A LETTER From a Gentleman in the COUNTRY, To a Member of the House of COMMONS in England; in Reference to the VOTES Of the 14th of December, 97. Relating to the TRADE of IRELAND.  
Together with An ANSWER To the said LETTER.  
By Sir F. B.  
DUBLIN, reprinted for Patrick Campbel; and are to be sold at his shop in Skinner-row. 1698.   

A LETTER from a Gentleman in the Country, to a Member of the House of Commons, etc.  
SIR,  
THOUGH you receive this from my hands, yet it is the Sense of your Sea and Land Neighbours in the Country, upon your Resolving That a Committee be appointed to consider of the Trade of England and Ireland, ●nd how to make the Trade of this Kingdom more ●eneficial.  
We also hope that your House will consider in ●●me of Peace, what may enable the Nation to De●●nd themselves in time of War. It cannot but 〈◊〉 a trouble to all thinking Men, to see a King●●m and People once so famous for Trade and Navigation, to fight themselves out of both; without ●●flecting on the Expense of 50 Millions Sterling; ●hich was the Harvest of 700 Years, when this ●●ation was almost sole in the Tilledge of the Sea: ●●ow we are encompassed with Rivals, and cannot ●●pect such plentiful Crops. Therefore we have 〈◊〉 much reason to consider how to secure our Trade in time of Peace, as we have our Liberties in time of War.  
Among the many Rivals of our Trade and Navigation, I have often thought Ireland to be the most dangerous; and that which first led me into the opinion, was the practice of the two last Reigns, encouraging the Irish more than their English Subjects in Trade and Navigation; they being proper Tools to support Popery and Slavery, which Ireland was a fit Nursery for; and altho' the English there are mortal Enemies to the first, yet are they bred up with, and sharers in the latter; that is, in the Power they have over the Irish in Arbitrary Administration; and that which first led the English into such despotic Practice, was the numbers of the Irish, and their aversion to the English Laws and Religion; which upon any alteration of Government in England, the Irish get up in Rebellion. To prevent which, the English were forced to be Extraordinary in their Discipline over them; and this manage of inferior Magistrates in the Country, was followed by superior Courts of Justice● until it reached the English themselves; yet could they not complain, since in their stations from the Constable to the Justice the same was practised. All which I think was designed to breed up Instruments for Arbitrary Government in Ireland to introduce it here, and we may remember Irish Judge● removed from Ireland here to serve a Turn.  
This I mention, tho' it may be thought Foreign 〈◊〉 Trade, because I think admitting Ireland to ●heir own Conduct, either in Government, or Commerce, etc. is dangerous to England. But I ●●all not hold you longer from the subject of Trade, ●●e design of this Letter; and that you may not ●●ink I writ on common Fame, give me leave 〈◊〉 tell you, that I have been concerned in the Trade of Ireland, and have been twice in that Kingdom, where I made the Observations following.  
First, That the Kingdom lies with greater Advantage for Trade and Navigation than any Part 〈◊〉 Europe.  
Secondly, That both its Land and Seas are blest 〈◊〉 Nature with better Products than any Part of ●●●rope.  
Thirdly, That it stands betwixt us and all the profitable Commerce of the World.  
Fourthly, That all this is in the Possession of foreigners and Irish, the English in Ireland being proprietors of most of the Land, giving themselves to Rural Employments.  
This being matter of Fact, that you will consi●●● the reason England hath, to inquire into the ●●●pose and manage of the Trade of that Kingdom, ●●ich hath lost this Nation so much Blood and ●●●easure to recover, after 32 Rebellions.  
●n the compass of a Letter I cannot innumerate 〈◊〉 he particulars where in Ireland interferes with the Trade of England; I shall only insist upon Five, Viz.  
First, That of their Fishing, which they have variety of sorts more than we have in England early on their Coast, nearer than we are to a Market so that they may sell before ours are out of the Sea.  
Secondly, They have Provisions of all sort Fifty per Cent. cheaper than we have.  
Thrdily, They do by their cheapness of Hide● and plenty of Bark, make Land, and Leather, Cen● per Cent. cheaper than we can.  
Fourthly, By their vast Woods they supply Fran●● and Spain with Staves, build Ships at Fifty per Cent. cheaper than we can, by which they draw o●● from England our Ship-Carpenters; which in th●● end may destroy our Navigation, and make the●● the Carrier's of our Merchandise, and increase the●● Seamen, which by the way, are most Irish; for as 〈◊〉 said before, the English generaly follow Count●● Employments.  
Fifthly, By the cheapness and large Staple 〈◊〉 their Wool multitude of Irish Spinners, and cheapness of their Work, they are in a fair way of bei●● more than Rivals in our  Manufacture ' 〈◊〉 great numbers of our Clothiers running into th●● Kingdom with what small Stocks they have; whi●● they are the more encouraged unto by their raisi●● the Coin Twenty per Cent. above its Value in England; so that he which goes from hence with Eigh●● Pounds, hath a Hundred when he arrives in Irela●● Thus at a blow we lose our Manufacturies, Men; and Money. A fair return you will say for ●ur kindness in relieving them here; and restoring ●hem there to their Estates: But that which I think ●he most unaccountable of all is, that we suffer them 〈◊〉 hold Parliaments, settle Estates, pass Attainders, Regulate our Trade, Pardon their own Rebellions, ●hat we have paid for. This could be done by no●●ing but Irish Assurance, nor endured by any but English Conquerors, for so I hope they will yet allow us to be, if not, that your House will take a ●ourse to make them remember it:  
After what is said, you may expect I should propose some Expedients to prevent Ireland from run●ing away with a Million Sterling per Annum of ●●e Trade of this Nation.  
What I conceive might be a Remedy to preserve 〈◊〉, and yet not hurt them, (for I am not Ruining 〈◊〉 Brethren that are there,) is as followeth:  
First, That they should not be admitted 〈◊〉 Build or keep at Sea any Ship, but to have all 〈◊〉 Carriage of that Kingdom by Ships of England.  
Secondly, That they should be bounded and prescribed in all their Trade by Act of Parliament of England, not only to the places they shall ●rade, but to the quantity of their Natural Pro●●ct they shall Export, and to the Season and ●●me when, so that England may have the first ●arket.  
Thirdly, That they may not Fish but with Boated and Men of England.  
Fourthly, That their Money be brought to 〈◊〉 Standard of England.  
Fifthly, That they hold no Parliaments, but 〈◊〉 Governed by the Parliament Laws of England.  
Sixthly, That they be not permitted to ma●● any Manufactures whatsoever, except Linen.  
I will trouble you no longer than to pray yo●● Reading of Mr. Carey of Bristols Book, who ha●● writ with great Judgement and Affection to 〈◊〉 Country on this subject. I wish we had more M●●● that considered the Trade of the Nation, the 〈◊〉 of which will be more dangerous than a standing Army.   

AN ANSWER TO A LETTER from a Gentleman in the Country, to a Member of the House of COMMONS, in ENGLAND.  
On the VOTES of the 14th of December, 1697. Relating to the TRADE of IRELAND.  
SIR,  
WE live in an Age where scribbling is the Language of one Man to another, and too often used on a Subject, to which ●●ey are as much strangers, as to each other's Per●●n. This seems our case, we come abroad with the ●●ow'd to please ourselves, tho' we disturb others; ●●t that which brings me in Print is, because I ●●ink Men of better Understanding will not trou●●e themselves to Answer your unpolished Libel on ●●e Government and our Brothers in Ireland; and by that means your Invectives might have the success you wished for, viz. a belief amongst the Industrious part of the Nation; which, were the●● true, the first work of England should be to remo●● our Friends, destroy the Natives, and send o●●● a Hundred Thousand Soldiers to keep the Island from them; that know how to make a good use 〈◊〉 it, if we don't: But the best way of confuting yo●● Maxims in Trade and Government, is to repe●● them, and then a very few words will Answer them.  
I begin with your assertion, That it cannot 〈◊〉 be the trouble of all thinking Men, to see a Kingdom and People once so famous for Trade and Navigation, to Fight themselves out of both. To t●● it's answered, I meet with few of your opinion, 〈◊〉 such as think the Nation did ill to fight at all.  
Obedience to the late K. though in Wooden Sho●●● and Faggots on our backs, to Smithfield was our ●●ry, your Holy Church tells us; but that whi●● makes few believe it, is, that Doctrine was alw●● preached by Men of debauched Lives, and Pro●●●tutes for preferment. But, Sir, I must tell 〈◊〉 what Men that think as much as yours, say; 〈◊〉 that is, They believe that by the War which 〈◊〉 ended with so much honour and advantage to 〈◊〉 Nation, we have secured our Trade and Navigation, with something more that perhaps you are 〈◊〉 friend unto our Laws and Religion; but as 〈◊〉 Trade and Navigation, pray how should we 〈◊〉 preserved them if the French had been Masters of ●●e United Provinces. For seeing we and the Dutch ●●ere fully employed both together, to deal with the ●rench alone, which way could we have blown the ●rench and Dutch Fleets, out of the Sea in case ●●ey had been united. Those that find fault with ●●r War, would be pleased with our Captivity; ●●ft words are called for by such as are wounded ●ith Truths, therefore I shall not speak my thought of your Principels. You tell us of 700 ●●ers Harvest, and 50 Millions spent in this War; ●●t were more, Englishmen think we have the ●orth of it; but I hope you do not believe the ●hole 50 Millions are carried out of the King●●m, it is demonstrable, that the greatest part is still ●●ongst us tho' I confess it may be in worse hands ●●n before the War. I must own myself no ●●end to that practice which inriches the Servant 〈◊〉 beggars the Master: It should be the abhorrence of all good Men, to see people in Civil Employments ready to burst with unrighteous Gain; and 〈◊〉 industrious Merchant languishing by the Opression of their Servants; but this we hope will ●●●nquired into.  
Your next Paragraph gins thus, Among the ●●●y rivals of our Trade and Navigation, I have 〈◊〉 thought Ireland to be the most dangerous, and 〈◊〉 which led me into this Opinion, was the pra●●● of the two last Reigns, encouraging the Irish more 〈◊〉 their English Subjects in Trade and Navigation, thereby to make Ireland a Nursery for Arbitrary Government, to which the English were abettors.  
There needs no other Answer to your Thoughts That Ireland is most dangerous to the Trade o● England, but that all the yearly Exports of Ireland amount not to the Value of one East-India Ship● Cargoe, as will appear by what follows.  
That you say of the design of the two last Reigns t● introduce Arbitrary Government is not doubted, b● that the English in Ireland were Abettors to it, 〈◊〉 most manifestly False; there were no Men in th● Three Kingdoms that ventured their Lives mo● bravely against it then they did; and to them● think in a great measure we own our Quiet and o●● Trade, on the late happy Revolution of this Kingdom, which I fancy is the reason you are so ang●● with them; perhaps you cannot forgive the sta●● they of Inneskilling and Londonderry made to 〈◊〉 late Kings Army, when they designed for Scotla●● if they could have reduced those Men in their w●● They would then have been troublesome to 〈◊〉 nearer home, where you and your Friends were r●●dy to receive them.  
As to the English's being for Arbitrary Government, you are as much out, as in the number● the Irish Seamen; and lest you should thin●● speak at random, as you do, know I was bor●● a City that hath a great share in the Trade of 〈◊〉 land, have been thrice in that Kingdom, 〈◊〉 made all the Observation I could of the Nature, Trade, and Constitution of that Country; amongst other Things, I found they had very little Navigation; Dublin their Capital had not one Ship belonging to it, Carickfergus, or Belfast, and Corck, had a few small Craft, but not a Ship of Force or Burden in the Kingdom. I enquired particularly the Number of their Irish Seamen, and by all I asked, was answered, they never saw one that could Top and Yard, a phrase they have among Seamen.  
Your next Paragraph tells us, How dangerous it is to England to leave Ireland to their own conduct in Trade and Government.  
Surely you are a stranger to the Laws of both Kingdoms, or else you would have known that they can Pass no Act of Parliament in Ireland, but what comes first from the King and Council here; and cannot alter one Word in it, but must take the Act just as it comes from England.  
Your following Observations of the Situation, Nature, Product, etc. are true; for that Reason I think we should keep it in English Hands, and not follow your Proposals to drive them out: But of that when I come to your Expedients.  
Now as to your Five particulars, wherein you say, Ireland Interferes with the Trade of England, First, in that of their Fishing, wherein no doubt they have Advantage above us, but they never had yet Men, Money, or Craft to make use of it; the more's the pity, it being a loss to us, and I think a fault that we do not help them.  
Your second Assertion is true in part, Their Provisions are Cheaper; but then let me tell you, they are not so good as ours, and their Butter and Chief is near as dear.  
Your third and fourth Observations, are so aparently False, that one Word will Answer them both; you say, you have been twice in Ireland; but besides yourself, I may venture to say, there was never any man in it, but can tell you, there is not Timber to supply the tenth part of the Use of the Kingdom; I have seen a Survey of all the Woods in that Island, and except Shellela, there is not so much valuable Timber in the whole, as one Gentleman hath in England. Surely then we are in no danger of their Building Ships or Tanning Leather.  
Your Fifth Observation is of their Wool, in which you are right; but as for the multitude of Irish Spinners, you are in an Error; they are so far from being our Rivals in the Woollen Manufacture, that this last year they could not get so much in all the Country as to  their small Army.  
But however, I think we have reason to look carefully into that Manufacture, which is the Soul of all we have left of Trade, and yet I see Advocates for the East-India Trade to the destruction of our Manufacture at home.  
In this methinks we Act like ill Husbands, that being Abused abroad, Revenge themselves at home on their Wives and Children. We are wheedled out of our Manufacturies, by Designing Men amongst ourselves, kicked out of our Fishing abroad, and then, like Samson, we pull down the House upon ourselves, to be revenged for our two Eyes. So I take our Woollen Manufacture, and Fishing to be. But let us destroy Ireland, beat our Wives and Children, and we shall Recover all.  
You end your Fifth Paragraph with that which you think the most unaccountable of all, The suffering them to hold Parliaments.  
Now Sir, if you never read History, and so are ignorant how the Crown of England came first to entitled to Ireland, than it is great Assurance in you to talk of the Constitution of a Kingdom, you know nothing of; if you have Read, you must know there was a Compact that they should hold Parliaments, with the same Privileges as England: and altho' they have by their own Parliaments abridged themselves by Poynings Law in some things, yet have they still an Act of Parliament for Annual Parliaments, and another Act, that all Laws made in England before the Tenth of Henry VII. should be in force in Ireland. I believe you will own we had Parliaments in England before ●denry VII. they have then the same Right 〈◊〉 hold Parliaments, that we have, but they are a poor People, and must submit. Have a care of that French Maxim (we know not whose turn it may be next) I remember in the Reign of Charles II. discoursing with the Duke of Ormond (who I think, take him every way, was one of the greatest Men of that time) upon the Trial of the Earl of Shaftsbury, his Grace said, My Lord Shaftsbury was never my Friend, yet were I a Commoner and one of his Jury, I would starve before I would find him Guilty by straining the Law: We must have a care of Constitutions and Laws, they are of better use to preserve ourselves, than to take off our Enemies. If you were of this opinion, you would not be against Ireland's holding Parliaments: have a care, Sir, of breaking into Constitutions, we know not who may come next, we are sure His present Majesty will preserve our Constitution, and it 'tis our happiness, He is more tender of them then many of ourselves; but if we will destroy them in a good Reign, there may come a time when our own Precedents may bebrought against us.  
You end your Paragraph with an Invective saying, You hope the House will make them Remember they were Conquered. I remember to have seen a Book in this Reign, by Order of Parliament, Burnt by the Common-Hangman, for Asserting that conquering Doctrine. It is by our Laws that all the Monarches of England, and a monst the rest his present Majesty is declared to be King of Ireland, de Jure, when King of England de Factor Now if you please to remember, the British of Ireland, who are Proprietors of most of that Kingdom, were as one man in the Interest of England; fought (as is said before) for and with the King, that came to deliver them from the Usurpation and Tyranny of the late King James; for so it was, He having lost his Title by Abdication, before he came to Ireland; And King William came there to rescue his Protestant Subjects in Ireland, from the Ravage and Murders of the Rebellious Irish Subjects. This I hope you will not make a Conquest, if it be, we have had two or three of them in this Reign by the Execution of Traitors at Tyburn.  
You now come to your Expedients, which are like that of an English Sea Captain, that being in danger of two Dunkirk Men of War, a French Officer on Board him, Asked the Captain what he should do, for he dreaded being carried into France, Never fear, said the Captain, I want be taken: How can you be sure of that, said the French Man? I will first blow up my Ship, replied the Captain; at which Monsieur shruged his shoulders and said, Par ma foy un tres bon expedient Anglois. So are your Expedients; as will appear presently. I will repeat them in order, and then one Answer will serve them all.  
1. That they should not Build, or keep at Sea one Ship.  
2. That they be Bounded & Prescribed in all their Trade by Act of Parliament here; not only to the place they shall go, but also to the Qualities and Natures of the Commodities they Export, and to th● Timewhen they shall export that we may have the sir●● market.  
3. That they should not Fish but with Men an● Boats of England.  
4. That their Money be brought to the Standard 〈◊〉 England.  
5. That they hold no Parliament, but be Governed by the Parliament of England.  
6. That they be not permitted to make any Man● facturies but Linen.  
I told you before, one Answer should serve 〈◊〉 them all, and that shall be with a Question, 〈◊〉 as a Porter made a Lord Mayor of London, in 〈◊〉 Usurpers time, (for Regulating the Price of Bee● was Proclaiming) That none should be sold 〈◊〉 more than a Penny a Quart: A Porter standing 〈◊〉 my Lord Mayor's Horse, called out, that the● was the most material thing left out, which wa● appointing who should drink that small Beer, for 〈◊〉 swore he'd drink none? So, Sir, you should have appointed in your Expedients, who should live in Ireland; for no Englishman will: And surely our Nation will not think it safe in any others Hands.  
Methinks you make a bold stroke to propose Ireland should be Governed by the Parliament of England; that, in English, is Loping off one of the Three Kingdoms from the Crown. Your Scheme of Government exceeds all I ever read of; you would make Ireland to be a Common wealth, but none of the Country to be in the Government; sure some body need Govern you, tho' it were in Bedlam.  
You and your Letter with referring to Mr. Cary of Bristol's Book; I know the Gentleman and have discoursed on his Book, which tho' it comes not ●o your Notions, yet he abated much of it in Explanation. And now, Sir, with your leave, I shall ●ake some General Remarks on your whole Letter: What you say of the extraordinary Advantages Ireland hath above us in Trade and Navigation, is true, and it is as true, that they never ●ad opportunity to make use of them.  
The British in general speaking, acquitting their ●●rtunes there by Arms, not with Arts or Trade; ●ose few that come there with either of the the two last, are usually such as have miscarried in their own Country; so far want of sto●k do rarely mor● than earn their Bread in that plentiful Country Frequent Rebellions lessens the Inhabitants bu● adds Acres to the British; which they are mor● fond of, than Navigation and Commerce: and 〈◊〉 far you are in the right, that they are most taken 〈◊〉 in Country Employments, but you are much in th● wrong in saying, the Irish are most in the Trade an● Navigation; they seldom sail further than to a Pota●● Garden and Trade only in Cows. I have bee● in several Parts of the World, and according to 〈◊〉 Observation, the Irish are as ignorant of Tra●● and Navigation as the Indians in America. No● that you should fear their numbers at Sea, that hav● not Five Seamen of their Nation, gives groun● to believe, you writ with Jesuitical Maxims; thro●● Dirt— however false, some may stick. Put in 〈◊〉 the Heads of the multitude, frightful stories of th● danger we are in of being overrun by the Iri●● both at Land and Sea; and that you may have 〈◊〉 strings to your bow, you bring in Foreigners Running away with what the Irish do not of the Tra●● of Ireland. To show your integrity in this, I 〈◊〉 give undeniable Authority out of the Customhouse Books of Ireland against you.  
I have now by me an exact Account of all 〈◊〉 Exports and Imports of Ireland; for six Years 〈◊〉 the greatest time of Ireland's prosperity, and by 〈◊〉 Account their Exports in the Year 1682, amounted but to Five Hundred Forty One Thousand Four Hundred and Nineteen Pounds Sterling, of which Four Hundred and two Thousand Pounds was for Account of Merchants in England; and Exported in their Ships, One Hundred Thousand Pounds Sterling, for Account of the English in Ireland, and about Forty Thousand for Account of Foreigners. And that you may not think this computation was made at random; I will tell you how it was done.  
The whole Account was drawn out of the Custom-house Books by a Clerk under the Examiner of their Accounts, with every Merchant's Name that entered them, and to what place the Ship belonged, in which the Goods were Exported: this was after all brought into Form by a Man of the greatest Practice and Experience that perchance was ever a Trader in that Kingdom, who knew for whom the most considerable Factors dealt: (For by the way, most of the Trade of that Kingdom is managed by Factors.) This Gentleman did assure me with demonstrations more than can be comprehended in the compass of this Discourse, that there was very little Exceptions to be made to this Account, which he spent some years in perfecting, for he writ Observations on every Commodity Exported and Imported. What is here brought against your matter of Fact, as you call it, is I think undeniable.  
And that your ignorance in Commerce may appear, I will show that what you say of Foreigners running away with the Trade of Ireland, is impossible; and that for these Reasons.  
1. First, because the greatest part of their Product is by their own Laws prohibited to all parts of the World but England as their Wool, Sheep Skins, woollen, Yarn, Linnen-yarn; Green and Tanned Hides pay double Duty upon their Export to any part but England; all which Commodities are more than half their Export.  
2. The Act of Navigation is in Force by Law in Ireland. Now Sir, if you know not my meaning by mentioning that Act, it is, That by tha● Statute no Foreign Ship can carry any Good from Ireland to England.  
3. The greatest part of the Provisions of Ireland are Exported by ships of England to our Foreign Plantations for little Beeff, or Pork, whatever we think, goes to Foreign Markets, now th● Act of Navigation before mentioned, Prohibit●● all Foreign Ships from Trading to our Plantations.  
4. By Law they are Prohibited the Importation of any, though Commodities of our Foreign Plantations but from England, not so much as a Poun● of Tobacco or Sugar is admitted into Ireland, but what comes from England; I may add, that they Forfeit Ship and Goods, if they carry out of Ireland any thing but Provisions, Servants and Horses. I knew a Ship seized in Virginia for bringing but a Dozen of Woollen Stockens from Ireland. After all this, pray what is there left for Foreigners to drive that mighty Trade you speak of in Ireland.  
I think it proper to inquire now where the Million is, you tell us Ireland runs away with of the Trade of England; it is proved, that their whole Annual Exports amounts to little more than one half of your Million, and of that Four Hundred Thousand goes for England, and English Merchants Accounts; you have then but Forty Thousand Pounds to raise your Million out of.  
There is another Remarkable Instance you give of the danger we are in by raising their Money 20 yet Cent. above its value; it would be no very mannerly question to ask you where you have been for this 12 Months, in which time the nature of Coin hath been so fully Debated and resolved in Parliament, and explained to the whole Nation, that I thought every one in it was convinced, that by Raising Money we cheated no body but ourselves; and I do not think but that the Gentlemen of Ireland understand that Truth, but necessity often prevails over Judgement; we know not their Circumstances, only may guests, that a Country who in their greatest Prosperity had never Four Hundred Thousand Pounds Sterling, of Running Cash, and Two Hundred and Forty Thousand Pounds per Annum of the Rents of that Kingdom, belonging unto and spent in this, are in hazard of having all carried out. But let their consideration be what it will, I think we have no reason to fear, but rather pity them in this matter.  
I had like to have passed over your most sensible part; for it in Truth shows the Man and his Conversation.  
Your Words are these, But that which I thin● the most unaccountable of all is, that we suffer the● to hold Parliaments, Settle Estates, Pardon the● own Rebellions. etc.  
It is plain what you mean, but it comes so nea● Arraigning the Government, that you durst n●● express it in plain Words; the late King JAME● with his Irish Mob, that he called, a Parliament 〈◊〉 Dublin, did there Attaint all the British Protestan● by Name, that owned King William their Rightful Lawful King; and to make sure of all the Protestants Estates in that Kingdom, there pretend● Act named Women and Children that never sa● Irish Ground. Now this Rebellious Edict of 〈◊〉 Irish, the present Parliament of Ireland have declared and Enacted Illegal and Rebellious, and the pretended Parliament that made it, to be then in Rebellion against the Crown of England. And for this you say, the Parliaments of Ireland pardon their own Rebellions; for you do insinuate their being in Rebellion when they left the late King James: Truly Sir, by what I hear of that Parliament, they are so far from pardoning Rebellions, that they expelled one of their own Members for but a small overt Act in the time of the late King James' being in Ireland. They are a People (I am sorry it should be so in respect of ourselves, though I commend it in them,) that are not divided, as we are, in parties, but as one Man in His Majesty's interest, except a very few that are advanced in the King's Service, as too many have been here, by mistake of some, and design of others; however those plants grow not in Ireland; it is Observed no venomous Creature brought from England lives there; I suppose you never intent to try.  
I have now done with your Letter, and shall end mine with directing what follows, to Men of better Principles than you seem to be; and such I presume will not use Ireland as the Harlot would have had the Child, her Language was like yours, divide the Child, let it be neither thine nor mine. Your Friends have neither right nor Possession of it, and they that have you Malign; But all true Englishmen consider them as bone of 〈◊〉 bone, and it is reasonable to believe th● House of Commons passed that Vote for ma●●ing the Trade of Ireland more beneficial 〈◊〉 England, with that consideration, there 〈◊〉 no doubt, room enough to make it so.  
I have often thought it would be one 〈◊〉 the first Works the Parliament would 〈◊〉 upon, at the conclusion of a Peace, and 〈◊〉 to let such a Treasure as that Island mig●● be made to England, lie waste, as it ha●● always been ever since the English ha●● had Footing in it, which is unaccountab●● it would be thought so in the conduct 〈◊〉 a Private Man, if he should neglect 〈◊〉 own Inheritance and lay out his Mo●● in Improving that of another Man's; 〈◊〉 not so when we employ our Men and ●●ney to enrich the Subjects of the Mog●● and neglect a Country of our own so 〈◊〉 as that, if righty managed, would strengthen and enrich our Nation more than all Trade we have in the World besides. W●● would France make of it if they had it 〈◊〉 do not think they would cry it down the destruction of their Kingdom: have perhaps more reason to value it then is at present seen; I doubt we are in more danger of losing our Trade and Navigation, than ever we were in since we were a People; and it is feared we love nothing left to help us but Ireland; but than it must not be let to former Conduct, I am loath ●●say what I know in this matter.  
We should also consider, the jason we have to encourage Britt● Planters in that Kingdom; for ●●other can secure it to England. It I have been too long for a let●●, though too short for the Subject; ●hall only give my humble Opinion, That it would be for the Ser●●e of England in this great Con●●n of settling the TRADE of both ●●ngdoms, to hear the People of Ireland before they conclude them, he● him, hear him, is Parliament Language, and Christian Practice, be●o●● Judgement. I end with the Words Seneca in his Morals,  
He that lives according to R●●son shall never be poor: And 〈◊〉 that governs his Life, by Opinion shall never be Rich.  
FINIS.