the surety of the King's Majesty's Person, and tranquillity of the Realm, we bid you hearty farewell, etc.   

Number 45. An Answer to the former Letter. An Original.  

Ex Libro Concilii.  IT may like your good Lordships, with our most hearty Commendations, to understand, That this morning Sir Philip Hobbey hath, according to the Charge given him by your Lordships, presented your Letters to the King's Majesty, in the presence of us, and all the rest of his Majesty's good Servants here, which was there read openly, and also the others to them of the Chamber, and of the Household, much to their Comforts, and ours also; and according to the Tenours of the same, we will not fail to endeavour ourselves accordingly.  
Now touching the marvel of your Lordships, both of that we would suffer the Duke of Somerset's Men to guard the King's Majesty's Person; and also of our often repeating this word Cruelty; although we doubt not but that your Lordships have been throughly informed of our Estates here, and upon what occasion the one hath been suffered, and the other proceeded; yet at our convening together, (which may be when and where pleaseth you) we will, and are able to make your Lordships such an account, as wherewith we doubt not you will be satisfied, if you think good to require it of us. And for because this Bearer, Master Hobbey, can particularly inform your Lordships of the whole discourse of all things here, we remit the report of all other things to him, saving that we desire to be advertised, with as much speed as you shall think good, whether the King's Majesty shall come forthwith thither, or remain still here; and that some of your Lordships would take pains to come hither forthwith. For the which purpose, I the controller, will cause three of the best Chambers in the great Court to be hanged and made ready. Thus thanking God that all things be so well acquieted, we commit your Lordships to his tuition.  
From Windsor, the 10th of Octob. 1549. Your Lordship's assured loving Friends, 

T. Cant.  
William Paget.  
T. Smith.     

Number 46. Articles objected to the Duke of Somerset.  
1. THat he took upon him the Office of Protector, upon express condition, That he should do nothing in the King's Affairs, but by assent of the late King's Executors; or the greatest part of them.  
2. That contrary to this condition, he did hinder Justice, and subvert Laws, of his own Authority, as well by Letters, as by other Command.  
3. That he caused divers Persons Arrested and Imprisoned for Treason, Murder, Manslaughter, and Felony, to be discharged; against the Laws and Statutes of the Realm.  
4. That he appointed Lieutenants for Armies, and other Officers for the weighty Affairs of the King, under his own Writing and Seal.  
5. That he communed with Ambassadors of other Realms alone, of the weighty Matters of the Realm.  
6. That he would taunt and reprove divers of the King's most honourable Councillors, for declaring their Advice in the King's weighty Affairs against his Opinion; sometimes telling them that they were not worthy to sit in Council; and sometimes, that he ●eed not to open weighty Matters to them; and that if they were not agreeable to his Opinion, he would discharge them.  
7. That against Law he held a Court of Request in his House; and did enforce divers to answer there for their Freehold and Goods, and did determine of the same.  
8. That being no Officer, without the advice of the Council, or most part of them, he did dispose Offices of the King's Gift for Money; grant Leases, and Wards, and Presentations of Benefices pertaining to the King, gave Bishoprics, and made sales of the King's Lands.  
9 That he commanded Alchemy, and Multiplication to be practised, thereby to abase the King's Coin.  
10. That divers times he openly said, That the Nobility and Gentry were the only cause of Dearth; whereupon the People risen to reform Matters of themselves.  
11. That against the mind of the whole Council, he caused Proclamation to be made concerning Enclosures; whereupon the People made divers Insurrections, and destroyed many of the King's Subjects.  
12. That he sent forth a Commission, with Articles annexed, concerning Enclosures, Commons, Highways, Cottages, and suchlike Matters, giving the Commissioners authority to hear and determine those causes, whereby the Laws and Statutes of the Realm were subverted, and much Rebellion raised.  
13. That he suffered Rebels to assemble and lie armed in Camp, against the Nobility and Gentry of the Realm, without speedy repressing of them.  
14. That he did comfort and encourage divers Rebels, by giving them Money, and by promising them Fees, Rewards, and Services.  
15. That he caused a Proclamation to be made against Law, and in favour of the Rebels, that none of them should be, vexed or sued by any, for their Offences in their Rebellion.  
16. That in time of Rebellion, he said, That he liked well the Actions of the Rebels; and that the Avarice of Gentlemen gave occasion for the People to rise; and that it was better for them to die, than to perish for want.  
17. That he said, The Lords of the Parliament were loath to reform Enclosures, and other things, therefore the People had a good cause to reform them themselves.  
18. That after declaration of the Defaults of Bulloign, and the Pieces there, by such as did survey them, he would never amend the same.  
19 That he would not suffer the King's Pieces of Newhaven, and Blackness, to be furnished with Men and Provision; albeit he was advertised of the Defaults, and advised thereto by the King's Council; whereby the French King was emboldened to attempt upon them.  
20. That he would neither give Authority, nor suffer Noblemen and Gentlemen to suppress Rebels in time convenient; but wrote to them to speak the Rebels fair, and use them gently.  
21. That upon the 5th of October the present Year, at Hampton-Court, for defence of his own private Causes, he procured seditious Bills to be written in counterfeit Hands, and secretly to be dispersed into divers parts of the Realm; beginning thus, Good People; intending thereby to raise the King's Subjects to Rebellion and open War.  
22. That the King's Privy-Council did consult at London to come to him, and move him to reform his Government; but he hearing of their Assembly, declared, by his Letters in divers places, that they were high Traitors to the King.  
23. That he declared untruly, as well to the King as to other young Lords attending his Person, That the Lords at London intended to destroy the King; and desired the King never to forget, but to revenge it; and desired the young Lords to put the King in remembrance thereof; with intent to make Sedition and Discord between the King and his Nobles.  
24. That at divers times and places, he said, The Lords of the Council at London intended to kill me; but if I die, the King shall die; and if they famish me, they shall famish him.  
25. That of his own head he removed the King so suddenly from Hampton-Court to Windsor, without any provision there made, that he was thereby not only in great fear, but cast thereby into a dangerous Disease.  
26. That by his Letters, he caused the King's People to assemble in great numbers in Armour, after the manner of War, to his Aid and Defence.  
27. That he caused his Servants and Friends at Hampton-Court and Windsor, to be apparelled in the King's Armour, when the King's Servants and Guards went unarmed.  
28. That he intended to fly to Gernsey or Wales, and laid Post-horses and Men, and a Boat to that purpose.   

Number 47. A Letter written by the Council to the Bishops, to assure them, That the King intended to go forward in the Reformation. By the KING.  
RIght Reverend Father in God, Right trusty and wellbeloved, 
Regist. Cran. Fol. 56.  we greet you well. Whereas the Book entitled, the Book of Common Prayers, and Administration of the Sacraments, and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church, after the use of the Church of England; was agreed upon, and set forth by Act of Parliament; and by the same Act commanded to be used of all Persons within this our Realm. Yet nevertheless we are informed, that divers unquiet and evil-disposed Persons, since the apprehension of the Duke of Somerset, have noised and bruited abroad, That they should have again their old Latin Service, their Conjured Bread and Water, with suchlike vain and superfluous Ceremonies, as though the setting forth of the said Book had been the only Act of the said Duke. We therefore, by the advice of the Body and State of our Privy-Council, not only considering the said Book to be our Act, and the Act of the whole State of our Realm assembled together in Parliament, but also the same to be grounded upon the Holy Scripture, agreeable to the Order of the Primitive Church, and much to the re-edifying of our Subjects, to put away all such vain expectation, of having the Public Service, the Administration of the Sacraments, and other Rites and Ceremonies again in the Latin Tongue, which were but a preferment of Ignorance to Knowledge, and Darkness to Light, and a preparation to bring in Papistry and Superstition again; have thought good, by the advice aforesaid, to require, and nevertheless straight do command and charge you, That immediately upon the receipt hereof, you do command the Dean and Prebendaries of your Cathedral Church; the Parsons, Vicar, or Curate, and Churchwardens of every Parish, within your Diocese, to bring and deliver unto you, or your Deputy, any of them for their Church or Parish, at such convenient place as you shall appoint, all Antiphonals, Missals, Graylles, Processionals, Manuels, Legends, Pies, Portasies, Journals, and Ordinals, after the use of Sarum, Lincoln, York, or any other private use: And all other Books of Service, the keeping whereof should be a  to the using of the said Book of Common Prayers; and that you take the same Books into your hands, or into the hands of your Deputy, and them so to deface and abolish, that they never after may serve, either to any such use as they were provided for, or be at any time a  to that godly and uniform Order, which by a common Consent is now set forth. And if you shall find any Person stubborn or disobedient in not bringing in the said Books, according to the tenor of these our Letters, that then ye commit the said Person to Ward, unto such time as you have certified us of his misbehaviour. And we will and command you, that you also search, or cause search to be made, from time to time, whether any Book be withdrawn or hid, contrary to the tenor of these our Letters, and the same Book to receive into your Hands, and to use all in these our Letters we have appointed. And further, whereas it is come unto our knowledge, that divers froward and obstinate Persons do refuse to pay towards the finding of Bread and Wine for the Holy Communion, according to the Order prescribed in the said Book, by reason whereof the Holy Communion is many times omitted upon the Sunday. These are to will and command you to convent such obstinate Persons before you, and then to admonish and command to keep the Order prescribed in the said Book; and if any shall refuse so to do, to punish them by Suspension, Excommunication, or other Censures of the Church. Fail you not thus to do, as you will avoid our Displeasure.  
Westminst. Decemb. 25. Regni tertio. 

Thom. Cantuarien.  
Rich. Chanc.  
Will. St. John.  
J. Russel.  
H. Dorset.  
W. Northampton.     

Number 48. Cardinal Woolsey's Letters to Rome, for procuring the Popedom to himself, upon Pope Adrian's death.  

Ex MS. Col. Cor. C. Cant.  MY Lord of Bath, Mr. Secretary, and Mr. Hannibal, I commend me unto you in my right hearty manner; letting you wit, That by Letters lately sent unto me from you my Lord of Bath, and Mr. Hannibal, dated at Rome the 14th day of September. Which Letters I incontinently showed unto the King's Grace his Highness. And I have been advertised, to our great discomfort, That the said 14th day, it pleased Almighty God to call the Pope's Holiness unto his Infinite Mercy, whose Soul Jesus pardon. News certainly unto the King's Grace and to me right heavy, and for the universal weal or quiet of Christendom, (whereunto his Holiness, like a devout and virtuous Father of Holy Church was very studious) much displeasant and contrarious; Nevertheless, conforming ourselves to the Pleasure of Almighty God, to whose Calling we all must be obedient; the Mind and Intention of the King's Highness, and of me both, is to put some helps and furtherances, as much as conveniently may be, that such a Successor unto him may now, by the Holy College of Cardinals, be named and elected, as may, with God's Grace, perform, achieve, and fulfil the good and virtuous Purposes and Intents, concerning the Pacification of Christendom; whereunto our said late Holy Father, as much as the brevity of the time did suffer, was, as it should seem, minded and inclined; which thing, how necessary it is to the state of Christ's Religion, now daily more and more declining, it is facile and easy to be considered; and surely amongst other Christian Princes, there is none which as ye heretofore have perfectly understood, that to this purpose more dedicated themselves to give Furtherance, Advice, and Counsel, than the Emperor and the King's Grace, who as well before the time of the last Vacation, as since, by Mouth and by Letters, with Report of Ambassadors and otherwise, had many sundry Conferences, Communications, and Devices, in that behalf. In which it hath pleased them, far above my merits or deserts, of their goodness, to think, judge, and esteem me to be meet and able for to aspire unto that Dignity; persuading, exhorting, and desiring me, that whensoever opportunity should be given, I should hearken to their Advice, Counsel, and Opinion in that behalf; and offering unto me, to interpone their Authorities, Helps, and Furtherances therein to the uttermost. In comprobation whereof, albeit the Emperor, now being far distant from these Parts, could not, nor might in so brief time, give unto the King's Grace, new or fresh confirmation of his Purpose, Desire, and Intent herein: Yet nevertheless my Lady Margaret, knowing the inclination of his mind in this same, hath, by a long discourse made unto me semblable Exhortation; offering, as well on the Emperor's behalf, as on her own, that as much shall by them be done, to the furtherance thereof, as may be possible. Besides this, both by your Letters, and also by particular most loving Letters of the Cardinal's the Medicis, Sanctorum Quatuor & Campegius, with credence showed unto me on their behalf, by their Folks here resident, I perceive their good and fast minds, which they, and divers other their Friends own unto me in that matter. And finally, the King's Highness doth not cease, by all the gracious and comfortable means possible to insist, that I, for manifold, notable, urgent, and great respects, in any wise shall consent that his Grace and the Emperor do set forth the thing with their best manner. The Circumstances of whose most entire, and most firm mind thereunto, with their bounteous, godly, and beneficial Offers for the Weal of Christendom, which his Grace maketh to me herein, is too long to rehearse. For which Causes, albeit I know myself far unmeet and unable to so high a Dignity, minding rather to live and die with his Grace in this his Realm, doing Honour, Service, Good or Pleasure to the same, than now (mine old days approaching) to enter into new things; yet nevertheless, for the great zeal and perfect mind which I have to the exaltation of the Christian Faith; the honour, weal, and surety of the King's Grace, and the Emperor, and to do my Duty both to Almighty God and to the World, I referring every thing to God's disposition and pleasure, shall not pretermit to declare unto you such things, as the King's Highness hath specially willed me to signify unto you, on his Grace's behalf, who most effectually willeth and desireth you to set forth the same, omitting nothing that may be to the furtherance thereof, as his special trust is in you.  
First, Ye shall understand, that the mind, and entire desire of his Highness, above all earthly things, is, That I should attain to the said Dignity, having his perfect and firm hope, that of the same shall ensue, and that in brief time, a general and universal Repose, Tranquillity, and Quietness in Christendom; and as great Renown, Honour, Profit, and Reputation to this Realm as ever was; besides the singular comfort and rejoice that the King's Grace, with all his Friends and Subjects should take thereof; who might be well assured thereby, to compone and order their great Causes and Affairs, to their high Benefit, Commodity, and most Advantage. For this, and other great and urgent Causes, the Pleasure of his Highness is, That likeas ye my Lord of Bath, and Mr. Hannibal, have right prudently and discreetly begun: so ye all, or as many of you as be present in the Court of Rome, and continue your Practices, Overtures, Motions and Labours, to bring and conduce this the King's inward Desire to perfect end and effect.  
And because it is not to be doubted, but that before the receipt of these my Letters, ye having former Instructions, shall have far entered your Devices in this Matter, wherein the King's Grace trusteth ye do lose no time or opportunity that possibly may be had; I shall therefore, briefly and compendiously touch such this things, as the King's Highness would ye should substantially note in this behalf.  
One is, That albeit ye both before, and also now, know the King's mind and desire herein, as is aforesaid, taking that for your Foundation; yet nevertheless, forasmuch as it appeareth by your said Letters, and otherwise, that the Cardinal de Medicis, whose preferment (if this may not be had) both the King's Grace and I tendereth above all other, mindeth to experiment what may be done for himself, great policy and dexterity is in your Labours and Communications to be used, so that ye may first, by great ensearch and enquiry, perfectly understand, as nigh as may be, the Disposition, Mind, Affection, and Inclination, as well of the said Cardinal de Medicis, as of all the residue, if it be possible; which thing, well known, well pondered and considered, ye shall thereby have a great light to the residue of your Business, wherein always ye must so order yourselves, that the Matter appearing unto you much doubtful and uncertain, your particular practices (the desired Intent peradventure failing) shall not be cause of displeasure or unkindness to be noted by any that may be elected; and for your introduction herein, the King's Grace sendeth unto you at this time two Commissions under his great Seal, the one couched under general words, without making mention of any particular Person; and in the other, his Highness hath made mention of me by special Name: Besides that, ye shall receive herewith two Letters from his Grace to the College of Cardinals, with the Copies of the same; the one in special recommendation of me, and the other in favour of the Cardinal de Medicis; beside such other particular Letters in my recommendation to certain Cardinals, and other, as by the Copies of them herewith enclosed ye shall now perceive. After the receipt thereof, if the Cardinals before that time shall not be entered into the Conclave, ye taking your Commodity, as by your Wisdom shall be thought most expedient, shall deliver unto the Cardinal de Medicis, the King's Letters, and mine to him addressed, showing unto him, with as good words and manner as ye can, that for his great Virtue, Wisdom, Experience, and other commendable Merits, with the entire love and favour which the King's Grace and I bear unto him, thinking and reputing him most meet and able to aspire unto the Papal Dignity before all other. Ye have Commandment, Commission, and Instruction, specially and most tenderly, to recommend him unto the whole College of Cardinals, having also the King's and my Letters to them in his favour; upon which Declaration ye shall perceive his Answer to be made unto you in that behalf; whereupon, and by knowledge of the Disposition of the Residue, ye may perceive how to govern yourselves in the delivery of the rest of your said Letters; for in case it may evidently appear unto you, that any of the Cardinals, to whom the King's Letters be directed, have firmly established their minds upon the said Cardinal de Medici's, the more circumspection is to be used with any such in the delivery to him of the King's Letters, and overture of the secretness of your minds touching me; considering, that if the King's Intent might in no wise take effect for me, his Grace would, before all other, advance and further the said Cardinal de Medicis. Nevertheless, if either by his Answer to be made unto you, or by other good knowledge, ye shall perceive that he hath so many Enemies herein, that of likelihood he cannot attain the same, ye may be the more bold to feel his mind how he is inclined towards me; saying, as indeed the King's Grace hath written unto him, That in case he should fail thereof, the King's Highness would insist, as much as to his Grace were possible, for me; which ye may say were in manner one thing, considering that both the Cardinal de Medici's and I bear one mind, zeal, and study, to the Weal and Quiet of Christendom, the Increase and Surety of Italy, the Benefit and Advancement of the Emperor's and the King's Majesty's Causes; and I being Pope, he in a manner (whom I above all Men love, trust, and esteem) were Pope, being sure to have every thing according to his mind and desire, and as much Honour to be put unto him, his Friends and Family, as might be devised in such wise: That by these and other good words and demonstrations, ye may make him sure, as I think he be, that failing for himself, he with all his Friends do their best for me; and seeing no likelihood for him, ye may then rightwell proceed to your particular labour and practices for me, delivering the King's Letters, both to the College of Cardinals, and to the other, apart, as ye shall see the case then to require; and soliciting them, by secret labours, alleging and declaring unto them my poor Qualities, and how I having so great experience of the Causes of Christendom, with the entire Favour which the Emperor and the King's Grace bear unto me; the knowledge also, and deep Acquaintance of other Princes, and of their great Affairs; the studious mind that I have ever been in, both to the Surety and Weal of Italy, and also to the Quiet and Tranquillity of Christendom; not lacking, thanked be God, either Substance or Liberality to look largely upon my Friends; besides the sundry great Promotions, which by election of me should be vacant, to be disposed unto such of the said Cardinals, as by their true and fast Friendship had deserved the same; the loving Familiarity also which they should find in me; and that of my Nature I am not in great disposed to rigour or austereness, but can be contented, thanked be God, frankly, pleasantly, and courteously, to participate, dispose, and bestow, such things as I have, or shall come to my disposition, not having any such Faction, Family, or Kinsman, to whom I might show any partiality in bestowing the Promotions and Goods of the Church; and which is highest to be regarded, that is likely and in manner sure, that by my means, not only Italy shall be put in perfect surety for ever, but also a final rest, peace, and quiet, now most necessary established betwixt all Christian Princes; whereupon the greatest and most notable Expedition might be made against the Infidels that hath been heard of many Years. For the King's Highness in that case would be contented, and hath fully promised, God willing, to come in Person, when God shall send time, unto Rome; whither also I should not doubt to bring many more of the Christian Princes, being determined, if God should send me such Grace, to expone mine own Person in God's Quarrel; by mean of which my presence many things should be stated, that for Superiority and otherwise, in times past, hath been occasion of disagreement amongst Princes; Albeit peradventure the greatest respect shall not now be had hereunto, nor this be the best Elective to win the Cardinal's Favour; wherein you must therefore use yourself by your wisdoms, as you shall see the time, season, and care to require; assuring them, for the removing of the doubt in changing of the See, or not speedy repair thither; that after the Election once passed and notified to me, I would not fail, by God's Grace, within three months to be in Rome; there, and in the parts thereabout, to remain during my Life, whereof ye may make faithful assurance. By these, and other good means and promises on the King's behalf of large Rewards, which his Highness referreth to your discretion, and is contented to perform that which ye do therein; It is not to be doubted but that you shall obtain the Favours of many of them; so as if respect may be had to the Honour of the See Apostolic, and the Surety of Italy, the Tranquillity of Christendom, the Defence of the same against the Infidels, the Exaltation of the Faith, the Persecution of Christ's Enemies, the Increase and Weal of the College of Cardinals, with their Advancement and Promotion; gentle, frank, and liberal entertainment of them, and generally to the benefit of all Holy Church. The King's Grace supposeth his mind and desire herein, with your good means, diligence, and solicitations, is not unlike to take good effect; wherein, for the more authority, and better conducing of your purpose, the pleasure of his Grace is, That you join with the Emperor's Ambassadors, as far as you may see and perceive them to favour this the King's Intent, likeas his Grace thinketh, that according to the often Conferences, Communications, Promises, and Exhortations made by the Emperor to me in this behalf, and according to my said Lady Margaret's desire or offer, they have commandment to do. In the politic handling of all which Matters, the King's Highness putteth in you his special trust and confidence, so to order yourself in the Premises, as you shall perceive to accord with the inward desire of his Grace, and the state and disposition of the thing there; for which purpose his Grace hath furnished you at this time, jointly or severally, with two sundry Commissions, the one general for me, and in my favour, by the which you have ample Authority to bind and promise, on the King's behalf, as well gift of Promotions, as also as large sums of Money to as many, and such as you shall think convenient; and as sure ye may be, whatsoever ye shall promise, bind his Grace, and do in that behalf, his Highness will inviolably observe, keep and perform, the other special, as afore Letters to the College of two effects, the one for the Cardinal de Medici's, and the other for me, with other particular Letters in my favour; all which his pleasure is, That you shall use in manner and form aforesaid; that is to say, If you shall perceive the Affair of the Cardinal de Medicis to be in such perfect train, that he is like to have the same Dignity, ye than proceed to that which may be his furtherance, using nevertheless your particular labour for me, if you think it may do good, after such sort as ye shall not conceive any ingratitude or unkindness therein. And if you may see that the said Cardinal de Medicis be not in such great likelihood thereof; then considering, that as the King's Grace, and I think verily he will do his best for me, ye shall effectually set forth your practices for attaining and winning as many Friends for me as possible may be, delivering your Letters for the Intent, as you shall see cause. Wherein you being now furnished for both Purposes, and also having one of the Commissions general and indifferent, without any Person therein specially recommended, things be to be done or omitted, as you shall know to stand with the state or commodity of the Affairs there, with the Ground of the King's Mind to you now declared, shall be your best and perfect Instruction; and as you shall do or know herein, so the King's Grace desireth you often and speedily to advertise me, by your Letters, having no doubt but that his Highness will see your travels, diligence, and pains in this behalf, so to be considered, as you shall have cause to think the same well employed and bestowed.  
And my Lord of Bath, as you do know well, because Mr. Pace, at the time of the last Vacation, was sent purposely from hence with Commission and Instruction for that Matter; the King, and I, supposing that upon knowledge of this news, he being at Milan, would incontinently repair unto Rome; hath therefore made the foresaid Commissions, and also this Letter to be directed unto you, jointly and severally willing you, in such substantial and discreet wise to proceed in that Matter, not forbearing any thing that may be to the furtherance thereof, as his Grace, and my special Trust, is in you: And thus most hearty far you well. At my Manor of Hampton-Court, the 4th day of October.  
The rest is the Cardinal's own Hand.  
MY Lord of Bath, the King hath willed me to write unto you, That his Grace hath a marvellous Opinion of you; and you knowing his mind as you do, his Highness doubteth not but this Matter shall be by your Policy set forth in such wise, as that the same may come to the desired effect, not sparing any reasonable Offers, which is a thing, that amongst so many needy Persons is more regarded, than per-case the Qualities of the Person; ye be wise, and ye wots what I mean; trust yourself best, and be not seduced by fair words, and specially of those which (say what they will) desire more their own preferment than mine. Howbeit, great dexterity is to be used; and the King thinketh that all the Imperials shall be clearly with you, if Faith be in the Emperor. The young Men, which for the most part being needy, will give good ears to fair Offers, which shall be undoubtedly performed; the King willeth you neither to spare his Authority, or his good Money, or Substance. You may be assured, whatsoever you promise shall be performed; and our Lord send you good speed.  
Your loving Friend, T. Cardinalis Eborac.   

Number 49. A Memorial given by the King's Majesty, with the Advice of his Highness' Council, to the Lord Russel Lord Privy-Seal, the Lord Paget of Beaudesert, Sir William Petre Kt. and one of his Highness two Principal Secretaries, and Sir John Mason Kt. his Majesty's Secretary for the French Tongue; being sent at this present in Commission, to treat and conclude upon a Peace, with certain Commissioners sent from the French King at this time for the same purpose. An Original.  
EDWARD R.  

Cotton Libr. Caligula E. 1  FIrst, As touching the Place of their Meeting, the same to be at Calais or Bulloign, if it may be so brought to pass; otherwise to be at such convenient Place, either within our Dominion, or the French; or sometime in the one, and sometime the other, as may be best agreed upon. In the appointing whereof, we would no Ceremony to be so much sticked upon, as the same should be any occasion of hindrance to the good success looked for at this meeting.  
Secondly, If the French Commissioners shall require Bulloign, with the Members; and all such Grounds and Lands as was of late conquered by our late Father, of most noble memory, to be restored to the French King, we be pleased our said Commissioners shall on our Name agree and assent thereunto; so as the said French Commissioners do, and will likewise covenant and agree, in the Name of the said French King, to any of our Requests hereafter ensuing.  
First, Our said Commissioners shall demand, in recompense for Bulloign, and the Members and Grounds as aforesaid, that the Treaties last made, between our said Father of famous Memory, and the Realm of Scotland, may in all things be performed; and the Person of the Young Scotch Queen delivered to us, to the intent the Marriage between us and her may be performed. They shall also demand, that the Fortifications at Newhaven and Blackness may be utterly ruinated, and no Fortifications made from henceforth at any of those Places. They shall also require the continuance of payment of our perpetual Pension, and all the Debts due unto us, by force of any former Treaties, before the commencement of these last Wars. And this for the first degree, which if it may not be obtained, then for  
The second Degree, we be pleased to accept for a Recompense, if they will covenant for performance of the said Treaties with Scotland, to deliver the Scotch Queen, and continue from henceforth the payment of the perpetual Pension.  
But if that shall also be refused, then for the third Degree, our said Commissioners shall require the continuance of payment of our Pension, the Arrearages due by any former Treaties, between our said Father and the late French King; and that the Forts of Newhaven, Hambletue, and Blackness, may be utterly ruinated, and no new Fortifications commenced at any of the said Places hereafter.  
And if this may not be obtained, then for the fourth and last Degree our Pleasure is, That our said Commissioners shall require the continuance of payment of our said Pension, and all such Debts as were due unto our said late Father before the commencement of his last War.  
In the debating and discoursing whereof, we will that our said Commissioners shall employ themselves to their uttermost, to make as good and honourable a Bargain for us, and to attain all or as much of the Premises as they may; remembering unto the French Commissioners, our great Charges sustained in these last Wars commenced by them, contrary to the former Treaties.  
Touching the Place, Day, Time, and other Circumstances to be used, as well in the delivery of Bulloign, the Base Town, the Old Man, the Young Man, with the Ground, Territories, and Members, to the said Pieces, or any of them belonging; as also of payment of such Sums of Money as shall be agreed upon for the same; Our said Commissioners shall, by their good discretions, devise with the said French Commissioners, all such ways as they can or may think most for our Honour and Surety: And such overtures or Discourses as shall be made by the said French Commissioners, touching the Premises, our said Commissioners shall advertise unto us or our Council.  
And if any motion shall be made to have Scotland comprehended in this Peace, our said Commissioners shall say, That forasmuch as the Scots be common Enemies to us and the Emperor, we may not assent to the comprehension of them, without the Emperor's consent; or at the least, without such respect to our Treaties with the Emperor, and his Subjects, as the Amity between us requireth. And therefore if the Scots will covenant to stand to our Arbitrement and Judgement for all such Matters as be in difference between the said Emperor and them, we will be pleased that the Scots shall be comprehended; and one such Article, or of like effect, made for comprehension of them, as was made at the conclusion of the least Peace. And if the delivery, or razing of any Pieces, now by us possessed in Scotland, shall be required, we be pleased that our said Commissioners travelling first by all ways and means they may, to induce the other Commissioners to assent, that all the said Pieces, and the Lands by us now possessed, may remain to us, and our Heirs and Successors for ever, shall nevertheless, if that may not be received, assent in the end, that Borthwickeraig, Lauder, and Dunglass, shall be restored upon a convenient Recompense in Money, so as the Forts of Roxburgh and Haymouth, with their Grounds adjoining, may be covenanted to remain to us and our Successors for ever.  
If the French Commissioners shall make any motion of Treaty for Marriage, between us and the Lady Elizabeth, eldest Daughter to the French King; our said Commissioners excusing the present talk thereof, in respect of our young Years, and for such other Causes as they may think good, shall do all that they may to cut off that Talk: But if they shall be much pressed therein, in respect of such Overtures as have been made already, our Pleasure is, that our said Commissioners shall, by general words, entertain the talk of that Matter; and thereof, and of such other Matters as shall be proponed touching the same, advertise us or our Council.  
In all the Treaty it must be remembered, to reserve and have special regard to the preservation of our Treaties with the Emperor, and other our Friends.  
And if it shall seem expedient to our said Commissioners, for the better expedition of our Affairs committed to their Charge, that a Surceance or Abstinence of Wars be granted, as well on our behalf, as on the behalf of the French King, we be pleased that our Right trusty, and right wellbeloved Cousin, the Earl of Huntingdon, our Lieutenant General of that side, shall, by the advice of our said Commissioners, grant a Surceance or Abstinence for such time, and in such manner and sort, as by our said Commissioners shall be thought best, so as the like be also granted on the behalf of the said French King.  
Finally, Our said Commissioners shall advertise us, our Council attendant about our Person, from time to time, of their Proceed; and further do as we or our Council shall appoint them, either by our Letters, or the Letters of our said Council accordingly.  


T. Cant.  
R. Rich Canc.  
W. Saint John.  
H. Dorset.  
W. Northampton.  
J. Warwick.  
Thomas Southampton.  
Thom. Ely.  
Cuth. Duresm.  
T. Cheyne.  
T. Wentworth.  
Anthony Wingfield.  
W. Herbert.  
T. Darcy.  
N. Wotton.  
J. Baker.  
Edward North.  
Edward Montague.  
Richard Southwell.     

Number 50. Articles devised by the King's Majesty, with the Advice of his Highness' Council, answering to certain Doubts moved in the Letters, bearing date the 27th of February last passed, sent from his Majesty's Commissioners, being on the other side the Seas, for the Treaty of Peace. An Original.  
EDWARD. R.  
FIrst, 
Cotton Libr. Caligula E. 1  If the French Deputies require to have Roxburgh and Aymouth to be rendered unto the Scots, we will that our Commissioners shall, by all the best means they can devise, induce them to agree, that the said two places may and shall remain to Us: And in case the French will not so be persuaded, but require still to have them rendered, Our pleasure is, That our Commissioners shall stand most stiffly in the denial of it, so far forth, that they shall come to the breaking of that days talk, rather than to condescend unto it. And in case, that move not the French to relent of their Request, our Commissioners shall afterwards send to the French Deputies to meet, or to talk again, and then they shall say, That rather than such a good work of Peace should fail, they will grant to the razing and abandoning of both the said Pieces; with special Capitulation, that neither the Scots nor the French shall re-fortify, nor cause to be refortified, in neither of those two Places; with the like Covenant for our part, if the French Deputies do require it.  
Item. We are pleased, that the Reservance of our Rights and Titles, mentioned in our former Articles sent to our said Commissioners, be in general words, so as severally general reservance be made, as well for our Rights and Titles as to Scotland, as for our Matters with France.  
Item. We are pleased, that for such Sums of Money as shall be agreed upon to be paid unto Us for the delivery of Bulloign, Our said Commissioners shall take Hostages of the French, according to Our former Articles sent unto them in that behalf; the said Hostages to remain there, till the whole and last Sum so agreed upon be fully answered unto Us. And likewise in case the French Deputies will ask Hostages for the sure delivery of the Town of Bulloign, with the Members, Our said Commissioners may agree to the assigning of such Hostages as shall be thought sufficient for the same; which Hostages nevertheless shall not be bound to remain or continue there any longer, than till the said Town is delivered; but shall thereupon be suffered to return home at their Pleasure.  
Item. Upon the Conclusion between our Commissioners, and the French Deputies, for the delivery of Bulloign, our pleasure is, That the term of the delivery of the same be appointed, as short as may be conveniently, having considerance to a reasonable respite for the removing and safe conveyance away of the Artillery, Munition, Armour, and Goods belonging to Us or our Subjects, either by Sea or by Land, as shall be thought most commodious: and that our Men, departing out of the Town in the Forenoon, the French shall abstain from entry into it till at three or four hours after, for avoiding the inconveniences which may chance upon the coupling of our Men with the French.  
Item. Forasmuch as Our said Commissioners being upon the Place, can better consider any other thing not touched in the Premises, concerning the manner and fashion of the delivery of Bulloign, or retire of our Men, Artillery, and other things, other than we can do here, we are pleased to remit that to their wisdoms and discretions.  
Item. As for Alderney and Sark, forasmuch as both those Places are Ours, reason would that the French should raze their Fortifications at Sark, and the Fortifications at Alderney, being lawfully done by Us upon our own Ground, to remain at our Arbitrement. That in case the French Deputies shall make no mention, neither of the one, nor of the other, We are pleased that our Commissioners shall also pass it over in silence; but if the French Deputies shall mention the same, and without the razing the Fortifications at Alderney, will not condescend to a Peace, We are pleased, our Commissioners shall conclude with them upon the razing and abandoning of the one and the other of the aforesaid Fortifications; standing first as much in denial of the French Deputies Demands herein, as they may.  


T. Cant.  
R. Rich, Chanc.  
W. Wilts.  
T. Wentworth.  
A. Wingfield.  
T. Darcy.  
N. Wotton.  
R. Sadler.  
J. Warwick.  
W. Northampton.  
T. Ely.  
T. Cheyne.  
W. Herbert.  
John Gage.  
Edward North.     

Number 51. The King's Letters Patents to John a Lasco, and the Germane Congregation.  

Rot. pat. 4 to Reg. part. 5.  EDwardus Sextus Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae, Hiberniae Rex, Fidei Defensor, & in Terra Ecclesiae Anglicanae & Hibernicae supremum sub Christo Caput, omnibus ad quos presentes literae pervenerint salutem. Cum magnae quaedam & graves considerationes nos ad presens specialiter impulerunt, tum etiam cogitantes illud, quanto studio & charitate Christianos Principes in Sacrosanctum Dei Evangelium & Religionem Apostolicam ab ipso Christo inchoatam, institutam & traditam, animatos & propensos esse conveniat, sine qua haud dubie politia & civile Regnum nec consistere diu, neque nomen suum tueri potest, nisi principes, caeterique praepotentes viri, quos Deus ad Regnorum gubernacula sedere voluit, id in primis operam dent, ut per totum Reipub. Corpus, casta sinceraque Religio diffundatur, & Ecclesia. in vere Christianis & Apostolicis opinionibus & ritibus instituta, atque adulta per sanctos ac carni & mundo mortuos ministros conservetur: pro eo quod Christiani Principis officium statuimus, inter alias suas gravissimas de Regno suo bene splendideque administrando cogitationes, etiam Religioni & Religionis causa calamitate fractis & afflictis exulibus consul●re. Sciatis, quod non solum praemissa contemplantes & Ecclesiam a Papatus Tyrannide per nos vindicatam in pristina libertate conservare cupientes: verum etiam exulum ac peregrinorum conditionem miserantes, qui jam bonis temporibus in Regno nostro Angliae commorati sunt voluntario exilio, Religionis & Ecclesiae causa mulctati: quia hospites & exteros homines propter Christi Evangelium ex Patria sua profligatos & ejectos, & in Regnum nostrum profugos, praesidiis ad vitam degendam necessariis in Regno nostro egere, non dignum esse neque Christiano homine, neque principis magnificentia duximus, cujus liberalitas nullo modo in tali rerum statu restricta, clausave esse debet. Ac quoniam multi Germanae nationis homines, ac alii peregrini qui confluxerunt, & in dies singulos confluunt in Regnum nostrum Angliae, ex Germania & aliis remotioribus partibus, in quibus Papatus dominatur, Evangelii libertas labefactari & premi caepta est, non habent certam sedem & locum in Regno nostro ubi conventus suos celebrare valeant, ubi inter suae gentis & moderni idiomatis homines Religionis negotia & res Ecclesiasticas pro Patriae ritu & more intelligenter obire & tractare possint: idcirco de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientia & mero motu nostris, necnon de avisamento Concilii nostri volumus, concedimus & ordinamus quod de caetero sit & erit unum templum, sive sacra aedes in Civitate nostra Londinensi, quod vel quae vocabitur templum Domini Jesus, ubi Congregatio & conventus Germanorum & aliorum peregrinorum fieri & celebrari possit, ea intentione & proposito, ut a Ministris Ecclesiae Germanorum aliorumque peregrinorum Sacrosancti Evangelii incorrupta interpretatio, Sacramentorum juxta Verbum Dei & Apostolicam observationem administratio fiat. Ac Templum illud, sive Sacram aedem illam de uno Superintendente & quatuor verbi ministris erigimus, creamus, ordinamus & fundamus per praesentes. Et quod idem Superintendens & ministri in re & nomine sint & erunt unum Corpus corporatum & politicum, de se per nomen Superintendentis & Ministrorum Ecclesiae Germanorum & aliorum peregrinorum ex fundatione Regis Edwardi Sexti in Civitate Londinensi per praesentes incorporamus: ac corpus corporatum & politicum per idem nomen realiter & ad plenum creamus, erigimus, ordinamus, facimus & constituimus per praesentes: & quod successionem habeant.  
Et ulterius de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientia & mero motu nostris, necnon de avisamento Concilii nostri dedimus & concessimus, ac per praesentes damus & concedimus praefato Superintendenti & Ministris Ecclesiae Germanorum & aliorum peregrinorum in Civitate Londinensi, totum illud templum sive Ecclesiam nuperfratrum Augustinensium in Civitate nostra Londinensi, ac totam terram, fundum & solum Ecclesiae praedictae, exceptis toto choro dictae Ecclesiae, terris fundo & solo ejusdem habendum & gaudendum, dictum Templum sive Ecclesiam ac caetera praemissa, exceptis praeexceptis, praefatis Superintendenti & Ministris & Successoribus suis, tenendum de nobis, haeredibus & successoribus nostris in puram & liberam elyemosinam.  
Damus ulterius de avisamento praedicto, ac ex certa scientia & mero motu nostris praedictis per praesentes concedimus, praefatis Superintendenti & Ministris & successoribus suis plenam facultatem, potestatem & autoritatem ampliandi & majorem faciendi numerum ministrorum & nominandi & appunctuandi de tempore in tempus, tales & hujusmodi subministros, ad serviendum in Templo praedicto, quales praefatis Superintendenti & Ministris necessarium visum fuerit. Et quidem haec omnia juxta beneplacitum regium.  
Volumus praeterea quod Joannes a Lasco natione Polonus, homo propter integritatem & innocentiam vitae, ac morum & singularem eruditionem valde caelebris, sit primus & modernus Superintendens dictae Ecclesiae, & quod Gualterus Deloenus, Martinus Flandrus, Franciscus Riverius, Richardus Gallus, sint quatuor primi & moderni Ministri. Damus praeterea & concedimus praefatis Superintendenti & Ministris & successoribus suis facultatem, autoritatem & licentiam, post mortem vel vacationem alicujus Ministri praedictorum, de tempore in tempus eligendi, nominandi & surrogandi alium, personam habilem & idoneam in locum suum; ita tamen quod persona sic nominatus & electus praesentetur & sistatur coram nobis, haeredibus vel successoribus nostris, & per nos, haeredes vel successores nostros instituatur in Ministerium praedictum.  
Damus etiam & concedimus praefatis Superintendenti Ministris & successoribus suis facultatem, autoritatem & licentiam, post mortem seu vacationem Superintendentis de tempore in tempus eligendi, nominandi & surrogandi alium, personam doctam & gravem in locum suum; ita tamen quod persona sic nominatus & electus praesentetur & sistatur coram nobis, haeredibus vel successoribus nostris, & per nos, haeredes vel successores nostros instituatur in officium Superintendentis praedictum.  
Mandamus & firmiter injungendum praecipimus, tam Majori, Vicecomitibus & Aldermanis Civitatis nostrae Londinensis & successoribus suis, cum omnibus aliis Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Justiciariis, Officiariis & Ministris nostris quibuscunque, quod permittant praefatis, Superintendenti & Ministris, & sua, suos libere & quiete frui, gaudere, uti, & exercere ritus & ceremonias suas proprias, & disciplinam Ecclesiasticam propriam & peculiarem, non obstante quod non conveniant cum ritibus & caeremoniis in Regno nostro usitatis, absque impetitione, perturbatione, aut inquietatione eorum, vel eorum alicujus, aliquo statuto, actu, proclamatione, injunctione, restrictione, seu usu in contrarium inde antehac habitis, factis, editis, seu promulgatis in contrarium non obstantibus. Eo quod expressa mentio de vero valore annuo, aut de certitudine praemissorum, sive eorum alicujus, aut de aliis donis sive concessionibus per nos praefatis Superintendenti, Ministris & successoribus suis ante haec tempora factis, in praesentibus minime facta existit, aut aliquo statuto, actu, ordinatione, provisione, sive restrictione inde in contrarium factis, editis, ordinatis seu provisis, aut aliqua alia re, causa vel materia quacunque in aliquo non obstante. In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus Patentes. Teste Meipso, apud Leighes, vicessimo quarto die Julii, Anno Regni nostri quarto, per Breve de privato Sigillo, & de datis praedicta Autoritate Parliamenti.  


R. Southwell.  
Vn. Harrys.     

Number 52. Injunctions given in the Visitation of the Reverend Father in God, Nicholas Bishop of London, for an Uniformity in his Diocese of London, in the 4th Year of our Sovereign Lord King Edward the Sixth, by the Grace of God, King of England, etc. London, Anno Dom. 1550.  
FIrst, 
Reg. Ridley. Fol. 305.  That there be no reading of such Injunctions as extolleth and setteth forth the Popish Mass, Candles, Images, Chauntries; neither that there be used any Superaltaries, or Trentals of Communions.  
Item. That no Minister do counterfeit the Popish Mass, in kissing the Lord's Board; washing his Hands or Fingers after the Gospel, or the receipt of the Holy Communion; shifting the Book from one place to another; laying down and licking the Chalice after the Communion; blessing his Eyes with the Sudarie thereof, or Patten, or crossing his Head with the same, holding his Fore-fingers and Thumbs joined together toward the Temples of his Head, after the receiving of the Sacrament; breathing on the Bread, or Chalice; saying the Agnus before the Communion; showing the Sacrament openly before the distribution, or making any elevation thereof; ringing of the Sacrying Bell, or setting any Light upon the Lord's Board. And finally, That the Minister, in the time of the Holy Communion, do use only the Ceremonies and Gestures appointed by the Book of Common Prayer, and none other, so that there do not appear in them any counterfeiting of the Popish Mass.  
Item. That none be admitted to receive the Holy Communion, but such as will, upon request of the Curate, be ready, with meekness and reverence, to confess the Articles of the Creed.  
Item. That none make a Mart of the Holy Communion, by buying and selling the Receipt thereof for Money, as the Popish Mass in times past was wont to be.  
Item. Whereas in divers places, some use the Lord's Board after the form of a Table, and some of an Altar, whereby Dissension is perceived to arise among the unlearned; therefore wishing a godly Unity to be observed in all our Diocese; and for that the form of a Table may more move and turn the simple from the old superstitious Opinions of the Popish Mass, and to the right use of the Lord's Supper, We exhort the Curates, Churchwardens, and Questmen here present, to erect and set up the Lord's Board, after the form of an honest Table, decently covered, in such place of the Choir or Chancel, as shall be thought most meet by their discretion and agreement, so that the Ministers, with the Communicants, may have their place separated from the rest of the People: and to take down and abolish all other by-Altars or Tables.  
Item. That the Minister, in the time of the Communion, immediately after the Offertory, shall monish the Communicants, saying these words, or suchlike, Now is the time, if it please you to remember the poor men's Chest with your charitable Alms.  
Item. That the Homilies be read orderly, without omission of any part thereof.  
Item. The Common Prayer be had in every Church upon Wednesdays and Fridays, according to the King's Grace's Ordinance; and that all such as conveniently may, shall diligently resort to the same.  
Item. That every Curate be diligent to teach the Catechism, whensoever just occasion is offered, upon the Sunday or Holiday, and at least every six weeks, once shall call upon his Parishioners, and present himself ready to instruct and examine the Youth of the same Parish, according to the Book of Service touching the same.  
Item. That none maintain Purgatory, Invocation of Saints, the Six Articles, Bedrowls, Images, Relics, Rubric Primars, with Invocation of Saints, Justification of Man by his own Works, Holy Bread, Palms, Ashes, Candles, Sepulchre Paschal, creeping to the Cross, hallowing of the Fire or Altar, or any other suchlike abuses, and superstitions, now taken away by the King's Grace's most Godly Proceed.  
Item. That all Ministers do move the People to often and worthy receiving of the Holy Communion.  
Item. That every Minister do move his Parishioners to come diligently to the Church; and when they come, not to talk, or walk, in the Sermon, Communion, or Divine Service-time, but rather at the same to behave themselves reverently, godly, and devoutly in the Church; and that they also monish the Churchwardens to be diligent Overseers in that behalf.  
Item. That the Churchwardens do not permit any buying, selling, gaming, outrageous noise or tumult, or any other idle occupying of Youth in the Church, Church-porch, or Churchyard, during the time of Common Prayer, Sermon, or reading of the Homily.  
Item. That no Persons use to minister the Sacraments, or in open audience of the Congregation, presume to expound the Holy Scriptures, or to preach, before they be first lawfully called and authorized in that behalf.  
God save the King.   

Number 53. Dr. Oglethorp's Submission and Profession of his Faith.  
I Did never Preach or Teach openly any thing contrary to the Doctrine and Religion set forth by the King's Majesty, and authorised by his Grace's Laws, since the making and publishing of the same.  
I suppose, and think his Grace's Proceed (concerning Religion) to be good and godly, if they be used accordingly, as his Grace hath wiled they should, by his Laws and Instructions.  
And further, I suppose the Order and Form of Doctrine, and Religion now set forth by his Grace, and used, in many things to be better and much nearer the usage of the Apostolic and Primitive Church, than it was before-times: if it be used godly and reverently, accordingly as I think it to be meant by his Grace's Highness, and his most Honourable Council.  
Namely, in these things, in prohibiting that none should commune alone, in making the People whole Communers, or in suffering them to Commune under both kinds, in the Catechisation of young Chaplains in the Rudiments of our Faith, in having the Common Prayer in English, in setting forth the Homilies, and many other things; which I think very good and Godly, if they be used as is aforesaid.  
The lately received Doctrine, concerning the Sacrament, and namely the Attribute of Transubstantiation, I do not like, and I think it not consonant to the Scriptures, and Ancient Writers; although I suppose that there is a certain and an ineffable presence of Christ's Body there, which I can neither comprehend nor express, because it so far passes the compass and reach of my Wit and Reason; wherefore I think it ought to be both ministered and received with a godly and reverend fear, and not without great premeditation and examination aforesaid, as well of the Minister, as of the Receiver. 1550.  
Your Grace's poor well-willer, with his Prayer and Service, as he is bound, Owing Oglethorp.   

Number 54. A Letter from Dr. Smith to Archbishop Cranmer. An Original.  
Right honourable, and my special good Lord.  

Ex MS. Col. Cor. C. Cant.  I Commend me to your Grace most humbly, giving to the same thanks as I am bound, for your Grace's kindness toward my Sureties; for the which you have (and shall whiles I live) my good Word and Prayer. Ignatii Epistolae adhuc extant in Gymnasio Magdalenae. If it might please your Lordship, I would very gladly see some part of your Collection against my Book, De Caelibatu Sacerdotum; which I wrote then to try the truth out, not to the intent it should be printed, as it was, against my Will. Would God I had never made it, because I took then for my chief Ground, That the Priests of England made a Vow when they were made, which now I perceive is not true.  
My Lord, I received my Capcase, etc. Sed tribus nummorum meorum partibus sublatis; Quod damnum aequo animo est ferendum, quod furti revinci non possit, qui abstulit. My Lord, I am glad that your Grace is reported both gentle and merciful, of all such which have had to do with you for Religion of this University. For my part, if ever I may do your Grace's basest Servant any pleasure, I will do it indeed. Si aliter, atqui sentio, loquor, dispeream. Ignoscat haec Honoranda Dominatio tam diutinum silentium mihi, quip quod crebrioribus literis posthac pensabo. Deus optimus maximus tuam amplitudinem diu servet incolumem Christianae Pietati propagandae ac provehendae. Oxonii 28.  
Tibi addictissimus, Richardus Smithaeus.   

Number 55.  
Articles agreed upon by the Bishops and other Learned Men, in the Convocation held at London, in the Year 1552. for the avoiding diversities of Opinions, and stablishing Consent touching true Religion.  
Published by the King's Authority.  
With Marginal Notes of the differences between these and those set out by Queen Elizabeth, Anno 1562.  

I. Of Faith in the Holy Ghost.  
THere is but one living and true God everlasting, without Body, Parts, or Passions; of infinite Power, Wisdom, and Goodness; the Maker and Preserver of all things both visible and invisible. And in the unity of this Godhead, there are three Persons, of one Substance, Power, and Eternity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.   

II. The Word of God made very Man.  
The Son, which is the Word of the Father, 
The Son, which is the Word of the Father, begotten from everlasting of the Father, the very and eternal God, of one Substance with the Father: took Man's Nature in the Womb of the blessed Virgin, etc.  took Man's Nature in the Womb of the blessed Virgin, of her Substance: So that two whole and perfect Natures, that is to say, the Godhead and Manhood were joined together in one Person, never to be divided, whereof is one Christ, very God and very Man; who truly suffered, was crucified, dead, and buried, to reconcile his Father to us, and to be a Sacrifice, not only for Original Gild, but also for Actual Sins of Men.   

III. Of the going down of Christ into Hell.  
As Christ died for us, and was buried; so also is it to be believed that he went down into Hell: 
* These words were left out.  For his Body lay in the Grave till his Resurrection, but his Soul being separate from his Body, remained with the Spirits which were detained in Prison, that is to say, in Hell, and there preached unto them; as witnesseth that place of Peter.   

iv The Resurrection of Christ.  
Christ did truly rise again from Death, and took again his Body, with Flesh, Bones, and all things appertaining to the perfection of Man's Nature, wherewith he ascended into Heaven, and there sitteth till he return to judge all Men at the last day. 

Of the Holy Ghost.  
The Holy Ghost, proceeding from the Father and the Son, is of one Substance, Majesty, and Glory, with the Father and the Son, very and eternal God.     

V The Doctrine of the Holy Scripture is sufficient to Salvation.  


Holy Scripture containeth all things necessary to Salvation, so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved thereby, is not to be required of any Man that it should be believed as an Article of the Faith, or be thought necessary or requisite to Salvation.  
In the name of the Holy Scripture we do understand those Canonical Books of the Old and New Testament, of whose Authority was never any doubt in the Church; that is to say, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, 1st of Samuel, 2d of Samuel, etc. And the other Books (as Hierom saith) the Church doth read for example of Life, and instruction of Manners, but yet doth it not apply them to establish any Doctrine; such are these following, The 3d of Esdras, the 4th of Esdras, the Book of Tobias, the Book of Judeth, the rest of the Book of Hester, the Book of Wisdom, etc. All the Books of the New Testament, as they are commonly received, we do receive and account them Canonical.   Holy Scripture containeth all things necessary to Salvation; so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved thereby, although sometimes it may be admitted by God's faithful People as pious, and conducing unto order and decency; yet is not to be required of any Man that it should be believed as an Article of the Faith, or be thought requisite or necessary to Salvation.   

VI The Old Testament is not to be rejected.  
The Old Testament is not to be rejected, as if it were contrary to the New, but to be retained. Forasmuch as in the Old Testament as in the New, everlasting Life is offered to Mankind by Christ, who is the only Mediator betwixt God and Man, being both God and Man. Wherefore they are not to be heard, who feign, that the old Fathers did look only for transitory Promises. 
Although the Law given from God by Moses, as touching Ceremonies and Rites, do not bind Christian Men, nor the Civil Precepts thereof ought of necessity to be received in any Commonwealth; yet notwithstanding no Christian Man whatsoever is free from the obedience of the Commandments, which are called Moral.    

VII. The three Creeds.  
The three Creeds, Nice Creed, Athanasius Creed, and that which is commonly called the Apostles Creed, ought throughly to be received 
* And believed. ; for they may be proved by most certain Warrants of the Holy Scripture.   

VIII. Original Sin.  
Original Sin standeth not in the following of Adam, (as the Pelagians do vainly talk, 
* Left out.  and at this day is affirmed by the Anabaptists) but it is the fault and corruption of every Man, that naturally is engendered of the Offspring of Adam, whereby Man is very far gone from Original Righteousness, and is of his own nature inclined to evil; so that the Flesh lusteth always contrary to the Spirit; and therefore in every Person born into this World it deserveth God's Wrath and Damnation. And this Infection of Nature doth remain, yea in them that are regenerated, whereby the lust of the Flesh, called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which some do expound the Wisdom, some Sensuality, some the Affection, some the desire of the Flesh, is not subject to the Law of God. And although there is no condemnation for them that believe and are baptised, yet the Apostle doth confess, that Concupiscence and Lust hath of itself the nature of Sin.   

IX. Of . 
The condition of Man after the Fall of Adam is such, that he cannot turn and prepare himself, by his own natural strength and good Works, to Faith and calling upon God. Wherefore we have no power to do good Works pleasant and acceptable unto God, etc.   
We have no power to do good Works pleasant and acceptable to God, without the Grace of God by Christ preventing us, that we may have a good will and working with us, when we have that good will.   

X. Of Grace.  
The Grace of Christ, or the Holy Ghost which is given by him, doth take from Man the heart of Stone, and giveth him a heart of Flesh. And though it rendereth us willing to do those good Works, which before we were unwilling to do, and unwilling to do those evil Works, which before we did, yet is no violence offered by it to the will of Man; so that no Man when he hath sinned can excuse himself, as if he had sinned against his will, or upon constraint; and therefore that he ought not to be accused or condemned upon that account.   

XI. Of the Justification of Man.  
Justification by Faith only in Jesus Christ, 
We are accounted Righteous before God only, for the merit of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ by Faith, and not for our own Works or deservings. Wherefore that we are justified by Faith, is a most wholesome Doctrine, and very full of comfort, as more largely is expressed in the Homily of Justification.  in that sense wherein it is set forth in the Homily of Justification, is the most certain and most wholesome Doctrine for a Christian Man. 

XII. Of Good Works.  
Albeit the Good Works, which are the Fruits of Faith, and follow after Justification, cannot put away our Sins, and endure the severity of God's Judgement, yet are they pleasing and acceptable unto God in Christ, and do spring out necessarily of a true and lively Faith, insomuch that by them, a lively Faith may be as evidently known, as a Tree discerned by the Fruit.     

XII. Works before Justification.  
Works done before the Grace of Christ, and the inspiration of his Spirit, are not pleasant to God, forasmuch as they spring not of Faith in Jesus Christ; neither do they make Men meet to receive Grace, or (as the School Authors say) deserve Grace of Congruity; yea rather for that they are not done as God hath willed and commanded them to be done, we doubt not but they have the nature of Sin.   

XIII. Works of Supererrogation.  
Voluntary Works besides, over and above God's Commandments, which they call Works of Supererrogation, cannot be taught without arrogancy and impiety; for by them Men do declare, that they do not only render unto God as much as they are bound to do, but that they do more for his sake, than of bounden Duty is required; Whereas Christ saith plainly, When you have done all that are commanded to you, say, we are unprofitable Servants.   

XIV. None but Christ without Sin.  
Christ in the truth of our Nature, was made like unto us in all things, (sin only excepted) from which he was clearly void, both in his Flesh and in his Spirit: He came to be a Lamb without spot, who by Sacrifice of himself once made, should take away the Sins of the World; and Sin (as St. John saith) was not in him: But all we the rest (although baptised and born in Christ) yet offend in many things; and if we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the Truth is not in us.   

XV. Of the Sin against the Holy Ghost.  
Not every deadly Sin, willingly committed after Baptism, is Sin against the Holy Ghost, and unpardonable. Wherefore the grant of Repentance is not to be denied to such as fall into sin after Baptism. After we have received the Holy Ghost, we may departed from Grace given, and fall into sin, and by the Grace of God (we may) arise again and amend our Lives. And therefore they are to be condemned which say, They can no more sin as long as they live here, or deny the 
* Place of Forgiveness.  place of Penance to such as truly repent.   

XVI. The Blasphemy against the Holy Ghost.  
The Blasphemy against the Holy Ghost is then committed, when any Man, out of malice and hardness of heart, doth wilfully reproach and persecute in an hostile manner, the Truth of God's Word, manifestly made known unto him. Which sort of Men, being made obnoxious to the Curse, subject themselves to the most grievous of all wickednesses; from whence this kind of Sin is called unpardonable, and so affirmed to be by our Lord and Saviour.   

XVII. Of Predestination and Election.  
Predestination unto Life, is the everlasting Purpose of God, whereby (before the Foundations of the World were laid) he hath constantly decreed by his Counsel, secret unto us, to deliver from Curse and Damnation, those whom he hath chosen 
* In Christ.  out of Mankind, and to bring them by Christ to everlasting Salvation, as Vessels made to Honour. Wherefore they which be endued with so excellent a benefit of God, be called according to God's Purpose, by his Spirit working in due season, they through Grace obey the Calling, they be justified freely, they are made Sons of 
† God by.  Adoption, they are made like the Image of 
‖ His.  the only begotten Jesus Christ; they walk religiously in good Works, and at length, by God's Mercy, they attain to everlasting felicity.  
As the godly consideration of Predestination and Election in Christ, is full of sweet, pleasant, and unspeakable comfort to godly Persons, and such as feel in themselves the working of the Spirit of Christ, mortifying the Works of the Flesh, and their Earthly Members, and drawing up their mind to high and heavenly Things, as well because it doth greatly establish and confirm their Faith of eternal Salvation, to be enjoyed through Christ, as because it doth fervently kindle their love towards God: So for curious and carnal Persons, lacking the Spirit of Christ, to have continually before their eyes the sentence of God's Predestination, is a most dangerous downfall, whereby the Devil doth thrust them either into desperation, or into wretchlesness of most unclean living, no less perilous than desperation.  
Furthermore, 
* Left out.  though the Decrees of Predestination be unknown to us, yet must we receive God's Promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in Holy Scripture; and in our do, that Will of God is to be followed, which we have expressly declared unto us in the Word of God.   

XVIII. Everlasting Salvation to be obtained only in the Name of Christ.  
They also are to be had accursed, that presume to say, That every Man shall be saved by the Law or Sect which he professeth, so that he be diligent to frame his Life according to that Law, and the Light of Nature: For Holy Scripture doth set out unto us only the Name of Jesus Christ, whereby Men must be saved.   

XIX. All Men are bound to keep the Precepts of the Moral Law.  
Although the Law given from God by Moses, as touching Ceremonies and Rites, do not bind Christian Men, nor the Civil Precepts thereof ought of necessity to be received in any Commonwealth; yet notwithstanding no Christian Man whatsoever is free from the obedience of the Commandments which are called Moral. Wherefore they are not to be heard which teach, that the Holy Scriptures were given to none but to the Weak, and brag continually of the Spirit, by which they do pretend, that all whatsoever they preach is suggested to them, though manifestly contrary to the Holy Scripture.   

XX. Of the Church.  
The Visible Church of Christ, is a Congregation of faithful Men, in which the pure Word of God is preached, and the Sacraments be duly ministered, according to Christ's Ordinance, in all those things that of necessity are requisite to the same.  
As the Church of Jerusalem, Alexandria, and Antioch have erred, so also the Church of Rome hath erred, not only in their Live, and manner of Ceremonies, but also in Matters of Faith.   

XXI. Of the Authority of the Church.  

The Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies, and Authority in Controversies of Faith. It is not lawful for the Church, etc.  It is not lawful for the Church to ordain any thing that is contrary to God's Word written, neither may it so expound one place of Scripture, that it be repugnant to another; Wherefore although the Church be a Witness and Keeper of Holy Writ, yet as it ought not to decree any thing against the same, so besides the same ought it not to enforce any thing to be believed, for necessity of Salvation.   

XXI. Of the Authority of General Councils.  
General Councils may not be gathered together without the Commandment and Will of Princes. And when they are gathered together, forasmuch as they be an Assembly of Men, (whereof all be governed with the Spirit and Word of God) they may err, and sometimes have erred, even in things pertaining unto God. Wherefore things ordained by them, as necessary to Salvation, have neither strength nor authority, unless it may be declared, that they be taken out of Holy Scripture.   

XXIII. Of Purgatory.  
The Doctrine of the Schoolmen concerning Purgatory, Pardons, Worshipping, and Adoration, as well of Images as of Relics, and also Invocation of Saints, is a fond thing vainly invented, and grounded upon no warranty of Scripture, but rather perniciously repugnant to the Word of God.   

XXIV. No Man to minister in the Church except he be called.  
It is not lawful for any Man to take upon him the Office of public Preaching, or ministering the Sacraments in the Congregation, before he be lawfully called and sent to execute the same. And those we ought to judge lawfully called and sent, which be chosen and called to this Work by Men, who have public Authority given unto them in the Congregation, to call and send Ministers into the Lord's Vineyard.   

XXV. All things to be done in the Congregation in such a Tongue as is understood by the People.  
It is most fit, 
It is a thing plainly repugnant to the Word of God, and the custom of the Primitive Church, to have public Prayers in the Church, or to minister the Sacraments in a Tongue not understood by the People.  and most agreeable to the Word of God, that nothing be read or rehearsed in the Congregation, in a Tongue not known unto the People; which Paul hath forbidden to be done, unless some be present to interpret.   

XXVI. Of the Sacraments.  
Our Lord Jesus Christ gathered his People into a Society, 

Sacraments ordained of Christ, be not only Badges and Tokens of Christian men's Profession, but rather they be certain sure Witnesses, and effectual signs of Grace, and God's good Will towards us, by the which he doth work invisibly in us, and doth not only quicken, but also strengthen and confirm our Faith in him.  
There are two Sacraments ordained of Christ our Lord in the Gospel, that is to say, Baptism, and the Supper of the Lord.  
Those five commonly called Sacraments, That is to say, Confirmation, Penance, Orders, Matrimony, and Extreme Unction, are not to be counted for Sacraments of the Gospel, being such as have grown partly of the corrupt following of the Apostles, partly are states of life allowed in the Scriptures, but yet have not like nature of Sacraments, with Baptism and the Lord's Supper, for that they have not any visible Sign or Ceremony ordained of God.  
The Sacraments were not ordained of Christ to be gazed on, or to be carried about, but that we should duly use them. And in such only as worthily receive the same, they have a wholesome effect or operation; but they that receive them unworthily, purchase to themselves damnation, as St. Paul saith.   by Sacraments very few in number, most easy to be kept, and of most excellent signification; that is to say, Baptism, and the Supper of the Lord.  
The Sacraments were not ordained of Christ to be gazed upon, or to be carried about, but that we should duly use them: And in such only as worthily receive the same, they have a wholesome effect or operation; not as some say, Ex opere operato, which terms, as they are strange and utterly unknown to the Holy Scripture, so do they yield a sense which savoureth of little Piety, but of much Superstition: but they that receive them unworthily, receive to themselves damnation.  
The Sacraments ordained by the word of God, be not only Badges or Tokens of Christian men's Profession; but rather they be certain sure Witnesses, effectual signs of Grace, and God's good Will towards us, by the which he doth work invisibly in us; and doth not only quicken, but also strengthen and confirm our Faith in him.   

XXVII. The Wickedness of the Ministers takes not away the Efficacy of Divine Institutions.  
Although in the Visible Church, the Evil be ever mingled with the Good, and sometimes the Evil have chief Authority in the ministration of the Word and Sacraments; yet forasmuch as they do not the same in their own Name, but in Christ's, and do minister by his Commission and Authority, we may use their Ministry both in hearing the Word of God, and in receiving of the Sacraments: Neither is the effect of Christ's Ordinance taken away by their wickedness, nor the Grace of God's Gifts diminished from such as by Faith rightly do receive the Sacrament, ministered unto them, which be effectual because of Christ's Institution and Promise, although they be ministered by evil Men.  
Nevertheless it appertaineth to the Discipline of the Church, that inquiry be made after 
* Evil Ministers.  them, and that they be accused by those that have knowledge of their Offences; and finally, being found guilty, by just judgement be deposed.   

XXVIII. Of Baptism.  
Baptism is not only a sign of Profession, and mark of Difference, whereby Christian Men are discerned from others that be not Christened; but it is also a sign of Regeneration, or New Birth, whereby, as by an Instrument, they that receive Baptism rightly, are grafted into the Church; the Promises of forgiveness of sin, and of our Adoption to be the Sons of God by the Holy Ghost, are visibly signed and sealed; Faith is confirmed, and Grace increased, by virtue of Prayer unto God. 
*— The Baptism of young Children is in any wise to be retained in the Church, as most agreeable to the Institution of Christ.  The Custom of the Church for baptising young Children, is both to be commended, and by all means to be retained in the Church.   

XXIX. Of the Lord's Supper.  
The Supper of the Lord, is not only a sign of the Love that Christians ought to have amongst themselves one to another; but rather it is a Sacrament of our Redemption by Christ's Death: Insomuch that to such as rightly, worthily, and with Faith receive the same, the Bread which we break▪ is a partaking of the Body of Christ, and likewise the Cup of Blessing, is a partaking of the Blood of Christ.  
Transubstantiation (or the change of the Substance of Bread and Wine) in the Supper of the Lord, cannot be proved by Holy Writ; 
* 
— but is repugnant to the plain words of Scripture, overthroweth the nature of a sacrament, and hath given occasion to many Superstitions.  
The Body of Christ is given, taken and eaten in the Supper, only after an Heavenly and Spiritual Manner, And the mean whereby the Body of Christ is received and eaten in the Supper, is Faith.   but it is repugnant to the plain words of Scripture, and hath given occasion to many Superstitions.  
Since the very Being of humane. Nature doth require, that the Body of one and the same Man, cannot be at one and the same time in many places, but of necessity must be in some certain and determinate place; therefore the Body of Christ cannot be present in many different places at the same time. And since (as the Holy Scriptures testify) Christ hath been taken up into Heaven, and there is to abide till the end of the World; it becometh not any of the Faithful to believe or profess, that there is a Real or Corporeal presence (as they phrase it) of the Body and Blood of Christ in the Holy Eucharist.  
The Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, was not by Christ's Ordinance reserved, carried about, lifted up, or worshipped.   

XXIX. Of the Wicked which eat not the Body of Christ in the Lord's Supper.  
The wicked, and such as be void of a lively Faith, although they do carnally and visibly press with their Teeth (as St. Augustine saith) the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ; yet in no wise are they partakers of Christ, but rather to their condemnation do eat and drink the Sign or Sacrament of so great a thing.  
XXX. Of both Kind's.] The Cup of the Lord is not to be denied to the Lay-people: For both the parts of the Lord's Sacrament (by Christ's Ordinance and Commandment) ought not to be ministered to all Christian People alike.   

XXX. Of the one Oblation of Christ finished upon the Cross.  
The Offering of Christ once made, is a perfect Redemption, Propitiation, and Satisfaction for all the Sins of the whole World, both Original and Actual, and there is none other Satisfaction for Sin but that alone: Wherefore the Sacrifices of Masses, in which it was commonly said, That the Priests did offer Christ for the Quick and the Dead, to have remission of Pain or Gild, were 
* blasphemous  Fables, and dangerous Deceits.   

XXXI. A single Life is imposed on none by the Word of God.  
Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, are not commanded by God's Law, either to vow the estate of a single Life, or to abstain from Marriage. 
Therefore it is lawful for them, as for all other Christian Men, to Marry at their own discretion, as they shall judge th● same to serve better to Godliness.    

XXXII. Excommunicated Persons are to be avoided.  
That Person which by open Denunciation of the Church, is rightly cut off from the Unity of the Church, and Excommunicated, aught to be taken of the whole Multitude of the Faithful, as an Heathen and Publican, until he be openly reconciled by Penance, and received into the Church, by a Judge that hath Authority thereunto.   

XXXIII. Of the Tradition of the Church.  
It is not necessary that Traditions and Ceremonies be in all places one and utterly alike; for at all times they have been divers, and may be changed according to the diversities of Countries, Times, and men's Manners, so that nothing be ordained against God's Word. Whosoever through his private judgement willingly and purposely doth openly break the Traditions and Ceremonies of the Church, which be not repugnant to the Word of God, and be ordained and reproved by common Authority, aught to be rebuked openly, (that others may fear to do the like) as he that offendeth against the common Order of the Church, and hurteth the Authority of the Magistrate, and woundeth the Consciences of the weak Brethren. 
Every Particular or National Church, hath Authority to ordain, change or abolish Ceremonies or Rites of the Church, ordained only by Man's Authority, so that all things be done to edifying.    

XXXIV. Of the Homilies.  


The second Book of Homilies, the several Titles whereof we have joined under this Article, doth contain a godly and wholesome Doctrine, and necessary for the Times; as doth the former Book of Homilies, which were set forth in the time of Edward the 6th: and therefore we judge them to be read in Churches by the Ministers, diligently and distinctly, that they may be understood of the People.  
The Names of the Homilies.  
Of the Right Use of the Church. Of Repairing Churches. Against the Peril of Idolatry. Of Good Works, etc.   The Homilies lately delivered and commended to the Church of England by the King's Injunctions, do contain a godly and wholesome Doctrine, and fit to be embraced by all Men; and for that cause they are diligently, plainly, and distinctly to be read to the People.   

XXXV. Of the Book of Common Prayer, and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England.  
The Book lately delivered to the Church of England by the Authority of the King and Parliament, containing the manner and form of public Prayer, and the Ministration of the Sacraments, 
The Book of Consecration of Arch-Bishops and Bishops, and ordering of Priests and Deacons, lately set forth in the time of King Edward the Sixth, and confirmed at the same time by Authority of Parliament, doth contain all things necessary to such Consecration and Ordering. Neither hath it any thing that of itself is superstitious and ungodly; And therefore whosoever are Consecrated and Ordered according to the Rites of that Book, since the second Year of the afore-named King Edward, unto this time, or hereafter shall be Consecrated or Ordered, according to the same Rites, we decree all such to be rightly, orderly, and lawfully Consecrated and Ordered.  in the said Church of England; as also the Book published by the same Authority for ordering Ministers in the Church, are both of them very pious, as to truth of Doctrine, in nothing contrary, but agreeable to the wholesome Doctrine of the Gospel, which they do very much promote and illustrate. And for that cause they are by all faithful Members of the Church of England, but chief of the Ministers of the Word, with all thankfulness and readiness of mind, to be received, approved, and commended to the People of God.   

XXXVI. Of the Civil Magistrates.  
The King of England is after Christ, 

The Queen's Majesty hath the chief Power in this Realm of England, and other her Dominions, unto whom the chief Government of all Estates of this Realm, whether they be Ecclesiastical or Civil, in all Cases doth appertain, and is not, nor aught to be subject to any Foreign Jurisdiction.  
Where we attribute to the Queen's Majesty the chief Government by which Titles we understand the minds of some slanderous Folks to be offended: We give not to our Princess the Ministry, either of God's Word, or of the Sacraments; the which thing the Injunctions lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen, do most plainly testify; but that only Prerogative, which we see to have been given always to all godly Princes, in holy Scriptures by God himself; that is, that they should rule all Estates committed to their charge by God, whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal, and restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and evil Doers.  
The Bishop of Rome hath no Jurisdiction in this Realm of England.  
The Laws of this Realm may punish Christian Men with Death, etc.   the Supreme Head on Earth of the Church of England and Ireland.  
The Bishop of Rome hath no Jurisdiction in this Realm of England.  
The Civil Magistrate is ordained and approved by God, and therefore is to be obeyed, not only for fear of Wrath, but for Conscience-sake.  
Civil or Temporal Laws may punish Christian Men with Death for heinous and grievous Offences.  
It is lawful for Christian Men, at the Commandment of the Magistrate, to wear Weapons, and to serve in the Wars.   

XXXVII. The Goods of Christians are not common.  
The Riches and Goods of Christians are not common, as touching the Right, Title, and Possession of the same, as certain Anabaptists do falsely boast. Notwithstanding every Man ought, of such things as he possesseth, liberally to give Alms to the Poor, according to his Ability.   

XXXVIII. It is lawful for a Christian to take an Oath.  
As we confess that vain and rash Swearing is forbidden Christian Men, by our Lord Jesus Christ, and James his Apostle; so we judge that Christian Religion doth not prohibit, but that a Man may swear when the Magistrate requireth, in a Cause of Faith and Charity, so it be done according to the Prophet's teaching, in Justice, Judgement, and Truth.  
These Articles were left out in Queen Elizabeth's Time.   

XXXIX. The Resurrection of the Dead is not passed already.  
The Resurrection of the Dead is not passed already, as if it belonged only to the Soul, which by the Grace of Christ is raised from the Death of Sin, but is to be expected by all Men in the last Day: for at that time (as the Scripture doth most apparently testify) the Dead shall be restored to their own Bodies, Flesh and Bones, to the end that Man, according as either righteously or wickedly he hath passed this Life, may, according to his Works, receive Rewards or Punishments.   

XL. The Souls of Men deceased, do neither perish with their Bodies.  
They who maintain that the Souls of Men deceased, do either sleep, without any manner of sense, to the Day of Judgement, or affirm that they die together with the Body, and shall be raised therewith at the last Day, do wholly differ from the Right Faith, and Orthodox Belief, which is delivered to us in the Holy Scriptures.   

XLI. Of the Millenarians.  
They who endeavour to revive the Fable of the Millenarians, are therein contrary to the Holy Scriptures, and cast themselves down headlong into Jewish Dotages.   

XLII. All Men not to be saved at last.  
They also deserve to be condemned, who endeavour to restore that pernicious Opinion, That all Men (though never so ungodly) shall at last be saved; when for a certain time, appointed by the Divine Justice, they have endured punishment for their Sins committed.    

Number 56. Instructions given by the King's Highness, to his right trusty and right wellbeloved Cousin and Counsellor, Francis Earl of Salop, and Lord Precedent of his Grace's Council, resident in the North Parts; and to all others hereafter named and appointed by his Highness to be of his said Council, to be observed by the said Counsellors, and every of them, according as the same hereafter is declared.  
FIrst, 
Ex MS. Dr. Johnson.  His Majesty much desiring the Quietness and good Governance of the People and Inhabitants in the North Parts of this Realm of England, and for the good, speedy, and indifferent administration of Justice to be there had, betwixt Party and Party, intendeth to continue in the same North Parts, his Right Honourable Council, called, The King's Majesty's Council in the North Parts. And his Highness knowing the approved Wisdom and Experience of his said Cousin, _____ with his assured discretion and dexterity in the Execution of Justice, hath appointed him to be Lord Precedent of the said Council; and by these Presents doth give unto him the Name of Lord Precedent of the said Council, with Power and Authority to call together all such as be, or hereafter shall be, named and appointed to be of the said Council at all times, when he shall think expedient: And otherwise by his Letters, to appoint them, and every of them, to do such things for the Advancement of Justice, and for the repression and punishment of Malefactors, as by the Advice of such of the said Council as then shall be present with him, he shall think meet, for the furtherance of his Grace's Affairs, and for the due Administration of Justice between his Highness' Subjects.  
And further, his Majesty giveth unto the said Lord Precedent, by these Presents, a Voice Negative in all Councils, where things shall be debated at length for the bringing forth of a most perfect Truth or Sentence, which his Highness would have observed in all Cases that may abide Advisement and Consultation, to the intent that doubtful Matters should as well be maturely consulted upon, as also that the same should not pass without the consent and order of the said Lord Precedent.  
And his Highness willeth and commandeth, that all and every of the said Councillors, named and to be named hereafter, shall exhibit and use to the said Lord Precedent, all such Honour, Reverend Behaviour, and Obedience, as to their Duty appertaineth; and shall receive and execute in like sort, all the Precepts and Commandments to them, or any of them, for any Matter touching his Majesty, to be addressed, or any Process to be done or served in his Grace's Name.  
And his Highness' Pleasure is, That the said Lord Precedent shall have the keeping of his Grace's Signet, therewith to Seal Letters, Processes, and all such other things as shall be thought convenient by the said Lord Precedent, or by two of the Council, being bound by those Articles, to daily attendance upon the said Lord Precedent, with his assent thereunto.  
And to the intent the said Lord President thus established, for the abovesaid Purposes, may be furnished with such Numbers and Assistants, as be of Wisdom, Experience, Gravity, and Truth, meet to have the Name of his Grace's Councillors; his Majesty, upon good advisement and deliberation, hath elected those Persons, whose Names ensue hereafter, to be his Counsellors, joined in the said Council in the North Parts, with the said Lord Precedent; that is to say, The right Trusty and wellbeloved Cousins, Henry Earl of Westmoreland, Henry Earl of Cumberland; his right Trusty and wellbeloved Cuthbert Bishop of Duresme; William Lord Dacres of the North; John Lord Conyers; Thomas Lord Wharton; John Hind Kt. one of his Majesty's Justices of the Common-Pleas; Edmond Moleneux Kt. Sergeant at Law; Henry Savel Kt. Robert Bowes Kt. Nicholas Fairfax Kt. George Conyers Kt. Leonard Becquith Kt. William Babthorp Kt. Anthony Nevil Kt. Thomas Gargrave Kt. Robert Mennel Sergeant at Law; Anthony Bellasis Esquire; John Rockely Doctor of Law; Robert Chaloner, Richard Morton, and Thomas Eymis, Esquires.  
And his Highness, by these Presents, doth appoint the said Thomas Eymis to be Secretary to the said Council, diligently and obediently to exercise the same Room as he shall be appointed by the said Lord Precedent, or by two of the Council, whereof the one to be of the Quorum, with the assent of the Lord Precedent. And his Highness' Pleasure is, That the said Lord Precedent, and two others of the said Council, being of the Quorum, shall be sworn Masters of the Chancery, to the intent that every of them may take recognizance in such Cases, as by the said Lord Precedent, or by two of the said Council, being of the Quorum, shall be thought convenient, and the Case so requiring. All which number of Councillors before specified, as his Majesty doubteth not but that they, and every of them, according to his Grace's expectation and trust reposed in them, will be, at all times, diligent and willing towards, and ready to do unto his Grace such Service as they can devise or imagine may be best to his contentation, and to the discharge of their Duties towards his Highness, leaving apart all Respects and Affections in all Matters that may touch their nighest Kinsman, Friend, Servant, Tenant, or others, when the same shall come in question before the same Lord President and Council. So his Grace trusteth that every of the same will have such regard to Malefactors as appertaineth, and to bring all such unto the said Lord President and Council, when they shall be thereunto appointed, or may otherwise do it of themselves; informing the said Lord President and Council of their Offences, as the same shall happen, in place where they have Rule and Authority, within the limits of their Commission.  
And forsomuch as it should be very chargeable to many of the said Councillors, if they should continually attend upon the said Lord President & Council, therefore his Highness, of his Grace's Goodness, minding to ease that Charge, and to instruct every of the said Councillors how to demean themselves for their Attendance; that is to wit, who shall be bound to continual Attendance upon the same Council, and who shall attend but at times most requisite, at their pleasures, unless the same Lord Precedent shall require them to remain for a time, for some weighty Affairs or Purposes; the which Requests in such Cases, every of them shall accomplish. His Majesty therefore ordaineth that his Cousins, the Earls of Westmoreland and Cumberland; the Bishop of Duresme, the Lord Dacres, the Lord Conyers, the Lord Wharton, Sir John Hind, Sir Edmond Molineux, Sir Henry Savell, Sir Nicholas Fairfax, George Conyers, Anthony Nevil, Knights; Robert Mennel Sergeant at Law; Anthony Bellasis, John Rockbey Doctor of Law, and Richard Norton, shall not be bound to continual Attendance, but to go and come at their pleasures, unless they be required by the said Lord Precedent to remain with him for a time, for some weighty and great Causes which then they shall accomplish.  
And further, his Grace's Pleasure is, that they shall be present at such of the general Sittings as shall be kept near unto their dwelling Places, and at other Sittings and Places, where they shall be commanded by the said L. Precedent, all Excuses set apart as appertaineth. And because it shall be convenient that a Number shall be continually abiding with the said L. Precedent, with whom he may consult and commit the Charge and Hearing of such Matters as shall be exhibited unto him for the more expedition of the same, his Highness, by these Presents, doth ordain, that Sir Robert Bowes, Sir William Babthorp, Sir Leonard Becquith, Sir Thomas Gargrave, Knights; Robert Chaloner, and Thomas Eymis Secretary, Esquires, shall give their continual attendance on the said Lord Precedent, or at the least two of them; and that none of them, appointed to continual Attendance on the said Lord Precedent, shall departed at any time from him, without his special Licence, and the same not to exceed above six weeks at one season.  
And his Highness, by these Presents, for the better entertainment of the said Lord President and Council of both sorts, when they are, or any of them shall be present, doth give a yearly Stipend of 1000 l. by the Year to the said Lord Precedent, towards the Furniture of the Diet of himself and the rest of the said Councillors, with such number of Servants as hereafter shall be appointed and allowed to every of them; that is to wit, every Knight, being bound to continual Attendance, four Servants; and every Esquire, being bound to like Attendance, three Servants. And his Highness ordaineth every of the said Councillors, to sit with the said Lord Precedent at his Table, or in some other place in his House, to be by him conveniently prepared for their Degrees and Behaviours; and their Servants allowed, as is before-said, to have Sitting and Diet in the said Lord President's Hall, or in some other convenient place in his House.  
And further, his Highness, of his mere Goodness, and great Benignity, for the better entreatment, as well of such of the said Council as be not well able to forbear their own Affairs, and attend upon the said Council, without further help for the charge of the Horse-meat and Lodgings, when they shall attend in Council to serve his Highness. As for such others that might better themselves with their Learning and Policies, if they were not detained there about his Grace's Affairs, doth by these Presents limit and appoint, to divers of the aforesaid Councillors hereafter named, certain particular Fees, as ensueth; that is to say, To Sir Robert Bowes Kt. in respect of his Attendance, and towards his Horse-meat and other Charges, an hundred Marks yearly; to Sir William Babthorp Kt. for the like, 50 l. yearly; to Sir Leonard Becquith, for the like causes, an 100 Marks yearly; to Sir Thomas Gargrave Kt. for the like, 50 l. yearly; to Robert Chaloner Esquire, for the like, 50 l. yearly; to Richard Norton Esq; for his Fee, 40 l. to Thomas Eymis Secretary, for the like yearly Fee, 33 l. 6 s. 8 d. And further, his Grace doth appoint one Messenger to serve the said Council, who shall give continual attendance upon the said Lord Precedent, and have his Meat, Drink, and Lodging, in the said Lord Presidents, House, and to have yearly for his Fee, 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. And further, his Grace's pleasure is, That the said 1000 l. for the Lord Precedent, and all the said other Fees, shall be paid yearly at the Feasts of the Annunciation of our Lady, and St. Michael the Archangel, by even Portions, of the Revenues of his Grace's Lands in those parts; and that for that purpose an Assignment and Warrant to be made to the Receiver General of his Grace's Revenues there.  
And to furnish the said Lord President and Council in all things with Authority sufficient to execute Justice, as well in Causes Criminal, as in Matters of Controversy between Party and Party, his Majesty hath commanded and appointed two Commissions to be made out, under his Grace's Great Seal of England, by virtue whereof they shall have full Power and Authority in either Case, to proceed as the Matter occurrent shall require.  
And for the more speedy expedition to be used in all causes of Justice, his Majesty's Pleasure is, That the said Lord President and Council, shall cause every Complainant and Defendant that shall have to do before them, to put and declare their whole Matter in their Bill of Complaint and Answer, without Replication, Rejoinder, or other Plea or Delay to be had or used therein; which Order the said L. Precedent and Council shall manifest unto all such as shall be Councillors in any Matter to be entreated and defined before them; charging and commanding the said Councillors and Pleaders to observe this Order upon such Penalties as they shall think convenient, as they will eschew the danger of the same; and not in any ways to break it, without the special Licence of the said Lord Precedent, and that only in some special Causes.  
And further, his Highness, by these Presents, doth give full Power and Authority to the said Lord President and Council, as well to punish such Persons as in any thing shall neglect, contemn, or disobey their Commandments, or the Process of the Council, as all other that shall speak seditious Words, invent Rumours, or commit suchlike Offences, (not being Treason) whereof any Inconvenience might grow, by Pillory, cutting their Ears, wearing of Papers, Imprisonment, or otherwise at their Discretions. And the said L. Precedent and Council, at their discretions, shall appoint Counsellors, and other Requisites, to poor Suitors having no Money, without paying Fees or other things for the same. And his Highness giveth full Power and Authority to the said L. Precedent & Council being with him, or four of them at the least; whereof the said L. Precedent, Sir John Hind, Sir Edmond Molineux, Sir Robert Bowes, Sir Leonard Becquith, Sir Anthony Nevil, Sir Thomas Gargrave, Knights; Robert Mennell, and Robert Chaloner, to be two with the Lord Precedent, to assess Fines of all Persons that shall be convict or indicted of any Riot, how many soever they be in number, unless the Matter of such Riot shall be thought unto them of such importance, as the same shall be meet to be signified unto his Majesty, to be punished in such sort, by the Order of his Council attending upon his Grace's Person, as the same may be noted for an Example to others. And his Grace giveth full Power and Authority to the said Lord President and Council, or four of them at the least, whereof the Lord President and two others bond to continual Attendance; to be three to Award and Assess Costs and Damages, as well to the Plaintiffs as to the Defendants, by their discretions, and to award execution of their Decrees and Orders; and to punish the breakers of the same, being Parties thereunto, by their discretions: All which Decrees and Orders, the Secretary shall be bound incontinently, upon the promulgation of the same, to write, or cause to be written, in one fair Book, which shall remain in the hands and custody of the said Lord Precedent.  
And to the intent it may appear to all Persons there, what Fees shall be paid and taken for all Processes and Writings to be used by the said Council, his Majesty therefore appointeth, that there shall be a Table affixed in every place where the said Lord President and Council shall sit, at any Sessions; and a like Table to hang openly, that all Men may see it, in the Office where the said Secretary and the Clerks shall commonly sit and expedite the said Writings; wherein shall be declared what shall be paid for the same. That is to say, For every Recognisance, wherein one alone or more standeth bounden: 12 d. for the cancelling of every like Recognisance, 12 d. For the entering of every Decree, 6 d. for the Copy of the same if it be asked, 6 d. For every Letter, Commission, Attachment, or other Precept or Process sent to any Person, 4 d. For every Dismission before the said Council (if it be asked) 4 d. For the Copies of Bills, and Answers, and other Pleas, for every ten lines, reasonably writ, 1 d. for the Examination of every Witness, 4 d. And his Grace's Pleasure is, That the Examination of Witnesses, produced in Matters before the said Council, shall be examined by such discreet Person and Persons, as shall be thought convenient and meet by the said Lord Precedent, and two of the said Council, bound to continual Attendance; and that the said Lord Precedent, with suchlike two of the said Council, shall reform, appoint, and allow such Persons to write Bills, Answers, Copies, or other Process in that Court, as they shall think convenient, over and beside the said Secretary and his two Clerks; which Clerks also, the said Lord President and Council shall reform and correct, as they shall have cause and occasion. In which Reformation and Appointments, the said Lord Precedent shall have a Voice Negative.  
And for the more certain and brief determination of Matters in those parts, his Majesty, by these Presents, ordaineth, that the said Lord President and Council shall keep four general Sittings or Sessions in the Year, every of them to continue by the space of one whole Month; whereof one to be at York; another at Kingston upon Hull; one at Newcastle; and another at Duresme; within the limits whereof, the Matters rising there shall be ordered and decreed, if they conveniently so may be. And they shall, in every of the same Places, keep one Goal Delivery; before their departure from thence, his Grace nevertheless referring it to their Discretions, to take and appoint such other Place and Places for their said four general Sittings, as they, or the said Lord Precedent, with three of the Council, bounden to continual Attendance, shall think most convenient for the time and purpose; so that they keep the full term of one Month in every such place, if they may in any wise conveniently so do.  
And forsomuch as a great number of his Majesty's Tenants and Farmers have been heretofore retained with sundry Persons by Wages, Livery, Badge, or Connysance; by reason whereof, when his Grace should have had service of them, they were rather at Commandment of other Men, than (according to their Duties of Allegiance) of his Highness of whom they have their Live; his Majesty's Pleasure, and express Commandment is, That none of his said Council, nor others, shall by any means retain or entertain any of his Grace's Tenants, or Farmers in such sort, as they, or any of them, should account themselves bounden to do him or them any other Service, than as to his Highness' Officers, having Office, or being appointed in Service there: unless the same Farmers and Tenants be continually attendant in the House of him that shall retain them. And the said Lord President and Council, shall, in every their General Sittings, give special notice and charge, That no Nobleman, nor other, shall retain any of the said Tenants and Farmers, otherwise than is aforesaid. Charging also the said Farmers and Tenants, upon pain of the forfeiture of their Farms and Holds, and incurring of his Majesty's further Displeasure and Indignation, in no wise to agree to any such Retainers, other than is before-said, but wholly to depend upon his Highness, and upon such as his Highness hath, or shall appoint to be Officers, Rulers, or Directors over them.  
And his Grace's Pleasure further is, That in every such Sitting, and in all other Places where the said Lord President and Council shall have any notable Assemblies before them, they shall give straight Charge and Commandment to the People, to conform themselves in all things to the observation of such Laws, Ordinances, and Determinations, as be made, passed, and agreed upon by his Grace's Parliament touching Religion, and the most Godly Service, set forth in their own Mother Tongue, for their Comforts: And likewise to the Laws touching the abolishing of the usurped and pretended Power of the Bishop of Rome, whose Abuses they shall so beat into their Heads, by continual inculcation, as they may smell and understand the same; and may perceive the same to be declared with their Hearts, and not with their Tongues only for a form.  
And likewise they shall declare the Order and Determination taken and agreed upon, for the Abrogation of certain vain Holy Days, being appointed by the Bishop of Rome to blind the World; and to persuade the same, that they might make Saints at their pleasures; and thereby, through idleness, do give occasion of the increase of many and great Vices and Inconveniences: which Points his Majesty doth earnestly require, and straight command, the said Lord President and Council, to set forth with all dexterity, and to punish extremely, for example, all Offenders in the same.  
And his Majesty willeth the said Council, as he doubteth not but they will most earnestly set forth all such other Things and Matters, as for the confirmation of the People in those Matters, and other the King's Majesty's Proceed, and things convenient to be remembered, be, or shall be set forth or devised, and sent unto them for that purpose.  
Further, his Highness' Pleasure is, That the said Lord President and Council shall, from time to time, make diligent inquisition of the wrongful taking in and enclosing of Commons, and other Grounds, and who be extreme therein; and in taking and exacting of unreasonable Fines and Gressomes, and overing or raising of Rents; and to call the Parties that have so evil used themselves therein before them; and leaving all Respects and Affections apart, they shall take such order for the Redresses of Enormities used in the same, as the poor People be not oppressed; but that they may live after their Sorts and Qualities.  
And if it shall chance that the said Lord President and Council shall vary in Opinion, either in the Law, or for any Order to be taken in any Matter or Fact before them, if the case be of very great Weight and Importance, than the Opinion of the greater, or more part of the number of Counsellors appointed to give continual attendance, shall take place, and determine the Doubt; and if they be of like like number of Counsellors, bounden to continual Attendance, than that Party whereunto the Lord Precedent shall give his Assent, shall be followed and take place. And if the Case and Matter be of great Importance, and the Question of the Law, than the Lord President and Council shall signify the Case and Matter to the Judges at Westminster, who shall, with diligence, advertise them again of their Opinions therein. And if the Matter be of great Importance, and an Order to be taken upon the Fact, than the said Lord President and Council, attendant upon his Person upon the same, whereupon they shall have knowledge again how to use themselves in that behalf.  
And the said Lord President and Council shall take special regard, upon complaint of Spoil, Extortions, or Oppressions, to examine the same speedily, that the Party grieved may have due and undelayed Remedy and Restitution. And for want of Ability in the Offenders thereunto, they to be punished to the Example of others. And if any Man, of what degree soever he be, shall, upon a good, lawful, and reasonable Cause or Matter, and so appearing to the Lord President and Council, by Information, or otherwise, demand Surety of Peace or Justice against any great Lord or Nobleman of that Country, the said Lord President and Council shall, in that case, grant the Petition of the poorest Man, against the richest or greatest Lord, being of the Council or no, as they should grant the same (being lawfully asked) against Men of the meanest sort, degree, and behaviour.  
And forasmuch as it may chance, the said Lord Precedent to be sometime diseased, that he shall not be able to travel, for the direction of such Matters as then shall occur; or to be called to the Parliament, or otherwise to be employed in the King's Majesty's Affairs, or about other Business, for good Reformation or Order within his Rule, or for other reasonable cause by his discretion; To the intent therefore that the said Council may be and remain ever full and perfect, and that they may be at all times in the same, one Person to direct and use all things in such and the same order, sort, and form, as the said Lord Precedent should and might do, by virtue of the afore-said's Commissions, and these Instructions, his Majesty's Pleasure is, That when the said Lord Precedent shall be so diseased, absent, or letted, as is before-said, that he cannot conveniently supply his room himself, that then he shall name and appoint one of the said Commissioners, being appointed, to give continual attendance to supply his Room for that season, during his said Disease, Absence, or Let; and shall deliver the Signet to the Person so appointed to keep, during the same time. And the King's Highness, during the same time, giveth unto the said Person so appointed, the Name of Vicepresident; which Name nevertheless he shall no longer continue, than during the time that the said Lord Precedent shall so be sick, absent, or letted, as is before-said. And his Majesty's Pleasure is, That for the time only, that any of the said Council, as is before-said, shall occupy the said Room and Place as a Vicepresident, that all the rest of the Council shall in all things use him in like sort, and with like reverence, as they be bound by those Injunctions to use the Lord President himself; whereunto his Grace doubteth not but every of them will conform themselves accordingly.  
And further, his Majesty by these Presents giveth full Power and Authority to the said Lord President and Council, That when the Condition of any Recognisance taken before them shall be fulfilled, they shall in open Court cause the same to be canceled for the discharge of the Parties: Provided that no Recognisance be in any wise canceled but before the Lord Precedent, or Vicepresident, and three others at the least, sitting in open Court with him.  
And further, his Highness ordaineth, That no Attorney shall take, in one Sitting or Sessions, for one Matter, above 12 d. nor no Counsellor above 20 d.  
The rest are wanting.   

Number 57 The Memorial of the Charge committed by the King's Majesty to Sir Richard Morison Kt. his Majesty's Ambassador with the Emperor, the 24th of September. An Original.  
FIrst, You Sir Richard Morison shall, with all diligence, 
Galba. B. 12.  procure Audience of our good Brother the Emperor; and at your access to him, deliver our Letters of Credence herewith sent to you, with our most hearty Commendations, and earnest Declaration, That we be most glad to have understanding of his good Estate and Health. After the same Delivery and Salutation, you shall further say, That We understanding his good and honourable Advancement towards his Low Countries, to the great comfort of the same. And having also the same love and goodwill towards the prosperous success of his said Countries, that our late Father, and our other Progenitors have had these many Years passed, have willed you expressly in our Names, to congratulate this his coming thitherward, and to show him, that the good Success which We wish to him, and his Affairs and Enterprises, is as much as We would to ourselves, and our own Countries and Patrimonies.  
Item. When you shall have opened thus much, with as good words as you may devise, ye shall begin to descend to this that followeth, using therein your earnestness and frankness, as ye shall see by the former say, occasion given to you by our said Brother's Acceptation thereof, either by his good Words, or other behaviour in his Gesture. Ye shall say, that where we have lately understood of the great Murders, Spoils, and Cruelties done and committed, both in Hungary, and upon the Coasts of Naples, and in other parts of Italy, by the Turks, the old common Enemy, to the Name and Religion of all Christianity. Likeas We cannot but from our very Heart lament the same, so We will, for our part, as may be thought expedient for the well-publick of Christendom, show ourselves willing to accord with our said good Brother, and other Christian Princes and States, for the repulse of the said Turk. And if any such good means may, by the great Wisdom and policy of our said good Brother the Emperor, be thought good and devised, to bring the same to some good purpose and effect; We for our part will show ourselves so ready and wellwilling thereto, as our said good Brother shall well perceive, that We have not only that Zeal to the Conservation and Surety of Christendom, which in a Christian Prince is duly required; but also such consideration and regard to our said good Brother, and our ancient Amity with the House of Burgundy, as to Honour and Reason appertaineth.  
Thus much being declared in such good sort, as you shall see occasion doth require; We would that you should stay and pause awhile, as it were, looking for some answer to be made hereto by our said good Brother; and if you shall perceive he taketh it in thankful part, then may you entertain the Talk modestly, with such good words as may seem to your wisdom best to confirm our good Affection to the continuance of the Amity, and our great Offence and Grief, with the entry of the Turks in Christendom.  
And if you shall perceive that the Emperor doth in so good part receive this our Overture, that he shall show himself willing to enter any further Talk, or devise for the further proceeding in the same, you may, as of yourself, show your readiness and goodwill to do all that you any ways well may, as a good Minister, for the bringing this Purpose to some profitable effect; which you may say, in your own Opinion, shall the better take good entry and success, if by some special Man to be sent hither, We might understand more fully Our said good Brother's Mind in this Matter.  
Item. If ye shall perceive that the Emperor doth not regard this Overture, either in not liking the Matter itself, or not so regarding our Amity as Reason would, and as it is on our part offered, then may you use yourself, more coldly, and diminish the declaration of Our earnestness, in like sort as Our said Brother showeth himself; and conclude, that thus having done the Message committed to your Charge, you will leave the consideration hereof to him as he shall think good.  
And if in the opening of the Premises, Our said Brother shall make any mention or interpretation against the French King, referring the Turks Invasions to the said French King as some occasion thereof; and so shall demand directly or indirectly, whether this our Overture be meant to extend against the French King, or any others of Christian Name that shall join in League or Amity with the said Turks. You may thereto say, That you had no more in charge presently than ye have said; and therefore for further opening of our Mind therein, you think the same might be best had here.  
And if at any time of this your Talk, our said Brother shall gather occasion to ask you, What We will do for giving Aid against these Invasions made by the French King upon the Low Countries? You may answer, you have nothing to say therein, but that you think the Answer that was declared to his Ambassador here resident upon the Letters sent to Us from our good Sister the Queen of Hungary, hath both been signified to him long before his time; and also as ye trust in reason contented Her. And in this Point, although ye know what was answered, yet would we not ye should enter into the dispute thereof, meaning in this and the rest of things to be treated with our said Brother, that ye would rather procure the sending of some special Man hither, than to treat any thing by his Ambassador here, who hitherto hath not appeared the fittest Man to increase or enlarge the Amity betwixt Us and our said Brother.  
Finally, Our Pleasure is, That you shall, in the execution of this present Charge, wholly extend your good Policy and Wisdom, to mark and well-advise all such words of moment, as the Emperor shall utter to you in this Talk, by what Order, Behaviour, Gesture, or other passion of Joy or Grief the same shall be spoken, so as We may simply, plainly, and very orderly have the true Declaration thereof from you; wherein We desire so express and special a report of this Matter, as upon the same We may better conceive what shall be expedient, to be further done in this and other our weighty Affairs.  

Winchester.  
Northumberland.  
J. Bedford.  
F. Huntingdon.  
E. Clinton.  
W. Northampton.  
J. Cobham.  
T. Darcy.  
Richard Cotton.  
John Gate.    

Number 58. A Letter written by B. Ridley, setting out the Sins of that Time.  
To his Wellbeloved, the Preachers within the Diocese of London.  
AFter hearty Commendations, having regard, especially at this time, 
Regist. Ridl. Fol. 239.  to the Wrath of God, who hath plagued us diversely, and now with extreme punishment of sudden Death poured upon us, for Causes certain, known unto his high and secret Judgement, and as may seem unto Man for our wicked living; daily increasing unto such sort, that not only in our Conversations the Fear of God is, alas, far gone from before our Eyes, but also the World is grown into that uncharitableness, that one, as it appeareth plainly, goeth about to devour another; moved with insatiable Covetousness, both contrary to God's Word and Will, and to the extreme peril and damnation of Christ's Flock, bought so dearly with his precious Blood, and to the utter destruction of this whole Common Wealth, except God's Anger be shortly appeased: wherein, as according to my bounden Duty I shall, God willing, in my own Person be diligent and labour; so I exhort and require you, first in God's Name, and by authority of him committed unto me in that behalf, and also in the King's Majesty's Name, from whom I have Authority and special Commandment thus to do, That as you are called to be setters forth of God's Word, and to express in your live the same, so now in your Exhortations and Sermons, you do most wholsomely and earnestly tell unto Men their Sins, Juxta illud anuncia populo meo scelera eorum, with God's punishments lately poured upon us for the same, now before our Eyes: and specially to beat down and destroy, with all your Power and Wit, that greedy and devouring Serpent of Covetousness, that doth so now universally reign: calling upon God for Repentance, and provoking to Common Prayer, and amendment of life, with most earnest Petitions, that hereby God's Hands may be stayed, the World amended, and obedience of Subjects, and faithfulness of Ministers declared accordingly. Thus I bid you hearty well to far.  
From London, July 25. 1551. Yours in Christ, Nic. London.   

Number 59 Bishop Ridley's Letter to the Protector, concerning the Visitation of the University of Cambridg.  
Right Honourable,  
I Wish your Grace the holy and wholesome Fear of God, because I am persuaded your Grace's Goodness to be such unfeignedly, that even wherein your Grace's Letters doth sore blame me, yet in the same the advertisement of the Truth shall not displease your Grace; and also perceiving that the cause of your Grace's discontentation was wrong Information, therefore I shall beseech your Grace to give me leave to show your Grace, wherein it appeareth to me that your Grace is wrong informed.  
Your Grace's Letters blameth me, because I did not (at the first, before the Visitation began, having knowledge of the Matter) show my Mind; the Truth is, Before God, I never had, nor could get any foreknowledge of the Matter, of the uniting of the two Colleges, before we had begun, and had entered two days in the Visitation, and that your Grace may plainly thus well perceive.  
A little before Easter, I being at Rochester, received Letters from Mr. Secretary Smith, and the Dean of Paul's, to come to the Visitation of the University, and to make a Sermon at the beginning thereof; whereupon I sent immediately a Servant up to London, to the Dean of Paul's, desiring of him to have had some knowledge of things there to be done, because I thought it meet that my Sermon should somewhat have savoured of the same.  
From Mr. Dean I received a Letter, instructing me only, That the cause of the Visitation was, to abolish Statutes and Ordinances, which maintained Papistry, Superstition, Blindness and Ignorance; and to establish and set forth, such as might further God's Word and good Learning; and else, the Truth is, he would show me nothing, but bade me be careless, and said, There was Informations how all things was for to be done; the which, I take God to Witness, I did never see, nor could get knowledge what they were, before we were entered in the Visitation two days, although I desired to have seen them in the beginning.  
Now, when I had seen the Instructions, the Truth is, I thought peradventure, the Master and Company would have surrendered up their College; but when their consent, after labour and travel taken therein two days, could not be obtained, and then we began secretly to consult (all the Commissioners thinking it best that every Man should say his Mind plainly, that in execution there might appear but one way to be taken of all) there when it was seen to some, that without the consent of the present Incumbents, by the King's absolute Power, we might proceed to the uniting of the two Colleges, I did, in my course simply and plainly declare my Conscience, and that there only secretly, among ourselves alone, with all kind of softness, so that no Man could be justly offended. Also, I perceive, by your Grace's Letters, I have been noted of some for my barking there; and yet to bark, lest God should be offended, I cannot deny, but indeed it is a part of my Profession, for God's Word condemneth the dumb Dogs that will not bark and give warning of God's Displeasure.  
As for that that was suggested to your Grace, that by my aforesaid barking, I should dishonour the King's Majesty, and dissuade others from the Execution of the King's Commission, God is my Judge, I intended, according to my Duty to God & the King, the maintenance and defence of his Highness Royal Honour and Dignity. If that be true, that I believe is true, which the Prophet saith, Honour Regis Judicium diligit; and as the Commissioners must needs, and I am sure will all testify, that I dissuaded no Man, but contrariwise, exhorted every Man (with the quiet of other) to satisfy their own Conscience; desiring only, that if it should otherwise be seen unto them, that I might, either by my absence or silence, satisfy mine. The which my plainness, when some, otherwise than according to my expectation did take, I was moved thereupon (both for the good Opinion I had, and yet have, in your Grace's Goodness; and also specially, because your Grace had commanded me so to do) to open my mind, by my private Letters, freely unto your Grace.  
And thus I trust your Grace perceiveth now, both that anon, after knowledge had, I did utter my Conscience; and also that the Matter was not opened unto me before the Visitation was two days begun.  
If in this I did amiss, that before the knowledge of the Instructions, I was ready to grant to the Execution of the Commission; Truly, I had rather herein acknowledge my Fault, and submit myself to your Grace's Correction, then after knowledge had, then wittingly and willingly commit that thing whereunto my Conscience doth not agree, for fear of God's displeasure.  
It is a Godly Wish that is wished in your Grace's Letters, that Flesh, and Blood, and Country, might not more weigh with some Men than Godliness and Reason; but the truth is, Country in this Matter (whatsoever some Men do suggest unto your Grace) shall not move me; and that your Grace shall well perceive, for I shall be as ready, as any other, first thence to expel some of my own Country, if the Report which is made of them can be tried true.  
And as for that your Grace saith of Flesh and Blood, that is the favour or fear of Mortal Man. Yea, marry Sir, that is a Matter of weight indeed, and the truth is, (alas my own feebleness) of that I am afraid; but I beseech your Grace, yet once again, give me good leave, wherein here I fear my own frailty, to confess the Truth.  
Before God, there is no Man this day, (leaving the King's Majesty for the Honour only excepted) whose favour or displeasure I do either seek or fear, as your Grace's favour or displeasure; for of God, both your Grace's Authority, and my bond Duty for your Grace's Benefits bind me so to do. So that if the desire of any Man's favour, or fear of displeasure, should weigh more with me than Godliness and Reason.  
Truly, if I may be bold to say the Truth, I must needs say, that I am most in danger to offend herein, either for desire of your Grace's favour, or for fear of your Grace's displeasure. And yet I shall not cease (God willing) daily to pray God so to stay and strengthen my frailty with holy Fear, that I do not commit the thing for favour or fear of any Mortal Man, whereby my Conscience may threaten me with the loss of the favour of the Living God, but that it may please him, of his gracious Goodness, (howsoever the World goes) to blow this in the Ears of my Heart, Deus dissipavit ossa eorum qui Hominibus placuerint. And this, Horrendum est incidere in manus Dei viventis. And again, Nolite timere eos qui occidunt corpus.  
Wherefore I most humbly beseech your Grace, for God's Love, not to be offended with me, for renewing of this my Suit unto your Grace, which is that whereunto my Conscience cannot well agree; if any such thing chance in this Visitation, I may, with your Grace's Favour, have licence, either by mine absence or silence, or other-like means, to keep my Conscience quiet. I wish your Grace, in God, honour, and endless felicity,  
From Pembrook-Hall in Cambridg, June 1. 1549. Your Grace's humble and daily Orator, Nich. Roffen.   

Number 60. The Protector's Answer to the former Letter.  

Ex Chartophylac. Kegio.  AFter our right hearty Commendations to your Lordship, we have received your Letters of the first of June, again replying to those which we last sent unto you. And as it appeareth, ye yet remaining in your former Request, desires, if things do occur so, that, according to your Conscience, ye cannot do them, that you might absent yourself, or otherwise keep silence. We w●uld be loath any thing should be done by the King's Majesty's Visitors, otherwise than Right and Conscience might allow and approve: And Visitation is to direct things to the better, not to the worse; to ease Consciences, not to clog them. Marry, we would wish that Executors thereof should not be scrupulous in Conscience, otherwise than Reason would. Against your Conscience, it is not our will to move you, as we would not gladly do, or move any Man to that which is against Right and Conscience; and we trust the King's Majesty hath not in this Matter. And we think in this ye do much wrong, and much discredit the other Visitors, that ye should seem to think and suppose, that they would do things against Conscience. We take them to be Men of that Honour and Honesty, that they will not. My Lord of Canterbury hath declared unto us, that this maketh partly a Conscience unto you, that Divines should be diminished. That can be no cause; for, first, the same was met before in the late King's Time, to unite the two Colleges together; as we are sure ye have heard, and Sir Edward North can tell: And for that cause, all such as were Students of the Law, out of the new-erected Cathedral Church, were disappointed of their Live, only reserved to have been in that Civil College. The King's Hall being in manner all Lawyers, Canonists were turned and joined to Michael-House, and made a College of Divines, wherewith the number of Divines was much augmented, civilians diminished. Now at this present also, if in all other Colleges, where Lawyers be by the Statutes, or the King's Injunctions, ye do convert them, or the more part of them, to Divines, ye shall rather have more Divines upon this change than ye had before. The King's College should have six Lawyers; Jesus College some; the Queen's College, and other, one or two apiece. And as we are informed, by the late King's Injunctions, every College in Cambridg one at the least; all these together do make a greater in number, than the Fellows of Clare-Hall be, and they now made Divines, and the Statutes in that reformed Divinity shall not be diminished in number of Students, but increased, as appeareth, although these two Colleges be so united. And we are sure ye are not ignorant, how necessary a Study that Study of Civil Law is to all Treaties with Foreign Princes and Strangers, and how few there be at this present to do the King's Majesty's Service therein. For we would the increase of Divines, as well as you. Marry, Necessity compelleth us also to maintain the Science; and we require you, my Lord, to have consideration how much you do hinder the King's Majesty's Proceed in that Visitation, if now you, who are one of the Visitors, should thus draw back and discourage the other, ye should much hinder the whole Do; and peradventure that thing known, maketh the Master and Fellows of Clare-Hall to stand the more obstinate; wherefore we require you to have regard of the King's Majesty's Honour, and the quiet performings of that Visitation, most to the Glory of God, and Benefit of that University; the which thing is only meant in your Instructions. To the performing of that, and in that manner, we can be content you use your Do as ye think best, for the quieting of your Conscience. Thus we bid you right-heartily farewell.  
From Richmond, the 10th of June, 1549. Your loving Friend, E. Somerset.   

Number 61. A Letter of Cranmers to King Henry the 8th, concerning a further Reformation, and against Sacrilege.  

Ex Chartophylac. Regio.  IT may please your Highness to be advertised; that forasmuch as I might not tarry myself at London, because I had appointed, the next day after that I departed from your Majesty, to be at Rochester, to meet the next Morning all the Commissioners of Kent at Sittingbourn; therefore the same Night that I returned from Hampton-Court to Lambeth, I sent for the Bishop of Worcester incontinently, and declared unto him all your Majesty's Pleasure, in such things as your Majesty willed me to be done. And first, where your Majesty's Pleasure was, to have the Names of such Persons as your Highness, in times past, appointed to make Laws Ecclesiastical for your Grace's Realm. The Bishop of Worcester promised me, with all speed, to inquire out their Names, and the Book which they made, and to bring the Names, and also the Book, unto your Majesty; which I trust he hath done before this time.  
And as concerning the ringing of Bells upon Alhallow-day at Night, and covering of Images in Lent, and creeping to the Cross, he thought it necessary that a Letter of your Majesty's Pleasure therein, should be sent by your Grace unto the two Arch-Bishops; and we to send the same to all other Prelates within your Grace's Realm. And if it be your Majesty's Pleasure so to do, I have for more speed herein drawn a Minute of a Letter, which your Majesty may alter at your Pleasure. Nevertheless, in my Opinion, when such things be altered or taken away, there would be set forth some Doctrine therewith, which should declare the Cause of the Abolishing or Alteration, for to satisfy the Conscience of the People: For if the Honouring of the Cross, as creeping and kneeling thereunto be taken away, it shall seem to many that be ignorant, that the Honour of Christ is taken away, unless some good teaching be set forth withal to instruct them sufficiently therein; which if your Majesty command the Bishops of Worcester and Chichester, with other your Grace's Chaplains to make, the People shall obey your Majesty's Commandment willingly; giving thanks to your Majesty that they know the Truth, which else they would obey with murmuration and grudging. And it shall be a satisfaction unto all other Nations, when they shall see your Majesty do nothing but by the Authority of God's Word, and to the setting forth of God's Honour, and not diminishing thereof. And thus Almighty God keep your Majesty in his Preservation and Governance.  
From my Manor at Beckisbourn, the 24th of January, 45. Your Grace's most bounden Chaplain and Beadsman.   

POSTSCRIPT.  
I Beseech your Majesty, that I may be a Suitor unto the same, for your Cathedral Church of Canterbury; who to their great unquietness, and also great Charges, do alienate their Lands daily, and as it is said, by your Majesty's Commandment. But this I am sure, that other Men have gotten their best Lands, and not your Majesty. Wherefore this is mine only Suit, That when your Majesty's Pleasure shall be to have any of their Lands, that they may have some Letter from your Majesty, to declare your Majesty's Pleasure, without the which they be sworn, that they shall make no Alienation. And that the same Alienation be not made at other men's pleasures, but only to your Majesty's Use. For now every Man that list to have any of their Lands, make suit to get it into your Majesty's Hands; not that your Majesty should keep the same, but by Sale, or Gift from your Majesty, to translate it from your Grace's Cathedral Church unto themselves.  
T. Cantuarien.   

The Draught of a Letter which the King sent to Cranmer, against some superstitious Practices.  
To the Archbishop of Canterbury.  
FOrasmuch as you, as well in your own Name, as in the Name of the Bishops of Worcester and Chichester, and other our Chaplains and Learned Men, whom We appointed with you to peruse certain Books of Service, which We delivered unto you, moved Us, that the Vigil, and ringing of Bells all the Night long upon Alhallow-day at Night, and the covering of Images in the Church in the time of Lent, with the lifting up the Veil that covereth the Cross upon Palm-Sunday, with the kneeling to the Cross at the same time, might be abolished and put away, for the Superstition, and other Enormities and Abuses of the same. First, Forasmuch as all the Vigils of our Lady, and the Apostles, and all other Vigils, which in the beginning of the Church were Godly used; yet for the manifold Superstition and Abuses which after did grow, by means of the same, they be many Years passed taken away throughout all Christendom, and there remaineth nothing but the name of the Vigil in the Calendar, the thing clearly abolished and put away, saving only upon Alhallows-day at Night; upon which Night is kept Vigil, Watching, and ringing of Bells all the Night long. Forasmuch as that Vigil is abused as other Vigils were, Our pleasure is, as you require, That the said Vigil shall be abolished as the other be, and that there shall be no watching, nor ringing, but as be commonly used upon other holidays at Night. We be contented and pleased also, That the Images in Churches shall not be covered, as hath been accustomed in times past; nor no Veil upon the Cross; nor no kneeling thereto upon Palm-Sunday, nor any other time. And forasmuch as you make no mention of creeping to the Cross, which is a greater abuse than any of the other; for there you say, Crucem tuam adoramus Domine; and the Ordinal saith, Procedant Clerici ad crucem adorandum nudis pedibus: And after followeth in the same Ordinal, Ponatur Crux ante aliquod Altar, ubi a populo adoretur; which by your own Book, called, A Necessary Doctrine, is against the Second Commandment. Therefore Our Pleasure is, That the said creeping to the Cross shall likewise cease from henceforth, and be abolished, with the other Abuses before rehearsed. And this We will, and straight command you, to signify unto all the Prelates and Bishops of your Province of Canterbury, charging them, in Our Name, to see the same executed, every one in his Diocese, accordingly.   
FINIS.   

A COLLECTION OF RECORDS, etc. BOOK II.  

Number 1. The Proclamation of Lady Jane Gray's Title to the Crown.  
JANE, by the Grace of God, Queen of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and of the Church of England, and also of Ireland; under Christ in Earth the Supreme Head. To all our most Loving, Faithful, and Obedient Subjects, and to every of them, Greeting. Whereas our most dear Cousin Edward the 6th, late King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith; and in Earth, Supreme Head, under Christ, of the Church of England and Ireland; by his Letters Patents, signed with his own Hand, and sealed with his Great Seal of England, bearing date the 21st day of June, in the seventh Year of his Reign; in the presence of the most part of his Nobles, his Councillors, Judges, and divers other grave and sage Personages, for the profit and surety of the whole Realm, thereto assenting and subscribing their Names to the same, hath, by the same his Letter Patents, recited, That forasmuch as the Imperial Crown of this Realm, by an Act made in the 35th Year of the Reign of the late King, of worthy memory, King Henry the 8th, our Progenitor, and great Uncle, was, for lack of Issue of his Body, lawfully begotten; and for lack of Issue of the Body of our said late Cousin King Edward the 6th, by the same Act, limited and appointed to remain to the Lady Mary his eldest Daughter, and to the Heirs of her Body lawfully begotten: And for default of such Issue, the Remainder thereof to the Lady Elizabeth, by the Name of the Lady Elizabeth his second Daughter, and to the Heirs of her Body lawfully begotten; with such Conditions as should be limited and appointed by the said late King of worthy memory, King Henry the 8th, our Progenitor, our Great Uncle, by his Letters Patents under his Great Seal, or by his last Will in writing, signed with his Hand. And forasmuch as the said Limitation of the Imperial Crown of this Realm being limited, as is aforesaid, to the said Lady Mary, and Lady Elizabeth, being illegitimate, and not lawfully begotten, for that the Marriage had, between ●he said late King, King Henry the 8th, our Progenitor, and Great Uncle, and the Lady Katherine, Mother to the said Lady Mary; and also the Marriage had between the said late King, King Henry the 8th, our Progenitor, and Great Uncle, and the Lady Ann, Mother to the said Lady Elizabeth, were clearly and lawfully undone, by Sentences of Divorce, according to the Word of God, and the Ecclesiastical Laws; and which said several Divorcements, have been severally ratified and confirmed by Authority of Parliament, and especially in the 28th Year of the Reign of King Henry the 8th, our said Progenitor, and Great Uncle, remaining in force, strength, and effect, whereby, as well the said Lady Mary, as also the said Lady Elizabeth, to all intents and purposes, are, and been clearly disabled, to ask, claim, or challenge the said Imperial Crown, or any other of the Honours, Castles, Manors, Lordships, Lands, Tenements, or other Hereditaments, as Heir or Heirs to our said late Cousin King Edward the 6th, or as Heir or Heirs to any other Person or Persons whatsoever, as well for the Cause before rehearsed, as also for that the said Lady Mary, and Lady Elizabeth, were unto our said late Cousin but of the half Blood, and therefore by the Ancient Laws, Statutes, and Customs of this Realm, be not inheritable unto our said late Cousin, although they had been born in lawful Matrimony; as indeed they were not, as by the said Sentences of Divorce, and the said Statute of the 28th Year of the Reign of King Henry the 8th, our said Progenitor and Great Uncle, plainly appeareth. And forasmuch also, as it is to be thought, or at the least much to be doubted, that if the said Lady Mary, or Lady Elizabeth, should hereafter have, or enjoy the said Imperial Crown of this Realm, and should then happen to marry with any Stranger born out of this Realm, that then the said Stranger, having the Government and Imperial Crown in his Hands, would adhere and practise, not only to bring this Noble, Free Realm into the Tyranny and Servitude of the Bishops of Rome, but also to have the Laws and Customs of his or their own Native Country or Countries, to be practised and put in ure within this Realm, rather than the Laws, Statutes, and Customs here of long time used; whereupon the Title of Inheritance, of all and singular the Subjects of this Realm do depend, to the peril of Conscience, and the uttersubversion of the Common-Weal of this Realm: Whereupon our said late dear Cousin, weighing and considering within himself, which ways and means were most convenient to be had for the stay of the said Succession, in the said Imperial Crown, if it should please God to call our said late Cousin out of this transitory Life, having no Issue of his Body. And calling to his remembrance, that We, and the Lady Katherine, and the Lady Mary, our Sisters (being the Daughters of the Lady Frances, our natural Mother, and then, and yet, Wife to our natural and most loving Father, Henry Duke of Suffolk; and the Lady Margaret, Daughter of the Lady Elinor, then deceased, Sister to the said Lady Frances, and the late Wife of our Cousin Henry Earl of Cumberland) were very nigh of his Grace's Blood, of the part of his Father's side, our said Progenitor, and great Uncle; and being naturally born here, within the Realm. And for the very good Opinion our said late Cousin had of our said Sisters and Cousin Margaret's good Education, did therefore, upon good deliberation and advice herein had, and taken, by his said Letters Patents, declare, order, assign, limit, and appoint, that if it should fortune himself, our said late Cousin King Edward the Sixth, to decease, having no Issue of his Body lawfully begotten, that then the said Imperial Crown of England and Ireland, and the Confines of the same, and his Title to the Crown of the Realm of France, and all and singular Honours, Castles, Prerogatives, Privileges, Preeminencies, and Authorities, Jurisdictions, Dominions, Possessions, and Hereditaments, to our said late Cousin K. Edward the Sixth, or to the said Imperial Crown belonging, or in any wise appertaining, should, for lack of such Issue of his Body, remain, come, and be to the eldest Son of the Body of the said Lady Frances, lawfully begotten, being born into the World in his Life-time, and to the Heirs Males of the Body of such eldest Son lawfully begotten; and so from Son to Son, as he should be of vicinity of Birth of the Body of the said Lady Frances, lawfully begotten, being born into the World in our said late Cousins Life-time, and to the Heirs Male of the Body of every such Son lawfully begotten. And for default of such Son born into the World in his life-time, of the Body of the said Lady Frances, lawfully begotten; and for lack of Heirs Males of every such Son lawfully begotten, that then the said Imperial Crown, and all and singular other the Premises, should remain, come, and be to us, by the Name of the Lady Jane, eldest Daughter of the said Lady Frances, and to the Heirs Males of our Body lawfully begotten; and for lack of such Issue, then to the Lady Katherine aforesaid, our said second Sister, and the Heirs Male of her Body lawfully begotten, with divers other Remainders, as by the same Letters Patents more plainly and at large it may and doth appear. Since the making of our Letters Patents, that is to say, on Thursday, which was the 6th day of this instant Month of July, it hath pleased God to call unto his infinite Mercy, our said most dear and entirely beloved Cousin, Edward the Sixth, whose Soul God pardon; and forasmuch as he is now deceased, having no Heirs of his Body begotten; and that also there remaineth at this present time no Heirs lawfully begotten, of the Body of our said Progenitor, and great Uncle, King Henry the Eighth; And forasmuch also as the said Lady Frances, our said Mother, had no Issue Male begotten of her Body, and born into the World, in the life-time of our said Cousin King Edward the Sixth, so as the said Imperial Crown, and other the Premises to the same belonging, or in any wise appertaining, now be, and remain to us, in our Actual and Royal Possession, by Authority of the said Letters Patents: We do therefore by these Presents signify, unto all our most loving, faithful, and obedient Subjects, That likeas we for our part shall, by God's Grace, show ourselves a most gracious and benign Sovereign Queen and Lady to all our good Subjects, in all their just and lawful Suits and Causes; and to the uttermost of our Power, shall preserve and maintain God's most Holy Word, Christian Policy, and the good Laws, Customs, and Liberties of these our Realms and Dominions: so we mistrust not, but they, and every of them, will again, for their parts, at all Times, and in all Cases, show themselves unto Us, their natural Liege Queen and Lady, most faithful, loving, and obedient Subjects, according to their bounden Duties and Allegiance, whereby they shall please God, and do the things that shall tend to their own preservation and sureties; willing and commanding all Men, of all Estates, Degrees, and Conditions, to see our Peace and accord kept, and to be obedient to our Laws, as they tender our Favour, and will answer for the contrary at their extreme Perils. In witness whereof we have caused these our Letters to be made Patents. Witness ourselves, at our Tower of London, the tenth day of July, in the first Year of our Reign.  
God save the Queen.   

Number 2. A Letter sent by Queen Katherine, to the Lady Mary her Daughter.  

Ex MS. Norfolcianis in Col. Cresham.  DAughter, I heard such tidings this day, that I do perceive (if it be true) the time is near that Almighty God will provide for you, and I am very glad of it, for I trust that he doth handle you with a good Love; I beseech you agree to his Pleasure with a merry Heart, and be you sure, that without fail he will not suffer you to perish, if you beware to offend him. I pray God, you good Daughter, to offer yourself to him; if any pangs come to you, shrive yourself, first make yourself clean; take heed of his Commandments, and keep them as near as he will give you Grace to do, for then are you sure armed. And if this Lady do come to you, as it is spoken, if she do bring you a Letter from the King, I am sure, in the selfsame Letter, you shall be commanded what you shall do. Answer you with few words, obeying the King your Father in every thing, save only that you will not offend God, and lose your Soul, and go no further with Learning and Disputation in the Matter; and wheresoever, and in whatsoever Company you shall come, obey the King's Commandments, speak few words, and meddle nothing. I will send you two Books in Latin, one shall be, de Vita Christi, with the Declaration of the Gospels; and the other, the Epistles of St. Hierome, that he did write always to Paula and Eustochium, and in them trust you shall see good things. And sometimes, for your Recreation, use your Virginals, or Lute, if you have any. But one thing specially I desire you, for the love that you own unto God and unto me, to keep your Heart with a chaste Mind, and your Body from all ill and wanton Company, not thinking nor desiring any Husband, for Christ's Passion; neither determine yourself to any manner of living, until this troublesome time be passed, for I dare make you sure, that you shall see a very good end, and better than you can desire. I would God, good Daughter, that you did know with how good a Heart I do write this Letter unto you: I never did one with a better, for I perceive very well, that God loveth you, I beseech him of his goodness to continue it: And if it shall fortune that you shall have no Body to be with you of your Acquaintance, I think it best you keep your Keys yourself, for whosoever it is, so shall be done as shall please them. And now you shall begin, and by likelihood I shall follow, I set not a rush by it, for when they have done the uttermost they can, than I am sure of the amendment. I pray you recommend me unto my good Lady of Salisbury, and pray her to have a good Heart, for we never come to the Kingdom of Heaven, but by Troubles. Daughter, wheresoever you become, take no pain to send to me, for if I may I will send to you.  
By your loving Mother, Katherine the Queen.   

Number 3. A humble Submission made by Queen Mary to her Father. Anno 1536. An Original.  
MOst humbly prostrate before the Feet of your most excellent Majesty, your most humble, faithful, and obedient Subject, 
Cotton Libr. Otho. C. 20.  which hath so extremely offended your most gracious Highness, that mine heavy and fearful Heart dare not presume to call you Father, nor your Majesty hath any cause by my deserts, saving the benignity of your most blessed Nature, doth surmount all Evils, Offences, and Trespasses, and is ever merciful and ready to accept the Penitent, calling for Grace in any convenient time. Having received, this Thursday at Night, certain Letters from Mr. Secretary, as well advising me to make my humble submission immediately to yourself; which because I durst not, without your gracious Licence, presume to do before, I lately sent unto him; as signifying that your most merciful Heart, and fatherly Pity, had granted me your Blessing, with condition, that I should persevere in that I had commenced and begun, and that I should not eftsoons offend your Majesty by the denial or refusal of any such Articles and Commandments, as it may please your Highness to address unto me, for the perfect trial of my Heart and inward Affection. For the perfect declaration of the bottom of my Heart and Stomach.  
First, I acknowledge myself to have most unkindly and unnaturally offended your most excellent Highness, in that I have not submitted myself to your most just and virtuous Laws. And for mine Offences therein, which I must confess were in me a thousand fold more grievous than they could be in any other living Creature, I put myself wholly and entirely to your gracious Mercy, at whose hand I cannot receive that punishment for the same that I have deserved.  
Secondly, To open mine Heart to your Grace, in these things which I have heretofore refused to condescend unto, and have now written with mine own hand, sending the same to your Highness herewith, I shall never beseech your Grace to have pity and compassion of me, if ever you shall perceive that I shall privily or apertly vary or alter from one piece of that I have written and subscribed, or refuse to confirm, ratify, or declare the same, where your Majesty shall appoint me.  
Thirdly, As I have, and shall, knowing your excellent Learning, Virtue, Wisdom, and Knowledge, put my Soul into your direction; and by the same hath, and will in all things from henceforth direct my Conscience, so my Body I do wholly commit to your Mercy, and fatherly Pity, desiring no State, no Condition, nor no meaner degree of living, but such as your Grace shall appoint me: knowledging and confessing, That my State cannot be so vile, as either the extremity of Justice would appoint unto me, or as mine Offences have required or deserved.  
And whatsoever your Grace shall command me to do, touching any of these Points, either for things past, present, or to come, I shall as gladly do the same, as your Majesty shall command me. Most humbly therefore beseeching your Mercy, most gracious Sovereign Lord and Benign Father, to have pity and compassion of your miserable and sorrowful Child, and with the abundance of your inestimable Goodness, so to overcome mine Iniquity towards God, Your Grace, and Your whole Realm, as I may feel some sensible Token of Reconciliation, which, God is my Judge, I only desire, without other respect. To whom I shall daily pray for the preservation of Your Highness, with the Queen's Grace, and that it may please him to send You Issue.  
From Hunsdon, this Thursday, at eleven of the Clock at Night. Your Grace's most humble and obedient Daughter and Handmaid, MARY.   

Number 4. Another of the same strain confirming the former. An Original.  
MOst humbly, obediently, and gladly, 
Cotton Libr. Otho. C. 20.  lying at the Feet of Your most Excellent Majesty, my most dear and benign Father, and Sovereign Lord, I have this day perceived Your gracious Clemency, and merciful Pity, to have overcome my most unkind and unnatural Proceed towards You, and Your most Just and Virtuous Laws. The great and inestimable Joy whereof, I cannot express, nor have any thing worthy to be again presented to Your Majesty for the same Your fatherly Pity extended towards me, most ingrately on my part abandoned, as much as in me lie, but my poor Heart, which I send unto Your Highness to remain in Your Hand, to be for ever used, directed, and framed, whiles God shall suffer life to remain in it at Your only pleasure, most humbly beseeching Your Grace to accept and receive the same; being all that I have to offer, which shall never alter, vary, or change, from that Confession and Submission which I have made unto Your Highness, in the presence of Your Council, and other attending upon the same; for whose preservation, with my most gracious Mother the Queen, I shall daily pray to God, whom eftsoons I beseech to send You Issue, to his Honour, and the Comfort of Your whole Realm.  
From Hounsdon, the 26th day of June. Your Grace's most humble and obedient Daughter and Handmaid, MARY.   

Number 5. Another Letter written to her Father to the same purpose. An Original.  

Cotton Libr. Otho. C. 20.  MY bounden Duty most humbly remembered to Your most Excellent Majesty: Whereas I am unable and insufficient to render and express to Your Highness those most hearty and humble thanks for Your gracious Mercy and fatherly. Pity, surmounting mine Offences at this time extended towards me, I shall prostrate at Your most noble Feet, humbly and with the very bottom of my Stomach, beseech your Grace to repute that in me, which in my poor Heart remaining in Your most noble Hand, I have conceived and professed towards Your Grace, whiles the Breath shall remain in my Body; that is, that as I am now in such merciful sort recovered, being more than almost lost with mine own Folly, that Your Majesty may as well accept me justly Your bounden Slave by Redemption, as Your most humble, faithful, and obedient Child and Subject, by the course of Nature planted in this Your most noble Realm; so shall I for ever persevere and continue towards Your Highness, in such uniformity and due obedience, as I doubt not, but with the help of God, Your Grace shall see and perceive a will and intent in me, to redouble again that hath been amiss on my behalf, conformably to such Words and Writings as I have spoken and sent unto Your Highness, from the which I will never vary during my Life, trusting that Your Grace hath conceived that Opinion of me, which to remember is mine only comfort. And thus I beseech our Lord to preserve Your Grace in Health, with my very natural Mother the Queen, and to send you shortly Issue, which I shall as gladly and willingly serve with my Hands under their Feet, as ever did poor Subject their most Gracious Sovereign.  
From Hunsdon, the 8th day of July. Your Grace's most humble and obedient Daughter and Handmaid, MARY.   

Number 6. A Letter written by her to Cromwell, containing a full Submission to the King's Pleasure, in all the Points of Religion. An Original.  
GOod Mr. Secretary, how much am I bound unto you, 
Cotton Libr. Otho. C. 10.  which have not only traveled, when I was almost drowned in folly, to recover me, before I sunk, and was utterly past recovery, and so to present me to the face of Grace and Mercy; but also desisteth not since, with your good and wholesome Counsels, so to arm me from any relapse, that I cannot, unless I were too wilful and obstinate, (whereof now there is no spark in me) fall again into any danger. But leaving the recital of your Goodness apart, which I cannot recount; For answer to the Particularities of your Credence, sent by my Friend Mr. Wriothsley. First, Concerning the Princess, (so I think I must call her yet, for I would be loath to offend) I offered, at her entry to that Name and Honour, to call her Sister; but it was refused, unless I would also add the other Title unto it; which I denied not then more obstinately, than I am now sorry for it, for that I did therein offend my most gracious Father, and his just Laws. And now that you think it meet, I shall never call her by other Name than Sister. Touching the nomination of such Women as I would have about me; surely, Mr. Secretary, what Men or Women soever the King's Highness shall appoint to wait on me, without exception, shall be to me right-heartily, and without respect, welcome; albeit, to express my mind to you, whom I think worthy to be accepted for their faithful Service done to the King's Majesty, and to me, since they came into my Company, I promise you, on my Faith, Margaret Baynton, and Susanna Clarencieux, have, in every condition, used themselves as faithfully, painfully, and diligently, as ever did Women in such a case; as sorry when I was not so conformable as became me, as glad when I inclined any thing to my Duty as could be devised. One other there is that was sometime my Maid, whom, for her Virtue, I love, and could be glad to have in my Company, that is, Marry Brown, and here be all that I will recommend; and yet my estimation of this shall be measured at the King's Highness, my most merciful Father's pleasure and appointment, as Reason is.  
For mine Opinion touching Pilgrimages, Purgatory, Relics, and suchlike, I assure you I have none at all, but such as I shall receive from him that hath mine whole Heart in keeping, that is, the King's most gracious Highness, my most benign Father, who shall imprint in the same touching these Matters, and all other, what his inestimable Virtue, high Wisdom, and excellent Learning, shall think convenient, and limit unto me; to whose presence I pray God I may once come e'er I die, for every Day is a Year till I may have the fruition of it. Beseeching you, good Mr. Secretary, to continue mine humble suit for the same, and for all other things whatsoever they be, to repute my Heart so firmly knit to his pleasure, that I can by no means vary from the direction and appointment of the same. And thus most hearty far you well. From Hunsdon, this Friday, at ten of the Clock at Night.  
Your assured loving Friend, during my Life, MARY.   

Number 7. A Letter of Bonners, upon his being restored to his Bishopric. An Original.  
To my most loving and dearly beloved Friends, my Cousin Thomas Shirley, the Worshipful Richard Leekmore, and Roger Leekmore his Brother.  
IN most hearty wise I commend me unto you, asserting, that Yesterday I was, by Sentence, restored again to my Bishopric, and reposed in the same, even as fully as I was at any time before I was deprived; and by the said Sentence, my Usurper, Dr. Ridley, is utterly repulsed; so that I would ye did order all things at Kidmerly and Bushley at your pleasures, not suffering Sheehead, or Ships-side, to be any meddler there, or to sell or carry away any thing from thence; and I trust, at your coming up now at the Parliament, I shall so handle both the said's Sheeps-heads, and the other Calves-heads, that they shall perceive their sweet shall not be without sour Sauce. This day is looked that Mr. Canterbury must be placed where is meet for him; He is become very humble and ready to submit himself in all things, but that will not serve; in the same predicament is Dr. Smith, my Friend, and the Dean of Paul's, with others. Commend me to your Bedfellows most hearty, and remember the Liquor that I wrote to you for; this Bearer shall declare the rest, and also put you in remembrance for Beefs and Muttons for my House-fare. And thus our blessed Lord long and well keep you all.  
Written in haste, this 6th of September. Assuredly all your own, Edmond London.   

Number 8. A Manifesto set out by Cranmer, declaring his readiness to maintain the Reformation in a public Dispute. Purgatio Reverendissimi in Christo Patris ac Domini D. Thomae Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis, adversus infames sed vanos rumores a quibusdam sparsos, de missa restituta Cantuariae.  
QUanquam Satan, vetus Christi hostis, mendax ipse atque 
From the Copy printed that Year.  mendacii parens, nullis unquam temporibus abstinuit suis armandis mancipiis & membris adversus Christum & veram ipsius Religionem, variis subinde excogitatis mendaciis: idem tamen his nostris temporibus agit sane perquam sedulo. Nam cum Rex Hen. 8. Princeps illustrissimae memoriae deprehensis erroribus atque infandis abusibus Latinae Missae, ipsam aliquousque caepisset corrigere, deindeque filius qui proxime secutus est supremus Dominus noster Rex Edwardus 6. non ferens hos tantos, tamque manifestos errores atque abusus omnes poenitus sustulisset, restituta Sacros. Christi caena & plane ad ipsius institutum atque Apostolorum & Ecclesiae Primitivae exemplum; Diabolus contra tentavit nuper si posset, rursum ejecta dominica caena, Latinam ac Satisfactoriam Missam (suum ipsius inventum & institutum scilicet) rursum hominibus nostris obtrudere. Atque id quo facilius posset effici, ausi sunt quidam abuti nomine nostro Thomae Cantuarien. Archiepiscopi, spargentes in vulgum Missam meo jussu Cantuariae restitutam, meque adeo cantaturum fuisse Missam in funere nuper Principis nostri summi Edwardi 6. Regis, imo idem quoque facturum recepisse coram Majestate Reginea, & ad Paulum, & nescio ubi praeterea.  
Porro tametsi jam 20. ab hinc annis multos ejusmodi rumores de me vanos & falsos pertulerim, utcunque fortiter & modeste, nunquam data hactenus significatione ulla commoti animi ob res ejusmodi; Attamen si quando in fraudem atque injuriam veritatis Dei talia jactarentur, haud quaquam diutius perferri posse judico. Quae res me impulit, ut scripto hoc testatum universo orbi facerem nunquam me autore Missam Cantuariae cantatam, sed vanum quendam adulatorem, mendacem atque 
Thortoneus. Suffraganeus Dovorensis.  hypocritam Monachum, me nec consultore, neque conscio ibidem hoc ausum fuisse: Dominus illi reddat in die illo. Quod porro meipsum obtulerim ad legendam Missam coram Majestate Reginea aut usquam alibi, quam id vanum sit satis novit ipsius Majestas; A qua si potestatem impetro, palam omnibus faciam, contraque omnes diversum putantes probabo, omnia, quae in Communione (quam restituit innocentissimus idemque optimus Princeps Rex Edwardus 6. in Comitiis Regni) leguntur, respondere institutioni Christi atque Apostolorum & Primitivae Ecclesiae exemplo, multis annis observato. Missam contra in plurimis non tantum hoc fundamento carere Christi & Apostolorum & Primitivae Ecclesiae, sed imo adversari prorsus atque ex diametro pugnare, undiquaque erroribus atque abusibus refertissimam. Quamvis autem a nonnullis imperitis & malevolis Dicatur D. Petrus Martyr indoctus, si tamen nobis hanc libertatem det Majestas Reginea, ego cum Petro Martyre atque aliis quatuor, aut quinque, quos mihi delegero, favente Deo confido, nos idem omnibus approbaturos, non solum preces communes Ecclesiasticas, Administrationem Sacram, cum caeteris Ritibus & Ceremoniis; Verum Doctrinam quoque universam, ac religionis ordinem constitutum a supremo nostro Domino Rege Edwardo sexto, puriora haec esse & Verbo Dei magis consentanea, quam quidquid mille retro annis in Anglia usurpatum novimus. Tantummodo judicentur omnis per Verbum Dei, ac describantur partis utriusque argumenta, quo primum possit orbis Universus ea examinare & Judicare, deinde nequeat pars ulla dicta factave sic descripta inficiari.  
Quoniam vero gloriantur illi & jactant Ecclesiae fidem quae fuit 1500. abhinc annis, nos hac quoque in parte cum illis periclitari audebimus, quod eadem doctrina atque idem ordo ab omnibus servari debeat, qui fuit illo saeculo ante Annos 1500. ac praeterea docebimus argumentis firmis, totam rationem cultus divini Ecclesiastici, quae nunc in hoc Regno servatur, Autoritate Comitiorum eandem esse, atque illam ipsam quae fuit ante Annos 1500. id quod alii de suis nunquam probaverint.  
FINIS.  
Lecta publice in vico Mercatorum ab amico qui clam Autographum surripuerat 5. Septemb. Anno Dom. 1553.   

Number 9 The Conclusion of Cardinal Pool's Instructions to Mr. Goldwell, sent by him to the Queen. An Original.  

Cotton Libr. Titus B. 2.  FOr the conclusion of all that is comprised in your Instruction, as that the which containeth the whole Sum of my poor Advice and Counsel, it pleaseth her Grace to ask of me, you shall say, That my most humble desire is, that in all deliberation her Grace shall make touching the maintenance of her State, the same will ever well ponder and consider, what the Providence of God hath showed therein, above that which hath been showed in her Predecessors, Kings of this Realm, in this one Point; which is to have the Crown, not only as a King's Daughter and Heir, but hath ordered, that this Point of right Inheritance shall depend as it doth, of the Authority he hath given to his Church, and of the See of Rome, which is the See Apostolic, approving her Mother to be Legitimate Wife of King Henry the Eighth; whereby she is bound, afore God and Man, as she will show herself the very Daughter of the said King Henry the Eighth, right Heir of the Crown; so also to show herself right Daughter of the Church, and of them that be resident in the See Apostolic, who be the right Heirs of Peter; to whom, and his Successors, Christ chief Head of the Church in Heaven, and in Earth, hath given in Earth to bear his Place, touching the Rule of the same Church, and to have the Crown thereof; which well considered and pondered, her Grace shall soon see how in her Person, the Providence of God hath joined the Right she hath by her Father in the Realm, with the Right of the Church, that she cannot prevail by the one, except she join the other withal; and they that will separate these two, take away not only half her Right, but her whole Right, being not so much Heir, because she is King Henry's only Daughter, without Issue Male, as she is his lawful Daughter, which she hath by the Authority of the Church.  
Which thing, prudently and godly considered, she cannot but see what faithful counsel this is, That above all Acts that in this Parliament shall be made, doth advertise her Grace to establish that, the which pertaineth to the establishing of the Authority of the Church, and the See of the same; what rendering to him that is right Successor to Peter therein, his right Title of Head in the Church in Earth, without the which she cannot be right Head in the Realm; and this established, all Controversy is taken away; and who will repine unto this, he doth repine unto her right of the Crown.  
Wherefore this is my first Advice, That this Point, above all other, should be entreated and enacted in the Parliament; and so, I know her Grace's full mind was, and is, that it should be: But she feareth Difficulties, and hereupon dependeth, that her Grace asketh my poor Advice, how these Difficulties may be taken away.  
Unto this you may say, That they must be taken, away by the help of him, that by his high Providence, above Man's expectance, hath given her already the Crown. Which will have as well this second Act known, of the maintenance thereof to depend of him, as the first in attaining thereto. And to have his help, the mean is by humble Prayer, wherein I would advertise her Highness, not only to give herself to Prayer, but also, by Alms to the needy, excitate the Minds of others to Prayer; these be the means of most efficacy; and with this, to take that ardent Mind, to establish the Authority of the Church, casting away all fear of Man, that she to be to have her Crown, and not so much for her own sake, as for the Honour of God which gave her the Crown. And if any Difficulty should be feared in the Parliament herein, leave the honour, to take away the difficulty thereof, to none other, but assume that person to herself, as most bound thereto; and to propone that herself, which I would trust to be of that efficacy, that if inwardly any Man will repugn outwardly, the Reasons be so evident for this part, that joined with the Authority of her Person, being proponent, none will be so hardy, temerarious, nor impious, that will resist. And if in this deliberation it should seem strange to put forth these Matters in the Parliament, as I have said in the Instructions, without communicating the same with any of her Council, I would think it well her Grace might confer it with two of the chiefest that be counted of the People most near her favour, one Spiritual, and another Temporal; with declaring to them, first, how touching her Conscience afore God, and her Right afore the World, she can never be quiet until this Matter be established touching the Authority of the Church, requiring their uttermost help in that, as if she should fight for the Crown, her Majesty may be sure, she putting the same forth with that earnest manner, they will not lack to serve her; and they may serve quietly in the Parliament, after her Grace hath spoken to prosecute and justify the same, with efficacy of words, to give all others example to follow her Grace; leaving this part unto them, That if the Name of Obedience to the Pope should seem to bring, as it were, a Yoke to the Realm, or any other kind of servitude beside, that it should be profitable to the Realm, both afore God and Man, that her Grace that bringeth it in again, will never suffer it, nor the Pope himself requireth no such thing. And herein also, that they say, That my Person being the Mean to bring it in, would never agree to be an Instrument thereof, if I thought any thraldom should come thereby, they shall never be deceived of me. And if they would say beside, I would never have taken this Enterprise upon me, except I thought by the same to bring great Comfort to the Country; wherein the Pope's Authority being accepted, I would trust, should be so used, that it might be an Example of Comfort, not only to that Country, but to all other that hath rejected it afore, and for that cause hath been ever since in great misery.  
This is the sum of all my poor Advice at this time in this Case; whereof I beseech Almighty God so much may take effect, as shall be to his Honour, and Wealth to her Grace, and the whole Realm besides. Amen.   

Number 10. A Copy of a Letter, with Articles sent from the Queen's Majesty unto the Bishop of London; and by him and his Officers, at her gracious Commandment, to be put in speedy execution with effect in the whole Diocese, as well in places exempt, as not exempt whatsoever, according to the Tenor and Form of the same.  
Sent by the Queen's Majesty's Commandment, in the Month of March, Anno Dom. 1553. By the QUEEN.  
RIght Reverend Father in God, Right trusty and wellbeloved, We greet you well. And whereas heretofore, in the time of the late Reign of Our most dearest Brother, King Edward the Sixth, (whose Soul God pardon) divers notable Crimes, Excesses, and Faults, with divers kinds of Heresies, Simony, Advoutry, and other Enormities, have been committed within this our Realm, and other our Dominions; the same continuing yet hitherto in like disorder, since the beginning of our Reign, without any correction or reformation at all; and the People, both of the Laity and Clery, and chief of the Clergy, have been given to much insolence and ungodliness, greatly to the displeasure of Almighty God, and very much to Our regret and evil contentation, and to the slander of other Christian Realms, and in a manner, to the subversion and clear defacing of this our Realm. And remembering our Duty to Almighty God, to be to foresee, as much as in Us may be, that all Virtue and Godly Living, should be embraced, flourish, and increase. And therewith also, that all vice and ungodly behaviour, should be utterly banished and put away; or at the least wise, so nigh as might be, so bridled and kept under, that Godliness and Honesty might have the over-hand: understanding, by very credible report, and public fame, to Our no small heaviness and discomfort, that within your Diocese, as well in not exempted as in exempted Places, the like disorder and evil behaviour hath been done and used; like also to continue and increase, unless due provision be had and made to reform the same, (which earnestly in very deed We do mind and intent) to the uttermost all the ways We can possible, trusting of God's furtherance and help in that behalf. For these Causes, and other most just Considerations us moving, We send unto you certain Articles of such special Matter, as among other things be most special and necessary to be now put in execution by you and your Officers, extending to them by Us desired, and the Reformation aforesaid; wherein ye shall be charged with Our special Commandments, by these our Letters, to the intent you and your Officers may the more earnestly and boldly proceed thereunto, without fear of any presumption to be noted on your part, or danger to be incurred of any such our Laws, as by your do, of that is in the said Articles contained, might any wise grieve you, whatsoever be threatened in any such Case; and therefore we straight charge and command you, and your said Officers, to proceed to the execution of the said Articles, without all tract and delay, as ye will answer to the contrary. Given under our Hand, at our Palace of Westminster, the 4th day of March, the first Year of our Reign.  

ARTICLES.  
1. THat every Bishop, and his Officers, with all other having Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, shall, with all speed and diligence, and all manner and ways to them possible, put in execution all such Canons and Ecclesiastical Laws, heretofore in the time of King Henry the 8th used, within this Realm of England, and the Dominions of the same, not being direct and expressly contrary to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm.  
2. Item. That no Bishop, or any his Officer, or other Person aforesaid hereafter, in any of their Ecclesiastical Writings in Process, or other extra-judicial Acts, do use to put in this Clause or Sentence; Regia Auctoritate fulcitus.  
3. Item. That no Bishop, or any his Officers, or other Person aforesaid, do hereafter exact or demand in the admission of any Person to any Ecclesiastical Promotion, Orders, or Office, any Oath touching the Primacy, or Succession, as of late in few Years passed hath been accustomed and used.  
4. Item. That every Bishop, and his Officers, with all other Persons aforesaid, have a vigilant eye, and use special diligence and foresight, that no Person be admitted or received to any Ecclesiastical Function, Benefit, or Office, being a Sacramentary, infected or defamed with any notable kind of Heresy, or other great Crime; and that the said Bishop do stay, and cause to be stayed, as much as lieth in him, that Benefices, and Ecclesiastical Promotions, do not notably decay, or take hindrance, by passing or confirming of unreasonable Leases.  
5. Item. That every Bishop, and all other Persons aforesaid, do diligently travel for the repressing of Heresies, and notable Crimes, especially in the Clergy, duly correcting and punishing the same.  
6. Item. That every Bishop, and all other Persons aforesaid, do likewise travel for the condemning and repressing of corrupt and naughty Opinions, unlawful Books, Ballads, and other pernicious and hurtful devices, engendering hatred among the People, and discord amongst the same: And that Schoolmasters, Preachers, and Teachers, do exercise and used their Offices and Duties, without Teaching, Preaching, or setting forth any evil corrupt Doctrine; and that doing the contrary, they may be, by the Bishop and his said Officers, punished and removed.  
7. Item. That every Bishop, and all the other Persons aforesaid, proceeding summarily, and with all celerity and speed, may and shall deprive, or declare deprived, and amove, according to their learning and discretion, all such Persons from their Benefices and Ecclesiastical Promotions, who contrary to the state of their Order, and the laudable Custom of the Church, have married, and used Women as their Wives, or otherwise, notably and slanderously disordered or abused themselves; sequestering also, during the said Process, the Fruits and Profits of the said Benefits, and Ecclesiastical Promotions.  
8. Item. That the said Bishop, and all other Persons aforesaid, do use more lenity and clemency with such as have married, whose Wives be dead, than with other, whose Women do yet remain in Life. And likewise such Priests, as with the consents of their Wives, or Women, openly, in the presence of the Bishop, do profess to abstain, to be used the more favourably; in which Case, after Penance effectually done, the Bishop, according to his discretion and wisdom, may, upon just consideration, receive, and admit them again to their former Administration, so it be not in the same Place, appointing them such a Portion to live upon, to be paid out of their Benefice, whereof they be deprived, by discretion of the said Bishop, or his Officers, shall think may be spared of the said Benefice.  
9 Item. That every Bishop, and all Persons aforesaid, do foresee, That they suffer not any Religious Man, having solemnly professed Chastity, to continue with his Woman, or Wife: but that all such Persons, after deprivation of their Benefice, or Ecclesiastical Promotion, be also divorced, every one from his said Woman, and due punishment otherwise taken for the Offence therein.  
10. Item. That every Bishop, and all other Persons aforesaid, do take Order and Direction, with the Parishioners of every Benefice, where Priests do want, to repair to the next Parish for Divine Service; or to appoint, for a convenient time, till other better Provision may be made, one Curate to serve Alternis Vicibus, in divers Parishes; and to allot to the said Curate, for his Labour, some portion of the Benefice that he so serveth.  
11. Item. That all and all manner of Processions of the Church, be used, frequented, and continued, after the old Order of the Church, in the Latin Tongue.  
12. Item. That all such holidays and Fasting-days, be observed and kept, as was observed and kept in the late time of King Henry the Eighth.  
13. Item. That the laudable and honest Ceremonies which were wont to be used, frequented, and observed in the Church, be also hereafter frequented, used, and observed.  
14. Item. That Children be Christened by the Priest, and confirmed by the Bishops, as heretofore hath been accustomed and used.  
15. Item. Touching such Persons as were heretofore promoted to any Orders, after the new sort and fashion of Orders, considering they were not ordered in very deed, the Bishop of the Diocese finding otherwise sufficiency and ability in those Men, may supply that thing which wanted in them before, and then, according to his discretion, admit them to minister.  
16. Item. That by the Bishop of the Diocese, an Uniform Doctrine be set forth by Homilies, or otherwise, for the good instruction and teaching of all People; and that the said Bishop, and other Persons aforesaid, do compel the Parishioners to come to their several Churches, and there devoutly to hear Divine Service, as of reason they ought.  
17. Item. That they examine all Schoolmasters and Teachers of Children, and finding them suspect in any ways to remove them, and place Catholic Men in their Rooms, with a special Commandment to instruct their Children, so as they may be able to answer the Priest at the Mass, and so help the Priest to Mass as hath been accustomed.  
18. Item. That the said Bishop, and all Persons aforesaid, have such regard, respect, and consideration of and for the setting forth of the Premises, with all kind of Virtue, godly Living, and good Example, with repressing also, and keeping under of Vice and Unthriftiness, as they, and every each of them may be seen to favour the Restitution of true Religion; and also to make an honest account and reckoning of their Office and Cure, to the Honour of God, our good contentation, and the profit of this Realm, and Dominions of the same.    

Number 11. A Commission to turn out some of the Reformed Bishops.  

Rot. pat. prim. Mariae pars septim.  REgina Dei Gratia, etc. perdilectis & fidelibus Consiliariis suis, Stephano Winton Episcopo, summo suo Angliae Cancellario & Cudberto Dunelmen. Episcopo, necnon Reverend. & dilectis sibi in Christo Edmund. London. Episcopo, Roberto Assaven. Episcopo, Georgio Cicestren. Episcopo, & Antonio Landaven. Episcopo salutem. Quia omne animi vitium tanto conspectius in se crimen habet, quanto qui peccat major habetur, & quoniam certis & indubitatis testimoniis, una cum facti notoreitate & fama publica referente, luculenter intelleximus & manifesto comperimus Robertum Archiepiscopum Ebor. Robertum Meneven. Joan. Cestren. & Paulum Bristolen. Episcopos, aut certe pro talibus se gerentes, Dei & animarum suarum salutis immemores, valde gravia & enormia dudum commisisse & perpetrasse scelera atque peccata, & inter caetera quod dolenter certe, & magna cum amaritudine animae nostrae proferimus, post expressam professionem castitatis, expresse, rite & legittime emissam, cum quibusdam mulieribus nuptias de facto, cum de jure non deberent, in Dei contemptum & animarum suarum peccatum manifestum necnon in grave omnium ordinum, tam Clericorum quam Laicorum scandalum; Denique caeterorum Omnium Christi fidelium perniciosissium exemplum contraxisse & cum illis tanquam cum Uxoribus cohabitasse. Ne igitur tantum scelus remaneat impunitum ac multos alios pertrahat in ruinam, vobis tenore praesentium committimus & mandamus, quatenus vos omnes, aut tres saltem vestrum qui praesentes Literas Commissionales duxerint exequend. dictos Archiepiscopum Ebor. Episc. Meneven. Episc. Cestren. & Episc. Bristollen. diebus horis & locis, vestro, aut trium vestrum arbitrio, eligend. & assignand. ad comparend. coram vobis, ceu tribus vestrum, vocetis aut vocari faciatis, vocend. aut vocari faciant, tres vestrum (ceu saltem): Si ita vobis aut tribus, vestrum videatur, eosdem Archiep. & Episc. praedict. adeatis, aut tres vestrum adeant & negotio illis summarie & de plano sine ullo strepitu & figura judicii exposito & declarato, si per summariam examinationem & discussionem negotii per vos aut tres vestrum fiendam eundem Archiep. & Episc. praedictos sic contraxisse, aut fecisse constiterit; eosdem a dignitatibus suis praedictis, cum suis juribus pertinen. Universis, omnino ammoveatis, deprivetis & perpetuo excludatis, ceu tres vestrum sic amoveant, deprivent, perpetuo excludant: poenitentiam salutarem & congruam pro modo culpae vestro aut trium vestrum arbitrio imponend. eisdem injungentes, caeteraque in praedictis cum eorum incidentibus emergentiis annexis & connexis quibuscunque, facientes quae necessaria fuerint, ceu quomodolibet opportuna. Quae omnia & singula faciend. expediend. & finiend. Nos tam Autoritate nostra Ordinaria, quam absoluta, ex mero motu certaque scientia nostra, vobis & tribus vestrum potestatem, Autoritatem & licentiam concedimus, & impertimur per praesentes cum cujuslibet coercionis & castigationis severitate & potestate in contrarium facientes non obstant quibuscunque, In cujus rei, etc. Apud. Westm. 16. die Martii.   

Number 12. Another Commission to turn out the rest of them.  
MARY, by the Grace of God, etc. To the Right Reverend Fathers in God, our Right trusty, and right wellbeloved Counsellors, Stephen Bishop of Winchester, our Chancellor of England; Cuthbert Bishop of Duresm; Edmond Bishop of London; Robert Bishop of St. Asaph; George Bishop of Chichester, our Almoner; and Anthony Bishop of Landaff, Greeting. Whereas John Tailor, Doctor of Divinity, naming himself Bishop of Lincoln; John Hooper, naming himself Bishop of Worcester, and Gloucester; John Harley, Bishop of Hereford; having these said several pretended Bishoprics given to them, by the Letter Patents of Our late deceased Brother, King Edward the Sixth, to have and to hold the same during their good behaviours, with the express Clause, (quamdiu se bene gesserint) have since, as hath been credibly brought to Our knowledge, both by Preaching, Teaching, and setting forth of Erroneous Doctrine, and also by inordinate Life and Conversation, contrary both to the Laws of Almighty God, and Use of the Universal Christian Church, declared themselves very unworthy of that Vocation and Dignity in the Church.  
We minding to have these several Cases duly heard and considered, and thereupon such Order taken with them, as may stand with Justice, and the Laws, have, for the special trust We have conceived of your Wisdoms, Learning, and Integrity of Life, appointed you four, three, or two of you, to be our Commissioners in this behalf: giving unto you four, three, or two of you, full Power and Authority to call before you, if ye shall think so good, the said John Tailor, John Hooper, and John Harley, and every of them. And thereupon, either by Order of the Ecclesiastical Laws, or of the Laws of our Realm, or of both, proceed to the declaring the said Bishoprics to be void, as they be already indeed void. To the intent some such other meet Personages may be elected thereunto, as for their godly Life, Learning, and Sobriety, may be thought worthy the Places. In Witness, etc. Apud Westm. 15 die Martii.   

Number 13. Bonner's Certificate, that Bishop Scory had put away his Wife.  

Regist. Bonn. Fol. 347.  EDmundus permissione Divina London. Episcopus, Universis & singulis Christi fidelibus, ad quos praesentes literae nostrae testimoniales pervenerint; ac eis praesertum quos infra scripta tangunt, seu tangere poterint quomodolibet in futurum, salutem in Auctore salutis & fidem indubiam praesentibus adhibere. Quia boni Pastoris officium tunc nos rite exequi arbitramur, cum ad exemplar Christi errantes oves ad caulam dominici gregis reducimus, & Ecclesiae Christi, quae redeunti gremium non claudit, restituimus: & quia dilectus Confrater noster Joannes nuper Cicestrien. Episcopus in Dioc. & jurisdictione nostris London. ad praesens residentiam & moram faciens; qui olim laxatis Pudicitiae & castitatis habenis, contra Sacros Canones & Sanctorum Patrum decreta ad illicitas & prohibitas convolavit nuptias; se ea ratione non solum Ecclesiastic. Sacrament. pertractand. omnino indignum; verum etiam a publica officii sui pastoralis functione privatum & suspensum reddens, transactae licentiosae vitae valde poenitentem & deplorantem, plurimis Argumentis se declaravit, ac pro commissis poenitentiam alias per nos sibi injunctam salutarem, aliquo temporis tractu in cordis sui amaritudine & animi dolore peregit, vitam hactenus degens laudabilem, spemque faciens id se in posterum facturum atque ob id ad Ecclesiasticae ac Pastoralis Functionis statum, saltem cum quodam temperamento, justitia exigente, reponend. hinc est quod nos praemissa ac, humilem dicti confratris nostri petitionem pro reconciliatione sua habenda & obtinenda considerantes, ejus precibus favorabiliter inclinati, eundem Confratrem nostum ad publicam Ecclesiastici Ministerii & Officii sui Pastoralis Functionem & Executionem, infra Dioc. nostram London. exercend. quatenus de jure possumus & absque cujusque praejudicio restituimus, rehabilitavimus & redintegravimus, prout tenore praesentium sic restituimus, rehabilitamus, & redintegramus; Sacrosanctae Ecclesiae clementia & Christianae Charitate id exigentibus. Vobis igitur universis & singulis supradictis praefatum confratrem nostrum, sic ut praemittitur restitutum, rehabilitatum & reintegratum fuisse, & esse ad omnes effectus supradictos significamus & notificamus per praesentes sigillo nostro sigillat, Dat. in Manerio nostro de Fulham die mensis Julii Anno Dom. 1554. & nostrae Transla. Anno 15.   

Number 14. A Letter of the Queen's, to the Justices of the Peace in Norfolk.  
MARY the Queen. TRusty and wellbeloved, We greet you well.  
And whereas We have heretofore signified our Pleasure, both by our Proclamation general, and by our Letters to many of you, particularly for the good Order and Stay of that our County of Norfolk, from Rebellions, Tumults, and Uproars; and to have a special regard to Vagabonds, and to such as did spread any vain Prophecies, seditious, false, or untrue Rumours, and to punish them accordingly; We have nevertheless, to Our no small grief, sundry Intelligences, of divers and sundry lewd and seditious Tales, forged and spread by certain malicious Persons, touching the Estate of our Person; with many other vain and slanderous Reports, tending to the moving of Sedition and Rebellion, whose Fault, and passing unpunished, seemeth either to be winked at, or at least little considered, which is to Us very strange. We have therefore thought good, eftsoons, to require and command you, to be not only more circumspect in the good ordering of that our County, according to our Trust conceived of you, but also to use all the best means and ways ye can, in the diligent examining and searching out, from Man to Man, the Authors and Publishers of these vain Prophecies, and untrue Bruits, the very foundation of all Rebellions: and the same being found, to punish them as the quality of their Offence shall appear to you to deserve; whereby the malicious sort may be the more feared to attempt the like, and Our good loving Subjects live in more quiet. And for Our better service in this behalf, We think good that ye divide yourselves unto several parts of that our County, so that every of you have some part in charge, whereby ye may the better butt out the malicious; and yet nevertheless to meet often together for the better conferring herein. And that ye signify your Do, and the state of that Shire, by your general Letters, once every month at least, to our Privy Council. And likeas We shall consider such of you to your advancements, whose diligence shall set forwards our Service in this Part, so shall We have good cause to note great negligence and fault in them that shall omit their Duty in this behalf.  
Given under our Signet, at our Manor of St. James, the 23d of May, in the first Year of our Reign.   

Number 15. The Title of Bonner 's whole Book. Articles to be enquired of in the General Visitation of Edmund Bishop of London, exercised by him in the Year of our Lord 1554. in the City and Diocese of London; and set forth by the same, for his own discharge towards God, and the World, to the Honour of God, and his Catholic Church; and to the Commodity and Profit of all those, that either are good, (which he would were all) or delighteth in goodness, (which he wisheth to be many) without any particular grudge or displeasure to any one, good or bad, within this Realm; which Articles he desireth all Men, of their Charity, especially those that are of his Diocese, to take, with as good intent and mind as the said Bishop wisheth and desireth, which is to the best. And the said Bishop withal, desireth all People to understand, That whatsoever Opinion, good or bad, hath been received of him, or whatsoever usage or custom hath been heretofore, his only intent and purpose, is to do his Duty charitably, and with that love, favour, and respect, both towards God and every Christian Person, which any Bishop should show to his Flock in any wise.  

Article 1.  
Whether the Clergy, to give example to Laity, have in their Living, in their Teaching, and in their Doing, so behaved themselves, that they (in the judgement of indifferent Persons) have declared themselves to search principally the Honour of God and his Church, the Health of the Souls of such as are committed to their Cure and Charge, the Quietness of their Parishioners, and the Wealth and Honour of the King and Queen of this Realm?   

Article 2.  
Item. Whether your Parson, Vicar, or any other ministering as Priest within your Parish, have been, or is married, or taken for married, not yet separated from his Concubine, or Woman taken for Wife? Or whether the same Woman be dead, or yet living; and being living, whether the one resorteth to the other, openly, secretly, or slanderously, maintaining, supporting, or finding the same in any wise to the offence of the People?   

Article 3.  
Item. Whether there be any Person, of what Estate, Condition, or degree he be, that doth, in open talk, or privily, defend, maintain, or uphold the Marriage of Priests, encouraging or holding any Person to the defence thereof?   

Article 4.  
Item. Whether you have your Parson or Vicar resident continually with you upon his Benefice, doing his Duty in the serving of the Cure; and whether being able to do, keep Hospitality upon the same, feeding his Flock with his good living, with his teaching, and his relieving of them to his power?   

Article 5.  
Item. Whether your Parson, or Vicar, being absent, have a sufficient Dispensation and Licence therein; and whether, in his absence, he do appoint an honest, able, and sufficient learned Curate to supply his room and absence to serve his Cure?   

Article 6.  
Item. Whether your Parson, or Vicar, by himself, or his good and sufficient Deputy for him, do relieve such poor Parishioners; repair and maintain his House, or Mansion, and things thereunto appertaining; and otherwise do his Duty, as by the Order of the Law, and Custom of this Realm, he ought to do?   

Article 7.  
Item. Whether the said Curate, appointed in the absence of your Parson, or Vicar, do in all Points, the best he can, to minister the Sacraments, and Sacramentals; and other his Duty, in serving the same Cure, specially in celebrating Divine Service at convenient hours, chief upon Sundays, and holidays, and Procession-days, and ministering the said Sacraments, and Sacramentals, as of Duty and Reason he ought, moving and exhorting earnestly his Parishioners to come unto it, and devoutly to hear the same: and whether he himself do reverently celebrate, minister, and use the same as appertaineth?   

Article 8.  
Item. Whether he the said Curate, Parson, or Vicar, have been, or is of suspect Doctrine, erroneous Opinion, Misbelief, or evil Judgement; or do set forth, preach, favour, aid, or maintain the same, contrary to the Catholic Faith, and Order of this Realm?   

Article 9  
Item. Whether they, or any of them, do haunt or resort to Alehouses, or Taverns, otherwise than for his or their honest Necessity and Relief; or repair to any Dicing-houses, common Bowling-Allies, suspect Houses, or Places; or do haunt and use Common Games, or Plays, or behave themselves otherwise unpriestly and unseemly?   

Article 10.  
Item. Whether they, or any of them, be familiar, or keep company, and be conversant with any suspected Person of evil Conversation and Living, or Erroneous Opinion or Doctrine, or be noted to aid, favour, and assist the same in any wise, contrary to the good Order of this Realm, and the usage of the Catholic Church?   

Article 11.  
Item. Whether there be dwelling within any your Parishes, any Priest, Forreigner, Stranger, or other, who not presented to the Bishop of the Diocese, or his Officers, examined and admitted by some one of them, doth take upon him to serve any Cure, or to minister any Sacraments, or Sacramentals, within the said Parish?   

Article 12.  
Item. Whether there be dwelling within any your Parishes, or repairing thither any Priest, or other, naming himself Minister, which doth not come diligently to the Church to hear the Divine Service, or Sermons there; but absenteth himself, or discourageth others by his example, or words, to come unto the same, expressing their Name and Surname, with sufficient knowledge of them?   

Article 13.  
Item. Whether there be any Married Priests, or naming themselves Ministers, that do keep any Assemblies, or Conventicles, with suchlike as they are, in Office or Sect, to set forth any Doctrine or Usage not allowed by the Laws, and laudable Customs of this Realm; or whether there be any resort of any of them to any Place, for any privy Letters, Sermons, Plays, Games, or other Devices, not expressly in this Realm by Laws allowed?   

Article 14.  
Item. Whether there be any of them, which is a common Brawler, Scolder, a sour of Discord among his Parish Churches, a Hawker, a Hunter, or spending his time idly or unthriftily; or being a Fornicator, an Adulterer, a Drunkard, a common Swearer or Blasphemer of God or his Saints, or an unruly or evil-disposed Person; or that hath come to his Benefice or Promotion, by Simony, unlawful Suit, or ungodly Means, in any Ways?   

Article 15.  
Item. Whether they, and every each of them, to the best of their Powers, at all times have exhorted and stirred the People to Quietness and Concord, and to the Obedience of the King and Queen's Majesty's, and their Officers, rebuking all Sedition and Tumult, with all unlawful Assemblies, moving the People to Charity and good Order; and charging the Fathers and Mothers, Masters and Governors of Youth, to keep good Rule, and to instruct them in Virtue and Goodness, to the Honour of God, and of this Realm; and to have them occupied in some honest Art and Occupation, to get their Living thereby?   

Article 16.  
Item. Whether they, or any of them, do admit any Person to receive the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar, who are openly known or suspected to be Adversaries and Speakers against the said Sacrament, or any other Article of the Catholic Faith; or to be a notorious evil Person in his Conversation or Doctrine; an open Oppressor, or evil Doer to his Neighbour, not being confessed, reconciled, and having made satisfaction in that behalf?   

Article 17.  
Item. Whether they, or any of them, have of their own Authority admitted and licenced any to preach in their Cure, not being authorised and admitted thereunto, or have denied and refused such to preach as have been lawfully licenced: and whether they, or any of them, having authority to preach within their Cures, doth use to preach, or at the least doth procure other lawful or sufficient Persons to do the same, according to the Order of this Realm?   

Article 18.  
Item. Whether they, or any of them, since the Queen's Majesty's Proclamation, hath, or doth use to say, or sing, the Divine Service, minister the Sacraments, or Sacramentals, or other things, in English, contrary to the Order of this Realm?   

Article 19  
Item. Whether they, or any of them, in their Suffrages, Collects, and Prayers, doth use to pray for the King and Queen's Majesty, by the names of King Philip and Queen Mary, according to a Letter and Commandment therein lawfully given now of late unto them by their Ordinary?   

Article 20.  
Item. Whether they, and every of them, have diligently moved and exhorted their Parishioners, how and in what manner Children should be Baptised in time of necessity; and they the said Parishioners, reverently and devoutly to prepare themselves to receive and use the Sacraments, especially the Sacrament of the Altar, or to be confessed and receive at the Priest's hand, the benefit of Absolution, according to the laudable custom of this Realm?   

Article 21.  
Item. Whether they, and every each of them, hath diligently visited his and their Parishioners, in the time of Sickness and Need, and ministered Sacraments and Sacramentals to them accordingly; and whether they have exhorted and monished them to have due respect to their Soul's Health; and also to set an Order in their Temporal Lands and Goods, declaring their Debts perfectly, and what is owing unto them; and they so to make their Testaments, and last Wills, that as much as may be, all trouble and business may be excluded; their Wives and Children, with their Friends, may be helped and succoured, and themselves decently buried and prayed for; and to have an honest memory and commendations for their so doing?   

Article 22.  
Item. Whether they, and every of them, have solemnised Matrimony, between and his Parishioners, or any other Persons, the Banes not before asked, three several Sundays, or holidays; or without Certificate of the said Banes, from the Curate of any other Parish, if any of them be of another Parish: And whether touching the Solemnisation and use of this Sacrament of Matrimony, and also of all other the Sacraments of the Church, they have kept and observed the old and laudable Custom of the Church, without any innovation or alteration in any of the same?   

Article 23.  
Item. Whether they, or every each of them, upon the Sunday at the Service-time, doth use to set forth, and to declare unto the People, all such holidays, and Fasting-days, as of Godly usage and custom hath heretofore laudably been accustomed to be kept and observed in the week following and ensuing; and whether they, and every of them doth observe and keep themselves the said holidays, and Fasting-days?   

Article 24.  
Item. Whether the Parson, or Vicar, doth repair and maintain his Chancel, and Mansion-house, in sufficient reparation; and the same being in decay, whether he doth bestow yearly the fifth part of his Benefice, till such time the same be sufficiently repaired; doing also further his Duty therein, and otherwise, as by the Law he is charged and bound in that behalf, distributing and doing as he is bound by the Law?   

Article 25.  
Item. Whether there be any Person that doth serve any Cure, or minister any Sacraments, not being Priest; or if any do take upon them to use the Room and Office of the Parson, or Vicar, or Curate, of any Benefice or Spiritual Promotion, receiving the Fruits thereof, not being admitted thereunto by the Ordinary?   

Article 26.  
Item. Whether they, and every each of them, doth go in Priestly Apparel and Habit, having their Beards and Crowns shaved, or whether any of them doth go in laymen's Habits and Apparel, or otherwise disguise themselves, that they cannot easily be discovered or known from Laymen?   

Article 27.  
Item. Whether they, or any of them, have many Promotions and Benefices Ecclesiastical, Cures, Secular Services, Yearly Pensions, Annuities, Farms, or other Revenues, now in Title or Possession; and what the Names of them be, and where they lie, giving all good instruction, and perfect information therein?   

Article 28.  
Item. Whether such as have Churches or Chapels appropriated, or Mansions or Houses thereto appertaining, do keep their Chancels and Houses in good and sufficient reparations; and whether they do all things in Distributions and Alms, or otherwise, as by Law and good Order they ought to do?   

Article 29.  
Item. Whether any such as were ordered Schismatically, and contrary to the old Order and Custom of the Catholic Church, or being unlawfully and schismatically married, after the late innovation and manner, being not yet reconciled nor admitted by the Ordinary, have celebrated or said, either Mass or Divine Service, within any Cure or Place of this City or Diocese?   

Article 30.  
Item. Whether any Parson, or Vicar, or other, having Ecclesiastical Promotion, doth set out the same to Farm, without consent, knowledge, and licence of his Ordinary, especially for an unreasonable number of Years, or with such Conditions, Qualities, or Manners, that the same is to the great prejudice of the Church, and the incumbent of the same, and especially of him that shall succeed therein?   

Article 31.  
Item. Whether there be any Parson or Vicar, Curate or Priest, that occupieth buying and selling as a Merchant, or occupieth Usury, or layeth out his Money for filthy Lucressake and Gain, to the slander of the Priesthood?   

Article 32.  
Item. Whether they, or any of them, do wear Swords, Daggers, or other Weapons, in times or places not convenient or seemly?   

Article 33.  
Item. Whether any Priest, or Ecclesiastical Person, have reiterated or renewed Baptism, which was lawfully done before, or invented or followed any new Fashion or Forms, contrary to the Order of the Catholic Church?   

Article 34.  
Item. Whether the Parson, Vicar, or Curate, do (according to the Law) every quarter in the Year, upon one solemn Day, or more, that is to wit, upon the Sunday, or Solemn Feast (when the Parishioners, by the Order of the Church do come together) expound and declare by himself, or some other sufficient Person, unto the People, in the Vulgar, or Common Tongue, plainly, truly, and fruitfully, the Articles of the Catholic Faith, the Ten Commandments expressed in the Old Law, the Two Commandments of the Gospel, or New Law; that is, of earnest Love to God, and to our Neighbour; the seven Works of Mercy; the seven deadly Sins, with their Offspring, Progeny, and Issue; the seven principal Virtues, and the seven Sacraments of the Church?   

Article 35.  
Item. Whether that every Priest, having Cure, do admonish the Women, that are with Child, within his Cure, to come to Confession, and to receive the Sacrament, especially when their time draweth nigh, and to have Water in readiness to christian the Child, if necessity so require it?   

Article 36.  
Item. Whether Stipendiary Priests do behave themselves discreetly and honestly, in all Points, towards their Parson, or Vicar, giving an Oath, and doing according to the Law, and Ecclesiastical Constitutions, Ordinances, and laudable Customs in that behalf?   

Article 37.  
Item. Whether any Parson, Vicar, or other, having any Ecclesiastical Promotion, have made any alienation of any thing pertaining to their Church, Benefice, or Promotion; what it is, and what warrant they had so to do.    

Number 16. An Address made by the Lower House of Convocation, to the Upper House.  

Ex MS. Col. Cor. C. Cant.  RIght Reverend Fathers in God, We the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury, of the Lower House, do most humbly pray your good Lordships, That toughing the Submission and Order of the Lands and Possessions which sometimes did appertain to divers Bishops, Cathedral Churches, and to the late suppressed Monasteries, Priories, Colleges, Chauntries, and free Chapels, and other Churches within this Realm, and be now in the possession of the Temporality, that it may please your good Lordships, by your discreet Wisdoms, to foresee and provide, that by this our Grant, nothing pass, which may be prejudicial or hurtful to any Bishop, or other Ecclesiastical Person, or their Successors, for or concerning any Action, Right, Title, or Interest, which by the Laws of this Realm are already grown, or may hereafter grow or rise to them, or any of them, and their Successors, for any Lands, Tenements, Pensions, Portions, Tithes, Rents, Reversions, Service, or other Hereditaments, which sometime appertained to the said Bishops, or other Ecclesiastical Persons, in the Right of their Churches, or otherwise, but that the same Right, Title, and Interest, be safe and reserved to them, and every of them and their Successors, according to the said Laws.  
And further, whereas in the Statute passed in the first Year of Edward the Sixth, for the suppressing of all Colleges, etc. Proviso was made by the said Statute, in respect of the same Surrender, that Schools and Hospitals should have been erected and founded in divers parts of this Realm, for the good education of Youth in Virtue and Learning, and the better sustentation of the Poor; and that other Works, beneficial for the Common-Weal, should have been executed, which hitherto be not performed, according to the meaning of the said Statute, it may please your good Lordships to move the King's and the Queen's most Royal Majesty, and the Lord Cardinal, to have some special consideration for the due performance of the Premises; and that as well the same may the rather come to pass, as the Church of England, which heretofore hath been hononourably endowed with Lands and Possessions, may have some recovery of so notable Damages and Losses which she hath sustained.  
It may please their Highness, with the assent of the Lords and Commons in this Parliament assembled, and by Authority of the same, to repeal, make frustrate and void, the Statute of Mortmayn, made in the seventh Year of Edward the First, otherwise entitled, de Religiosis, and the Statute concerning the same, made the 15th Year of King Richard the Second. And all and every other Statute and Statutes, at any time heretofore made concerning the same. And forasmuch as Tithes and Oblations have been at all times assigned and appointed for the sustentation of Ecclesiastical Ministers; and in consideration of the same, their Ministry and Office, which as yet cannot be executed by any Lay Person, so it is not meet that any of them should perceive, possess, or enjoy the same; That all Impropriations, now being in the hands of any Lay Person, or Persons, and Impropriations made to any secular use, other than for the maintenance of Ecclesiastical Ministers, Universities, and Schools, may be, by like Authority of Parliament, dissolved, and the Churches reduced to such State as they were in, before the same Impropriations were made. And in this behalf we shall most humbly pray your good Lordships to have in special Consideration, how lately the Lands and Possessions of prebend's, in certain Cathedral Churches within this Realm, have been taken away from the same prebend's, to the use of certain private Persons; and in the lieu thereof, Benefices of notable value, impropriated to the Cathedral Churches in which the said prebend's were founded, to the no little decay of the said Cathedral Churches and Benefices, and the Hospitality kept in the same.  
Farther, Right Reverend Fathers, we perceiving the godly forwardness in your good Lordships, in the restitution of this noble Church of England, to the pristine State and Unity of Christ's Church, which now of late Years have been grievously infected with Heresies, perverse and schismatical Doctrine, sown abroad in this Realm by evil Preachers, to the great loss and danger of many Souls, accounting ourselves to be called hither by your Lordships, out of all parts of the Province of Canterbury, to treat with your Lordship's concerning, as well the same, as of other things touching the State and Quietness of the same Church, in Doctrine and in Manners, have, for the furtherance of your godly doing therein, devised these Articles following to be further considered and enlarged, as to your Lordship's Wisdoms shall be thought expedient. Wherein, as you do earnestly think many things meet and necessary to be reformed; so we doubt not but your Lordships, having respect to God's Glory, and the good Reformation of things amiss, will no less travel to bring the same to pass. And we, for our part, shall be at all times ready to do every thing, as by your Lordship's Wisdoms shall be thought expedient.  
1. We design to be resolved, Whether that all such as have preached in any part within this Realm, or other the King and Queen's Dominions, any Heretical, Erroneous, or Seditious Doctrine, shall be called before the Ordinaries of such Places where they now dwell, or be Beneficed, and upon examination, to be driven to recant openly such their Doctrine in all Places where they have preach d the same? And otherwise, Whether any Order shall be made, and Process to be made herein against them, according to the Canons and Constitutions of the Church in such Case used?  
2. That the pestilent Book of Thomas Cranmer, late Archbishop of Canterbury, made against the most Blessed Sacrament of the Altar, and the Schismatical Book, called, The Communion Book, and the Book of Ordering of Ecclesiastical Ministers; all suspect Translations of the Old and New Testament, the Authors whereof are recited in a Statute made the Year of King Henry the Eighth, and all other Books, as well in Latin as in English, concerning any Heretical, Erroneous, or Slanderous Doctrine, may be destroyed and burnt throughout this Realm. And that public Commandment be given in all Places to every Man having any such Books, to bring in the same to the Ordinary, by a certain day, or otherwise to be taken and reputed as a favourer of such Doctrine. And that it may be lawful to every Bishop, and other Ordinary, to make enquiry and due search, from time to time for the said Books, and to take them from the Owners and Possessors of them, for the purpose abovesaid.  
3. And for the better repress of all such pestilent Books, That Order may be taken with all speed, that no such Books may be printed, uttered, or sold, within this Realm, or brought from beyond the Seas, or other parts, into the same, upon grievous pains to all such as shall presume to attempt the contrary.  
4. And that the Bishops, and other Ordinaries, may, with better speed, root up all such pernicious Doctrine, and the Authors thereof; We desire that the Statutes made, Anno quinto of Richard the Second, Anno secundo of Henry the Fourth, and Anno secundo of Henry the Fifth, against Heretics, Lollards, and false Preachers, may be by your Industrious Suit revived and put in force, as shall be thought convenient. And generally, that all Bishops, and other Ecclesiastical Ordinaries, may be restored to their Pristine Jurisdiction against Heretics, Schismatics, and their Fautors, in as large and ample manner as they were, in the first Year of King Henry the Eighth.  
5. And that the Premises may be the better executed by the presence of Beneficed Men in their Cures, the Statutes made Anno 21. of Henry the Eighth, concerning Pluralities of Benefices, and Nonresidence of Beneficed Men; by reason whereof, a larger Liberty or Licence is given to a great multitude of Priests and Chaplains to be absent from their Benefices with Cure, than was ever permitted by the Canon Laws, and all other Statutes touching the same, may be repealed, void, and abolished; and that the Bishops, and other Ordinaries, may call all Beneficed Men to be resident upon their Cures, as before the making of that Act they might have done.  
6. Item. That the Ordinaries do, from time to time, make Process for punishment of all Simoniacal Persons, of whom it is thought there were never so many within this Realm. And that not only the Clerks, but also the Patrons, and all the Mediators of such Pactions may be punished. Wherein we think good that Order were taken, that the Patrons should lose their Patronage during their natural Lives, according to the Ecclesiastical Constitutions of this Realm.  
7. Item. That the ancient Liberty, Authority, and Jurisdiction, be restored to the Church of England, according to the Article of the great Charter, called, Magna Charta; at the least wise, in such sort as it was in the first Year of Henry the Eighth; and touching this Article, we shall desire your Lordships to be with us most humble Suitors to the King's and Queen's Majesty, and to the Lord Legat, for the remission of the importable Burdens of the First-Fruits, Tenths, and Subsidies. In which Suit, whatsoever advancement your Lordships shall think good to be offered unto their Majesties for the same, we shall therein be always glad to do as shall be thought good.  
8. Item. That no Attachment of Praemunire be awarded against any Bishop, or other Ordinary Ecclesiastical from henceforth in any Matter, but that a Prohibition be first brought to the same, and that it may please the King's and Queen's Majesty, to command the Temporal Judges of this Realm, to explicate and declare plainly, all and singular Articles of the Praemunire, and to make a certain Doctrine thereof.  
9 Item. That the Statutes of the Provisors be not drawn by unjust Interpretation out of their proper Cases, nor from the proper sense of the words of the same Statutes.  
10. Item. That the Statute of Submission of the Clergy, made Anno 25. of Henry the Eighth, and all other Statutes made during the time of the late Schism, in derogation of the Liberties and Jurisdictions of the Church, from the first Year of King Henry the Eighth, may be repealed, and the Church restored in integrum.  
11. Item. That the Statute made for finding of great Horses by Ecclesiastical Per●●ns, may likewise be repealed.  
12. Item. That Usurers may be punished by the Common Laws, as in times past hath been used.  
13. Item. That those which lay violent Hands upon any Priest, or other Ecclesiastical Minister, being in Orders, may be punished by the Canon Laws, as in times past hath been used.  
14. Item. That all Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons, and all other having prebend's, or other Ecclesiastical Promotions or Benefices, from henceforth use such Priestlike Habit, as the quality of his State and Benefice requireth.  
15. Item. That Married Priests may be compelled to forsake their Women, whom they took as their Wives.  
16. Item. That an Order may be taken for the bringing up of Youth in good Learning and Virtue; and that the Schoolmasters of this Realm may be Catholic Men, and all other to be removed that are either Sacramentaries, or Heretics, or otherwise notable Criminous Persons.  
17. Item. That all exempt and peculiar Places may, from henceforth be immediately under the Jurisdiction of that Archbishop, or Bishop, and Archdeacon, within whose several Diocese and Arch-deaconry, the same are presently constitute and situate. And whereas divers Temporal Men, by reason of late Purchases of certain Abbeys, and exempt Places, have, by their Letters Patents, or otherwise, granted unto them Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in the said Places; That from henceforth the said Jurisdiction be devolved to the Archbishop, or Bishop, and Archdeacon, within whose Diocese, and Arch-deaconry the same now be.  
18. Item. Where the Mayor of London, by force of a Decree made, Anno of Henry the Eighth, hath attributed unto him the Cognition of Causes of Tithes in London; that from henceforth the same Cognition, and Jurisdiction, may utterly cease, and be reduced immediately to the Bishop of London Ordinary there.  
19 Item. That Tithes may be henceforth paid according to the Canon Laws.  
20. Item. That Lands and Places impropriated to Monasteries, which at the time of Dissolution and Suppression thereof, were exempt from payment of Tithes, may be now allotted to certain Parishes, and there chargeable to pay like Tithes as other Parishioners do.  
21. Item. That there be a straight Law made, whereby the reparations of Chancels, which are notoriously decayed through the Realm, may be duly repaired, from time to time, by such as by the Law ought to do the same; and namely, such as be in the King's and Queen's Hands; and that the Ordinaries may lawfully proceed in Causes of Dilapidations, as well of them as of all other Parsonages, Vicarages, and other Ecclesiastical Benefices and Promotions.  
22. Item. That Order be taken for the more speedy payment of Pensions to all Priests, Pentionaries; and that they may have the same, without long Suits or Charges.  
23. Item. That an Order be taken for payment of Personal Tithes, in Cities, and Towns, and elsewhere, as was used in Anno 21. of Henry the Eighth.  
24. Item. That such Priests as were lately married, and refuse to reconcile themselves to their Order, and to be restored to Ministration, may have some special Animadversion, whereby, as Apostates, they may, be discerned from other.  
25. Item. That Religious Women, which be married, may be divorced.  
26. Item. That in Divorces, which are made from Bed and Board, Provision may be made, that the Innocent Woman may enjoy such Lands and Goods as were hers before the Marriage, or that happened to come to her use at any time during the Marriage; and that it may not be lawful for the Husband, being for his Offence divorced from the said Woman, to intermeddle himself with the said Lands or Goods, unless his Wife be to him reconciled.  
27. Item. That Wardens of Churches and Chapels, may render their Accounts before the Ordinaries, and may be by them compelled to do the same.  
28. Item. That all such Ecclesiastical Persons as lately have spoiled Cathedral, Collegiate, and other Churches, of their own heads and temerity, may be compelled to restore all and singular things so by them taken away, or the true value thereof; and farther, to re-edify such things, as by them are destroyed and defaced.   

Number 17. A Bull, constituting Cardinal Beaton Archbishop of St. Andrews, Legate a Latere in the Kingdom of Scotland. An Original.  
PAulus Episcopus Servus Servorum Dei, dilecto Filio Davidi, 
Ex Chartophylac. Regio.  & Sancti Stephani in Celiomonte Presbitero Cardinali Sancti Andreae nuncupato, apud Charissimam in Christo Filiam nostram Mariam Scotorum Reginam Illustrem, & in toto Scotiae Regno, & Universis & singulis Provinciis, Civitatibus, Terris, Castris, & Locis praefatae Mariae Reginae mediate vel immediate Subjectis, nostro Apostolicae sedis Legato, Salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem. Licet potestatis plenitudo desuper nobis sit commissa, & Universi Gregis Domini, divina disponente Clementia, curam habeamus; fines tamen humanae possibilitatis excedere non valentes, considerantesque quod circa singula per nos ipsos Apostolicae servitutis Officium absolvere non possumus, nonunquam aliquos, & praecipue Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinales, in Sollicitudinis partem assumimus; ut ipsis vices nostras supplentibus, eorum cooperatione laudabili nostri oneris gravitatem alleviantes, ministerium nobis Commissum, Divina favente gratia, facilius & efficacius exequamur: Animo itaque volventes multa quotidie eventura ob quae opportunum atque necessarium erit, cum charissima in Christo Filia nostra Maria Scotorum Regina Illustri, super pluribus Decus, Dignitatem ac Statum Christianae Reipublicae, Sanctaeque sedis Apostolicae concernentibus pertractare; ac nobis persuadentes quod Circumspectio tua, quae rerum maximarum usu & experientia, ac singulari in agendo studio & dexteritate, nec minori prudentia & ingenii Acrimonia ita praestat, quod quaecunque contigerint cum illa Majestate, nostro & praedictae sedis nomine communicanda, tractanda, & peragenda, quae nostrum & dictae sedis honorem ipsamque dignitatem respiciunt, necnon illa quae eidem Circumspectioni tuae duxerimus committenda, ea cura, industria, & solertia prosequeris, & adimplere curabis ut voluntas nostra, quae non nisi ad Gregem custodiae nostrae commissum, tuendum, & ampliandum invigilat, optatum finem sortiatur; Habita super his cum venerabilibus fratribus nostris Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalibus, matura deliberatione, de ipsorum Fratrum Consilio, Circumspectionem tuam apud dictam Mariam Reginam, necnon in toto Scotiae Regno, ac universis & singulis Provinciis, Civitatibus, Terris, Castris, & Locis eidem Mariae Reginae mediate vel immediate subjectis, nostrum & sedis praedictae Legatum, ad beneplacitum nostrum, Creamus, Constituimus & Deputamus. Circumspectio igitur tua munus hujusmodi devota ment suscipiens, se in illius executione sic sollicitam, ac verbo & opere studiosam diligentemque exhibeat, quod ex tuis laboribus divina favente gratia optati fructus, quod speramus, succedant: Tuque per sollicitudinem tuam praeter aeternae retributionis praemium, possis apud nos & sedem eandem merito commendari. Nos autem, ut ipsi expectati fructus quantocius, emanent, & tu erga Personas Regni, Provinciarum, Civitatum, Terrarum, Castrorum, & Locorum praedictorum, necnon familiares tuos continuos, commensales, undecunque originem & ubicunque Domicilium habentes, tuis obsequiis insistentes, & tibi servientes, te possis reddere gratiosum, Circumspectioni tuae Matrimoniales & Beneficiales, ac alias Ecclesiasticas necnon spirituales & prophanas causas quaslibet, ad forum Ecclesiasticum quomodolibet pertinentes, tam primae instantiae, quem Appellatione quorumcunque, etiam a quibuscunque Judicibus, Ordinariis & Delegatis, etiam per nos & sedem praedictam, seu quoscunque alios etiam a Latere Legatos, & Judices interpositarum pro tempore, & durante dicta Legatione interponendarum, etiam Summarie, simpliciter, & de plano, sine strepitu & figura Judicii, sola facti veritate inspecta; cum potestate citandi, & inhibendi, ac sequestrandi, & exequendi, etiam per edictum publicum constituto, summariae & extrajudicialiter, de non tuto accessu, etiam sub censuris & paenis Ecclesiasticis etiam pecuniariis, tuo vel tuorum Delegatorum arbitrio moderandis, exigendis & applicandis, per te, vel alium seu alios, audiendas, cognoscendas, & fine debito terminandas, delegandi; illasque etiamsi per nos aut alios Autoritate Apostolica delegatae forent, seu alias coram quocunque penderent, cum tibi placuerit, ad te advocandi, & aliis etiam simpliciter committendi, & adversus quascunque sententias, & res Judicatas, ac Contractus, & Lesiones quascunque, dictis tuis familiaribus Beneficium Restitutionis in integrum concedendi. Ac Officium Tabellionatus quibuscunque personis idoneis, recepto ab eye in forma solita juramento, concedendi: illosque Tabelliones creandi, & Notariatus Officio investiendi, alias juxta formam in Quinterno Cancellariae Apostolicae descriptam: Ac Milites auratos, Comitesque Palatinos, & Poetas Laureatos creandi, constituendi, & deputandi: Ac personas sufficientes & idoneas ad Doctoratus, seu Licenciaturae, & Baccalaureatus in utroque vel altero Jurium, & etiam ad Magisterii tam in Theologia quam Artibus, & Medicina, vel alios gradus hujusmodi promovendi; eisque insignia solita & debita, conferendi, & exhibendi, seu exhiberi & conferri faciendi, eisque quod omnibus & singulis Gratiis, Privilegiis, Libertatibus, immunitatibus, exemptionibus, & indultis, quibus alii Milites aurati, Poetae Laureati, & Comites Palatini, per nos & sedem praedictam, creati & instituti, necnon ad hujusmodi Gradus in Universitatibus Studiorum generalium, juxta illos actus & mores, ac servatis servandis promoti utuntur, potiuntur & gaudent; seu uti, potiri, & gaudere poterunt, quomodolibet in futurum; uti, potiri & gaudere, libere & licite possint, & debeant indulgendi. Ac cum Nobilibus & Graduatis, ut quaecunque Tria, & si cum eis ad Duo incompatibilia Beneficia Ecclesiastica, insimul ad vitam obtinenda dispensatum foret; cum eis ut quodcunque Tertium, cum aliis vero non Nobilibus aut Graduatis, ut quaecunque Duo Curata, seu alias invicem incompatibilia, etiam si dignitas, Personatus, Administrationes, vel Officia in Cathedralibus, etiam Metropolitanis, vel Collegiatis: & Dignitates ipse in Cathedralibus, etiam Metropolitanis, post Pontificiales Majores, seu Collegiatis Ecclesiis hujusmodi Principales, aut duo ex eisdem Parrochiales Ecclesiae, vel earum perpetuae Vicariae fuerint: Et ad dignitates, personatus, administrationes, vel officia hujusmodi consueverint, qui per electionem assumi, eisque cura immineat animarum, necnon quaecunque duo dissimilia, vel similia, sub uno, duobus vel tribus tectis dictarum vel aliarum Ecclesiarum consistentia: Ac cum quibusvis Personis, cujusvis Ordinis, Monachis, Canonicis, & Religiosis, ut quaecunque duo Beneficia Ecclesiastica, cum cura vel sine cura regularia, aut cum eorum altero, seu sine illis, unum curatum seculare, & cum quibusvis Clericis Secularibus, ut unum Beneficium Ecclesiasticum cum cura, vel sine cura cujusvis Ordinis regulare, etiam si beneficia regularia hujusmodi Prioratus, praepositurae, praepositatus, Dignitates, Personatus, Administrationes vel Officia fuerint; & ad illos illas vel illa consueverint, qui per electionem assumi, eisque cura immineat animarum: Regulares, videlicet unum ex dictis regularibus beneficiis quod maluerint, si Prioratus, praepositura, aut alia Dignitas Conventualis, aut officium claustrale fuerit, in titulum & ipsi regulares reliquum, ac seculare vel alterius Ordinis regulare; necnon Clerici Seculares unum quod Conventuale aut Claustrale non sit, in commendam quoad vixerint, vel ad tempus de quo tibi videbitur retinere, ac de ipsius commendandi beneficii, fructibus, redditibus, & proventibus disponere, & ordinare, sicuti illud in titulum pro tempore obtinentes, de illis disponere & ordinare potuerunt, seu etiam debuerunt; Alienatione tamen quorumcunque bonorum immobilium, & preciosorum mobilium, dicti Benificii in Commendam retinendi, eye penitus interdicta: Necnon cum petentibus defectum Natalium etiam regularibus, ut ad omnes etiam Sacros Ordines promoveri, & quaecumque, quotcumque, & qualiacunque Beneficia Ecclesiastica cum cura vel sine cura, ac se invicem compatientia, etiam si Canonicatus, & Prebendae in Cathedralibus, etiam Metropolitanis vel Collegiatis Ecclesiis, hujusmodi ac alias ut praefertur qualificata fuerint; dummodo dignitates in Metropolitanis vel aliis Cathedralibus, post Pontificales Majores, & in Collegiatis Ecclesiis hujusmodi Principales non existant; ac etiam cum eis si graduati non fuerint, ut praefertur, ad duo, si vero graduati fuerint, ad tria incompatibilia beneficia hujusmodi, non tamen dignitates majores ut praefertur, nec Principales, vel cum dispensatis ad duo ut tertium Curatum, vel alias incompatibile ut supradictum est, & cum regularibus etiam ad beneficia regularia ut praefertur, qualificata, & competentibus, aetatis defectum etiam regularibus, supra decimum septimum suae aetatis Annum, ut seculare quodcunque Beneficium Ecclesiasticum Curatum, vel alias incompatibile, etiam si dignitas, personatus, administratio, vel Officium in Cathedrali, vel Metropolitana vel Collegiata, etiam si dignitas ipsa in Cathedrali vel Metropolitana post Pontificalem majori, & in Collegiata Ecclesia hujusmodi Principalis seu Parochialis Ecclesia, vel ejus perpetua Vicaria fuerit; & ad dignitates, personatus, administrationes, vel officia tam secularia quam regularia, hujusmodi consueverunt, quae per electionem assumi, eisque cura immineat animarum, Regulares vero beneficium etiam seculare ut praefertur qualificatum, si eis alias canonice conferatur, aut ipsi eligantur, praesententur, vel alias assumantur ad illa & instituantur, in eis recipere & insimul quoad vixerint retinere, illaque simul vel successive, simpliciter vel ex causa permutationis, quoties sibi placuerit dimittere, & commendae hujusmodi cedere, ac loco dimissi vel dimissorum, aliud vel alia, simile vel dissimile, aut similia vel dissimilia, beneficium seu beneficia, Ecclesiasticum vel Ecclesiastica, quaecunque, quotcunque & qualiacunque compatientia, seu duo aut tria vel tertium curata, seu alias invicem incompatibilia, ac duo alia similia vel dissimilia, sub uno vel duobus aut tribus tectis consistentia, ac quaecunque, quotcunque & qualiacunque cum cura vel sine cura, se invicem & cum praedictis compatientia, aut supra dictum decimum septimum Annum agentes, curatum vel alias incompatibile Beneficium Ecclesiasticum respective similiter recipere, & dummodo inter ipsa tria incompatibilia plures quam duae Parrochiales Ecclesiae, vel earum perpetuae Vicariae, aut duo Canonicatus & Prebendae, seu duae dignitates, personatus, administrationes, vel officia, sub eodem tecto ac pro dictis patientibus, defectum Natalium, dignitates ipsae in eisdem Cathedralibus etiam Metropolitanis post Pontificales Majores, aut Collegiatis Ecclesiis hujusmodi modo Principales non existent, insimul quoad vixerint vel ad tempus retinere. Quodque constituto in sexto decimo, ut ad Subdiaconatus, & in decimo octavo ad Diaconatus, ac in vigesimo primo suarum aetatis Annis, etiam si ratione Beneficiorum Ecclesiasticorum per eos obtentorum arctati fuerint, ad Presbiteratus Ordines, & tam ipsi quam quicunque alii in aetate legitima constituti, & similiter arctati, promoveri volentes, ut ad omnes ordines praedictos, etiam extra tempora a jure Statuta, quibusvis diebus Dominicis, vel Festivis, & prout necessitas exegerit, ad duos ex ordinibus praedictis eodem die a quocunque maluerint, Catholico Antistite, gratiam & communionem dictae sedis habente, alias tamen rite promoveri libere & licite possint. Quodque obtinentes Beneficia Ecclesiastica curata, seu alias Sacros & Presbiteratus Ordines hujusmodi, tam de jure quam ex Statuto, fundatione, vel alias requirentia, ut ratione illorum, Usque ad septennium a fine Anni eye a jure praefixi computandum, ad aliquem ex Diaconatus & Presbiteratus Ordinibus hujusmodi, dummodo infra primum dicti septennii Biennium ad dictum Subdiaconatus Ordinem promoti fuerint, se promoveri facere minime teneantur, nec ad id a quoquam, quavis Auctoritate inviti valeant coarctari; etiam unum, duo, vel plura septennia, vel alia tempora ad id per nos aut sedem eandem pluries concessa, & prorogata fuerint, & pendeant: Et cum quibusvis Personis tertio aut quarto, aut mixtim, tertio & quarto, etiam multiplici consanguinitatis seu affinitatis gradibus invicem conjunctis, & quocunque impedimento publicae honestatis, aut cum his qui per Adulterium se polluissent, dummodo in mortem defuncti conjugis quicquam machinati non fuissent, ut invicem matrionaliter copulari, & in contractis per eos scienter vel ignoranter Matrimoniis, cum absolutione a censuris quas sic scienter contrahendo incurrissent, remanere possint, etiam prolem exinde susceptam legitimam decernendo, dispensandi. Ac Personis quibuscunque, Ecclesiasticis Secularibus & Regularibus, ut quoad vixerint, vel ad aliud tempus in Romana Cura, vel altero Beneficiorum Ecclesiasticorum per eos obtentorum residendo, aut Literarum Studio in Loco ubi illud vigeat generale insistendo, fructus, redditus & proventus omnium & singulorum Beneficiorum Ecclesiasticorum, cum cura vel sine cura, quae in quibusvis Ecclesiis sive Locis pro tempore obtinebunt, etiam si ut praefertur, qualificata fuerint cum ea integritate, quotidianis distributionibus duntaxat exceptis, libere percipere valeant, cum qua illos perciperent, si in eisdem Ecclesiis sive locis personaliter residerent, & ad residendum interim in eisdem minime teneantur, nec ad id a quoquam valeant coarctari. Proviso quod beneficia praedicta debitis propterea non fraudentur obsequiis, & animarum Cura in eis quibus illa immineat nullatenus negligatur; sed per bonos & sufficientes Vicarios, quibus de ipsorum beneficiorum proventibus necessaria congrue ministrentur, diligenter exerceatur, & deserviatur inibi laudabiliter in divinis. Ac quibuscunque personis liceat habere Altare portatile, cum debitis Reverentia, & honore, super quo in locis ad id congruentibus & honestis sive alieni juris praejudicio: Et cum qualitas negotiorum pro tempore ingruentium id exegerit, antequam elucescat dies, circa tamen diurnam lucem, ita quod id nec eis, nec Sacerdoti taliter celebranti ad culpam valeat imputari, & cum eos ad loca Ecclesiastica interdicta supposita contigerit declinare, in illis clausis Januis, Excommunicatis & interdictis exclusis, non pulsatis Campanis, & submissa voce possint etiam per se ipsos, si Ecclesiastici & ad Presbiteratus ordinem rite promoti fuerint, aut per proprium vel alium Sacerdotem, Missas & alia Divina Officia in sua & famulorum suorum domesticorum praesentia celebrare, & celebrari facere; dummodo ipsi vel illi causam non dederint interdicto, nec id ipsis vel illis contigerit specialiter interdici: Proviso etiam quod parce hujusmodi concessione ante diem, celebrandi & celebrari faciendi utantur; quia cum in Altaris Ministerio imoletur Dominus noster Jesus Christus Dei Filius, qui Candor est Lucis aeternae, convenit hoc non noctis tenebris fieri, sed in Luce. Ac quibuscunque Personis ut Confessorem seu Confessores idoneos eligere possint, qui eos & eorum quemlibet juxta formam in quinterno dictae Cancellariae annotatam, poterit absolvere. Necnon quibusvis Personis Ecclesiasticis secularibus ut quoad vixerint, & quoties eis placuerit, per seipsas aut cum uno Presbitero, seu Clerico, socio seu familiari, horas Canonicas diurnas & nocturnas, ac alia divina officia secundum usum & morem Romanae Ecclesiae, etiam juxta ritum Breviarii noviter impressi, extra tamen chorum Ecclesiae, dicere & recitare, libere & licite valeant; & ad alium usum super hoc observandum, etiam ratione beneficiorum per eas obtentorum, minime teneantur, nec ad id compelli possint, indulgendi. Quodque quilibet Sacerdos aut Religiosus Ecclesiast. Sacramenta ministrare valeat, Jurae Parrochialis Ecclesiae, & cujuslibet alterius in omnibus semper salvo. Concedendi, ac Mulieribus honestis quibuscunque, ut quaecunque Monasteria, & domos Monialium quarumcunque, etiam observantiae regularis exempta & non exempta, quomodocunque reclusa, cum aliquibus Matronis etiam honestis, de consensu eorum qui dictis Monasteriis & Domibus praefuerint, dummodo inibi non pernoctent, Devotionis causa ingredi valeant: Ac Rectoribus Parrochialium Ecclesiarum, & aliorum Beneficiorum Ecclesiasticorum, Curatorum, vel quoscunque eorum, Parrochianos utriusque sexus, ab omnibus & singulis eorum peccatis, & Criminibus, in Casibus in quibus Ordinarii locorum de Jure vel consuetudine, aut alias absolvere possint; Et in illis qui sedi praedictae reservati non fuerint, absolvere, Ac vota quaecunque per eos pro tempore emissa, preterquam sedi praedictae reservata, in alia pietatis opera commutare valeant: Ac quibuscunque personis utriusque sexus, Secularibus, Ecclesiasticis, Religiosis, Mendicantibus, quae Zelo Devotionis accensae, Sepulchrum Dominicum, & alia pia Loca & Oratoria terrae Sanctae, desiderant personaliter visitare, quibusvis prohibitionibus Apostolicis in contrarium factis non obstantibus, Sepulchrum & alia Loca praedicta visitare. Et in locis in quibus usus olei non habetur, ut Butiro & Caseo & infirmi de Consilio utriusque Medici, Carnibus Vesci, & licite uti valeant, indulgendi. Necnon quaecunque Juramenta ad effectum agendi, ac etiam simpliciter ut tibi videbitur, dummodo alicui exinde magnum praejudicium non fiat, relaxandi. Ac quoscunque qui Perjurii Reatum incurrerint, ab illo absolvendi, & ad Priores honores, Statum, & famam restituendi, ac plenarie reintegrandi, omnemque inhabilitatis & Infamiae maculam sive notam, Praemissorum occasione contractam, poenitus abolendi: Ac quoscunque per saltum, vel furtive, ad aliquos sacros Ordines promotos, ab excessu quem propterea incurrerint, absolvendi; vel ut ad aliquos alios si promoti non essent, alias rite promoveri, libere & licite possint dispensandi: Absolvendi quoque omnes & singulos qui Simoniae labem, tam in beneficiis per eos habitis eujuscunque qualitatis fuerint, quam Ordinibus per eos susceptis contraxerint, ab illa & excommunicationis aliisque censuris, & paenis Ecclesiasticis quas propterea incurrerint; & super Irregularitate si quam illis ligati, Missas & alia Divina Officia, non tamen in contemptum Clavium, celebrando, seu alias se immiscendo, contraxissent, dispensandi: omnemque inhabilitatis & Infamiae maculam, similiter per eos dicta occasione, ac etiam si forsan aliqua beneficia, curata vel alias incompatibilia, post & contra foelicis recordationis Johannis Papae 22, Praedecessoris nostri, quae incipit, Execrabilis, Constitutionem detinuissent, & detinerent, fructus perripiendo, ex eisdem contractam abolendi; dictaque beneficia eis, facta tamen per eos prius de fructibus male perceptis, debita Compositione pro Camera Apostolica, denuo conferendi: Et eos qui etiam Parrochiales Ecclesias, vel alia beneficia Ecclesiastica Presbiteratus vel alium ordinem requirentia, intra Annum vel aliud tempus pacifice possedissent, & ea postmodum detinuissent & detineant, ad dictum Presbiteratus ordinem legitimo cessante impedimento, nullaque per eos desuper dispensatione obtenta, non promoti, fructus etiam percipiendo, absolvendi; omnemque inhabilitatis & Infamiae maculam, sive notam, similiter per eos dicta occasione contractam, paenitus tollendi, eisque de novo de beneficiis praedictis sic detentis providendi, facta tamen debita de fructibus male perceptis, pro Camera praedicta ut praedictum est, compositione. Ac quoscunque qui in Clericos & Presbiteros, citra tamen membri mutilationem & mortem, manus violentas temere injecissent, ab Excommunicationis sententia, quam propterea incurrerint, si hoc humiliter petierint; Et etiam qui tempore Bellorum, Rapinas, Sacrilegia, Furta, & alia mala perpetrarunt, debita satisfactione praevia, & etiam illos, qui horas Canonicas omiserunt, & debita tempore non recitaverunt, aut inadvertenter dixerunt, cujuscunque Qualitatis, Ordinis & Conditionis fuerint, ab excessibus & omissione hujusmodi respective; Necnon etiam quoscunque Religiosos Ordinum quorumcunque, qui ob sui habitus non delationem, aut alias, Reatum sedis Apostolicae incurrissent, ab illa ac etiam Excommunicationis, aliisque sententiis, censuris & paenis Ecclesiasticis, quos propterea etiam juxta instituta suorum ordinum regularia incurrissent, absolvendi: Ac super irregularitate quacunque, praeterquam homicidii voluntarii, aut Bigamiaes, quovismodo, etiam per sententiam, etiam sanguinis, ultimi supplicii inde secuti, aut mutilatione membrorum contracta, ad omnes etiam Sacros & Presbiteratos Ordines, citra tamen Altaris Ministerium, & ad dignitates & beneficia Ecclesiastica, cum cura & sine cura, quaecunque, quotcunque & qualiacunque, se invicem compatientia, eye alias Canonice conferenda, dispensandi; omnemque inhabilitatis & Infamiae maculam sive notam etiam inde contractam, paenitus abolendi. Et contra quoscunque tam Ecclesiasticos quam Laicos, Litterarum Apostolicarum & Supplicationum ac Commissionum Falsarios, Schismaticos, Haereticos, Usurarios, Raptores, & aliorum quorumcunque Criminum Reos, cujuscunque dignitatis, status, gradus, ordinis, vel conditionis existentes, inquirendi, procedendi, ac reos juxta criminum & excessuum exigentiam, prout Canonicae disponunt Sanctiones, ut videbitur Conscientiae expedire, puniendi: Contradictores quoslibet & Rebelles, per Censuram Ecclesiasticam, & alia Juris Remedia, Appellatione postposita, compescendi, & si opus fuerit auxilium Brachii secularis invocandi, seu praemissa fieri faciendi: Et si ad Cor reversi, suum errorem recognoverint, & de praemissis volverint, ipsique humiliter postulaverint, seu supplicaverint, & tibi videbitur eos a criminibus, & excessibus ac sententiis, censuris, & paenis hujusmodi quas propterea incurrerint, absolvendi: Ac cum eis, facta tamen cum dicta Camera Compositione, ad Ordines, Honores & Dignitates, ac etiam Beneficia Ecclesiastica, quaecunque, quotcunque, & qualiacunque, dispensandi, eosque in pristinum statum restituendi, reponendi, & plenarie reintegrandi, omnemque inhabilitatis & Infamiae maculam, sive notam per eos praemissorum occasione contractam, etiam paenitus abolendi. Ac cum dictis Usurariis super male ablatis, & perceptis incertis, pro dicta Camera componendi, eisque, ut facta compositione hujusmodi, ad aliam restitutionem faciendam non teneantur, concedendi. Ac quascunque Ecclesias, Monasteria, Domos, Universitates, & Collegia, ac pia Loca, quaecunque etiam exempta, & eidem sedi immediate subjecta, per te vel alium, seu alios idoneos, visitandi, & quae ex eye Correctione & Emendatione tam in Spiritualibus quam Temporalibus indigere cognoveris, tam in Capite quam in membris reformandi, prout secundum Deum, & Canonicas Sanctiones, ac Regularum suarum instituta, noveris expedire: Ac quaecunque Statuta, & Ordinationes Ecclesiarum, Universitatum, & Studiorum generalium, Monasteriorum, Ordinum, & Conventuum, quae tamen Libertatem Ecclesiasticam non confundant, aut illi derogent vel repugnent, confirmandi, & approbandi; Supplendique omnes & singulos defectus, si qui forsan intervenissent in eisdem, illaque si tibi expedire videbitur, moderandi, corrigendi, & in melius reformandi, ac illis juxta illorum exigentiam addendi. Necnon quotquot tibi videbitur in nostros & dictae sedis Accolitos; Capellanos, & Notarios Apostolica Auctoritate recipiendi, & aliorum nostrorum & dictae sedis Accolitorum, Capellanorum, & Notariorum numero, & consortio favorabiliter aggregandi; Ac eis quod omnibus & singulis Privilegiis, Prerogativis, indultis, honoribus, exemptionibus, gratiis, libertatibus, & immunitatibus, utantur, potiantur, & gaudeant, quibus utuntur, potiuntur & gaudent, ac uti, potiri & gaudere poterunt, quomodolibet in futurum alii nostri & dictae sedis Notarii: Exhibendi quoque, & exhiberi faciendi, eye Insignia Notariatus hujusmodi, recepto tamen prius ab eis solito Juramento, ac quibusvis personis Ecclesiasticis etiam Praelatis, Secularibus, & Regularibus, utriusque sexus, etiam juxta formam Queen interni Cancellariae, hujusmodi licentiam Testandi, concedendi; Ac etiam per te vel alium seu alios quorumcunque beneficiorum Ecclesiasticorum cum cura & sine cura, Secularium vel Regularium, etiam quae dictae sedi ex quavis causa praeterquam ratione Officialium sedis praedictae, in Romana Curia officia sua actu exercentium, generaliter reservata fuerint, resignationes simpliciter, vel ex causa permutationis, ac commendatorum & ligitiosorum tam in dicta Curia quam extra eam, ceffiones litis, causas juris ac commendarum recipiendi, & admittendi, ac Causas desuper pendentes advocandi, & lites hujusmodi penitus extinguendi, dictaque beneficia tam simpliciter quam ex eadem causa, & alia quaecunque, quotcunque, & qualiacunque, etiam alias, etiam per obitum infra limites dictae Legationis, & quoad tuos Familiares, continuos, commensales extra dictos limites ubicunque vacantia, & vacatura, etiam si ut praefertur reservata, vel affecta, & de jure Patronatus Laicorum fuerint, etiam si Dignitates Majores & Principales, & beneficia etiam regularia manualia, & alias quomodolibet qualificata fuerint, personis idoneis etiam quaecunque, quotcunque, & qualiacunque beneficia Ecclesiastica obtinentibus & expectantibus, etiam secularibus vel regularibus, conferendi, & de illis etiam providendi: Necnon quibusvis ministeriis tam Virorum quam Mulierum, Ordinum quorumcunque Legationis praedictae, quorum tamen videlicet Virorum fructus, redditus, & proventus ducentorum fleecnorum Auri, de Camera secundum communem extenuationem, valorem annuum non excedant, nunc & pro tempore vacantibus, de Abbatibus & Abbatissis, providendi, ac Monasteria & beneficia hujusmodi quibusvis ad vitam, vel ad tempus, per eos tenenda, regenda, & gubernanda; ita quod liceat eis, debitis & consuetis illorum supportatis oneribus, de residuis illorum fructibus, redditibus, & proventibus, disponere & ordinare, sicuti illa in titulum pro tempore obtinentes, de illis disponere & ordinare potuerunt, seu etiam debuerunt: Alienatione tamen quorumcunque bonorum immobilium, & preciosorum mobilium, Monasteriorum & beneficiorum praedictorum eis penitus interdicta. Commendandi necnon invicem, vel ad tempus, etiam quibusvis Mensis, Spiritualibus, Capitularibus, & Conventialibus, uniendi, annectendi, & incorporandi, Ac Canonicos super-numerarios, de consensu Capituli creandi, ac ad sententiarum, rerum judicatarum, Exemptorialium, & Censurarum, per resignantes, seu cedentes in Rota nostri Pallatii Apostolici habitarum, prosecutionem, illos in quorum favorem resignaverint, seu cesserint, admittendi, seu admitti faciendi, & mandandi & ad ulteriorem executionem usque ad realem paritionem contra quoscunque etiam Pontificali praeditos dignitate procedendi, ac verum & ultimum vacationis modum, etiam si ex eo quaevis generalis reservatio resultet, pro expressa habend. ac super illorum & quorumcunque aliorum beneficiorum Ecclesiasticorum fructibus, redditibus, & proventibus, quascunque pensiones Annuas, non tamen medietatem fructuum, reddituum & proventuum hujusmodi excedentes, ac etiam omnes fructus loco pensionis, praedictis resignantibus, vel cedentibus, aut aliis personis idoneis, quoad vixerint per praedicta beneficia, pro tempore obtinentes, & eorum successores, annis singulis, in locis & terminis etiam sub privationis & aliis paenis, sententiis, & censuris Ecclesiasticis, in talibus apponi solitis; persolvendas etiam cum regressu, ingressu, vel accessu, ob non solutionem earum in forma solita de consensu eorum qui dictas pensiones persolvere habebunt, reservandi, constituendi, & assignandi: Ac easdem & alias hactenus & deinceps reservatas & reservandas pensiones, & fructuum reservationes, de consensu etiam anticipata solutione, aliquorum Annorum cassandi, & extinguendi, ac Annullandi. Ac quo ad familiares tuos praedictos qui transferendi facultatem habuerint easdem pensiones, & fructus de eorum consensu, etiam in quoscunque per eos nominatos, transferendi, etiam cum hoc quod ipsi in quos transferentur, quaecunque transferenium debita persolvere, vel alia onera, & conditiones in ipsis translationibus apposita, adimplere, sub paena invaliditatis translationis, teneantur: & fructibus hujusmodi clausulam quod earum Litterae per te concedendae pro expeditis & intimatis, habeantur, de consensu illorum qui solvere habebunt, apponendi: Ac personas praedictas ad effectum gratiarum praedictarum, quas pro tempore per te eis concedi contigerit, ad omnibus & singulis Excommunicationis, Suspensionis, & Interdicti aliisque Ecclesiasticis Sententiis, censuris & paenis, a jure vel ab homine quovis occasione vel causa latis, si quibus quomodolibet immediate fuerint, absolvendi, & absolutas fore censendi. Ac omnia & singula beneficia Ecclesiast. cum cura, & sine cura, quae etiam ex quibusvis dispensationibus Apostolicis obtinent, & expectant, ac in quibus & ad quaevis eis quomodolibet competit, quaecunque, quotcunque, & qualiacunquesint, eorumque, fructuum, reddituum, & proventuum, veros annuos valores, ac hujusmodi dispensationum tenores, in Litteris tuis, pro expressis, absque eo quod de illis vel eorum aliquo mentionem facere teneantur, aut propter non factam mentionem ipsam, Litterae per te concedendae, surreptionis aut nullitatis vitia subjacere censeantur, habendo. Necnon quascunque gratias expectativas, speciales reservationes, uniones, annexiones, & incorporationes, nominationes, nominandi & conferendi facultates, & mandata per nos & sedem praedictam, aut Legatos ejusdem, in favorem quarumcunque personarum, etiam cujuscunque dignitatis, status, gradus, Ordinis, vel Conditionis, aut Cardinalatus honore fulgentium, sub quibusvis verborum sormis ac clausulis, etiam derogatariarum, derogatoribus fortioribus, efficacioribus, & insolitis, etiam motu proprio & ex certa scientia, aut quavis consideratione, intuitu vel respectu etiam quantumcunque grandi vel excogitabili; etiam Regum, Reginarum aliacunque Principum & Praelatorum, factas & concessas, ac faciendas & concedendas, imposterum illorumque vim & effectum omnino suspendendi. Ac visitantibus quascunque Ecclesias, Seculares vel Regulares, etiam ad illarum fabricas, seu pro conservatione & instauratione earum, manus porrigentibus adjutrices, in duabus festivitatibus duntaxat, septem Annos & totidem Quadragenas, vel infra dictum tempus illud quod tibi videbitur de injunctis Paenitentiis misericorditer in Domino relaxandi; ita quod perpetuo vel ad tempus prout tibi videbitur durare habeant. Ac quibusvis personis dictae Legationis, ac etiam familiaribus praedictis, ut bona immobilia eorundem Monasteriorum, Dignitatum, Prioratuum, Administrationum, & Officiorum, aliorumque beneficiorum Ecclesiasticorum, quae obtinent, seu durante Legatione hujusmodi obtinebunt, permutare, vendere, & ad tempus longum locare, ac in feudum & Emphiteosim, seu Censum vel affectum concedere, & alias alienare valeant, cum evidenti Ecclesiarum, Monasteriorum & Beneficiorum Ecclesiasticorum, ad quae pertinent, utilitate: Proviso quod pretia exinde provenientia, in hujusmodi utilitatem convertenda, penes aliquam aedem sacram, aut fide & facultatibus idoneam Personam, cum recognoscibilibus clausulis & cautelis in similibus apponi solitis, fideliter reponantur. Necnon Regularibus Personis utriusque sexus, etiam Ordinum Mendicantium, ut de eorum Monasteriis, Domibus & Locis ad illa Monasteria, Domos & Loca, etiam aliorum Ordinum, etiam non Mendicantium, in quibus benevolos invenerint receptores, se transferre, & nova loca recipere: Ac Personis quibuslibet, Ecclesias, Monasteria & Domos Ordinum Mendicantium, & beneficia Ecclesiastica quaecunque de novo fundare & dotare & collapsas reparare volentibus, ut illa in Locis ad hoc honestis & commodis fundare & reparare, ac in fundatione hujusmodi licita & honesta onera illa pro tempore obtinentibus, imponere valeant; reservato eye; & dictis tuis familiaribus, etiam quo ad Ecclesias per eos jam ubilibet constructas seu restauratas, & ulterius vel de novo construendas & restaurandas, ac eorum posteris, jure Patronatus, & presentandi personam idoneam, ad illa dum vacabunt, licentiam concedendi; ac locationes & alienationes de bonis immobilibus Ecclesiarum, Monasteriorum, Prioratuum, Administrationum, vel Officiorum, aliorumque beneficiorum Ecclesiasticorum, & locorum factas, si in evidentem utilitatem illorum cesserint, confirmandi & approbandi: ac singulos defectus, si qui intervenerint, in eisdem supplendi: Necnon tempus praefixum Executoribus ultimarum Voluntatum, ad illas exequendum prorogandi; Ac juri patronatus Laicorum, ad effectum provisionum & commendarum, ac Unionum praedictarum Canonice pro medietate, & si ex causa permutationis fierent, vel lis penderet, aut jus patronatus non ex fundatione vel dotatione acquisitum esset, in totum derogandi. Necnon omnia & singula, quae Major Penitentiarius noster, in dicta Curia ex speciali vel alia sibi concessa facultate, quomodolibet facere potest & consuevit, ac quae in praedictis & circa ea necessaria essent, seu quomodolibet opportuna, faciendi, mandandi, ordinandi & decernendi, per te vel alium, seu alios, Auctoritate Apostolica tenore praesentium concedimus facultatem. Decernentes te omnibus & singulis facultatibus praedictis, in quibuscunque partibus praedictis, & cum illorum seu in illis residentibus personis ac familiaribus tuis, libere uti posse: Non obstantibus defectibus, & aliis praedictis ac Lateranen. Vienen. Pictaven. & Generalium, ac aliorum Consiliorum, necnon piae memoriae Bonifacii Papae VIII. etiam Praedecessoris nostri, per quam concessiones percipiendi fructus, in absentia, sine praefinitione temporis, fieri prohibentur: ac de una vel duabus Dietis in Concilio generali edita, & aliis Apostolicis, ac in Provincialibus & Sinodalibus Conciliis editis, generalibus vel specialibus constitutionibus, & ordinationibus, etiam quibusvis Regulis Cancellariae Apostolicae editis & edendis, quarum tempora durantia, ac etiam pluries prorogata & decursa de novo concedere possis: quibus & aliis praemissis, & in specie valeas derogare statutis & consuetudinibus Ecclesiarum, Monasteriorum, Universitatum, Collegiorum, & Civitatum hujusmodi, necnon ordinum quorumcunque, etiam juramento, confirmatione Apostolica, vel quavis firmitate alia roboratis, etiam si de illis servandis & non impetrandis Literis, contra ea, & illis etiam ab alio vel aliis impetratis, seu alias quovismodo concessis, non utendo personae quibus indultum de percipiendis fructibus in absentia hujusmodi concessum fuerit praestitissent, eatenus vel imposterum forsan praestare contigerit, juramentum ac quibusvis privilegiis & indultis generalibus vel specialibus, ordinibus quibuscunque etiam Cluniacens. & Cistercien. quomodolibet concessis, confirmatis & renovatis, innovatis, quae praemissis quovismodo obstarent, per quae praesentibus non expressa vel totaliter non inserta, effectus earum impediri valeat, quomodolibet vel differri, & de quibus quorumque totis tenoribus de verbo ad verbum habenda sit in nostris Literis m●ntio specialis, quae quoad hoc nolumus cuiquam suffragari: quibus omnibus & fundationibus quibuscunque prout expedierit secundum rei & Casus exigentiam ut tibi placuerit valeas derogare; quodque aliqui super provisionibus sibi faciendis de hujusmodi vel aliis Beneficiis Ecclesiasticis in illis partibus speciales vel generales dictae sedis vel Legatorum ejus Literas impetratas, etiam si per eas ad inhibitionem, reservationem, & decretum, vel alias quomodolibet, sit processum: quibus omnibus personas, quibus per te de beneficiis praedictis providebitur, in eorum assecutione volumus anteferri; sed nullum per hoc eis quoad assecutionem beneficiorum aliorum praejudicium generari. Seu si Locorum Ordinariis & Collatoribus, vel quibusvis aliis communiter, vel divisim ab eadem sit sede indultum, quod ad receptionem vel provisionem alicujus minime teneantur, & ad id compelli, aut quod interdici, suspendi vel excommunicari non possint, quodque de hujusmodi vel aliis beneficiis Ecclesiasticis ad eorum collationem, provisionem, presentationem, electionem, seu quamvis aliam dispositionem, conjunctim vel separatim spectantibus, nulli valeat provideri, seu commenda fieri per Literas Apostolicas; non facientes plenam & expressam, ac de verbo ad verbum de indulto hujusmodi mentionem, & qualibet alia dictae sedis indulgentia, generali vel speciali, cujuscunque tenoris existat, per quam praesentibus non expressam, vel totaliter non insertam effectus Literarum tuarum impediri valeat, quomodolibet vel differi & de qua cujusque toto tenore habenda sit in nostris Literis mentio specialis. Et quia difficile esset praesentes in singulis Literis tuis super praemissis comedendis inferri, aut ad omnia Loca, in quibus de eis fides facienda esset deferri; volumus & decernimus, earum transumptis etiam per impressionem factis & tuo sigillo munitis; ac manu tui Secretarii aut Regentis Cancellariae tuae subscriptis, dictisque Literis tuis absque earundem praesentium in toto vel in parte insertione, eam ubique fidem in Judicio & extra adhiberi, quae ipsis praesentibus adhiberetur, si originaliter exhiberentur. Dat. Romae apud Sanctum Petrum, Anno Incarnationis Domini Millesimo quingentessimo quadragessimo tertio. Tertio Kalend. Februarii, Pontificatus nostri Anno decimo.  


C. L. de Torres.  
N. Richardus.    
In Dorso. Data in Secretaria Apostolica. De Torres.   

Number 18. A Letter of the Queen's, recommending the Promotion of Cardinal Pool to the Popedom; written to the Bishop of Winchester, the Earl of Arundel, and the Lord Paget, then at Calais. An Original.  
MARY the Queen.  

Cotton Libr. Titus. B. 2.  RIght Reverend Father in God, right trusty and right wellbeloved; and right trusty and right wellbeloved Cousin and Counsellors, and right trusty and wellbeloved Counsellors, We greet you well. And where We do consider that Christ's Catholic Church, and the whole state of Christendom, having been of late so sundry ways vexed, it should greatly help to further some quiet stay and redress of that is amiss, if at this time, of the Pope's Holiness Election, some such godly, learned, and well-disposed Person may be chosen to that Place, as shall be given to see good Order maintained, and all Abuses in the Church reform; and known besides, to the World, to be of godly Life and Disposition. And remembering, on the other side, the great Inconveniency that were like to arise to the State of the Church, if (worldly Respects being only weighed in this choice) any such should be preferred to that Room, as wanting those godly Qualities before remembered, might give any occasion of the decay of the Catholic Faith; We cannot, for the discharge of our Duty to God and the World, but both earnestly wish, and carefully travel, that such a one may be chosen, and that without long delay or contention, as for all respects may be most fittest to occupy that Place, to the furtherance of God's Glory, and quietness of Christendom. And knowing no Person in our mind more fit for that purpose, than our dearest Cousin the Lord Cardinal Pool, whom the greatest part of Christendom hath heretofore for his long Experience, integrity of Life, and great Learning, thought meet for that Place, We have thought good to pray you, that taking some good occasion for that purpose, you do, in our Name, speak with the Cardinal of Lorraine, and the Constable, and the rest of the Commissioners of our good Brother, the French King, praying them to recommend unto our said good Brother, in our Name, our said dearest Cousin, to be named by him to such Cardinals as be at his Devotion, so as the rather, by his good furtherance and means, this our Motion may take place. Whereunto if it shall please him to give his Assent, likeas upon knowledge thereof, We shall, for our part, also labour to set forwards the Matter the best We may; So doubt We not, but if this Our good Purpose take effect, both He, and We, and the rest of all Christendom, shall have good cause to give God thanks, and rejoice thereat. Assuring him, that if We had in our Conscience thought any other Person more fit for than Place that our said dearest Cousin, We would not, for any private Affection, have preferred his Advancement before God's Glory, and the Benefit of Christendom: the furtherance whereof is (We take God to Record) the only thing We seek herein, which moveth Us to be the more earnest in this Matter. The overture whereof We have taken in hand, (as you may assure them on our Honour) without Our said dearest Cousin's knowledge or consent. And because We need not to remember the Wisdom, Sincerity of Life, and other godly Parts, wherewith Almighty God hath endowed our said dearest Cousin, the same being well enough known to Our said good Brother, and his said Commissioners, and the rest of the World; We do refer the manner of the opening and handling of the rest of the Matter unto your own Wisdoms; praying you, We may understand from you, as soon as ye may, what answer ye shall have received herein at the said Commissioners hands.  
Given under Our Signet, at Our Honour of Hampton-Court, the 30th of May, the first and second Years of Our Reigns.   

Number 19 An Order prescribed by the King and Queen's Majesties, unto the Justices of Peace of the County of Norfolk, for the good Government of their Majesty's loving Subjects within the same Shire, March 26. 1555. An Original.  
Philip R. Marry the Queen.  
FIrst, The said Justices of the Peace assembling themselves together, 
Cotton Libr. Titus B. 2.  and consulting by what good Means, good Order and Quietness may be best continued, shall after divide themselves into eight, ten, or twelve parts, more or less, as to their discretions, having regard to the quantity of the Shire, and number of themselves, shall seem most convenient; endeavouring themselves, besides their general care, that every particular number may give diligent heed, within their Limits appointed to them, for conservation of Quietness and good Order.  
Item. The said Justices of the Peace, shall not only be aiding and assisting unto such Preachers as be, and shall be sent unto the said County, but shall also be themselves present at Sermons, and use the Preachers reverently, travelling soberly with such, as by abstaining from coming to the Church, or by any other open do shall appear not persuaded to conform themselves, and to use such as be wilful and obstinate, more roundly, either by rebuking them, or binding them to good bearing, or committing them to Prison, as the Quality of the Persons, and Circumstance of their Do, may seem to deserve.  
Item. Amongst all other things, they must lay special weight upon those which be Preachers and Teachers of Heresy, or Procurers of secret Meetings for that purpose.  
Item. The said Justices of Peace, and every of them, must by themselves, their Wives, Children, and Servants, show good example; and if they shall have any of their own Servants faulty, they must first begin to reform them.  
Item. The said Justices of the Peace, and every of them, shall, as much as in them lieth, procure to search out all such as shall by any means spread false Tales, or seditious Rumours, causing them, when they shall be known, to be further apprehended and punished according to the Laws.  
Item. They shall procure to have in every Parish, or part of the Shire, as near as may be, some one or more honest Men, secretly instructed, to give information of the behaviour of the Inhabitants amongst or about them.  
Item. They shall charge the Constables, and four, or more of the most Honest and Catholic of every Parish, with the order of the same Parish, unto whom idle Men, Vagabonds, and such as may be probably suspected, shall be bound to give a reckoning how they live, and where they shall be come from time to time.  
Item. They shall have earnest regard to the execution, and keeping of the Statutes against rebellious Vagabonds, and Reteinours, Alehouses, and for keeping of the Statute of Huy-and-Cry; and shall give order for keeping of good and substantial Watches, in places convenient, the same to begin the 20th day of April next.  
Item. As soon as any Offenders for Murder, Felony, or other Offences shall be taken, the said Justices of the Peace, shall cause the matter to be forthwith examined and ordered, as to Justice shall appertain, according to the Tenor of the Commission of Oyer and Terminer, addressed presently unto them for that purpose.  
Finally; The said Justices of Peace shall meet and consult together, at the Sessions, every month, and more-often, as occasion may require, conferring among themselves, upon the state of all particular parts of the Shire, and taking such order for all Misorders, as to their Wisdoms may seem requisite.   

Number 20. A Letter written by the King and Queen, requiring the Bishop of London to go on in the prosecution of the Heretics.  
Philip R. Marry the Queen.  
RIght Reverend Father in God, right trusty and wellbeloved, 
Regist. Bonn. Fol. 363.  We greet you well. And where of late We addressed our Letters unto the Justices of the Peace within every of the Counties of this our Realm; whereby, amongst other Instructions given therein, for the good Order and quiet Government of the Country about, therein they are willed to have a special regard unto such disordered Persons, as forgetting their Duties towards Almighty God and Us, do lean to any Erroneous and Heretical Opinions, to show themselves conformable to the Catholic Religion of Christ's Church; whom, if they cannot by good admonition and fair means reform, they are willed to deliver unto the Ordinary, to be by him charitably traveled withal, and removed (if it may be) from their naughty Opinions; or else, if they continue obstinate, to be ordered according to the Laws provided in that behalf: Understanding now, to our no little marvel, that divers of the said disordered Persons, being by the Justices of the Peace, for their contempt and obstinacy, brought to the Ordinaries to be used as is aforesaid, are either refused to be received at their hands, or if they be received, are neither so traveled with as Christian Charity requireth, nor yet proceeded withal according to the Order of Justice, but are suffered to continue in their Errors, to the dishonour of Almighty God, and dangerous example of others. Likeas We find this Matter very strange, so have We thought convenient, both to signify this Our knowledge, and therewith also to admonish you, to have in this behalf such regard henceforth to the Office of a good Pastor and Bishop, as when any such Offenders shall be by the said Justices of Peace brought unto you, ye do use your good wisdom and discretion, in procuring to remove them from their Errors, if it may be, or else in proceeding against them, (if they shall continue obstinate) according to the order of the Laws; so as through your good furtherance, both God's Glory may be the better advanced, and the Commonwealth the more quietly governed.  
Given under Our Signet, at Our Honour of Hampton-Court, the 24th of May, in the first and second Years of Our Reigns.   

Number 21. Sir T. More's Letter to Cromwell, concerning the Nun of Kent.  
Right Worshipful,  

Ex MSS. Norfolcianis in Col. Gresham.  AFter my most hearty recommendation, with like thanks for your Goodness, in accepting of my rude long Letter. I perceive, that of your further goodness and favour towards me, it liked your Mastership to break with my Son Roper, of that, that I had had communication, not only with divers that were of Acquaintance with the lewd Nun of Canterbury, but also with herself; and had, over that, by my writing, declaring favour towards her, given her advice and counsel; of which my demeanour, that it liketh you to be content to take the labour and the pain to hear, by mine own writing, the truth, I very hearty thank you, and reckon myself therein right deeply beholden to you.  
It is, I suppose, about eight or nine Years ago sigh I heard of that Housewife first; at which time, the Bishop of Canterbury that then was, God assoil his Soul, sent unto the King's Grace a roll of Paper, in which were written certain words of hers, that she had, as report was then made, at sundry times spoken in her Trances; whereupon it pleased the King's Grace to deliver me the Roll, commanding me to look thereon, and afterwards show him what I thought therein. Whereunto, at another time, when his Highness asked me, I told him, That in good faith I found nothing in these words that I could any thing regard or esteem; for seeing that some part fell in Rithm, and that, God wots, full rude also; for any reason, God wots, that I saw therein, a right simple Woman might, in my mind, speak it of her own wit well enough. Howbeit, I said, that because it was constantly reported for a truth, that God wrought in her, and that a Miracle was showed upon her; I durst not, nor would not, be bold in judging the Matter. And the King's Grace, as me thought, esteemed the Matter as light as it after proved lewd.  
From that time, till about Christmas was twelvemonth, albeit that continually there was much talking of her, and of her Holiness, yet never heard I any talk rehearsed, either of Revelation of hers, or Miracle, saving that I heard say divers times, in my Lord Cardinal's days, that she had been both with his Lordship, and with the King's Grace, but what she said, either to the one or to the other, upon my Faith, I had never heard any one word. Now, as I was about to tell you, about Christmas was twelvemonth, Father Risby Friar Observant, then of Canterbury, lodged one night at mine House; where, after Supper, a little before he went to his Chamber, he fell in communication with me of the Nun, giving her high commendation of Holiness, and that it was wonderful to see and understand the Works that God wrought in her; which thing, I answered, That I was very glad to hear it, and thanked God thereof. Then he told me, that she had been with my Lord Legate in his Life, and with the King's Grace too; and that she had told my Lord Legate a Revelation of hers, of three Swords that God hath put in my Lord Legat's hand, which if he ordered not well, God would lay it sore to his Charge. The first, he said, was the ordering the Spirituality under the Pope, as Legat. The second, The Rule that he bore in order of the Temporality under the King, as his Chancellor. And the third, she said, was the meddling he was put in trust with by the King, concerning the great matter of his Marriage. And therewithal I said unto him, That any Revelation of the King's Matters I would not hear of, I doubt not but the goodness of God should direct his Highness with his Grace and Wisdom, that the thing should take such end as God should be pleased with, to the King's Honour, and Surety of the Realm. When he heard me say these words, or the like, he said unto me, That God had specially commanded her to pray for the King; and forthwith he broke again into her Revelations concerning the Cardinal, that his Soul was saved by her Mediation; and without any other Communication went unto his Chamber. And he and I never talked any more of any such manner of matter, nor since his departing on the Morrow; I never saw him after, to my remembrance, till I saw him at Paul's Cross.  
After this, about Shrovetide, there came unto me, a little before Supper, Father Rich, Friar Observant of Richmond; and as we fell in talking, I asked him of Father Risby, how he did? And upon that occasion, he asked me, Whether Father Risby had any thing shown me of the Holy Nun of Kent? and I said, Yea, and that I was very glad to hear of her Virtue. I would not, quoth he, tell you again that you have heard of him already; but I have heard, and known, many great Graces that God hath wrought in her, and in other Folk, by her, which I would gladly tell you, if I thought you had not heard them already. And therewith he asked me, Whether Father Risby had told me any thing of her being with my Lord Cardinal? and I said, Yea: Then he told you, quoth he, of the three Swords: Yea verily, quoth I. Did he tell you, quoth he, of the Revelations that she had concerning the King's Grace? Nay forsooth, quoth I, nor if he would have done, I would not have given him the hearing; nor verily no more I would indeed, for sigh she hath been with the King's Grace herself, and told him, me-thought it a thing needless to tell me, or to any Man else. And when Father Richardo perceived that I would not hear her Revelations concerning the King's Grace, he talked on a little, of her Virtue, and let her Revelations alone; and therewith my Supper was set upon the Board, where I required him to sit with me; but he would in no wise tarry, but departed to London. After that night I talked with him twice, once in mine own House, another time in his own Garden at the Friars, at every time a great space, but not of any Revelations touching the King's Grace, but only of other mean Folk, I knew not whom of, which things, some were very strange, and some were very childish. But albeit, that he said, He had seen her lie in her Trance in great pains, and that he had at other times taken great spiritual comfort in her Communication; yet did he never tell me that she had told him those Tales herself; for if he had, I would, for the Tale of Mary Magdalen which he told me, and for the Tale of the Hostie, with which, as I have heard she said she was Houseled at the King's Mass at Calais: If I had heard it of him, as told unto himself by her Mouth for a Revelation, I would have both liked him and her the worse. But whether ever I heard the same Tale of Rich or of Risby, or of neither of them both, but of some other Man since she was in hold, In good faith I cannot tell; but I wots well when or wheresoever I heard it, me thought it a Tale too marvellous to be true, and very likely that she had told some Man her Dream, which told it out for a Revelation. And in effect, I little doubted but that some of these Tales that were told of her were untrue; but yet sigh I never heard them reported as spoken by her own Mouth, I thought nevertheless that many of them might be true, and she a very virtuous Woman too; as some Lies be peradventure written of some that be Saints in Heaven, and yet many Miracles indeed done by them for all that.  
After this, I being upon a day at Zion, and talking with divers of the Fathers together at the Grate, they shown me that she had been with them, and shown me divers things that some of them misliked in her; and in this talking, they wished that I had spoken with her, and said, they would fain see how I should like her. Whereupon, afterward, when I heard that she was there again, I came thither to see her, and to speak with her myself. At which Communication had, in a little Chapel, there were none present but we two: in the beginning whereof, I shown that my coming to her was not of any curious mind, any thing to know of such things as Folk talked, that it pleased God to reveal and show unto her, but for the great Virtue that I had heard so many Years, every day more and more spoken and reported of her; I therefore had a great mind to see her, and be acquainted with her, that she might have somewhat the more occasion to remember me to God in her Devotion and Prayers; whereunto she gave me a very good virtuous Answer, That as God did of his goodness far better by her than she, a poor Wretch, was worthy, so she feared that many Folk yet beside that spoke of their own favourable minds many things for her, far above the Truth, and that of me she had many such things heard, that already she prayed for me, and ever would; whereof I hearty thanked her. I said unto her, Madam, one Helen, a Maiden dwelling about Tottenham, of whose Trances and Revelations there hath been much talking; she hath been with me of late, and shown me, that she was with you, and that after the rehearsal of such Visions as she had seen you shown her, that they were no Revelations, but plain Illusions of the Devil, and advised her to cast them out of her mind: And verily she gave therein good credence unto you, and thereupon hath left to lean any longer unto such Visions of her own: Whereupon she saith, she findeth your words true, for ever since, she hath been the less visited with such things as she was wont to be before. To this she answered me, Forsooth Sir, There is in this point no praise unto me, but the goodness of God, as it appeareth, hath wrought much meekness in her Soul, which hath taken my rude warning so well, and not grudged to hear her Spirit and her Visions reproved. I liked her, in good Faith, better for this Answer, than for many of these things that I heard reported by her. Afterward she told me, upon that occasion, how great need Folk have, that are visited with such Visions, to take heed, and prove well of what Spirit they come of; and in that Communication she told me, That of late the Devil, in likeness of a Bird, was flying and fluttering about her in a Chamber, and suffered himself to be taken; and being in hands, suddenly changed, in their sight that were present, into such a strange ugly fashioned Bird; that they were all afraid, and threw him out at a Window.  
For conclusion; we talked no word of the King's Grace, or any great Personage else, nor in effect, of any Man or Woman, but of herself and myself; but after no long communication had, for or ever we met, my time came to go home, I gave her a Double Ducat, and prayed her to pray for me and mine, and so departed from her, and never spoke with her after. Howbeit, of a truth, I had a great good opinion of her, and had her in great estimation, as you shall perceive by the Letter that I wrote unto her. For afterwards, because I had often heard that many right worshipful Folks, as well Men as Women, used to have much communication with her; and many Folk are of nature inquisitive and curious, whereby they fall sometimes into such talking, and better were to forbear, of which thing I nothing thought while I talked with her of Charity, therefore I wrote her a Letter thereof; which sigh it may be peradventure, that she broke or lost, I shall insert the very Copy thereof in this present Letter.  
These were the very words.  
GOod Madam, and my right dearly-beloved Sister in our Lord God, after most hearty Commendation, I shall beseech you to take my good Mind in good worth, and pardon me, that I am so homely as of myself unrequired, and also without necessity, to give counsel to you, of whom for the good Inspirations, and great Revelations that it liketh Almighty God of his goodness to give and show, as many wise, well-learned, and very virtuous Folk testify, I myself have need, for the comfort of my Soul, to require and ask Advice. For surely, good Madam, sigh it pleaseth God sometime to suffer, such as are far under and of little estimation, to give yet fruitful advertisement to such other as are in the Light of the Spirit so far above them, that there were between them no comparison; as he suffered his High Prophet Moses to be in some things advised and counselled by Jethro, I cannot, for the love that in our Lord I bear you, refrain to put you in remembrance of one thing, which in my poor mind I think highly necessary to be by your Wisdom considered, referring the end, and the order thereof, to God and his Holy Spirit, to direct you. Good Madam, I doubt not, but that you remember that in the beginning of my Communication with you, I shown you, that I neither was, nor would be, curious of any knowledge of other men's Matters, and least of all of any Matter of Princes, or of the Realm, in case it so were, that God had, as to many good Folks before-time, he hath any time revealed unto you such things, I said unto your Ladyship, that I was not only not desirous to hear of, but also would not hear of. Now Madam, I consider well that many Folk desire to speak with you, which are not all peradventure of my mind in this Point; but some hap to be curious and inquisitive of things that little pertain unto their parts; and some might peradventure hap to talk of such things as might peradventure after turn to much harm; as I think you have heard how the late Duke of Buckingham, moved with the fame of one that was reported for an Holy Monk, and had such talking with him, as after was a great part of his destruction, and disheriting of his Blood, and great slander and infamy of Religion. It sufficeth me, good Madam, to put you in remembrance of such things, as I nothing doubt your Wisdom, and the Spirit of God shall keep you from talking with any Person, specially with high Persons, of any such manner things as pertain to Prince's Affairs, or the State of the Realm, but only to commune and talk with any Person, high and low, of such manner things as may to the Soul be profitable for you to show, and for them to know. And thus, my good Lady, and dearly beloved Sister in our Lord, I make an end of this my needless advertisement unto you, whom the Blessed Trinity preserve and increase in Grace, and put in your mind to recommend me and mine unto him in your devout Prayers. At Chelsey, this Tuesday, by the Hand of  
Your hearty loving Brother and Beadsman, Thomas More Kt.  
At the receipt of this Letter, she answered my Servant, that she hearty thanked me: Soon after this there came to mine House the Prior of the Charterhouse at Shene, and one Brother Williams with him, who nothing talked to me, but of her, and of the great joy that they took in her Virtue, but of any of her Revelations they had no communication. But at another time Brother Williams came to me, and told me a long Tale of her, being at the House of a Knight in Kent, that was sore troubled with Temptations to destroy himself; and none other thing we talked of, nor should have done of likelihood, though we had tarried together much longer, he took so great pleasure, good Man, to tell the Tale, with all the Circumstances at length. When I came again another day to Zion, on a day in which there was a Profession, some of the Fathers asked me how I liked the Nun? And I answered, that, in good Faith, I liked her very well in her talking; howbeit, quoth I, she is never the nearer tried by that, for I assure you, she were likely to be very bad, if she seemed good,  I should think her other, till she happened to be proved naught; and in good Faith, that is my manner indeed, except I were set to search and examine the truth, upon likelihood of some cloaked evil; for in that case, although I nothing suspected the Person myself, yet no less than if I suspected him sore, I would as far, as my wit would serve me, search to find out the truth, as yourself hath done very prudently in this Matter; wherein you have done, in my mind, to your great laud and praise, a very meritorious Deed, in bringing forth to light such detestable Hypocrisy, whereby every other Wretch may take warning, and be feared to set forth their own devilish dissembled falsehood, under the manner and colour of the wonderful Work of God; for verily, this Woman so handled herself, with help of that evil Spirit that inspired her, that after her own Confession declared at Paul's Cross, when I sent word by my Servant unto the Prior of the Charterhouse, that she was undoubtedly proved a false deceiving Hypocrite; The good Man had had so good opinion of her so long, that he could at the first scantly believe me therein. Howbeit it was not he alone that thought her so very good, but many another right good Man besides, as little marvel was upon so good report, till she was proved naught.  
I remember me further, that in Communication between Father Rich and me; I counselled him, that in such strange things as concerned such Folk as had come unto her, to whom, as she said, she had told the causes of their coming,  themselves spoke thereof; and such good Fruit as they said that many Men had received by her Prayer, he, and such other as so reported it, and thought that the knowledge thereof should much pertain to the Glory of God, should first cause the things to be well and sure examined by the Ordinaries, and such as had Authority thereunto; so that it might be surely known whether the things were true or not, and that there were no Letters intermingled among them, or else the Letters might after hap to aweigh the credence of these things that were true. And when he told me the Tale of Mary Magdalen, I said unto him, Father Rich, that she is a good virtuous Woman, in good Faith, I hear so many good Folk so report, that I verily think it true; and think it well-likely that God worketh some good and great things by her; but yet are, you wots well, these strange Tales no part of our Creed; and therefore before you see them surely proved, you shall have my poor counsel, not to wed yourself so far forth to the credence of them, as to report them very surely for true, lest that if it should hap that they were afterwards proved false, it might minish your estimation in your Preaching, whereof might grow great loss. To this he thanked me for my counsel, but how he used it after that, I cannot tell.  
Thus have I, good Mr. Cromwell, fully declared to you, as far as myself can call to remembrance, all that ever I have done or said in this Matter, wherein I am sure that never one of them all shall tell you any further thing of effect; for if any of them, or any Man else, report of me, as I trust verily no Man will, and I wots well truly no Man can, any Word or Deed by me spoken or done, touching any breach of my legal Truth and Duty toward my most redoubted Sovereign, and natural Liege Lord, I will come to mine Answer, and make it good in such wise as becometh a poor true Man to do; that whosoever any such thing shall say, shall therein say untrue: for I neither have in this Matter done evil, nor said evil, nor so much as any evil thing thought, but only have been glad, and rejoiced of them that were reported for good; which condition I shall nevertheless keep toward all other good Folk, for the false cloaked Hypocrisy of any of these, no more than I shall esteem Judas the true Apostle, for Judas the false Traitor.  
But so purpose I to bear myself in every Man's Company, while I live, that neither good Man nor bad, neither Monk, Friar, nor Nun, nor other Man or Woman in this World, shall make me digress from my Truth and Faith, either towards God, or towards my natural Prince, by the Grace of Almighty God; and as you therein find me true, so I hearty therein pray you to continue toward me your favour and goodwill, as you shall be sure of my poor daily prayer; for other pleasure can I not do you. And thus the Blessed Trinity, both bodily and ghostly, long preserve and prosper you.  
I pray you pardon me, that I writ not unto you of mine own hand, for verily I am compelled to forbear writing for a while, by reason of this Disease of mine, whereof the chief occasion is grown, as it is thought, by the stooping and leaning on my Breast, that I have used in writing. And thus, eftsoons, I beseech our Lord long to preserve you.   

Number 22. Directions of Queen Mary to her Council, touching the Reformation of the Church, out of her own Original.  

Ex M. S. D, G. Petyte.  FIrst, That such as had Commission to talk with my Lord Cardinal at his first coming, touching the Goods of the Church, should have recourse unto him, at the lest once in a week, not only for putting these Matters in execution, as much as may be, before the Parliament, but also to understand of him which way might be best to bring to good effect, those Matters that have been begun concerning Religion, both touching good Preaching, I wish, that may supply and overcome the evil Preaching in time past; and also to make a sure Provision, that no evil Books shall either be printed, bought, or sold, without just punishment. Therefore I think it should be well done, that the Universities and Churches of this Realm, should be visited by such Persons as my Lord Cardinal, with the rest of you, may be well assured to be worthy and sufficient Persons to make a true and just account thereof, remitting the choice of them to him and you. Touching punishment of Heretics, me thinketh it ought to be done without rashness, not leaving in the mean while to do Justice to such, as by Learning would seem to deceive the simple; and the rest so to be used, that the People might well perceive them not to be condemned without just occasion, whereby they shall both understand the Truth, and beware to do the like. And especially in London, I would wish none to be burnt, without some of the Councils presence, and both there and , good Sermons at the same. I verily believe that many Benefices should not be in one Man's hand, but after such sort as every Priest might look to his own Charge, and remain resident there, whereby they should have but one Bond to discharge towards God; Whereas now they have many, which I take to be the cause that in most part of this Realm there is overmuch want of good Preachers, and such as should with their Doctrine overcome the evil diligence of the abused Preachers in the time of Schism, not only by their Preaching, but also by their good Example, without which, in mine Opinion, their Sermons shall not so much profit as I wish. And likeas their good Example, on their behalf, shall undoubtedly do much good, so I account myself bound, on my behalf also, to show such example, in encouraging and maintaining those Persons, well-doing their Duty, (not forgetting, in the mean while, to correct and punish them which do contrary) that it may be evident to all this Realm how I discharge my Conscience therein, and minister true Justice in so doing.   

Number 23. Injunctions by Hugh Latimer Bishop of Worcester, to the Prior and Convent of St. Marry House in Worcester, 1537. Hugh, by the goodness of God, Bishop of Worcester, wisheth to his Brethren, the Prior and Convent aforesaid, Grace, Mercy, Peace, and true knowledge of God's Word; from God our Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ.  
Forasmuch as in this my Visitation, 
L. 3 us Reg. Prior. & Convent. Wigorn.  I evidently perceive the Ignorance and Negligence of divers Religious Persons in this Monastery to be intolerable, and not to be suffered; for that thereby doth reign Idolatry, and many kinds of Superstitions, and other Enormities: And considering withal, that our Sovereign Lord the King, for some part of Remedy of the same, hath granted, by his most gracious Licence, that the Scripture of God may be read in English, of all his obedient Subjects. I therefore, willing your Reformation in most favourable manner, to your least displeasure; do hearty require you all, and every one of you, and also in God's behalf command the same, according as your Duty is, to obey me as God's Minister, and the Kings, in all my lawful and honest Commandments, that you observe and keep inviolably, all these Injunctions following, under pain of the Law.  
FIrst; Forasmuch as I perceive that some of you neither have observed the King's Injunctions, nor yet have them with you, as willing to observe them; therefore ye shall from henceforth, both have and observe diligently and faithfully, as well special commandments of Preaching, as other Injunctions given in his Grace's Visitation.  
Item. That the Prior shall provide, of the Monasteries charge, a whole Bible in English, to be laid fast chained in some open place, either in their Church or Cloister.  
Item. That every Religious Person have, at the least, a New Testament in English, by the Feast of the Nativity of our Lord next ensuing.  
Item. Whensoever there shall be any Preaching in your Monastery, that all manner of Singing, and other Ceremonies, be utterly laid aside in his preaching time; and all other Service shortened, as need shall be; and all Religious Persons quietly to hearken to the Preaching.  
Item. That ye have a Lecture of Scripture read every day in English amongst you, save holidays.  
Item. That every Religious Person be at every Lecture, from the beginning to the ending, except they have a necessary Let allowed them by the Prior.  
Item. That every Religious House have a Layman to their Steward, for all former Businesses.  
Item. That you have a continual Schoolmaster, sufficiently learned, to teach your Grammar.  
Item. That no Religious Person discourage any manner of Layman or Woman, or any other from the reading of any good Book, either in Latin or English.  
Item. That the Prior have at his Dinner or Supper, every day a Chapter read, from the beginning of the Scripture to the end, and that in English, wheresoever he be in any of his own Places, and to have edifying communication of the same.  
Item. That the Covent sit together, four to one Mess, and to eat together in common, and to have Scripture read in likewise, and have communication thereof; and after their Dinner or Supper, their Relics and Fragments to be distributed to the poor People.  
Item. That the Covent and Prior, provide Distributions to be ministered in every Parish, whereas ye be Parsons and Proprietaries, and according to the King's Injunctions in that behalf.  
Item. That all these my Injunctions be read every month, once in the Chapter House, before all the Brethren.   

Number 24. A Letter of Ann Boleyn's to Gardner.  

Ex Chartophylac. Regio.  Mr. Stephens, I thank you for my Letter, wherein I perceive the willing and faithful Mind that you have to do me pleasure, not doubting, but as much as is possible for Man's Wit to imagine, you will do. I pray God to send you well to speed in all your Matters, so that you would put me to the study, how to reward your high Service: I do trust in God you shall not repent it, and that the end of this Journey shall be more pleasant to me than your first, for that was but a rejoicing hope, which ceasing the lack of it, does put me to the more pain, and they that are partakers with me, as you do know: And therefore I do trust that this hard beginning, shall make the better ending.  
Mr. Stephens, I send you here Cramprings for you and Mr. Gregory, and Mr. Peter, praying you to distribute them as you think best. And have me recommended hearty to them both, as she, that you may assure them, will be glad to do them any pleasure which shall lie in my power. And thus I make an end, praying God send you good health.  
Written at Greenwich, the 4th day of April. By your assured Friend, Ann Boleyn.   

Number 25.  

The Office of Consecrating the Cramprings. Certain Prayers to be used by the Queen's Highness, in the Consecration of the Crampring.  
DEus misereatur nostri & benedicat nos Deus, 
Ex M S. in Biblioth. R. Smith. Lond  illuminet vultum suum super nos & misereatur nostri.  
Ut cognoscamus in terra viam tuam, in omnibus gentibus salutare tuum.  
Confiteantur tibi Populi Deus, confiteantur tibi populi omnes.  
Laetentur & exultent gentes, quoniam judicas populos in equitate, & gentes in terra dirigis.  
Confiteantur tibi Populi Deus, confiteantur tibi populi omnes, terra dedit fructum suum.  
Benedicat nos Deus, Deus noster, benedicat nos Deus & metuent eum omnes fines terrae.  
Gloria Patri, & Filio, & Spiritui Sancto.  
Sicut erat in principio, & nunc, & semper, & in soecula, soeculorum. Amen.  
Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, qui ad solatium humani generis, varia ac multiplicia miseriarum nostrarum levamenta uberrimis gratiae tuae donis ab inexhausto benignitatis tuae fonte manantibus, incessanter tribuere dignatus es, & quos ad Regalis sublimitatis fastigium extulisti, insignioribus gratiis ornatos, Donorumque tuorum organa atque canales esse voluisti, ut sicut per te regnant aliisque praesunt, ita te authore reliquis prosint, & tua in populum beneficia conferant; preces nostras propitius respice, & quae tibi vota humilime fundimus, benignus admitte, ut quod a te majores nostri de tua misericordia sperantes obtinuerunt, id nobis etiam pari fiducia postulantibus concedere digneris. Per Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.   

The Rings lying in one Basin, or more, this Prayer to be said over them.  
DEus Coelestium terrestriumque conditor creaturarum, atque humani generis benignissime reparator, Dator spiritualis gratiae, omniumque benedictionum largitor, immitte Spiritum Sanctum tuum Paracletum de caelis super hos Annulos arte fabrili confectos, eosque magna tua potentia ita emundare digneris, ut omni nequitia lividi venenosique serpentis procul expulsa, metallum a te bono conditore creatum, a cunctis inimici sordibus maneat immune. Per Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.   

Benedictio Annulorum.  
Deus Abraham, Deus Isaac, Deus Jacob, exaudi misericors preces nostras, parce metuentibus, propitiare supplicibus, & mittere digneris Sanctum Angelum tuum de Coelis qui Sanctificet ✚ & benedicat ✚ annulos istos, ut sint remedium salutare omnibus nomen tuum humiliter implorantibus, ac semetipsos pro conscientia delictorum suorum accusantibus, atque ante conspectum Divinae Clementiae tuae facinora sua deplorantibus, & serenissimam pietatem tuam humiliter obnixeque flagitantibus; prosint denique per invocationem Sancti tui nominis omnibus istos gestantibus, ad corporis & animae sanitatem. Per Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.   

Benedictio.  
Deus qui in morbis curandis maxima semper potentiae tuae miracula declarasti, quique annulos in Juda Patriarcha fidei arrabonem, in Aarone Sacerdotale ornamentum, in Dario fidelis custodiae Symbolum, & in hoc Regno variorum morborum remedia esse voluisti, hos annulos propitius ✚ benedicere & ✚ sanctificare digneris: ut omnes qui eos gestabunt sint immunes ab omnibus Satanae insidiis, sint armati virtute coelestis defensionis, nec eos infestet vel nervorum contractio, vel comitialis morbi pericula, sed sentiant te opitulante in omni morborum genere Levamen. In nomine Patris ✚ & Filii ✚ & Spiritus Sancti ✚. Amen.   

Benedic anima mea Domino: & omnia quae intra me sunt nomini sancto ejus. Here follows the rest of that Psalm.  
Immensam clementiam tuam Misericors Deus humiliter imploramus, ut qua animi fiducia & fidei sinceritate, ac certa mentis pietate, ad haec impetranda accedimus, pari etiam devotione gratiae tuae symbola fideles prosequantur; facessat omnis superstitio, procul absit Diabolicae fraudis suspitio, & in gloria tui nominis omnia cedant; ut te Largitorem bonorum omnium fideles tui intelligant, atque a te uno quicquid vel animis vel corporibus vere prosit, profectum sentiant & profiteantur. Per Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.   

These Prayers being said, the Queen's Highness rubbeth the Rings between her Hands, saying;  
Sanctifica Domine Annulos istos, & rore tuae benedictionis benignus asperge, ac manuum nostrarum confricatione, quas olei sacri infusione externa, sanctificare dignatus es pro ministerii nostri modo, consecra, ut quod natura metalli praestare non possit, gratiae tuae magnitudine efficiatur. Per Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.   

Then must Holy Water be cast on the Rings, saying;  
In Nomine Patris, & Filii, & Spiritus Sancti. Amen. Domine Fili Dei unigenite, Dei & Hominum Mediator, Jesus Christ, in cujus unius nomine salus recte quaeritur, quique in te sperantibus facilem ad Patrem accessum conciliasti, quem quicquid in nomine tuo peteretur, id omne daturum, eum certissimo veritatis Oraculo ab ore tuo Sancto, quum inter homines versabaris homo pronunciasti, precibus nostris aures tuae pietatis accommoda, ut ad thronum gratiae in tua fiducia accedentes, quod in Nomine tuo humiliter postulavimus, id a nobis, te mediante, impetratum fuisse, collatis per te beneficiis, fideles intelligant. Qui vivis & regnas cum Deo patre in unitate Spiritus Sancti Deus, per omnia soecula soeculorum. Amen.  
Vota nostra quaesumus Domine, Spiritus Sanctus qui a te procedit, aspirando preveniat, & prosequatur, ut quod ad salutem fidelium confidenter petimus, gratiae tuae dono efficaciter consequamur. Per Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.  
Majestatem tuam Clementissime Deus, Pater, Filius, & Spiritus Sanctus, suppliciter exoramus, ut quod ad nominis tui sanctificationem piis hic Ceremoniis peragitur, ad corporis simul & animae tutelam valeat in terris, & ad uberiorem foelicitatis fructum proficiat in Coelis.  
Qui vivis & regnas Deus, per omnia soecula soeculorum. Amen.    

Number 26. A Letter of gardiner's to King Henry the Eighth, concerning the Divorce. An Original.  
PLeaseth it your Majesty to understand, 
Ex Chartophylac. Regio.  that besides all other means used to the Pope's Holiness, for attaining and achieving your Highness' Purpose and Intent, such as in our common Letters to my Lord Legat's Grace, and my several Letters to the same be contained at length. I have also apart showed unto the Pope's Holiness, that which your Highness shown me in your Gallery at Hampton-Court, concerning the solicitation of the Princes of Almayn, and such other Matter as should and ought to fear the Pope's said Holiness; adding also those Reasons which might induce the same to adhere expressly to your Highness, and the French King, and so to take the more courage to accomplish your Highness Desires: using all ways possible to enforce him to do somewhat, being a Man of such Nature, as he never resolveth any thing, but by some violent Affection compelled thereunto. And considering we can speed no better at his hands, it agreeth with that your Majesty, of your high Wisdom before prepended, that his Holiness would do nothing which might offend the Emperor, unless he first determined himself to adhere to your Highness, and the French King, and so to declare himself, containing himself no longer in Neutrality; which he will not do: Ne the State of the Affairs here considered, it were for his Wealth so to do, unless the Leagues otherwise proceeded than they yet do, or that his Holiness would determine himself to leave these Parts, and establish his See in some other Place; forasmuch, as here being, he is daily in danger of the Imperial's, like as we have signified by our other Letters. His Holiness is in great perplexity and agony of Mind, nor can tell what to do: he seemeth in words, fashion, and manner of speaking, as though he would do somewhat for your Highness; and yet, when it cometh to the Point, nothing he doth: I dare not say certainly, whether it be for fear, or want of good Will, for I were loath to make a Lie of him, or to your Highness, my Prince, Sovereign Lord and Master. Finally, I perceive this by the Pope, and all other here, that so your Highness' cause were determined there by my Lord's Legates, they would be glad thereof; and, as I think, if the Emperor would make any Suit against that which shall be done there, they would serve him as they now do your Highness, and so drive off the time, for they seem to be so minded, as in this Cause they would suffer much, but do very little: Wherefore if my Lord Campegius will set apart all other respects, and frankly promise your Highness to give Sentence for you, then must be your Highness' Remedy short and expedite; nor shall there want wit, by another means, to meet with such delays, as this false counterfeit Breve hath caused. For with these Men here, your Highness shall by no Suit profit; which thing I writ unto your Highness, as of my most bounden Duty I ought to do: there shall every day rise new Devices, and none take effect, but long delays, and wasted time: wherefore doing what I can yet to get the best, although we be fully answered therein, I shall do what I can to get the Commission amplified as much as may be, and at the least, to extend to the reprobation of the Brief, if I can, for I dare promise nothing to your Majesty at this Man's hands; and that which shall be obtained, if any be obtained, shall be, according to your Highness' Pleasure, sent by Mr. Bryan.  
And whereas your Highness, in your gracious Letters directed to me and my Colleagues, marvelleth that I have not  this advertised the same, of such Bulls as your Majesty willed me to impetrate here; I thought verily, that forasmuch as the same be to be impetrate at the Pope's Hand, and that we signified unto your Majesty, by our Letters, of the Pope's great Sickness, and how we could not have access unto the same, that it had been superfluous for me, in my Letters, to make any mention of the said Bulls: signifying unto your Highness now, that having those Matters, as it becometh me to have in good remembrance, I have not yet broken with the Pope's Holiness in them, nor thought good to interrupt the Prosecution of your Highness' Matter, with the pursuit of those, saving that I spoke a word to the Pope's Holiness, de Ecclesiis Cathedralibus, and his Holiness said nothing could be done till the Cardinal Sanctorum Quatuor be recovered. In other things I speak not; for our Audience with the Pope's Holiness hath been so scarce, that we thought it little enough to spend the same in your Highness principal Matter.  
And to advertise your Highness what Counsel is here conducted for the defence of your Majesty's Cause, the same shall understand that this Court, as it hath suffered in all other things, so it is also much appaired in Learned Men, and of them that be, we dare not trust every one, ne Causa Majestatis vestrae illis denudata, they should, prodere illam Adversariis; wherefore counselling, as yet only with two, the one called Dominus Michael, the other Dominus Sigismundus; we perceiving nothing to be solicited openly on the other side, and that here as yet, hath been no need to dispute openly, have communicate your Highness' Matter to no more. And as for that Article, Quod Papa non possit dispensare, the Pope himself will hear no Disputations in it; and so he might retain your Highness good Mind, he seemeth not to care for himself, whether your Highness Cause be decided by that Article or no, so he did it not: but surely it appeareth, as a Man may gather by his fashion and manner, that he hath made his account no further to meddle in your Highness' Matter, neither with your Majesty, nor against the same, but follow that shall be done by his Legates there. Wherefore if my Lord Campegius would promise your Majesty to give Sentence frankly and apertly, having propitium Judice, I would trust, being there with such Consultations as I should bring from hence to say somewhat to this Breve there, Apud illos & ista est Sacra Anchora Majestatis vestrae, for from hence shall come nothing but Delays; desiring your Highness not to show this to my Lord Campegius, nor my Lord's Grace.  
Mr. Gregory sendeth presently unto your Highness the Promise made by the Pope's Holiness, concerning your Highness' Cause, at such time as I went to Venice for his Cause, which Promise in the first three words, viz. Cum nos justitiam ejus Causae perpendentes, etc. doth make as much, and more, for the maintenance of that shall be done in your Highness' Cause; then if the Commission Decretal, being in Cardinal Campegius' Hands, should be showed: and this your Highness at your liberty to show to whom of your Council it shall please your Grace, thinking, in my poor Opinion, that it were not the best therefore to move the Pope in that Matter again in this adverse Time.  
I most humbly desire your Majesty, that I may be a Suitor to the same for the said Mr. Gregory; so as by your most gracious Commandment, payment may be made there to his Factors, of such Diets as your Highness alloweth him: for omitting to speak of his true, faithful, and diligent Service, which I have heretofore, and do now perceive in him here; I assure your Highness, he liveth here sumptuously and chargeably, to your Highness' Honour, and in this great Scarcity, must needs be driven to Extremity, unless your Highness be a gracious Lord unto him in that behalf.  
Thus having none other Matter whereof privately to write unto your Majesty, besides that is contained in our common Letters to my Lord Legat's Grace, desiring your Highness, that I may know your Pleasure what to do, in case none other thing can be obtained here. I shall make an end of these Letters, praying Almighty God to preserve your most noble and royal Estate, with a short expedition of this Cause, according to your Highness' Purpose and Desire.  
From Rome, the 21 day of April. Your Highness most humble Subject, Servant, and daily Orator, Stephen Gardiner.   

Number 27. The Writ for the burning of Cranmer.  
PHILIP and MARY, etc.  

Rot. Pat. 2, & 3, Phil. & Mar. 2. par.  TO Our right trusty Nicholas, Archbishop of York, Lord Chancellor of England, Greeting. We Will and Command you, that immediately upon the sight hereof, and by Warrant of the same, ye do cause to be made a Writ for the Execution of Thomas Cranmer, late Archbishop of Canterbury; and the same so made, to Seal with our Great Seal of England, being in your Custody, according to the Tenor and Form hereafter following.;  
PHilippus & Maria Dei Gratia, etc. Majori & Ballivis Civitatis Oxon. Salutem. Cum Sanctissimus Pater noster Paulus Papa ejusdem Nominis Quartus, per sententiam definitivam juris Ordine in ea parte requisito in omnibus observato, & juxta canonicas sanctiones judicialiter & definitive, Thomam Cranmer nuper Cantuariensem Archiepiscopum, fore Haeresiarchum, Anathematizatum, & Haereticum manifestum, propter suos varios nefandos Errores manifestos & damnabiles Haereses, & detestandas & pessimas Opiniones, Fidei nostrae Catholicae, & Vniversalis Ecclesiae determinationi obviantes & repugnantes: & praedict. Thomam Cranmer multis modis contract. comiss. dict. affirmat. perpetrat. & publice & pertinaciter tent. & defence. judicavit, declaravit, pronunciavit & condemnavit. & eadem causa idem Sanctissimus Pater noster Papa Paulus quartus judicialiter & definitive, more solito, praedictum Thomam Cranmer a praedicto Archiepiscopatu, aliis Praelaturis, dignitatibus, Officiis & Beneficiis deprivavit & abjudicavit, prout cunctam inde habemus noticiam: Cumque etiam Reverendus in Christo Pater Edmundus Londini Episcopus, & Thomas Elien Episcopus Authoritate ejusdem Sanctissimi nostri Patris Papae praedictum Thomam Cranmer ab omni Ordine, Gradu, Officio & Dignitate Ecclesiastica, tanquam Haeresiarcham & Haereticum manifestum realiter degradaverunt; Vigore cujus idem Thomas Cranmer in presenti Haereticus & Haeresiarcha just, legitime, & Canonice judicatus, condemnatus & degradatus existit; Et cum etiam Mater Ecclesia non habet quod ulterius in hac parte contra tam putridum & detestabile membrum & heresiarchum faciat aut facere debeat, jidem Reverendi Patres eundem Thomam Cranmer damnatum Haereticum & Haeresiarcham brachiis & potestati nostris secularibus tradiderunt, commiserunt & reliquerunt, prout per Literas Patentes eorundem Reverendorum Patrum superinde confect. nobis in Cancellaria nostra Certificatum est. Nos igitur ut Zelatores justiciae, & Fidei Catholicae Defensores, volentesque Ecclesiam Sanctam, ac juxa & Libertates ejusdem, & Fidem Catholicam manutenere & defendere, hujusmodi Haereses & Errores ubique, quantum in nobis est, eradicare & extirpare, & praedictum Thomam Heresiarcham ac convictum, damnat. & degradat. animadversione condigna punire. Attendentesque hujusmodi Heretic. & Heresiarch. in forma praedicta convict. damnat. & degradat. juxta Leges & consuetudines Regni nostri Angliae in hac parte consuetas ignis incendio comburi debere; Vobis Praecipimus quod dictum Thomam Cranmer, in custodia vestra existen. in Loco publico & aperto, infra Libertatem dicti Civitatis nostrae Oxon. ex causa praedicta, coram Populo igni Committi, ac ipsum Thomam Cranmer in eodem igne realiter comburi facietis, in hujusmodi Criminis detestationem, aliorum Christianorum exemplum manifestum: Et hoc sub paena & periculo incumbente, ac prout nobis subinde respondere volueritis, nullatenus Omittatis. Test. nobis ipsis apud Westmonasterium, Vicesimo quarto Februarii, Annis Regis & Reginae secundo ac tertio.  
And this Bill, signed with the hand of Us the said Queen, shall be your sufficient Warrant and Discharge for the same.   

Number 28. A Commission to Bonner, and others, to search and raze Records.  
PHILIP and MARY, etc.  
TO the Right Reverend Father in God, 
Rot. Pat. 3, & 4, Phil. & Mar. 12. Pars.  Edmond Bishop of London; and to Our trusty and wellbeloved Henry Cole, Doctor of Divinity, and Dean of the Cathedral Church of St. Paul, London; and Thomas Marten Esq; Doctor of the Civil Law, Greeting. Where is come to Our knowledge and understanding, that in the time of the late Schism, divers and sundry Accounts, Books, Scrolls, Instruments, and other Writings, were practised, devised, and made, concerning Professions against the Pope's Holiness, and the See Apostolic: And also sundry and divers infamous Scrutinies were taken in Abbeys, and other Religious Houses, tending rather to subvert and overthrow all good Religion, and Religious Houses, than for any Truth contained therein; which Writings, and other the Premises, as We be informed, were delivered to the Custody and Charge of divers and sundry Registers, and other Officers and Ministers of this Our Realm of England, to be by them kept and preserved. And minding to have the said Writings, and other the Premises, brought to knowledge, whereby they may be considered and ordered, according to Our Will and Pleasure. And trusting in your Fidelities, Wisdoms, and Discretions, We have appointed, and assigned you to be Our Commissioners; and by these presents do give full Power and Authority unto you, or two of you, to call before you, or two of you, all and singular the said Registers, and other Officers and Ministers within this Our said Realm, to whose hands, custody, knowledge, or possession, any of the said Accounts, Books, Scrolls, Instruments, or other Writings concerning the Premises, or any part thereof, did, or is come; giving straight charge and commandments to them, and every of them, to bring before you, or two of you, at their several appearance, all and singular the said Accounts, Books, Writings, and other the Premises whatsoever: And them, and every of them, to charge by Oath, or otherwise, to make a true Certificate and Delivery of all and singular the said Premises, to the hands of you, or two of you; commanding you, or two of you, to attend and execute the Premises, with effect, by all ways and means, according to your Wisdoms and Discretions.  
And of all and singular your do therein, Our Pleasure and Commandment is, Ye shall make Certificate unto the most Reverend Father in God, and our dearest Cousin Reginald Pool, Lord Cardinal, Archbishop of Canterbury, Metropolitan and Primate of England, with diligence, to the intent that further Order may be taken therein as shall appertain; charging and commanding all and singular Justices of Peace, Mayor, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Constables, and all other Our Officers, Ministers, and Subjects, to be aiding, helping, assisting, and at Our Commandment in the due execution hereof, as they tender Our Pleasure, and will answer to the contrary at their perils.  
In Witness whereof, etc. Witness the King and Queen, at Greenwich, the 29th day of December. Per Regem & Reginam.   

Number 29. Cromwell's Commission, to be Lord-Vicegerent, in all Ecclesiastical Causes.  
HEnricus Octavus, Dei Gratia, Angliae & Franciae, Rex, 
Cotton Libr. Cleop. F. 2.  Fidei Defensor, Dominus Hiberniae ac in Terris Supremum totius. Ecclesiae Anglicanae sub Christo Caput, dilectis nobis A. B. C. D. Salutem.  
In terris, supremam Ecclesiae Anglicanae sub Christo Autoritatem, etsi Regiae Nostrae dignitati, ut praecellenti, jam inde ab adepto primum divina disponente gratia, hujus Regni nostri Angliae Sceptro, jure nobis competierit, nunc denuo exercere quodam modo impellimur; nempe quum hi, qui curam illius & regimen sibi potissimum arrogabant, suis potius ipsorum privatis commodis, quam publicae illius saluti, aut compendio consulentes, eam tandem eo calamitatis, tum nimia licentia & in Officiis eiiss commissis oscitantia, tum suis malis exemplis devenire passi sunt, ut non ab re metuendum sit, ne illam Christus nunc suam non agnoscat sponsam. Quamobrem nostrae Regiae excellentiae, cui prima & suprema post Deum Auctoritas in quoscunque hujus Regni nostri incolas, nullo sexus, aetatis, ordinis aut conditionis habito discrimine, sacro testante eloquio, coelitus demandata est, ex muneris hujusmodi debito potissimum incumbit, dictam Ecclesiam vitiorum vepribus, quantum cum Deo possumus, purgare, & virtutum seminibus & plantis conserere. Porro cum hi, qui in eadem de caeteris antehac censuram sibi vindicabant, de se vero nullam a quovis mortalium haberi sustinebant, tum aliis hominibus plura indies corrigenda committant, tum ex eorum corruptis moribus majori prae caeteris sunt plebi offendiculo; ut non immerito iidem & bonorum omnium, si boni, & malorum omnium, si contra certissimi sint Authores: Ab his igitur veluti fonte & scaturigine ad universalem hujus Regni nostri & Ecclesiae Anglicanae reformationem jure auspicandum esse duximus, haud vanam spem habentes, quod, fonte primitus purgato, purus deinde & limpidus decurret rivus. Caeterum quia ad singula hujus Regni nostri loca pro praemissis exequendis nos ipsi personaliter obire non valemus, alios quorum Vicaria fide freti munus hujusmodi veluti per ministros exequamur, qui quum vices nostras in ea parte suppleant, in partem solicitudinis adstitimus & vocamus. Cum itaque nos alias praedilectum nobis Thomam Cromwell Secretarium nostrum primarium, & Rotulorum nostrorum Magistrum sive custodem, Nostrum, ad Causas Ecclesiasticas quascunque nostra Autoritate uti supremi capitis dictae Ecclesiae Anglicanae quomodolibet tractand. seu ventiland. atque ad exercend. expediend. & exercend. omnem & omnimodam jurisdictionem, Authoritatem, sive potestatem Ecclesiasticam, quae nobistanquam supremo capiti hujusmodi competit, aut quovismodo competere possit, aut debeat, ubilibet infra Regnum nostrum, Angliae & loca quaecunque nobis subjecta, Vicem gerentem, Vicarium Generalem, ac Commissarium specialem & principalem, cum potestate alium vel alios Commissarium sive Commissarios ad praemissa, vel eorum aliqua ordinanda & deputanda, per alias literas nostras Patentes, sigillo nostro majori communitas, constituerimus, deputaverimus & ordinaverimus, prout ex tenore literarum nostrarum hujusmodi plenius liquet. Quia tamen & ipse nostris & totius hujus Regni nostri negotiis praepeditus existit, quominus praemissa personaliter obire & exequi possit; Idem Thomas Cromwell Vicem gerens, Vicarius generalis & Officialis principalis noster hujusmodi, vos A. B. C. D. prelibatos ad infra-scripta omnia & singula vice & nomine nostris exequenda Commissarios nostros deputaverit, ordinaverit & constituerit; Nos igitur deputationem, ordinationem, & constitutionem hujusmodi ratam & gratam habentes, ad visitandum tam in Capite quam in Membris, de tam plena, quam vacante, quoties, & quando vobis opportunum visum fuerit, omnes & singulas Ecclesias, etiam Metropoliticas, Cathedrales & Collegiatas, Hospitalia quaeque & Monasteria, tam Virorum quam Mulierum, Prioratas, Preceptorias, Dignitates, Officia, Domos & Loca alia Ecclesiastica, tam Scholaria quam Regularia, exempta & non exempta, quaecunque infra Regnum nostrum Angliae, & Provincias, Civitates, Terras, Dominia & Loca nobis Subjecta, ubicunque sita seu constituta, cujuscunque Dignitatis, Praerogativae, Ordinis, Regulae sive conditionis existant: deque statu & conditione eorundem tam in Spiritualibus quam in Temporalibus, necnon vita, moribus & conversatione, tam Praesidentium sive Praelatorum eorundem quocunque nomine & dignitate, etiamsi Archiepiscopali vel Episcopali, praefulgeant, quam aliarum personarum in eis degentium quarumcunque, inquirendum & inquiri faciendum. Ac illos quos in ea parte curiosos vel culpabiles fore compereritis, pro modo culpae hujusmodi corrigendi, puniendi & coercendi; ac si delicti qualitas poposcerit, officiis sive beneficiis suis pro tempore vel in perpetuum privandi & amovendi, vel ad tempus ab eisdem suspendendi: fructus quoque, redditus & proventus Ecclesiarum & Locorum hujusmodi, si videbitur, sequestrandos, ac sub salvo & tuto sequestro custodiri faciendos, atque mandandō sequestrumque hujusmodi relaxandum ac computum calculum & rationem, de receptis & collectis per sequestros hujusmodi tempore sequestri, & de administratione per eosdem exigenda & recipienda, ac bene & fideliter computantes quietando & liberando deque statu dictarum Ecclesiarum & Locorum tempore visitationis hujusmodi, annotationem, necnon de bonis rebus & localibus eorundem inventaria facienda & exigenda.  
Statuta insuper, Ordinationes & Injunctiones particulares & generales pro bona & laudabili conservatione, seu reformatione personarum, locorum & ordinum praedictorum, juxta rei exigentiam, Auctoritate nostra faciendo & imponendo: paenasque convenientes in earum violatores infligendas & irrogandas, Synodosque, Capitula & Convocationes, tam speciales quam generales pro praemissis vel aliis causis, & rationibus quibuscunque, quoties & quando & ubicunque vobis visum fuerit magis expedire nomine & auctoritate nostris concedendos & convocandos ac eas & ea celebranda continuanda & proroganda. Clerumque & Populum ad Synodos & capitula hujusmodi convocando & congregando ac Synodis capituli, & congregationibus hujusmodi interessendo & praesidendo eaque inibi statuendo & ordinando quae pro reformatione vel emendatione locorum, personarum & ordinum praedictorum visa fuerint quomodolibet expedire. Dictasque Ecclesias, loca & personas modis omnibus, quibus melius & efficacius valeatis ad statum honestiorem, probatioresque vivendi mores, reducendo & reponendo. Crimina quoque, excessus, & delicta quorumcunque subditorum nostrorum juxta comperta & detecta quaecunque debite reformando, corrigendo & puniendo. Quoscunque insuper subditos nostros, pro praemissis vel quibuscunque aliis causis ad forum Ecclesiasticum quomodolibet spectantibus & pertinentibus, undecunque & quacunque infra hoc nostrum Angliae Regnum vobis videbitur melius expedire, ad vos & coram vobis citando & evocando: contumacesque & rebelles, tam per censuras & paenas Ecclesiasticas, quam per mulctarum impositionem ac alia juris hujus Regni nostri remedia coercendo & puniendo. Causasque & negotia Ecclesiastica hujusmodi cognoscendo, examinando ac sine debito terminando: & subditos hujusmodi rei per vos judicatae stare & acquiescere cogendo & compellendo. Resignationes insuper sive cessiones Ecclesiarum, seu locorum & quascunque quorumcunque praedictorum factas sive faciendas recipiendo & admittendo. Ecclesiasque & loca resignata, Vacantia, & pro vacantibus habenda fore pronunciando & declarando: Licentiasque ad tractandum & communicandum & concludendū & super pensionibus & fructibus & emolumentis, necnon dictarum Ecclesiarum & locorum commissorum assignando: necnon de & super, quacunque permutatione fienda quibuscunque personis idoneis id petentibus concedendo. Pensionesque annuas congruas & moderatas, resignantibus hujusmodi, assignando & limitando: Ecclesiasque & loca praedicta de & super pensionum hujusmodi solutione & praestatione onerando & obligando, ac decreta & summas in ea parte necessarias seu requisitas ferendas & promulgandas.  
Electionibus quoque Praelatorum, qui per electionem hujusmodi assumi soleant quorumcunque interessendi & praesidendi, eligendumque in eisdem dirigendo & informando. Electiones insuper quascunque rite factas & celebratas, & personas electas sive eligendas confirmando: ac aliter factas & celebratas cassando & annullando, ac rite electos & confirmatos installando seu installari faciendo. Institutiones quoque & investituras in quibuscunque Ecclesiis & locis praedictis pendente visitatione nostra hujusmodi personis idoneis & rite presentatis quibuscunque conferendo & concedendo, ac eos in realem, actualem & corporalem possessionem Ecclesiarum & locorum praedictorum indicendo seu sic induci faciendo atque mandando, cum suis juribus & pertinentibus universis. Quaecunque insuper instrumenta, literasque tam testimoniales, quam mandatores & rescripta alia quaecunque in ea parte necessaria, oportuna, etc.  
Desunt caetera.   

Number 30. A Letter written by the Monks of Glassenbury, for the new Founding of that Abbey. An Original.  
To the Right Honourable, the Lord Chamberlain to the Queen's Majesty.  

Ex M S. Nob. Illustr. Com. de Huntingdon.  RIght Honourable, in our most humble wise, your Lordship's daily Beadsman, sometimes at the House of Glassenbury, now here Monks in Westminster, with all due submission, we desire your Honour to extend your accustomed Virtue, as it hath been always heretofore propense to the Honour of Almighty God, to the honourable Service of the King and Queen's Majesty; So it may please your good Lordship again, for the honour of them, both of God and their Majesties, to put the Queen's Highness in remembrance of her gracious Promise, concerning the Erection of the late Monastery of Glassenbury; which Promise of her Grace hath been so by her Majesty declared. That upon the same, we your Lordship's daily Beadsmen, understanding my Lord Cardinals Grace's Pleasure to the same, by the procurement hereof, our Reverend Father Abbot, hath gotten out the Particulars; and through a Warrant from my Lord Treasurer, our Friends there hath builded, and bestowed much upon Reparation: Notwithstanding, all now standeth at a stay; we think the cause to be want of remembrance; which cannot so well be brought unto her Majesty's understanding, as by your Honourable Lordship's favour and help. And considering your Lordship's most Godly disposition, we have a confidence thereof to solicit the same; assuring your Lordship of our daily Prayers while we live, and of our Successors during the World, if it may so please your good Lordship to take it in hand.  
We ask nothing in Gift to the Foundation, but only the House and Scite, the residue for the accustomed rent; So that with our Labour and Husbandry, we may live here a few of us in our Religious Habits, till the Charity of good People may suffice a greater number: and the Country there being so affected to our Religion, we believe we should find more help amongst them, towards the Reparations and Furniture of the same; whereby we would happily prevent the ruin of much, and repair no little part of the whole, to God's Honour, and for the better prosperity of the King and Queen's Majesties, with the whole Realm; for, doubtless, if it shall please your good Lordship, if there hath ever been any flagitious Deed, since the Creation of the World, punished of God, in our Opinion the overthrow of Glassenbury may be compared to the same, not surrendered, as other, but extorted; the Abbot preposterously put to death, with two innocent virtuous Monks with him; that if the thing were to be scanned by any University, or some learned Council in Divinity, they would find it more dangerous than it is commonly taken: which might move the Queen's Majesty to the more speedy Erection; namely, that being an House of such Antiquity, and of Fame through all Christendom; first begun by St. Joseph of Arimathea, (who took down the dead Body of our Saviour Christ from the Cross) and lieth buried in Glassenbury: and him most hearty we beseech with us, to pray unto Christ for good success unto your Honourable Lordship, in all your Lordship's Affairs; and now especially in this our most humble Request, that we may do the same in Glassenbury for the King and Queen's Majesties as our Founders, and for your good Lordship, as a singular Benefactor.  
Your Lordship's daily Beadsmen of Westminster, 

John Phagan.  
John Nott.  
William Ailewold.  
William Kentwyne.     

Number 31. A Letter from Sir Edward Carne from Rome, showing how the Pope dissembled with him concerning a General Peace. An Original.  
PLeaseth it your most Excellent Majesty to be advertised, 
Ex Chartophylac. Regio.  That Francis the Post arrived here upon Corpus Christi Day, with your Majesty's most gracious Letters, as well for the expedition of the Bishoprics of Winchester and Chester, as also for his Holiness beside; with your most gracious Letters of the 30th of March to me: According to the purport whereof, I sued for Audience at his Holiness Hands, the next day following; whereof I had Answer, That I should come to his Holiness, viz. the sixth of this; and being with his Holiness, after the delivery of your Majesty's most gracious Letters, with your Majesty's humble Commendations, After he had read your Majesty's Letter, in the presence of the most Reverend Lord Cardinal Morone, he said, how much he was bound to that Blessed Queen, and most Gracious and Loving Daughter, that had written to him so gratefully and humbly; saying, That he would keep that Letter to be read openly in the Consistory, before all the most Reverend Lords his Brethren; and said, that he was much bound to his Legate there, to make that good Report of him to your Majesty. Whereupon I declared unto him your Majesty's Pleasure, according to my Instructions, with such Thanks and Congratulations as your Pleasure was I should use to his Holiness, with the rest of my Instructions; leaving no part thereof undeclared and spoken: Whereunto he said, That his Affection to that blessed Queen (making a Cross upon your Majesty's Name contained in the Letter) was not, neither could be as much as the goodness of her Majesty required; but this your Majesty should be sure of, he said, that his good Affection, and good Will, should not only continue, but increase to the utmost, to the satisfaction of your Majesty in all that may lie in him.  
And as touching the Peace to be had perfectly, betwixt the Emperor's Majesty, and the King's most Excellent Majesty, and the French King, he was wondrous glad to hear that your Majesty's furtherance should not want in helping to bring the Truce, late concluded, to a perfect Peace. And of his part, he said, that he sent two Legates for that purpose, for his discharge towards God: Or else, he said, if he should overpass, and not declare unto them the great Necessities of the Common-Weal of all Christendom to have a perfect Peace, God would impute his silence therein unto him, being appointed over his Flock here as he is: For, he said, it is more than time to be doing therein, considering that the Realm of Polonia doth so waver, and that the King there neither can nor dare, being compassed with naughty Sects round about him, do any thing against them. And likewise the King of Romans about him. They call upon his Holiness for help, and some Provision for Amendment; which thing he cannot do without a General Council, which, he said, cannot be well done, unless the said Peace be made; for though there be an Abstinence from War, yet the grudge of the Do heretofore, and the incertainty of Peace, will be an occasion to keep Men of War, and the one shall be in mistrust of the other, in such sort, as the Passages cannot be sure for those that should come to the said Council: Therefore he will travel, as much as is possible for him, to have a Peace, without the which it will not be possible to do any good in the Council. His Holiness is minded to have the General Council here in St. John Latarenense, and thinks it the most meetest Place, for divers Considerations which he declared; For it is the Head Church of Christendom, and there hath been divers times many wholesome and Holy Councils in times past. And for that this City is Communis Patria, and free to all the World to resort to freely, trusting that all Necessaries shall come hither, both by Sea and Land. And also forasmuch as in divers Councils begun in times of his Predecessors, little good could be done; and Men thought that more good might have been done, if the Pope had been present himself in the said Councils, therefore his Holiness would be present himself in this Council; which he cannot, being in a manner decrepit for Age, in case it were kept far here-hence; he not being able to travel for Age, unless it be kept here, where he trusteth to be himself in Person. And for to conclude this Matter, in such sort as the necessity of Christendom requireth, he hath dispatched the two Legates, the Latere suo, at this present, wherein he knoweth that your Majesty may do more than any others, and doubteth not but your Majesty will so do. Concluding that God hath preserved your Majesty to help all the World; whereunto I said, That there should not want neither good Will, neither any other thing that your Majesty might do for the furtherance thereof.  
As touching the Provisions of Winchester and Chester, it shall be done with all the speed that may be. And his Holiness hath promised all the favour that he can conveniently show for your Majesty's sake: It must have somewhat longer time, for that the Process made there by my Lord Legat's Grace, for to try the Yearly Value of Winchester, must be committed to certain Cardinals, for to report in the Consistory, before the new Tax can be made; but there shall be no time lost, for it shall be diligently solicited.  
Also concerning the Pension to my Lord Cardinal's Grace, of a thousand Pounds Sterling Yearly, the Pope his Holiness will assign it according to your Majesty's Pleasure; so that all shall be done therein with all the speed that may be, God willing; wherein the most reverend Lord, Cardinal Morone, who rejoiceth much in your Gracious Letters sent to him, to his great comfort, doth travel, as he is most ready always, in all that toucheth your Majesty, or any of your most noble Realms.  
As concerning the Occurrents here, since my last Letters of the fifteenth of the last, be none other, but that the Cardinal de Caraffa, departed here-hence towards France, the fourteenth of the last, with divers Antiquities to be presented to the French King. Some say here, that part of his Charge is, to move the French King to take the Dukedom of Paleano in his Protection, as he hath Parma and Mirandula. There be a great number of Workmen already gone to Fortify Paleano, Neptuno, and Rocca del Papa; and certain Captains appointed and gone thither also.  
The Legate to the Emperor's Majesty, and the King's Majesty, departed the 30th of the last.  
The Ambassador of Polonia is returned towards his Master. His Petition, as I am informed, to his Holiness, was, to have Licence for Priests to Marry, and all Layfolk to receive the Communion, Sub utraque specie, in the Realm of Polonia, and certain Dimes upon the Clergy, to be spent against the Turk. His Answer, as I hear, was, in general, with relation of all such Matters to the General Council.  
Also there came hither four Ambassadors very honourably from the State of Genua, with the Obedience of that State to his Holiness: Which Ambassador did visit me, declaring the good Will, Amity, and Service, that the said State bare towards the King, and your most Excellent Majesty, desiring me advertise your Majesty thereof.  
The 24th of the last, the Pope his Holiness kept the Anniversary of his Coronation: I was warned to be at the Chapel, by the Officers appointed for that purpose. Also one of his Holiness Gentlemen was sent to invite me to dine with his Holiness that day. At my coming to the Court, the Ambassador of Portugal being there, at his Holiness coming forth, would have kept the Place, amongst all the Ambassadors, from me, that I was wont to stand in, that is next the French Ambassador; And next to me would be the Ambassador of Polonia. I came to the Ambassador of Portugal, as gently as I could; and for that he would not give me my Place, I took him by the Shoulder, and removed him out of that Place, saying, That it was your Majesty's Ambasdor's Place always. Beneath me he would not stand, neither next me he should not, for the Ambassador of Polonia who claimed next to me: Whereupon the Portugal went and complained to the Duke of Paleano, who went straight to the Pope; and after him went the said Ambassador of Portugal to him himself. His Holiness willed him to departed therehence. He desired that I should departed likewise. And thereupon the Duke came to me, saying, That the Pope his Pleasure was, I should departed also. I asked him, Why? He said, That his Holiness, to avoid dissension, would have me to departed. I told him, I made no Dissension; for if the other would keep his own Place, and not usurp upon the Place, that always the Ambassors of England, in times past, were wont to be in, he might be in quiet, and suffer me to be in quiet likewise, and not to seek that seemed him not. All this Year he never sought it till now, why now, I cannot tell; but he may be sure he shall not have it of me, unless your Majesty command it. Also the Master of the Household with his Holiness, said, That I was invited, and that Portugal was not, but came upon his own head.  
I am much bound to the Marquis, he was very angry with the Portugal, being his Brother, to attempt any such thing against your Majesty's Ambassador; and sent to me, as soon as he heard of it. Indeed he was not there, I kept my Place from him, sending him to seek his Place in such sort, that all the Ambassadors thought it well done; and others that were indifferent said no less. I told the Duke that I would not lose a jot of your Majesty's Honour for no Man. For it is the Place of Ambassadors of England, nigh a thousand Years before there was any King in Portugal.  
Other Occurrents here be none. And thus I beseech Almighty God to conserve your most Excellent Majesty, in long and most prosperous Life.  
From Rome, the 9th of June, 1556. Your Majesty's most Humble Subject, and Poor Servant, Edward Carne.   

Number 32. A Commission for a severer way of proceeding against Heretics.  
PHilip and Mary, by the Grace of God, King and Queen of England, 
Rot. Pat. in Dorso. Rot. 3, & 4. Phil. & Mar. 2 p.  Spain, France, both Sicills, Jerusalem, and Ireland, and Defenders of the Faith; Archduke's of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, Milan, and Brabant, Counts of Harspurge, Flanders, and Tyroll. To the Right Reverend Father in God, Edmond Bishop of London, and to the Reverend Father in God, Our right trusty, and right wellbeloved Counsellor, Thomas Bishop of Ely; and to Our right trusty, and right wellbeloved, William Windsor Kt. Lord Windsor; Edward North Kt. Lord North; and to Our trusty and right wellbeloved Counsellors, John Bourne Kt. one of Our chief Secretaries; John Mordaunt Knight; Francis Englefield Kt. Master of our Wards and Liveries; Edward Walgrave Kt. Master of Our great Wardrobe; Nicholas Hare Kt. Master of the Rolls in our Court of Chancery; and to Our trusty and wellbeloved Thomas Pope Kt. Roger Cholmley Kt. Richard Read Kt. Thomas straddling Kt. and Rowland Hill Kt. William Rastall Sergeant at Law; Henry Cole Clark, Dean of Paul's; William Roper, and Randulph Cholmley Esquires; William Cook, Thomas Martin, John Story, and John Vaughan, Doctors of Law, Greeting.  
Forasmuch as divers devilish and clamourous Persons, have not only invented, bruited, and set forth divers false Rumours, Tales, and seditious Slanders against Us, but also have sown divers Heresies and Heretical Opinions; and set forth divers seditious Books within this our Realm of England, meaning thereby to move, procure, and stir up Divisions, Strife, Contentions, and Seditions, not only amongst Our loving Subjects, but also betwixt Us and Our said Subjects; with divers other outrageous Misdemeanours, Enormities, Contempts, and Offences daily committed and done, to the disquieting of Us and Our People; We minding and intending the due punishment of such Offenders, and the repressing of suchlike Offences, Enormities, and Misbehaviours from henceforth, having special trust and confidence in your Fidelities, Wisdoms, and Discretions, have authorized, appointed, and assigned you to be our Commissioners; and by these presents do give full Power and Authority unto you, and three of you, to inquire, as well by the Oaths of twelve good and lawful Men, as by Witnesses, and all other means and politic ways you can devise, of all and sundry Heresies, Heretical Opinions, Lollardies; heretical and seditious Books, Concealments, Contempts, Conspiracies, and of all false Rumours, Tales, Seditious and Clamorous, Words and Say, raised, published, bruited, invented, or set forth against Us, or either of Us; or against the quiet Governance and Rule of Our People and Subjects, by Books, Letters, Tales, or otherwise, in any County, City, Burrough, or other Place or Places within this Our Realm of England, and elsewhere, in any Place or Places beyond the Seas; and of the bringers in Users, Buyers, Sellers, Readers, Keepers, or Conveyers of any such Letters, Books, Rumour, or Tale; and of all and every their Coadjutors, Counsellors, Consorters, Procurers, Abetters, and Maintainers; Giving to you, and three of you, full Power and Authority, by virtue hereof, to search out, and take into your hands and possession, all manner of heretical and seditious Books, Letters, Writings, wheresoever they, or any of them shall be found, as well in Printers Houses and Shops, as elsewhere; willing you, and every of you, to search for the same in all Places, according to your discretions. And also to inquire, hear, and determine, all and singular Enormities, Disturbances, Misbehaviours, Misdemeanours and Negligences, done, suffered, or committed, in any Church, Chappel, or other hallowed Place within this Realm. And also for and concerning the taking away, or the withholding of any Lands, Tenements, Goods, and Ornaments, Stocks of Money, or other things belonging to any of the same Churches and Chapels, and all Accounts and Reckon concerning the same. And also to inquire and search out all such Persons as obstinately do refuse to preach the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar, to hear Mass, or come to their Parish, or other convenient Places, appointed for Divine Service; and all such as refuse to go in Processions, to take Holy Water, or Holy Bread; or otherwise do misuse themselves in any Church, or other Hallowed Place, wheresoever any of the same Offences have been, or hereafter shall be, committed within this Our said Realm. Nevertheless Our Will and Pleasure is, That when, and as often as any Person or Persons hereafter to be called or convented before you, do obstinately persist or stand in any manner of Heresy, or heretical Opinions, that then ye, or three of you, do immediately take order, that the same Person, or Persons, so standing or persisting, be delivered and committed to his Ordinary, there to be used according to the Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Laws. And also We give unto you, or three of you, full Power and Authority to inquire and search out all Vagabonds and Masterless Men, Barrators, Quarrellers, and suspect Persons, Vagrant, or abiding within the City of London, or ten mile's compass of the same; and all Assaults and Affrays done and committed within the same City, and Compass. And further, to search out all Wastes, Decays, and Ruins of Churches, Chancels, Chapels, Parsonages, and Vicarages, in whatsoever Diocese the same be within this Realm. Giving to you, or any three of you, full Power and Authority, by virtue hereof to hear and determine the same, and all other Offences and Matters above specified and rehearsed, according to your Wisdoms, and Consciences, and Discretions; willing and commanding you, or three of you, from time to time, to use and devise all such politic ways and means, for the trial and searching out of the Premises, as by you, or three of you, shall be thought most expedient and necessary; and upon enquiry, and due proof had, known, perceived, and tried out by the Confession of the Parties, or by sufficient Witnesses, before you, or three of you, concerning the Premises, or any part thereof, or by any other ways or means requisite, to give and award such punishment to the Offenders, by Fine, Imprisonment, or otherwise; and to take such order for redress and reformation of the Premises, as to your Wisdoms, or three of you, shall be thought meet and convenient. Further willing and commanding you, and any three of you, in case you shall find any Person or Persons, obstinate or disobedient, either in their appearance before you, or three of you, at your calling or assignment; or else in not accomplishing, or not obeying your Decrees, Orders, and Commandments, in any thing or things touching the Premises, or any part thereof, to commit the same Person, or Persons, so offending, to Ward, there to remain, till they be by you, or three of you, enlarged and delivered. And We give to you, and any three of you, full Power and Authority, by these Presents, to take and receive, by your Discretions, of every Offender, or suspect Person, to be convented or brought before you, a Recognizance or Recognizances, Obligation or Obligations to Our use, of such Sum or Sums of Money, as to you, or three of you, shall seem convenient, as well for the personal appearance before you, of any such suspect Person, or for the performance and accomplishment of your Orders and Decrees, in case you shall think so convenient, as for the sure and true payment of all and every such Fine and Fines, as shall hereafter be by you, or three of you, taxed or assessed upon any Offender that shall be before you, or three of you, duly convinced, as is aforesaid, to Our use, to be paid at such days and times, as by you, or three of you, shall be sealed, limited, or appointed: And you to certify any such Recognizance, or Obligation, as being taken for any Fine, or Fines, not fully and wholly paid before you, under your Hands and Seals, or the Hands and Seals of three of you, into Our Court of Chancery, to the intent We may be thereof duy answered, as appertaineth.  
And furthermore, We give to you, or three of you, full Power and Authority, by these Presents, not only to call afore you all and every Offender and Offenders, and all and every suspect Person and Persons in any of the Premises, but also all such, and so many Witnesses as ye shall think meet to be called; and them, and every of them, to examine and compel to Answer, and Swear, upon the Holy Evangelist, to declare the Truth in all such things, whereof they, or any of them shall be examined, for the better trial, opening, and declaration of the Premises, or of any part thereof.  
And furthermore, Our Will and Pleasure is, that you, or three of you, shall name and appoint, one sufficient Person to gather up and receive all such Sums of Money as shall be assessed or taxed by you, or three of you, for any Fine or Fines, upon any Person or Persons, for their Offence; and you, or three of you, by Bill, or Bills, signed with your Hands, shall, and may assign and appoint, as well to the said Person for his pains in receiving the said Sums, as also to your Clerk, Messengers, and Attendants upon you, for their travel, pains and charge to be sustained for Us about the Premises, or any part thereof, such sum and sums of Money for their Rewards, as by you, or three of you, shall be thought expedient. Willing and commanding you, or three of you, after the time of this Our Commission is expired, to certify into our Exchequer, as well the Name of the said Receiver, as also a note of such Fines as shall be set or taxed before you, to the intent, that upon the determination of the account of the same Receiver, We may be answered, that that to Us shall justly appertain. Willing and Commanding, also all Our Auditors, and other Officers, upon the sight of the said Bills, signed with the Hands of you, or three of you, to make to the said Receiver, due allowance, according to the said Bills upon his account. Wherefore We Will and Command you, our said Commissioners, with diligence to execute the Premises, with effect: any of Our Laws, Statutes, Proclamations, or other Grants, Privileges, or Ordinance, which be, or may seem to be contrary, to the Premises notwithstanding.  
And moreover, We will and Command, all and singular Justices of Peace, Mayor, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Constables, and all other our Officers, Ministers, and faithful Subjects, to be aiding, helping, and assisting to you, at your commandment, in the due execution hereof, as they tender Our Pleasure, and will answer to the Costs, at their utmost Perils.  
And We Will and Grant, That these Our Letters Patents shall be a sufficient Warrant and Discharge for you, and any of you, against Us, Our Heirs and Successors; and all, and every other Person or Persons whatsoever they be, of, for, or concerning the Premises, or any parcel thereof, or for the execution of this Our Commission, or any part thereof.  
In Witness whereof, We have caused these Our Letters to be made Patents, and to continue and endure for one whole Year next coming after the Date hereof. Witness ourselves at Wistminster, the 8th day of February, the third and fourth Years of Our Reign.   

Number 33. A Letter writ by the Council, expressing their Jealousies of the Lady Elizabeth. An Original.  

Cotton Libr. Titus B. 2.  Mr. Pope, after our very hearty Commendations, ye shall understand, That amongst divers other devilish Practices, attempted from time to time, by Dudley Aston, and other Traitors in France, for the disturbance of the Quiet of the Realm; they have now lately sent over one Cleyberdo, who (if I the Lord Chancellor be not deceived in the Man) was, whilst I was Precedent in Wales, indicted of a Burglary, and should have been, if he had not escaped by the means of certain his Complices, who took him from the Sheriff's Man, as well for the said Burglary, as for divers other notable Robberies, and other Offences, made sure enough from attempting this Enterprise now. This Man being sent by the foresaid Traitors into the extreme parts of Essex and Suffolk; where naming himself to be Earl of Devonshire, he hath, by spreading abroad of slanderous Letters & Proclamations, abused the Lady Elizabeth's Graces Name; pronouncing thereby, as much as in him lay, to stir the King's and Queen's Majesty's Subjects in those parts to Rebellion, as by the Copies of the said Letters and Proclamations, which we send unto you herewith, may at better length appear unto you. And albeit the People there have showed themselves so true and obedient Subjects, as immediately upon the understanding of this Enterprise, they did of themselves, and without any Commandment, apprehend as many of the Attempters of this devilish Practice as they could come by, whereby their goodwill and truth to the King and Queen's Majesties doth well appear. Yet because this Matter is spread already abroad, and that peradventure many Constructions and Discourses will be made thereof, we have thought meet to signify the whole Circumstances of the Cause unto you, to be by you opened unto the Lady Elizabeth's Grace, at such time as ye shall think convenient; to the end it may appear unto her how little these Men stick, by falsehood and untruth, to compass their Purpose; not letting, for that intent, to abuse the Name of her Grace, or any others: which their Devises nevertheless are (God be thanked) by his Goodness discovered from time to time to their Majesty's preservance, and confusion of their Enemies. And so bid you hearty well to far.  
From Eltham, the 30th of July, 1556. Your Loving Friends, 

Nichol. Eborac. Canc.  
Arundel.  
Thomas Ely.  
R. Rochester.  
Henry Jernegam.     

Number 34. A Letter from Sir Edward Carne, concerning the suspension of Cardinal Pool's Legatine Power. An Original.  
PLeaseth it your most Excellent Majesties, 
Ex Chartophylac. Regio.  according as I advertised your Highness in my Letters of the 8th of this; So I have informed all the Cardinals that be here of the Congregation of the Inquisition, as the most Reverend Lord Cardinal Morone advised me, informing them of the good Proceed and Reformations made, by the most Reverend Lord Cardinal's Grace there, as well in Clero as in Populo; not only in things pertaining ad cultum Dei, but also in other, pertaining to the Common-Weal of Christ's Church, in such sort as Christ's Religion doth so prosper there, that there is good hope all things should come to their perfection in time. And for that purpose his Grace had called there a Synod of the Clergy of the Realm, where many good Ordinances, for the maintenance of the Premises been past already; and many ready in hand for to pass, and not fully ended nor perfected: which should be stayed, in case the Legacy should be there-hence revoked, which might turn to the great danger and damage of many in that your Majesty's Realm, in case due Reformation throughout and perfectly were not made: Therefore I desired them, that when the Matter were moved amongst them, so to weigh it, as such a good beginning, that through your Majesty's Goodness hath been there, be not brought by their do here, into no worse terms, than your Majesties, with no little pain, hath always traveled to bring it unto: Adding besides divers Cases that daily might fall, which could not be helped without the Authority of this See: And that Men newly reduced to the Unity of the Church, would rather stand in their naughty Do, whose Examples might be noisome to many; than repair hither for any help; But having the Legate there, would gladly seek help at his hands being present amongst them.  
And likewise for reduction of your Majesty's Realm of Ireland to the Unity of the Church, which whether it were past or no, I doubted, and ended throughly: And if it were, yet were it most expedient that there should be Reformation, as well in Clero as in Populo; which could not well be, in case the Legacy continue not there. This is the effect of the Points that I informed them upon, who all thought it most expedient, that the Legacy should continue there, and would not fail to stay, as much as might lie in them, for these Considerations above rehearsed; and thought, being of such importance, that if my Lord's Grace were not there already, it were most expedient that he should be sent thither, rather than to be revoked; and hereof, as well Cardinal Morone, as all the other, would needs I should move his Holiness.  
Whereupon the 12th of this, I went to the Pope himself, upon pretence to give him thanks for the Provision of the Church of Chichester, and of the most gracious and honourable Report that he made in the Consistory the same time, of your Highness my Sovereign Lady the Queen; where his Holiness declared so much Goodness and Virtue of your Majesty, that he, and this See, could not, he said, show so much favour to any of yours, as the same required. As undoubtedly, as far as I could hear, he doth, whensoever he hath occasion to speak of your Majesty, so reverently as more could not be; who prevented me, and said, that he was glad that I was come unto him, and trusted that God had sent me thither: for there had been with him, the day before, Cardinal Pacheco, who shown him of the good inclination of your Majesty, my Sovereign Lord, to have Peace with him and the Church. And that also he had received a Letter from the most Reverend Lord Cardinal's Grace there-hence, who had spoken with your Majesty, and found the same so well inclined to have Peace with his Holiness, as might be desired; which his Holiness said he liked very well, and held up his hands, beseeching Almighty God to continue your Majesty in that good mind. And then he began to declare, how that God provided, and always confirmed you, the Queen's Majesty, not only to do good to that Realm, but to all Christendom also; in whom his Holiness had such hope, that the same will so help with the King's Majesty, that Peace may follow betwixt the Church and him: and he of his part coveted nothing more, as it should appear, if the King's Majesty would treat of it; Yea, he said, though he should sustain great Damage thereby, he will win his Majesty if he can.  
And where his Majesty is informed, that his Holiness would hear none of those that were sent to him from his Majesty, as Francisco Pacheco, and one Citizen of Naples; he said, That he never heard that either the said Francisco, or the said Citizen, had any Letter or Word to him from his Majesty; If they had had, he, as he said, who giveth Audience daily to as many as do seek it at his hands, without denial, would have heard them, or any that had been sent from his Highness; and this, he said, all that be about him can testify, and called God to Record of it. And yet, he said, that the King's Majesty is informed of the contrary; whereupon, he said, that his Majesty was brought in belief, that it was sufficient for his Highness to offer himself to be heard, and seeing he could not, he was discharged towards God, and so lay the fault in his Holiness; from the which Error, so his Holiness named it, he would and wished that his Majesty should be brought: for his Holiness caused to be enquired of them, Whether they had any Letters, or any thing to say of his Majesty's behalf to him, and could hear of none; Wherefore his Holiness desired me to write to your Majesty, and to signify the same to your Highness; and of his Holiness behalf, to pray you to advertise the King's Majesty, that therein was no lack of his Holiness: Saying, If his Majesty had sent to him, he would have gladly heard him; or if it may please his Majesty yet to send, no Man will be more glad thereof than he: And said further, that God, who had called him to that place, knew that he always hath been of mind to have a General Council for a Reformation throughout Christendom, and in such Place as had been meet for it; and doubted not, but that he would have seen Christendom in such Order, that such Enormities as do reign in many Parts, should have been reform, if these Wars had not troubled him: Saying therewith, That the Power of the Church is not able to maintain Wars of itself, but that God had provided Aid elsewhere; but if he can have Peace, he will embrace it, he said, though it were to his loss. And prayed me to desire your Majesty, of his behalf, to put to your good help towards it. To whom, after thanks first given to his Holiness for the said good Opinion that he had of your Majesty, and also of the Provision made of the said Church of Chichester, I said, that I was glad to hear of that good inclination of his Holiness to Peace; and said, that I would gladly signify to you, the Queen's Majesty, according to his Holiness Pleasure: And that I had heard of divers, that his Holiness would not give Audience, to such as you my Sovereign Lord had sent to him; whereof I was sorry, and yet nevertheless trusted that betwixt his Holiness and your Majesty, should be as great Amity as appertaineth; and had not so good hope thereof, since this War began, as now hearing his Holiness to be so well inclined to it; not doubting but all the World should perceive no lack of your Majesty's behalf, as far as any Reason required.  
Whether this be done for a practice to please, lest any stir be there against the Frenchmen, which is most feared here, I am not able to say, for there lacketh no practice in this Court that they think may serve for their purpose. The truth is, that there is jarring betwixt the Pope and the French now; with whom the Pope is nothing contented, neither they with him, as it is credibly reported here. All the Italians that the Pope had in the French Camp be all gone; the French handled them very ill and vile, and especially Don Antonio de Caraffa the Pope's Nephew: So that it is thought here, that the Pope will turn the Leaf, if any were here of your behalf, the King's Majesty, that had Authority to treat with his Holiness: And if it please your Majesty to send any hither for that purpose, by the Opinion of all your Majesty's well-willers here, there can come but good of it.  
After this Communication, I lamented to his Holiness greatly of one thing, that I had heard his Holiness pretended to do: And forasmuch as your Majesty had placed me here with his Holiness, and that the case was such, that it touched the maintenance of the Commonwealth of Christian Religion within your Majesty's Realm there, so much, that of Duty I could do no less but open it to his Holiness, trusting that the same, who had always showed himself most ready, with all benignity, to do for You, the Queen's Majesty, and your Realm, would so continue still: Which thing was, I said, That his Holiness would revoke his Legate there, which should be too great a prejudice to the Church of that Realm, to be done before all things were truly established there, and opened unto his Holiness all the Considerations before rehearsed, whereof I had informed the Cardinals in as ample manner as I could. Then, he said, that there was nothing that he could do for you, the Queen's Majesty, or your said Realm, but he would do it most gladly, unless occasion should be given there-hence that he might not. And as touching the Revocation of the Legate in England, he said, That it was done already, and not for to provide any thing within that Realm, but only for because, it was not convenient that any Legate of his should be within any of the King's Majesty's Realms or Dominions; and therefore he revoked his Nuncio's from Naples, from Spain, and all other parts of the King's Majesty's Realms and Dominions, and of England therefore: Nevertheless, he said, if you the Queen's Majesty would write to him, for the continuance of his Legate there, he would restore him to his former Authority, or any thing else that your Majesty should think expedient for him to do. Then, I said, It would be long time before Answer can come from England hither; and if his Revocation should be once known in England, what would come of it, I doubted. Therefore I besought his Holiness not to suffer it to pass, for if it be once known abroad, it shall be a great comfort to the Wicked, and discomfort to the good, whereby many Inconveniences might ensue. Then, he said, that that is done, cannot be undone. I said, That his Holiness had not so far gone in his Decree, but that he might moderate it, that it need not extend to England. And then I told him, that he had showed me, that in all his Proceed, he would have your Majesty's Realm of England separated from all other the King's Majesty's Realms, and now had set it as far further as any of the other; therefore, I said, his Holiness should consider it, and that the Decree in no wise should extend thither. Then, he said, That it could not stand with the Majesty of the Place that he sat in, to revoke any part of the Decree solemnly given in the Consistory, in the presence of all the Cardinals. I said, That his Holiness, with his Honour, might well do it; considering that when he gave the Decree, he was not informed of such Inconveniences that might ensue thereof; and now being informed by me, his Holiness had not only a just cause to revoke it, but also of congruence ought to do it; considering that his Holiness had the Cure of all men's Souls: and if any Inconveniency should follow through his Holiness Do, it could not be chosen but his Holiness must answer for it; where his Holiness suffering all things to proceed in his due course, as it hath been begun, all Dangers that have been before rehearsed might be avoided; therefore now his Holiness had a good Cause to stay his Decree in that behalf: All which he took in good part, and said thus, I must needs do for that Realm what I can, and therefore to morrow is the Congregation of the Inquisition, and then the Matter shall be propounded, where, he said, he would do what he could; and willed me to resort to the Cardinal St. Jacobo to inform him, that he might procure it there. I said, I would; indeed I had been with the said Cardinal before, and had informed him fully; nevertheless I went to him again, to show him the Pope's Pleasure therein; who said, he would do his Duty therein. Indeed that Matter occupied the Pope and the Cardinals all that Congregation time. The next morrow, as the Cardinals said, the Conclusion was, That the Pope would make answer to me himself. Indeed he thought to take Counsel of the said Congregation, before I had been with them about the same Decree, but not to revoke any part thereof, but to have their advice in framing of it. So that if I had not gone to him, the Decree had gone forth, with the intimation thereof, and the inhibition; but being with his Holiness this Evening, to know what was to be had herein; his Holiness, after a long Oration, in commendation of you the Queen's Majesty, he said, That in case your most Excellent Majesty would write to him for the continuance of his Legate, for such Causes as should seem good to the same, the Legate to be yet expedient therein, he would appoint my Lord's Grace there to continue, but he could in no wise revoke his Decree made in open Consistory. I laid many things that his Holiness might do it, and that divers of his Predecessors had done it, upon Causes before not known; with divers Examples that I shown him in Law; that at the last, he said plainly, He would not revoke his Decree; but for because of my Suit, he said he was content to stay, and to go no further till your Majesty's Letters do come, and charged the Datary, and his Secretary Berigno, that they send forth no intimation of his Decree of the said Revocation, without his special Commandment; where-else he said, the Intimation had been sent forth with an Inhibition also: And so all is stayed, that nothing here-hence shall go forth till your Pleasure, the Queen's Majesty, be known therein; which the Pope doth look for: Until which Intimation, the Legacy there doth continue.  
Occurrents here be no other, but that the 10th of this, the late made Duke of Paleano departed here-hence towards the Duke's Camp, which doth lie yet in the Siege of Civitella, within your Majesty's Realm of Naples. They that seem to bear their good Wills here towards your Majesty, do say here, that they may lie there long before they take it, for they cannot hurt it much with Battery. And they say, the Counts de Sancto Flore, and the Sarme, be within the Town with two thousand Soldiers; many of the Frenchmen be slain there. Nevertheless, others do say, that it standeth in danger of taking; for because the Frenchmen have gotten a Hill, from the which they do beat sore into the Town, and have withdrawn certain Waters from them of the Town, and do undermine it; the most part here thinketh they shall lose their labour, for it is very strong.  
The Galleys of Marseilles arrived at Civita Vechia, six or seven days past, and brought twelve Ensigns more of French Soldiers to reinforce the French Army; and as far as I can learn, they return again to fetch more, always to refresh their Camp with fresh Soldiers, in the lieu of such as be perished: Of the which twelve Ensigns, the French Ambassador chose out three, which he hath sent to the Duke of Guise, well furnished; the rest he discharged, but all the other that came, be gone to the Camp, to such Captains as will retain them there, for such of the other as be slain, or otherwise perished. Don Antonio de Carraffa doth as yet return to the Camp, neither intendeth to go as I hear. I heard say, That the Duke of Alva was within sixteen miles of the Frenchmen, with a great Army of Horsemen and Footmen, what he doth is not spoken of here, for there is none that can pass to them, or from them hither; there is such straight keeping, and dangerous passing.  
Here be ill News from Piedmont, for they say here, the Frenchmen in those Parts have taken Cherasto, a very strong Town in Piedmont, which I trust be not true. The common Report is here, That if the Frenchmen be not withstanded in time, they will do much hurt in Italy.  
The Pope doth set forth a Bull for Money, that one of every hundred shall be paid of the value of all the Lands that be within the Church's Dominions, which they say will draw to Two or three Millions, if it be paid.  
And having no other at this present, I beseech Almighty God to conserve both your most Excellent Majesties, in long and most prosperous Life together.  
From Rome, the 15th of May, 1557. Your Majesty's most humble Subject, and Poor Servant, Edward Carne.   

Number 35. The Appeal of Henry Chichely, Archbishop of Canterbury, to a General Council from the Pope's Sentence.  
IN Dei Nomine Amen. 
Ex M. SS. D.G. Petyt.  Per Presens publicum instrumentum cunctis appareat evidenter, quod anno ab incarnatione Domini secundum cursum & computationem Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1427. indictione quinta Pontificatus Sanctissimi in Christo Patris & Domini nostri Domini Martini, Divina Providentia Papae quinti, Anno decimo, mensis vero Aprilis die sexto. Reverendissimus in Christo Pater & Dominus, Dominus Henricus Dei Gratia Cantuarien. Archiepiscopus totius Angliae Primas, & Apostolicae Sedis Legatus, in Capella Majori Manerii sui de Ford Cantuarien. Diocaeseos personaliter existens, mihi Notario Publico, & testibus infra-scriptis presentibus, quandam appellationem in scriptis redactam fecit, legit & interposuit, ac appellativit sub eo, qui sequuntur, tenore verborum. In Dei Nomine. Amen. Coram vobis authentica persona & testibus hic Presentibus, Ego Henricus dictus Cant. permissione divina Cantuar. Archiepiscopus, totius Angliae Primas & Apostolicae Sedis Legatus, dico, allego, & in his scriptis propono, quod fui & sum Ecclesiam Sanctam Cant. cum jure Legationis natae, prerogativis, consuetudinibus, compositionibus, aliisque jurisdictionibus, juribus, libertatibus, & pertinentibus suis universis canonice assecutus, ipsamque sic assecutam nonullo tempore pacifice & inconcusse possedi, prout sic possideo de presenti; fuique & sum Ecclesiae Romanae, & Sedis Apostolicae obedientiae, Filius Catholicus, ac jurium & libertatum dictarum Ecclesiae & Sedis juxta posse, assiduus defensor, & promotor; integri status, bonae famae & opinionis illesae & in possessione eorundem existens, nullisque suspentionis aut excommunicationis, seu irregularitatis, aut interdicti sententiae vel sententiis innodatus: Quodque ex parte mei Henrici Archiepiscopi praedicti in possessione praemissorum omnium, & quasi ex verisimilibus conjecturis ac communicationibus quampluribus mihi & Ecclesiae meae, ac juri legationis, prerogativis, consuetudinibus, compositionibus, jurisdictionibus, juribus, libertatibus, & pertinentiis Ecclesiae, Cantuar. praedictae factis, circa praemissa & eorum singula grave posse prejudicium generari; Ne Sanctissimus in Christo Pater & Dominus noster Dominus Martinus, divina providentia Papa quintus, vel quivis alius quavis Autoritate, vice vel mandato, scienter vel ignoranter ad sinistram vel minus veram suggestionem, aut informationem emulorum personae, dignitatis aut Ecclesiae meae (quod absit) me non vocato, legitimeve praemonito, causae cognitione & juris, justitiaeque ordinem praetermisso, in prejudicium status mei, dignitatis, legationis, prerogativae, consuetudinum, compositionum, jurisdictionum, jurium, libertatum & pertinentium jure Metropolitico, vel alias dictam Ecclesiam meam Cantuar. & me ejus nomine concernentium quicquam attemptet, seu faciat aliqualiter attemptari, citando, monendo, mandando, inhibendo, decernendo, suspendendo, interdicendo, excommunicando, privando, sequestrando, pronunciando, definiendo, & declarando, seu quovis alio modo gravando; Ad Sacrosanctum Concilium generale facientes, constituentes & representantes, facturos, constituturos & representaturos, si ipsum caelebrari contigerit, & in defectum ipsius Concilii tenendi, & celebrandi, ad tribunal Dei omnipotentis & Domini nostri Jesu Christi, cujus idem sanctissimus Pater, Commissarius & Vicarius existit in terris, in his scriptis ob & ad tuitionem, protectionem & defensionem omnium, & singulorum praemissorum fuerit & sit legitime provocatum. Sanctissimus tamen in Christo Pater, & Dominus noster, Dominus Martinus dicta providentia hujus nominis Papa quintus asserens, ut dicta fide dignorum relatione, ad suum pervenisse auditum, quod ego, qui ad defensionem, obedientiam jurium, & honorem Sedis Apostolicae in Provincia Cantuarien. Legatus natus sum, propter emolumenta Ecclesiastica provenientia ex Ecclesiis Cathedralibus totius Regni Angliae tempore vacationum eorundum, quae ex quadam (ut me asserere dicit) consuetudine usibus meis applicare dignoscor ad resistendum provisionibus Apostolicis de Ecclesiis hujusmodi Cathedralibus sum proclivior, Et quod jura & honorem Sedis Apostolicae non defendo nec protego, imo potius impugno, & impugnantibus assisto, in animae meae periculum, praedictae Sedis contemptum, dictarumque Ecclesiarum Cathaedralium prejudicium & scandalum plurimorum; Cum tamen, suae benedictionis beatitudinis reverentia semper salva, nullum horum quae sic mihi impinguntur sunt vera, sed notorie minus vera, post & contra praemissam provocationem per me factam, me a Legatione dictae Sedis, necnon ab omni jurisdictione, superioritate, potestate sive Dominio percipiendi emolumenta Ecclesiastica, aliarum Ecclesiarum Cathaedralium dicti Regni usque ad beneplacitum suum, & Sedis Apostolicae Authoritate Apostolica, & ex certa scientia (ut asserit) nullatenus in ea parte monitum, citatum, convictum vel confessum, sed absentem, non per contumaciam causae, cognitione juris & judiciorum ac justitiae ordine in omnibus praetermisso, voluntarie & minus praepropere duxerit suspendendum, hisque non contentus, sed gravamina accumulans mihi in virtute obedientiae nihilominus injunxerit, ne de legatione Sedis Apostolicae praedictae, necnon jurisdictione, Authoritate, & Dominio percipiendi emolumenta hujusmodi tempore vacationum Ecclesiarum praedictarum per me vel per alium, seu alios quovis quaesito ingenio, vel colore de caetero quomodolibet me intromittam: Et insuper jurisdictionem, superioritatem, potestatem, & dominium dictarum Ecclesiarum Cathaedralium tempore illarum vacationum ad capitula singularum Ecclesiarum devolvi voluit, singulos processus, necnon excommunicationis suspensionis & interdicti sententias, & alias paenas ac censuras Ecclesiasticas, si quod per me vel alium seu alios contra capitula Ecclesiarum Cathedralium praefatarum, aut alias personas quascunque occasione consuetudinis memoratae, at legationis, officii (dicto durante beneplacito) ferri contigerit quomodolibet, vel haberi, irritos & inanes decrevit (salva semper suae Sanctitatis reverentia in omnibus) minus juste in personae meae, status, dignitatis, juris, legationis natae, prerogativae, consuetudinum, compositionum, jurisdictionum, jurium, libertatum & pertinentiarum praedictarum, necnon Ecclesiae meae Cantuariensis praedictae praejudicium non modicum & gravamen. Unde ego Henricus dictus Cantuariae Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus pro praedictis sentiens me, statum, dignitatem & Ecclesiam meam praedictam ex omnibus & singulis gravaminibus praedictis, nimium praegravari, & praegravatum ab eisdem omnibus & singulis, & his, quae eorum & cujuslibet eorum occasione colligi poterunt, aut debebunt; ad Sacrosanctum Concilium Generale, universalem Ecclesiam representans, & ad personas & status Concilium Generale facientes, constituentes & representantes, facturos, constituturos & representaturos; & ad ipsum Concilium Generale proxime celebrandum, ubicunque ipsum celebrari contigerit, & defectu ipsius Concilii tenendi & celebrandi, ad Tribunal Dei Omnipotentis, & Domini nostri Jesu Christi, cujus idem Sanctissimus Pater Commissarius & Vicarius existit in terris, Appello; & Apostolos peto instanter, instantius & instantissime mihi dari, liberari & fieri cum effectu: & juro ad haec Sancta Dei Evangelia per me corporaliter tacta, quod non sunt decem dies plene elapsae, ex quo mihi certitudinaliter primo constabat de gravaminibus antedictis; Quodque nescio certitudinaliter ubi invenirem dictum Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum ad notificandam eidem Appellationem praedictam, quatenus de jure notificanda est infra tempus a parte juris limitatum: Et Protestor me velle dictam Appellationem meam corrigere & emendare, eidem addere & ab eadem detrahere, ac eam omnibus, quorum interest, notificare & intimare pro loco & tempore opportunis toties, quoties mihi expediens fuerit, juris beneficio in omnibus semper salvo. Super quibus idem Reverendissimus Pater & Dominus Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis me Notarium Publicum subscriptum requisivit, sibi unum vel plura conficere instrumentum vel instrumenta. Acta sunt haec omnia prout subscribuntur & recitantur sub Anno Domini, indictione Pontificatus, mense, die, & loco praedictis; praesentibus tunc ibidem venerabilibus, & discretis vivis M. W. Lyn Curiae Cant. Officii, & Thoma B. Archidiacono Sanctarum in Ecclesia Linc. utriusque juris Doctoribus.  
In Dei, etc. Coram vobis, etc. Ego Henricus dictus C. etc. Unde ego H. dictus C. etc. sentiens me, statum, dignitatem & Ecclesiam meam praedictam, ex omnibus & singulis gravaminibus praedictis nimium praegravari, & praegravatum, ab eisdem omnibus & singulis gravaminibus praedictis & his, quae eorum & cujuslibet eorum occasione colligi poterunt aut debebunt, ad dictum Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum, & Sedem Apostolicam melius informandum, & informandam, Appello & Apostolos peto instanter, instantius & instantissime mihi dari, liberari, & fieri cum effectu, etc.   

Number 36. Instructions sent by the Privy Council, representing the State of the Nation to King Philip, after the loss of Calais.  
First, to say,  

Cotton Libr. Titus B. 2.  THat we be most bounden unto his Majesty for his good Affection towards this Realm; and his gracious Disposition and Offer, to put this Force to the Field this Year, being else otherwise determined for the recovery of that Honour and Reputation, which this Realm hath lost by the loss of Calais.  
To say, That this Offer of his Majesty we should not only have, upon our Knees, accepted, but also in like wise have sued first for the same.  
And so undoubtedly we would have done, if other respects hereafter following, which we trust his Majesty will graciously understand, had not been (to our great regret) the  thereof.  
First; We do consider, That if we should send over an Army, we cannot send under 20000 Men; the levying, and sending over whereof, will ask a time; before which time, considering also the time the Enemy hath had (being now almost a Month) to Fortify and Victual the Place, it is thought the same will be in such strength, as we shall not be able alone to recover it.  
We do consider how unapt and unwonted our People be to lie abroad, and specially in the Cold: And what Inconveniency might follow also at their hands, (besides the loss of Charges) if their hope for recovery of Calais should not come to pass.  
The Charge of this Army (if it should go over) would stand the Realm in one hundred and seventy thousand pounds at the least, for five months; which Sum (having regard to other necessary Charges for the Defence of the Realm, both by Land and by Sea, which the People only have in their Heads, with a wan hope of the recovery of Calais) neither we doubt will be granted of the People; nor if it were, can be conveniently levied in time to serve the turn.  
Great Garrisons continually, and an Army for Defence against the Scots and Frenchmen by Land, must of necessity be maintained, the charge whereof will be one way and another (go the next way we can)  the Year go about, an hundred and fifty thousand pounds.  
The defence of the Sea-Coast, and the Isles, and the setting forth of an Army by Sea, will cost the Realm in a Year (all things accounted) above two hundred thousand pounds; and yet all will be too little that way, if the Danes and the Sweeds, which we very much doubt, should be our Enemies.  
The Sums amounting in the whole, to five hundred and twenty thousand pounds, besides Provision of Ammunition, which will be chargeable; and Furniture of Ordnance, whereof we have great lack, by the loss of Calais and Guisnes.  
We see not how it can be levied in one Year to save us, unless the People should of new have strange Impositions set upon them, which we think they would not bear.  
The Queen's Majesty's own Revenue, is scarce able to maintain her Estate.  
The Noblemen and Gentlemen, for the most part receiving no more Rent than they were wont to receive, and paying thrice as much for every thing they provide, by reason of the baseness of the Money, are not able to do as they have done in times past.  
The Merchants have had great losses of late, whereby the Cloathiers be never the richer.  
The Farmers, Graziers, and other People, how wellwilling soever they be taken to be, will not be acknown of their Wealth, and by the miscontentment of this loss, be grown stubborn and liberal of Talk.  
So that considering our Wants on every side, our lack of Money at home; our want of credit, by reason of this Loss abroad; the scarcity of Captains and Leaders of our Men, which be but few; the unwillingness of our People to go abroad, and leave their Things at home, without a certain hope of recovering their Loss; the need we have to defend Home, (looking as we do to be assaulted both by Land and by Sea) how desirous soever we be to recover Calais, and wellwilling to serve his Majesty, (either for that purpose, or in any other thing wherein it shall please him to employ us) we see not how we can possibly (at the least, for this Year) send over an Army; nor until we may be assured of fewer Enemies than we fear to have cause to doubt; and have time to bring such as be ill Men amongst our People, and now be ready (against their Duties) to make Uproars and Stirs amongst ourselves, to Order and Obedience.  
Wherefore, in most humble wise, upon our Knees, we shall beseech the King's Majesty to accept, in gracious part, this our Answer, which we make much against our Hearts, if we might otherwise choose. And as for our own Persons, we shall bestow, with all that ever we have, to the death, where and however it shall please him, submitting ourselves to his Majesty's Judgement in this Matter, and to the execution and doing of that whatsoever, either his Majesty, or any other Man, shall devise to be done, better than we have said in this Answer, and more for the honour and surety of their Majesties, and Commonwealth of this their Realm. Feb. 1. 1577.   

Number 37. Sir Thomas Pope's Letter, concerning the Answer made by the Lady Elizabeth, to a proposition of Marriage, sent over by the Elected King of Sweden.  
FIrst, 
Ex M. S. D, G. Petyt:  After I had declared to her Grace how well the Queen's Majesty liked of her prudent and honourable Answer made to the same Messenger; I then opened unto her Grace the Effect of the said Messengers Credence; which after her Grace had heard, I said, The Queen's Highness had sent me to her Grace, not only to declare the same, but also to understand how her Grace liked the said Motion. Whereunto, after a little pause taken, her Grace answered in form following. Master Pope, I require you, after my most humble Commendations to the Queen's Majesty, to render unto the same like thanks, that it pleased her Highness, of her Goodness, to conceive so well of my Answer made to the same Messenger, and here withal, of her Princely Consideration, with such speed to command you, by your Letters, to signify the same unto me; who before remained wonderfully perplexed, fearing that her Majesty might mistake the same; for which her Goodness, I acknowledge myself bound to honour, serve, love, and obey her Highness, during my Life: Requiring you also to say unto her Majesty, That in the King, my Brother's time, there was offered me a very honourable Marriage or two, and Ambassadors sent to treat with me touching the same; whereupon I made my humble Suit unto his Highness, as some of Honour yet living can be testimonies, that it would like the same to give me leave, with his Grace's favour, to remain in that Estate I was, which of all others best liked me or pleased me. And in good Faith, I pray you say unto her Highness, I am even at this present of the same mind, and so intent to continue, with her Majesty's favour; and assuring her Highness, I so well like this Estate, as I persuade myself there is not any kind of Life comparable unto it. And as concerning my liking the said Motion made by the said Messenger, I beseech you say unto her Majesty, That to my remembrance, I never heard of his Master before this time; and that I so well like, both the Message and the Messenger, as I shall most humbly pray God, upon my Knees, that from henceforth I never hear of the one nor of the other; assure you, that if it should eftsoons repair unto me, I would forbear to speak to him. And were there nothing else to move me to mislike the Motion, other than that his Master would attempt the same, without making the Queen's Majesty privy thereunto, it were cause sufficient. And when her Grace had thus ended, I was so bold as of myself to say unto her Grace, (her pardon first required) that I thought few or none would believe, but that her Grace could be rightwell contented to marry, so there were some honourable Marriage offered her by the Queen's Highness, or her Majesty's Assent. Whereunto her Grace answered; What I shall do hereafter I know not, but I assure you, upon my Truth and Fidelity, and as God be merciful unto me, I am not at this time otherwise minded than I have declared unto you, no, though I were offered the greatest Prince in all Europe. And yet percase the Queen's Majesty may conceive this rather to proceed of a maidenly shamefacedness, than upon any such certain determination.  
Tho. Pope.   
FINIS.   

A COLLECTION OF RECORDS, etc. BOOK III.  

Number 1. The Device for Alteration of Religion, in the first Year of Queen Elizabeth: offered to Secretary Cecil.  

Question 1.  
WHen the Queen's Highness may attempt to reduce the Church of England again to the former purity, 
Ex M. SS. Nob. D. Grey de Ruthen.  and when to begin the Alteration?  

Answer.  
At the next Parliament; so that the Dangers be foreseen, and Remedies provided; for the sooner that Religion is restored, God is the more glorified, and as we trust, will be more merciful unto us, and better save and defend her Highness from all Dangers.    

Quest. 2.  
What Dangers may ensue thereof?  

Answ. 1.  
The Bishop of Rome, all that he may, will be incensed, he will Excommunicate the Queen's Highness, Interdict the Realm, and give it in Prey to all Princes that will enter upon it; and stir them up to it by all manner of means.  
2. The French King will be encouraged more to the War, and make his People more ready to fight against us, not only as Enemies, but as Heretics: He will be in great hope of Aid from hence, of them that are discontented with this Alteration, looking for Tumults and Discords: He will also stay concluding of Peace, upon hope of some alteration.  
3. Scotland also will have the same Causes of boldness, and by that way the French King will seem soon to attempt to annoy us. Ireland also will be very difficultly stayed in the Obedience, by reason of the Clergy that is so addicted to Rome.  
4. Many People of our own, will be very much discontented, especially all such as governed in the late Queen Mary's Time, and were chosen thereto for no other Causes, or were then most esteemed for being hot and earnest in that other Religion, and now remain unplaced and uncalled to Credit, will think themselves discredited, and all their Do defaced, and study all the ways they can to maintain their own Do, destroy and despise all this Alteration.  
5. Bishops, and all the Clergy, will see their own ruin; and in Confession, and Preaching, and all other means and ways they can, will persuade the People from it; they will conspire with whomsoever, will attempt and pretend to do God a Sacrifice, in letting the Alteration, though it be with murder of Christian Men, and Treason. Men which be of the Papists Sect, which of late were in a manner all the Judges of the Land; the Justices of the Peace chosen out by the late Queen in all the Shires, such as were believed to be of that Sect, and the more earnest therein, the more in estimation; These are most like to join and conspire with the Bishops, and Clergy. Some, when the Subsidy shall be granted, and Money levied, (as it appeareth that necessarily it must be done) will be therewith offended, and like enough to conspire and arise, if they have any heed to stir them to do it, or hope of Gain or Spoil.  
6. Many such as would gladly have Alteration from the Church of Rome, when they shall see peradventure that some old Ceremonies be left still, for that their Doctrine, which they embrace, is not allowed and commanded only, and all other abolished and disproved, shall be discontented, and call the Alteration a Cloaked Papistry, or a Minglemangle.    

Quest. 3.  
What Remedy for the same Dangers? What shall be the manner of doing of it? and what is necessary to be done before?  

Answ. 1.  
First, for France, to practise a Peace, or if it be offered, not to refuse it: If Controversy of Religion be there amongst them, to kindle it. Rome is less to be feared, from whom nothing is to be feared, but evil Will, Cursing, and Practising. Scotland will follow France for Peace, but there may be Practice to help forward their Division, and especially to augment the Hope of them who inclined them to good Religion. For certainty, to fortify Barwick, and to employ Demilances, and Horsemen, for safety of the Frontiers, and some Expenses of Money in Ireland. The fourth divided in five parts.  
1. The first is of them which were of Queen Mary's Council, elected or advanced to Authority, only or chief for being of the Pope's Religion, and earnest in the same. Every Augmentation, or Conservation of such Men in Authority or Reputation, is an encouraging those of their Sect, and giveth hope to them that it shall revive and continue, although it hath a contrary show: lest seeing the Pillars to stand still untouched, it be a confirmation of them that are wavering Papists, and a discouraging of such as are but half inclined to this Alteration. Dum in dubio est animus, parvo momento huc illuc impellitur. This must be searched by all Law, so far as Justice may extend, and the Queen's Majesty's Clemency not to be extended, before they do acknowledge themselves to have fallen into the lapse of the Law. They must be abased of Authority, discredited in their Countries, so long as they seem to repugn the true Religion, or to maintain the old Proceed; and if they should seem to allow and bear with the new Alteration, yet not lightly to be credited, quia neophiti; and no Man, but he loveth that time wherein he did flourish, and when he came, and as he came; those Ancient Laws and Orders he will defend and maintain, with whom and in whom he was in Estimation, and Authority, and a Doer: for every Man naturally loveth that which is his own Work and Creature. And contrary, as those Men be abased, so must her Highness old and sure Servants, who have tarried with her, and not shrunk in the late Storm, be advanced, with Authority and Credit, that the World may see that her Highness is not unkind, nor unmindful. And throughout all England, if such Persons, as are known to be sure in Religion, and God's Cause, shall be slack; yet their own Safety and Estate, should cause to be vigilant, careful, and earnest for the conservation of her Estate, and maintenance of this Alteration; and in all this, she shall do but the same that the late Queen Mary did, to establish her Religion.  
2. The second is, the Bishops and Clergy, being in manner all made and chosen, such as were thought the stoutest and mightiest Champions of the Pope's Church, who in the late Queen Mary's Times, taking from the Crown, impoverishing it, by extorting from private Men, and all other means possible, per fas & nefas, have sought to enrich and advance themselves. These, her Majesty being inclined to use much clemency, yet must seek, as well by Parliament, as by the just Laws of England, in the Praemunire, or other such Penal Laws, to bring again in order; and being found in the default, not to pardon, until they confess their Fault, put themselves wholly to her Highness' Mercy, abjure the Pope of Rome, and conform themselves to the new Alteration; and by these means, well handled, her Majesty's necessity of Money may be somewhat relieved.  
3. The third is to amended, even as all the rest above, by such ways as Queen Mary taught, That no such as were, may be in Commission of Peace in their Shires; but rather Men meaner in Substance, and younger in Years, so that they have discretion, to be put in Place. A sharp Law made and extended against Assemblies of People, without Authority. Lieutenants made in every Shire, one or two Men known to be sure of the Queen's Devotion. In the mean time, Musters and Captains appointed, Young Gentlemen, which do favour her Highness. No Office of Jurisdiction or Authority to be in any discontented Man's hands, so far as Justice or Law may extend.  
4. The fourth is to be remedied otherwise, than by gentle and dulce handling; it is by the Commissioners, and by the readiness and goodwill of the Lieutenants and Captains; to repress them, if any should begin a Tumult, or murmur, or provide any Assembly, or stoutness, to the contrary.  
5. The fifth; For the Discontentation of such as could be content to have Religion altered, but would have it to go, for fear the straight Laws upon the Promulgation of the Book, and severe execution of the same, at the first would so oppress them, that it is great hope it shall touch but a few: And better it were that they did suffer, than her Highness and Commonwealth, should shake or be in danger; and to this they must well take heed that draw the Book. And herein the Universities must not be neglected, and the hurt which the last Visitation in Queen Mary's Time did, must be amended: Likewise such Colleges, where Children be instructed to come to the University, as Eton, and Winchester, that as well the increase hereafter, as this present time, may be provided for.    

Quest. 4.  
What may be done of her Highness, for her own Conscience, openly, before the whole Alteration? or if the Alteration must tarry longer?  

Answer.  
This consultation is to be referred to such Learned Men as be meet to show their Minds therein, and to bring a Plot or Book hereof ready drawn to her Highness; which being approved by her Majesty, may so be put in the . To which, for the time it is thought that these are apt Men, Dr. Bill, Dr. Parker, Dr. May, Dr. Cox, Mr. Whitehead, Grindall, Pilkington, and Sir Thomas Smith, to call them together, and to be amongst them: and after the consultation with these, to draw in other Men of Learning, and grave and apt Men for your Purpose and Credit, to have their Assents. As for that is necessary to be done before, it is thought to be most necessary, that a straight Prohibition be made of all Innovation, until such time as the Book come forth, as well that there should be no often Changes in Religion, which would take away Authority in the common People's estimation, as also to exercise the Queen's Majesty's Subjects to Obedience.    

Quest. 5.  
What Orders be sit to be in the whole Realm, as in the interim?  

Answer.  
To alter no further than her Majesty hath, except it be to receive the Communion, as her Majesty pleaseth, at high Feasts; and that where there be more _____ at the Mass, that they do always communicate with the Executor in both kinds. And for her Highness' Conscience, till then, if there be some other devout sort of Prayer, or Memory, and the _____ or Mass.    

Quest. 6.  
What Noblemen be fit to be made privy to those Proceed, before it be opened to the whole Council?  

Answer.  
The Marquis Northampton, the Earl of Bedford, the Earl of Pembroke, Lord John Grace.    

Quest. 7.  
What Allowance the Learned Men shall have for the time they are about to renew the Book of Common Prayers, and Order of certain Ceremonies and Service in the Church; and when they shall meet?  

Answer.  
Being so many Persons as must attend still upon it, two Messes of Meat is thought yet indifferently to suffice for them, and their Servants. The Place is thought most meet, either in some set Place, or rather at Sir Thomas Smith's Lodging in Cannon-Row. At one of those Places, must Provision be laid in, of Wood, of Coal, and Drink.     

Number 2. Dr. Sand's Letter to Dr. Parker, concerning some Proceed in Parliament. An Original.  

Ex MS. Col. Cor. C. Cant.  YE have rightly considered that these times are given to taking, and not to giving; for ye have stretched forth your hand further than all the rest. They never asked us in what state we stand, neither consider that we want; and yet in the time of our Exile, were we not so bare as we are now brought: but I trust we shall not linger here long, for the Parliament draweth towards an end. The last Book of Service is gone through with a Proviso, to retain the Ornaments which were used in the first and second Year of King Edward, until it please the Queen to take other order for them; our gloss upon this Text is, that we shall not be forced to use them, but that others in the mean time shall not convey them away, but that they may remain for the Queen. After this Book was past, 
He was Dean of Windsor and Peterb. in Q. Mary's Time.  Boxall, and others, quarrelled with it, that according to the order of the Scripture, we had not gratiarum actio; for, saith he, Christus accepit panem, gratias egit, but in the time of Consecration we give no Thanks. This he put into the Treasurer's Head, and into Count de Soreus Head; and he laboured to alienate the Queen's Majesty from confirming of the Act, but I trust they cannot prevail. Mr. Secretary is earnest with the Book, and we have ministered Reasons to maintain that part. The Bill of Supreme Government, of both the Temporality and Clergy, passeth with a Proviso, that nothing shall be judged hereafter, which is not confirmed by the Canonical Scriptures, and four General Councils. Mr. Lever wisely put such a scruple into the Queen's Head, 
A Minister at Frankfort much commended by Calvin, to be followed as an Example.  that she would not take the Title of Supreme Head. The Bishops, as it is said, will not swear unto it as it is, but rather lose their Live. The Bill is in hand to restore Men to their Live; how it will speed I know not. The Parliament is like to end shortly, and then we shall understand how they mind to use us. We are forced, through the vain Bruits of the lying Papists, to give up a Confession of our Faith, to show forth the Sum of that Doctrine which we profess, and to declare that we descent not amongst ourselves. This Labour we have now in hand, on purpose to publish that, so soon as the Parliament is ended; I wish that we had your Hand unto it. Ye are happy that ye are so far from this tossing, and gross Alterations and Mutations; for we are made weary with them; but ye cannot long rest in your Cell, ye must be removed to a more large Abbey: and therefore in the mean time take your pleasure, for after ye will find but a little, Nihil est statutum, de conjugio Sacerdotum, sed tanquam relictum in medio. Lever was married now of late; The Queen's Majesty will wink at it, but not establish it by Law, which is nothing else but to bastard our Children. Other things another time. Thus praying you to commend me to your Abbesses, I take my leave of you for this present hastily, at London, April ult. 1559.  
Yours, Edwin Sands.   

Number 3. The first Proposition, upon which the Papists and Protestants Disputed in Westminster-Abbey. With the Arguments which the Reformed Divines made upon it. It is against the Word of God, and the Custom of the Primitive Church, to use a Tongue unknown to the People in Common-Prayers, and Administration of the Sacraments.  
BY these words (the Word) we mean only the written Word of God, 
Ex M. S. Col. C. Ch. Cant.  or Canonical Scriptures.  
And by the Custom of the Primitive Church, we mean, the Order most generally used in the Church for the space of five hundred Years after Christ; in which Times lived the most notable Fathers, as Justin, Ireneus, Tertullian, Cyprian, Basil, Chrysostom, Hierome, Ambrose, Augustine, etc.  
This Assertion, above-written, hath two parts.  

First, That the use of a Tongue not understood of the People, in common Prayers of the Church, or in the Administration of the Sacraments, is against God's Word.  
The second, That the same is against the Use of the Primitive-Church.   
The first part is most manifestly proved by the 14th Chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians, almost throughout the whole Chapter; in the which Chapter St. Paul intreateth of this Matter, ex professo, purposely: And although some do cavil, that St. Paul speaketh not in that Chapter of Praying, but of Preaching; yet it is most evident, to any indifferent Reader of Understanding, and appeareth also by the Exposition of the best Writers, That he plainly there speaketh not only of Preaching and Prophesying, but also of Prayer and Thanksgiving, and generally of all other public Actions, which require any Speech in the Church or Congregation.  
For of Praying, he saith, I will pray with my Spirit, and I will pray with my Mind; I will sing with the Spirit, and I will sing with my Mind. And of Thanksgiving, (which is a kind of Prayer) Thou givest Thanks well, but the other is not edified; And how shall he that occupieth the room of the Unlearned, say Amen to thy giving of Thanks, when he understandeth not what thou sayest? And in the end, ascending from Particulars to Universals, concludeth, That all things ought to be done to Edification.  
Thus much is clear by the very words of St. Paul, and the Ancient Doctors, Ambrose, Augustine, Hierome, and others, do so understand this Chapter, as it shall appear by their Testimonies, which shall follow afterward.  
Upon this Chapter of St. Paul, we gather these Reasons following.  
1. All things done in the Church, or Congregation, aught to be so done, as they may edify the same:  
But the use of an Unknown Tongue in Public Prayer, or Administration of Sacraments, doth not edify the Congregation;  
Therefore the use of an unknown Tongue, in Public Prayer, or Administration of the Sacraments, is not to be had in the Church.  
The first part of this Reason, is grounded upon St. Paul's words, commanding all things to be done to Edification.  
The second part is also proved by St. Paul's plain words. First, By this Similitude; If the Trumpet give an uncertain sound, who shall be prepared to Battle? Even so likewise, when ye speak with Tongues, except ye speak words that have signification, how shall it be understood what is spoken? for ye shall but speak in the Air, that is to say, in vain, and consequently without edifying.  
And afterward, in the same Chapter, he saith, How can he that occupieth the place of the Unlearned, say Amen at thy giving of Thanks: seeing he understandeth not what thou sayest? For thou verily givest Thanks well, but the other is not edified.  
These be St. Paul's words, plainly proving, That a Tongue not understood, doth not edify.  
And therefore both the parts of the Reason thus proved by St. Paul, the Conclusion followeth necessarily.  
2. Secondly; Nothing is to be spoken in the Congregation in an Unknown Tongue, except it be interpreted to the People, that it may be understood. For, saith Paul, if there be no Interpreter to him that speaketh in an unknown Tongue, taceat in Ecclesiâ, let him hold his peace in the Church. And therefore the Common Prayers, and Administration of Sacraments, neither done in a known Tongue, nor interpreted, are against this Commandment of Paul, and not to be used.  
3. The Minister, in Praying, or Administration of the Sacraments, using Language not understood of the Hearers, is to them barbarous, an Alien, which of St. Paul is accounted a great Absurdity.  
4. It is not to be counted a Christian Common-Prayer, where the People present declare not their Assent unto it, by saying Amen; wherein is employed all other words of Assent.  
But St. Paul affirmeth, That the People cannot declare their Assent, in saying Amen, except they understand what is said as afore.  
Therefore it is no Christian Common-Prayer, where the People understandeth not what is said.  
5. Paul would not suffer, in his time, a strange Tongue to be heard in the Common-Prayer in the Church, notwithstanding that such a kind of Speech was then a Miracle, and a singular Gift of the Holy Ghost, whereby Infidels might be persuaded and brought to the Faith: much less is it to be suffered now among Christian and Faithful Men, especially being no Miracle, nor especial Gift of the Holy Ghost.  
6. Some will peradventure answer, That to use any kind of Tongue in Common-Prayer, or Administration of Sacraments, is a thing indifferent.  
But St. Paul is to the contrary; for he commandeth all things to be done to Edification: He commandeth to keep silence, if there be no Interpreter. And in the end of the Chapter, he concludeth thus; If any Man be Spiritual, or a Prophet, let him know, that the things which I writ are the Commandment of the Lord. And so, shortly to conclude, the use of a strange Tongue, in Prayer and Administration, is against the Word and Commandment of God.  
To these Reasons, grounded upon St. Paul's words, which are the most firm Foundation of this Assertion, divers other Reasons may be joined, gathered out of the Scriptures, and otherwise.  
1. In the Old Testamenc, all things pertaining to the Public Prayer, Benediction, Thanksgiving, or Sacrifice, were always in their Vulgar and Natural Tongue.  
In the second Book of Paraleipomenon, Cap. 29. it is written, That Ezechias commanded the Levites, to praise God with the Psalms of David, and Asaph the Prophet; which doubtless were written in the Hebrew, their Vulgar Tongue. If they did so in the shadows of the Law, much more ought we to do the like; who, as Christ saith, must pray in Spiritu & Veritate.  
2. The final end of our Prayer is, (as David saith)  populi conveniant in unum, & annuncient nomen Domini in Zion, & laudes ejus in Jerusalem.  
But the Name and Praises of God cannot be set forth to the People, unless it be done in such a Tongue, as they may understand.  
Therefore Common-Prayer must be had in the Vulgar Tongue.  
3. The definition of Public Prayer, out of the words of St. Paul; Orabo Spiritu, Orabo & Mente. Publicè orare, est vota communia ment ad Deum effundere, & ea Spiritu hoc est, Lingua testari. Common Prayer is, to lift up our Common Desires to God with our Minds, and to testify the same outwardly with our Tongues. Which Definition is approved of by St. Augustine de Magist. C. 1. Nihil opus est (inquit) loqutione, nisi forte ut Sacerdotes faciunt, significandae mentis Causâ, ut populus intelligat.  
4. The Ministrations of the Lord's last Supper, and Baptism, are, as it were, Sermons of the Death and Resurrection of Christ.  
But Sermons to the People, must be had in such Language, as the People may perceive, otherwise they should be had in vain.  
5. It is not lawful for a Christian Man to abuse the Gifts of God.  
But he that prayeth in the Church in a strange Tongue, abuseth the Gift of God; for the Tongue serveth only to express the mind of the Speaker to the Hearer. And Augustine saith, de Doct. Christ. lib. 4. cap. 10. Loquendi omnino nulla est causa, si quod loquimur non intelligunt, propter quos, ut intelligant, loquimur. There is no cause why we should speak, if they, for whose cause we speak, understand not our speaking.  
6. The Heathen, and Barbarous Nations of all Countries, and sorts of Men, were they never so wild, evermore made their Prayers, and Sacrifice to their Gods, in their own Mother Tongue; which is a manifest Declaration, that it is the very Light and Voice of Nature.  
Thus much upon the ground of St. Paul, and other Reasons out of the Scriptures; joining therewith the common Usage of all Nations, as a Testimony of the Law of Nature.  
Now for the second part of the Assertion, which is, That the use of a strange Tongue, in public Prayer, and Administration of Sacraments, is against the Custom of the Primitive Church. Which is a Matter so clear, that the denial of it must needs proceed, either of great Ignorance, or of wilful Malice.  

Justinus Apol. 2.  For, first of all, Justinus Martyr, describing the Order of the Communion in his time, saith thus; Die Solis urbanorum & rusticorum caetus fiunt, ubi Apostolorum, Prophetarumque literae, quoad fieri potest, praeleguntur: Deinde cessante Lectore Praepositus verba facit adhortatoria, ad imitationem tam honestarum rerum invitans. Post haec consurgimus omnes, & preces offerimus, quibus finitis, profertur (ut diximus) Panis, Vinum & Aqua, tum praepositus quantum potest preces offered, & gratiarum Actiones; plebs vero Amen accinit. Upon the Sunday Assemblies, are made both of the Citizens and Countrymen; where as the Writings of the Disciples, and of the Prophets, are read as much as may be. Afterwards when the Reader doth cease, the Head-Minister maketh an Exhortation, exhorting them to follow so honest things. After this we rise all together, and offer Prayers; which being ended, (as we have said) Bread, Wine, and Water, are brought forth; then the Head-Minister offereth Prayers, and Thanksgivings, as much as he can, and the People answereth, Amen.  
These words of Justin, who lived about 160 Years after Christ, considered with their Circumstances, declare plainly, That not only the Scriptures were read, but also that the Prayers, and Administration of the Lord's Supper, were done in a Tongue understood.  
Both the Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom, declare, That in the Celebration of the Communion, the People were appointed to answer to the Prayer of the Minister, sometimes Amen; sometimes, Lord have mercy upon us; sometimes, And with thy Spirit; and, We have our Hearts lifted up unto the Lord, etc. Which Answers they would not have made in due time, if the Prayers had not been made in a Tongue understood.  
And for further proof, 
Basil. Epist. 63.  let us hear what Basil writeth in this Matter to the Clerks of Neocesarea; Caeterum ad Objectum in Psalmodiis crimen, quo maximè simpliciores terrent Calumniatores, etc.  
As touching that is laid to our charge in Psalmodies and Songs, wherewith our Slanderers do fray the Simple, I have this to say, That our Customs and Usage in all Churches, be uniform and agreeable. For in the Night, the People with us riseth, goeth to the House of Prayer: and in Travel, Tribulation, and continual Tears, they confess themselves to God; and at the last rising again, go to their Songs, or Psalmodies, where being divided into two parts, sing by course together, both deeply weighing and confirming the Matter of the Heavenly Saying; and also stirring up their Attention and Devotion of Heart, which by other means be alienated and plucked away. Then appointing one to begin the Song, the rest follow, and so with divers Songs and Prayers, passing over the Night at the dawning of the Day, all together, even as it were with one Mouth, and one Heart, they sing unto the Lord a new Song of Confession, every Man framing to himself meet words of Repentance.  
If ye will flee us from henceforth for these things, ye must flee also the Egyptians, and both the Lybians, ye must eschew the Thebians, Palestines, Arabians, the Phenices, the Syrians, and those which dwell besides Euphrates. And to be short, all those with whom Watch, Prayers, and common singing of Psalms are had in honour.  
These are sufficient to prove, that it is against God's Word, and the Use of the Primitive Church, to use a Language not understood of the People, in Common Prayer, and Ministration of the Sacraments.  
Wherefore it is to be marvelled at, not only how such an Untruth and Abuse crept, at the first, into the Church, but also how it is maintained so stiffly at this Day; And upon what ground, these that will be thought Guides, and Pastors of Christ's Church, are so loath to return to the first Original of St. Paul's Doctrine, and the Practice of the Primitive Catholic Church of Christ.  


J. Scory.  
D. Whithead.  
J. .  
J. Almer.  
R. Cox.  
E. Grindal.  
R. Horn.  
E. Gest.    
The God of Patience and Consolation, give us Grace to be like minded one towards another, in Christ Jesus, that we all agreeing together, may, with one mouth, praise God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen.   

Number 4. The Answer of Dr. Cole, to the first Proposition of the Protestants, at the Disputation before the Lords at Westminster. Est contra Verbum Dei, & consuetudinem veteris Ecclesioe Linguâ Populo ignotâ uti in publicis precibus, & Administratione Sacramentorum.  
Most Honourable;  

Ex MS. Col. Cor. C. Cant.  Whereas these Men here present, have declared openly, That it is repugnant, and contrary to the Word of God, to have the Common Prayers, and Ministration of the Sacraments, in the Latin Tongue, here in England; and that all such Common Prayer, and Ministration, aught to be, and remain in the English Tongue. Ye shall understand, that to prove this their Assertion, they have brought in as yet only one place of Scripture, taken out of St. Paul's first Epistle to the Corinthians, Cap. 14. with certain other places of the Holy Doctors; whereunto answer is not now to be made: But when the Book, which they read, shall be delivered unto us, according to the appointment made in that behalf, then, God willing, we shall make answer, as well to the Scripture, as other Testimonies alleged by them, so as all good Men may evidently perceive and understand the same Scripture to be misconstrued, and drawn from the native and true sense: And that it is not St. Paul's mind there to treat of Common Prayer, or Ministration of any Sacraments. And therefore we now have only to declare, and open before you briefly (which after, as opportunity serves in our Answer, shall appear more at large) causes which move us to persist and continue in the order received, and to say, and affirm, that to have the Common Prayer, or Service, with the Ministration of the Sacraments in the Latin Tongue, is convenient, (and as the state of the Cause standeth at this present) necessary.  

Second Section.  
1. And this we affirm, first, because there is no Scripture manifest against this our Assertion and Usage of the Church. And though there were any, yet it is not to be condemned that the Church hath received. Which thing may evidently appear in many things that were sometime expressly commanded by God and his Holy Apostles.  
2. As for Example, (to make the Matter plain) ye see the express Command of Almighty God, touching the observation of the Sabbath-Day, to be changed by Authority of the Church (without any Word of God written for the same) into the Sunday. The Reason whereof appeareth not to all Men; and howsoever it doth appear, and is accepted of all good Men, without any Controversy of Scripture; yea, without any mention of the Day, saving only that St. John in his Apocalyps, nameth it, Diem Dominicam: In the change whereof, all Men may evidently understand the Authority of the Church, both in this cause, and also in other Matters to be of great weight and importance, and therein esteemed accordingly.  
3. Another Example we have given unto us by the Mouth of our Saviour himself, who washing the feet of his Disciples, said, I have herein given you an Example, that as I have done, even so do you. Notwithstanding these express words, the Holy Church hath left the thing undone, without blame: not of any Negligence, but of great and urgent Causes, which appeareth not to many Men, and yet universally without the breach of God's Commandment (as is said) left undone. Was not the Fact also, and, as it seemeth, the express Commandment of Christ, our Saviour, changed and altered, by the Authority of the Church, in the highest Mystery of our Faith, the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar? For he ministereth the same (as the Scripture witnesseth) after Supper. And now if a contentious Man would strain the Fact to the first Institution, St. Augustine answereth (not by Scripture, for there is none to improve it, but indeed otherwise) even as the Apostles did, Visum est Spiritui sancto, ut in honorem tanti Sacramenti, in os Christiani hominis prius intret Corpus Dominicum quam exteri cibi. It is determined (saith St. Augustine) by the Holy Ghost, that in the honour of so great a Sacrament, the Body of our Lord should enter first into the Mouth of a Christian Man before other external Meats. So that notwithstanding it was the Fact of Christ himself, yet the Church moved by the Holy Ghost, (as is said) hath changed that also, without offence likewise. By the which Sentence of St. Augustine, manifestly appeareth, that this Authority was derived from the Apostles unto this Time; the which same Authority, according to Christ's Promises, doth still abide and remain with his Church.  
4. And hereupon also resteth the Alteration of the Sacrament under one kind, when-as the multitude of the Gentiles entered, the Church instructed by the Holy Ghost, understood Inconveniencies, and partly also Heresy to creep in through the Ministration under both kinds; and therefore, as in the former Examples, so in this now, (the Matter nothing diminished, neither in itself, nor in the Receivers, and the thing also being received before, by a common and uniform Consent, without contradiction) the Church did decree, that from henceforth it should be received under the form of Bread only; and whosoever should think and affirm, that Whole Christ remained not under both kinds, pronounced him to be in Heresy.  
5. Moreover, we read in the Acts, whereas it was determined in a Council holden at Jerusalem by the Apostles, that the Gentiles should abstain from Strangled, an● Blood, in these words, Visum est Spiritui Sancto, & Nobis, etc. It is decreed, by the Holy Ghost, and Us, (say the Apostles) that no other burden be laid upon you, than these necessary things, That ye abstain from things offered up unto Idols, and from Blood; and from that is strangled, and from Fornication. This was the Commandment of God, (for still it is commanded, upon pain of damnation, to keep our Bodies clean from Fornication) and the other, joined by the Holy Ghost with the same, not kept nor observed at this day.  
6. Likewise in the Acts of the Apostles it appeareth, That among them in the Primitive Church, all things were common. They sold their Lands and Possessions, and laid the Money at the Feet of the Apostles, to be divided to the People as every Man had need; insomuch that Ananias and Saphira, who kept back a part of their Possession, and laid but the other part at the Apostles Feet, were declared, by the Mouth of St. Peter, to be tempted by the Devil, and to lie against the Holy Ghost, and in example of all other, punished with sudden Death. By all which Examples, and many other, it is manifest, that though there were any such Scripture which they pretend, as there is not, yet the Church wherein the Holy Ghost is always resident, may order the same, and may therein say as truly, Visum est Spiritui Sancto, & Nobis, as did the Apostles; For Christ promised unto the Church, That the Holy Ghost should teach them all Truth, and that He himself would be with the same Church unto the World's end. And hereupon we do make this Argument with St. Augustine, which he writeth in his Epistle ad Januarium, after this sort, Ecclesia Dei inter multam paleam multaque Zizania constituta, multa tolerat; & tamen quae sunt contra fidem, vel bonam vitam non approbat, nec tacet, nec facit.  
To this Major, we add this Minor; But the Catholic Church of God, neither reproveth the Service, or Common Prayer, to be in the Learned Tongue, nor yet useth it otherwise.  
Therefore it is most lawful and commendable so to be.   

Third Section.  
Another Cause that moveth us to say and think, is, That otherwise doing, (as they have said) there followeth necessarily the breach of Unity of the Church, and the Commodities thereby are withdrawn and taken from us; there follows necessarily an horrible Schism and Division.  
In alteration of the Service into our Mother Tongue, we condemn the Church of God, which hath been heretofore, we condemn the Church that is present, and namely the Church of Rome.  
To the which, howsoever it is lightly esteemed here among us, the Holy Saint and Martyr, Ireneus, saith in plain words thus; Ad hanc Ecclesiam propter potentiorem principalitatem, necesse est omnes alias Ecclesias convenire; hoc est omnes undique Fideles. It is necessary (saith this Holy Man) who was nigh to the Apostles, or rather in that time, for he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apostolorum) that all Churches do conform themselves, and agree with the See or Church of Rome, all Churches, that is to say (as he declareth himself) all Christian and Faithful Men. And he allegeth the Cause why it is necessary for all Men to agree therewith, (propter potentiorem principalitatem) for the greater Preeminence of the same, or for the mightier Principality.  
From this Church, and consequently from the whole Universal Church of Christ, we fall undoubtedly into a fearful and dangerous Schism, and therewith into all Incommodities of the same.  
That in this doing, we fall from the Unity of the Church, it is more manifest than that we need much to stand upon. St. Augustine, Contra Cresconium Grammaticum, putting a difference between Heresis and Schisma, saith, Schisma est diversa sequentium secta, Heresis autem Schisma inveteratum.  
To avoid this horrible Sin of Schism, we are commanded, by the words of St. Paul, saying, Obsecro vos ut id ipsum dicatis omnes & non sint in vobis Schismata.  
And that this changing of the Service out of the Learned Tongue, is doing contrary to the Form and Order universally observed, is plain and evident to every Man's Eye.  
They are to be named Heretics (saith he) which obstinately think and judge in Matters of Faith, otherwise than the rest of the Church doth. And those are called Schismatics, which follow not the Order and Trade of the Church, but will invent of their own Wit and Brain other Orders, contrary or divers to them which are already, by the Holy Ghost, universally established in the Church. And we being declined from God by Schism, note what follows; There is then no Gift of God, no Knowledge, no Justice, no Faith, no Works, and finally, no Virtue that could stand us in stead, though we should think to glorify God by suffering Death, (as St. Paul saith) 1 Cor. 13. Yea, there is no Sacrament that availeth to Salvation, in them that willingly fall into Schism, that without fear separate and divide themselves from the Sacred Unity of Christ's Holy Spouse, the Church, as St. Augustine plainly saith; Quicunque ille est, qualiscunque ille est, Christianus non est qui in Ecclesia Christi non ●est; that is, Whosoever he be, whatsoever degree or condition he be of, or what qualities soever he hath; though he should speak with the Tongues of Angels, speak he never so holily, show he never so much Virtue, yet is he not a Christian Man that is guilty of that Crime of Schsm; and so no Member of that Church.  
Wherefore this is an evident Argument; Every Christian Man is bound, upon pain of Damnation, by the plain words of God, uttered by St. Paul, to avoid the horrible Sin of Schism.  
The changing of the Service-Book out of the Learned Tongue, it being universally observed through the whole Church from the beginning, is a cause of an horrible Schism; wherefore every good Christian Man is bound to avoid the change of the Service.  
Now to confirm that we said before, and to prove that to have the Common Prayer, and Ministration of the Sacraments in English, or in other than is the Learned Tongue, let us behold the first Institution of the West Church, and the Particulars thereof.  
And first, to begin with the Church of France: Dyonisius, St. Paul's Scholar, who first planted the Faith of Christ in France: Martialis, who (as it is said) planted the Faith in Spain: And others which planted the same here in England, in the time of Eleutherius: And such as planted the Faith in Germany, and other Countries: And St. Augustine, that converted this Realm afterwards, in the time of Gregory, almost a thousand Years ago: It may appear that they had Interpreters, as touching the Declaration and Preaching of the Gospel, or else the Gift of Tongues: But that ever, in any of these West Churches, they had the Service in their own Language, or that the Sacraments, other than Matrimony, were ministered in their own Vulgar Tongue; that does not appear by any Ancient Historiographer. Whether shall they be able ever to prove that it was so generally, and thereby by continuance, in the Latin, the selfsame Order and Words remain still; whereas all Men do consider, and know rightwell, that in all other inferior and barbarous Tongues, great change daily is seen, and specially in this our English Tongue, which in quovis Seculo fere, in every Age, or hundred Years, there appeareth a great change and alteration in this Language.  
For the proof whereof, there hath remained many Books of late in this Realm, (as many do well know) which we, that be now Englishmen, can scarcely understand or read. And if we should so often (as the thing may chance, and as alteration daily doth grow in our Vulgar Tongue) change the Service of the Church, what manifold Inconveniences and Errors would follow, we leave it to all men's Judgements to consider. So that hereby may appear another invincible Argument, which is, the Consent of the whole Catholic Church, that cannot err in the Faith and Doctrine of our Saviour Christ, but is (by St. Paul's saying) the Pillar and Foundation of all Truth.  
Moreover, the People of England do not understand their own Tongue, better than Eunuchus did the Hebrew; of whom we read in the Acts, that Philip was commanded to teach him; and he reading there the Prophecy of Esay, Philip (as it is written in the 8th Chapter of the Acts) enquired of him, Whether he understood that which he read, or no? He made answer, saying, Et quomodo possum, si non aliquis ostenderit mihi; in which words are reproved the intolerable boldness of such as will enterprise without any Teacher; yea, contemning all Doctors to unclasp the Book, and thereby, instead of Eternal Food, drink up deadly Poison. For whereas the Scripture is misconstrued, and taken in a wrong sense, that it is not the Scripture of God, but as St. Hierom saith, Writing upon the Epistle to the Galathians, it is the Scripture of the Devil: And we do not contend with Heretics for the Scripture, but for the true sense and meaning of the Scripture.  
We read of Ceremonies in the Old Testament, as the Circumcision, the Bells and Pomegranates; of Aaron's Apparel, with many other, and kinds of Sacrifices; which all were, as St. Paul saith unto the Hebrews, Justitia Carnis; and did not inwardly justify the Party before God, that objected, in Protestation of their Faith in Christ to come: And although they had the knowledge of every Fact of Christ, which was signified particularly by those Ceremonies. And it is evident and plain, that the High Priest entered into the inner Part of the Temple, (named, Sanctum Sanctorum) whereas the People might not follow, nor lawful for them to stand, but there, where they could neither see, nor hear, what the Priest either said, or did, as St. Luke in the first Chapter of his Gospel, rehearseth in the History of Zachary.  
Upon Conference of these two Testaments, may be plainly gathered this Doctrine, That in the School of Christ, many things may be said and done, the Mystery whereof the People knoweth not, neither are they bound to know. Which things, that is, that the People did not hear and understand the Common Prayer of the Priest and Minister, it is evident and plain, by the practice of the Ancient Greek Church, and that also that now is at Venice, or elsewhere.  
In that East Church, the Priest standeth, as it were, in a Travice, or Closet, hanged round about with Curtains, or Vails, apart from the People. And after the Consecration, when he showeth the Blessed Sacrament, the Curtains are drawn, whereof Chrysostom speaketh thus; Cum Vela videris retrahi, tunc superne Coelum aperiri cogita; When thou seest the Vails, or Curtains drawn open, then think thou that Heaven is open from above.  
It is also here to be noted, That there is two manners of Praying, one Public, another Private; for which cause the Church hath such considerations of the Public Prayer, that it destroyeth not, nor taketh away the Private Prayer of the People in time of Sacrifice, or other Divine Service; which thing would chance, if the People should do nothing but hearken to answer, and say, Amen. Besides the impossibility of the Matter, whereas, in a great Parish, every Man cannot hear what the Priest saith, though the Material Church were defaced, and he left the Altar of God, and stood in the midst of the People.  
Furthermore, If we should confess that it were necessary to have Common Prayer in the Vulgar Tongue, these two Heresies would follow upon it; that Prayer profiteth no Man but him that understandeth it, and him also that is present and heareth it; and so, by consequent, void was the Prayer for St. Peter in Prison, by the Church abroad.  
Now consider the Practice of this Realm.  
If we should grant the Service to be in English, we should not have that in the same form that it is in now, being in Latin; but belike we should have that, as it was, of late days. The Matter of which Service is taken out of the Psalms, and other part of the Bible, Translated into English, wherein are manifest Errors, and false Translations, which all by depravation of God's Scripture, and so, verè mendacia. Now if the Service be so framed, then may Men well say upon us, That we serve God with Lies.  
Wherefore we may not so travel and labour to alter the form of our Common Prayer, that we less the Fruit of all Prayer, which by this barbarous contention, no doubt, we shall do. And the Church of God hath no such custom, as St. Paul allegeth in such Contentions. And may not the whole World say unto us, as St. Paul said unto the Corinthians, 1 Cor. 14. An à vobis Verbum Dei processit, aut in vos solos pervenit? As though the whole Church had been ever in Error, and never had seen this Chapter of St. Paul before: And that the Holy Ghost had utterly forsaken his Office, in leading that into all Truth, till now of late, certain, boasting of the Holy Ghost, and the sincere Word of God, hath enterprised to correct and overthrow the whole Church.  
Augustinus, lib. 1. contra Julianum Pelagium, à Graecis pro suâ Heresi profugum, querentem, ad hunc modum, respondit: Puto (inquit) tibi eam partem orbis debere sufficere, in quâ primum Apostolorum suorum voluit Dominus gloriosissimo Martyrio Coronari. Et idem paulo post; Te certe (Julianum alloquitur) Occidentalis Terra generavit, Occidentalis Regeneravit Ecclesia. Quid ei quaeris infer, quoth in eâ non invenisti, quando in ejus membra venisti? Imò, Quid ei quaeris auferre, quod in eâ tu quoque accepisti? Haec ille.  
A number of Authorities out of the Doctors we could rehearse, that maketh for the Unity of the Church, and for not disturbing the quiet Government of the same; which all impugn this their first Assertion by way of Argument. But because they have framed their Assertion so, that we be compelled to defend the Negative, (in the probation whereof, the Doctors use not directly to have many words); therefore of purpose we leave out a number of the Say of the Doctors, (which all, as I said before, would prove this first Matter by way of Argument) lest we should be tedious, and keep you too long in a plain Matter.  
And therefore now to conclude, for not changing the Divine Service, and the Ministration of the Sacraments from the Learned Tongue (which thing doth make a Schism, and a Division between us and the Catholic Church of God) we have brought in the Scripture that doth forbid all such Schism. And also the Consent and Custom of the whole Church, which cannot Err, and maketh us bold to say as we do; with other things, as ye have heard, for confirmation of the same. And in answering to the first Matter, we intent (God willing) to say much more; beseeching Almighty God so to inspire the Heart of the Queen's Majesty, and her most Honourable Council, with the Nobility of this Realm, and Us that be the Pastors of the People in these Causes, that so we may dispose of the Service of God, as we may therein serve God: And that we do not, by altering the said Service from the Uniform manner of Christ's Church, but also highly displease God, and procure to Us infamy of the World, the Worm of Conscience, and Eternal Damnation; which God forbidden: and grant us Grace to acknowledge, confess, and maintain his Truth. To whom be all Glory. Amen.    

Number 5. The Declaration of the Proceed of a Conference begun at Westminster, the last of March, 1559, concerning certain Articles of Religion; and the breaking up of the said Conference, by default and contempt of certain Bishops, Parties of the said Conference.  
THe Queen's most Excellent Majesty having heard of diversities of Opinions in certain Matters of Religion, 
Ex Chartophylac. Regio.  amongst sundry of her Loving Subjects; and being very desirous to have the same reduced to some Godly and Christian Concord, thought it best, by advice of the Lords, and others of her Privy Council, as well for the satisfaction of Persons doubtful, as also for the knowledge of the very Truth, in certain Matters of difference, to have a convenient chosen number of the best Learned of either Part, and to confer together their Opinions and Reasons; and thereby to come to some good and charitable Agreement. And hereupon, by her Majesty's Commandment, certain of her said Privy Council, declared this purpose to the Archbishop of York, being also one of the said Privy Council, and required him, that he would impart the same to some of the Bishops, and to make choice of 8, nine, or ten of them; and that there should be the like number named of the other part; and further also declared to him (as then was supposed) what the Matters should be: and as for the time it was thought upon; and then after certain days past, it was signified by the said Archbishop, that there was appointed (by such of the Bishops to whom he had imparted this Matter) eight Persons; that is to say, four Bishops, and four Doctors, who were content, at the Queen's Majesty's Commandment, to show their Opinions, and as he termed it, render account of their Faith in those Matters, which were mentioned, and that specially in writing. Although, he said, they thought the same so determined, as there was no cause to dispute upon them. It was hereupon fully resolved, by the Queen's Majesty, with the Advice aforesaid, that according to their desire, it should be in writing on both Parts, for avoiding of much alteration in words. And that the said Bishops should, because they were in Authority of Degree Superiors, first declare their Minds and Opinions to the Matter, with their Reasons, in writing. And the other number, being also eight Men of good degree in Schools, (and some having been in Dignity in the Church of England) if they had any thing to say to the contrary, should the same day declare their Opinions in like manner. And so each of them should deliver their Writings to the other to be consisidered what were to be improved therein; and the same to declare again in Writing at some other convenient day; and the like Order to be kept in all the rest of the Matters.  
All this was fully agreed upon with the Archbishop of York, and so also signified to both Parties; and immediately hereupon divers of the Nobility, and States of the Realm, understanding that such a Meeting and Conference should be, and that in certain Matters, thereupon the present Court of Parliament consequently following, some Laws might be grounded, they made earnest means to her Majesty, that the Parties of this Conference might put and read their Assertions in the English Tongue, and that in the presence of them, the Nobility and others of her , for the better satisfaction, and enabling of their own Judgements to treat and conclude of such Laws, as might depend thereupon. This also being thought very reasonable, was signified to both Parties, and so fully agreed upon. And the day appointed for the first Meeting to be the Friday in the Forenoon, being the last of March, at Westminster Church, where both for good Order, and for Honour of the Conferences by the Queen's Majesty's Commandment; the Lords and others of the Privy-Council were present, and a great part of the Nobility also.  
And notwithstanding the former Order appointed and consented unto by both Parties, yet the Bishop of Winchester, and his Colleagues, alleging, that they had mistaken that their Assertions and Reasons should be written, and so only recited out of the Book, said, Their Book was not then ready written, but they were ready to Argue and Dispute, and therefore they would for that time repeat in Speech, that which they had to say to the first Proposition.  
This variation from the former Order, and specially from that which themselves had, by the said Archbishop, in writing before required, (adding thereto the Reason of the Apostle, that to contend with words, is profitable to nothing, but to the subversion of the Hearer) seemed to the Queen's Majesty somewhat strange; and yet was it permitted, without any great reprehension, because they excused themselves with mistaking the Order, and argued, that they would not fail, but put it in writing, and according to the former Order, deliver it to the other Part.  
And so the said Bishop of Winchester, and his Colleagues, appointed Dr. Cole, Dean of Paul's, to be their Utterer of their Minds, who partly by Speech only, and partly by reading of Authorities written; and at certain times being informed of his Colleagues what to say, made a declaration of their Meanings and their Reasons to the first Proposition.  
Which being ended, they were asked, by the Privy Council, If any of them had any more to be said? and they said; No. So as then the other Part was licenced to show their Minds, which they did accordingly to the first Order, exhibiting all that which they meant, to propound in a Book written. Which, after a Prayer, and Invocation made most humbly to Almighty God, for the enduing of them with his Holy Spirit, and a Protestation also to stand to the Doctrine of the Catholic Church, builded upon the Scriptures, and the Doctrine of the Prophets and the Apostles, was distinctly read by one Robert Horn, Bachelor in Divinity, late Dean of Duresm. And the same being ended, (with some likelihood, as it seemed, that the same was much allowable to the Audience) certain of the Bishops began to say contrary to their former Answer, that they had now much more to say to this Matter; wherein, although they might have been well reprehended for such manner of cavillation, yet for avoiding any more mistaking of Orders in this Colloquy, or Conference, and for that they should utter all that which they had to say, it was both ordered, and thus openly agreed upon of both Parts, in the full Audience, that upon the Monday following, the Bishops should bring their Minds and Reasons in Writing, to the second Assertion, and the last also, if they could, and first read the same; and that done, the other Part should bring likewise theirs to the same; and being read, each of them should deliver to other the same Writings. And in the mean time the Bishops should put in writing, not only all that which Doctor Cole had that day uttered, but all such other Matters, as they any otherwise could think of for the same; and as soon as might possible, to send the same Book, touching the first Assertion to the other part; and they should receive of them that Writing which Master Horn had there read that day; and upon Monday it should be agreed what day they should exhibit their Answer touching the first Proposition.  
Thus both parts assented thereto, and the Assembly was quietly dismissed. And therefore upon Monday the like Assembly began again at the Place and Hour appointed; and there, upon what sinister or disordered meaning, is not yet fully known, (though in some part it be understanded) the Bishop of Winchester, and his Colleagues, and specially Lincoln, refused to exhibit or read, according to the former notorious Order on Friday, that which they had prepared for the second Assertion; and thereupon, by the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, they being first gently and favourably required, to keep the Order appointed, and that taking no place, being secondly, as it behoved, pressed with the more earnest request, they neither regarding the Authority of that Place, nor their own Reputation, nor the Credit of the Cause, utterly refused that to do.  
And finally, being again particularly every one of them apart, distinctly by Name required to understand their Opinions therein; they all (saving one, which was the Abbot of Westminster, having some more consideration of Order, and his Duty of Obedience, than the other) utterly and plainly denied to have their Book read, some of them as more earnestly than other some, so also some others more indiscreetly and irreverently than others.  
Whereupon giving such Example of Disorders, Stubbornness, and Self-will, as hath not been seen and suffered in such an Honourable Assembly, being of the two Estates of this Realm, the Nobilities and Commons, besides the Persons of the Queen's Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council, the same Assembly was dismissed, and the Godly, and most Christian Purpose of the Queen's Majesty made frustrate: And afterwards, for the contempt so notoriously made, the Bishops of Winchester and Lincoln, who have most obstinately disobeyed, both Common Authority, and varied manifestly from their own Order; specially Lincoln, who shown more folly than the other, were condignly committed to the Tower of London; and the rest, saving the Abbot of Westminster, stand bound to make daily their personal appearance before the Council, and not to departed the City of London and Westminster, until further Order be taken with them for their Disobedience and Contempt.  


N. Bacon, Cust. Sigill.  
F. Shrewsbury.  
F. Bedford.  
Pembroke.  
E. Clinton.  
G. Rogers.  
F. Knollys.  
W. Cecil.  
A. Cave.     

Number 6. An Address made by some Bishops and Divines, to Queen Elizabeth, against the Use of Images.  
To the Queen's most Excellent Majesty.  
WE knowing your gracious Clemency, and considering the necessity of the Matter that we have to move, the one doth encourage us, and the other compel us (as before) to make our humble Petition unto your Highness, and to renew our former Suit, not in any respect of self-will, stoutness, or striving against your Majesty, (God we take to Witness) for with David, we confess that we are but as Canes mortui, aut Pulices in comparison. But we do it only for that fear and reverence which we bear to the Majesty of Almighty God, in whose Hands to fall, 'tis terrible; for it lieth in his Power to destroy for ever, and to cast both Body and Soul into Hell Fire. And lest in giving just offence to the little Ones, in setting a Trap of Errors for the Ignorant, and digging a Pit for the Blind to fall into, we should not only be guilty of the Blood of our Brethren, and deserve the wrathful Vae, and Vengeance of God, but also procure, to our reclaiming Consciences, the biting Worm, that never dieth, for our endless confusion. For in what thing soever we may serve your Excellent Majesty, not offending the Divine Majesty of God, we shall, with all humble Obedience, be most ready thereunto, if it be even to the loss of our Life; for so God commandeth of us, Duty requireth of us, and we with all conformity have put in proof. And as God, through your gracious Government, hath delivered unto us innumerable Benefits, which we most humbly acknowledge, and with due Reverence daily give him Thanks. So we do not doubt, but that of his Mercy He will happily finish in your Majesty that good Work, which of His free Favour He hath most graciously begun; that following the Examples of the Godly Princes which have gone before, you may clearly purge the polluted Church, and remove all occasions of Evil. And for so much as we have heretofore, at sundry times, made Petition to your Majesty concerning the Matter of Images, but at no time exhibited any Reasons for the removing of the same. Now, lest we should seem to say much, and prove little, to allege Consciences without the Warrant of God, and unreasonably require that, for the which we can give no Reason, we have at this time put in writing, and do most humbly exhibit to your gracious Consideration, those Authorities of the Scriptures, Reasons, and pithy Persuasions, which as they have moved all such our Brethren, as now bear the Office of Bishops, to think and affirm Images not expedient for the Church of Christ; so will they not suffer us, without the great offending of God, and grievous wounding of our own Consciences, (which God deliver us from) to consent to the erecting or retaining of the same in the place of Worshipping; and we trust, and most earnestly ask it of God, that they may also persuade your Majesty, by your Regal Authority, and in the Zeal of God, utterly to remove this Offensive Evil out of the Church of England, to God's great Glory, and our great Comfort.  

Here follow the Reasons against them, of which I have given a full Abstract in the History, and therefore do not set them down here, for they are very large. The Address concludes in these words.  
Having thus declared unto your Highness a few Causes of many, which do move our Consciences in this Matter, we beseech your Highness, most humbly, not to strain us any further, but to consider that God's Word doth threaten a terrible Judgement unto us, if we being Pastors and Ministers in His Church, should assent unto the thing, which in our Learning and Conscience, we are persuaded doth tend to the confirmation of Error, Superstition, and Idolatry; and finally, 
Heb. 13. 1 Pet. 5.  to the ruins of the Souls committed to our Charge, for the which we must give an account to the Prince of Pastors at the last Day. We pray your Majesty also, not to be offended with this our Plainness and Liberty, which all good and Christian Princes have ever taken in good part at the hands of Godly Bishops.  
St. Ambrose, writing to Theodosius the Emperor, uses these words; Sed neque Imperiale est libertatem dicendi negare, 
Epist. lib. 5. Epist. 29.  neque Sacerdotale quod sentiat non dicere.  
And again; In causa vero Dei quem audies, si Sacerdotem non audies, 
Ibidem.  cujus Majore peccatur periculo? Quis tibi verum audebit dicere, si Sacerdos non audeat?  
These, and suchlike Speeches of St. Ambrose, Theodosius, and Valentinianus, the Emperors did take in good part; and we doubt not, but your Grace will do the like, of whose, not only Clemency, but also Beneficence, we have largely tasted.  
We beseech your Majesty also, in these, and suchlike Controversies of Religion, to refer the discusement, and deciding of them, to a Synod of the Bishops, and other Godly Learned Men, according to the Example of Constantinus Magnus, and other Christian Emperors, that the Reasons of both Parties being examined by them, the Judgement may be given uprightly in all doubtful Matters.  
And to return to this present Matter; We most humbly beseech your Majesty to consider, That besides weighty Causes in Policy, which we leave to the Wisdom of the Honourable Counsellors, the establishing of Images by your Authority, shall not only utterly discredit our Ministries, as bvilders of the thing which we have destroyed, but also blemish the Fame of your most Godly Brother, and such notable Fathers as have given their Lives for the Testimony of God's Truth, who by public Law removed all Images.  
The Almighty and Everliving God, plentifully endue your Majesty with His Spirit and Heavenly Wisdom; and long preserve your most gracious Reign, and prosperous Government over us, to the advancement of his Glory, to the overthrow of Superstition, and to the Benefit and Comfort of all your Highness' loving Subjects. Amen.    

Number 7. The Queen's Commissions to the Visitors that were sent to the Northern Parts.  
ELizabetha Dei Gratia Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Regina, Fidei Defensor, etc. Charissimis, Consanguineis & Consiliariis nostris Francisco Comiti Salop. Domino Praesidenti Consilii nostri in partibus Borealibus, & Edwardo Comiti de Darbia, ac charissimo consanguineo nostro Thomae Comiti Northumb. Domino Guardiano sive custodi Marchiarum nostrarum de Le East March, & middle March versus Scotiam, ac perdilecto & fideli nostro Willielmo Domino Evers, ac etiam dilectis & fidelibus nostris Henrico Piercy, Thomae Gargrave, Jacobo Crofts & Henrico Gates Militibus, necnon dilectis nobis Edwino Sandys Sacrae Theologiae Professori, Henrico Harvy Legum Doctori, Richardo Bowes, Georgio Brown, Chistophero Estcot, & Richardo Kingsmell Armigeris, Salutem.  
Quoniam Deus Populum suum Anglicanum imperio nostro subjecit, cujus regalis suscepti muneris rationem perfecte reddere non possumus, nisi veram religionem & sincerum numinis divini cultum in omnibus Regni nostri partibus propagaverimus: Nos igitur regalis & absolutae potestatis nostrae, nobis in hoc Regno nostro commissae, respectu, quoniam utrumque Regni nostri statum, tam Ecclesiasticum, quam Laicum visitare, & certas pietatis ac virtutis regulas illis praescribere constituimus, praefatum Franciscum Comitem Salop. Edwardum Comitem de Darbia, Thomam Comitem Northumb, Willielmum Dominum Evers, Henricum Piercy, Thomam Gargrave, Jacobum Crofts, Henricum Gates, Milites; Edwinum Sandys, Henricum Harvy, Georgium Brown, Christophorum Estcot, Richardum Bowes, & Richardum Kingsmell Armigeros, ad infrascriptum vice, nomine, & Authoritate nostris exequendum, vos quatuor, tres aut duo vestrum ad minimum deputavimus, & substituimus ad visitandum igitur, tam in capite, quam in membris Ecclesias Cathaedrales, Civitates & Diocaeses Eboracen. Cestrens. Dunelmen. & Carlionen. necnon quascunque alias Collegiatas, Parochiales & Praebendales Ecclesias, ac loca alia Ecclesiastica quaecunque, tam exempta, quam non exempta in & per easdem Civitates & Diocaeses visabiliter constitutas, Clerumque & Populum earundem in eisdem degentes sive residentes; Deque statu Ecclesiarum & locorum hujusmodi, necnon vita, moribus & conversatione, ac etiam qualitatibus personarum in Ecclesiis & locis praedictis degentium, sive commorantium modis omnibus, quibus id melius aut efficacius poteritis inquirendum & investigandum: criminosos, ac susceptae Religioni subscribere obstinate & peremptory recusantes, vel quocunque alio modo delinquentes; Atque culpabiles condignis paenis, etiam usque ad beneficiorum, dignitatum, sive officiorum suorum privationem, fructuum vel reddituum, & proventionem Ecclaesiarum & Locorum, quibus praesunt, sequestrationem, vel quamcunque aliam congruam & competentem coercionem inclusive puniendam & corrigendam; Atque ad probatiores vivendi mores modis omnibus, quibus ad melius & efficacius poteritis, reducendum; Testamenta quorumcunque defunctorum infra loca praedicta decedentium probanda, approbanda & informanda, administrationesque bonorum eorundem Executorum in eisdem testamentis nominatis committendum, administrationesque insuper ac sequestrationes bonorum ab intestatis sive per viam intestatorum, etiam descendentes in debita juris forma expediendum & concedendum, ac committendum; Computas quoque tam executorum, quam administratorum, & sequestratorum quorumcunque recipiendum, examinandum, admittendum, terminandum: ac insuper eosdem executores, administratores, & sequestratores, omnes & singulas acquietandum, relaxandum & finaliter dimittendum, Causasque quascunque examinandum, audiendum & finaliter terminandum. Contumaces autem, & rebels, cujuscunque conditionis sive status fuerint, si quos inveneritis, tam per censuras Ecclesiasticas, quam personarum apprehensionem & incarcerationem, ac recognitionem, acceptionem ac quaecunque alia juris Regni nostri remedia compescendum, necnon injunctiones presentibus annexas personis in eisdem nominatis nomine nostro tradendum, aliasque injunctiones congruas & competentes vice & authoritate nostris eis indicendum, dandum & assignandum, paenasque convenientes in earum violatores infligendum, & irrogandum; Ecclesiis etiam, & alia loca dimissorum, vacantia & pro vacantibus habenda fore decernendum & declarandum, pensionesque legittimas, congruas & competentes cedentibus vel resignandis hujusmodi assignandum & limitandum, praesentatosque ad beneficia Ecclesiastica quaecunque infra civitates, Ecclesias aut Diocaeses praedictas constituta, durante visitatione nostra hujusmodi, si habiles fuerint & idonei, ad eadem admittendum, ac de & in eisdem instituendum & investiendum, cum suis juribus, & pertinentibus universis, eosque in realem, actualem & corporalem possessionem earundem inducendum, & induci faciendum, atque mandandum, necnon clericorum & beneficiatorum quorumcunque tam pro ordinibus, quam beneficiis per eos adeptis, literas & munimenta exigendum & recipiendum, eaque diligenter examinandum, & discutiendum, & quos non sufficienter munitos in ea parte comperitis, ab officio dimittendum, & sic jure munitis declarandum, & pronunciandum. Synodos quoque & capitula, tam generalia quam specialia, cleri & populi hujusmodi per executionem premissorum aut reformationem quamcunque faciendum & convocandum: Procurationes quoque Synodalia ratione nostrae hujus visitationis debite petendum, exigendum, & levandum, ac etiam non solventes aut solvere recusantes per censuras Ecclesiasticas compellendum, coercendum & cogendum; necnon concionandi potestatem hujusmodi personis concedendum, quas ad hoc divinum munus suscipiendum aptas esse judicaveritis: Incarceratos quoque, & vinculis commissos ob religionis causam antea licet _____ condemnatos, causis incarcerationis & condemnationis hujusmodi prius examinatis, & plenarie discussis, examinandum, discutiendum ac in integrum, justitia id poscente, restituendum, deliberandum & extra prisonam dimittendum, necnon causas deprivationum examinandum, ac contra statuta & ordinationes hujus Regni nostri Angliae, vel juris Ecclesiastici ordinem deprivatos restituendum, ac omnia & singula alia, quae circa hujusmodi visitationis seu reformationis negotia necessaria fuerint, seu quomodolibet oportuna, etiamsi verba magis specialia de se exigunt & requirunt, faciendum, & expediendum. Vobis quatuor, tribus aut duobus vestrum, ut praefertur de quorum eminenti doctrina morumque, & Concilii gravitate, ac in rebus gerendis fide & industria plurimum confidimus, vices nostras committimus ac plenam in dicto tenore presentium concedimus facultatem, cum cujuslibet congruae & legitimae coercionis potestate. Et praeterea certos viros prudentes, ac pios assignandum, & nominandum, per quos de statu rerum instruemini & quorum opera presentes utemini, in omnibus causis ad hanc visitationem nostram spectantibus, quantum vobis convenire videbitur. jidem viri a vobis commissariis assignati plenam potestatem habebunt, etiam post Commissariorum decessum, & post finitum etiam visitationis tempus, de omnibus articulis, ordinibus & institutis ejusdem visitationis inquirendi, Et violatores eorum, cujuscunque conditionis fuerint, conveniendi & examinandi; Et omnes quaerelas, quatenus ullum impedimentum aut offensionem nostrae visitationis continebunt, accipiendi & audiendi, & hujusmodi personas, offensiones, & quaerelas Comissariis nostris Londini residentibus, & ad Ecclesiasticarum rerum reformationem Delegatis, praesentabunt, & exhibebunt illis viis & modis, quibus hoc convenientissime videbunt fieri posse. Mandantes omnibus, & singulis Majoribus, Vice-comitibus, Justiciariis ac quibuscunque aliis officiariis, ministris & subditis nostris, quatenus nobis in & circa praemissorum executionem effectualiter assistant, auxilientur, & suffragentur, ut insuper sagacitatis, diligentiae, factorumque vestrorum omnium evidens & perpetuum specimen nobis, posterisque nostris remaneat, inventaque & invenienda pro recordatorum defectu debitam reformationem correctionemve non subterfugiant, aut a memoria prolabantur. Nos suprema ac regali authoritate nostra praedicta dilectos, & fideles subditos nostros Thomam Peircy, & Joanem Hoges, & eorum deputatos per Comissarios nostros approbandos, notarios praecipuos per antea legitime existentes, actorum, instrumentorum, decretorum, summarum, judiciorum, censurarum, caeterorumque omnium, & singulorum, quae per vos, vestrumve Aliquem in Visitatione hac nostra Regia peragentur, judicabuntur, decernentur, fient, ferentur, & pronunciabuntur, Scribas, Registrarios nostros praecipuos, & principales conjunctim & divisim ordinamus, nominamus & constituimus; eisque officium, & officia Registri Scribat nostri presenti, cum omnibus officia praedicta tangentia, eorumque deputatis per Comissarios nostros approbandis conjunctim & divisim damus, deputamus, assignamus, & decernimus per presentes. In cujus rei testimonium has Literas nostras fieri fecimus Patentes,  
Teste meipsa apud Westmonast. 24 die Junii, Anno Regni nostri primo.   

Number 8. Ten Letters written to, and by Dr. Parker, concerning his Promotion to the See of Canterbury. An Original.  

AFter my right-hearty Commendations, 
Ex M. SS. Reverendis. D. D. Gul. Arch. Cant.  these are to signify unto you, That for certain Matters touching yourself, which I trust shall turn you to good, I would wish that you should repair hither to London, with as convenient speed as you can, where you shall find me at Burgeny House in Pater Noster Row, if it be not overlong  you come. And if it chance that I be returned into Suffolk before your coming, than I would you should make your repair unto my Brother-in-Law, Sir William Cecil, the Queen's Secretary, declaring unto him, that I appointed you to wait upon him to know his pleasure touching such Matters as he and I did talk of concerning you. Thus wishing you well to do, I bid you hearty farewel.  
Written the 9th of December, 1558. By Yours assuredly, N. Bacon.   

Dr. Parker's Answer to the former Letter. A Copy.  
RIght Worshipful, with my thankful Duty of Commendations, hearing of your sickness still to occupy you, I was right-heartily sorry that I molested you with so long a Letter, into which fault, for that I will not fall again at this present, I shall use the fewer words. Sir, If I may know at what time I might, in your return down, wait on your Worship at Burgeny, or at New-market, I will, by God's Grace, so appoint myself to be there first, the rather for that I would not give occasion to have your Journey either protracted, or yet diverted out of the right Line thereof. In the mean time I shall beseech God to restore your strength, that ye may the sooner be restored to the Commonwealth, which in this apparent necessity of worthy Persons, I fear, feeleth God's Hand in this his Visitation to be burdenous. I would wish ye were not much stirring abroad in the distemperance of the Air, so contrarious to the state of men's Bodies, once pierced with this insolent Quartane, as Experience showeth. I think the Springtime, as in natural respects, must be expected, though Almighty God be bound to no time. Thus I hearty commend you to his gracious protection, this 20th of December.  
Your most bounden assuredly to command, M. P.   

A Letter written to him by Secretary Cecil. An Original.  
AFter my hearty Commendations. The Queen's Highness minding presently to use your Service in certain Matters of Importance, hath willed me so to signify unto you, to the end you should forthwith, upon the sight hereof, put yourself in order to make your undelaied repair hither unto London; at which your coming up, I shall declare unto you her Majesty's further Pleasure, and the occasion why you are sent for; and hereof praying you therefore in no wise to fail, I bid you well to far.  
From Westminster, the 30th of December, 1558. Your Loving Friend, W. Cecil.   

Another Letter of the Lord Keepers to him. An Original.  
AFter hearty Commendations, these are to signify unto you, That ye may assure yourself, that you shall have any thing that I can do for you touching the request of your Letters, or any other Matter being in my Power: I do think that ye have received,  this, a Letter from Mr. Secretary, willing you to come up immediately, if your Health will suffer, for certain weighty Matters touching the Queen's Service; so as I trust, by your presence, all things to your own contentation shall come the better to pass. If this Letter be not come to your Hands, and therewith you be not able to come, it shall be behoveful for you to signify so much, because I have been willed also to haste your coming up. Thus right-heartily far ye well.  
Written the 4th of January, 1558. By, Yours assuredly, N. Bacon.   

Dr. Parker's Answer. A Copy.  
Right Worshipful;  
AFter my Duty of Commendations. Where of late I received your Letters to this effect, That I should repair up unto you at London, upon occasion, as ye wrote, which may turn me to good, so judged by a late Conference with the Right Worshipful Sir William Cecil, Secretary to the Queen's Majesty, of long time my special good Friend and Master, ye shall understand that my Quartane hath so much distempered the state of my Health, that without apparent danger, I cannot as yet commit myself to the adventure of the Air, as by divers essays I have attempted of late, to my greater pain, and further hindrance; whereupon, if your opportunity might so serve, I would most hearty pray your Worship to signify so much. And further, yet in confidence of your old good Heart to me, I would be a Suitor to you, as I was once to Sir John Cheek, my entire good Friend, and Patron, to the said Sir William Cecil, that where he was desirous, by his mediation, to do me good, (as here you use to call it) even as I was then framed in mind, so am I at this day. I would be inwardly heavy and sorry that his favourable Affection should procure me any thing above the reach of mine Ability, whereby I should both dishonest myself, and disappoint the expectation of such as may think that in me, which I know is not; but specially I might clog and cumber by Conscience to Godward, before whom I look every day to appear to make mine Answer, which I think, and as I trust, is not far off: Notwithstanding though I would most fain wear out the rest of my Life in private state, yet concerning that very small Talon credited unto me, I would not so unthankfully to God ensue my quiet, that I could not be content to bestow it, so it were there, whether my Heart and Conscience, afore this time, and daily yet doth incline me: I mean, to be no further abled, but by the Revenue of some Prebend, (without charge of Cure, or of Government) to occupy myself to dispense God's Word amongst the simple strayed Sheep of God's Fold, in poor destitute Parishes and Cures, more meet for my decayed Voice, and small Quality, than in Theatrical and great Audience: which walk, and wish I would to be near their Quarters, where we both were born, by occasion whereof I might have opportunity to wait other-while on you at Redgrave, whether I have vowed my first Journey, immediately upon my strength recovered, by the occasion of your friendly Request of your Letters ye sent me. And if I might be yet bolder with you, as I was with the said Sir John Cheek, to disclose my desire of all Places in England, I would wish to bestow most my time in the University, the State whereof is miserable at this present, as I have had intelligence from time to time thereof. And if i● any respect I could do Service, as a weak Member of the Commonwealth, I think I might do it with them, having long Acquaintance, and some Experience in the Do thereof; which Judgement had the said Sir John Cheek towards me: And therefore to set me on work, had once, by the favour of the said Mr. Secretary, procured to have me named to the Mastership of Trinity College, which yet chanced not to that effect, God otherwise determining the Matter in his Providence. But to tell you my Heart, I had rather have such a thing as Bennet-College is in Cambridg, a Living of twenty Nobles by the Year at the most, than to dwell in the Deanery of Lincoln, which is 200 at the least. Now Sir, ye may see herein, yet my Ambition in writing thus much, but I shall pray you to accept the Circumstances, which ye may better insinuate to Mr. Secretary, than I dare be bold, by my rude Letters, to molest his favourable goodness, or yet prescribe to your, or his Worship, Wisdom and Prudence. In conclusion, at the Reverence of God, I pray you, either help that I be quite forgotten, or else so appointed, that I be not entangled now of new, with the concourse of the World, in any respect of public state of living, whereby I shall have an unfeigned signification of your very good Will to me indeed, and be bound to pray for you during my Life.  
Some of your Scholars at Cambridg, enjoying the benefit of your liberal Exhibition, have sent your Worship now their Letters, some be sick and absent.  
Thus reprising the quiet of my Mind, and having good hope in your friendliness to the considerations aforesaid, I wish you a full recovery of your Health, and a continuance in God's Grace and Favour, with all your Family.  
Your Beadsman to command, M. P.   

A long Letter of Dr. Parker's, excusing himself from the Offer of the Archbishopric of Canterbury. An Original.  
RIght Honourable, my Duty presupposed. It is an old said Proverb, Vbi quis dolet ibidem & manum frequenter habet, beseeching you, for God's sake, the rather to bear the importunity of this my hand-writing, supposing that this may be one of the last Solicitations that I shall molest you with.  
Sir, Your signification uttered to me at my first coming to you at London, concerning a certain Office ye named to me, did hold me in such carefulness all my time of being there, with the recurring of a dull Distemperance, set in my Head by the Dregs of my Quartane, and as yet not remedied, whereby I had no disposition to my Book; beside some other displeasant Cogi●●tions concerning the state of this Time, made me have so little joy of my being at London, as I had never less in my Life: most glad when my Back was turned thereunto. But to come near to my intent of writing, I shall pray to God, yea, bestow that Office well, ye shall needcare the less for the residue. God grant it chanceth neither on an arrogant Man, neither on a faint-hearted Man, nor on a covetous Man; The first shall both sit in his own light, and shall discourage his Fellows to join with him in Unity of Doctrine, which must be their whole strength; for if any heartburning be betwixt them, if private Quarrels stirred abroad be brought home, and so shall shiver them asunder, it may chance to have that success which I fear in the conclusion will follow. The second Man should be too weak to commune with the Adversaries, who would be the stouter upon his pusillanimity. The third Man not worth his Bread, profitable for no Estate in any Christian Commonwealth, to serve it rightly.  
For my part, I pray God I never fall into his Indignation and Wisdom; it were not for a Subject to deserve his Prince's Displeasure, and sorry would I be to discontent Mr. Secretary, and you, for whose worshipful Favours, I count myself more bound to pray to God, and to wish well to them for all the Men in the Realm beside. I speak it sincerely, without flattery; for though I have little wit, yet I can discern betwixt Men, who delight to be flattered, and who not, though I would not consider how dishonest it were for me to use it. But, Sir, except ye both moderate and restrain your overmuch good Will in the former respect to meward, I fear, in the end, I shall dislike you both, and that your Benevolencies should, by occasion of my obstinate untowardness, jeopard me into Prison; yet there shall I bear you my good Heart, which I had rather suffer in a quiet Conscience, than to be intruded into such Room and Vocation, wherein I should not be able to answer the Charge, to God, nor to the World, wherein I should not serve the Queen's Honour, which I wish most hearty advanced in all her wise and godly Proceed; nor yet should I live to the Honour of the Realm, and so finally should but work a further displeasant contemplation to my good Friends who preferred me.  
This, this is the Thing that makes me afraid, my Lord, though I passed not on mine own shame and rebuke; and therefore, by God's Favour, and your good Helps, I never intent to be of that Order, better or worse, higher nor lower; Non omnia possumus omnes; & tutissimum est ut quisque hanc artem exerceat in qua educatus, & ad quam natura homines forma●●●. And as for other Furnishments, I am too far behind. When I came first up to London, I had thirty pounds in my Purse, not ten shillings more, whereof I hav● wasted a good part; and if I were placed, as some of my Friends wish to me, what would that do to begin, or to furnish my Household. And I hear how the Citizens of Norwich pray for the Soul of their last Bishop, for when upon his departure they seized his Goods, to answer his Debts to them, straightway came the Queen's Officers and discharged them all, which yet were not able, for all his spare Hospitality, to pay half that he owed.  
Furthermore, to come to another Consideration▪ of a further Imperfection, which I would have dissembled to you and others, but it cannot be, but I must open it to you, my assured good Master and Friend, in secrecy, whose old good Will maketh me the less abashed, to be so homely with you at this time. In one of my Letters, I made a little signification of it, but peradventure ye did not mark it. Sir, I am so in Body hurt and decayed, coram Deo non mentior, that whatsoever my Ability were, either of worldly Furniture, or inward Quality; and though my Heart would right-feign serve my Sovereign Lady, the Queen's Majesty, in more respects than of my Allegiance, not forgetting what words her Grace's Mother said to me of her, not six days before her apprehension, yet this my painful Infirmity, will not suffer it in all manner of Services. Flying in a Night, for such as sought for me, to my peril, I fell off my Horse so dangerously, that I shall never recover it; and by my late Journey up, and my being there at London, not well settled, it is increased to my greater pain. I am fain sometime to be idle, when I would be occupied; and also to keep my Bed, when my Heart is not sick.  
This was one cause why I was importune to you for that room, whereof I made mention in my former Letters, by the which I might be abled, by the portion of that Stipend, in this my Impoverishment, to wear out my Life tolerably, and should not by that be occasioned to come up to any Convocations, as having no Voice in that House; and peradventure being there, I might be a mean for the fewer Matters of disturbance, to come up to Mr. Secretary, now Chancellor there, to molest him, more than should need, whose gentle affability might provoke some inconsiderate Men not to regard his other greater Affairs. And yet though I were so placed, I would not forswear London, or the Court either, at times as could stand with my Ability and Health of Body, if my Service could be any ways acceptable, and were agreeable to the proportion of my Capacity.  
Sir, Because I may not dissemble with you, I have told you all now, do with me what ye will, I might be ashamed to spend so many words in a Cause private of myself; but yet because ye must be Partner of some lack, if I answered not the expectation, I could no less do, but make you privy beforehand. I pray you think not that the Prognostication of Mr. Michael Nostre Dame reigneth in my Head. I esteem that fantastical  not so well, as I credit Lucianus Book, De veris Narrationibus; nor yet all other vain Prophecies o● Sands, more than I regard Sir Thomas Moor's Book of Fortune's Answers upon the chance of three Dice casting. I would I saw no more cause to fear the likelihood of God's Wrath deserved, for dissolute Life, to fall upon the Realm, by the evidence of his true Word, and by God's old practices: and yet no Man considereth his ire already begun, Dum non sinit viros dolosos dimidiare dies suos. I shall pray to God to defend you and your Family, and that ye may revolve in Mind Christ's serious Admonition, Quid proderit homini, 
Mat. 16. Luc. 11.  si totum mundum lucretur, si animae suae detrimentum patiatur. Et non in abundantia cujusquam, est vita hominis ex his quae possidet.  
Sir, My Duty of Heart maketh me bold with you, not otherwise meaning before God, but thanking him many times that Mr. Secretary and you may have the doing of things in this greedy World, and that ye have so good credit, and ready access to the Queen's Majesty, to comfort her good Inclination, whom I beseech the God of Heaven to preserve with her Council, yea, and with the Seniority of her Spiritual Ministers also, against whom I see a great Charge set before them, to overcome that, must specially go through their hands by diligent watching, upon the unruly Flock of the English People, if they were not so much accloyed with Worldly Collections, Temporal Commissions, and Worldly Provisions. I speak this the rather in this respect, which I thought good to put to your understanding; At my last being at London, I heard and saw Books printed, which be spread abroad, whose Authors be Ministers of good estimation; the Doctrine of the one, is to prove, That a Lady Woman cannot be, by God's Word, a Governor in a Christian Realm. And in another Book going abroad, is Matter set out to prove, That it is lawful for every private Subject to kill his Sovereign, ferro, veneno, quocunque modo, if he think him to be a Tyrant in his Conscience, yea, and worthy to have his Reward for his Attempt: Exhorrui cum ista legerem. If such Principles be spread into men's Heads, as now they be framed and referred to the Judgement of the Subject, of the Tenant, and of the Servant, to discuss what is Tyranny, and to discern whether his Prince, his Landlord, his Master, is a Tyrant, by his own fancy, and collection supposed, What Lord of the Council shall ride quietly minded in the Streets, among desperate Beasts? What Master shall be sure in his Bedchamber? It is the surest way for every Man to serve God truly in his Vocation, to deserve the rather his protection: and then both the Devil and Man, Forreign and Intestine, shall have their Malices retorted upon themselves again. But thus goeth the Devil about to dull the heretical Stomaches of Princely Men, to do good in their turn of time, to serve God and the Commonwealth. They say that the Realm is full of Anabaptists, Arrians, Libertines,  Men, etc. against whom only I thought Ministers should have needed to fight in Unity of Doctrine. As for the Romish Adversaries, their Mouths may be stopped with their own Books, and Confessions of late days; I never dreamt that Ministers should be compelled to impugn Ministers; the Adversaries have good sport betwixt themselves, to prognostic the likelihood. Some Protestants peradventure, perceiving how Men nip them to disable them, to keep any Learned Men in House to confer with, and to beat down these Seditious Sects, if any inconvenience, for want of preaching, shall fall, they may chance to say a Verse of David's Psalter, Laetabitque justus, cum viderit vindictam, & manus suas lavabit in sanguine peccatoris, as not caring for their Assurances, who abase them so low: and some peradventure have cast already their starting shifts, and make Provision against all Adventures. Well, I pray God all be Conscience to God, that is sometime so pretended: Men be Men, yea, after the School of Affliction, Men be Men, Hypocrisy is a privy Thief, both in the Clergy and in the Laity. To make an end of such Conference, which I would gladly have told you presently, but I could not wait so much leisure in you, and opportunity; and loath I was to have begun my Tale, and not to have ended it, by reason of interruption by others. But as for the principal occasion of my writing, howsoever it may dislike you, yet shall I evermore acknowledge my Duty to you, yea, though now ye give me quite up: I reverence you so much, that I had rather ye disliked me utterly by times, with your less repentance, rather than ye and other of my loving Friends should bear any envy, or any displeasant unthankfulness, and so too late to repent for your commending of me, (if a persuasion in an appearance, is not surely grounded to be seen) when Experience should have showed the Trial. And therefore I writ it to you in time again, after the signification of my very first Letters to prevent you, for I know ye may, with a few words, remedy all the towardness yet concluded.  
And think not, I pray your Honour, that I seek mine private Gain, or my idle ease, put me where ye will else; and if, as far as my power of Knowledge, and of Health of Body will extend, I do not apply myself to discharge my Duty, let me be thrust out again like a Thief. I thank God my Conscience condemneth me not, that I have been aforetime any great gatherer; and now, for the upholding of two or three Years more of Life, to heap unproportionably, I count it madness; and more than this purpose, by God's Grace, I dare promise nothing: And as for such few Folks which I may leave behind me, they shall not say by me, I trust, That happy be these Children whose Fathers go to the Devil for their sake. Your Lordship knoweth with what Patrimony I began the World with, and yet have hitherto lived with enough, yea, when all my Live were taken from me, yet God, I thank him, ministered to me sufficiently, above the capacity of my understanding, or foreseeing. And thus commending your good Lordship to that merciful Governance, I pray your Honourable Wisdom to put this scribbling out of the way, from every Man's sight and intelligence.  
Right Honourable, after my duty of Commendations to your Lordship, I am bold now to send you a Fancy of my Head, expressed in these few Leaves; which if I had compact in a Letter, it would have seemed overlong, and being comprised in Leaves, may appear to be but a very little Book of one Sheet of Paper, which yet I so devised, upon consideration of your Business, which will not suffer you to be long detained in Matters impertinent, and therefore ye may turn in the Leaf and read it at divers leisures, if your Lordship shall vouchsafe the reading. And thus wishing you joy of Heart, which I feel to be a great Treasure in this World, as the want, a grievous torment; I pray God preserve your Honourable Goodness, with my good Lady your Wife. If ye see aught in my Choir worth reformation, ye know I am disciplinable, and have read, quod meliora sunt vulnera diligentis, quam fraudulenta oscula odentis: Wherefore reserving mine unreasonable determination, as you shall know, I shall yield myself wholly conformable to your Honour, ubi, quomodo, quando, aliquid, vel tandem nihil. Of an Occasion lately ministered, I have sent my Letters to Mr. Secretary concerning another Matter, primo Martii.  
Your assured Orator, M. P.   

A Letter written to him by the Lord Keeper concerning it. An Original.  
THat before this time I have not sent you Answer to your last Letters; the cause hath been, for that I could by no mean understand to what end the Matter mentioned in those Letters would grow unto; but perceiving this day, by a Resolution made in the Queen's Highness presence, that your Friends shall very hardly deliver you of the Charge written of in the same Letters, I thought it good to make you privy thereunto; and therewith to advise you, to commit to the Judgement of your Friends, your Ability and Disability to serve, where and when you shall be called. If I knew a Man to whom the description made, in the beginning of your Letter, might more justly be referred, than to yourself, I would prefer him before you, but knowing none so meet indeed, I take it to be my duty to prefer you before all others, and the rather also, because otherwise I should not follow the Advice of your own Letter. The rest, which is much, I defer until our next meeting. It is like, that e'er it be long, you shall receive Letters subscribed by me and others jointly. Thus right-heartily farewell.  
From the Court the 17th of May, 1559. Yours assuredly, N. Bacon.   

An Order sent to him, requiring him to come up to London.  
AFter our hearty Commendations. These be to signify unto you, that for certain Causes, wherein the Queen's Majesty intendeth to use your Service, her Pleasure is, That you should repair up hither with such speed, as you conveniently may; and at your coming up, you shall understand the rest. Thus right-heartily far ye well.  
From the Court, the 19th of May, 1559. Your loving Friends, 

N. Bacon.  
W. Cecil.     

A second Order to the same effect. An Original.  
AFter our hearty Commendations. Where before this time we directed our Letters unto you, declaring thereby, that for certain Causes, wherein the Queen's Majesty intendeth to use your Service, you should repair hither with all convenient speed, whereof we have as yet received none Answer. And therefore, doubting jest by the default of the Messenger, the Letter be not come to your hands, we have thought good again to write unto you, to the intent you should understand her Highness' Pleasure is, That you should make your repair hither with all speed possible. Thus right-heartily farewell.  
From the Court, the 28th day of May, 1559. Your loving Friends, 

N. Bacon, C. S.  
W. Cecil.     

Dr. Parker's Letter to the Queen, excusing himself. An Original.  
PLeaseth it your most Honourable Majesty to be gracious Lady, to my poor Suit, which at this time extreme necessity compelleth me to make, both in respect of my constrained Conscience to Almighty God, as also in the regard of my Duty which I own to your noble Estate, and most high Authority. So it is, most gracious and sovereign Lady, where I have understanding of your most favourable Opinion toward me, your Grace's most simple Subject, concerning the Archbishopric of Canterbury, In consideration whereof, I ought, and do acknowledge my most bounden Duty to be a faithful Orator for your Grace during my Life. Yet calling to examination my great unworthiness, for so high a Function, which mine disability I might allege at length in particularity, but for molesting your Grace's most weighty Affairs, I am bold thus, by my writing, to approach to your Honour to discharge me of that so high and chargeable an Office, which doth require a Man of much more Wit, Learning, Virtue, and Experience than I see, and perfectly know can be performed of me worthily, to occupy it to God's Pleasure, to Your Grace's Honour, and to the Wealth of your loving Subjects beside. Many other imperfections in me, as well for temporal Ability for the furnishing thereof, as were seemly to the Honour of the Realm; as also of infirmity of Body, which will not suffer me to attend on so difficult a Cure, to the discharge thereof, in any reasonable expectation. And where, most gracious Lady, beside my humble Duty of Allegiance to your Princely Dignity, I am otherwise, for the great Benefits which sometime I received at Your Grace's honourable Mother's Benevolence (whose Soul I doubt not but is in blissful felicity with God) most singularly obliged, above many other, to be Your most faithful Beadsman, both in thanking Almighty God for his Fatherly Protection hitherto over Your noble Person, And also furthermore to pray for the continuance of your fortunate Reign in all godly Prosperity. So I am right sorry, and do lament within myself, that I am so basely qualified inwardly in Knowledge, and outwardly in extern Sufficiencies, to do Your Grace any meet Service, as I would wish could be acceptable, and to Your Grace's expectation: assuring Your noble Estate, that in any other smaller Vocation, under the degree of such chargeable Offices, and more agreeable to my Infirmity, if it shall be so seem, to Your high Wisdom, and merciful Liberality, I shall endeavour myself to attend thereon; referring yet myself wholly to Your Grace's Pleasure, rather than by just allegation of my unworthiness, the loyal Duty of my faithful Heart should be any ways suspected to Your reverend Majesty.  
Your Grace's poor Subject, Matthew Parker.    

Number 9 The Instrument of Dr. Parker's Consecration; with some Attestations of the Authenticalness of it.  

Rituum atque Ceremoniarum Ordo, in Consecrando Reverendissimo in Christo Patre, Mattheo Parker, Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo, in Sacello suo apud Manerium suum de Lambeth, die Dominico 17. viz. die Mensis Decembris, Anno Dom. 1559. habit.  
PRincipio, Sacellum Tapetibus ad Orientem adornabatur, 
Ex MS. Col. Cor. C. Cant.  solum vero panno rubro insternebatur, Mensa quoque Sacris peragendis necessaria, tapeto pulvinarique ornata ad Orientem sita erat.  
Quatuor preterea Cathedrae, quatuor Episcopis, quibus munus consecrandi Archiepiscopi delegabatur, ad austrum Orientalis Sacelli partis erant positae.  
Scamnum preterea tapeto pulvinaribusque instratum, cui Episcopi genubus flexis inniterentur, ante Cathedras ponebatur.  
Pari quoque modo Cathedra, scamnumque tapeto pulvinarique ornatum, Archiepiscopo, ad Borealem Orientalis ejusdem Sacelli partis plagam posita erant.  
Hiis rebus ita ordine suo instructis, Mane circiter quintam aut sextam per Occidentalem portam ingreditur Sacellum Archiepiscopus, toga talari coccinea caputioque indutus, quatuor precedentibus funalibus, & quatuor comitatus Episcopis, qui ejus consecrationi inservirent (verbi gratia) Guilielmo Barlow olim Bathon. & Wellen. Episcopo, nunc vero ad Cicestren Episcopatum electo, Johanne Scory olim Cicestriae Episcopo & nunc ad Herefordensem vocato, Milone Coverdallo olim Exoniense Episcopo, & Johanne Hodgskinne Bedfordiae Suffraganeo. Qui omnes postquam sedes sibi paratas ordine singuli suo occupassent, Preces continuo matutinae per Andream Pierson Archiepiscopi Capellanum clara voce recitabantur, quibus peractis, Johannes Scory (de quo supra diximus) suggestum conscendit, atque inde assumpto sibi, in thema, Seniores ergo qui in vobis sunt obsecro consenior, etc. non ineleganter concionabatur.  
Finita concione, egrediuntur simul Archiepiscopus reliquique quatuor Episcopi Sacellum, se ad sacram communionem paraturi, neque mora confestim per borealem portam in vestiarum ad hunc modum vestiti redeunt. Archiepiscopus nimirum linteo superpelliceo (quod vocant) induebatur. Cicestrensis electus, capa serica ad sacra peragenda paratus utebatur. Cui ministrabant operamque suam prebebant duo Archiepiscopi Capellani, Nicholaus, viz. Bullingham Lincolniae Archidiaconus, & Edmundus Gest Cantuariensis quoque Archidiaconus, capis sericis similiter, vestiti. Hereford electus & Bedford Suffraganeneus, linteis superpelliceis induebantur.  
Milo vero Coverdallus non nisi toga lanea talari utebatur,  
Atque hunc in modum vestiti & instructi ad communionem celebrandam perrexerunt Archiepiscopo genubus flexis ad infimum Sacelli gradum sedente.  
Finito tandem Evangelio, Hereforden. electus, Bedfordiae Suffraganeus & Milo Coverdallus (de quibus supra) Archiepiscopum coram Cicestren. electo apud mensam in Cathedra sedenti hiis verbis adduxerunt; Reverende in Deo Pater, hunc virum pium pariter atque doctum tibi offerimus atque presentamus, ut Archiepiscopus consecretur. Postque haec dixissent, proferebatur illico Reginae diploma sive mandatum pro consecratione Archiepiscopi, quo per Reverendum Thomam Yale Legum Doctorem perlecto, Sacramentum de Regio Primatu sive suprema ejus authoritate tuenda juxta Statuta 1. An. Regni Serenissimae Reginae nostrae Elizabeth. promulgata ab eodem Archiepiscopo exigebatur, quod cum ille solemniter tactis corporaliter sacris Evangeliis conceptis verbis prestitisset, Cicestrens. electus quaedam praefatus atque populum ad orationem hortatus, ad Litanias decantandas Choro respondente se accinxit. Quibus finitis, post quaestiones aliquot Archiepiscopo per Cicestrien. electum propositas, & post orationes & suffragia quaedam juxta formam Libri antedicti Parliamenti editi, apud Deum habita, Cicestriensis Herefordiensis, Suffraganeus Bedfordiensis & Milo Coverdallus, manibus Archiepiscopo impositis. Accipe (inquiunt Anglicè) Spiritum Sanctum, & gratiam Dei quae jam per impositionis manuum in te est excitare memento. Non enim timoris, sed virtutis, dilectionis & sobrietatis spiritum dedit nobis Deus. His ita dictis, Biblia Sacra illi in manibus tradiderunt hujusmodi apud eum verba habentes, In legendo, hortando, & docendo vide diligens sis, atque ea meditare assidue quae in hisce Libris scripta sunt, noli in his segnis esse quo incrementum inde proveniens omnibus innotescat & palam fiat. Cura quae ad te & ad docendi munus spectant diligenter. Hoc enim modo non teipsum solum, sed & reliquos Auditores tuos per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum salvabis. Postquam haec dixissent, ad reliqua communionis solennia pergit Cicestrensis, nullum Archiepiscopo tradens pastorale baculum: cum quo communicabant una Archiepiscopus, & illi Episcopi supra nominati cum alliis etiam nonnullis.  
Finitis tandem peractisque sacris, egreditur per borealem orientis Sacelli partis portam Archiepiscopus quatuor illis comitatus Episcopis qui eum consecraverant, & confestim iisdem ipsis stipatus Episcopis per eandem revertitur portam albo Episcopali superpelliceo, crimeraque (ut vocant) ex nigro serico indutus, circa collum vero collare quoddam ex pretiosis pellibus sabellinis (vulgo Sables vocant) consutum gestabat. Pari quoque modo Cicestrensis & Herefordensis, suis Episcopalibus amictibus, superpellicio scilicet & crimera uterque induebatur. D. Coverdallus vero & Bedfordiae Suffraganeus togis solummodo talaribus utebantur. Pergens deinde Occidentalem portam versus Archiepiscopus Thomae Doyle Economo, Johanni Baker Thesaurario, & Johanni March computo rotulario, singulis singulos Albos dedit Baculos, hoc scilicet modo eis muneribus & officiis suis ornans.  
Hiis itaque hunc ad modum ordine suo, ut jam ante dictum est peractis, per occidentalem portam Sacellum egreditur Archiepiscopus generosioribus quibusque sanguine ex ejus familia eum precedentibus, reliquis vero eum a tergo sequentibus.  
Acta gestaque haec erant omnia in praesentia Reverendorum Episcoporum, Edmundi Gryndall Londinensis Episcopi electi, Richardi Cockes Eliensis electi, Edwini Sandes Wigorniensis electi, Anthonii Huse Armigeri, Principalis & Primarii Registrarii dicti Archiepiscopali, Thomae Argall Armigeri Regrarii Cicestriae Prerogativae Cantuariensis, Thomae Willet, & Johannis Incent Notariorum publicorum, & aliorum quoque nonnullorum.  
Concordat cum Originali in Bibliotheca Collegii Corp. Christi apud Cantabrigiens. Ita testor Matth. Whinn Notarius Public. & Acad. Cantabr. Registrarius Principalis.  
Jan. 8.1674.   

Cambridg. Jan. 11. 1674.  
WE whose Names are hereunto subscribed, having seen the Original, whereof this Writing is a perfect Copy, and considered the Hand, and other Circumstances thereof, are fully persuaded that it is a true and genuine Record, of the Rites and Ceremonies of Archbishop Parker's Consecration, and as ancient as the Date it bears. In Witness whereof we have hereunto set our Hands, the Day and Year above written.  


Hen. Paman Orat. Publicus.  
Hen. More D. D.  
Ra. Widdrington S. T. D. & D. Marg. P.     

C. C. C. C.  
WE the Master and Fellows of Corpus Christi College, in the University of Cambridg, do hereby declare and certify, That this Writing, being a Narrative of Archbishop Parker's Consecration, in Lambeth Chappel, is faithfully transcribed from the Original Record in our College Library: and that we are fully satisfied that the said Records is as ancient as the Date it bears, and the occasion to which it doth refer. Nor can we doubt, but the plain and evident Tokens of Antiquity which it carries, will as much satisfy any ingenuous Persons who shall have a sight thereof: Which therefore we shall readily afford to those who shall repair to the College for that purpose.  


John Spencer D. D. Master of the Coll.  
John Peckover, B. D.  
Erasmus Lanc, B. D.  
Ri. Sheldrake, B. D.  
Sam. Beck, B. D.  
Hen. Gostling, B. D.  
Will. Briggs, M. A.  
John Richer, M. A.      

Number 10. An Order set down for the Translating of the Bible, by King James.  

Ex MS. D. Bolase.  The Places and Persons agreed upon for the Hebrew, with the particular Books by them undertaken.  

Westminster.  
Mr. Dean of Westminster.  
Mr. Dean of Paul's.  
Mr. Doctor Saravia.  
Mr. Doctor Clark.  
Mr. Doctor Leifield.  
Mr. Doctor Teigh.  
Mr. Burleigh.  
Mr. King.  
Mr. Tompson.  
Mr. Beadwell.   
Penteteuchon. The Story from Joshua to the first Book of Chronicles, exclusive.  

Cambridg.  
Mr. Lively.  
Mr. Richardson.  
Mr. Chatterton.  
Mr. Dillingham.  
Mr. Harrison.  
Mr. Andrews.  
Mr. Spalding.  
Mr. Burge.   
From the first of the Chronicles, with the rest of the Story, and the Hagiographi, viz. Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Canticles, Ecclesiastes.  

Oxford.  
Doctor Harding.  
Dr. Reynolds.  
Dr. Holland.  
Dr. Kilbye.  
Mr. Smith.  
Mr. Brett.  
Mr. Fairclough.   
The four, or greater Prophets, with the Lamentations, and the twelve lesser Prophets.  

Cambridg.  
Doctor Dewport.  
Dr. Branthwait.  
Dr. Radclife.  
Mr. Warde, Eman.  
Mr. Downes.  
Mr. Boys.  
Mr. Warde, Reg.   
The Prayer of Manasses, and the rest of the Apochryphas.  
The Places and Persons agreed upon for the Greek, with the particular Books by them undertaken.  

Oxford.  
Mr. Dean of Christ-Church.  
Mr. Dean of Winchester.  
Mr. Dean of Worcester.  
Mr. Dean of Windsor.  
Mr. Savile.  
Dr. Perne.  
Dr. Ravens.  
Mr. Haviner.   
The four Gospels. Acts of the Apostles. Apocalyps.  

Westminster.  
Dean of Chester.  
Dr. Hutchinson.  
Dr. Spencer.  
Mr. Fenton.  
Mr. Rabbit.  
Mr. Sanderson.  
Mr. Dakins.   
The Epistles of Saint Paul.  
The Canonical Epistles.  

The Rules to be observed in Translation of the Bible.  
1. THe ordinary Bible read in the Church, commonly called the Bishop's Bible, to be followed, and as little altered, as the Truth of the Original will permit.  
2. The Names of the Prophets, and the Holy Writers, with the other Names of the Text, to be retained, as nigh as may be, accordingly as they were vulgarly used.  
3. The old Ecclesiastical Words to be kept, viz. the word Church not to be translated Congregation, etc.  
4. When a Word hath divers significations, that to be kept which hath been most commonly used by the most of the Ancient Fathers, being agreeable to the Propriety of the Place, and the Analogy of the Faith.  
5. The division of the Chapters to be altered, either not at all, or as little as may be, if necessity so require.  
6. No Marginal Notes at all to be affixed, but only for the explanation of the Hebrew or Greek words, which cannot, without some circumlocution, so briefly and fitly be expressed in the Text.  
7. Such Quotations of Places to be marginally set down, as shall serve for the fit reference of one Scripture to another.  
8. Every particular Man of each Company, to take the same Chapter, or Chapters, and having translated, or amended them severally by himself, where he thinketh good, all to meet together, confer what they have done, and agree for their parts what shall stand.  
9 As any one Company hath dispatched any one Book in this manner, they shall send it to the rest, to be considered of seriously and judiciously, for his Majesty is very careful in this Point.  
10. If any Company, upon the review of the Book so sent, doubt or differ upon any Place, to send them word thereof; note the Place, and withal send the Reasons; to which if they consent not, the difference to be compounded at the General Meeting, which is to be of the chief Persons of each Company at the end of the Work.  
11. When any Place of special obscurity is doubted of, Letters to be directed, by Authority, to send to any Learned Man in the Land, for his judgement of such a Place.  
12. Letters to be sent from every Bishop, to the rest of his Clergy, admonishing them of this Translation in hand; and to move and charge, as many as being skilful in the Tongues; and having taken pains in that kind, to send his particular Observations to the Company, either at Westminster, Cambridg, or Oxford.  
13. The Directors in each Company, to be the Deans of Westminster and Chester for that Place; and the King's Professors in the Hebrew or Greek in either University.  
14. These Translations to be used, when they agree better with the Text than the Bishop's Bible, viz.  

tindal's.  
Matthew's.  
Coverdale's.  
Whitchurch's.  
Geneva.   
15. Besides the said Directors before mentioned, three or four of the most Ancient and Grave Divines, in either of the Universities, not employed in Translating, to be assigned by the Vicechancellor, upon conference with rest of the Heads to be Overseers of the Translations, as well Hebrew as Greek, for the better observation of the 4th Rule above specified.    

Number 11. A Declaration of certain principal Articles of Religion, set out by the Order of both Arch-Bishops, Metropolitans, and the rest of the Bishops, for the Unity of Doctrine to be taught and holden of all Parsons, Vicars, and Curates, as well in testification of their common Consent in the said Doctrine, to the stopping of the mouths of them that go about to slander the Ministers of the Church, for diversity of Judgement: as necessary for the instruction of their People, to be read by the said Parsons, Vicars, and Curates, at their Possession-taking, or first entry into their Cures. And also after that, yearly, at two several times; that is to say, the Sundays next following Easterday, and St. Michael the Archangel, or on some other Sunday, within one month after those Feasts, immediately after the Gospel.  
FOrasmuch as it appertaineth to all Christian Men, but especially to the Ministers and the Pastors of the Church, being Teachers and Instructers of others, to be ready to give a Reason of their Faith, when they shall be thereunto required: I for my part now appointed your Parson, Vicar, or Curate, having before my Eyes the Fear of God, and the Testimony of my Conscience, do acknowledge for myself▪ and require you to assent to the same.  

I.  
First; That there is but one living and true God, of infinite Power, Wisdom, and Goodness; the maker and preserver of all Things. And that in Unity of this Godhead, there be three Persons of one Substance, of equal Power and Eternity; the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.   

II.  
I believe also whatsoever is contained in the Holy Canonical Scriptures. In the which Scriptures are contained all things necessary to Salvation; by the which also, all Errors and Heresies may sufficiently be reproved and convicted; and all Doctrine and Articles, necessary to Salvation, established. I do also most firmly believe and confess all the Articles contained in the Three Creeds; The Nicene Creed, Athanasius Creed, and our Common Creed, called, the Apostles Creed; for these do briefly contain the principal Articles of our Faith, which are at large set forth in the Holy Scriptures.   

III.  
I do acknowledge also that Church to be the Spouse of Christ, wherein the Word of God is truly taught, the Sacraments orderly ministered, according to Christ's Institution, and the Authority of the Keys duly used. And that every such particular Church, hath authority to institute, to change, clean to put away Ceremonies, and other Ecclesiastical Rites, as they be superfluous, or be abused; and to constitute other, making more to Seemliness, to Order, or Edification.   

iv  
Moreover, I confess, That it is not lawful for any Man to take upon him any Office or Ministry, either Ecclesiastical or Secular, but such only as are lawfully thereunto called by their High Authorities, according to the Ordinances of this Realm.   

V  
Furthermore, I do acknowledge the Queen's Majesty's Prerogative and Superiority of Government of all Estates, and in all Causes, as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal, within this Realm, and other her Dominions and Countries, to be agreeable to God's Word, and of right to appertain to her Highness, in such sort as is in the late Act of Parliament expressed; and since by her Majesty's Injunctions declared and expounded.   

VI  
Moreover, touching the Bishop of Rome, I do acknowledge and confess, that by the Scriptures, and Word of God, he hath no more Authority than other Bishops have in their Provinces and Dioceses: And therefore the Power which he now challengeth, that is, to be the Supreme Head of the Universal Church of Christ, and so to be above all Emperors, Kings, and Princes, is an usurped Power, contrary to the Scriptures and Word of God, and contrary to the Example of the Primitive Church; and therefore is, for most just Causes, taken away and abolished in this Realm.   

VII.  
Furthermore, I do grant and confess, That the Book of Common Prayer, and Administration of the Holy Sacraments, set forth by the Authority of Parliament, is agreeable to the Scriptures, and that it is Catholic, Apostolic, and most for the advancing of God's Glory, and the edifying of God's People; both for that it is in a Tongue that may be understanded of the People, and also for the Doctrine and Form of ministration contained in the same.   

VIII.  
And although, in the Administration of Baptism, there is neither Exorcism, Oil, Salt, Spittle, or hallowing of the Water now used; and for that they were of late Years abused, and esteemed necessary. Where they pertain not to the substance and necessity of the Sacrament, they be reasonably abolished, and yet the Sacrament full and perfectly ministered, to all intents and purposes, agreeable to the Institution of our Saviour Christ.   

IX.  
Moreover, I do not only acknowledge, that Private Masses were never used amongst the Fathers of the Primitive Church; I mean, public Ministration, and receiving of the Sacrament by the Priest alone, without a just number of Communicants, according to Christ's saying, Take ye, and eat ye, etc. But also that the Doctrine that maintaineth the Mass to be a Propitiatory Sacrifice for the Quick and the Dead, and a mean to deliver Souls out of Purgatory, is neither agreeable to Christ's Ordinance, nor grounded upon Doctrine Apostolic. But contrariwise, most ungodly and most injurious to the precious Redemption of our Saviour Christ, and his only-sufficient Sacrifice offered once for ever, upon the Altar of the Cross.   

X.  
I am of that mind also, That the Holy Communion, or Sacrament, of the Body and Blood of Christ, for the due obedience to Christ's Institution, and to express the virtue of the same, aught to be ministered unto the People under both kinds. And that it is avouched by certain Fathers of the Church, to be a plain Sacrilege to rob them of the Mystical Cup, for whom Christ hath shed his most precious Blood, seeing he himself hath said, Drink ye all of this. Considering also, That in the time of the Ancient Doctors of the Church, as Cyprian, Hierom, Augustine, Gelasius, and others, six hundred Years after Christ, and more, both the Parts of the Sacrament were ministered to the People.   

Last of all.  
As I do utterly disallow the extolling of Images, Relics, and feigned Miracles; and also all kind of expressing God Invisible, in the form of an Old Man, or the Holy Ghost in form of a Dove; and all other vain worshipping of God, devised by Man's fantasy; besides, or contrary to the Scriptures, As wandering on Pilgrimages, setting up of Candles, praying upon Beads, and suchlike Superstition; which kind of Works, have no promise of Reward in Scripture, but contrariwise, Threaten and Maledictions: So I do exhort all Men to the Obedience of God's Law, and to the Works of Faith, as Charity, Mercy, Pity, Alms, devout and fervent Prayer with the affection of the Heart, and not with the Mouth only; Godly Abstinence and Fasting, Chastity, Obedience to the Rulers and Superior Powers, with suchlike Works, and godliness of Life commanded by God in his Word; which, as St. Paul saith, hath Promises both of this Life, and of the Life to come; and are Works only acceptable in God's sight.  
These things, above-rehearsed, though they be appointed by common Order, yet do I, without all compulsion, with freedom of Mind and Conscience, from the bottom of my Heart, and upon most sure persuasion, acknowledge to be true and agreeable to God's Word. And therefore I exhort you all, of whom I have Cure, hearty and obediently to embrace and receive the same; That we all joining together in unity of Spirit, Faith, and Charity, may also at length be joined together in the Kingdom of God, and that through the Merits and Death of our Saviour Jesus Christ. To whom, with the Father, and the Holy Ghost, be all Glory and Empire, now and for ever. Amen.   

Imprinted at London, in Paul's Churchyard, by Richard Jugge, Printer to the Queen's Majesty.  
Cum Privilegio Regiae Majestatis.    

* Number 12. Sir Walter Mildmay's Opinion, concerning the keeping of the Queen of Scots (October 26. 1569.) at Windsor Castle. An Original.  

The Question to be considered on, is, Whether it be less perilous to the Queen's Majesty, and the Realm, to retain the Queen of Scots in England, or to return her home into Scotland?  
IN which Question, these things are to be considered. On the one side, What Dangers are like to follow if she be retained here; and thereupon, if so avoiding of them, it shall be thought good to return her, than what Cautions and Provisions are necessary to be had.  
On the other side, are to be weighed the Dangers like to follow if she be returned home; and thereupon, if for eschewing of them, it shall be thought good to retain her here, than what Cautions and Provisions are in that Case necessary.  

Dangers in retaining the Queen of Scots.  
Her unquiet and aspiring Mind, never ceasing to practise with the Queen's Subjects. Her late practice of Marriage between the Duke of Norfolk and her, without the Queen's knowledge. The Faction of the Papists, and other Ambitious Folks, being ready and fit Instruments for her to work upon. The Commiseration that ever followeth such as be in misery, though their Deserts be never so great. Her cunning and sugared entertainment of all Men that come to her, whereby she gets both Credit and Intelligence. Her practice with the French and Spanish Ambassadors, being more near to her in England, than if she were in Scotland; and their continual solicitation of the Queen for her delivery, the denial whereof may breed War. The danger in her escaping out of Guard, whereof it is like enough she will give the Attempt. So as remaining here, she hath time and opportunity to practise and nourish Factions, by which she may work Confederacy, and thereof may follow Sedition and Tumult, which may bring peril to the Queen's Majesty and the State. Finally, it is said, That the Queen's Majesty, of her own disposition, hath no mind to retain her, but is much unquieted therewith, which is a thing greatly to be weighed.   

Cautions if she be returned.  
To deliver her into the Hands of the Regent, and the Lords now governing in Scotland, to be safely kept. That she meddle not with the State, nor make any alteration in the Government, or in Religion. That by sufficient Hostages it may be provided, that neither any Violence be used to her Person, nor that she be suffered to Govern again, but live privately, with such honourable Entertainment as is meet for the King of Scots Mother. That the League Offensive and Defensive, between France and Scotland, be never renewed. That a new and perpetual League be made between England and Scotland, whereby the Queen's Majesty may show an open Maintenance and Allowance of the King's Authority and Estate, and of the present Government, so as the Scots may wholly depend on her. That the Regent, and the Lords of Scotland, do make no composition with the Scots Queen, neither suffer her to marry, without consent of the Queen's Majesty. That the Faults whereof she hath been accused, and her declining and delaying to Answer that Accusation, may be published to the World, the better to discourage her Factious Party, both here and in Scotland.   

Dangers in returning Her.  
The manner how to deliver her Home, with the Queen's Majesty's Honour and Safety, is very doubtful. For if she be delivered in Guard, that came hither free, and at liberty, how will that stand with the Queen's Honour, and with the Requests of the French and Spanish Kings, that have continually solicited her free delivery, either into Scotland or France; or if she die in Guard, either violently or naturally, her Majesty shall hardly escape slander. If, again, she be delivered home at Liberty, or if being in Guard she should escape, than these Perils may follow.  
The suppressing of the present Government in Scotland, now depending upon the Queen's Majesty, and advancing of the contrary Faction depending upon the French. The alteration of Religion in Scotland. The renewing of the League, Offensive and Defensive, between France and Scotland, that hath so much troubled England. The renewing of her pretended claim to the Crown of this Realm. The likelihood of War to ensue between France, Scotland, and Us, and the bringing in of Strangers into that Realm to our annoyance, and great charge, as late Experience hath showed. The supportation that she is like to have of the French and Spanish Kings. And though Peace should continue between England and Scotland, yet infinite injuries will be offered by the Scots Queen's Ministers upon the Borders, which will turn to the great hurt of the Queen's Majesty's Subjects, or else to her greater Charges to redress them; for the change of the Government in Scotland, will change the Justice which now is had, unto all Injury and Unjustice. The likelihood she will revoke the Earl Bothwell, now her Husband, though unlawful, as it is said, a Man of most evil and cruel Affection to this Realm, and to his own Countrymen: Or, if she should marry another that were alike Enemy, the Peril must needs be great on either side.  
And albeit to these Dangers may be generally said, That such Provision shall be made, by Capitulations with her, and by Hostages from the Regent, and the Lords of Scotland, as all these Perils shall be prevented.   

To that may be answered.  
That no Fact which she shall do here in England will hold, for she will allege the same to be done in a Foreign Country, being restrained of Liberty. That there is great likelihood of escape, wheresoever she be kept in Scotland; for her late escape there, sheweth, how she will leave no way unsought to achieve it; and the Country being, as it is, greatly divided, and of nature marvellously Factious, she is the more like to bring it to pass. Or if the Regent, by any practice, should yield to a composition, or finding his Party weak, should give over his Regiment, Then what assurance have we, either of Amity or Religion. That the Regent may be induced to do this, appeareth by his late secret Treaty with the Duke of Norfolk, for her Marriage, without the Queen's Majesty's knowledge. And though the Regent should persevere constant, yet if he should be taken away directly, or indirectly, (the like whereof is said, hath been attempted against him) then is all at large, and the Queen of Scots most like to be restored to her Estate, the Factions being so great in Scotland, as they are; so as the Case is very tickle and dangerous to hang upon so small a Thread, as the Life of one Man, by whom it appeareth the whole at this present is contained.  
And touching the Hostages, though that Assurance might be good to preserve her from Violence in Scotland, yet it may be doubted how the same will be sufficient to keep her from escaping or governing a-again, seeing, for her part, she will make little Conscience of the Hostages if she may prevail; and the punishing of the Hostages, will be a small satisfaction to the Queen's Majesty for the Troubles that may ensue. And for the doubt of her escape, or of Rebellion within this Realm, it may be said, That if she should not be well guarded, but should be left open to practise, than her Escape, and the other Perils, might be doubted of; but if the Queen's Majesty hold a stricter hand over her, and put her under the Care of a fast and circumspect Man, all practice shall be cut from her, and the Queen's Majesty free from that Peril. And more safe it is for the Queen to keep the Bridle in her own Hand, to restrain the Scottish Queen, than in returning her home, to commit that trust to others, which by Death, composition, or abusing of one Person, may be disappointed.  
And if she should, by any means, recover her Estate, the doubt of Rebellion there, is not taken away, but rather to be feared, if she have ability to her Will. And if she find strength, by her own or Foreign Friends, she is not far off to give Aid, upon a main Land, to such as will stir for her; which, so long as she is here, they will forbear, lest it might bring most Peril to herself, being in the Queen's Hands. The like respect, no Doubt will move Foreign Princes to become Requesters, and no Threatners, for her delivery.  
And where it is said, That the Queen's Majesty cannot be quiet so long as she is here, but it may breed danger to her Majesty's Health. That is a Matter greatly to be weighed, for it were better to adventure all, than her Majesty should inwardly conceive any thing to the danger of her Health. But as that is only known to such as have more inward Acquaintance with her Majesty's disposition, than is fit for some other to have. So again, it is to be thought, that her Majesty being wise, if the Perils like to follow, in returning her Home, were laid before her; and if she find them greater than the other, she will be induced easily to change her Opinion, and thereby may follow to her Majesty's great satisfaction and quietness.   

Cautions if she be retained.  
To remove her somewhat nearer the Court, at the least within one days Journey of London, whereby it shall be the more easy to understand of her Do.  
To deliver her in custody to such as be thought most sound in Religion, and most void of practice.  
To diminish her number, being now about forty Persons, to the one half, to make thereby the Queen's Charges the less, and to give her the fewer means of Intelligence.  
To cut from her all Access, Letters and Messages, other than such as he that shall have the Charge shall think fit.  
To signify to all Princes, the occasion of this straight Guard upon her, to be her late practice with the Duke of Norfolk, which hath given the Queen cause to doubt: further assuring them, that she shall be used honourably, but kept safely from troubling the Queen's Majesty, or this State.  
That she be retained here, until the Estate of Scotland be more settled, and the Estate of other Countries now in garboil, be quieted, the Issue whereof is like to be seen in a Year or two.     

Number 12. A Letter written by the Earl of Leicester, to the Earl of Sussex, concerning the Queen of Scots; taken from the first Draught of it, written with his own hand.  
MY good Lord, I received your Letter in the answer of mine; 
Ex M. SS. Nob. D. Evelyn.  and though I have not written sooner again to your Lordship, both according to your desire, and the necessity of our Cases at this time; yet I doubt not but you are fully advertised of her Majesty's Pleasure otherwise. For my own part, I am glad your Lordship hath prospered so well in your Journey, and have Answered, in all Points, the good Opinion conceived of you.  
And touching her Majesty's further Resolution, for these Causes, my Lord, I assure you, I know not well what to write. First, I see her Majesty willing and desirous, as Reason is, to work her own Security, and the quietness of her State, during her time, which I trust in God shall be far longer than we shall live to see end of. And herein, my Lord, there be sundry Minds, and among ourselves, I must confess to your Lordship, we are not fully agreed which way is best to take. And to your Lordship, I know I may be bold, beside the Friendship I own you, the Place you hold presently, doth require all the understanding that may be, to the furtherance of her Majesty's good Estate; wherefore I shall be the bolder even to let you know as much as I do, and how we rest among us.  
Your Lordship doth consider, for the State of Scotland, her Majesty hath those two Persons, being divided, to deal with, the Queen of Scotland, lately by her Subjects deprived, and the young King her Son Crowned and set up in her Place. Her Majesty, of these two, is to choose, and of necessity must choose which of them she will allow and accept, as the Person sufficient to hold the principal Place. And here groweth the Question in our Council to her Majesty, Which of these two are most fit for her to maintain and join in Amity with? To be plain with your Lordship, The most in number do altogether conceive her Majesty's best and surest way is, to maintain and continue the young King in this his Estate, and thereby to make her whole Party in Scotland, which by the settling of him, with the cause of Religion, is thought most easiest, most safest, and most probable for the perpetual quieting and benefit to her own Estate, and great assurance made of such a Party, and so small Charges thereby, as her Majesty may make account to have the like Authority, and assured Amity in Scotland, as heretofore she had in the time of the late Regent.  
The Reasons against the other, are these shortly.  
The Title that the Queen claimeth to this Crown: The overthrow of Religion in that Country: The impossibility of any assurance for the observing of any Pact or Agreement made between our Sovereign and her. These be Causes your Lordship sees sufficient to dissuade all Men from the contrary Opinion. And yet, my Lord, it cannot be denied, upon indifferent looking into the Matter on both sides, but the clearest is full enough of Difficulties. And then, my Lord, is the Matter disputable; and yet I think verily, not for Argument-sake, but even for Duty and Conscience-sake, to find out Truth, and safest means for our Sovereign's best doing. And thus we differ. The first you have heard touching the young King.  
On the other side this it is thought, and of these I must confess myself to your Lordship to be one: And God is my Judge, whether it be for any other respect in this World, but that I suppose, and verily believe it may prove best for her Majesty's own quietness during her time.  
And here I must before open to your Lordship indeed her Majesty's true State she presently stands in; which, though it may be granted the former Advice the better way, yet how hardly it layeth in her Power to go thorough withal, you shall easily judge. For it must be confessed, That by the taking into her protection the King and the Faction, she must enter into a War for it: And as the least War being admitted, cannot be maintained without great Charge: so such a War may grow, France or Spain setting in foot, as may cause it to be an intolerable War. Then being a War, it must be Treasure that must maintain it. That she hath Treasure to continue any time in War, surely, my Lord, I cannot see it: And as your Lordship doth see the present Relief for Money we trust upon, which either failing us, or it rising no more than I see it like to be, not able long to last; Where is there further hope of help hereafter? For my own part I see none. If it be so, then, my Lord, that her Majesty's present estate is such as I tell you, which I am sure is true; How shall this Counsel stand with security, by taking a Party to enter into a War, when we are no way able to maintain it; for if we enter into it once, and be driven, either for Lack, or any other way, to shrink, what is like to follow of the Matter, your Lordship can well consider; the best is, we must be sorry for that we have done, and per-chance seek to make a-mends, where we neither would nor should. This is touching the present State we stand in. Besides we are to remember what already we have done; how many ways, even now together, the Realm hath been universally burdened.  
First, For the keeping of new bands, after the furnishing of Armour; and therein how continually the Charge sooner hath grown, than Subsidies paid.  
And lastly, the marvellous charge in most Countries against the late Rebellion, with this Loan of Money now on the neck of it. Whether this State doth require further cause of imposition, or no, I refer to your Lordship? And whether entering into a further Charge than her Majesty hath presently wherewithal to bear, it will force such a Matter or no, I refer to wiser to judge.  
And now, my Lord, I will show you such Reasons as move me to think as I do. In Worldly Causes, Men must be governed by Worldly Policies; and yet so to frame them, as God, the Author of all, be chief regarded. From him we have received Laws, under which all men's Policies and Devices ought to be Subject; and through his Ordinance, the Princes on the Earth have Authority to give Laws; by which also, all Princes have the Obedience of the People. And though in some Points, I shall deal like a Worldly Man for my Prince, yet I hope I shall not forget that I am a Christian, nor my Duty to God.  
Our Question is this; Whether it be meeter for our Sovereign to maintain the young King of Scotland, and his Authority; or upon Composition, restore the Queen of Scots into her Kingdom again? To restore her simply, we are not of Opinion, for so I must confess a great oversight, and doubt no better Success, than those that do Object most Perils thereby to ensue. But if there be any Assurances in this World to be given, or any Provision by Worldly Policy to be had, then, my Lord, I do not see but Ways and Means may be used with the Queen of Scots, whereby her Majesty may be at quiet, and yet delivered of her present great Charge. It is granted and feared of all sides, that the cause of any trouble or danger to her Majesty, is the Title the Queen of Scotland pretends to the Crown of this Realm. The Danger we fear should happen by her, is not for that she is Queen of Scotland, but that other the great Princes of Christendom do favour her so much, as in respect of her Religion, they will in all Causes assist her; and specially, by the colour of her Title, seem justly to aid and relieve her, and the more lawfully take her and her Causes into their Protection. Then is the Title granted to be the chief Cause of danger to our Sovereign. If it be so, Whether doth the setting up the Son in the Mother's Place, from whence his Title must be claimed, take away her Title in the Opinion of those Princes, or no, notwithstanding she remain Prisoner? It appeareth plainly, No; for there is continual Labour and means made, from the greatest Princes, our Neighbours, to the Queen's Majesty, for restoring the Queen of Scotland to her Estate and Government, otherwise they protest open Relief and Aid for her. Then though her Majesty do maintain the young King in his present Estate, yet it appears that other Princes will do the contrary: And having any advantage, how far they will proceed, Men may suspect. And so we must conceive, that as long as this Difference shall continue, by the maintaining of these two, so long shall the same Cause remain, to the trouble and danger of the Queen's Majesty. And now to avoid this whilst she lives, What better Mean is there to take this Cause away, but by her own consent, to renounce and release all such Interest or Title as she claimeth, either presently or hereafter, during the Life of her Majesty, and the Heirs of her Body. Albeit, here may two Questions be moved.  
First, Whether the Scots Queen will renounce her Title, or no?  
Secondly, If she will do so, What Assurance may she give for the performance thereof?  
To the first, It is most certain she hath, and presently doth offer, wholly and frankly, to release and renounce all manner of Claims and Titles, whatsoever they be, to the Crown of this Realm, during her Majesty's Life, and the Heirs of her Body.  
And for the second; She doth likewise offer all manner of Security and Assurances that her Majesty can devise, and is in that Queen's possible Power to do, she excepteth none.  
Then must we consider what may be Assurances, for here is the difficulty. For that Objections be that Princes never hold Promises longer than for their own Commodity; and what Security soever they put in, they may break if they will. All this may be granted; but yet that we must grant also, that Princes do daily Treat and deal one with another; and of necessity are forced to trust to such Bonds and Assurances as they contract by. And as there is no such Surety to be had in Worldly Matters, but all are subject to many Casualties; yet we see such Devices made, even among Princes, as doth tie them to perform that, which if they might conveniently choose, they would not. And in this Matter of the Queen of Scotland, since she doth offer both to leave the cause of the difference that is between the Queen's Majesty and her; and also to give all Surety that may be by ourselves devised to observe the same; I do not see but such means may be devised to tie her so strongly, as though she would break, yet I cannot find what advantage she shall get by it. For beside, that I would have her own simple Renunciation to be made by the most substantial Instrument that could be devised. The assent of some others should confirm the same also. Her own Parliaments at home should do the like with the full Authority of the whole Estates. They should deliver her Son, and such other principal Noblemen of her Realm for Hostages, as the Queen's Majesty should name. She should also put into her Majesty's Hands, some one piece or two of her Realm, and for such a time as should be thought meet by her Majesty, except Edinburgh. The Queen's Majesty might also, by ratifying this by a Parliament here, make a Forfeiture, if the Queen of Scotland should any way, directly or indirectly, go about to infringe this Agreement of all such Titles and Claims that did remain in the Queen of Scotland, after her Majesty and her Issue, never to be capable of any Authority or Sovereignty within this Realm. These I would think to be sufficient Bonds to bind any Prince, specially no mightier than she is. And this much more would I have, that even as she shall be thus bound, for the relief of her Title to the Queen's Majesty and her Issue; So shall she suffer the Religion received and established in Scotland already, to be confirmed, and not altered. In like sort, the Amity between these two Realms, to be such, and so frankly united, as no other League with any Foreign Prince, should stand in force to break it. For I think verily, as the first is chiefest touching her Majesty's own Person, so do I judge the latter, I mean, the confirmation of the Religion already there received, to be one of the assuredst and likeliest means to hold her Majesty a strong and continual Party in Scotland. The trial hereof hath been already sufficient, when her Majesty had none other Interest at all, but only the maintenance of the True Religion, the same Cause remaining still the same affection in the same Persons that do profess it, I trust, and it is like, will not change. And thougn the Scots Queen should now be settled in her Kingdom again, yet is she not like to be greater or better esteemed now than heretofore, when both her Authority was greater, and her good will ready to alter this Religion, but could not bring it to pass. No more is it like these further Provisions being taken, she shall do it now. And the last Cause also is not without great hope of some good Success; for as the oppression of Strangers heretofore had utterly wearied them of that Yoke, so hath this peaceable time, between them and us, made them know the Liberty of their own, and the Commodity of us their Neighbours.  
This, my Lord, doth lead me to lean to this Opinion, finding thereby rather both more surety, and more quietness, for my Sovereign's present time, having, by the contrary, many occasions of trouble cut off, and the intolerable Charge eschewed, which I cannot find by any possible means, her Majesty able to sustain for any long time.  
Thus hastily I am driven to end my long, cumbersome Letter to your Lordship, though very desirous to impart my mind herein to your Lordship.   

Number 13. The Bull of Pope Pius the Fifth, Deposing Queen Elizabeth; absolving her Subjects from the Oaths of Allegiance, and Anathematising such as continued in their Obedience.  
Pius Episcopus Servus Servorum Dei ad futuram rei memoriam.  
REgnans in Excelsis, cui data est omnis in Coelo, & in Terra Potestas, 
Potestas Petri,  unam Sanctam, Catholicam, & Apostolicam Ecclesiam, extra quam nulla est Salus, uni soli in Terris, videlicet Apostolorum Principi Petro, Petrique Successori Romano Pontifici in potestatis plenitudine tradidit gubernandam. Hunc unum super omnes gentes, & omnia Regna Principem constituit, qui evellat, destruat, disperdat, plantet & edificet: ut fidelem populum mutuae charitatis nexu constrictum, in unitate Spiritus contineat, salvumque & incolumem suo exhibeat Salvatori. Quo quidem in munere obeundo nos ad praedictae Ecclesiae gubernacula Dei benignitate vocati, nullum laborem intermittimus, omni opere contendentes, ut ipsa Unitas & Catholica Religio (quam illius autor ad probandum suorum fidem, & correctionem nostram, tantis procellis conflictare permisit) integra conservetur.  
Sed impiorum numerus tantum potentia invaluit, 
Elizabethae Flagitia.  ut nullus jam in Orbe locus sit relictus, quem illi pessimis doctrinis corrumpere non tentarint, adnitente inter caeteros flagitiorum Serua Elizabetha praetensa Angliae Regina, ad quam, veluti ad asylum, omnium infestissimi profugium invenerunt. Haec eadem Regno occupato, Supremi Ecclesiae capitis locum in omni Anglia, ejusque praecipuam autoritatem atque Jurisdictionem monstrose sibi usurpans, Regnum ipsum jam tum ad fidem Catholicam & bonam frugem reductum, rursus in miserum exitium revocavit. Usu namque verae Religionis, quam ab illius desertore Henrico Octavo olim eversam, clarae memoriae Maria Regina legitima, hujus sedis praesidio reparaverat, potenti manu inhibito, Secutisque & amplexis Haereticorum erroribus, Regium Consilium ex Anglica Nobilitate confectum diremit, illudque obscuris hominibus Haereticis complevit; Catholicae Fidei cultores oppressit, improbos Concionatores, atque impietatum administros reposuit; Missae Sacrificium, Preces, Jejunia, ciborum delectum, Coelibatum, Ritusque Catholicos abolevit: libros manifestam Haeresim continentes, toto Regno proponi, impia mysteria. & instituta ad Calvini praescriptum a se suscepta, & observata, etiam a subditis servari mandavit: Episcopos, Ecclesiarum Rectores, & alios Sacerdotes Catholicos, suis Ecclesiis & Beneficiis ejicere, ac de illis, & aliis rebus Ecclesiasticis, in Haereticos homines disponere, deque Ecclesiae causis decernere ausa, Prelatis, Clero & Populo, ne Romanam Ecclesiam agnoscerent, neve ejus praeceptis Sanctionibusque Canonicis obtemperarent, interdixit; plerosque in nefarias leges suas venire, & Romani Pontificis autoritatem, atque obedientiam abjurare, seque solam in Temporalibus & Spiritualibus Dominam agnoscere, jurejurando coegit: poenas & supplicia eye, qui dicto non essent audientes, imposuit, easdemque ab iis, qui in unitate fidei & predicta obedientia perseverarunt, exegit: Catholicos Antistites & Ecclesiarum Rectores in vincula conjecit; ubi multi diuturno languore & tristitia confecti, extremum Vitae diem misere finierunt.  

Necessitas Pontificem ad judicium impellens.  Quae omnia cum apud omnes Nationes perspicua & notiora sint, & gravissimo quam plurimorum testimonio ita comprobata, ut nullus omnino locus excusationis, defensionis, aut tergiversationis relinquatur: Nos multiplicatis aliis atque aliis super alias impietatibus & facinoribus, & praeterea fidelium persecutione, religionisque afflictione, impulsu & opera dictae Elizabethae, quotidie magis ingravescente; quoniam illius animum ita obfirmatum atque induratum intelligimus, ut non modo pias Catholicorum Principum, de sanitate & conversatione preces, monitionesque contempserit, sed ne hujus quidem sedis ad ipsam hac de Causa Nuncios in Angliam trajicere permiserit; ad arma justitiae contra eam de necessitate conversi, dolorem lenire non possumus, quod adducamur in illam animadvertere, cujus majores de Rep. Christiana tantopere meruere.  
Illius itaque autoritate suffulti, qui nos in hoc supremo Justitiae Throno, licet tanto oneri impares, voluit collocare, de Apostolicae potestatis plenitudine, declaramus praedictam Elizabetham Haereticam, & Haereticorum fautricem, eique adherentes in predictis, anathematis sententiam incurrisse, 
Sentiae Declaratio.  esseque a Christi Corporis unitate praecisos: Quin etiam ipsam praetenso Regni praedicti jure, necnon omni & quorumque Dominio, dignitate, privilegioque privatam: Et item proceres, subditos & populos dicti Regni, ac caeteros omnes, qui illi quomodocunque juraverunt a Juramento hujusmodi, ac omni prorsus dominii, fidelitatis, & obsequii debito, perpetuo absolutos, prout nos illos praesentium authoritate absolvimus, & privamus eandem Elizabetham praetenso jure Regni, aliisque omnibus supradictis. Praecipimusque & interdicimus Universis & singulis Proceribus, Subditis, Populis & aliis praedictis; ne illi, ejusve monitis, mandatis, & legibus audeant obedire: Qui secus egerint, eos simili Anathematis sententia innodamus. Quia vero difficile nimis esset presentes quocunque illis opus erit perferre; Volumus ut earum exempla, Notarii Publici manu, & Prelati Ecclesiastici, ejusve Curiae Sigillo obsignata, eandem illam prorsus fidem in judicio & extra illud ubique gentium faciant, quam ipsae presentes facerent, si essent exhibitae, vel ostensae.  
Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum, Anno Incarnationis Dominicae Millesimo quingentesimo Sexagesimo Nono, Quinta Kalend. Martii, Pontificatus nostri Anno Quinto. Cae. Glorierius. H. Humyn.    

AN APPENDIX Concerning some of the Errors and Falsehoods IN SANDER's Book OF THE English Schism.   

AN APPENDIX.  
IT has been observed of Thiefs, that by a long practice in that ill course of Life, they grow so in love with it, that when there is no Advantage to be made by Stealing, yet they must keep their Hand in use, and continue their address and dexterity in it: so also Liars, by a frequent Custom, grow to such a habit, that in the commonest things, they cannot speak Truth, even though it might conduce to their Ends more than their Lies do.  had so given himself up to vent Reproaches and Lies, that he often does it for nothing, without any End, but to carry on a Trade, that had been so long driven by him, that he knew not how to lay it down. He wrote our History, merely upon the Reports that were brought him, without any care or information about the most public and most indifferent Things: but not content to set down those Tattles, he shows his Wit in refining about them, and makes up such Politics and Schems of Government, as might suit with these Reports, and agree with his own Malice. His Work is all of a piece, and as it was made out in the former Volume, how ignorantly and disingeniously he writ concerning King Henry the Eighth's Reign, so I shall add a further Discovery of the remaining parts of his Book, which will sufficiently convince, even the most partial Readers of the impudence of that Author; who seems to have had no other design in writing, but to impose on the credulity and weakness of those, who he knew were inclined to believe every thing that might cast blemishes on a Work, against which they were so strongly prejudiced, as the Reformation of this Church: since a Field which they so often reaped, and with whose Spoils their Court was so enriched, was no more at their Devotion. So they are ever since concerned in Interest to use all the ways they can think on, to disgrace a Change that was so fatal to them. But as the Reformation of this Church has hitherto stood, notwithstanding all their Designs against it, so it is to be hoped, that the History of it will be hereafter better understood, notwithstanding all the Libels and Calumnies by which they have endeavoured to represent it, in such black and odious Colours to the World.  
Sanders says, 
Page 176.  King Edward was in the 9th Year of his Age when he came to the Crown.  
This is of no great consequence, but it shows how little this Author considered what he writ, when in so public a thing as the King's Age, he misreckons a Year, for he was born the 12th of October 1537; so in January 1547, he was in the 10th Year of his Age.  
2. He says, King Edward was not only declared King of England, 
Ibid.  and Ireland, but made Supreme Head of the Church; and upon that runs out, to show how uncapable a Child was of that Power.  
This is set down in such terms, as if there had been some special Act made for his being Supreme Head of the Church, distinct from his being proclaimed King, whereas there was no such thing; for the Supremacy being annexed to the Crown, the one went with the other: and it being but a Civil Power, might be as well exercised by the King's Governors, before he came to be of Age, as the other Rights of the Crown were.  

Pag. 177.  3. He says, The Earl of Hartford was made by himself Duke of Somerset.  
This was done by order of the whole Council, in pursuance of King Henry's Design, proved by those Witnesses that were beyond exception: and that King having by his Will charged his Executors to fulfil those things which he intended to do, this was found to be one of them.  

Pag. 178.  4. He says, The Duke of Somerset made himself the only Governor of the King, and Protector; none daring to oppose it openly, but Wriothesley, whom King Henry, when he was dying, had made Lord Chancellor.  
The Protector was advanced to that Dignity, by the unanimous consent of the whole Council; to which the Lord Chancellor consented, and signed the Order about it, the Original whereof is yet extant; for though he argued against it before it was done, yet he joined with the rest in doing it: Nor was he made Chancellor by King Henry at his Death, but two Years before.  

Ibid.  5. He says, On the 27th of February, two days before the King was crowned, the Protector persuaded the King to create many new Peers; who were all Heretics, except Dudley Earl of Warwick.  
Our Author, by this show of exactness, would persuade the Reader, that he had considered Dates, and the smallest particulars, with the care that became an Historian: But he little thought that any would come after him, and examine what he said. By this Account the King must have been crowned the first of March, but it was done Feb. 20. and the Peers were created on the 16th of February, four days before. They were not all Heretics, for he forgot that Wriothesley was at the same time made Earl of Southampton, which he afterwards insinuates was done upon another account. But all those Creations, were in persuance of King Henry's Designs, and in obedience to his latter Will.  

Ibid.  6. He says, They forced Wriothesley to resign his Office, and turned both him, and the Earl of Arundel, out of the Council, because they were Catholics.  
Wriothesley was turned out upon no account of Religion, but for putting the Great Seal to a Commission, that was against Law, (according to the Opinion which the Judges declared under their hands) without any Warrant from the Council; himself acknowledging the justice of the Sentence. The Earl of Arundel was not turned out of the Council; on the contrary, in the Patent by which the Protector held his Office, that passed after the Chancellor was removed, he is named to be one of the Privy Council.  
7. He says, 
Pag. 179.  The Protector would needs force all the Clergy to submit in every thing to the King's Orders; and sets down the Form in which the King writ to Archbishop Cranmer.  
In this nothing was done, but what was begun by King Henry, and to which all the Clergy, even his beloved Bonner not excepted, had formerly submitted. So this was no new thing set up by the Protector, it being only the renewing the Bishop's Patents in the new King's Name: And this was no part of the Reformation, for it was done only to awe the Popish Bishops, but was soon after laid aside. What he sets down as a Letter of King Edward's to Cranmer, is the Preamble of the Patent he took out. So little did this Writer know the things that truly make to the advantage to the Cause, which he designed to assert.  
8. He says, The New Protector, among the first things he did, 
Pag. 180.  restrained all Preaching, and silenced all the Bishops and Pastors: so that none were licenced to preach, but the Lutherans and Zwinglians.  
The first Injunctions set out in the King's Name, required all Bishops to preach at least four times a Year, in their Dioceses; and to keep Learned Chaplains who might be able to preach, and should be often much employed in it. And thus Matters stood the first Year of this Reign: In the beginning of the second Year, upon complaints made of the rashness of some Preachers, a Proclamation was put out, that none should preach without a Licence from the King, or the Arch-Bishops, or the Bishop of the Diocese; except Incumbents in their own Parishes. Afterwards there was, for some little time, a total prohibition of Preaching, but that was to last for a short while, till the Book of Common Prayer, which was then a preparing, should be finished. This was equally made on both hands; for the Prohibition was universal, without exception: so falsely has our Author stated this Matter; which one would think he ignorantly drew from what Queen Mary did, applying it to this Reign; for she, upon her coming to the Crown, did prohibit all Preaching, excepting only such as were licenced to it by Gardiner, under the Great Seal.  
9 He says, Latimer was turned out of the Bishopric of Worcester, 
Pag. 181.  by King Henry, upon suspicion of Heresy.  
Latimer did freely resign his Bishopric, upon the passing of the Act of the six Articles, with which he could not comply with a good Conscience.  
10. He says, The Protector put Cox and Cheek about the King, 
Pag. 182.  that they might corrupt his Mind with Heretical Doctrines.  
These were put about him three Years before, by King Henry's Order; as that young King himself informs us in his Journal.  

Pag. 184.  11. He says, The Heads of the Colleges were turned out, and the Catholic Doctors were forbid to preach.  
I do not find one Head of a College in either University was turned out; for though they generally loved the Old Superstition, yet they loved their Places much better. And indeed the whole Clergy did so readily conform themselves to every Change that was made, that it was not easy to find Colours for turning out Bonner and Gardiner. All Preachers had the liberty of their own Pulpits, except for a very little while.  

Ibid.  12. He says, They decried the School Divinity, and the Works of Lombard, Aquinas, and Scotus, and so threw all Learning out of the Schools.  
They could not do that more, than Sir Thomas More, Erasmus, and other Popish Writers had done before them; who had expressed their scorn of that way of Treating Divine Matters, so copiously, that it was no wonder it was much despised. Those Writers had, by a set of dark and barbarous Maxims and Terms, so entangled all the Articles of Faith, and imposed by the World, on an appearance of saying somewhat, when really they said nothing: and pretending to explain Religion, they had so exposed it, that their way of Divinity was become equally nauseous and ridiculous.  

Pag. 186.  13. He says, Bucer and Peter Martyr, being brought out of Germany, did corrupt the Universities; and entertained the Youth with Discourses of Predestination, Reprobation, and a fatal necessity of things.  
This was so far from being much taught, that on the contrary, in one of the Articles of Religion, the curious Inquiries into those abstruse Points, was by Public Authority forbid. Bucer and Martyr read for most part in the Chairs, upon the Mass, and the other Corruptions of the Popish Worship. They also declared St. Austin's Doctrine about Grace, but I do not find they ever meddled with Reprobation.  

Pag. 190.  14. After a long Invective, which is to pass as a piece of his Wit and Poetry, he says, Bucer was inclined to become a Jew, and was descended from Jewish Parents; and that the Lord Paget had heard him say, That the Corporal Presence was so clear in the Scripture, that no Man could deny it, who believed the Gospel; but for his part, he did not believe all that was said in the New Testament concerning our Saviour.  
This is as suitable to our Author's Honesty as can be: Bucer was never accused of this by any of his Enemies, as long as he lived. No Man in that Age writ with a greater sense of the Kingdom of Christ than he did. And for the Story of the Lord Paget, we have nothing for it but the Author's word; and Poets must make Circumstances, as well as more signal Contrivances, to set off their Fables. But there was no occasion for Bucer's saying this, since he never declared against the Corporal Presence; but was for taking up that Controversy in some general Expressions. So it was not suitable to his Opinion in that Matter, for him to talk so loosely of the Scriptures. And is it credible that a Story of this nature, should not have been published in Queen Mary's Time, and been made use of, when he was condemned for an Heretic, and his Body raised and burnt. But our Author, perhaps, did not think of that.  
15. He says, 
Pag. 191.  Peter Martyr was a while in suspense concerning the Eucharist, and stayed till he should see what the Parliament should appoint in that Matter.  
P. Martyr argued and read in the Chair against the Corporal Presence, four Years before the Parliament meddled with it: For the second Common-Prayer Book, which contained the first public Declaration that the Parliament made in this Matter, was enacted in the fifth Year of King Edward; and Peter Martyr, from his first coming to England, had appeared against it.  
16. He said, The first Parliament under King Edward, 
Pag. 193.  appointed a new Form to be used in ordaining Priests and Bishops; who till that time had been Ordained according to the Old Rites, save only, that they did not swear Obedience to the Pope.  
This is a further Evidence of our Author's care in searching the printed Statutes; since what was done in the Fifth Year of this Reign, he represents as done in the First. His Design in this was clear; he had a mind to possess all his own Party with an Opinion, that the Orders given in this Church were of no force, and therefore he thought it a decent piece of his Poem, to set down this Change as done so early: since if he had mentioned it in its proper place, he knew not how to deny the validity of the Orders that were given the first four Years of this Reign, which continued to be conferred according to the old Forms.  
17. He says, The Parliament did also at the same time, 
Ibid.  confirm a new Book of Common-Prayer, and of the Administration of the Sacraments.  
This is of a piece with the former; for the Act confirming the Common-Prayer Book, which is also among the Printed Statutes, passed not in this Session of Parliament, but in a second Session, a Year after this. These are Indications sufficient to show what an Historian Sanders was, that did not so much as read the Public Acts of the Time concerning which he writ.  
18. He says, They ordered all Images to be removed, 
Ibid.  and sent some lewd Men over England for that effect; who either brake or burned the Images of our Saviour, the Blessed Virgin, and the Saints; therein declaring against whom they made War; and they ordered the King's Arms, three Leopards, and three Lilies, with the Supporters, a Dog and a Serpent, to be set in the place where the Cross of Christ stood: thereby owning that they were no longer to worship Jesus Christ, whose Images they broke, but the King, whose Arms they set up in the room of those Images.  
In this Period there is an equal mixture of Falsehood and Malice. 1. The Parliament did not order the removal of Images; It was done by the King's Visitors, before the Parliament sat. 2. The total removal of Images was not done the first Year, only those Images that were abused to Superstition, were taken down, and a Year after the total removal followed. 3. They took care that this should be done regularly, not by the Visitors, who only carried the King's Injunctions about it, but by the Curates themselves. 4. They did not order the King's Arms to be put in the place where the Cross had stood. It grew indeed to be a custom to set them up in all Churches, thereby expressing, that they acknowledged the King's Authority reached even to their Churches; but there was no Order made about it. 5. I leave him to the Correction of the Heralds, for saying, the King's Arms are Three Leopards, when every Body knows they are three Lions, and a Lion, not a Dog, is one Supporter, and the other is a Dragon, not a Serpent. 6. By their setting up the King's Arms, and not his Picture, it is plain they had no thought of worshipping their King, but did only acknowledge his Authority. 7. It was no less clear, that they had no design against the Worship due to Jesus Christ, nor that inferior respect due to the Blessed Virgin and Saints; but intended only to wean the People from that, which at best was but Pageantry: but as it was practised, was manifest Idolatry. And the painting on the Walls of the Churches the Ten Commandments, the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, with many other passages of Scripture that were of most general use, showed, they intended only to cleanse their Churches from those mixtures of Heathenism, that had been brought into the Christian Religion.  

Pag. 193.  19 He says, They took away the Sacrifice of the Body and Blood of Christ, that they might thereby give some colour to the converting of the Sacred Vessels to the King's use.  
They took away no part of the Institution of Christ, for they set it down in the Act passed about it; and recited all the words of the first Institution of the Sacrament; they only condemned private Masses, as contrary to Christ's Institution. They did not convert the Holy Vessels to the King's use, nor were they taken out of the Churches till five Years after this; that the Necessities of the Government, either real or pretended, were alleged to excuse the taking away the superfluous Plate that was in Churches: But this was not done by Act of Parliament, but by Commissioners empowered by the King, who were ordered to leave in every Church, such Vessels as were necessary for the Administration of the Sacraments.  

Ibid.  20. He says, The Parliament ordered the Prayers to be in the Vulgar Tongue; and upon that he infers, that the Irish, the Welsh, and the Cornish-men, were now in a much worse condition than before; since they understood no English, so that the Worship was to them in a Tongue more unknown than it had formerly been.  
The Parliament made no such Order at this Time: the Book of Common Prayer was set out first by the King's Authority, and ratified by the subsequent Session of Parliament. There was also a Design, which though it was then accomplished, yet it was done afterwards, of translating the Liturgy into these Tongues: but still the English was much more understood by all sorts of Men among them, than the Latin had been.  
21. He says, The Office of the Communion, 
Pag. 194.  appointed by this Parliament, differed very little from the Mass, save that it was in English.  
The Error of the Parliaments appointing the new Offices, runs through all he says on this Subject. But in the new Office of the Communion, the Idolatry of worshipping, carrying about, or exposing the Sacrament, was laid aside. The trade of particular Masses for private Occasions, the Prayers to the Saints, the denying the People the Chalice, with a great many of the Rites and Gesticulations formerly used, were all laid aside; so that there were great changes made. Every thing was not done at once, but they began with the Abuses that did most require a Reformation, and went on afterwards to the changing of lesser things.  
22. He says, 
Ibid.  Sir Ralph Sadler took the Wife of one Matthew Barrow; so upon pretence of his being dead, his Wife married Sadler: but her first Husband coming home, he sought to have his Wife again. It was brought into the Parliament in King Henry's Time, and now it was enacted, that she should be Sadler's Wife; he being the richer and greater Man. So against the Laws of the Gospel, a Wife while her Husband was yet alive, was adjudged to a second Husband.  
This is, as far as I can learn, a Forgery from the beginning to the end: and it seems Sadler, that was a Privy Counsellor in Queen Elizabeth's Time, did somewhat that so provoked Sanders, that he resolved to be revenged of him and his Family, by casting such an aspersion on him. I find no Footsteps of any such Story; sure I am, there is nothing concerning it in the Records of this Parliament. And for the Business of the Dissolution of Marriages for Adultery, Absence, or any other Cause, there was so great, and so strict an enquiry made into it; after, the Parliament was ended, in the Case of the Marquis of Northampton, that it is clear it was the first of that sort that was examined; and might perhaps, after it was confirmed in Parliament, in the 5th Year of this Reign, have been made a Precedent for other Cases; but this of Saddler, in the first Parliament, is a Contrivance of our Authors. It is not improbable, that when afterwards it was judged, that the Marriage-Bond was dissolved by Adultery, they might likewise declare it dissolved, upon voluntary and long absence, since St. Paul had said, That a Brother or a Sister were not under Bondage in such Cases.  
22. He says, Gardiner, Bonner, Tonstal, Heath, and Day, 
Pag. 196.  were much grieved at the Changes that were made: yet they complied in many things, till being required to deliver some Blasphemous Doctrines in their Sermons, they refusing to give Obedience in that, were deprived; but were afterwards condemned to perpetual Imprisonment under Queen Elizabeth; all which were the Effects of God's Displeasure on them, for complying with K. Henry in his Schism.  
I shall grow tedious, if I insist on all the Falsities that do occur in this Period. First, Only Gardiner and Bonner were questioned and deprived for their Sermons: Tonstall was deprived for Misprision of Treason; Heath and Day were judged by Lay-Delegates; so it is like, their Offences were also against the State. 2. There was nothing enjoined Bonner or Gardiner to preach, upon which they were censured, but that the King's Authority was the same when he was under Age, that it was afterwards; which is a Point that belongs only to the Laws and Constitution of this Government: and so there was just reason to impute their Silence in that particular, when they were commanded to touch upon it in their Sermons, to an ill Design against the State. 3. Three of these Bishops did concur in all the Changes that were made the first four Years of this King's Reign, and both preached and wrote for them; and even Bonner and Gardiner did not only give Obedience to every Law or Injunction that came out, but recommended them much in their Sermons. 4. These did not suffer perpetual Imprisonment under Queen Elizabeth; Gardiner and Day died before she reigned, and so were not imprisoned by her. Heath was never put in Prison by her, but lived at his own Country House; and Tonstal lived at Lambeth in as much ease, and was treated with as much respect, as if it had been his own House: so that Bonner was the only Man that was kept in Prison; but that was believed to be done in kindness to him, to preserve him from the Affronts which otherwise he might have met with, from the Friends of those he had butchered.  

Pag. 197.  24. He says, The Lady Mary never departed from her Mother's Faith and Constancy.  
It appears, by many of her Letters, that she complied with every thing that had been done by her Father; so it seems she was dispensed with from Rome, to dissemble in his time; for otherwise her constancy had very likely been fatal to her, but she presumed on the mildness of her Brother's Government, to be more refractory afterwards.  

Pag. 198.  25. He says, The King was sorry, when he understood how hardly his Sister had been used by the Council.  
It was so far otherwise, that when the Council being much pressed by the Emperor to connive at her having Mass, were resolved to give way to it, the King himself was so averse to it, thinking it a sin in him to consent to the practice of Idolatry, that the Council employed the Bishops to work on him, and they could hardly induce him to tolerate it.  

Pag. 200.  26 He says, The Visitors carried with them over England, Bibles of a most corrupt Translation, which they ordered to be set up in all the Churches of England.  
In King Henry's Time, it had been ordered, that there should be a Bible in every Church; so this was not done by the Visitors in this Reign, as may appear by the Injunctions that were given them, which have been often printed.  
27. He says, The Visitors did  inquire, 
Ibid.  Whether all the Images were broken down; and if the Altars were taken away, and Communion Tables were put in their rooms; and if all the old Offices were destroyed.  
Here he confounds in one Period, what was done in several Years. In the first Year, the Images that had been abused by Pilgrimages, were ordered to be removed. In the second Year, all Images were taken down without exception. In the third Year, the old Books of the former Offices were ordered to be destroyed. And in the fourth Year, the Altars were turned to Communion Tables; so ignorantly did this Author write of our Affairs.  
28. He say, 
Page 201.  The Visitors did every where encourage the Priests to Marry, and looked on such as did not Marry, as inclined to Popery.  
The Marriage of the Clergy was not so much as permitted till near the beginning of the third Year of this Reign; and than it was declared, that an unmarried State was more honourable and decent; so that it was recommended, and the other was only tolerated; and so far were they from suspecting Men to be firm to the Reformation that were married, that Ridley and Latimer, the most esteemed next to Cranmer, were never married: nor was any ever vexed for his not being married, as he falsely insinuates.  
28. He says, 
Pag. 202.  The Protector bore great hatred to Gardiner and Tonstal, both because they opposed the Heretics, and because they had been made equals to him, if not preferred before him by King Henry's Will, in the Government during the King's being under Age.  
This is another of our Author's Figures. Gardiner was not mentioned in King Henry's Will, neither as an Executor, nor so much as a Counsellor; and by it none were preferred to another, all being made equal. And for Tonstal, he continued still in a firm friendship with the Protector, and was so well satisfied with the first Changes that were made, that he was complained of as well as Cranmer, by Gardiner, in the Letters which he writ to the Protector.  
29. He says, 
Ibid.  The Protector made a Speech about Religion before the King; and thereafter he put, first Gardener, than Tonstall, and at another time, the Bishops of London, Chichester, and Worcester, in Prison.  
Gardiner and Bonner were indeed imprisoned some time, during the Protector's Government; the latter was also deprived while he was Protector. But Tonstall was not put in Prison till two Years after, and it was at the time of the Duke of Somerset's total fall, and by the same Persons means that wrought his Ruin: From which it appears, he was always a firm Friend to the Duke of Somerset. The Bishops of Worcester and Chichester were also brought in trouble, long after the Government was taken out of the Protector's Hands.  
30. He says, ' They were all deposed from their Degree. 
Ibid.  They were not deposed from their Degree, but deprived of their Bishoprics; for they having accepted Commissions, by which they held their Sees, only during the King's Pleasure, they might well be deprived by a Sentence of the Delegates. But had they been to be deposed, and thrust from their Order, it must have been done by a Synod of Bishops. They were deprived, as many Bishops were under the Christian Emperors, by selected Synods that sat in the Court, and judged of all Complaints that were brought before the Emperors.  

Pag. 204.  31. He reckons up the Judgements of God upon the Heretics; and says, the Protector made kill his Brother, and Dudley took him away.  
This is a way of writing familiar enough to our Author, to represent things in such a manner, as might fill the Reader with horror; as if these Persons had been secretly murdered, whereas the one was condemned in Parliament, the other by a Judgement of his Peers.  

Ibid.  32. He says, King Edward died not without suspicion of being poisoned by Dudley, and the Duke of Suffolk, who aspired to the Crown.  
It was never suspected that the Duke of Suffolk had any hand in poisoning the King, nor could I ever see any reason to conclude that he was poisoned: but neither of these Dukes aspired to the Crown; the one resigned any Pretention he could ever have, to his Daughter; and the other intended only that his fourth Son should reign.  

Pag. 205.  34. He says, The Protector's Lady claimed the precedence of the Queen Dowager; and upon the denial of it, conspired the ruin of the Admiral.  
All this is a contrivance of the Enemies of that Family; for as it had been absurd for the Duchess of Somerset to have disputed Precedence with the Queen Dowager; so in that whole Matter it is plain the Admiral began with his Brother, and conspired his ruin: and the Protector was often reconciled to him, and forgave him many Faults, till it appeared that his Ambition was incurable.  

Ibid.  34. He says, There being no ground of any Accusation against him, the Duchess of Somerset got Latimer to accuse him of Treason in a Sermon.  
The Articles upon which he was condemned, show what Matter there was against him. Latimer did never accuse him of Treason, but being a Man of great plainness of Speech, he reflected on him as Ambitious, and not sincere in the Profession of Religion: And when it was suspected that the Duchess of Somerset had set him on to make these Reflections, he did vindicate her in a most solemn manner. Nor is there any reason to think, that how indiscreet soever he might be in preaching in such a sort, that he did it to flatter or to aspire by such means, for he refused to accept of any Preferment, though the House of Commons interposed to have him repossessed of the See of Worcester.  

Ibid.  35. He says, At the same time that he was Beheaded, the Queen Dowager died.  
She died in Septemb. 1548, and he was beheaded in March following: and one of the Articles against him was, That after her Death, he intended to have married the King's Sister Elizabeth; and it was suspected, that to make for that, he had poisoned her.  
36. He says, The Men of Devonshire and Cornwall did, 
Pag. 206.  with one consent, take up Arms for the Faith.  
In one thing he says true, that this Rebellion was set on by the Priests, and made on the account of Religion; but the brutal cruelty of those Rebels, shown it was not for the Faith, but in compliance to their Priests and Leaders, that they risen.  
37. He says, 
Pag. 209.  The Clergy finding that their being Married was generally an ingrateful thing, procured an Act of Parliament, declaring that there was no Humane Law against their Marriages; and this was all they were concerned in, for they cared little for the Law of God.  
This is a genuine piece of our Author's Wit. If the Parliament meddles in declaring what is the Law of God, he accuses them for meddling in things without their Sphere: And if they only declare what is the Law of the Land, he says, they have no regard to the Law of God: So he is resolved, do what they will, they shall not escape his Censure. But in this he shows his Ignorance, as well as his Malice. The lawfulness of the Marriage of the Clergy was enquired into with such exactness, that scarce any thing can be added since, to what was then written on that Argument. It was made out, that there was no Law of God against it: It was also proved, that there was no general Law made by the Primitive Church about it; but that it was a part of the Yoke that the Popes laid on the Clergy, to engage them more zealously in their Concerns. It was at first carried in the Convocation, that they might lawfully Marry; then an Act of Parliament passed permitting it; of all which our Author takes no notice. Then three Years after, some that were illaffected to them, taking advantage from the words of the Statute, as if the Permission had only been such a conniving at it, as had been formerly to the Stews, a second Act passed confirming those Marriages, and the Issue by them.  
38. He says, The Catholic Doctors in the Universities, 
Pag. 210.  grew more courageous in the Defence of the Faith; and so desired a public Dispute concerning the Corporal Presence.  
They were so courageous, that as soon as any Change was made, they all complied most obsequiously to it; as will appear both by Oglethorp and Smith's Submissions. But while the Changes were under consultation, they seeing it could bring them into no trouble, were very stout; but as soon as they were to lose or suffer any thing for their Consciences, than they grew as tractable as could be. In such a Zeal, let him glory as much as he will.  
39 He says, 
Ibid.  Smith did often challenge Peter Martyr to a public Dispute at Oxford; but he declined it, till Dr. Cox, a Man of a lewd Life, was sent to moderate in the Dispute; and till Dr. Smith was banished the University.  
Smith did once challenge Peter Martyr to a Dispute, to which he presently consented: upon two Conditions; the one was, that a Licence should first be obtained of the King and Council, and Delegates be appointed by them to make a just Report of the Dispute: the other was, That it should be managed in the Terms of Scripture, and not in the School Terms: They were both more proper for Matters of Divinity, and more easily understood by all People. Upon this, the Council sent down Delegates: and then Smith, who intended only to raise a tumult in the Schools, withdrew himself, and fled beyond Sea; but was never banished. His calling Dr. Cox a Man of a lewd Life, is one of the Flowers he stuck in to adorn the rest. All the Writers of that Age make honourable mention of him; He was first set about this King by his Father, and continued with him in all the turns of Affairs, and did so faithfully discharge that high Trust, that it appears he must have been a very extraordinary Man. This was so well known to the whole Nation, that in the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign, he met with more than ordinary Favour. This, considering the hatred which the Popish Party bore him, is a clear evidence of his great Worth; and that they were afraid to be severe to a Man so universally esteemed.  

Ibid.  40. He says, Cox saw he was so much pressed by the Doctors that disputed with him, and the Hearers did so hiss him down, that he broke off the Dispute, giving Peter Martyr a high commendation for his Learning, and exhorting the rest to live peaceably. Peter Martyr afterwards printed the Disputation falsely; but by the Judgement of the University he was doubly baffled; both that he refused to dispute with Smith, and that he did acquit himself so ill with those Doctors that disputed with him.  
It is probable the Hearers might have been set on to hiss, but the printed Disputation will decide this Matter, and show who argued both more nervously, and more ingenuously. We have no reason to believe it was falsely printed, unless we will take it on this Author's word: for I do not find the Popish Doctors did, either at this Time, or afterwards in Queen Mary's Reign, when the Presses were all in their hands, publish any thing to the contrary of what P. Martyr printed; so that he neither refused to dispute with Smith, nor was he baffled by those that undertook it. Smith fled, and the rest were clearly worsted. And for the University, there was no Judgement passed by them, unless he means the Rudeness and Clamours of some that might be set on to it.  

Pag. 211.  41. He says, The Dispute with Bucer at Cambridg, had the same effect.  
It had so indeed, the printed Relation shows the weakness and disingenuity of the Popish Disputants, and that was never contradicted.  

Ibid.  42. He gives account of many other Disputes, and of Gardiner's Book, under the name of Marcus Constantius; which he says was a full confutation of all the Books then written for the contrary Opinion. He also mentions the Sermons and Imprisonment of Crispin, Moreman, Cole, Seaton, and Watson.  
These other Disputes could be no more than private Conferences; but I can give no account of these, having met with them in none of the Writers of that Time. As for Gardiner's Book, such as will compare it with Cranmers Book, which it pretends to answer, will soon see in it the difference between plain simple Reasoning on the one side, and sophistical Cavilling on the other. But for the Sufferings of that Party, there is no great reason to boast of them; for they universally complied with every thing that was commanded: even the Lady Mary's Chaplains did it, in the Churches where they were beneficed. Nor do I find any one Man turned out of his Cure for refusing to Conform; but it was found, some of these did privately say Mass, either in the Lady Mary's Chapel, or in private Houses; and did secretly act against what they openly professed: and it was no wonder if such Dissemblers were more severely handled. But there was no Blood shed in the Quarrel; so that if the Popish Party made such resistance, as our Author pretends they did, it very much commends the gentleness of the Government at that Time, since they were so mercifully handled. It was far otherwise in Queen Mary's Time.  
43. He runs out in a Discourse of the Sufferings of his Party, 
Pag. 212.  of their Zeal and Constancy: and particularly mentions Story, who, he says, suffered Martyrdom under Queen Elizabeth. He had said in the Parliament, Woe to thee, O Land, whose King is a Child; and this drew so much hatred on him, that he was forced to fly out of England.  
What the Zeal and Constancy of the Party was, may be gathered from what has been already said. This Story did say these words in the House of Commons, and was, by Order of the House, sent to the Tower: for though it was a Text of Scripture that he cited, yet the Application carried with it so high a reflection on the Government, that it well deserved such a censure: but upon his Submission, the House of Commons sent an Address to the Protector, that he and the Council would forgive him, which was done, and he was again admitted to the House: so that he was not forced on this Account to fly out of England. And for his Martyrdom under Queen Elizabeth, the Record of his Trial shows the ground of that Sentence: He had endeavoured all he could, to set on many in Queen Mary's Time to advise the cutting off Queen Elizabeth: His ordinary Phrase was, It was a foolish thing to cut off the Branches of Heresy, and not to pluck it up by the Root. He knowing how faulty he had been, fled over to Flanders in the beginning of her Reign: and when the Duke of Alva was Governor there, he pressed him much to invade England; and gave him a Map of some of the Roads and Harbours, with a Scheme of the way of conquering the Nation. He had also consulted with Magicians concerning the Queen's Life; and used always to curse the Queen when he said Grace after Meat. These things being known in England, some got him to go a-board a Ship in Flanders, on another pretence, and presently set sail for England; where yet the Government was so gentle, that two Years past before he was brought to his Trial: and then the Defence he made, was, That he was not accountable for what he had done in Flanders, it not being in the Queen's Dominions; and that he was not her Subject, having sworn Allegiance to the King of Spain. But this being contrary to his natural Allegiance, which he could never shake off, he was found guilty of Treason, and was there executed. These are our Author's Martyrs, and are of a piece with his Faith.  

Pag. 216.  44. In the room of the Bishops that were turned out, he says, there were put some Apostate and Lustful (that is, as he explains it, married) Monks, Scory, Bird, Holgate, Barlow, Harley, Coverdale, and Ridley; on whom he bestows many such Epithets, as may be expected from him.  
This is such a piece of History, as one can hardly meet with any thing like it. 1. Bird was made Bishop of Chester by King Henry, and was the first that sat in that See, it being of that King's Foundation. 2. Holgate was put in the See of York by King Henry, when it was void by Lee's Death. 3. Barlow was also put in Bath and Wells, by the same King, it being likewise void by the Death of Knight. 4. Coverdale was put in the See of Exeter, upon Veysey's free Resignation, he being then extreme old. 5. Harley was also put in Hereford, upon the former Bishop's Death. 6. Ridley and Harley were never married, nor Coverdale, for aught I can find; so exact is our Author in delivering the History of that Time.  

Ibid.  45. He says, Poinet, that was made Bishop of Worchester in Gardiner's Room, besides one Wife to whom he was married, took ● Butcher's Wife from him; but the Butcher sued for his Wife, and recovered her out of his hands: and to make this pass the better, he adds a Jest of Gardiner's about it, that he had said, Why might not he hope to be restored to his Bishopric, as well as the Butcher was to his Wife?  
The falseness of this Story, is clearly evinced, by the Answer that Dr. Martin set out in the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign, to a Book that Poinet had writ in the defence of the married Clergy. Martin's Answer is writ with so much spite, and so many indecent Reflections, that though it is not reasonable to believe all he says, yet it is almost a certain Argument, that this Story concerning Poinet is a Forgery; since if it was a thing so public, as our Author makes it, Martin must have heard of it, especially living in Gardiner's House: and it is not to be imagined, that if he did know it, he would have concealed it: So this, and the Jest that hangs upon it, must pass as one of the flourishes of our Author's Peneus  

Pag. 217.  46. He says, Hooper, that used formerly to rail at the Luxury of the Catholic Bishops, being made a Superintendent himself, for so the Zwinglians called their Bishops, enjoyed at once two Bishoprics, Worcester and Gloucester.  
The Zwinglians had no Superintendents, for aught I can find; nor was Hooper ever called Superintendent, but Bishop. He was made Bishop of Gloucester, which had been before King Henry the Eighth's Time, a part of the Bishopric of Worcester. And now these Sees came to be united; so that Hooper had not two Bishoprics, but one that had been for some Years divided into two: He only enjoyed the Revenue of Gloucester, for Worcester was entirely suppressed.  
47. He says, On the 9th of July, 
Pag. 219.  the Money was cried down one fourth part; and forty days after another fourth part: so that the whole Nation was thereby rob of the half of their Stock.  
This King's Counsellors found the Coin embased; and they were either to let it continue in that State, to the great prejudice of the state of the Nation, or to reduce it to a just Standard: so our Author condemns them for correcting what they found amiss. But no wonder, he that quarrels with them so much for reforming of Religion, should be likewise offended with them for reforming the Coin.  
48. He says, The Duke of Somerset was condemned, 
Pag. 222.  because he had come into the Duke of Northumberland's Chamber, with intention to have killed him, and was thereupon beheaded.  
This was indeed said to be the cause of his Death; but it is not mentioned in the Record, in which it is only said, that he intended to have seized on the Duke of Northumberland, without adding, that he designed to have killed him.  
49. He says, The two younger Sisters of Lady Jane Grace, 
Page 223.  were married to the eldest Sons of the Earls of Pembroke and Huntingdon.  
This Error is of no great consequence, but it shows how much our Author was a stranger, even to the most public Actions: for the youngest Sister to the Lady Jane, was married to one Keys that was Groom Porter. The Earl of Huntington's Son married the Duke of Northumberland's Daughter.  
50. He says, Soon after the Marriages, the King began to sicken, 
Ibid.  and to fall in decay.  
The King had been ill four months before these Marriages were made: and it is probable, his sickness made them be the more hastened.  
51. He says, 
Ibid.  Dudley was very desirous to have the Lady Mary in his power, not being much concerned about the Lady Elizabeth, for she being descended of Ann Boleyn, he did not much consider her.  
It was natural for Dudley to desire rather to have the elder Sister in his power, than the younger; who could not claim to the Crown, but after the other: but it appeared, by the submission of the whole Nation to Queen Elizabeth, though still professing Popery, that she was every whit as much considered, as her Sister had been formerly.  
52. He says, Lady Mary having been sent for by Dudley's Order, 
Pag. 224.  understood, when she was not for from London, that the King was expiring; and that she would be in great danger, if she came to Court; upon which she turned back.  
Queen Mary had not been sent for by Dudley's Order, the Council had writ to her, that the King being Ill, desired her Company: The News sent her from Court was, That the King was Dead; so she was desired to stir no further: and upon that, retired to her House in the Country.  

Ibid.  53. He says, Twenty days after that, she heard the King was dead; whereupon she made proclaim herself Queen.  
The discovery of the former Error clears this; for she immediately gathered the People of Suffolk about her, and gave them her Royal Word, that they should enjoy their Religion, as it had been established in King Edward's Time: But though they were the first that proclaimed her Queen, and came about her to defend her Right, they were among the first that felt the Severities of her Reign.  

Pag. 225.  54. He says, Marry Queen of Scots, was married to the Dolphin of France.  
She was then but a little past ten Years old, and was not married to the Dolphin, till five Years after this.  

Pag. 229.  55. He says, Queen Marry, as soon as she came to the Crown, without staying for an Act of Parliament concerning it, laid aside the profane Title of being Head of the Church.  
We may expect as true a History of this Reign, as we had of the former; when in the first Period of it, there is so notorious a Falsehood. She held two Parliaments before she laid aside that Title; for in the Writ of Summons for both, she was styled Supreme Head of the Church; and all the Reformed Bishops were turned out by virtue of Commissions which she issued out as Supreme Head. There was also a Visitation made over England by her Authority; and none were suffered to preach, but upon Licenses obtained under her great Seal; so that she both retained the Title and Power of Supreme Head, a Year after she came to the Crown.  

Ibid.  56. He says, She discharged the Prisoners she found in the Tower, recalled the Sentence against Cardinal Pool, and discharged a Tax due to her by the Subjects.  
The Queen did free the Prisoners of the Tower at her coming to the Crown, and discharged the Tax at her Coronation: but for recalling the Sentence against Cardinal Pool, that being an Act of Parliament, she could not recall it; nor was it done, till almost a Year and an half after her coming to the Crown.  

Ibid.  57 He says, She took care of the Coin, that her Subjects might suffer no more by the embasing it; so that they all saw the difference between a Catholic and Heretical Prince.  
I do not find any care was taken of the Coin all her Reign; and the bringing that to a just Standard, is universally ascribed to Queen Elizabeth. If there was a public joy upon her coming to the Crown, it did not last long; and there was a far greater when she died. This Observation is much more proper to the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, who began and continued to Reign with so great and so interrupted a Felicity, that none but a Writer like our Author, would have made such a Remark on the beginnings of this Reign.  
58. He says, She overcame Wiat's Rebellion, 
Pag. 230.  rather by her own Faith, than by any Force she had about her.  
This is to make the Reader think, she defeated Wyatt, as Gideon did the Amalekites; but Wyatt brought up not above 3000 Men, and she had thrice that number about her. It was a desperate Attempt, and that which was rather the effect of a precipitated Design, than of prudent Counsel.  
59 He says, She put her Sister in the Tower, 
Ibid.  when it had appeared to the Senate (which in his Style is the Parliament) that she had been engaged in Wiat's Conspiracy.  
This is said, to cover her barbarous Cruelty towards her Sister; the Matter never came before the Parliament, and there was no ground ever given to justify the Suspicion. It is true, Wyatt hoping to have saved his Life, by so foul a Calumny, accused her: but when he saw he must die, he vindicated her openly on the Scaffold. It is certain, if they could have found any Colours to have excused severe proceed against her, both the Queen and the Clergy who governed her, were much inclined to have made use of them.  
60. He says, 
Pag. 231.  The Queen was more ready to pardon Crimes against herself, than Offences against Christ and Religion.  
The more shame for those who governed her Conscience, that made her so implacable to all whom she esteemed Heretics; since the Christian Religion came not into the World, as the Author of it says of himself, to destroy men's Lives, but to save them: Yet she was not so merciful as he would represent her, witness her Severities against her Sister, and against Cranmer, even after he had signed the Recantation of his former Opinions.  
61. He says, Though some of the Bishops were guilty of Treason, 
Ibid.  yet she would not have them to be tried by the Temporal Laws, and referred, even Cranmer himself, to the Spiritual Jurisdiction.  
Cranmer was tried for Treason, by virtue of a Commission issued out by the Queen; and all the other Reformed Bishops were turned out by Delegates, empowered for that end by the Queen's Commissions.  
62. He says, 
Ibid.  Cranmer was condemned of Treason in the Parliament.  
He was found Guilty of Treason by a Jury of Commissioners, and thereupon condemned by a Commission of Oyer and Terminer; and not by the Parliament. It is true, the Parliament did afterwards confirm the Sentence.  
63. He says, Before he was Condemned, 
Ibid.  he feigned himself a Catholic, and signed his Retractation seventeen times with his own hand: But the Bishops discovering his Hypocrisy, degraded him and delivered him to the Secular Arm, upon which he was burnt at Oxford.  
The Popish Party have but too great Advantages against Cranmer, in this last part of his Life; so it was needless for our Author to have mixed so much falsehood with this Account: but he must go on in his ordinary method, even though it is not necessary for any of the Ends he had set before himself. Cranmer stood out above two Years and a half, in all which time he expressed great constancy of mind, and a readiness to die for that Faith, which he had before taught: nor would he fly beyond Sea, though he had many opportunities to do it, and had reason enough to apprehend he could not escape at home. Upon his constant adhering to his former Doctrines, he was Condemned, Degraded, and appointed to be burnt; and then the fears of Death wrought that effect on him, that he did recant, which he signed thrice: but the Queen being set on Revenge, would needs have him burnt after all that: so there was no discovery made of his Hypocrisy, nor was there a Sentence passed upon it; but he, for all his Recantation, was led out to be burnt: and then he returned back to his former Doctrines, and expressed his Repentance for his Apostasy, with all the seriousness and horror that was possible.  

Ibid.  64. He says, The Laws for burning Heretics were again revived, and by them not only Cranmer, but some hundreds of the false Teachers were burnt.  
A Man's Inclinations do generally appear in the Lies he makes: so it seems our Author wished it had been, as he relates it was; but so far it was from this number, that there was not above a quarter of a hundred of the Ministers burnt, (there were some hundreds of others ) so ignorant was he of our Affairs.  

Page 232.  65. He says, The Queen did at first command all the Strangers that were Heretics, to leave the Kingdom; upon which above 30000, as was reckoned, went out of England.  
The greatest number of the Strangers, were the Germans, and of these not above 200 went away, as themselves published it; but our Author was generous and freehearted, so that he would make the Exiles to bear some proportion to the Ministers that were burnt; and as he made some hundreds of the one, so 30000 was but a moderate number to be exiled, 200 would have sounded pitifully in such an Heroical Work.  

Ibid.  66. He says, It was brought under Debate, whether Peter Martyr should be burnt; but because he came into England upon the Public Faith, he was let go; yet his Wife's Body was raised out of the Churchyard, and cast into a Dunghill; and Bucer and Fagius' Bodies were burnt.  
It could not be debated whether Peter Martyr should be burnt; for the Laws of Burning were not made till a Year after he went out of England: and the raising his Wife's Body, and the burning the other Bodies, was done almost four Years after this; though our Author relates it as done at the same time.  
67. He says, 
Ibid.  The Queen at first could not repeal the Laws then in force for Heresy; but she suspended them all, and exhorted her Subjects to return to the Catholic Rites, upon which the People did universally return to them.  
The Queen could neither repeal nor suspend the Laws then in force; and she did neither. When she was in Suffolk, she promised the Religion established by Law should not be changed: When she came to London, she declared she would force no Consciences; but soon after she added a Limitation to this, Till the Parliament should order it. After that, all People were encouraged to set up the Mass , and it did spread into most parts of the Kingdom: but this was done both against Law, and the Queen's Royal Word.  
68 He says, ' All Pulpits were opened to Catholic Preachers, 
Ibid.  and the Heretics were not suffered to preach.  
This he relates, as if it had been the effect of the People's Zeal; but it flowed from a Proclamation of the Queen's, that none should preach unless he obtained a Licence under the Great Seal, which was as high an Act of Supremacy as ever her Father did.  
69. He says, 
Ibid.  She made first of all Funeral Rites to be performed for her Brother, after the form of the Catholics, though he had died in Heresy: and intended to have had such Rites from her Father, but being better instructed, she found it could not be done, for him that had been the chief Author of the Schism, and of all the evil that followed it.  
King Edward was buried according to the Rites of the English Liturgy; so that the Funeral Rites were not according to the old Forms. It is true, the Queen had in her own Chapel such Rites for him. As for her Father, some of the Writers of that Time, say, it was much pressed, to have his Body at least raised and carried out of the Consecrated Ground, if not burnt: and in this she is said to have stood upon the Dignity of a Crowned Head, and the decency of a Daughter's Duty to her Father's Ashes; so that she would not consent to so barbarous a thing.  
70. He condemns those, who having been defiled with Heresy, 
Pag. 233  and thereby under Censures, did, notwithstanding that, administer the Sacraments, and do the other Offices of Priesthood, before they were reconciled to the See of Rome. This, he says, was such a Sin, that it may be reckoned one of the Causes of that Queen's dying so soon, and he sets down as a Caution for the future, that if we should come to be again reconciled to that See, we might not relapse into the like Error.  
This was indeed Cardinal Pool's Advice, that the whole Kingdom ought to have been put under an Interdict, and that all Holy Offices were to cease, till they were reconciled to the See of Rome: but the whole Clergy, not only many, as he says, being involved in those Censures, if they had stayed for officiating, till they had been reconciled to the See of Rome, perhaps it had not been done at all.  

Ibid.  71. He says, The Queen, partly by her Authority, partly by the concurrence of the Parliament, got the ancient way of the Service to be again restored, the Heretics not daring to oppose it much.  
All that was done in the first Parliament, was the restoring things to the same state they had been in, when King Henry died; which was indeed the setting up that they called Schism by Law. It was no wonder those he calls Heretics could not oppose it much; when so many of their Bishops had been turned out and imprisoned; others were violently thrust out of the House of Lords, and the Elections of the Members of Parliament had been so managed, that in many places Force was used, and false Returns were made in other Places.  

Pag. 234.  72. He says, Only one that was bolder than the rest, threw a Dagger at him who preached the first Catholic Sermon at St. Paul's: and another discharged a Pistol at another, preaching in the same place.  
This, one would think by his Relation, was done after the Parliament had set up the Mass again; whereas it was soon after the Queen came to the Crown, long before the Parliament, and that of the Pistol was some months after the Parliament. But if he had designed to deliver a true History to the World, he should have added, that upon the Tumult that was raised against the Preacher, he prayed Mr. Bradford and Mr. Rogers (too afterwards burnt for the Reformed Religion) to speak to the People, and persuade them to be quiet; upon which they both exhorted the People to behave themselves more peaceably and reverently; and Bradford went into the Pulpit, that he might be the better heard; and so near was he to the Danger, that the Dagger pierced his Sleeve; yet these two were had in such esteem, that the Tumult was quieted; and they carried the Preacher safe home. One of them being to preach in the Afternoon, exhorted the People to be peaceable and quiet, and severely condemned the Tumult that had been in the morning. But such was the gratitude and justice of the Popish Party, that it was pretended, because they had appeased the Tumult, that therefore they had also raised it: so they were upon that pretence put in Prison, where they lay a Year and a half, till the Laws for burning were revived, and were then burnt for Heresy.  

Pag. 235.  73. He says, Commendone was sent by Order from the Pope into England, who obtained a Writing from the Queen, wherein she promised Obedience to the See of Rome; upon which Pool was appointed Legat.  
It is no wonder our Author understood not the Affairs of the Reformation aright, when he was so ill informed about the Transactions of his own Party. Commendone was not sent by the Pope to England. The Legate at Brussels sent him over from thence, without staying for Orders from Rome.  

Page 239.  74. He says, William Thomas, Clerk of the Council, had conspired to kill the Queen; for which he justly suffered.  
Of this I find nothing on Record; so it must depend on our Author's Credit, which is not infallible.  
75. He says, The Imposture of Elizabeth Crofts, 
Ibid.  was set up by the Persuasion of many of the Heretics: and when it was discovered, she confessed she had been set on to it by others, and by one Drake in particular; but they all fled.  
In the Account that was then published of that Imposture, Drake only is accused for it: what he was, does not appear to me, for I have never found him mentioned but on this Occasion; so there was no reason to transfer the private Gild of this Conspiracy on a whole Party, as our Author does; though upon his Credit, one of our Writers has also done it.  
76. He says, Those in whose hands the Church-Lands were, 
Pag. 243.  had great apprehensions of their being forced to restore them, because the Queen had restored all the Land that were in her hands, and had again converted the Collegiate Church of Westminster into an Abbey; But to prevent the ill Effects that might have followed on this, the Cardinal did, in the Pope's Name, absolve them from all Censures, for possessing those Lands, and that was confirmed by Letters sent over from the Pope.  
He observes the order of Time very exactly, when he sets the Queen's restoring the Church-Lands, and founding the Abbey of Westminster, as the occasions of the Fears the Laity were in, of being forced to restore the rest of the Church-Lands; and of the Cardinal's absolving them from all Censures, for keeping them still in their hands. The Order in which this was done, was thus; In Novemb. 1554, in the Act of Reconciliation with the See of Rome, there was a special Proviso made for the Church-Lands, which the Cardinal confirmed in the Pope's Name. In the Year after that, the Queen gave up into the Cardinal Hands, all the Church-Lands that belonged to the Crown; and two Years after, she founded the Abbey of Westminster; so little influence had these things on the other that were done before. But he was grossly mistaken, when he said the Pope approved All: for he, in plain terms, refused to ratify what the Cardinal had done; and soon after set out a severe Bull, Cursing and Condemning all that held any Church-Lands.  
77. He says, 
Pag. 244.  All the Bishops being sensible of their Schismatical way of entering into their Seas, did desire and obtain a Confirmation from the Pope. Kitchen, Bishop of Landaff, only excepted, who afterwards relapsed into Heresy under Queen Elizabeth; and says, it is likely the want of this Confirmation, made him be more easily overcome.  
This our Author wrote, being a thing very probable; and seldom do his Authorities for what he asserts, rise higher. It was also a pretty strain of his Wit, to make the omitting of it, fall singly on the only Bishop that conformed under Queen Elizabeth. But it is certain, there was no such thing done at all; for if any had done it, Bonner was as likely as any other; since as none had been more faulty in King Henry's Time; so none studied to redeem that with more servile compliances than he did; yet there is nothing of this recorded in his Register, which continues entire to this day.  

Pag. 246.  78. He says, The State of the Universities was restored to what it had been, and Oxford in particular; by Petrus a Soto's means, who was in the Opinion of all, much preferred to P. Martyr.  
He that gathered the Antiquities of Oxford, though no partial Writer on this occasion, represents the state of that University very differently; that there were almost no Divines in it, and scarce any public Lectures. But when Sanders writ his Poem, the Spanish Councils were so much depended on, by him and his Party, that it was fit to put that Compliment on the Nation, concerning Petrus a Soto. Whether it was true or false, was a Circumstance which he generously overlooked, for most part.  

Pag. 248.  79. He says, Queen Elizabeth had done many things in Queen Mary's Time, both against her Person and Government.  
He knew this was so false, that there was never a Circumstance, or a Presumption brought against her; but the Information which Wyatt gave, hoping thereby to save himself; and yet he denied that on the Scaffold. If there had been any colour to have justified the taking away her Life, both the Queen and her Counsellors were as much inclined to it, as our Author himself was.  

Ibid.  80. He says, King Henry said in Parliament, she was not, and could not be his Daughter, for a secret Reason which he had revealed to the Archbishop of Canterbury.  
This was aptly enough said by a Writer, that had emancipated himself from the Laws of Truth and Veracity, to appeal to such a Story; yet to have made it pass the better, he should have named other Circumstances; for such a thing cannot be easily believed, since after Ann Boleyn's Death, the King continued to treat Elizabeth still as his Daughter; so that when she writ to his next Queen, she subscribed Daughter: she was in all things educated with the Care and State that became a King's Child; and was, both by Act of Parliament, and by his Will, declared to be so. Now to think that such a King would have done all this, after he had in Parliament declared that she could not be his Child, is a little too corpse to be believed, and so should have been supported with more than ordinary Proofs.  

Ibid.  81. He says, She came to the Crown, merely by virtue of the Act of Parliament, without being Legitimated.  
In this, she and her Sister were upon the same Level; for neither of them were declared Legitimate; so this was not to be objected to the one, more than to the other Sister.  

Pag. 249.  82. He says, Queen Marry being declared, by Act of Parliament, in the beginning of her Reign, Legitimate; and her Mother's Marriage being declared good, Elizabeth was thereby of new Illegitimated; yet she never repealed the Laws against her Title: but kept the Crown merely upon the Authority of an Act of Parliament, without having any regard to her Birth.  
Queen Mary came to the Crown, being in the same Condition; and was either a lawful Queen before that Act was made, or else that Act was of no force, if it had not the Royal Assent given by a lawful Queen. So Queen Elizabeth was as much Queen before any such Act could have passed, as afterwards: and therefore since it was not necessary for the securing her Title, it was a sign of her tenderness of her Father's Memory, to which Queen Mary had no regard, not to revive the remembrance of things that must have turned so much to his dishonour, as that would have done.  
83. He says, 
Pag. 250.  Queen Marry not being able to prevent her Sister's Succession, sent a Message to her on her Deathbed, desiring her to pay her Debts, and to preserve the Catholic Religion; both which she promised, but performed neither.  
This is said without any Proof, and is not at all probable; but is an Ornament added to set off the one, and blemish the other. Queen Mary's Sickness was concealed as much as was possible. A week before her Death, they were burning Heretics as busily as ever; and by the managing Affairs in the Parliament, it appears there was great care taken to conceal the desperate Condition she was in: so it is not likely that any such Messages was sent by her to her Sister.  
And thus far have I traced our Author in the History he gives of the Reigns of King Henry the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, and Queen Marry, and have discovered an equal measure of Ignorance and Malice in him: but he was the fit to serve their Ends who employed him, and were resolved to believe him, how false or improbable soever his Relation might be. We see what use they have made of him ever since that Time. His Friends were so sensible of the Advantage their Cause received from such a way of Writing, that they resolved to continue down the History through Queen Elizabeth's Reign, in which, we are told, Sanders himself made some Progress; but that not being done to such a perfection as Rishton and others intended to bring it, they undertook it; and have written so skilfully after the Copy Sanders had given them, that if it is possible, they have outdone him in these two particular Excellencies of writing Histories, in which he was so great a Master, Impudence, and Falsehood as to Matter of Fact. In one thing they had manifestly the better of him, that they writing of what fell out in their own Time, could not be ignorant of the truth of Things; whereas he writing of what was done before he was born, or when he was but a Child, might have said many things more innocently, delivering them as he had them by report. But this Excuse cannot fit them, who did knowingly, and on Design, prevaricate so grossly in Matters of Fact: A little taste of these I shall give, only so far as I have carried down the History of this Queen, for to examine all the Faults they have committed, would require a new Volume; but from the taste I shall give the Reader, he will easily know what judgement to pass on the whole work.  
As for the Decency of the Style, the first Period gives an Essay of it, in which the Author promises such a Description of the Queen's Reign, that this Lioness shall be known by her Claws: And for his sincerity in writing, the whole Preface is one indication of it, in which he accuses the Queen for acting against the Laws of Nature and Religion, in assuming the Supremacy; and represents it so, that the Reader must needs think she was the High Priest of England, that ordained Bishops and Ministers, and performed all other Holy Offices: whereas she was so scrupulous in this Point, that as she would not be called the Supreme Head of this Church, so she made it be declared, both in one of the Articles of Religion, set forth in the beginning of her Reign, and afterwards in an Act of Parliament, what was the nature of that Supremacy which she assumed; making it both a part of the Religion, and the Law of the Land. By these it was declared, that they gave her not the Ministry of God's Word, or of the Sacraments; but only that Prerogative which was given by God himself in the Scriptures, to Godly Princes; that they should rule all committed to their charge by God, whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal, and restrain with the Civil Sword, the stubborn and evil Doers. If Men were not past shame, they could not, after such an express and public Declaration, put on the confidence of writing as this Author does. I shall follow him in some more steps, and doubt not not but I shall convince the Reader, that he was the fittest Man that could be found, to have writ a Continuation of Sanders' History.  

Pag. 255.  1. He says, Henry the Second of France, in a solemn Assembly, did, after Queen Mary's Death, declare the Queen of Scotland his Daughter-in-Law, Queen of England and Ireland.  
This was neither done in a Solemn Assembly, nor presently after Queen Mary's Death; nor was it done by Henry the Second. The Queen of Scotland did, by her Uncle's Advice, assume that Title, without any public Act: and it was not done till they understood that Philip was moving for a Dispensation in the Court of Rome, for marrying Queen Elizabeth; King Henry did only connive at it, but neither ordered it, nor justified it, when the Queen's Ambassador complained of it. An Author that is so happy in his first Period, as to make three such Mistakes, is likely to give us an excellent History.  

Ibid.  2. He says, The Archbishop of York, and all the other Bishops, one only excepted, refused to anoint her.  
This was one of the most extraordinary things that ever was in any Government; that the Bishops refusing to crown the Queen, were not only not punished for it, but continued to hold their Bishoprics still: and the Archbishop of York was continued a Privy Counsellor many months after this. This is none of the Claws of a Lioness, but rather a slackness and easiness of Clemency, that deserves censure, if it had not been that the Queen resolved to begin her Reign, with the most signal Acts of Mercy that were possible.  

Pag. 256.  3. He says, Cecil and his Friend Bacon, raised vast Estates to themselves, and involved the Government into vast Difficulties, and brought the Queen's Revenue into great, or rather inextricable Confusion.  
This may pass among Foreigners, and perhaps be believed; but we at home, that when we wish for happy Times, and excellent Counsellors, do naturally reflect on the Days of that glorious Queen, and her wise Councils, will not be much wrought on by it. The Revenue was never better managed, the Undertake of the Government were never greater, and the Charge was never less. This gives a Character of those Ministers beyond all exception. Sir Nicholas Bacon never raised himself above that Quality which he brought with him into the Court. And Cecil was not advanced above the lowest Rank of Nobility, though he was in the chief Ministry above thirty Years; and though they both left good Estates behind them, yet far short of what might have been expected after so long a course in such great and high Employments.  
4. He says, 
Pag. 257.  There was an Oath enacted in the Parliament for the Queen's Supremacy; and those who refused to swear it, for the first Offence were to forfeit their Benefices, and all their Goods, and to be Prisoners for Life; the second Offence was made Treason.  
Such a false recital of a printed Act, deserves a severer Animadversion than I shall bestow on it. The refusing that Oath, did infer no other punishment, but the forfeiture of Benefices and Offices; and the Parties so refusing, were subjected to no other Danger; nor was the Oath to be put to them a second Time. It is true, if any did assert the Authority of any Foreign Potentate, that was more penal: Yet that was not as our Author represents it; for the first Offence there was a forfeiture of ones Goods; or in case of Poverty, one Years Imprisonment; the second Offence brought the Offender within a Praemunire; and the third was Treason.  
5. He says, The Change that was made, 
Pag. 258.  of the Title of Supreme Head, into that of Supreme Governor, deceived many; yet others thought that the Queen might have thereby assumed an Authority for Administering the Sacraments; but to clear all Scruples, she in the first Visitation ordered it to be thus explained, that she thereby pretended to no more Power than what her Father and Brother had exercised.  
In the first Visitation ordered by the Queen, there was an Injunction given Explanatory to the Oath of Supremacy; declaring that she did not pretend to any Authority for the Ministry of Divine Service in the Church, and challenged nothing, but what had at all times belonged to the Crown of England; which was a Sovereignty over all manner of Persons under God: so that no Foreign Power had any Rule over them; and so was willing to acquit such as took it in that sense, of all the Penalties in the Act. So that it is plain she assumed nothing but the Royal Authority, and was ready to accept of such Explications as might clear all Ambiguities.  
6. He reckons, among the Laws that were made, this for one, 
Pag. 259.  that Bishops should hold their Sees only during the Queen's Pleasure, and exercise no other Authority, but only as they derived it from her.  
The Laws he reckons, were those made by King Henry now revived; but this Law is falsely recited in both the parts of it: for the Bishops were to hold their Sees, as all others do their Free-holds, without any dependence on the Queen's Pleasure; and were to exercise their Jurisdiction in their own Names, and according to the Ecclesiastical Laws, and were not forced to take Commissions to hold their Bishoprics during the Queen's Pleasure, as had been done both in King Henry and King Edward's Time.  

Pag. 263.  7. After a long discourse against the Queen's Supremacy, he says, The Laws concerning it, and other Points of Religion, did pass with great difficulty in the House of Lords, all the Bishops opposing them, and those Noblemen in particular, who had gone to Rome upon the Embassy Queen Mary sent thither, did very earnestly dissuade it.  
It is true, all the Bishops did oppose them, though both Tonstal, Heath, Thirleby, and some others had consented to, and written for King Henry's Supremacy; which was (at least as to the manner of expressing it) of a higher strain than that to which the Queen did now pretend. They had also submitted to all the Changes that had been made in King Edward's Time. For the Temporal Lords, none dissented from the Act of Supremacy, but the Earl of Shrewsbury, and the Viscount Montacute, so the opposition was small, where so few entered their Dissents; and of these, only the Viscount Montacute had been at Rome, sent thither by Queen Mary. It is true, the Marquis of Winchester, and the Lords, Morley, Stafford, Dudley, Wharton, Rich, and North, dissented from the Bill for the Book of Common Prayer, and some other Acts that related to the Reformation; but these being but few in number, were far short of those that were for them: and it is clear, the Queen left the Peers wholly to their freedom, since the Marquis of Winchester, notwithstanding his Dissent, continued to hold that great Office, of Lord Treasurer, in which he had been put in King Edward's Time, and which he had kept all Queen Mary's Reign, till his Death, fourteen Years after this; this may perhaps be justly censured, as looking too like a remissness in the Matters of Religion, when he that dissented to the Reformation, was yet so long employed in the greatest Trust in the Kingdom; but certainly this is none of the Claws to know the Lioness by.  
8. He says, The Queen gave the Earl of Arundel some hopes that she would marry him, and so persuaded him to consent to the Laws now made; but afterwards slighted him, and declared, she would live and die a Virgin.  
The Journals of Parliament show how false this is; for the Address was made to the Queen, persuading her to marry; to which she made the Answer set down by our Author, on the 6th of February, and the Act of Supremacy, with the other Acts concerning Religion, passed in April thereafter: so that the Queen, after so public a Declaration of her unwillingness to marry, could not have deluded the Earl of Arundel with the hopes of it.  

Ibid.  9 He says, She wrought on the D. of Norfolk, by promising him a Dispensation in the Business of his Marriage, which he could not obtain of the Pope.  
It is not like the Duke of Norfolk was denied any such Dispensation from Rome, nor are there any Dispensations granted in England for marrying in the forbidden Degrees: Cousin Germans are the nearest that may marry. The obtaining a Licence for that at Rome, is a matter of course, so the Fees are but paid; and the Law allows that to all in England. Nor are there any Dispensations in Matrimonial Matters, except concerning the Time, the Place, or the ask of Banes; and it is not likely these were ever denied to any at Rome. As for his long Excursion concerning that Duke's Death, it not falling within the compass of my History, I shall not follow him in it.  
10. He says, The Protestants desired a public Disputation: 
Pag. 266.  so the Queen commanded the Bishops to make ready for it; they refused it a great while, since that seemed to make the Faith of the Church subject to the judgement of the ignorant Laity; but at last they were forced to yield to it; and the Points were, Communion in both kinds, Prayer in a known Tongue, and the like.  
The Act of Council has it otherwise: By it we see that the Archbishop of York being then a Privy Councillor, did hearty agree to it, and undertook that the rest of his Brethren should follow the Orders that were made by the Council concerning it; though it is not to be denied, but some of the Bishops were secretly dissatisfied with it: as they had good reason; since a public Disputation was like to lay open the weakness of their Cause, which was never so safe, as when it was received in gross, without descending to troublesome Inquiries concerning it. The Communion in both kinds was not one of the Articles.  
11. He says, Bacon a Layman was Judge, 
Ibid.  the Archbishop of York sitting next to him, only for forms-sake.  
Bacon was not Judge; the whole Privy-Council were present to order the Forms of the Debate; and he, as the first of that Board, did only give directions, according to the order that had been formerly agreed on.  
12. He says, On the 3d of April they disputed, 
Ibid.  but there was nothing done with Order or Justice, the time was spent in Declamations, while the profane Judge directed all things at his pleasure, so that it came to nothing.  
It is true, the Order was broken: But it had been unkindly done of our Author to tell by whom. The Papists refused the first day to give their Reasons in writing, as had been agreed on before; and as was accordingly done by the Reformed; and upon the second day they refused to proceed, unless, contrary to what had been concluded, the Reformed should read their Papers first: So the Disputation broke up, it appearing evidently, that the one side were not afraid of a public Hearing, but that the other were.  

The Conclusion.  
I Pursue these Calumnies no further, because I cannot offer a Confutation of them, without a larger digression: since I break off my History in the second Year of this Reign; so that I cannot refer the Reader to those more copious Accounts given by me, as I have done in the former remarks; where a short hint was sufficient. And I do not judge it worth the while, to enter into such a full search of these Matters, as a Confutation would require, only to expose Rishton. These Evidences which I have given of his Ignorance and Injustice, will satisfy impartial Readers; and I am out of hopes of convincing those that are so wedded to an Interest, that they are resolved to believe all that is said of their side, how improbable soever it may appear, or how slenderly soever it may be proved.  
And now I hope, the Reformation of this Church appears in its true Colours, and the Calumnies by which its Adversaries have endeavoured so long to disgrace it, are so evidently confuted, that they will be no more supported by their own side, nor so tamely assented to, by any that in their Hearts may perhaps love the Reformation, and yet are too easily prevailed on to drink in the Prejudices that are raised by the confidence with which those Slanders have been vented. Now the Matter is better understood, and though at this distance, and after the rasure of Records made in Queen Mary's Reign, it must be acknowledged that there are many things, either quite passed over, or so defectively related by me, that this Work wants that perfection which were to be desired. Yet notwithstanding all these disadvantages, besides the faults of style, Method, or way of Expression, which may be more justly put to my account, though having done it in the best manner I could, I have little to answer for, but the presumption of undertaking a Design too high for me to perform with that Life and Perfection that such a Subject required; and even in that, I rather submitted to the Authority of others, who engaged me in it, than vainly fancied myself able to accomplish it; but after all those Allowances that are necessary, of which there can none be more sensible than myself, I am not out of hope but this Work may have some good effect, on such as shall read it impartially and with candour; and that those who are already of our Church, shall be induced to like it the better, when they see what the beginnings of our Reformation were: and those who are not of our Communion, may the more easily be brought into it, when they see by what Steps, and upon what Reasons the Changes were made: and if this Success follows my poor Endeavours, I shall think my Time and Pains have been well employed.  
I am apprehensive enough of the Faults I may be guilty of, but I shall now give the Reader such an assurance of my readiness to correct them, as soon as I am convinced of them, that I hope, if any thing occurs to any that deserves censure, they will communicate it first to myself; and if I do not, upon better information, retract what I have written than I shall allow them to make it public in what manner they please. And it may be presumed I will not be for the future unwilling to do this, by the following account of the Mistakes which I made in the former Part, communicated to me by Mr. Fulman, of whom I made mention in the Preface. With these I conclude this Work.   

Some Mistakes in the First Part of this History, communicated to me by Mr. William Fulman, Rector of Hampton Meysey; in Glocestershire.  
LOrd Almoner] It is questionable whether the Almoner was then called Lord, 
Page 7. line 10. from bottom.  and more questionable whether Wolsey were then Almoner, when he was thus recommended to the King's Favour; for Polidore Virgil who lived in England at that time, or very near it, says he was Chaplain to King Henry the 7th, and now made Almoner to King Henry the 8th, being before that time Dean of Lincoln, made so 2 Feb. 1508. installed by Proxy, 25 March 1509. and personally 21 August 1511. and so only he is styled in the University Register, 12 April 1510. when he was made Bachelor of Divinity.  
These Numbers seem questionable, 
P. 8. Margin  the Temporalities of Lincoln are said to be restored, 4 March, 5 Regni, i. e. 1513/4; but than it was done before his Consecration, which Godwin says, was the 26th of March that Year. But this might be to give him a right to the mean Profits, by restoring the Temporalities before Lady-day, though he was not consecrated till the 26th. before November, there should be (6) added, for on that day was he translated to York. And whereas it is said he had the Bishopric of Winchester. May 4. 20 Regni, i. e. 1528. this must be a mistake, for Fox's Register reaches to the 9th of Septemb. that Year; so perhaps it was 4 March, 20 Regni, i. e. in March 1528/9. But I took all these Dates from the Rolls; and I must add one thing, that I have often seen cause to question the exactness of the Clerks in the enrolling of Dates, though it seems a presumption to question the Authority of a Record.  
Here, and in several other places, as pag. 35, 36, 134, 208, 321, 
P. 10. l. 16. from bottom.  it is supposed, That the next Heir of the Crown was Prince of Wales. The Heir apparent of the Crown is indeed Prince, but is not Prince of Wales, strictly speaking, unless he has it given him by a Creation. And it is said, That there is nothing on Record to prove that any of K. Henry's Children were ever created Prince of Wales. There are indeed some hints of the Lady Mary's being styled Princess of Ways; for when a Family was appointed for her, 1525. Veysey Bishop of Exeter, her Tutor, was made Precedent of Wales. She also is said to have kept her House at Ludlow; and Leland says, That Teken-hill, an House in those Parts built for Prince Arthur, was repaired for her. And Tho. Linacre dedicates his Rudiments of Grammar to her, by the Title of Princess of Cornwall and Wales.  
Besides the Letter of Pope Leo's declaring K. Henry, 
P. 19 l. 26.  Defender of the Faith, there was a more pompous one sent over by P. Clement the 7th, March 5. 1523/4, which, as is supposed, granted that Title to his Successors, whereas the first Grant seems to have been only Personal.  

P. 22. l. 2.  No wonder there was no Seal to that Grant of King Edgar's, for Seals were little used in England before the Conquest.  

Ibid. l. 10.  The Monks were not then settled in half the Cathedrals in England, their chief Seats were in the Rich Abbeys, that were scarce subject to the Bishops.  

Ibid. Marg.  April 1524, was not the 14th Year of the King's Reign, as it is put on the Margin, but the 15th.  

P. 44. l. 5. from bottom.  The Lord Piercy was in the Cardinal's Family, rather in a way of Education (not unusual in those Times) than of Service.  

P. 47. l. 12. from bottom.  The General of the Observants in Spain, seems an improper expression, for the Generals have the government of the whole Order ; yet I find him so called in some Originals, see Coll. pag. 22, 23. whether it was done improperly, or whether that Order was then only in Spain, I cannot determine.  

P. 56. l. 19  How far the Cardinal had carried the Foundation at Ipswich, it is not known; but it is certain he did never finish what he had designed at Oxford. But in this I went according to the Letters Patents, by which it appears he had then done his part, and had set off both Lands and Money for these Foundations.  

P. 69. l. 16. from bottom.  Campegio's Son is by Hall, none of his Flatterers, said to have been born in Wedlock, i. e. before he took Orders. This is also confirmed by Gauricus Genitur. 24. who says, he had by his Wife three Sons and two Daughters.  

P. 77. l. 18.  Campegio might take upon him to direct the Process, as being sent Express from Rome, or to avoid the imputation that might have been cast on the Proceed, if Wolsey had done it, but he was not the ancienter Cardinal, for Wolsey was made alone, Sept. 7. 1515. and Campegio, with many more, was advanced, July 1. 1517.  

P. 81. l. 32.  The Lord Herbert says, the King gave him only the use of Richmond, which is more probable.  

P. 82. l. 6.  The Cardinal died Novemb. 29. as most Writers agree; so it is wrong set in the History the 28, and in the Picture 26 for 29.  

P. 85. l. 21.  This Book is in the end of it, said to be printed 1530, in April; but it seems an Error, for 1531: for the Censures of the Universities, which are printed in, and mentioned in several places of it, do all bear date after that April, except those made by these of Oxford and Orleans.  

from bottom. P. 86.  What is said concerning the Author of the Antiquities of Oxford, has been much complained of by him. I find he has Authorities for what he said, but they are from Authors whose Manuscripts he perused, who are of no better Credit than Sanders himself, such as Harpsfield, and others of the like Credit. And I am satisfied, that he had no other Design in what he writ, but to set down things as he found them in the Authors whom he made use of.  
Calvin's Epistle seems not to belong to this Case, for besides that, 
P. 92.  he was then but 21, and though he was a Doctor of the Law, and had often preached before he was 24, for than he set out Seneca de Clementia, with Notes on it; Yet this was too soon to think he could have been consulted in so great a Case. That Epistle seems to relate to a Prince who was desirous of such a Marriage, and not of dissolving it; though it is indeed strange, that in treating of that Question, he should make no mention of so famous a case as that of King Henry, which had made so much noise in the World.  
The Letter dated the 8th of Decemb. 
P. 110. l. 22.  should have been mentioned immediately after that of the 5th, being but three days after it, and the Appeal that followed should have been set down after it. It were also fit to publish the Appeal itself, for the power of Appealing was a Point much controverted. Pope Pius the 2d condemned it 1549; yet it was used by the Venetians 1509, and by the University of Paris, March 27. 1517.  
Pool, as Dean of Exeter, 
P. 113. l. 4.  is said to be have been one of the Lower House of Convocation; which doth not agree with the Conjecture, p. 129. that the Deans at that time sat in the Upper House of Convocation.  
These sent by the King to Rome, came thither in February, 
P. 120. l. 8.  not in March; and the Articles they put in were 27, not 28, as it is there said. These, with other small Circumstances, appear from a Book then printed of these Disputes.  
If Cranmer was present at Ann Boleyn's Marriage, 
P. 126. l. 11.  which was certainly in Novemb. Warham having died in August before, he could not have delayed his coming to England six months. Antiq. Brit. says, he followed the Emperor to Spain; but Sleiden says, that the Emperor went no further than Mantua this Year, and sailed to Spain in March following; and Cranmer would not go then with him, for he was consecrated, not on the 13th of March, (which is an Error) but on the 30th of March.  
The order in which these Books were published, is not observed, 
P. 137. l. 10.  they were thus printed.  
1. De vera differentia Regiae Potestatis & Ecclesiasticae, (written by Edw. Fox Bishop of Hereford) 1534.  
2. De vera Obedientia, (by Stephen Gardiner) 1535. set out with Bonner's Preface before it, in Jan. 1536.  
3. The Institution of a Christian Man, 1537. which was afterwards reduced into another Form, under another Title, viz. A Necessary Doctrine, and Erudition for any Christian Man, 1540 But there was another put out before all these.  
De potestate Christianorum Regum in suis Ecclesiis contra Pontificis Tyrannidem; and the distinction there made between the Bishop's Book, and the King's Book seems not well applied. It is more probable that the Institution of a Christian Man, set out by the Bishops, was called their Book; and that being afterwards put in another Method, and set out by the King's Authority, it was called his Book.  

P. 150. l. 19  Bocking is called a Canon of Christs-Church in Canterbury. But there were then no Canons in that Church, they were all Monks.  

P. 158. l. 6.  The Bishops Suffragans were before common in England, some Abbots, or rich Clergymen, procuring under Foreign, or perhaps feigned Titles, that Dignity; and so performing some parts of the Episcopal Function, in large or neglected Dioceses; so the Abbot or Prior of Tame was one, Coll. p. 148. Such was Robert King Abbot of Oseney, after Bishop of Oxford; and Thom. Cornish a Residentiary of Wells, who by the name of Thomas Episcopus Tinensis, did confer Orders, and performed other Episcopal Functions for Fox while he was Bishop of Exeter, from 1487, to 1492. and afterwards, when he was Bishop of Wells, as appears by both those Registers: he died in the Year 1513. Of this I could give more Instances if it were necessary.  

P. 203. l. 5, 6.  It is said, some were judged to be Hanged, and others to be Beheaded. But this being a Case of Treason, the Judgements must have been the same, though executed in different ways, by order from the King. This I copied from Judge Spelman's Common-Place Book.  

P. 203. l. 21.  The Original Declaration should have been set down, but I thought that not necessary, for the L. Herbert has published it, only he forgot to add the Subscription to it, which I ought to have mentioned in its proper place, but it escaped me, and therefore I do it here.  

P. 226. l. 24.  Andre ' Thevet, a French Franciscan, who writ some Years after this an Universal Cosmography, says, Lib. 16. cap. 5. That he was assured, by divers English Gentlemen, that Mark Smeton at his Death, among his other Sins, repent in particular of the wrong he had done the Queen, in destroying her by a false Accusation. And though Thuanus makes him an Author of no Credit, yet there is no reason to suspect him in this Particular, for Writers seldom lie against their Interest; and the Franciscan Order had suffered so much for their adhering to Queen Katherine's Interests, in opposition to Ann Boleyn, that it is not likely one of that Order would have strained a Point to tell an honourable Story of her. This was made use of in Queen Elizabeth's Time, to vindicate her Memory; see Saravia Tract. count. Bezam. cap. 2. versus finem.  

P. 220. l. 4, 5  The King's Protestation was not published till about eight or nine months after that was obtained, which you there mention, which was the 20th of July, 1536. And in the Protestation, mention is made of the putting off the Council from May to Novemb. 1537. which came out in April or May that Year. And in April 1538. the King set out another Protestation against a Bull for the Council at Vincenza, which is not mentioned in the History.  
Pool lived at Milan long before this time, and not after it, (as Antiq. 
P. 221. l. 10.  Brit. from whom it is vouched has it) but that Society of Learned Men was now removed to Rome, whither Pool seems to have gone to them.  
No wonder Chester was not here mentioned, 
P. 263. l. 7.  since it was erected before. And so it might well be, though the Charter for the present Foundation bears date after; for the former might be surrendered and canceled, probably because of some mention made in it of the Pope's Bull, of which you speak p. 121.  
Fox adds another Passage of that Discourse between Cromwell and the Duke of Norfolk, which perhaps offended him much; 
P. 265. l. 17. from bottom.  that he was never so far in love with Wolsey, as to have waited on him to Rome, as he understood the Duke of Norfolk would have done.  
Coventry and Litchfield were never two different Bishoprics, 
P. 228. l. 23.  but two different Seats of the same See, which had sometimes a third at Chester.  
This was not designed interview; 
P. 272. l. 1.  but Charles hearing of the Tumult at Ghent, went from Spain to Flanders, through France, as his nearest way, and was met by Francis at Loches in Berry, and not at Paris.  
Cromwell was then Dean of Wells, 
P. 279. l. 20.  and that was the reason of the Proviso.  
Hall and L. Herbert say, This was on the 25th, 
P. 280. l. 5.  which you put on the 24th of June.  
He in that place belongs to the King named before; 
P. 297.  so it should have been expressed, that it is Bonner that is here meant.  
It was not necessary to restore the Lord Cromwell in Blood, 
P. 312. l. 12.  for he was made a Baron, when his Father was made an Earl, so that his Blood was not corrupted by his Father's Attaindor.  
Interludes were not then brought in first to Churches, 
P. 318. l. 8.  but had been used in the Times of Popery, the greatest part of their Religion being placed in outward Shows, so that these did well enough agree with it; and such Representations are yet in use sometimes in the Roman Church, so that, by which they had formerly entertained the People, was now turned on themselves.  
Fox sets down a Confession of Anne Askews, 
P. 342. l. 1.  (perhaps Ascough was her right Name, for so is the Name of the Family in Lincolnshire written) in which she herself relates this Passage of the Lord Chancellor's racking her with his own hands; so there is no reason to question the truth of it; and Parsons, who detracts as much from Fox's Credit as he can, does not question this particular.  

P. 344. l. 10.  The Story concerning Cranmer, must belong to the former Year, for Butts that bore a share in it, died on the 17th of Novemb. 1545, as appears by the Inscription on his Tombstone in Fulham Church: So this Passage being after the Duke of Suffolk's Death, which was in August that Year; this must be placed between August and Novemb. 1545.  

P. 346. l. 6.  The Earl of Surrey had not lived long a Widower, for his youngest Son, afterwards Earl of Northampton, is said to have been at nurse at his Father's Death.  

P. 355. l. 17. from bottom.  The Year of Sir Tho. More's Birth is not certain; by Erasmus his Reckoning, it was in the Year 1479, if not higher; others say it was 1480; and others 1484.  

P. 359. l. 30.  William Peyto: Thuanus, calls him William, and says, he was Loci Ignobilis; but his true Name, by which he was made Cardinal, was Peter; whether he was so Christened, or assumed it only when he became a Friar, is not certain. He was descended from an Ancient and Eminent Family in , yet remaining.  

P. 204. l. 14. from bottom.  And not many of these. Here seems to be a word or more wanting; It is wanting in the Original, but it should have been supplied by a conjecture on the Margin; Armed seems to be the word that agrees best to the sense.   
FINIS.   

Errata in the former Volume, that are not marked in the Table of them.  
PAge 10. line 17 from bottom, for 18 of June, read 28. P. 22. l. 11. fr. bott. f. Frediswood, r. Frideswoide. P. 26. l. 24. f. Sartre, r. Sautre; l. 29. f. it as like, r. it is like. P. 27. l. 12. fr. bott. f. 1611, r. 1511. P. 41. l. 25. for Dorchester, r. Dorset. P. 47. l. 24. f. Puccy, r. Pucci. P. 59 l. 18. f. great, r. got. P. 72. l. 11. f. Simpson, r. Samson. P. 85. Marg. l. 28. f. 2 Feb. r. 24. P. 91. l. 14. f. 19 of June, r. 10. of June. P. 163. l. ult. f. rent, r. rated. P. 242. l. 8. f. this Kings, r. this kind. P. 247. l. 9 f. 1635. r. 1535. ibid. l. 15 fr. bott. f. 7 Dec. r. 17. P. 249. l. 11. f. refuse, r. refute. P. 262. l. 18. f. Reat, r. rents. P. 280. l. 21. f. Person, r. Prison. P. 285. f. came, r. come. P. 333. (misprinted 343) l. 24. f. Dell, r. Bell. P. 343. l. 18. f. Alrich, r. Holgate.   

A Table of the Records and Papers that are in the Collection, with which the Places in the History to which they relate are marked; the first Number, with the Letter C. is the Page of the Collection; the second with the Letter H. is the Page of the History.  
 C. H. THe Journal of King Edward's Reign, 1 1 1. His Preface to some Scriptures against Idolatry, 68 157 2. A Discourse concerning the Reformation of divers Abuses, 69 ibid. 3. A Reformation of the Order of the Garter, translated into Latin by him, 73 205 4. A Paper concerning a Free Mart in England, 78 208 5. The Method in which the Council represented Matters of State to him, 82 219 6. Articles for the Regulation of the Privy Council, 86 213  

The First Book.  
1. The Character of King Edward given by Cardan, 89 2 2. The Commission taken out by Archbishop Cranmer, 90 6 3. The Councils Letter to the Justices of Peace, 92 13 4. The Order for the Coronation of King Edward, 93 ibid. 5. The Commission for which the Lord Chancellor was deprived of his Office; with the Opinion of the Judges about it, 96 17 6. The Duke of Somersets Commission to be Protector, 98 18 7. The King's Letter to the Archbishop of York concerning the Visitation, 103 26 8. The form of bidding Prayers before the Reformation, 104 30 9 A Letter of Bishop Tonstal's proving the subjection of the Crown of Scotland to the King of England, 106 32 10. A Letter sent by the Scotish Nobility to the Pope, concerning their being an Independent Kingdom, 109 ibid. 11. The Oath given to the Scots, who submitted to the Protector, 111 35 12. Bonner's Protestation, with his Submission, 112 36 13. Gardiner's Letter concerning the Injunctions, ibid. ibid. 14. The Conclusion of his Letter to the Protector against them, 114 38 15. A Letter of the Protectors to the Lady Mary, justifying the Reformation, 115 39 16. Petitions made by the Lower House of Convocation, 117 47 17. A second Petition to the same purpose, 118 ibid. 18. Reasons for admitting the Inferior Clergy to sit in the House of Commons, 119 48 19 A Letter of Martin Bucers to Gropper, 121 51 20. Questions and Answers concerning the Divorce of the Marquis of Northampton, 125 58 21. Injunctions given in King Henry's Time to the Deanery of Doncaster, 126 59 22. A Proclamation against Innovations without the King's Authority, 128 ibid. 23. An Order of Council for the removing of Images, 129 60 24. A Letter, with Directions sent to all Preachers, 130 61 25. Questions concerning some abuses in the Mass, with the Answers made by some Bishops and Divines to them, 133 62 26. A Collection of the chief Indulgences then in the English Offices, 150 66 27. Injunctions for a Visitation of Chauntries, 152 67 28. The Protector's Letter to Gardiner, concerning the Points that he was to handle in his Sermon, 154 70 29. Idolatrous Collects and Hymns in the Hours of Sarum, 156 61 30. Dr. Redmayn's Opinion of the Marriage of the Clergy, 157 92 31. Articles of Treason against the Admiral, 158 98 32. The Warrant for the Admiral's Execution, 164 100 33. Articles for the King's Visitors, 165 102 34. A Paper of Luther concerning a Reconciliation with the Zwinglians, 166 105 35. The Sentence against Joan of Kent, 167 111 36. A Letter of the Protectors to Sir Philip Hobbey, of the Rebellions at home, 169 120 37. A Letter of Bonners after his Deprivation, 170 128 38. Instructions to Sir W. Paget, sent to the Emperor, 171 131 39 A Letter of Pagets to the Protector, 173 132 40. Another Letter of his to the Protector, 177 133 41. The Councils Letter to the King against the Protector, 183 136 42. The Protector's Submission, 184 ibid. 43. A Letter from the Council to the King, 185 137 44. A Letter writ by the Council to Cranmer and Paget, 187 ibid. 45. Cranmer and Pagets Answer, 188 ibid. 46. Articles objected to the Duke of Somerset, 189 138 47. A Letter of the Councils to the Bishops, assuring them that the King intended to go forward in the Reformation, 191 143 48. Cardinal Wolsey's Letter for procuring the Popedom to himself, upon Pope Adrian's Death, 192 147 49. Instructions given to the Lord Russel, and others, concerning the delivery of Bulloign to the French, 198 148 50. Other Instructions sent to them, 201 ibid. 51. The Patents for the Germane Congregation, 202 154 52. Injunctions given by Bishop Ridley, 205 153 53. Oglethorp's Submission and Profession of his Faith, 207 161 54. Dr. Smith's Letter to Cranmer, 208 ibid. 55. Articles of Religion set out by the King's Authority, 209 166 56. Instructions to the Precedent of the North, 221 217 57 Instructions to Sir Rich. Morison, sent to the Emperor, 229 220 58. A Letter of Ridley's, setting out the Sins of that Time, 231 227 59 Ridley's Letter to the Protector, concerning the Visitation of the University of Cambridg, 232 120 60. The Protectors Answer to the former Letter, 234 ibid. 61. A Letter of Cranmers to King Henry, concerning a further Reformation, and against Sacrilege, 236 196   

BOOK II.  
1. THe Proclamation of L. Jane Gray's Title to the Crown, 239 235 2. A Letter writ by Q. Katherine to her Daughter, 242 240 3. A humble Submission made by Q. Mary to her Father, 243 241 4. Another of the same strain confirming the former, 245 ibid. 5. Another to the same purpose, 246 ibid. 6. A Letter written by her to Cromwell, containing a full submission in all Points of Religion to her Father's pleasure, 247 ibid. 7. A Letter of Bonner's, upon his being restored to his Bishopric, 248 248 8. Cranmers Manifesto against the Mass, 249 ibid. 9 The Conclusions of Instructions sent by Car. Pool to the Queen, 250 260 10. Injunctions sent from the Queen to the Bishops, 252 274 11. A Commission to turn out some of the Reformed Bishops, 256 ibid. 12. Another Commission for turning out the rest of them, 257 ibid. 13. Bonner's Certificate that Bishop Scory had put away his Wife, 258 275 14. The Queen's Letter to the Justices of Peace in Norfolk, 259 288 15. The Articles of Bonner's Visitation, 263 289 16. Address made by the lower, to the upper House of Convocation, 266 295 17. A Bull making Card. Beaton, Legate a Latere, in Scotland, 271 292 18. A Letter of the Queen's, recommending Card. Pool to the Popedom, 282 311 19 Directions sent to the Justices in Peace of Norfolk, 283 ibid. 20. A Letter from the King and Queen, requiring Bonner to go on in the prosecution of Heretics, 285 312 21. Sir T. Moor's Letter to Cromwell, concerning the Nun of Kent, 286 316 22. Directions of the Queen's to the Council, touching the Reformation of the Church, 292 317 23. Injunctions given by Latimer to the Prior of St. Mary's, 293 319 24. A Letter of Ann Boleyn's to Gardiner, 294 321 25. The Office of Consecrating the Cramprings, 295 ibid. 26. Letter of Gardiner's too K. Henry, concerning his Divorce, 297 ibid. 27. The Writ for the burning of Cranmer, 300 334 28. A Commission to Bonner, and others, to raze Records, 301 341 29. Cromwel's Commission to be the King's Vicegerent, 303 ibid. 30. A Letter of the Monks of Glassenbury, for raising that Abbey, 306 342 31. A Letter of Carne's from Rome, 307 344 32. A Commission for a severe way of proceeding against all suspect of Heresy, 311 347 33. A Letter of the Councils, expressing their Jealousies of the Lady Elizabeth, 314 351 34. Letter from Carn, concerning the suspension of Pool's Legation, 315 353 35. The Appeal of Archbishop Chichely to a General Council, from the Pope's Sentence, 321 ibid. 36. Instructions representing the State of the Nation to King Philip, after the loss of Calais, 324 360 37. Sir T. Pope's Letter concerning the L. Elizabeth's Answer to the Proposition of Marriage sent her by the K. of Sweden, 325 361   

BOOK III.  
1. THe Device for alteration of Religion in the first Year of Q. Elizabeth's Reign, offered to Secretary Cecil, 327 377 2. Dr. Sandies Letter to Dr. Parker, concerning the Proceed in Parliament, 332 386 3. The first Proposition upon which the Papists and Protestants disputed in Westminster Abbey; with the Arguments which the Reformed Divines made upon it, 333 390 4. The Answer which D. Cole made to the former Proposition, 338 389 5. A Declaration made by the Council concerning the Conference, 345 392 6. An Address made by some Bishops and Divines to the Queen, against the use of Images, 348 397 7. The High Commission for the Province of York, 350 400 8. Ten Letters written to and by Dr. Parker, concerning his Promotion to the See of Canterbury, 353 401 9 The Instrument of his Consecration, 363 404 10. An Order for the Translating of the Bible, 366 406 11. A Profession of Religion made in all Churches by the Clergy, 365 405 12. Sir Walter Mildmay's Opinion concerning the keeping of the Queen of Scots, 369 417 12. A Letter of the E. of Leicester's touching the same thing, 373 ibid. 13. The Bull of P. Pius the 5th, deposing Q. Elizabeth, 377 418 An Appendix concerning some of the Errors and Falsehoods in Sanders' Book of the English Schism, 383  Some Mistakes in the former Volume, 410     

ERRATA.  
PAge 9 line penult, after be, read not. P. 13. l. 17. ever, 1. every. P. 15. l. 42. M●●b●●gs, r. Marbridge. P. 72. l. 42. muta, r. imbuta. P. 74. l. 32. tenetis, r. tenentem. P. 75. l. 8. ●●im qui, r. eum qui. P. 91. l. 28. ac, r. ad. duratutatum, r. duraturas. P. 110. l. 1. pracesse, r. praesse. l. 7. hunc, r. nunc. l. 27. intemur, r. nit●mu●. l. 50. proximus, r. proximis. l. ult. proprior, r. propior. P. 115. l. antepenult. ●, r. ac. P. 122. l. 26. summa, r. summis. l. 36. panam, r. Perram. P. 128. l. 3. down. r. undone. l. 29. done, r. undone. l. 39 injure, r. incurre. P. 156. l▪ ●8. Devine, r. Domine. p. 167. l. 29. after Flesh, r. manutenuisse. P. 168. l. 19 resipiscisse, r. resipuisse. P. 173. l. 17. pl●no, r. plano. l. 20. saying, r. saving. l. 21. in, r. of. P. 178. l. 14. after should, r. not. P. 197. l. 18. after there, r. which. Pag. 199. l. 44. least, r. last. Pag. 200. l. 27. after ●●, r. or. Pag. 209. l. 9 Ghost, r. Trinity. Pag. 214. l. 25. after be, r. not. Pag. 217. l. 14. deal not. l. ult. reproved, r. approved. P. 220. l. 13. after Bodies, r. nor s●●podlily. P. 237. l. 17. sent, r. was to se●●●. P. 248. l. 13, 14. Leekmore, r. Leechmore, l. 15. asserting, r. ascertaining. P. 251. l. 34. to be, r. took. l. 40. before outwardly, r.; P. 256. l. 29. vocend, r. vocant. P. 258. l. 32. Christians, r. Christiana. P. 263. l. 34. deal and. P. 299. l. 22. Judice, r. Judicem. P. 320. l. 15. after doth, r. not. P. 321. l. 39 ordinem, r. ordine. P. 321. l. 21. nullum, r. nulla. l. 29. after contumaciam, put, and deal, after causa. l. 43. at, r. ac. P. 342. l. 44. before lawful, r. was it. P. 343. l. 33. after all, r. art. p. 366. Margin, Bolase, r. Borlase. p. 378. Marg. sentia, r. sententia. p. 396. l. 20. Worchester, r. Winchester. p. 398. l. 44. interrupted, r. uninterrupted. p. 411. l. 8. deal (). l. 28. after Heir, r. apparent. l. 33. deal afterwards. p. 411. Marg. l. 4. to l. 16. and from bottom. p. 412. l. 19 Winter is called Wolsey's Bastard, r. Campegioe's Son is called his Bastard, l. 36. had, r. has. p. 412. Marg. l. 1. 14. r. 20. Marg. l. 11. 15. r. 32. p. 413. l. 32. would, r. could. l. 44. put out, r. written. p. 414. l. 28. Mark S●●ton, r. K. Henry. Marg. l. 3. for 203, r. 202. Marg. l. 4. 226, r. 206. p. 415. Marg. 297. l. 16. add fr. bottom. p. 416. l. 19 Frideswoide, r. Frideswide. P. 2. Contents, Numb. 52. r. Injunctions given by Bishop Ridley, 205 158. P. 3. Contents, Numb. 15. r. The Articles of Bonner 's Visitation, 260.   

BOOKS printed for, and sold by Richard Chiswell.  

FOLIO.  
SPeed's Maps and Geography of Great Britain and Ireland, and of Foreign Parts.  
Dr. Cave's Lives of the Primitive Fathers.  
Dr. Cary's Chronological Account of Ancient Time.  
Wanly's Wonders of the little Word, or History of Man.  
Sir Tho. Herbert's Travels into Persia, etc.  
Holyoak's large Dictionary, Latin and English.  
Sir Rich. Baker's Chronicle of England.  
Causin's Holy Court.  
Wilson's Complete Christian Dictionary.  
Bishop Wilkin's Real Character, or Philosophical Language.  
Pharmacopoeia Regalis Collegii Medicorum Londinensis.  
Judge Jone's Reports of Cases in Common Law.  
Judge Vaughan's Reports of Cases in Common Law.  
Cave Tabulae Ecclesiasticorum Scriptorum.  
Hobbes's Leviathan.  
Lord Bacon's Advancement of Learning.  
Bishop Taylor's Sermons.  
Sir Will. Dugdale's Baronage of England, in two Vol.  
R●●anolli Bibliotheca Theologica, in three Vol.  
Lord Cook's Reports in French.  
— Idem. in English.  
Judge Yelverton's Reports.  
Sir John Davies' Reports.  
Herod●ti Historia, Gr. Lat. Accesserunt huic editione, Stephani Apologia pro Herod●to, item Chronologia, Tabula Geograph. Necnon variae lectiones & Notae ex MSS. & Antiq. Script. 1679.   

QVARTO.  
THe several Informations exhibited to the Committee, appointed by Parliament, to inquire into the burning of London. 1667.  
Godwin's Roman Antiquities.  
Dr. Littleton's Dictionary.  
Bishop Nicholson on the Church Catechism.  
The Complete Clerk. Precedents of all Sorts.  
Dr. Pierce on God's Decrees.  
History of the late Wars of New-England.  
Dr. Outram de Sacrificiis.  
Bishop Tailor Dissuasive from Popery.  
Garissolius de Chr. Mediatore.  
Corpus Confessionum Fidei.  
Spanhemi Dubia Evangelica, 2 Vol.  
Dr. Gibb's Sermons.  
Parkeri Disputationes de Deo.  
Description and History of the Future State of Europe. 1 s.  
Fowler's Defence of the Design of Christianity, against John Bunyan. 1 s.  
Lyford's Discovery of the Errors and Heresies of the Times. 4 s.  
Dr. Sherlock's Visitation Sermon at Warrington.  
Dr. West'o Assize-Sermon at Dorchester, 1671.  
Mr. Dodson's Sermon at Lady Farmer's Funeral, 1670. 8 d.  
Directions for Improvement of Barren Land.  
Culverwel's Discourse of the Light of Nature.  
Sheppard's Grand Abridgement of the Law, in English, 3 Vol.  
Swinburn of Wills and Testaments.  
Aston's Entries.  
Dr. Meric Casaubon's Letter to Dr. Du Moulin, about Experimental Philosophy.  
Lord Hollis' Relation of the Unjust Accusation of certain French Gentlemen charged with a Robbery, 1671.  
The Magistrate's Authority asserted, in a Sermon by James Paston.   

OCTAVO.  
THe Posing of the Parts of Speech.  
Elborow's Rationale upon the English Service.  
Burnet's Vindication of the Ordination of the Church of England.  
Winchester Phrases.  
Bishop Wilkins of Natural Religion.  
Hardcastles Christian Geography and Arithmetic.  
Ashton's Apology for the Honours and Revenues of the Clergy.  
Lord Hollis' Vindication of the Judicature of the House of Peers in the case of Skinner.  
— Jurisdiction of the House of Peers in case of Appeals.  
— Jurisdiction of the House of Peers in case of Impositions.  
— Letter about the Bishop's Vote in Capital Cases.  
Zenophont. Cyropaedia. Gr. Lat.  
Duporti Versio Psalmorum Graeca.  
Grew's Idea of Philological Hist. continued on Roots.  
Wingates Abridgement of the Statutes in force.  
Fitzherberts' Natura Brevium.  
Judge Hales' Pleas of the Crown.  
wilkinson's Office of Sheriffs.  
Lord Cook's Complete Coppy-holder.  
Dialogue in English betwixt a Doctor and a Student, concerning the Laws of England.  
Finch of the Law.  
Spaniard's Conspiracy against the State of Venice.  
Batei Elenchus motuum nuperorum in Anglia.  
Brown's Religio Medici.  
Several Tracts of Mr. Hales of Eton.  
Bishop Sanderson's Life.  
Dr. Tillotson's Rule of Faith.  
Gregorii Etymologicon Parvum.  
Pasoris Grammatica Grae. Novi Testamenti, 4 s.  
Rossei Gnomologicon Poeticum.  
Gouge's word to Saints and Sinners.  
Dr. Simpson's Chemical Anatomy of the Yorkshire Spaws; with a Discourse of the Original of Hot-Springs and other Fountains, and a Vindication of Chemical Physic, 3 s.  
— His Hydrological Essays; with an Account of the Allum-works at Whitby, and some Observations about the Jaundice, 1 s. 6 d.  
Dr. Cox's Discourse of the Interest of the Patient, in reference to Physic and Physicians, and Detection of the Abuses practised by the Apothecaries, 1 s. 6 d.  
Organon Salutis: Or an Instrument to cleanse the Stomach: with divers New Experiments of the Virtue of Tobacco and Coffee: To which is prefixed a Preface of Sir Hen. Blunt, 1 s.  
Dr. Cave's Primitive Christianity, in three Parts.  
A Discourse of the Nature, Ends, and Difference of the two Covenaants, 1672. 2 s.  
Ignatius Fuller's Sermons of Peace and Holiness, 1672. 1 s. 6 d.  
Lipsius' Discourse of Constancy, 2 s. 6 d.  
Willis's Anglicisms Latinized 3 s. 6. d.  
Buckler of State and Justice against France's Designs of Universal Monarchy, 1673.  
A free Conference touching the Present State of England at home and abroad, in order to the Designs of France, 1673. 1 s.  
Bishop Tailor of Confirmation, 1 s. 6 d.  
Mystery of Jesuitism, third and fourth Parts. 2 s. 6 d.  
Sanderson Judicium Academ. Oxoniens. de Solenni Liga, 6 d.  
Dr. Samway's Unreasonableness of the Romanists, 1 s. 6 d.  
Record of Urines, 1 s.  
Dr. Ashton's Cases of Scandal and Persecution, 1674. 1 s.   

DUODECIMO.  
FArnabii Index Rhetoricus.  
Ciceronis Orationes selectae.  
Hodder 's Arithmetic.  
Horatius Menellii.  
Sands Ovid Metamorphosis.  
Grotius de Veritate Religionis Christianae.  
Bishop Hacket 's Christian Consolations.  
Littleton 's Tenors in French and English.   

VICESIMO QUARTO.  
LVcius Florus. Lat.—  
— Id. French. 16ᵒ  
Crumbs of Comfort.  
Valentine's Devotions.  
Guide to Heaven.   

Books lately Printed.  
GVillim's Display of Heraldry with large Additions.  
— Dr. Burnet's History of the Reformation of the Church of Engl. Fol. in a Volumes.  
Dr. Burlace's History of the Irish Rebellion.  
Mr. John Jenison's Additional Narrative about the Plot.  
Cole's Latin and English Dictionary with large Additions, 1679.  
William's Sermon before the L. Mayor, Octob. 12. 1679.  
— History of the Gunpowder Treason.  
— Impartial Consideration of the Speeches of the Five Jesuits Executed for Treason. Fol.  
Trials of the Regicides, 8ᵒ  
Dangerfield's Narrative of the Pretended Presbyterian Plot.  
Mr. Jam. Brome's two Fast Sermons. The Famine of the Word threatened to Israel, and God's Call to Weeping and Mourning.  
Account of the Public Affairs in Ireland, since the Discovery of the late Plot.  
Dr. Jane's Fast Sermon before the House of Commons, April 11. 1679.  
Dr. Burnet's Letter written upon the Discovery of the late Plot. 4 to.  
— His Translation of the Decree made at Rome, March 2. 1679. condemning some Opinions of the Jesuits, and other Casuists. 4 to.  
— His Relation of the Massacre of the Protestants in France. 4 to.  
Mr. John James' Visitation Sermon, April 9 1671. 4 to.  
Mr. John Cave's Fast Sermon, on Jan. 30. 1679. 4 to.  
— His Assize Sermon at Leicester, July 31. 79. 4 to.  
Certain Genuine Remains of the Lord Bacon, in Arguments Civil, Moral, Natural, Medical, Theological, and Bibliographical; with a large account of all his Works, by Dr. Tho. Tenison. 8 to.  
Dr. Puller's Discourse of the Moderation of the Church of England. 8 to.  
The Original of all the Plots in Christendom; with the Danger and Remedy of Schism. By Dr. William Sawel, Master of Jesus College Cambridg. 8 o.  
A Discourse of Supreme Power & Common Right. By a Person of Quality. 8 o.  
Dr. Edw. Bagshaw's Discourse upon Select Texts against the Papist & Socinian. 8 o.  
Mr. Rushworth's Historical Collections: The second Volume. Fol.  
— His large and exact Account of the Trial of the Earl of Strafford; with all the Circumstances preliminary to, concomitant with, and subsequent upon the same, to his Death. Fol.  
Remarks relating to the State of the Church of the three first Centuries, wherein are interspersed Animadversions on a Book, called, A View of Antiquity; By J. H. written by A. S.  
Speculum Baxterianum, or Baxter against Baxter. 4 to.  
The Countryman's Physician. For the use of such as live far from Cities, or Market-Towns. 8 o.  
Sir Rob. Filmer's Patriarchae. 8 o.  
Juvenile Rambles of Tho. Dangerfield. 8 o.  
Dr. Burnet's Sermon before the Lord Mayor, upon the Fast for the Fire. 1680. 4 to.  
— His Account of the Conversion and Persecutions of Eve Cohan, a Person of Quality of the Jewish Religion, lately Baptised a Christian. 4 o.  
— His Fast Sermon before the House of Commons, Decemb. 22. 1680.  
— His Fast-Sermon before the Aldermen and Liveries of the City of London, on the 30th of January, 1680.  
New-England Psalms. 12ᵒ.  
An Apology for a Treatise of Humane Reason. By Ma. Clifford Esq; 12ᵒ.  
The Laws of this Realm concerning Jesuits, Seminary Priests, Recusants, the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance explained, by divers Judgements and Resolutions of the Judges; with other Observations thereupon. By William Cawley Esq; Fol.  
Bishop Sanderson's Sermons. Fol.  
Fowlis' History of Romish Conspiracies, Treasons, and Usurpations, 1681. Fol.  
The Tything-Table. 4 to.  
Markham's Perfect Horseman, 1681. 8ᵒ.  
The History of the Powder-Treason; with a Vindication of the Proceed and Matters relating thereunto, from the Exceptions made against it, and more particularly of late Years; by the Author of the Catholic Apology, and others. To which is added, A Parallel betwixt That and the present Plot, 1681. 4 to.  
The Counter-Scuffle. 4 to.  
Mr. Langford's plain and useful Instructions, to raise all sorts of Fruit-Trees that prosper in England, in that method and order that every thing is to be done in: Together with the best Directions for making Liquors of the several sorts of Fruit, 1681. 8ᵒ.   
FINIS.