A POEM ON THE TEST Dedicated TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS The Duke of ALBANY.  Principis est virtus maxima nosse suos. Mart. 
EDINBURGH, Printed in the Year, Anno MDC.LXXXIII.   

TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS The Duke of ALBANY.  
ADmit Great Sir, (in earnest or in sport)  
A trembling Stranger to your Princely Court:  
Since ye for Meekness are the ages wonder  
In time of Peace; in time of War a Thunder.  
It's He who glories that he first did frame  
True-Majesty, JAMES STEWARTS Anagram;  
Which for your Anagram shall ever pass,  
As wanting the dull omen of the as.  
So Heaven from malice guard the Royal Throne,  
As ye protect your  
NINIAN PATERSON.   

THE TEST. A Poem presented to His Royal Highness: wherein is conclusively asserted the King's Prerogative Royal, and Jurisdiction in Matters Ecclesiastical, with the unlawfulness of resistance.  

1.  
Begun heart cutting cares, I scorn to be  
Unfortunate, spite of adversity.  
I he who all my life was bruised and broke,  
On Fortune's wheel being racked from spoke to spoke;  
Born under unpropitious Stars, which throws,  
As I grow old, new loads of growing woes:  
Now these misfortunes, which did me annoy  
Are swallowed up in ane excessive joy.  
I surfeit with delights! can Hell present,  
What after this, I darr call discontent?  
Nay now it's a puz'ling doubt, whither I be  
Composed of Joy, or Joy composed of me.  
What unexpected Treasure makes thee blest,  
If any ask? I answer, it's the Test:  
Which if well understood, for plenty, peace;  
Scotland might write Nil ultra, to her Bliss.  
The Test a store, wherewith enriched, the West  
Needs not envy the bowels of the East,  
By this the drowsy Sword shall snorting ,  
And JANUS of his gate shall lose the key.  
And we in shade of heavenly peace's wing  
Shall serve our GOD, and dearly love our King.   

2.  
GOD Bliss your Royal Highness, but I vow,  
Never so Royal, nor so high till now.  
No, when thy head being girt with verdant bays,  
And every one sang Jo to thy praise;  
Laden with Spoils, and honours thou advanced,  
While victory upon thy ensigns danced.  
Care of Religion is the glorious Gemm,  
That Crowns the Crown, exaltes the DIADEM;  
And makes your Highness, highly, Royal, since  
The Prince of virtues most becomes a Prince.  
Vile Ink a common tetter may command,  
But the King's evil requires a Royal hand:  
So all the Godly Jewish Kings of old  
By such a Test from dross did purge their Gold.  
This is like JEHU'S Test: to try withal,  
Who is for GOD, or who adhears to Baal.  
Constantius Sire to Constantin the best  
Did purge his Court by such ane other Test.  
It's this the Spanish annals do imput  
As a chief Honour to their Sisibut.  
French DAGOBERT did eternize the story,  
And Legend of his life, by such a glory.  
This Test will expiate our enormous crimes  
Committed in our bloody Rebel-times.  
This Unions Trophy will for ever blot  
The Leprous scandal of a rebell-Scot;  
And make the World's Amphitheatre see,  
A Scot and Loyal are Identity:  
And make our bright renown to spread as far,  
As is the Arctic from th' Antarctic Star.  
Lucretia's chastity no fame had gained,  
Had she not with that loathsome rapt been stained.  
Lucrece the glory of her Sex! O rare,  
Who did her honour to her life prefer!  
Mirror of Matrons, who did death endure  
Rather than (though by force) be thought a whore.  
The Test's the touchstone, badge and livery  
And Cognizance of faithful Loyalty.  
It is the fan will purge this soultrie Isle,  
And separat the precious from the vile.  
And this will bind us to true Liberty,  
Like Sons and Daughters of one Family,  
And Servants of one Lord this bond of Peace  
Will arts and plenty, and our Joys increase.  
Nay it will here Commence the Joys above,  
Make us all happy, and each other love:  
Make us amongst ourselves Compose all Jars,  
And on the common foe discharge our Wars.   

III.  
Our Kirks the Sacred Argo, Noah's Boat  
Can ride in tempests and keep still a float;  
And this true Gospel Test, it is her yard,  
Her Sail, her Compass, Cable, and her Card.  
That no tempestous Cataracts can fall  
Upon these lands shall boast their Funeral.  
This TEST will waird of all rude laic hands  
From Kirk or King, GOD'S beauty and bands:  
That so our LORD he never may complain  
Betwixt two Thiefs he's Crucified again.  
This is the Isthmus that our Kirk will save  
Betwixt the Egean and the Ionian wave.  
Touch ye not my anointed, and molest  
No more my Sacred Prophets; that's the TEST.  
By this the Clergy is secured now,  
In ancient reverence and revenue▪  
One faith, one Lord, one Baptism now shall be;  
Farewell Geneva, Rome farewell to thee,  
Far well on one hand, bloody Catholic Leagues,  
And on the other, wild Geneva giggs:  
For after this will never honest man,  
Or turn a Papist, or a Puritan.  
Burst envy, burst, for now its be thy task,  
To see resplendent truth without a Massk.   

iv  
And yet some Owls cannot abide this Sun,  
They scorn not to defend, what they have done:  
And on this TEST they do more dumpish look,  
Then English Panals that's denied their Book.  
And this doth chiefly their blind conscience grudge,  
To make the King in all Church matters Judge;  
Although Saint Paul this solemn rule did make,  
We must be Subject all for conscience sake.  
It's ignorance, or else audacious nonsense,  
That Princes hes no power of Subject's conscience:  
For, as Religion makes us calm and mild;  
So Superstition, Frantic mad and wild.  
And if such rise in Arms upon pretence  
Of a convulsion in their conscience;  
If that the King may not control their doing,  
He and his Subjects both involved in ruin:  
And on the other hand, if that he may  
Then of their conscience sure he bears the sway.  
Or all things sacred, and all things that's civil  
Shall be o'er thrown by every furious Devil.  
If they can make a shift for to baptise  
Their fury Zeal, they may do what they please:  
So each Opinion makes a Sect from hence,  
And every Sect a faction doth commence,  
And every Faction for a war will boad,  
And every War will be the cause of GOD,  
And every Cause of GOD will grow so high  
To outface, and trample on Authority;  
So while by hairbrained folly we're beguiled,  
Religion is debauched and peace exiled.  
These were the giddy methods, which of late  
Confounded and destroyed both Church and State;  
And all that these fanatics now desire,  
Is but the smook of that unquenched fire.  
All they contend and fight for, is to bring  
Themselves or equal, or above the King.  
But grant ane other power as great as he,  
Then likeways grant that two Supreams may be;  
And so the People may obliedged stand  
Unto a contradictory command,  
Exemplified we saw this wry nosed quirk,  
In late King James and his opprobrious Kirk:  
Therefore there's no controlling of the Powers,  
Or each Supreme will have Superiors.   

V  
First oeconomick was the Government,  
And from a family drew its descent;  
Which families amplification  
Became a City, Province, Nation:  
And from his Loins, Because the race did spring,  
The Father of the Family was King,  
And Priest too, in one Person, which at death  
jointly to his first borne he did bequeath.  
So for two thousand years the World did see,  
The Priesthood joined with Sovereignty.  
So, Numa, so, Augustus' King and Priest,  
So, all the Kings of Malabar, in th' East:  
Which tho, that God among the Jews divided,  
Yet were all causes by their Kings decided,  
Which did concern the Church not State alone,  
By Ezekia, David, Solomon,  
Jehu, Jehosophat, Josia holy,  
Whose power in Church was Legislative wholly.  
To show that this belongs in each respect  
Unto the ancient Mishpathamelek.  
Melchisedeck expressly is named King,  
Before he is called Priest; which very thing  
The Gallicks against Boniface do show,  
His Crown he to the Priesthood did not owe.  
Moses, King in jesurum too, their type  
The Trumpets, and the Tables both did keep:  
And what to him pertained GOD doth allow  
To every other Monarch as his due.  
This argument Eusebius doth repeat  
From Moses unto Constantin the great,  
As consequent, about the convocation  
Of the Nice Council, and its Confirmation.  
The Law of Ceremonies as behests,  
Moses, not Aaron, gave unto the Priests  
Long after that; to show it was in force,  
David did constitute each Priest in's course;  
And Solomon, that was both wise and just,  
Did Abiathar from the Priesthood thrust.  
This power continued, till the Virgin's birth,  
When GOD was seen in flesh upon the Earth;  
Of which authority he ne'er bereft it:  
But as he found the Government he left it.  
And so the Ecclesiastic Jurisdiction  
Of Princes is by nature, not by fiction,  
Founded on reason, practice, and consent,  
Unalterable, as the Firmament;  
And this our Saviour did suppose to be  
Ane uncontrollable, and firm decree:  
Wherefore St. Paul to Caesar makes appeal,  
To show this jurisdiction cannot fail.  
Thus Kings do reign as Scriptures do confess,  
As for our Honesty, so Godliness.  
If it be said why did our Saviour  
Bequeath not by his testament such a power?  
Our Saviour lived under these ye know,  
That did employ their power to overthrow  
His Church and followers, and therefore, why  
Should he give them Commission to destroy?  
He only to the subject did enjoin  
Meekness and Patience and Subjection:  
But in noways, either in weight or measure  
Determines he the rights belong to Caesar;  
Only according to Ius Gentium,  
Render to Caesar, what is due to him.  
The Jurisdiction of the Magistrate  
In Church affairs, bears a far higher date  
Than our blessed Saviour's birth. Coercive power  
By nature lodgeth in the Governor.  
Yea Christ and his Apostles acted then  
In the Capacity of private men;  
And left it only in the Sovereign's hand  
(Which he forbade all subjects) to command:  
And therefore at his very dying hour,  
He did reject all Secularie power.  
But when the Kings grew Christian, Constantine,  
Did act in that capacity again;  
Which he with faith and Courage too did show,  
When he the Coventickles overthrew  
Of the Cursed Donatists, and stoutly he  
Dispelled the mists of Arian heresy.  
Nor was he singular in these, each one  
Of his Successors that same way have gone:  
〈◊〉 the whole body of the civil Laws  
Do show anent th'ecclesiastic cause.  
And should a Monarch, (would ye think it meet)  
When he turns Christian, his power abate?  
Nay word by word, the Apostle he averrs,  
Our Kings as Kings, Liturgick Officers.  
Prince of the Kings of th' Earth, our Saviour is:  
Then sure by right all Christian Kings are his;  
This was in force until St. Peter's chair  
Did sleily rob this power from the Empire.  
But at the Reformation we expressed it,  
In our Confessions the Pope unjustly wrest it;  
And yet there is a Spiritual exercise  
Of preaching, Sacraments, and of the Keys,  
Which is peculiar to the Priest alone:  
Saul that did this mistake, he lost his throne;  
All which who darr deny, he needs no more  
Of arguments, But O what hellebore?   

VI  
May not Heretical, Erroneous,  
Oppressing Princes and Idolatrous  
Resisted be? or otherways Religion  
Shall go to wrack, and all shall be undone.  
Yes; if for wiser men ye needs must pass  
Then Moses, (or th' inspired Prophets) was:  
Or if yourselves more holy men ye call  
Then Christ, or yet St. Peter, or St. Paul.  
Six hundred thousand, and four thousand more  
Under their Chiftain Moses, weapons bore.  
All men of valour on Nil's fertile plains,  
Whose Inundation serves in stead of reins;  
Yet nothing's done without express consent  
Of Pharaoh, than who had the Government,  
Tho tyrant and oppressor both. And so  
Shadrach, and Mesach and Abednego  
Were thrown in flamms, yet not a word we hear  
Of stirring people to take sword or spear.  
And Daniel cast into the Lion's den,  
Yet praying for the King Darius then.  
Yea with a miracles expense Our LORD  
Did tribute to Tiberius afford.  
To Herod, Pilate, and the Sanhedrim  
He did submit, although they sentenced him,  
Unto ane unjust, and accursed death.  
His Doctrine too did meek submission breath,  
Give unto Caesar, what is Caesar's due,  
And pray for those hes persecuted you.  
And Pilat's power he from above confessed, 
john 19: 11.   
And Challenged Peter for his furious haste,  
Charging his Champion with that dreadful word,  
Who takes the Sword, shall Perish with the Sword.  
And for the Apostles, none amongst them all  
Taught to resist; St. Peter, or St. Paul.  
St. Peter says directly contrare it,  
To every ordinance of man submit.  
These that despise dominion, or defame  
Authority; judgement will follow them.  
And good St. Paul, obey them that you rule,  
For Conscience sake be Subject every Soul.  
Resisters on themselves Damnation bring.  
Ane Item sad to Traitors to the King.  
This Doctrine with their blood they sealing Died;  
Paul was beheaded, Peter Crucified.  
In Julian the vile Apostats reign  
The Christians only tears for arms did bring.  
They were not able to resist they'll say.  
Tertullian, tells in his Apology,  
The Christians then, they were in number more  
Than drops of rain or sands upon the Shore:  
Cities and Countries both, they fill in swarms,  
They every where abound in peace and arms;  
Yet they Submission unto arms prefer,  
Under a Tyrant and Idolater.  
Six thousand and six hundred sixty six  
In the Thebean Legion, never sticks  
For to submit to Decimation,  
Of Maximinian for Religion.  
Then, Traitors is't a sport to you or laughter,  
First to be hanged here, then damned hereafter.   

VII.  
Courage Great Prince, and make rogues stand in awe,  
It's Execution that's the Life of Law;  
Wherefore hes truth itself called Princess GOD'S?  
But that they're Masters of rewards and rods,  
But that they can with Majesty command,  
Or break in pieces who do them withstand.  
Princes do show how they deserve their Crowns  
By gracious favours, or by awful frowns.  
Courage and Wisdom both a Prince maintains.  
Undauntoned valour must have breast and brains.  
Your Highness still makes good your Saviour's words,  
These that are mighty, are called bounteous Lords.  
Pattern of virtue's Patron of all arts,  
Who conquered Armies, now thou Conquers hearts:  
It will deserve what Nobly is begun  
Immortal fame and admiration.  
Damned Donatists, it was their Tessera,  
Quid Imperatori cum Ecclesiâ.  
And if our Donatists that same should plead,  
Show them, Great Constantin yet is not dead,  
And make our tottering Church now steady stand  
With Papist there, Fanatic on this hand,  
The Reprobats of Loyalty and Grace,  
The Schilla and Charybdis of our Peace.  
Exile them Sir, and let it be their doom  
To be confined to Germany and Rome.  
Theudas, or judas, if they rise in Arms,  
Disperse them, Sir, and keep us from their harms;  
And make both Hills and Bridges exiled be,  
The confines of this age's memory.  
Make blinded Tobits too Apocryphal,  
And banish them that do not know at all  
men's flesh by bread, nor yet what's in the cup,  
It's dangerous with them to dine or sup:  
For if their hand mistake or , then  
They're Polyphemus, we Ulysses' men.  
And when we are devoured, they will swear  
They saw us not, but we did meat appear.  
When we whom Neptune's Trident did divide,  
And set a part from all the World beside,  
Have by thy arts this Glorious Garland won,  
In faith and Love united Albion;  
Then on the head of thy triumphant Test,  
Th' Eternal conquest of all trouble rest:  
For it will teach (as GOD doth) every Soul;  
What Kings commands, no Subjects may control,  
And in all after ages Christened be  
Ane Altar raised to Eternal Loyalty.   

Carmina proveniunt animo deducta Sereno,  
Me, mare, me venti, me fera jactat hyems   

Verses run low and dead when men are Crossed,  
I am with Seas, and Winds, and Tempests tossed.    

ANNOTATIONS On the preceding POEM.  

CAP. I. Of the name and nature of the Test, and the elegant allusions made thereto, in the Scriptures and other Authors.  
HAving observed in Goldmans' English Dictionary the word Test, rendered fornax ad probandum aurum, I presently conjectured, it was some Instrument belonging to a Goldsmith, whereupon I addressed myself to james Cockburn, a Person of great integrity, Judgement, and more than Ordinary both ingenuity and engine in his calling, who both shown me the Test and taught me the use of it. It is made up of the ashes of calcined Bones, with an Iron Houp into which the ashes are knead, and it put into the fire, the Metal is laid on it to be tried: what is Lead sinks into the Test, what is Brass or Tin evaporats with the impetuous violence and force of the fire, while the Metal that remains on the Test, is both purged and perfited; so that the use of the Test is threefold, 1. to try and search into the nature of the Metal to discern betwixt the Counterfeit and the currant. And so secondly, to separat the precious from the Vile. 3. To consume that which is naughty, the base dregs and dross. Accordingly probo in the Latin hes thes 3. significations, probat qui tentat, probat qui approbat, probat qui demonstrat argumentis. And in a sense that comes more home to our purpose, to discover and manifest the nature of a thing, as that in Ovid. Exitus acta probat, and in that Chemical sense peculiar to the Test, I find the word dokimazo is taken in the Scriptures 1 Pet. 1: 7. Gold tried in the fire.  
From all which by an excellent Metaphor, it is translated to be verbum forense & juridicum, a Law term signifying that Trial, whereby Magistrates examine offenders, and particularly we find it applied to the Trial of Ministers. 1 Tim. 3: 10. Let them first be proved, quos examine praevio constat esse Idoneos, say'th Calvin on the place, or more excellently Hincmarus the Bishop of Rheims, Probentur primum, nam qui loco docti indoctum ordinat, facit Magistrum qui debet esse Discipulus, & offered caecum Animal. So we read of God's Test, 1 Thess. 2: 4. God that trieth the Hearts jer. 16: 10. Act. 1: 24. and of man's Test, 1 Thess. 5: 21. prove all things, hold fast that which is good. By man himself 2 Cor. 13: 5. or others 2 Cor. 8: 8.  
2. This Instrument by the Greeks' is called Kaminos from Káio whence we have our word chimney. And it's ordinarily rendered fornax, which by Martinius in his learned Lexicon Etymologicum is thus described, Vsurpatur says he, pro loco cavo ferreis laminis concluso, Fit etiam ex lateribus aut Testis. From which no doubt our word Test is derived. So the fining potes spoken of by Solomon, Prov. 17: 3. and 27: 21. being made of Earthen Vessels, which properly are called Testae, to which the Psalmist alludes 12. Psal. 6. Silver-tryed in a furnace of Earth. Thus juvenal Sat. 3. Lin. 270. Tectis sublimibus, unde cerebrum testa ferit; on which Britannicus notes appellatione Testae intelligimus omnia fragmenta vasorum fictilium, ut sunt seriae, urceoli, urnae, tegulae & id genus, & ipsa etiam vasa integra, ut illud, pictaeque incumbere Testae, which he citys from Sat. 15. whence by a very proper and unstrained Metaphor, it signifies that Instrument, whereby faith and manners are tried, to which Cicero elegantly alludes, Epist. Fam. Lib. 9 Epist. 15. Nam etsi non facile dijudicatur amor verus & fictus nisi aliquod indicat ejusmodi tempus, ut quasi aurum igni, sic benevolentia fidelis periculo aliquo p●●spici possit. Periculo, id est, discrimine, non experimento, as Bernardinus Rutilius there observes. So Ovid. Trist. Lib. 1. Eleg. 4.  
Scilicet ut fulvum spectatur in ignibus aurum,  
Tempore sic duro est inspicienda fides.  
Inspicienda not experienda, as some Copies hes it: for it is both better Latin, and more elegantly relates to spectatur.  
As force of Fire the Yellow Gold doth try,  
So faith is known best by adversity.  
And Isocrates ad Demonicum, too men gár chryson en to puri dokimazetai, the Scripture also in the same sense uses the word, Zach. 13: 9 I will refine them as Silver, and try them as Gold, which there is the proper word, used for the trial of the Test. And by the Septuagint translated, hos dokimazetai to chryson.  
To all which if we add, that the proper Hebrew word for the Test is Cheres, having great affinity with the word sheard in our language, & that both in sound & signification, it will yet give greater light to the explication of the word Test. For that same word job 2: 7. Is translated a Potsherd, and explained by interpreters Testa ex argilla facta, and fictile igne coctum. Buxtor in his Lexicon, calls it simply Testa. And this is the more to be remarked, for where ever we have in our translation a Potsherd, it is still in the Latin Testa, as job 2: 8. The Vulgar hes it, Testâ saniem radebat. junius and Tremellius, adeo ut assumeret sibi Testam ad scabendum se eâ. Psal. 22: 16. junius hes it, arescit ut Testa vis mea: aruit tanquam Testa virtus mea, the Vulgar. So Metaphorically Isa. 45: 9 Prov. 26: 23. and particularly considerable is that in Isa. 30: 14. called the Potter's Vessel. The use whereof is said there to carry fire. As also to purge Metals. As will yet more clearly appear from that allusion, God makes to it in Ezech. 22. from 18 to 23. where he says he will melt them and purge them from their Brass, Tin, Iron and Lead, and as Silver is melted in the midst of the Furnace, so should God melt them by affliction: The old Scholiast his discant thereon is very pleasant, thou which before was pure Silver, resplendent with Religion and shining with virtue, is now degenerated into the Brass of malice, and Stubborn obstinacy: into the Tin of Hypocritical and dissembled piety; the Iron of Tyranny, and the Lead of avarice, I'll set my furnace in the midst of jerusalem, where I shall make the Chaldeans the coalls and wood, my power and wrath the bellows, Pestilence, famine and war shall be the fire wherewith I will consume my obstinate adversaries, and expiate and purge my friends; where we have the very manner of the operation of the Test clearly set down. Which kind of Tests to have been in Solomon's days may be proved from Prov. 25: 4. And above 150 years since, the Test and its operation, in separando omnem materiam alienam vi ignis ab auro & argento, is excellently described by Matheolus Medicus Senensis in his commentaries on Dioscorides Lib. 5. Cap. 58.  
Now there are three ways to try Metals, the Balance, the Toutchstone, and the Test, to show its weight, its worth and its purity: To all which we see ane excellent Spiritual allusion made by David, Psal. 26: 2. Examine me, that is by the Balance; prove me, that is by the Toutchstone; try me that is by the Test, vide Burges spiritual refinings, pag. 87.  
And these three several words point forth also the degrees, reality, and soundness of grace. And indeed the word try me, is appropriate to the Test. Try me though it were by fire. Therefore the Vulgar hes it, ure renes meos, & cor meum. Upon which words Didymus Alexandrinus, Ierom's Master (though from his youthhood blind) hes ane excellent commentary, as on many other Scriptures. For whereas the Chaldee hes it perpurga, and Hieronymus, Consta, Didymus in his notes conjoineth them. Sicut aurifex igne explorat aurum, sic tu Domine eor & mentem, & renes, i. e., intimos affectus meos constando & perpurgando explora, si tibi visum fuerit, etiam per igneus tentationis, & tribulationis. When in our language by a very significant Proverb, we say of a Person or thing that is well approved, that is real and upright; That it has passed the Test: whereas on the contrary a thing or Person that cannot abide the Test, is called reprobator adulterate; as money abused with base mixtures, jer. 6: 30. Is called reprobat Silver. The Prophet gives this reason of it, verss .. 28, 29. They were but Brass and Lead, that did consume, and could not abide the Test. So Aristotle in his Economics, adokimon epoiese nomisma. And his commentator there turns it, ab usu remotum. That is, unuseful for Trade.  
And as to Persons we find the word taken in that same sense in the New Testament 1 Cor. 9: 27. Lest I myself should be a castaway. The Vulgar hes it, Ne reprobus efficiar. Certainly it doth not there signify reprobat as opposite to elect, as A lapide seems to insinuat, as if Saint Paul had no assurance of his election, (as Tirinus on the place seems to intimat out of Gregory) for that were contrary to many express Scriptures manifesting, that Saint Paul both was elected, and also by ane immediate voice from Heaven, knew himself to be so. Therefore some refer that word rather to the Ministry than the Person of Saint Paul, lest his Ministry should be rejected as unsound, and not able to pass the Test, So 2 Cor. 13: 5. The word is taken ne pas receivable as the French hes it. Tho both Beza and our translators following him, have some what scrupulously turned the word Rejectaneus,  periculosam homonymiam vitarem, says he.  
But lastly observe, the Test may be made of any Beasts bones but the Swine, because it can admit of no unclean Beast, Respuit immundum regia Testa Animal. And so Testam habemus etiam cum pulvisculo. Vide Erasmi adagia sub titulo, totum ut nihil reliqui.  And Janus of his gate shall lose the key.  

CAP. II. Of Janus and his Temple.  
JAnus was one of the most ancient Kings of Italy, Reckoned amongst the aborigines, about the thirtenth hundred year before the Birth of our Saviour, he first taught Husbandry and coining of money; and because of his wisdom he was reported to know things past and to come: therefore they pictured him with two faces. And after his death being made a God, Numa built him a Temple, which in the time of peace he appointed to be shut, and left open in the time of war. Whence janus was called Patuleus, and Clusius. Or rather as Ovid hes it, Patulsius and Clausius: As Lib. 1. Fastorum. He brings him in thus.  
Nomina ridebis, modo namque Patulsius idem  
Et modo Sacrifico Clusius ore vocor.  
Of which Virgil according to his lofty manner, sunt geminae Belli portae, Religione Sacrae & saevi formidine Martis. And a little after, nec custos absistit limine Janus.  
Has ubi certa sedet patribus sententia pugnae,  
Insignis reserat stridentia limina consul.  
Macrobius gives this reason of it, when Romulus was fight against the Sabines, there was a great eruption of Hot-water in that same place where now janus' Temple stands, whereby the Sabins were confounded and put to the flight. The expectation of the like aid makes them ever since in the time of war, to leave the door of the Temple open. Others say they leave it open, because they hope to come back and give thanks for the Victory. And from the reign of Numa, it was but thrice closed even to the times of Augustus. First by Numa, then by Manlius Torquatus the Consul, after the first Punick war. Lastly by Augustus himself, post confectum bellum actiacum; about which time it is conjectured our Saviour was born. All which times are pertinently described by Stadius his Commentaries on Florus Cap. ult. Sect. 35. Goropius Becanus in his Book he calls Cronia, thinks he was japhet: Whom our Countryman Mr. Baily in the first Book of his Chronologie pag. 4. hes demonstrated from Gen. 10: 21. (against the Vulgar translation) to have been the eldest Son of Noah. Quintus Fabius Pictor, in his Book de Aureo Saeculo Printed in the year 1530. tells, he was the first that ever taught the Italians the use of Wine, and the nature of Sacrifices: and did first erect Altars to the honour of God. Fuit janus (says he) Sacerdos & vir Religiosus, Doctus Theologus & Philosophus. Avenarius (whom Fuller in his miscellanies, and Ford on Psal. 68 thinks, the most skilful in the Hebrew tongue, and that he hath written the best Dictionary either for singnifications or etymologies.) Is only in the mind that is properly Noah that was so called: And derives janus from jaijn vinum, from whence he derives oinos in the Greek, and vinum in the Latin. And so says Mercer, quia primus omnium vinum invenisse dicitur. And that he is Painted with two faces, because Noah saw both the age that was before, and that which came after the Flood, both the old and new World. Petavius in his Rationarium temporum, Lib. 1. Chap. 11. Assures us, janus was the first King of Italy, whom according to Eusebius computation in his Chronicon, he makes to be 1330 years before our Saviour's birth: From which time he deduces the antiquity of the Idolatry of the Gentiles, though jupiter and janus too were made Gods, long after their death. He reckones it about that time that Ehud was judge in Israel. But Lactantius in the second Book of his institutions de origine errorum, Cap. 14. speaking of Noah, unde arguuntur (says he) qui authorem vini Liberum putant, ille enim non modo Liberum sed etiam Saturnum atque Uranium, multis autecessit aetatibus. In his first Book Cap. 13. He tells us how Saturn was hospitably received by janus in Italy; Wherein if he contradict himself viderint alii. But that which is most to our purpose is that of janus' Temple, which as Beaumond a modern Poet sweetly Sings: 
Whose Temple shut to Romans, did declare  
A settled Peace; but open, open war.  D. Owen in his Book de natura Theologiae & progressu Idololatriae Lib. 3. Cap. 2. Asserts janus to have been Noah on the same accounts. There is one remark concerning janus, that I find in many Authors which will very much strengthen the learned Petavius conjecture. Particularly Pompejus Festus de significatione verborum pag. 34. speaking of the Chaos, ex eo chiainein Greci, & nos hiare dicimus, unde Janus detractâ aspiratione nominatur, ideo quòd fuerit omnium primus cui primò supplicabant, velut parenti, & à quo rerum omnium factum putabant initium. And that janus was first invocat in all their devotions, prayers and Sacrifices, is testified by Saint Augustine (out of Varro) in his 7 Book de Civitate Dei, Cap. 9 As also by Macrobius Lib 1. Saturn. Cap. 9 and Cap. 26. and by Servius in Lib. 1. Aeneid ad versum, cana fides & vesta. Cicero Lib. 1. de nat. dear. principem in Sacrificando Janum esse voluerunt. Horat. Epist. 16. Lib. 1. Arnobius Lib. 3. adversus gentes, doers extremely scorn them for this folly, Quasi ad Deorum audientiam viam panderet Janus. So says Aurelius Victor in breviario Historiae Romanae. Barnabas Brissonius in his Learned book de Formulis, hes told us, that the form of the Heathens more solemn devotion did ever begin thus, jane, jupiter, Marspiter, Quirine, Lar. And Ovid. in Lib. 1. Fast. Brings in him thus speaking for himself, ut possis aditum per me que limina servo. Ad quoscunque voles inquit habere Deos. These that are curious to know more of janus may consult Varro Lib. 4. de ling. Lat. Velleius Pater. Lib. 2. Plinius Nat. Hist. Lib. 34. Cap. 7. Sueton in Nero Cap. 14. & auctor libri de viris illustribus Cap. 13. so Virgil. Lib. 7. and 12. Ovid. Lib. 1. Fast. And Lib. 4. de Ponto Eleg. 4. Pomp. Fest. in voce opima and sororium tigillum. As also Plutarch in aitiois. Fabius Pictor de aureo saeculo; in all which they may see what several Names, Surnames and appellations and honour, the old Heathenish superstition bestowed on janus.  

SECTION II.  

And every one Sang Jo to thy praise.  
JO was ane exclamation uttering some ravishing joy, especially in the time of Triumphs. So Ovid describing the Triumph of Augustus over Germany, and some add Tiberius with him, whom he there calls, Victores Caesar uterque, he adds long after.  
Tempora Phoebea Lauro eingentur Joque  
Miles Jo magnâ vote Triumph canet.  
This was the ordinar acclamation unto the Emperor in the time of Triumph, being carried through the City to the Capitol; so says Varro Lib. 5. de ling. Lat. Livius Lib. 21. tells us of ane Infant in the Mother's Belly, that had the same acclamation, but he is known to be superstitiously fabulous. Horat. Lib. 4. Carm. de Triumph. Augusti. Tuque dum procedis Jo Triumph etc. Idem Lib. Epod. odd. 9 Io Triumph tu moraris aureos currus. So Tibullus Lib. 2. Eleg. 6. And Ovid. Lib. 4. Trist. Eleg. 2. ut supra. Idem Lib. 1. Amor. Eleg. 2. Martial Lib. 7. Epig. Vulgus Jo magnos clamat tibi Roma Triumphos, where we see he puts it in the accusative. As also Ovid. Metamorp. Lib. 1. Laeta Triumphum vox canet, where be brings in Apollo speaking of the Laurel. Alsimus Avitus Lib. 6. ad Fussinam sororem Cap. 6. Hostibus evictis & Jo clamante Triumpho. To Io was ordinarily added Paean, which as the Scholiast of Aristophanes observes, is a Song or Hymn praying for the ceasing of a war, or preventing of a danger. Scaliger doth learnedly write that jao and Io are contracted by the Greeks for jehovah. And it's affirmed by many, That Paean comes from the Hebrew word Panah to behold and look upon. And so Io Paean will have the force of jehovah Penoth, Lord look upon us. From Panah comes the Greek phainomai. Vide Rouse, Archaeologiae Atticae. Lib. 2. Cap. 2.   

Care of Religion is the glorious gemm, Lin. 7.  
Aristotle Polit. Lib. 7. Cap. 8. proton he peri theioon epimeleia, makes it the principal part of the Prince's office to have a care of Religion. Augustine Tract. 11. on john, pertinet hoc ad reges saeculi Christianos ut temporibus suis pacatam velint habere matrem suam Ecclesiam. Leo primus ad Imperatorem Leonem, debes Imperator incunctanter advertere regiam potestatem, tibi non solum ad mundi regimen sed maximè ad Ecclesiae praesidium esse collatam. The Evangelicall Prophet foretells that Kings shall be the Church's Foster-fathers', Isa. 49: 23. and 44: 28. Optat. lib. 3. contra Parmen: Augustine contra Crescon: lib. 3. cap. 51. in his 48. Epist. ad Vincent. in his 52. Epist. ad Macedon. in his 61. Epist. ad Dulcit. In all which he largely and learnedly demonstrats it to be the duty of Christian Princes to have the chief care of matters that concern Religion, affirming, in hoc Reges Deo serviunt, that its for that end Principally God hath bestowed their authority upon them. Isiod. Hisp. de sum. bon. lib 3. cap. 53. Affirms that the chief end of secular authority, is to fortify Ecclesiastical Discipline.   

Who adheres to Baal lin. 16. 2 Kings 10: 18,— 29. Constantius Syr. etc. lin. 17.  
Eusebius de vita Constantini lib. 2. pag. 251. The Test was either, they should show themselves Idolaters, and Sacrifice to the Idols, and so become his minions and favourites, else refuse it, and by that means denied ever after all access to his presence, Sed commento quod caelatum erat, statim post patefacto, alios propter sinceram & integram erga Deum mentem approbavit plurimùm, alios tanquam Dei proditores, servitio Imperatoris indignos censuit. And a little after, illos qui veritatis Testimonio (the Test) digni Deo fuere comprobati, similes erga Imperatorem fore affirmans stipatores, & ipsius regni custodes constituit. Adding, that such faithful friends are more worthy to a Prince then ane Exchequer full of richest treasure.   

Sisibut, lin. 19 Isidor. lib. 5. Etym. & Hispan. annual. Anno 1616. French Dagobert, lin. 20. Paulus Aemilius in Dagobert. An Appendix concerning Baal.  
BAal so called by the Hebrews, is by the Carthaginians named Bal, and by the Assyrians Bell, as is observed by Servius Grammaticus and Fabricius in his notes on the Christian Poets, and is by interpretation Lord, Husband, and Patron; because the Idolaters do subject themselves to their Idols as Servants to their Masters, Wife's to their Husbands, and Clients to their Patrons. This was the most famous Idol in all the East; to whom the Jews by the instigation of the Devil, and instruction of Balaam, (per intervalla) from the time of the Judges to the Babylonish captivity, did homage and worship. To this cursed dance the Assyrians first led the Ring. For Nimrod (as Victor Massiliensis writeth in his third Book) was the first that erected a statue and did Sacrifice to Baal, in memorial of the death of his only Son. And Belus succeeding him did more violently propagat that monstrous Idolatry, from whom the name Bel was given this Idol, amongst the Assyrians. And as error hes ordinarily a prodigious fertility, and a monstrous Birth (as Cassianus observes) sometimes from the different rites of Worship, and different places where, and Persons by whom he was worshipped, received distinct Titles, as also by the benefits ascribed to him by his worshippers. For  
1. He is called Baal-peor, the God of nakedness or gaping, Num. 25: 3, 5. Deut. 4: 3. Hos. 9: 10. and simply called Pehor, Numb. 25. last verse. Ios. 22: 17. Psal. 106: 28. The God of the Moabits, worshipped on the mount Pehor, and by Hieron. lib. 1. adversus Jovinian. and on Es. 25. supposed to be Priapus that abominable and obscene monster. So says Adrichomius in his Theatro Terrae Sanctae, in Reuben. Isidor. Lib. 5. Originum, Cap. 11. Theophilact on Hos. 4: 9 and Lorinus on Psal. 105. Bucer and Calvin on 105 Ps. derives it from the Hebrew word that signifies to make bare or open, from these shameful and abominable Practices used in the service of Baal. With what arts and enticements the Midianites brought the Jews to practise such pollutions, josephus tells in 4 Book of his Antiq. 5. Cap. Now Baalpehor is Baal worshipped on the Mount Pehor Numb. 23: 28. See Suidas in Belphegor. Just so was jupiter called Capitolinus, and Olympius. How the unclean Spirit Triumphed thus amongst the Heathen, see Gerardus Vossius, de Origine Idolatriae lib. 2. cap. 1. amongst the Romans was such a monstrous God of uncleanness called Lupercus, and Mutinus, And amongst the Italians Arcalius.  
Qualiter in caeno obscaeno, quantoque reatu,  
Degitur hoc aevi quodcunque est?  
2. Baalzebub or Belzebul, the God of Ekron, whom Ahaziah consulted anent his health, 2 King. 1: 2. Because they believed him to have power of listing or laying on diseases. Also he was over their Storehouses and Butteries to drive away the Flies, others think that the Sacrifices offered to this God, were so infested with Flies, that they gave occasion to this Epithet, especially amongst the Jews who did upbraid them with it, whereas in the Temple of Solomon notwithstanding of the great and constant multituds of Sacrifices, yet there was never any Fly seen to molest them. So in an holy Scorn is the Prince of the Devils by the Jews 12 Mat. 24. called Belzebul, that is, the God of Dirt: for Zebul signifies Stercus, i. e., Deus Stercoreus; this properly in the Chaldee tongue. By Pausanias in Atticis, he is called Myiodes, that is jupiter Muscarius, and Lilius Giraldus in Syntagmate 2 de jove, proves at large to be that same jupiter that other nations worshipped. See Plinius lib. 29 cap. 6. and lib. 8. cap. 29. and lib. 10. cap. 28. called Anchor from Ekron. But which is most considerable the septuagint in 2 King. 1. and 2. hes Baal Myian the Flie-God. Who to the Ekronits' was their Aesculapius.  
3. Baal Phegor, that is, the God of Carcases, 2 King. 19: 35. They were all dead corpses. It's that same word Phegor. Otherwise called Molech a Prince, for its all one, as may be proven from Amos 5: 26. This was the God of the Phaenicians as Ennius hes it, Poeni sunt soliti sos Sacrificare puellos. And Silius Italicus turns it.  
Mos fuit in populis quos condidit advena Dido  
Poscere coede Deos veniam, ac flagrantibus aris  
Infandum dictu! Parvos imponere natos.  
The Ancients generally call it anthropothusia Phoenicia; which Achaz and Manasses the israelites did Imitate. The reason is given by the Prophet Mic. 6: 6. and 7. to Pacify, as they supposed, the guilt of their enraged consciences.  
4. Baal Bozor the God of scattering, and dissipation: to whom they made vows when they went to war, as the Greeks did to Mars, and Pallas.  
5. Was Baal Berith; the God of the Covenant. judg. 8: 33. After Gideon was dead they made Baal Berith their God, and judg. 9: 4. We read of the Temple of Baal Berith, and the 9: 46. simply called Berith. Gideon their Governor being gone, they entered in a Covenant to serve Baal and forsake their God; this is the Baal that is meaned in the body of the Poem.    

SECTION III. Lin. 1.  
ARgo was the first great Ship we read amongst Heathen writers, and was that wherein jason and his Company fifty two in Number, went to Colchis to bring away the Golden Fleece. It had the name of Argo from its Author or first builder, as we call the Ark Noah's Ark, or rather if we believe Cicero Tuscullan. quest. lib. 1. Argo nominata est quia Argivi in ea lecti viri vecti, petebant pellem inauratam Arietis. But here it's taken appellatively.  
(Cataracts lin. 5.) A Cataract is properly a violent fall of Water from a steep and high rock, with a great rushing noise, from the Greek katarasso, which signifies to fall down head long with violence. We call it a Linn, such as Carhous Linn on the Water of Clyd. Plinius in his 5 Book Chap. 9 speaking of the River Nilus says, Cataracts inter occursantes scopulos, non fluere immenso fragore creditur, sed ruere. It doth not so much run amongst the Steep-rocks as Rush. Strabo in his 14 Book: and Pomponius Mela in the description of Pamphilia, tells us of a River called Cataracta adeo rapidus, ab alta petra descendens, ut longissimè strepitus exaudiatur, Here it's taken for a deludge or open floodgate of rebellion, such as overflowed us lately: and the Waters are not yet fully abaited. Dii talem terris avertite pestem! The Hebrew word is Arrubah which signifies the Floodgates, as Gen. 7: 11. The windows of Heaven were opened. But in the deludge of rebellion the windows of Hell are opened: For the Devil himself was the first rebel, and by our scattering is his Kingdom gathered.  
Lin. 8. (Beauty and bands.) In allusion to that of Zech. 11. and 7. which tho interpreters apply to the Government of the first and second Covenant, Old and New Testament, Jews and Christians, as Vatabulus and others: yet here, in a more Politic sense it signifies the Government of Church and State.  
Lin. 12. (Isthmus) Is a neck of land on each side enclosed with Seas, whereof we read several in Geography: in Egypt, Chersonesus the Euxin Sea and this of Peloponesus betwixt the Aegean and the Ionian Seas where Corinth stands; hence it is that Corinth is called Bimaris both by Horat. lib. 1. carm. Bimarisque Corinthi menia. And Ovid. Fast. 4. Hadriacumque patens latè Bimaremque Corinthum. And Isthmus is so called by Ovid. Eleg. 10. lib. 1. Trist. At postquam Bimarem cursu superavimus Isthmum. Vide Martiani Capellae Satyricon Lib. 6. de tertio sinu Europae pag. mihi 210. where he hes the Description of Isthmus and Corinth with Crotius notes, which he wrote being but fourteen years of age. But Isthmus Metaphorically may be taken for any thing that divides betwixt two extremes: And some hes expressed by this word the middle part or bridge of the nose, as junius in his nomenclatura tells us of some Physicians that so expressed narium sepimentum. And the learned Budeus in his annotations on the Pandects says, this word properly signifies the Neck or the wessand of a Man, and by a Metaphor only comes to signify that narrow part of a continent enclosed by two Seas: from whence says he that of Peloponesus by ane Antonomasie only is so called. And though there be but five mile's distance, yet neither Demetrius, Caesar, Nero nor Caligola who all attempted it were able to break throw a passage. Whence it came into a Proverb, Isthmum perfodere; in eum qui magno conatu sed irrito aliquid moliretur. Vide Plin. Lib. 4. Cap. 4. Sueton in Nero Cap. 19 Et in vitam Calig. Cap. 21. And so generally it is exponed interstitium, intercapedo. Ab jenai ire. The opposite whereof is porthmos. Vide Calepine in voce.   

SECTION IU. Lin. 9  
It's nonsense.  
That Princes hes no power of subjects conscience.    

CAP. III. Showing that the King hes power of the conscience of the subject, and in what sense the same may safely be maintained.  
FOr clearing this, we must consider these three. First what conscience is. Secondly, what the nature of the obligation is, that binds the conscience. Thirdly, the efficacy of this obligation.  
Conscience by the ancients, generally, and more particularly by Clemens Alexandrinus, is called Censor, Corrector, and Paedagogus animae. But it will not be proper here to expatiat much on this subject; I having written a treatise of the nature, effects, properties, obligation, acts and consequence of conscience, in several Sermons Preached at Libertoun, on Act 24: 16. and Acts 2: 37. and Rom. 2: 15. which by assistance of God, and good neighbours, I intent shall see the light of the World. It shall only now suffice to tell, that I think it is no Act either of will or understanding, but a proper faculty of the Soul itself; which of all the faculties of man hes received the least hurt by the fall, it even in the breasts of the most unregenerat taking ordinarily God's part. It may suffice therefore to define it, that faculty whereby application of general knowledge is made to particular actions, followed always with joy or grief: In which sense the Scriptures are not the adequat rule of conscience, otherways the Heathen which never heard the Scriptures had had no conscience contrair to Rom. 2: 14, 15.  
The second thing to be considered, is what it is to bind the conscience, which is briefly this; to impose a necessity of obedience upon it: so that the sense of the question is, whither or not humane Laws do impose such a necessity of obedience on the conscience, that the contraveening thereof is not only liable to a temporal punishment, but deservedly also to the anger and offence of God. The difference betwixt mandates and Laws, perpetual and cursory, constant and accidental obligations, we cannot stand to discuss.  
For the third, we must 1. consider, that the power of making Laws is the prerogative Royal given by God unto Kings, without which it were absolutely impossible for them to attain the ends of Government, and therefore he that said, by ●e Kings Reign, said also, by me Princes Decree Justice, that is, ordains, makes and executes, just and wholesome Laws. Wherefore King and Lawgiver are put together in Scriptures, Isa. 33: 22. The Lord is our King, the Lord is our Lawgiver, Rom. 13: 1, 2, 3. 1 Pet. 2: 13. shows what power Kings are invested with, and there is a great reason for it; the execution of the Law being that mean whereby the public good may both be preserved and promoved, and wherein essentially the office of the Magistrate doth consist, and the difference betwixt him, and his subjects lies, for which end God conferrs on the Magistrate Numb. 11: 17. a particular Spirit of Government, 1 Sam. 10: 6. Samuel tells Saul that the Spirit of God shall come upon thee, and thou shalt be turned into another man. And this by Solomon, Prov. 20: 12. is called the seeing Eye, as subjection is called the hearing Eare. It was the Magistrate ruling by the civil Law even before it was Christened, to which we are commanded to be subject by the Apostle Saint Paul Rom. 13. and Saint Peter, 1 Pet. 2. And to the Privilege of the Roman Policy Saint Paul did appeal, Acts 25: 10. All which invincibly infer not only ane approbation of the Law being made, but also the Magistrates power in making of it. Neither was this ever denied, but by Carolostadius, and the late rabble of Monsters amongst ourselves, who would send us from our Laws, as far back as the judicial System amongst the Jews: though it be confessed by all to be abrogated, as being only temporary, and accommodat to certain circumstances of times, places, and persons, which now can have no obligation upon us.  
2. These Laws made and promulgat by the Magistrate, are of force to bind the conscience: many both Protestants and Papists are down right against this proposition, affirming it proper to God only to bind the conscience. So says Calvin lib. 3. instit. 9 cap. sect. 15. And Sibrandus lib. 8. de pontifice Romano cap. 7. Vasques lib. 1. Illust. contravers. 28. 1. And these would only have the Magistrates power to reach the body or Fortunes of the subject, alleging, no humane power can go further. To which we oppose these following arguments.  
1. A man may bind his own conscience; as is confessed by all in the case of Lawful vows, they are in our own power before they are made, Act. 5: 4. But after that, they are Gods bonds, and do bind the conscience to performance. Wherefore that doth not altogether hold, that God only can bind the conscience. Otherways either vows do not bind, or else no man can engage himself in them; either of which to affirm is absurd. I find Alsted. Theol. cas. cap. 2. reg. 2. to make great use of this argument.  
2. In the Rom. 13. we learn that Magistrates have power and authority to enact Laws, and therefore they are called powers. 2. That these Laws of the Magistrate do receive strength and force from the Law of God: for the powers that are (sayeth he) are ordained of God. 3. That the Laws made by the Magistrate have power to bind conscience, v. 5. We must be subject not only for wrath but conscience sake. And if we resist them, we resist the ordinance of God, and pull down God's judgement and bring condemnation on ourselves, when we so do, sayeth the Text, verse 2. And therefore to contemn the Laws of men, though not expressly, (for then they are Gods) but virtually contained in the word of God, is to be disobedient to God himself.  
3. Consider, that conscience hath relation not to God only, but to man also, Acts 24: 16. Conscience both towards God and man, it hath the principal relation to God, as being the absolute binder thereof, yet in and through him to man and his Laws also: For it is to be here remarked, that, at that same instant Saint Paul was pleading before ane Heathen Magistrate.  
4. We must consider that we are not only to make conscience of Religion and the worship of God, but of civil things also: For though things that are civil as civil, do not of themselves, and immediately bind the conscience, yet by virtue of ane higher Law to which they are subordinat and subjoined; being made by the Magistrate as the Minister of God, and backed by his Authority which is God's Seal, so they oblige the conscience; and not to perform obedience to such Laws, (as for instance sumptuary Laws made for moderating expense at banquet or burials, or in apparel or the like: such as Aulus Gellius makes mention of in his 2 Book Cap. 24. out of Lucilius the old Poet, and the Lex Fannea, Emilia, Ancia, julia, etc.) To contemn such Laws, though in itself be a civil fault only; yet in another respect it is a moral sin (the Law being made) contrary both to Justice, Charity, Peace, Saftey, and Well being of the common wealth.  
5. Who ever resists the ordination of God offends God, but every offence of God is a wounding of conscience: wherefore of necessity it must follow by the Law of contraries that we are bound in conscience to obey the Laws of man. He is the Minister of God, Rom. 13. God's Legate and Ambassador: therefore what contempt he or his Laws (for both are one, the King being lex animata do sustain from us, it redoudes unto God whose Minister he is: And God takes it done to himself what is done to or against the Magistrate. touch not mine anointed.  
6. Every just and good Law flows from the Law of God & the Law of nature, as the Stream from the Fountain; And therefore hes an Intrinsic power of direction and obligation as a rule of life and manners: The deviating from which is a sin and consequently a wounding of the conscience: For if conscience be the sense of sin, and fear of judgement as some describe it, though rather by its effects then by it essential nature, as else where I shall make evident: than it is certain what ever induces to sin concerns conscience, and brings along with it the fear of judgement; but violating of a civil Law does infer sin; for every particular breach is a violation of the general Law of obeying the Magistrate, and becomes a moral sin against the fifth Commandment. Therefore by the rule of contraries the civil Law doth infallibly bind and inevitably oblige the conscience.  
7. Every Law is either contrary to the will of God or conform to it, every Law is either just or unjust; But herein we must cautiously observe a twofold injustice, either intrinsic or extrinsic. The intrinsic is, when the matter of the Law itself is injust. The extrinsic is when a thing intrinsically just in itself may be unjustly commanded and imposed upon me. The first only takes away the obligation to obedience, as dissolving the intrinsic ty of conscience: for suppose a Prince should command something that in itself were not unjust, merely to please his own ambitious Tyrannical or covetous humour, that indeed would be unjust on his part; but I and every other subject were obliged to obey, though he should sinne in commanding, yet I should sinne if I obeyed it not. But on the other hand no humane Laws that on the matter are unjust, can obleidge the conscience, for it is better to obey God than man. From whence we may draw this invincible argument, from the intrinsic nature of reason itself, that no man at one and the same time can be obliged to contradictories: but if a man were obliged to perform ane unjust Law, he should be obliged in conscience to that, to the not performance whereof the Law of God oblidges him. And to perform and not perform are contradictories. Whereas humane Laws in things just, oblige the conscience by a supervenient obligation to the Law of God, for obligatio prior tollit posteriorem.  
But on the other hand, if Laws be enacted by these who are not invested with lawful power, than they do not oblige the conscience, no more than a Sentence given by one who is no judge, can oblige the party to performance: for where the power is wanting, the efficient cause of the obligation is wanting also.  
8. We must distinguish betwixt a direct and indirect, a mediate and immediate obligation: we do confess the Laws of man do not immediately and directly oblige the conscience, but by virtue of Gods command requiring to give obedience to the Magistrate and his Laws, under the pain of God's wrath and displeasure. We are bound to perform civil duties on grounds of Religion; and so humane Laws though not qua humane binds the conscience. It's God's command binds my conscience to observe man's, as ye see it clearly and expressly, Eccles. 8: 21. I Counsel you to keep the King's commandment, and that in regard of the Oath of God. It would be a very Fanatic these, to affirm, that a Child is not bound in conscience to do any Lawful thing which his Father commands him, Id est, totidem verbis, it is not his duty, because perhaps totidem Syllabis, it is not contained in the Scripture. But certainly, secundarly and consequentially, with respect unto Gods general command, he is bound in conscience to do that for his Father's command which he was not bound to undertake without it. See this fully asserted and cleared by Vrsine in his Explicatio Catechetica, quest. 69. And in Loci Theologici in pray. 2. de cultu Dei. So Pareus, edicta Magistratûs obligant conscientias. So Alstedius, ut supra. But above all most particularly and fully the learned Bishop Sanderson, de obligatione conscienciae, and Bishop Taylor, in his Ductor Dubitantium, Lib. 3. Cap. 1. rule 1. and 5., and Chap. 4. rule 5. Vide Falkner, in his Libertas Ecclesiastica Lib. 2. Cap. 1. Section 7. Par. 6.  
But here we must take along with us these three caveats: first it must be acknowledged, that no humane authority can bind the judging power of conscience, so that it is obliged to judge that a duty which is commanded without having a liberty to consider its lawfulness. 2. The Laws of man does not so illimitedly bind. I must obey God on the bair sight of his will, but I may examine the Laws of man, whither they be just and equal, and suited to the public safety, as Acts 9: 29. 3. As not so illimitedly nor so immediately; so neither does humane Laws so absolutely bind the conscience. For God's command binds even in Secret, and that perpetually, and to active obedience too: but the Law of man may be obeyed by suffering the penalty, yea in private where there is no scandal nor danger of contempt of authority, I may do the contrary, especially in things in themselves indifferent. Wherefore, when it is said jam. 4. and 12. There is only one Lawgiver, it must be understood, one only absolute and supreme, whose will is the rule of Justice; the Magistrates under him being but deputes and substitutes responsable still to their Superior, 2 Chron. 19: 6. Take head what you do, for you judge not for man but for the Lord.  
Aquinas handling this same very question primâ secundae quest. 96. art. 4. determins it, as we have done in the affirmative, justae leges humanae obligant homines in foro conscienciae, ratione legis aeternae à quâ derivantur.  
9 Therefore, any Law of the Magistrate that wants the Authority of God's Law to confirm it, is null, and ought not to be obeyed. But being a thing or matter indifferent, the lawfulness of it is determined to me by that particular Law, which is derived from the general Law of obeying these in Authority. Yea even these same things in case of scandal, will bind us to obedience, though not in case of conscience simply considered, as is clear in our Saviour's paying Tribute, Mat. 17: 27. Rather than any scandal should have arisen. So Abraham gave Lot his choice of the Country, though he might otherways have disputed his right.  
The last is the efficacy of this obligation; and it arises from the nature of conscience itself, which being so intimat with every man, so important ane enemy, and so worthy and true a friend, a faithful admonisher, a sad accuser, a severe witness, an uncorrupt judge, considering that it accuses to him, who is the dreadful judge of all the Earth, whose wisdom cannot be deceived, nor his Justice bribed or corrupted; the Execution of whose Sentence can neither be suspended nor avoided, so that upon the one hand this meditation obviats all grounds of rebellion, discontent, pride, ambition, covetousness and hypocrisy, and overawes a man in the first rise of these corruptions, destroying the Cockatrice in the Egg; so on the other hand, it manifests, that horror and anguish must be a Traitor's portion both here and hereafter.  
(His opprobrious Kirk) of King james its known to all that knows his History, how opprobriously the Kirk-men used him; not only molesting and contemning, but counteracting him on every occasion. When he appointed a Feast, they appointed a Fast, & è contra. And after all their Pranks, they openly scorned to answer his tribunal, contrary to the practice of Christ and Saint Paul, both before Jews and Heathen Magistrates. But alace Christ and Saint Paul were both Episcopal. The jurisdiction of their Kirk was Paramount to all his decrees: Yea in his Basilicon Doron he tells how they persecuted him even before he was born, & all along till he came to the Throne: And when he was gloriously seated there, the only Eclipse of his glory was from the Kirk. One passage whereof I cannot omit, which will indeed justify my Epithet of that Kirk. Crebrae adversus me in concionibus calumniae spargebantur, non quòd crimen aliquod designassem, sed quia Rex eram, quòd omni crimine pejus habebatur. That they constantly reviled and reproached him, not only in their private conventicles, but in their public Preach, not for any crime he had done or intended to do, but because he was a King, which in their opinion was the worst of all crimes. And this they made evidently appear in the Person of his Son, that incomparable Prince and blessed Martyr, of whom we may say according to the Letters on his Coffin, C. R. I. Clementia Religiosa interfecit.  
Here lies the only King since Christ did die,  
Was murdered for his pious clemency.  
It was they broke his Sceptre in pieces, by throwing the Militia out of his Royal hands; that tore the Crown off this head; baffled his supremacy; barred him the very liberty of his conscience in the point of Church Government, which he believed and strongly defended, to be jure divino Episcopal. And would have him to acknowledge himself guilty of all the blood they had spilt. And after they had hunted him like a Partridge on the Mountains, at last surprised and murdered him in his own House. It was the Presbyterians held him by the Hair, as he who wrote the History of Independency well observes, till the Independents (a kind of Synonymous word for one thing) cut off his head.  
Pudet haec opprobria nobis  
Et dici potuisse & non potuisse refelli. Ovid.  
We're shamed that such a Tainture should be laid  
Upon these Lands that cannot be gainsaid.  Sandys Ovid. Met. 2. 
Lin. 10 (joined with Sovereignty) so Diotogenis Pythagorici verba apud Stobeum, anagkaton teleion basilea strategonte agthaon hemen kai dikasten kai hierea.  
Lin. 11. (So Numa) Livius lib. 1. De Numa tum sacerdotibus creandis animum adjecit, quanquam ipse plurima sacra obibat. And a little after, Flaminem jovis assiduum sacerdotem creavit: Julius Caesar Pontifex maximus fuit; Suet. in Julius Cap. 13. And Augustus Suet. in Octavius 31. Pontificatum maximum suscepit: And a little after, Sacerdotum & numerum & dignitatem sed & commoda auxit.  
Lin. 12. (Malabar in the East) Ferdinandus Lopez Lib. 1. Histor. Indicarum. But to come nearer home, the learned Doctor Basier in his Book of the liberty of the Britannic Church, in that part that he hes from Father Barns, makes it out from Authentic Chronicles and Histories, and statutes also within themselves, that the Kingdom of England hath been ane entire Empire Governed by one head, supreme both in spirituals and temporals. And this he makes out by eighteen several instances in statutes by Kenulphus, Edward the Confessor, Edward the first, the third, the fourth, Richard the third, Richard the second, justifying the Act of Henry the eight; That it was according to the ancient supremacy of all the Kings of England over all Persons and in all causes whatsomever, aswell Ecclesiastic as temporal.  
Lin. 20. (Mishpat Hameleck.)   

CHAP. IU. What is the meaning of the Mishpat Hameleck amongst the jews, the jus Regium: or the nature of the Prerogative Royal.  
WHat this Mishpat Hameleck was, I find it mightily debated amongst the learned: some will have it to be jus Regium, others only consuetudo Regia, the one the allowance and ordinance of God, the other the Usurpation and Tyranny of man, the greatest blessing or scourge that either the mercy or Justice of God sends to mankind. The first and chief place we read of it, is 1 Sam. 8: 11. where we have it translated the manner of the King, in Deut. 17: 16. we have the King's power and Prerogative described by God himself, but it is not termed there the Mishpat. And how to understand it here is thought a very knotty and puzeling difficulty: The perplexity whereof lies in this, that either de jure, the Kings of Israel, and in them all other Princes ought to do after the manner there described; But this we see is directly contrary to the duty of a King prescribed by God himself in Deut. 17: 16. He shall not multiply Horses, but here in 1 Sam. 8: 11. we have mention made of Chariots and Horsemen in multitudes, which cannot be without multitudes of Horses, Deut. 17: 17. Ye shall not multiply Silver or Gold: but here verss. 14, 15, 16. He shall take your Fields, Servants, your Vineyard, your Cattles, and dispose of them to his minions and attendants: Deut. 17: 20. He must not be proud; but here v. 17. All must be his Servants and run and walk as he pleases, Ezek. 45: 9 Take away your exactions from my people. And Chap. 46: 18. The Prince shall not take of the people's inheritance to thrust them out of their possessions: Here we find the quite contrary. Their Fields, their Vineyeards, their Sons, their Sheep, their Servants and all to be disposed of by him at his pleasure. Yea by the Law of God the Levits were to have the tenths as peculiar to them.  
On the other hand, if it be said, that it only contains a prediction, that de facto they should be so treated by their Kings, on the quite contrary, we do not read in all the Books and Chronicles of the Kings of judah or Israel, that they did proceed thus far as it is here expressed. Yea even Achab that was one of the most wicked amongst them all, a man that sold himself to work wickedness, yet he did not take Naboths Vineyard by force, 1 Kings 21: 25. but by jezabel's craft, and wicked Policy, it was pretended to be legally Forsaulted; though the taking away of Vineyeards is expressly mentioned here as a part of the Mishpat Hameleck, or the jus Regium.  
This difficulty has being looked on by a great many learned men, so inextricable, that it hes made them think, that God is only here describing the manner of the Heathen Kings that know not God, that so he might defer them from seeking a King; or at the least that he was angry that they sought such a King as the other nations had, not such a King as God allowed them, as was described in Deut. 17. but this is expressly against the very words of Deut. 17: 14. likeas all the nations have about me. Others are of opinion that he describes not here what Kings should or may do, but that they ordinarily degenerate into Tyranny, and this is their Custom so to do. And we see the word Mishpat is many times translated Custom and manner, judg. 18: 7. Carlessely after the manner of the Zidonians Pemishpat, Gen. 40. verse 13. Former manner when thou was butler, Exod. 21: 9 1 Sam. 27: 11. 2 Kings 11: 14. 2 Kings 17: 29. Psal. 119: 131. As thou used to do, in the original is according to thy manner and Custom. So that the Custom of Tyrants (say they) is only here described. Of this opinion is Bartoldus de regimine civili Num. 4. Bodinus de Republica Cap. 10. Melancton in Philosophia morali pag. 197. Brentius Hom. in 1 Sam. 27. Osiander h. l. Pezelius part. ult. object. pag. 999. Zepperus in explicatione legum Mosaicarum Lib. 4. Cap. 8. Tossanus in notis, hoc loco: Rossius de Christianae Reipublicae potestate supra reges Cap. 2. Com. 103. and Hunnius in resolute. disp. vol. 1. pag. 73.  
But with reverence to so great authority and so great semblance of reason nullius addictus jurare in verba, I take leave to descent, and that I may more clearly express my own opinion, I premit these two distinctions. 1. We must carefully distinguish betwixt a King's Crown and his covetousness. If any covetous Kings there be, they certainly are the perfect emblems of miserable happiness, and rich beggary. But say, a King out of an avaricious lust should gripp the goods, and seize on the possessions and Lands of his Subjects for his own private Interest, certainly he doth Tyrannically and unjustly: but if, for the safety and advantage of the common wealth, this is one of the rights of the Crown, to make use of the subject's goods for that end.  
2. We must also distinguish betwixt the manner and measure of the thing, and the thing itself. The King may for the necessity of the commonwealth, and peace and safety of the subject, exact their service and goods, if not done in a violent manner, nor exacted in ane exorbitant measure, not for his own private gain and advantage, but for the good of the community whereof he is the head. Now in such a case all things that belongs to the subject, they belong also to the power and authority of the King, and he may make use of them, observing that due measure (in the necessity or advantage of the community) by his prerogative Royal, without incurring the odious name and imputation of a Tyrant. This is Lyra's judgement in his Commentary on this place of Samuel, as it is Lawful (says he) for a man to cut or mutilat himself, to cut off a Hand or a Leg, for the preservation of the whole body; so may a King Lawfully make use of the subjects wealth in the time of necessity. And this I take to be the proper meaning of the Mishpat Hameleck in 1 Sam. 8: 11. That a King not only de jure may, but will in case of necessity require the goods of his subjects without any suspicion of Tyranny or oppression: And my arguments for this my opinion are.  
1. Because as I find the word Mishpat translated here, and else where, manner and Custom, so I find it also oftentimes translated Judgement, Statute, Law, or Right. Judgement or Right from Shapat, judicavit, therefore may be translated the King's Right or Prerogative Royal, for this is its most proper signification, as its original imports, so judg. 16: 31. He judged Israel twenty years, Id est, Rex erat qui jure & justitia vindicaverat: As Buxtorf on the word Shapat pag. 838. And so in many other places there cited, to which I refer the doubter. And the word Mishpat is taken many times so, Psal. 105: 5. jer. 4: 12. Psal. 72: 1. The word signifies both the Sentence of a Judge and the Right that is done to a man by that Sentence, as is observed by the excellent Drusius on joel 3: 2. This being its most proper signification, but the word Custom and manner but Metaphorical, there is great reason, we should rather read it the Kings Right, and accordingly the Vulgar hes turned it jus Regis: And junius and Tremellius, 1 Sam. 10: 25. which we call the manner of the Kingdom, hes turned it jus Regni, so we read of a place Gen. 14: 7. called Enmishpat, the Fountain of Judgement, as the King may properly be called. And the septuagint turns this Mishpat into dikaioma tou basileos; which word dikaiomad if we believe Beza on Rom. 1: 32. will signify sometime legem naturae, vel jus gentium.  
2. Consider we, what it was the Israelites sought, it was not a Tyrant but a King, Rescripta sunt interpretanda juxta petita, according to the rule in the civil Law, except we would say of God according to that Mat. 7: 10. when we Ask a Fish, he will give us a Serpent which is horrid blasphemy.  
3. Why should Samuel say, this was the peculiar manner of Kings? Is not this the custom of any other judges and Magistrates as well as of Kings, to degenerate some times, and be Tyrannical? as we see what jotham says of Abimeleck judg. 9: 14. That he was become a Bramle in stead of a Vine. See also what was said of the Sons of Eli and Samuel, that were no Kings, 1 Sam. 2: 16. That they turned cruel, Tyrannical, Base and oppressive, so that men abhorred the Offering of the Lord, 1 Sam. 8: 3. It's said of his Son that he turned aside after Lucre, took bribes and perverted judgement. Why then should this be called the manner of Kings only, since it's also incident to inferior Magistrates, and perhaps much more?  
4. I would gladly know, if by the manner of the King and Kingdom, 1 Sam. 8. verss. 11. and 10. and 25. Any thing that is unjust and unlawful be meant, as Tyranny and oppression, as in their opinion the words must needs import. Do they think that the excellent Samuel should have taken the pains to have written these unjust Laws in a Register, and laid them up beside the Ark of the Covenant? Or rather if we believe josephus lib. 6. antiquit. jud. Cap. 5. in the Ark itself, for a perpetual memorial. Nay he is so just a judge, would have rather caused burn and destroy all these monuments of iniquity: Wherefore this Mishpat Hameleck cannot be rationally supposed to involve any Tyrannical exactions or oppression of the People, as they expone it. Samuel to make a Law for oppression, a man both wise and holy, and to consign it to that public and holy repository, being a monument of iniquity, to preserve it to the knowledge and use of the posterity, I hope scarce any sober man will be induced to admit it amongst the least atoms of his belief.  
5. I would know in effect, if David, Solomon and all the rest of the Kings of judah and Israel did not all this that is here expressed; And yet no where, are accused of Tyranny. Had ' not they their Tables in times of peace, magnificently and splendidly furnished, which is intimat here by taking their Sons and Daughters to be confectioners and Cooks? Had not they in time of war their Horses, Chariots, Footmen, and Captains, and Soldiers of all ranks? And what disparadgment is that, to be the King's Servants, who himself is the representative of God unto us? And by the way we have a remarkable instance of this in Solomon, who 2 Chron. 9: 25. Is said to have had 4000 Stalls for Horses, and the 1 King. 4: 26. He is said to have had forty thousand Stalls for Horses; the word translated Stalls is different in the Original, yet only a Iod added: And signifies either a particular standing for one Horse, or else a Stable having in it many such standing places. Tho I have heard some Fools bogle at this, yet it may be reconciled, considering 4000 Stables with ten Stalls a piece, and each holding ten Horses will make just forty thousand. We read also 2 Chron. 1: 14. He had 1400 Chariots, and 12000 Horsemen that attended him in State. But consider with me, what a laborious and vast work he had in building of the Temple of God, and of his own Palaces? And how many Horses that great work would need? And how many Queens and Concubines he had, and what a number of attendants both of pride and necessity they would require? Or consider also, how provident, so wise a man would be in case of war: In which case we read the Philistines brought to the Field 1 Sam. 13: 5. thirty thousand Chariots, and would Solomon think you be behind with them, on these considerations? It had been unjust to have imputed that to Solomon either as Tyranny or oppression: But certainly rather it was the jus Regium his prerogative Royal, to have and maintain them. And although in the most strict sense, these things be the King's prerogative, yet good and gracious Kings make use only of their prerogatives as Christ did of his Miracles, merely in cases of necessity, and for the public good, to which they will make their Pomp and State subservient.  
Omne culmen attigit  
Virtutis altae, qui timeri se timet;  
Amore fidens, qui patrem se non herum  
Studet Vocari. Baudius.  
And for these passages of Ezekiel, of Achab, and the tenths bestowed on the Levits; they are easily answered by what is said already. For 1. that of Ezekiel is, thou shall not take away the possession of the subject, by oppression; not, in case of necessity, and conveniency of State. Therefore Ezek. 44: 9 what in one part of that same verse is called exactions, in the other it is called violence and spoil: There exactions being neither with justice nor moderation, Ezek. 46: 18. It's also clear as the Beams of the Sun, the Prince shall not take the inheritance of the People by oppression, which is expressly added, importing in point of necessity, he may do it, and be neither Tyrant nor Robber: For Achab all the World knows it was only his lustful and covetous humour he gratified, not minding the benefit of the commonwealth. And for the tithes of the Levits, It's known that it was not a ceremonial precept, but moral founded on the judgement of right reason, according to the Law of nature itself. And therefore cannot be in itself unlawful, nature teatching us that a public Person should be served of the public. And therefore tribute jure divino belongs to the public Magistrate, Mat. 17: 25. and 22. and 15. verss. Therefore all things both Sacred and civil must be serviceable to the public benefit. This I take to be the true meaning of this Mishpat Hameleck.  
But if we speak particularly of the prerogative Royal, justinian makes it to consist in these three, the power of things Sacred, the power of the public good, and the power of denuncing war. Bodinus in his Book de Republica lib. 1. cap. 10. extends it to these five, 1. The power of making and abrogating Laws, 2. Supremacy of jurisdiction, from which can be no appeal, 3. Power of establishing all inferior Magistrates, and Officers of State, 4. Imposition and exaction of tribute, 5. The power of war, To which Arniseus adds the right of public ways, navigable Rivers, mines of Gold and Silver, and any thing that hes no particular owner, that it should belong to the common Master; as hunting, confiscation, coining of money, Arniseus lib. 2. de jure Majest. cap. 1. n. 8. Neither will any that remembers we swear in the Test to defend the King's prerogatives (we hope) think this digression impertinent: To which we shall add the Golden observation of chrysostom upon Rom. 13. That to levy money, and exact stents for the public good is the peculiar prerogative of the Crown; and therefore says he, the Apostle says not, give tribute, but vers. 7. render tribute, render Custom, non dicit date but reddite: For the subject nihil gratuito dat, debitum siquidem est res ista: quod si non feceris perfidi poenas dabis. The subject gives nothing to the King; its debt, which if he refuse, he deserves to be punished as a false Traitor.  
But to speak yet more particularly of the Royal prerogative in the most part of all Nations: We begin with the Jews whose Royal prerogative (as we have seen) is set down particularly in Deut. 17. and 1 Sam. 8. though contradicted by learned men; to whom forecited we are not yet afraid to add Saint Gregory, Cajetan, Abulensis, and Vatablus on the place, and even Aquinas too, who in his Book de regimine principis Cap. 11. is expressly against our interpretation, and in his Sums, primâ secundae quest. 6. Art. 1. in answer to the fifth objection. Illud jus non debebatur Regi ex institutione divina, sed magis praenunciabatur usurpatio Regum qui sibi jus iniquum constituunt, in Tyrannidem degenerantes & subditos depraedantes. But considering that the most part of Papists are ill affected towards all Kings, as well as our Presbyterians, the one making the Pope their Presbytery, and the other the Presbytery their Pope: Therefore all our Fanatic writers, as Lex Rex, Didoclavius and the rest, hes all their arguments from Papists; yet we hope, we have said als much for our opinion, as will abundantly satisfy any sober and intelligent Reader.  
To come then to particulars, we find the Law of the prerogative Royal amongst the Jews, after that ancient one established by God himself and promulgat by Moses and Samuel; als fully and als amply (as can be) constitute in the Person of Simon Macabeus, 1 Macab. 14. chap. from 41. to the 45. Wherein is contained the Sanction of the Law. And the prerogatives are reckoned out to the number of twelve, which at more length may be there seen, and corresponds much with our own, one or two only excepted. Neither may it be objected, he was their Captain only, and not their King: For his posterity did assume both the Title and Estate of the King without any innovating of these prerogatives, as is known all along their History. But more particularly, what the Royal prerogative amongst the Jews was, both before and after that, may be more fully gathered from the writings of josephus against Appion, and from his antiquities; from Mennochius, Sigoneus, Bertramus, and Cunaeus; to which we may add the most part of the writings of Hottingerus: all which have written fully and learnedly of the Laws and Customs of that Republic, but especially in his Smegma Orientale, and Epitome utriusque juris judaici.  
The Royal prerogatives amongst the Romans, are fully described by Dionysius Halycarnasseus, lib. 2. which were agreed upon (as he says) betwixt Romulus and the People of Rome, the care of Religion, and the Laws; The convocating of the People and the absolute power of war, with many others there to be read: which still continued till the time of Tarquin the proud, who contemning these decrees and ordinances, was deprived of his Kingdom, and banished the City. What it was afterwards, may be known by Suetonius, after the death of julius Caesar in Tiberius Cap. 30, 31, 32. And Tacitus annal, especially the first Book. And afterward in process of time, how they were increased and established, may be seen in the Commentaries of Claudius Rangolius, ordinis minimorum S. Francisci de Paula (who hes described them in a collection from Hottoman, and Calvin Lawyers) on 1 Sam. 8: 11. Yea the lex regia, as he there writes, gave a kind of infinite power to the Emperors, in all things that concerned the preservation or amplification of the commonwealth. To whose writings we may add what hes been written by Scriverius his Respublica Romana, and Lipsii Roma illustrata, and by Dion, Appianus, and Pollybius, the Greek Historians; of whom it must be observed, that they wrote the Roman History far more impartially than any Roman.  
3. For the Greeks their prerogative Royal, to wit, of the Lacedæmonians, it is fully described by Halicarnasseus in his 5 Book.  
Of the Macedonians by Quintus Curtius in his sixth Book of the wars of Alexander, anent the death of Philotas Parmenio's Son.  
The Royal prerogative of Agamemnon, and other Princes of Grecia, may be collected from Homer. And of the whole Greeks, both their History, and Privileges may be gathered from Pausanias, and Plutarch, especially in the lives of Solon and Lycurgus; and his Greek Questions. But most elegantly and compendiously written by the learned Vbbo Emmius de Graecorum rebus publicis. And from Postellus de Magistratibus Atheniensium. To which may be added Meursii Athenae. Nicolai Damasceni Historia.  
4. The prerogative of the Egyptians, Assyrians, and Persians, may be collected out of Herodot, and Zenophon, and Diodorus siculus his 2 Book, Cap. 3. But above all out of the learned Brissonius de regio Persarum principatu.  
5. The prerogative of the Germans out of Tacitus de moribus Germanorum.  
6. Of the French, out of Caesar de bello Gallico, lib. 7.  
Out of all which by a judicious and serious Reader might be collected a full complete Volume of the prerogatives of all Nations: Which if it be yet done, in whole, or in part, I know not; Only I could wish this would animat the generous attempt of some learned head: but this being the work rather of a Lawyer, than a divine, and not belonging to our design but by way of annotation, and digression, Let these few remarckes suffice.  

An Appendix concerning the King's Treasure, as a consequent of his Prerogative.  
HE that walks on the Battelments of Sovereignty had need of some massy weight to keep him steady. A poor Governor (as Euripides sayeth) being a scorn to Authority, and a burden to the People. Wherefore in all ages to support their Prerogative either in peace or war, it hes been the laudable Custom of all Kings to mass up a great store of treasure. Hence nothing so celebrated amongst all Authors as the Gaza Persica, Quintus Curtius in his 5 Book describs it, and Isod. lib. 20.9. and the 70 retain ordinarily the word Gaza, as Esth. 4: 7. Haman vowed to pay ten thousand Talents of Silver to the King's treasure, which in English money will amount to three millions fifty thousand and seven hundreth pounds, o Pride! O Revenge! How dear guests are ye? Pomponius Mela in his first Book of Geographie confounds Gaza a Town in Palestin with Gaza a treasure, or at least says he, the one had the name from the other, not considering, that Gaza a Town with the Hebrews is written with Hajin, a treasure with Gimel. In the Scriptures also we read of the treasures of Egypt; The treasures of the Kings of Israel and judah, 2 Kings 18: 15. and 20: 13. and 39: 2, 4. 2 Chron. 36: 18. Ezeck. 28: 4. Dan. 11: 43. Neh. 13: 12.  
The Latin word Thesaurus, imports the providence of a Prince, eis-aurion tithenai, to lay up something for to morrow. See Scaliger derives aurum, from oorein custodire. They have other two words also, Fiscus, And aerarium: But with this difference (as Budeus observes) that aerarium is pecunia publica imperii, but Fiscus is pecunia Imperatoris. Fiscus a Fisu: quod eo ad vitam degendam subsidio, homines fidere soleant. As in the Hebrew, Mammon from Emunah, fides. The word aerarium is from aes, aeris, because the first money used by the Romans was Brass, as Plin. lib. 3. cap. 33. and their casting their Accounts was likewise with Brass pieces, which we call Compters, called by the Ancients aera. Of this way of counting, and of the aera a Reckoning, see Scaliger de emendatione temporum lib. 5. Where he alleadges what they called aera, we now call item. The Scripture makes mention not only of the treasures of Heathen Princes, as Ezra 5: 17. and 6: 1. But also God allowed a treasury in his Church Mark. 12: 41. Luk. 21: 1. joh. 8: 20. These things spoke jesus in the treasury. What this treasury was ye will read it explained by Shindler in his Lexicon in the word Lishcah: and by Caspar Waserus who hes written learnedly on that subject de pecuniarum repositoriis. Amongst Politicians the question is not of the Lawfulness, but of the expediency of Prince's treasures. Some court-flatterers, with the fox in the fable, intending to cheat the crow of his chief, they will tell the Prince that his glory stands rather in his bounty, than his bags; and will confirm it by the examples of Alexander and Caesar, who by their generous and obliging liberality did atchive great matters, that Sardanapalus left ten millions to them that murdered him, Nero gave above 12 millions to them that flattered him, which gifts Galba afterward did revocke. But they consider not, that these great and warlyk Princes as Alexander and Caesar were liberal, rather out of the spoils of their enemies then their own treasuries. But it is certain that a Prince that is not this way provident, shall never be able to defend his prerogative, and maintain his right, but fall under contempt and danger, the effect of Poverty; as by many pregnant instances might be proven. See a treatise, entitled England's treasure by foreign Trade, by Thomas Mun, Londoner.   

Appendix 2. Concerning a peculiar Prerogative.  
THere is a peculiar Prerogative mercifully and miraculously granted by God, unto some Princes, as to the Kings of Britain, and some say the French King too, to heal that disease Scrofula commonly called the King's evil. So Plutarch in the life of Pyrrhus affirms, that he cured all these that were diseased of the Spleen, with a touch of his foot only. And Swetonius in Vespasian Cap. 7. makes mention, that a blind man, and a crooked at lest debili crure (as he speaks) were both restored by the Emperor to entire health; the one, by spitting in his Eye; the other, by a touch of his Heel. (So divine a prerogative hes but the touch of the worst part of a Prince.) Which made not only a confirmation but an accession both to his Majesty and authority. And that Princes by virtue of their Office, are endued from Heaven with a Sagacity more than ordinary (as in King James' finding out the poweder plot) is consented to, by all interpreters, to be Solomon's meaning in Prov. 16: 10. a divine sentence, some reads it, Prophecy or divination. See Petrus Molinaeus decus illud Theologorum as Spanhemius calls him, in his 1 Book de praecognitione futurorum Cap. 20. Where he not only brings in the instance of Solomon deciding betwixt the two whoors, but of one Ariopharnes King of the Thracians, who when the King of the Cymmerians was dead, and three contending for the Succession, all pretending to be Sons to the defunct, (whereas it was certain he had left only one Son) being elected Arbiter of the contention, commanded the body of the dead King to be hanged on a Tree, and appointed the three to shoot with Arrows, and who came nearest to his Heart should obtain the Kingdom; the first shot through the Shoulder, the next through the Arm, the third abhorring so unnatural an experiment, was content rather to lose the Kingdom then to mangle the Corpse of his Father: And to him he adjudged the Crown; the Story is in Diodorus Siculus.  
By Ezekia, David, Solomon, all which ye will see cited and cleared, from their particular places of Scripture, by Seth Ward Lord Bishop of Sarum his Sermon before the King, against resistance of Lawful powers, the first of his six Sermons Printed Anno 1672.    

CHAP. VI Concerning Melchisedeck who he was.  
GReat hes been the toil of learned Men in all ages both Jews and Gentiles, to lose this knot, and some after all their labour, have concluded the mystery not only profound, but incomprehensible, alleging, where the great Apostle makes difficulty the preface, it is fit for them to make despair the conclusion. Heb. 5: 11. Gesnerus in his Commentaries on Gen. 14 quest. 3. pag. 307. tells us of one Copres an Abbot in Scythia, who observing his Disciples to contend much about this same controversy, pronunced a woe on himself, for searching so much in it. Saint jerom. 3. Tom. Epist. 136. speaking of it, says, Si vas electionis stupet ad mysterium, & dum disputat ineffabile confitetur, quanto magis nos vermiculi & culices, solam debemus scientiam inscitiae confiteri. Mr. baily our Countryman, in the first Book of his Chronologie. pag. 18. Quis mortalium hic fuerit, frustraneus est curiosissimorum labor inquirere; and ends his discourse of him, Necesse est desinant homines in lucem velle protrahere, quod Deus decrevit in tenebris occultandum. Rainolds on Psal. 110. pag. 462. I cannot but wonder that men should toil themselves in the dark to find out that, of which they have not the least ground of  conjecture, speaking of Melchisedeck. But yet with all humility following the conduct of the Scriptures by the thread of  reason, we shall crave liberty to propone other men's Sentences, and to interpose our own. There have been then 7 several opinions, ancient and modern concerning Melchisedek. 1. Some have thought that, that whole business concerning him was a mystery known to God only, and should never be revealed to man. 2. Some, that he was some power and virtue of God, greater than Christ the Son of God. 3. Some, that he was an Angel. 4. That he was the Son of God; who in a preludie to his future humanity appeared to the Sons of Men. 5. Some, that he was the Holy Ghost. 6. Some, that he was Shem the Son of Noah. But the opinion I shall fix upon, is different from all these.  
The first is the opinion of Prudentius, whom Gennadius in his Catalogue illustrium virorum Cap. 13. calls Poeta Palatinus, sed Christianus saeculari literatura insignis His words are in his preface to his Psychomach; Dei Sacerdos, Rex & idem praepotens, origo cujus fonte inenarrabili, secreta, nullum prodit Authorem sui, Melchisedeck qua stirpe, queis majoribus, ignotus, uni cognitus tantum Deo. Of this opinion are many other modern Authors, see Ravanel in his Bibliotheca in voce Melchisedeck.  
To which I answer, I darr not be so impudent to obtrude into the World any scribble of mine with that vain glorious and boasting preface, En reserata orbi magni secreta tonantis: as Scaliger observeth of a Germane in his time. For I must confess with the great Apostle, that what concerns Melchisedeck is hard to be uttered, that is, is both profound and mysterious, Heb. 5: 11. Yet this was not the obscurity so much upon the matter, as in the dulness and incapacity of the Hearers to receive so excellent doctrine, otherwise he had superseded all labour of any further explication; and the several sentiments of learned men in all ages are enough to refute this faint and floating conjecture.  
The 2. That he was some great power of God greater than Christ, was the peculiar opinion of these Heretics called by Epiphanius in his 2 Book adversus Hereses, Heres. 55. Melchisedeciani. Megalen ten dunamin phaskousi, alla kai Meizoteron tou Christou. Theodoret. de maleloquentia haeretica Lib. 2. calls them Grievous Heretics. So said Augustine lib. de Heresibus ad quod vult Deum Cap. 34. The ground of this opinion was, because it's said of Christ, he was to be after the order of Melchisedeck: Therefore say they, he was inferior to him in dignity. This Epiphanius there refutes, showing a Servant is not equal to his Master; Christ was God and Melchisedeck but a Man. Doctor Gouge in his Lexicon on the Hebrews shows, that their own argument refutes themselves, for Christ being an Highpriest after the order of Melchisedeck: Melchisedeck was a Type of Christ, and Christ the Truth of that Type, but the Truth is always greater than the Type, and by that expression (as shall be manifested) Melchisedeck is so far from having any prerogative to, that he hes not so much as an equality with Christ.  
The 3. That he was an Angel. A. Sixtus Senensis in his Bibliotheca Sancta lib. 5. Annot. 90. hath observed out of Saint jerom. in his Epistle to Euagrius. That Origene was the first Author of this opinion, and says that Dydimus his Scholar was of the same mind, and in his Annot. 91. he tells us that Saint Augustine in his Book of the Questions on the Old and New Testament quest. 109. endeavours to prove that Melchisedeck was an Angel, or the Holy Ghost. But Alphonsus à Castro in his 10 Book against Heresies proves that, that Book cannot belong to Saint Augustine: For in his Book of Heresies before cited he condemned it for Heresy Cap. 34. and no mention made of it in his retractations. But be the opinion whose it will, it's easily refuted, by the description of an Highpriest, Heb. 5: 1. That he must be a Man. Neither doth this any way accord to the History delivered of Melchisedeck, Gen. 14. Neither any where in the whole Scripture is the Priesthood attributed to the Angels. Besides what a ridiculous prerogative had that been to tell us, an Angel had neither Father nor Mother nor Genealogy. So Gouge, Slegelius, Tena and Molineus de praecog. futurorum Lib. 4. Cap. 11.  
The 4. opinion is, That he was the Son of God. And this Epiphanius tells us was