Licenced,  
June 5th. 1693. Edward Cook.   

THE SECRET HISTORY OF THE Confederacy, etc.  
Discovered in a CONFERENCE Between the French King AND HIS CHIEF OFFICERS.  
To which is added, ARTICLES BETWEEN LUXEMBURGH, etc.  
AS ALSO Expedients proposed for a Peace.  
Translated out of French.  
London: Printed for Richard Baldwin, at the Oxford-Arms Inn in Warwick-lane, 1693.   

SCarce had they given over talking at Court of the taking of Mons, and of the advantages that France would receive by so important a Conquest, which put into her Hands the Key of all the Spanish Netherlands, but a whispering began to be spread abroad, that the Council had some new design in Hand, which promised great things and would be the occasion of as great an umbrage, yea greater than that of Mon●. Whilst the Generals were gathering together, and Monsieur de Luxembu●gh, de Lo●ge, d' Humieres, Boufflers, Vauban and others of the secret Council were passing to and fro; it was not doubted but there was some grand Enterprise on foot. The Critics of the times, and those which made it their business to foresee things to come, met also by courses, and did indiscreetly cast the Horoscope of the place threatened with this Thunderbolt, upon which it was ready to fall; making the Innocent bear the burden of the Guilty, but withal not discovering any thing of their real intentions; for France is so subtle in concealing her designs, that she would oblige People to believe quite another thing than what she really intends. Nevertheless orders were given that all things should be in readiness. The Roads were already filled with Wagons and Carts loaden with Ammunition and Provision, which went to fill the Magazines of Mons, Phillipville, Maubeuge, and Dinant. There were never seen so many Bombs and Carcases, gathered together, and sent in a time when the rigour of the Winter had rendered the Roads unpassable. They were not satisfied with the great Stores of Corn and Forage, that all the conquered Countries could furnish them withal, besides an innumerable number of Provisions, raised in the Enemy's Country by way of Contributions, but also the Hay and Oats of Champaign and the Neighbouring Provinces, had been transported in so great abundance, that it reduced the People of that Country to the last extremity; having deprived them of their proper subsistence. Besides all these Prodigious Preparations, to prevent yet the disorder which might happen to a great and numerous Army, if it should once come to want Provisions, they made use of the same Artifice as they had done at the Siege of Mons, I mean, that the Victualler General found a way how to bring from Holland 100000 Crowns worth of Dutch Cheese, by the intelligence he had with a Baker at Gaunt who knew the secret how to get it conveyed: In the affair of Mons, so great a provision was made, that after the reduction of that place, the Army being first furnished, the rest was publicly sold, for fear it should be spoiled; so that nothing was seen in the Boats and public Markets but Holland Cheese.  
So that we may say that France partly maintains her Armies, upon the subsistence of her Enemies; and the opportunity she hath by the means of her Gold and Silver, to spread Corruption in a Country as fruitful of Traitors as Brabant, emboldens her, and makes her undertake in the midst of Winter, the Siege of the strongest places in Europe, whilst the Allies, who do not use so much precaution, see themselves incapacitated for want of Magazines, to enter the Campaign before the Month of June.  
But it is not of Yesterday that France has been a practitioner in this matter. In the War of 1672. she managed otherwise, for then Marquis de Louvois found the way, some Months before the Declaration of the War, to draw from the Principal Bankers of the City of Amsterdam in ready Money full eight Millions of Silver.  
This Sum and many others privately raised in several other Cities of these Provinces were advanced, and defrayed a part of the charge of the War, which had like to have overturned the State, and to put it upon the brink of ruin.  
But without calling in the time passed for our assistance, or diving into things acted in the precedent Wars and Ransacking, as we say, the Ashes of the Dead, let us discourse of the Living, and bring upon the Stage the Illustrious Marquis of Gastenaga, heretofore Governor of the low Countries.  
What has he not done to fill his Coffers?  
The French Cavalry has lost in him one of the best Jockeys in all the Countries of Germany, Liege, or Brabant; and I do not know how they will do after the Campaign, and who shall furnish them sufficiently with Horses to remount their Cavalry. For we reckon that he has conveyed into France, since the Declaration of the War, to the number of 40000 Horse, for which he had three Pistoles per Horse for his pains.  
But now when we unmask the cause of so many Misfortunes, must we not avow, whether we will or no, that we know the evil and are not willing to remedy it? since we see that no exact inquiry has been made into all these rotten Members, who betrayed the good Party, and sold (by the example of Judas Iscariot) their Country, their Wives, and Children; and all that was most Sacred and Inviolable in the Government.  
But to return to my matter in Hand: After having so furnished the Magazines, as we have already said, Orders were dispatched, which were carried in all haste by Curriers sent into Savoy, Germany and Catalonia, to cause all the Troops to be upon their March, in order to be in Flanders at the beginning of the Month of April. To cover yet better the great Design, and to deceive the Enemies by Marches & Countermarches which were caused to be made, Monsieur Boufflers had orders to go to Mons to command in the absence of Monsieur Luxenburgh, who stayed at Paris to assist at the last Resolutions of the great Council of War, which was to be held before the opening of the Campaign, where several obstacles and difficulties that Monsieur de Vauban and de Megrini had proposed in the Execution of this project were to be decided. Now it is acknowledged by all, that these two Ingineers are beyond all controversy not only the best of this Age, but also that France ever had, since she was governed by Kings, and that we may call them without Hyperbole, the Right Hand of the Conquests that the King has made during the whole course of his Reign, and greatest prosperities, if we consider the Invention, the good Order, the Capacity, and the quick Execution; in which we may say that they have not their fellows in Europe.  
But let us say also without Hyperbole or Flattery, that it is a great advantage for an Ingenious Man, when he has to do with a Prince who spares nothing for the Execution of a design; and this doth not a little contribute to acquire him a great Reputation in the World; whereas others that are in the Service of other Princes find themselves with all their Ingenuity, balked and stopped, sometimes in the midst of their Career, when they are upon a great design, by the defect and want of means which should contribute the most to make them succeed.  
But however it be, Monsieur de Vauban and de Megrini had orders to be at Versailles to assist at the finishing of this design. Monsieur de Megrini who made his ordinary abode at Tournay, of which he was Governor, departed in all haste to place himself, where his Majesty's orders had called him, and arrived, almost at the same time as Monsieur Catinat did, who had taken Post immediately after the taking of Montmellian.  
All was now ready for the opening of the Council, and all the Generals his Majesty had pleased to call, were arrived.  
The number yet was but very small, the King being in what regards his Council and his Secrets, a Prince as circumspect as ever was; which is the cause that his Majesty confides in so few persons, and that he ordinarily admits none but such as are extremely reserved; so we we may say it is one of the principal Wheels upon which his great designs, and his good fortune moves; and that he is come to so many Conquests only by this means; and if we say of Money that it is the Sinew of War, we may say also that Silence is the Soul, and that by consequence they are both indispensably and absolutely necessary, since they make Armies move and march where they think fit, making them Victorious and Masters of the most Important Forts, of Provinces, and also of whole Kingdoms, as we have experienced in the last Revolution that happened in England, which we may say was the only time that the French King was deceived; for that ordinarily he has so many precautions, and also so great a number of Emissaries well paid in all Courts, that he keeps in his Pocket (so to speak) the Key of their Counsels and most secret Resolutions.  
But we may say that the affair of England was miraculous; for how else could King William, encompassed round with French Spies, as he was in such a place as the Hague, (where they were seen to walk openly in Troops, and with as much confidence and fierceness as if they had been in the midst of Rome or Paris) find nevertheless means to hid so great an undertaking, to carry it on a whole year, and to trust but two Ministers of State with it, to wit Pensionary Fagel of happy memory, and Monsieur Dickvelt, to make all the Preparations, and at last to make them appear by the Reduction of three Kingdoms, and to save, by an undertaking as bold as successful, Europe from Slavery, and that in the sight of two mighty Kings his Enemies well Armed, who stood waiting for him without ever stirring, treated him with fool-hardiness, and flattered themselves with hopes, to see him swallowed up in his enterprise, with as much shame and Confusion as the unfortunate Duke of Monmouth was?  
Finally, that I may return to my subject, the great Council of War, which was to be held at Versailles, being assembled, and all the Generals being there present, his Majesty would according to his custom have a particular Conference with each General, and for this reason ordered they should enter in order, one after another, into his Chamber.  
Monsieur Luxemburgh was first called, as being the greatest Favourite, and him in whom his Majesty most confided, looking upon him as his greatest support, and him who would maintain at present the Honour of the Nation and the Glory of France. It will not be altogether foreign to our purpose, before we go any farther, to speak a word of the Person of this General.  
We will say then that Monsieur Luxemburgh, so much made of and so much esteemed as now he is, ought not to boast to be descended from the Illustrious and ancient House of Luxemburgh, which has given so many Emperors to Germany, and so many Kings to Hungary and Bohemia; neither is he of the posterity of those titular Dukes of Luxemburgh, and Piney, Princes of Tingry; but a Posthumous Son of Francis Lord of Bouteville, of the House of Montmoranci, who was beheaded at Paris the 21. of June, 1627. for having killed in cold Blood in a Duel several persons of Quality. This happened under the Ministry of the Cardinal Richelieu. The present Duke of Luxemburgh was then but in the Cradle, and the Countess of Bouteville his Mother, retired herself after this disgrace to one of her Country Houses, where she lived a Melancholy life, till such time as her only Son, whom she very tenderly beloved, arrived at the seventh year of his age, an age in which it was fit to take him from the Hands of Women, and put him under the care of Governors capable to give him Education suitable for a Person of Quality.  
By this time Madam de Bouteville judged that the Mother's House was a place very unfit for the Education of the young Count, and besides, being not dissatisfied to find an occasion to show a part of her Resentment of the shameful Death of her Husband, she resolved to carry her Son to Court, and present him to the King.  
She set out then for Paris without much Equipage, and being arrived she went the next day to St. , and demanded Audience of the King, who was then with the Prince and some Lords of the Court. They were mightily surprised at the arrival of this Lady, who for many years, had not appeared in the World, and every one strove to find out the reason of it, when she entered into the Chamber, having her Son in her Hand, whom she carried strait to the King, saying, Sir, here is the last of the Montmoranci's, which I present to your Majestty to do with as you think fit.  
The King would have replied something to her, but Madam de Bouteville not desiring to engage in any further discourse, retired after having performed her obeisance and left the young Count in the King's Chamber.  
The Prince of Conde, who was naturally very generous, was so affected at the condition of this poor Gentleman, that he told the King, that he having been formerly a very good friend of his Fathers, and of Monsieur de Montmoranci, he would do him a very great favour to let him bring up this last castaway of a Family which had been dear to him; the King consented, and the Prince carried him home, caused him to be instructed and brought up with all imaginable care, particularly in the exercises of a Gentleman, su●h as Riding the Great Horse, and Fencing, and as to that, give me leave to tell you what an old Officer brought up from his infancy in the Lord Bouteville's House, did assure me, that Monsieur Luxemburgh was born strait, and of a good shape, and that he appeared so to the Eyes of the World, till he was ten years of age, that the Prince, as we may say, forcing nature in the Child, did so harass him in mounting on Horse back and fencing, before he was strong enough to bear these rude Exercises, that he thereby lost one full Third of hi● Bo●y.  
In effect, those that have seen him undressed know that he is in a manner all Thighs and Legs,  
Nevertheless, this last opinion is scarcely believed, if we make Reflection upon his hump back, which gives him so ridiculous an Air, and which cannot be looked upon otherwise than a natural defect; and it is reasonable to believe he came into the World in this condition, because we certainly see by experience, that the exercise of Arms contributes rather to regulate and render the Body free, than to cause such imperfections.  
Let it be as it will, he has improved it well. We may say that he is at present a Man after the King's own Heart, so it is not to be wondered at if he leaves to him the Government of his Armies, since he has been bold several times to say, That he thanked God that he had caused him to be born without pity and compassion, to the end he might be more capable of serving the King his Master, and executing his designs: A very Christian like sentiment and worthy of Monsieur de Luxemburgh.  
But as to the Hump in his Back, it will not be amiss to give an account of a thought which he had the day after the Battle of Fleurns.  
As he received the Compliments of success from the Lieutenant Generals, and other Officers of his Army, showing them his Hump, he told them he had there a reserve of a Body of Forty Thousand Men, of which his Enemies knew nothing, which would always render him Victorious, thereby remarking the Artifices which he made use of, which without contradiction makes up a good part of the Necromancy, of which he was accused, and which he himself has begun to Communicate, since he has been a Commander, to the other French Generals.  
The Marquis de Bouflers, who was one of his principal Disciples, did him most Honour; for he it is that at present seems to have profited most by the Lessons of his Master.  
So Monsieur de Luxemburgh chose him to be at the Head of this reserve, of which he spoke, and was very careful in all the Battles, to place him so well, that he was seen running up and down like a Madman, not to say fly, upon the least signal that he gave him.  
The King seeing him come in, turned towards him, and spoke in these Terms, Luxemburgh, you are the Person at this Day in whom France places her greatest hopes; my People look upon you as their Turenne, and I myself esteem you as my right Hand; you see me engaged in an unhappy War, which consumes my Treasure, impoverishes my Subjects, ruins the State, and makes me apprehensive of unhappy Events.  
It is a lingering Fever, which undermines by little and little my Kingdom, and I fear lest it should in the issue become like Spain, that is to say, a poor and impotent Desert.  
Sir, answered Luxemburgh, I thank your Majesty for having forgot my passed faults, and for honouring me with the preference of the Command of your Armies before the Marshal d' Humieres, much Older and Wiser than myself.  
I am at the same time very much Obliged to the deceased Marquis of Louvois my good Friend, and to the good Madam de Maintenon, who solicited my release, and employed all their credit with your Majesty to get me out of the Bastile, where I had been shut up, upon the Death of the Count de Soissons, and several other small matters, which I was branded withal: I vow, I did not expect to be received again into your Grace and Favour, your Majesty having had since t●e War of 1672 a particular aversion to my P●rson.  
But on the other side, I am glad to see that my Enemies have for their part shame and trouble by the Triumph of my Innocence, after having employed all their power to ruin me. I shall remember all my Life time the reverend Father Lafoy Chaise, and the jealous Madam the Montespan, who have been the principal actors of this Tragedy, and if it is natural to keep resentment, I will reserve to myself a favourable occasion to let them know that I have not been either a Necromancer, nor Madam Brinvilliers Disciple.  
But, answered his Majesty, Let us not talk of passed Quarrels; altho' what is said of you should be true, and also that you had a familiar Spirit to win Battles, to gain the Love of the Ladies, and to please me, I will in acknowledgement of the Services that you have done me in the Wars of Holland, and that you may do me in the present War, order the Courts of Justice to burn the Informations and the Trial, and to forbid any upon pain of Death throughout my whole Kingdom to talk directly or indirectly of it.  
Sir, answered Luxemburg, I most humbly thank your Majesty for the care that you will take of my reputation, and I do engage upon my word, that in remembrance of so great a Favour, I will do for my part, all that lies in my power, to ruin your Enemies, and advance your Conquests.  
You know, answered his Majesty, That the first Campaign, which was that of 1689. I gave the Command of my Army to the Marshal d' Humieres, and that this General, who is a good Man, did really do me good service.  
For it was him that I sent Ambassador to the Court of England, immediately after the Death of King Charles, and he executed my Orders very punctually. For King James, who came to be Crowned King of three Kingdoms, received him with open Arms, and very generously accepted all the offers of Alliance and Friendship that Humieres made him on my behalf.  
But this unfortunate Prince afterwards not having followed my Orders, found himself all of a sudden overwhelmed with great troubles, and has engaged me in a War which has Armed all Europe against me.  
But to come to my purpose: Having then chose him to Command in Flanders against Prince Waldeck, a General of good Conduct, and well instructed in what concerned the Order that an Army in her Marches and Incampments ought to be kept in; but on the other hand very unlucky to hazard a Battle; I remarked that in this first year, the Marshal d' Humieres suffered himself to be Cooped up, as we say, by Prince Waldeck, and that he had during the whole Campaign the disadvantage.  
I remember also very well the Battle of Walcourt, which was on the Great St. Lovis day, Patron and Protector of my Kingdom, where all my  was Cut in pieces; but I pardon him with all my heart, because he did it with a good intention, and belief of doing me Service that day. The little Genius of d' Humieres was not only the cause of this check; but we may also say that he favoured, by the little motion he made, the Erterprises of the Duke of Lorraine and of the Electors, who took Three good Cities from me that year.  
The deceased Marquis de Louvois, whom I now very much lament, foretold it me; the good Man was a very good Physiognomist, and as he knew his People extremely well, so he was observed not to be mistaken in the choice he made of Persons of merit to fill the vacant places, which has been the cause, that during my Reign, I have always had the choicest Persons.  
It was he that presented Monsieur Catinat to me, to Command in Italy, being a Man, he said, who had experience, and the good Fortune to have passed through all the inferior degrees in the War, having been formerly a common Soldier.  
I was also willing to employ the Duke of Duras to Command in Germany; but Louvois advised me rather to send the Marshal de Lorge his Brother, as a Man who had more of Softness and execution, which agrees better with the natural slowness of the Germans.  
I had also made choice of Monsieur Lauzun for Ireland, at the Solicitation of Madamoiselle de Monpensier my Cousin, but the poor Man is no more what he was, and the affairs of that Kingdom were quite changed after the loss of the Battle of the Boyn, where he commanded jointly with King James.  
Louvois advised me to call him back as soon as possibly, and to send the brave St. Ruth of happy memory, whom I much lament, because he was the Man that Purged my Kingdom of the Huguenot Heresy.  
He was naturally hasty, but brave as his Sword.  
Be it as it will, I found him very serviceable to me, and if he had not been unfortunately killed by a Cannon Bullet, I am persuaded that the War would have lasted still in Ireland, and that the Prince of Orange would not have come off so cheap in Flanders.  
It is also the deceased Marquis of Louvois who presented Tourville to me to Command my Fleet, as an Admiral of a gallant Person; And I vow that I have had till this very time a great deal of trouble to stop the Torrent of his Courage. He talks to me in all my undertake of nothing but giving Battle to the Enemy. Hitherto I have always hindered him, because I was not altogether satisfied with the Engagement of 1690. where the Hollanders alone with 20. or 22. Men of War, dared to attack him at the head of my Fleet, which was composed of more than 80. great Ships, whilst the English contented themselves to be Spectators; and that which caused astonishment, was, that after a Fight of more than Six hours, not one of the Enemy's Ships was taken, having retreated after the Fight in very good order, tho' in truth disabled and unmasted. So the last Expedition, I ordered him to shun all Engageing, and when the Enemies should be on the one side, to go on the other; which he observed very well  
'Tis also from the same hand that the Marquis de Bouflers was presented to me, tho' in truth Madam de Maintenon also contributed, for she wearied me Night and Day, and I never saw her but she spoke to me of him.  
But I have not been deceived in him.  
He is one of the bravest Officers that I have at this Day in my Armies, and from whom I reap the greatest benefit, by the Contributions, which he takes care to gather together, and to make my Enemies pay in ready money, which makes a considerable Sum, designed to buy Horses to re-mount my Cavalry.  
For his pains, I have lately made him Captain of my Guards, besides several other good Offices which he possesses; further more I have reserved a Marshal's Staff for him, if the War last two Campaigns more.  
'Tis Louvois also who presented to me Monsieur Amelott (formerly my Ambassador at Venice) to go and reside with the Laudable Swiss Cantons during this War.  
I have been deceived in him no more than in Monsieur Bouflers, for if this knows how to use a Pistol, and is able in the handling of a Sword, the other is no less in that of the Pen. It is also to his good conduct that I attribute all the good intelligence, which reigns at present amongst my Cousins the Suissers.  
Let him but make a Speech with Words well placed, backed with a good Purse of my Lovisses, distributed underhand and behind the Curtain, I obtain immediately all I would have. They granted me the last Campaign the raising of ten thousand Men of new Troops.  
I hope they will grant me this Campaign at least fifteen thousand to fill up the number of the forty thousand that I have in my service, with whom I am very well satisfied, for they are the best Foot of my Army.  
I ought not to forget to speak one word by the way of their General Stouppa, with whom I am very well contented, who seems to have changed his Country in changing his Religion, that is to say, become a good Frenchman. He takes so strongly to Heart my interests, that we see him boldly march at the Head of the Swisser's Troops, every where, and in all places, laughing at certain old and pretended Treaties, which say that the Swissers that are in my Service, shall not act against the Emperor and his Allies. 'Tis Louvois also who presented to me the Count of Bethune that I lately sent to the King of Sweedland to feel the pulse of that Prince, and to see if there was no way to engage him to a Rupture.  
Bidall writ to me that he could no longer retain his Resentment, and that the English and Dutch Capers might make him become one of the French Interest. I have given order to the Count de Be●hune to say at his arrival at Stockholme, That he was arrived by chance, and that a Tempest had cast him there, that he may conceal so much the better his Negotiation. I hear, thanks to God, that he is happily arrived. I have also in Holland one of the Disciples of Bethune, which doth me very good service, and who has well succeeded the Count d' Avaux.  
The Count de Bethune had considerable Sums to pay to Madam Morean's Father a rich Merchant at Paris, but finding himself disabled to serve him, he engaged himself to obtain of the King of Poland (by my recommendation) Letters of credit for Monsieur Moreau her Husband, and that by this means he might, as we say, kill two Birds with one Stone, and be as Janus with two Faces, in calling himself Envoy of the King of Poland, and keeping in effect the place of the Count d' Avaux in his absence. I am very well satisfied with him, and I esteem him as one of my best Correspondents in Holland.  
When the Count de Bethune shall have made the first motion to the Northern Princes, I have then the Count d' Avaux, and Bonrepos, ready to set sail for that Coast, to go and finish what Bethune shall have begun.  
I have made choice of these two Ministers d' Avaux for Sweedland, and Bonrepos for Denmark, because truly I judge them most proper to bring those two Crowns to a Mediation; their management accompanied with some Millions may buy a peace, or at least set a good step towards it. D' Avaux has done me great Services in Holland, and knows the Republican Spirit to the bottom. St. Didier his Secretary, and whom I call his Achates, has orders to follow him, because he understands admirably well to draw up a Memorial proper to persuade, and bring them into a Snare.  
The Sieur de Rebenack was also presented to me by Monsieur Louvois, and neither have I forgot what he told me in recommending him to me.  
Sir, said he, here is the most active of your Subjects, and from whom your Majesty may receive great Services, if you send him Ambassador to the Northern Crowns; which I did accordingly, and truly he did me very good service at the Court of the deceased Elector of Brandeburgh.  
I knew by his Intrigues all that passed there. The Kings of Sweedland and Denmark did nothing but what I came to the knowledge of, by his means; so that I did not trouble myself to have on that side any other Spy, nor correspondence but his. Since calling him home, I sent Bidal in his place, and it is he also actually takes care of my intelligence in those Countries.  
But answered Luxemburgh, I have heard that your Majesty has sent Rebenack lately into Italy, to endeavour to bring the Princes of those parts to embrace your side, or at least a good Neutrality. It is true, said his Majesty, and (I wish) he may cross the designs of the Germans, and persuade the Princes of Italy not to grant them Winter Quarters.  
He has orders to go to all those Courts, by what I can understand his Negotiation will not be altogether in vain, having already put many of those Princes into a wavering condition. The great Duke of Tuscany and the Republic of Genova have promised him, and I hope the rest will follow.  
Sir, replied Luxemburgh, must he not also take a turn to Rome to kiss the Slipper of Innocent the 12th. on the behalf of your Majesty? for by what I can learn that good Father has more of a French Heart than Alexander the 8th. and Innocent the 11th. his Predecessors. Without doubt, answered his Majesty, for the Holy Father granted me almost all I asked of him, whereas the others refused me every thing. He has already granted the greatest part of the necessary Bulls, to the Bishops of my Kingdom, and promised to the Count d' Estree to endeavour with all forwardness to procure a peace to Christendom.  
Now I think on't Sir, says Luxemburgh, how does your Majesty like the Baron de Chateauneuf, whom I took the liberty to present to be your Ambassador at Constantinople?  
Very well, says his majesty, he is a gown Man, & come out of my Parliament of Paris, where he passed for an able Man in business; and I wanted such a Man as him; for by what I can learn he is an artist in persuading the Grand Signior. Besides, the best of it is that he is very well beloved by the Grand Visir, who has promised him to hearken to no peace this Campaign, but even that, not without two hundred thousand Crowns which he was obliged to pay him.  
Sir, answered Luxemburgh, Money at this Day affords great help to your Majesty; and if it should come once to fail I do not know how all would go. That puts me in mind of what the History of our King's report of Charles the Fifth, who was Surnamed the Wise that he without going out of his Closet, had always the advantage over the English, and obtained all his designs.  
After his Death he was called rich, because at his Death he left 17 Millions of Crowns, which was a prodigious Sum at that time. I much doubt if your Majesty had reigned in that time, whether you would have succeeded in all your Enterprises with so small a Sum; since we see that you have a great deal of trouble to do it with the three hundred Millions ●f Livers that you draw from your Subjects.  
Luxemburgh, says his Mayjesty, a Prince which is absolute over his People, and who is by consequence Master of their Estates, has Mines of Gold and Silver which never consume; these Springs never dry up, and are infinitely richer and more abounding than those of Mexico and Peru; and we see in our Days that the King of Spain that furnishes (as we may say) all other Princes of Europe with all the Riches they have, and all the Gold and Silver which rules in the trade of each People and each Nation, is nevertheless the least partaker of it, and has the most occasion for it.  
Sir, answered Luxemburgh, if your predecessors Henry the Fourth and Lovis the Thirteenth had had the Despotic and Arbitrary Power, as your Majesty has at this Day, especially Henry the Fourth, who was a stirring Prince and full of activity; what could they not have done?  
The true art to reign, says his Majesty, was unknown to them, and they knew not how to make any profit of the lessons of Machiavelli, and of the incomparable Richelieu and Mazarine, who have been the only persons that have taught it; so that I do not see of all my Ancestors why Lovis the Eleventh should make so much use of that Principle which was attributed to him, and which has been since called the Maxim of Lovis the Eleventh, qui nescit dissimulare, nescit regnare.  
He that knows not how to dissemble, knows not how to Reign.  
As to the matter of Money, says Luxemburgh, how does your Majesty like Pontchartrain, that the deceased Monsieur Colbert recommended to you before his Death, as a Man very proper to manage your Treasury?  
Pontchartrain, answered his Majesty, doth me good service in the present conjuncture, and I know not how all would go if I had him not. When I find myself short of Money, which often happens by reason of the pressing necessities of the War, I need only say to him, I have occasion for so many Millions; as he is extremely ingenious and one of the best Partisans that has ever been in France, he immediately invents some new Impost upon the People, or some new Tax upon those which are possessed of places.  
Nor is this all, for he is expert to find out means, how to h●●e it presently in ready Mony.  
Sir, says Luxemb●rgh, I believe your Majesty very much laments th●●●s you had by the deceased Mr. Colbert, which was an understanding Man, if ever there was any in the management of your Treasury.  
He was too much hated by the People, says his Majesty; they began to call him Thief, they accused him of having ruined France, and made it a general Hospital; and yet he never did any thing but by my order, and acquainting me with all he did. Let it be as it will, he has been the Instrument of a great many things, of which I should never have thought of, had not he persuaded me unto them.  
In short, for the quieting of my People, I am glad that his death has taken this Obstacle out of their way that was a horror to them; and as we love Novelties, we always flatter ourselves, that the last comer will be better than the former; all the World conceived great hopes upon the Arrival of Pontchartrain.  
But says Luxemburgh, I think that Colbert had gathered together great Riches, which he possessed as his own, and all his Children became very great.  
It is true, says his Majesty, but after his Death the Water came to its Spring, and I caused full and good Restitution to be made: I made use of a specious pretence to drain them, which brought some Millions into my Coffers.  
Sir, answered Luxemburgh, let us let all those matters alone which do not concern the War; your Majesty has no time to lose, the matter in hand is now to prevent your Enemies, and be early in the Field, so that its time to take a firm and solid resolution.  
Luxemburgh, you have reason, says his Majesty, and it is also for that purpose I caused you to come hither, together with my other Generals, to hear you one after another, and to have a private conference about what I ought to undertake.  
But as you are one of those in whom I have most confidence; and that on the other side my design is to make Flanders the principal Theatre of the War, where I pretend that my great designs shall appear, I will impart every thing to you with an open heart. You are a Man of experience, and the Wars of Seventy Two has given you a particular knowledge of that Country. I lament extremely the poor Prince of Conde, he also knew perfectly the Genius and Interests of the Spaniards and the Hollanders.  
Schombergh would have also been of great use to me if his infatuation to Religion had not made him perish miserably in Ireland. Poor Turenne, the Flower of all my Generals, hac Coelum itur via, merited the same Honours, that the Gods formerly gave to great Hercules in memory of his Toils, I mean Immortality.  
Be it as it will, I shall never forget the good service he did me in Germany, and of so many brave Captains, you are the only one that is left me; so I desire you not to expose yourself too much, and to take as much care of your dear Person as my Armies. For if I should come to lose you, I should not know who to give the Command to, having for the most part none but Lieutenant Generals, more fit to Command a party of Incendiaries, than an Army so considerable as that in Flanders.  
The Prince of Orange coming every Campaign to Command himself, would desire no better than to have to do with a Novice; nor the fiery Elector of Bavaria, who also commands with him.  
These two Princes fly round about my Army as a Bird of Prey about a Swallow, and seek nothing else, but to make me lose a Battle to make way for them into France.  
Besides, Luxemburgh, here is now a trick of the Prince of Orange which puts me in despair. He is not contented to mount the Throne of England after poor King James his Father-in-Law, and my Ally, was retired to my Court; but he does yet worse in respect to me, for he has found out a means to drive me out of the Low-Countries, endeavouring to deprive the Dauphin my Son of the Provinces fallen to his Mother my Wife the most Christian Queen, by the decease of Queen Elizabeth her Mother, of Prince Don Balthazar her Brother, and of the Catholic King Philip the Fourth, her Father. The Stratagem that he has made use of is, he has brought the King of Spain, Charles the Second, to make a gift ad vitam of the Spanish Netherlands to the Elector of Bavaria.  
They made a show some years ago to have played this trick; but I made such strong Protestations, and threaten to come into Flanders with a great Army, without having any regard to the Truce, that they thought fit for the Peace of those Provinces, and the repose of Europe to refer the matter to another time.  
Sir, answered Luxemburgh, all this good success we own to the taking of Mons, and the good Correspondence that the good Marquis de Gastanaga had kept with us, which was thereby discovered.  
The Prince of Orange seeing the Spanish Netherlands were sold at a great price by the covetousness of the Governors, resolved to play a Masterpiece in causing it to be put into better hands, who would make it their glory to preserve it.  
But, says his Majesty, can that be done without injustice, and can they dispute with my Son the Dauphin, as they would have disputed with me in the time of the Wars of Paris, that the most Christian Queen Maria Tieresia, formerly Infanta of Spai●, and immediaely after the Pirenaean Peace became my Wife, was brought to Bed of a Prince at Fountain Bleau, on All Saint's day, the first of November, a little before Noon in the year 1661.  
Sir, answered Luxemburgh, the Dauphin's Birth is not the thing in Question; no Body doubts but he is truly your Majesties and the Queen Maria Tieresia's Son. We are well satisfied with the fruitfulness of that Princess.  
And as to what properly concerns your Majesty's Person, you have, thanks to God, furnished us with Patterns, taken from the Originals of the Lad●s de Fontanges, la Valliere, and la Mourtespan, who have l●ft enough of Illustrious young Sprigs, Witness the Duke de Main, Madam the Princess of Conti, and Madamoiselle de Blois now Duchess of Charters. As for Madam de Maintenon who succeeded them, I dare not speak of, because I am persuaded it is a Soil where the best Seeds-men seem to me to lose their time and trouble, unless God would make her a Sarah.  
As to Madamoiselle de Blois, I must tell your Majesty by the way, that they talk very much of her Marriage with Monsieur the Duke de Charters, in Foreign Countries, and Principally in Holland, where they Criticise even upon the least Actions of Kings and Princes.  
All the World take upon them here to talk of Politics, nay even the Women.  
They say that your Majesty has by this Marriage, and by that of the Princess de Conti, unworthily and without distinction, mixed the pure with the impure, and that if this should continue, there would not remain in France one drop of the Noble Blood of your Great Grandfathers, and that we should see no other in the Royal Family, but the Children of la Valliere, and la Montespan.  
But to come to my matter in Hand, that which is the Question is, that the Allies pretend the renunciation your Majesty made at the Pyrenaean Peace has forfeited you your Right and Pretensions, which you might have had to the Succession we were speaking of.  
But, says his Majesty, it was not in my power to dispose of those Rights, and to renounce them to the prejudice of my Son; according to all Laws, the Fathers have no right to alienate the Estates of their Children whilst they are Minors, and when these Estates are Maternal.  
But, says Luxemburgh, the Marriage was only concluded upon this condition; so that the renunciation your Majesty made upon all the present and future Right that you might have upon Spain, or upon the depending States, was considered as the Ground of Marriage, without which the Ministers of Spain would have been guilty of a great deal of Folly on their side, to have consented to an Alliance which would have produced n●w causes of Wars and Divisions, instead of a Firm and Stable Peace, whi●h was their chief design.  
I add to all these proofs, that the Circumstance of the Oath that your Majesty was obliged to take in swearing solemnly upon the Holy Evangelists, that you would keep your Royal World that you then gave, was as the Seal of all the promises, of the engagements, and of the good Faith of your Majesty.  
In your opinion, says the King, I am then very ill grounded in my pretensions, and I have no right according to the Civil Law.  
No, without doubt, says Luxemburgh, but a hundred thousand Men, a hundred pieces of Cannon, and a hundred Millions will make the Balance incline much more to your side.  
It was a custom to represent Justice blindfolded, holding a Balance in one Hand; but if the other had not been armed with a Sword, and had a Lion placed by her side, which is the badge of Force and Might, she would have been but a ridiculous Maygame, exposed to the violence and rashness of Men. So we may say, he that has the power in his Hand is the Master of Justice, and whether she will or no, must of necessity betake herself to his side, and fight under his Standards against the weakest, and this is your Majesty's Right. But, says his Majesty, since things are in this condition, and that I see myself Master of Force and of Justice, shall I not do well to push my good fortune to the end, and to render myself, by my Armies always victorious and triumphant over all the States which shall be at my discretion and serve for my convenience, having placed myself safe from the opposition of mine Enemies? Very well, says Luxemburgh, there is no other obstacle which is capable to stop your Majesty but the Faith of Treaties. But that is another Gospel for your Majesty for which you care but very little. We say of King John the First, one of your Ancestors descended from the first Branch of Valois, that that Prince was so great an observer of his Word, that they gave him the Title of Good. He was accustomed to say, that when Fidelity and good Faith should be banished the World, they ought to be found in the person of a Prince.  
This Prince, answered his Majesty, did not know Machiavelli; and you should have added at the same time that he was very unhappy during his Reign; and I do not doubt but his too great Goodness was in part the cause of his Misfortunes.  
For having lost the Battle of Poitiers against the English, who were commanded by the Prince of Wales, a great Captain, the King was taken and carried Prisoner to London, from whence he came not out, but by the treaty of Bretigny, by which he quitted the Sovereignty of some Provinces in France in favour of the King of England.  
But all these faults of John the First were gloriously repaired by Charles the Fifth his Successor, who acquired to himself the name of Wife.  
Sir, answered Luxemburgh, since your Majesty Laughs so at the good Faith of Treaties, which other Princes look upon as Inviolable and adore as an Idol, I am not surprised that you have heaped up Conquest upon Conquest.  
There is never a little Prince in the World but may be in a condition to make himself great by this means, and at last become the terror of his Enemies; but it is not to be wished that such a like disorder should happen, for if every Sovereign should do the like, we should see a great number of Sceptres overthrown to the ground become the Prey of the strongest.  
But, says his Majesty, since it is not permitted to make one's self great, what's the reason that the Prince of Orange is Mounted even in our Days upon the Throne of his Father-in-Law? Is not that an Usurpation?  
Sir, says Luxemburgh, that is not singular, Histories are full of such like instances and we see that Childerick the Third, last King of the first Race was dethroned by Pepin the Short, who before was but Mayor of the Palace, which was a place almost like that of Grand Visirs; and his deposing was also done by the Assembly of the States, after the Pope had declared that the French were dispensed with from owning that Prince.  
So that the poor Dethroned Childerick had no other part to take, but to shave himself, and put himself into a Monastery. And as this disgrace happened to him by reasons of State, which would be too long to report, so the Prince of Orange is not mounted upon the Throne but by the consent of the People which called him to it. And the Parliament itself which being in England very near to what the States were formerly in France, Crowned him and confirmed him; nemine contradicente; so the coming of the Prince of Orange to the Crown ought to be called an Acceptance and not an Usurpation.  
According to this sense, says his Majesty, you are then of opinion that the Prince of Orange is well grounded, and that the poor King James has no shorter Course to take in the midst of his disgraces than to imitate Childeric; that is to say, to make a rennuciation of the Crown, shave himself and so put himself into a Convent.  
Sir, answered Luxemburgh, I abuse, perhaps, the liberty your Majesty allows me, speaking open hearted my Mind, and what I think of the misfortune of this Prince. But as in the beginning of this Conference your Majesty was pleased to say you put a great deal of Confidence in me, I desire you also to give me leave to abstain from the language of certain Parasites who applaud your Majesty in every thing.  
No, Luxemburgh, says his Majesty, you do me a kindness to tell me the things as you think t●em; that does not surprise me, because I have always given you more liberty to speak your thoughts than any of my Courtiers and Counsellors.  
Sir, says Luxemburgh, since your Majesty gives me leave to speak what I think of King James and of the War which has been kindled in Europe, upon his occasion; I do not now speak of a secret itching desire that your Majesty had from your Cradle to surpass your Ancestors, in enlarging your Dominions, and pushing on you● Conquests beyond the Rhine, the Sambre, and ; I speak not neither of the Rights of the deceased Queen: I pass also in silence the Right of dependence, which is an old quarrel that your Majesty has with the Emperor, and the Princes of the Empire: I will hold my Tongue also as to what regards that secret enmity which has reigned in all Ages, between the House of Austria and that of Bourbon.  
But I will come forthwith to matter of fact, and that which is now before us is, that your Majesty did procure to yourself a War in the year, 1689. which is now four years ago, and that upon the occasion, 1st. Of the Universal Monarchy, 2dly. Because of Pope Innocent the Eleventh, who opposed himself to all your designs. 3dly. Upon occasion of the Cardinal de Furstembergh. 4thly. To hinder the ruin of the Ottoman Empire. 5thly. To reinstall King James in his Throne: Of all these Articles I will choose but one, and with your Majesty's permission will insist upon the last, which is in my Opinion the most important, and which I consider as an invincible obstacle to a glorious Peace, which ought to be the end of your Majesty's Arms and Erterprises. I say then, that your Majesty finds yourself at this day in a great confusion, by the weight of the War which you are obliged to support, which is one of the bloodiest, the most pernicious, and the most burdensome that France ever had. And really to run through all the Reigns that have preceded this, we do not see that Charles the Seventh, Francis the First, Charles the Eighth, Charlemagne, and Henry the Fourth, no more than Lovis the Thirteenth, have had so many Enemies at one time upon their Hands.  
But that which surprises me the most, and which I look upon as a Miracle, is, that in the midst of so many Enemies your Majesty equally enjoys yourself, and gives your Orders every where with as much tranquillity as if you were in a profound Peace. Things being in this condition I have but one thing to know of your Majesty, which I desire you to trust me with; after which I will engage myself to lay down a way which shall infallibly conduct you to a general peace in less than two Campaigns.  
I have already told you, Luxemburgh, says his Majesty, that I put full confidence in you, and that I have chosen you as one of my best Counsellors in the condition I find myself; because really I have remarked, that my Affairs have put on another Face, & run quite in another Channel from the very moment you took the command of my Army; and I know not whether my Enemies fear you more than my other Generals, or whether the Familiar Spirit, as is said, that you have to win Battles, makes you Bolder and more undaunted. Be it as it will, the Battle of Fleu●us which you won me, has been a great benefit to me: It has put my tottering Affairs into a good condition; and if any other but you had had the disposal of it, I should have run a great hazard of losing it, since that fifty thousand Men of my best Troops had a great deal of trouble to defeat twenty four thousand which composed the Enemy's Army. I add also this circumstance, that the Victory being a long time Balanced by the great resistance which the Enemy's Foot made, and which you did not expect, you were also obliged to encourage my Troops, which refused to charge again the fourth time, and pulling off your Hat desired the Officers to put themselves in mind of the honour of France, and of the glory of their Prince; which so strongly animated them, that coming to the Charge they obliged the Victory to declare itself for my Arms. I believe, if poor d' Humieres had been there to command as he was the Campaign before, the good Man would have been in a great deal of trouble. But I much doubt, Luxemburgh, if the Prince of Orange had been at the Head of that Army, whether you would have come off so cheap as you did with Prince Waldeck.  
Sir, says Luxemburgh, when I shall command against the Prince of Orange, I will content myself to play the cunning part; but when Prince Waldeck shall Command, I pretend to go eat his Bread, and to Encamp in his Country, and to lead him up and down where I please; the reason of it is, that the Prince of Orange is stirring and spares not his own Person, presenting himself every where in a Battle, contemning danger, enjoying himself, and giving Orders without confusion.  
But, says his Majesty, How did you do at the business of Leusse? for he was at the Head of that Army all the Campaign.  
Sir, answered Luxemburgh, I took care not to attack his Army at that time, but I just took the occasion of his departure, and with difficulty came to understand by Six of my best Spies, that he was Arrived at Breda, when I made the Horse march. To deceive the Enemies by a Stratagem pleasant enough, I took with me Messieurs the Dukes de Charters and du Main, and we went all three to Tournay with a design to see there a Play. We arrived there about Six of the Clock in the Afternoon, it was just the Eve of the Action, which was to pass the next day about 8 or 9 of the Clock in the Morning, as we had contrived.  
The Spies of Prince Waldeck, with which he was not the best provided, did not fail to give him an account we were at the Play, as it was true; but I had before given Orders to the Sieur de Roze, to Messieurs the Counts d' Auvergne and de Villeroy, countenanced by the Prince de Soubise, and the Marquis de Congis, to advance very slowly with about Sixty or Eighty Squadrons divided into several parties.  
The Comedy which they Played, was The Physician in Spite of himself; which being ended, one of the Players invited the Company the next day to another, called The Citizen turned Gentleman.  
Drawing near Monsieur the Duke du Maine, I whispered him softly in the Ear, by my faith we shall have another Comedy to morrow, not to say Tragedy, for it seems to me as if it would not be very bloody.  
That being done, we got on Horseback about Nine of the Clock, and returned by the obscurity of the Night near to your Majesty's Troops. And by good Fortune there arose a thick Fog, which begun about one of the Clock in the morning, which favoured our march so well, that we arrived at Eight of the Clock in the Morning in sight of the Enemy, who were suprized at our coming, and taking advantage of their disorder, I Charged them with the Troops of your House, which I led myself to the Battle.  
Now I think on't, Luxemburgh, says his Majesty, I understood that there was one of the Prince of Orange's Guards who came headlong with his Sword in his hand with a design to kill you.  
Sir, says Luxemburgh, it is true, and I escaped a stroke from him so narrowly, that he had undoubtedly taken my Head off, if I had been tall. But as you may, when I am on Horseback, take me for Monsieur Scarron, I easily put by that blow in crying out with a full Throat, Fire upon that bold Fellow.  
But, says his Majesty, you dearly then bought the glory that you had to keep the Field about half an hour, by the death of my best Officers, and of a great number of brave persons of my House.  
Sir, says Luxemburgh, your Majesty has long since used yourself, to lose a great m●ny Men when you would have the advantage over your Enemies.  
As it is my Maxim to attack them ordinarily three against one, and that the Enemies who see themselves almost always inferior and more feeble in number by half, fight also like Madmen, that's the reason your Majesty loses more men than they; but still you have the Glory on your side.  
But, says his Majesty, if these losses are frequent, and that the War should last four or five Campaigns, as in all appearance it will, I run a risk to see myself without Officers and Soldiers.  
Sir, says Luxemburgh, your Majesty must bu● a Peace at any rate, should it cost even half your Subjects.  
But, answers his Majesty, I had then rather hazard a general Battle, and come orderly into an open Campaign in the Face of my Enemy's.  
I am persuaded that they would not refuse it, and that would be infinitely more glorious and worthier of the name of Great, that I bear; imitating in that Charles Martel who acquired that name by reason of his martial humour, and of the great actions he did at the Battle of Tours, where the French killed a hundred and seventy five thousand Moors, that lay dead on the Spot. It seems to me that an Action like that would be incomparably better than all the Tricks and Wiles that I have made use of till now, which are no more after all than small Rencounters, which decide nothing, and only lengthen the War.  
No, Sir, says Luxemburgh, that is not the way by which I pretend to conduct your Majesty, your Enemies would desire no better.  
The Prince of Orange and the Elector of Bavaria would Triumph with joy, and your Majesty cannot do them a greater favour, than to come as you say into an open field.  
There wants but only one such like Resolution to annihilate, in an instant, all those Prodigies of glory, and to lose so many brave Conquests heaped up, one upon the other, which hast cost so many Men and so much Blood; and I am persuaded that your Majesty has not yet forgot what it cost Francis the First, and St. Lovis, for having exposed themselves a little too much.  
How then, says his Majesty, do you understand it? for we must take the shortest way; my People begin to be able to do no more, and Money becomes scarce in my Kingdom; and as we say, foresight is the Mother of Wisdom; I know what it cost me in 1672 for having stayed a little too long.  
Sir, says Luxemburgh, doth your Majesty absolutely wish to have a peace? I have already prayed you several times to discover to me your most secret intentions.  
You know, says his Majesty, that I wish it passionately. But I reserve to myself the glory to grant it to my Enemies, and I fight only at present to constrain them to come and demand it of me.  
Sir, answered Luxemburgh, since it is so that your Majesty is absolutely resolved to have a peace; that you wish it, and seek after it, this is the way to come quickly to it. Your Majesty must then at present make Flanders the Seat of War; you must gather together your greatest force, and you must reckon to have three Armies this Campaign, to act in concert and mutually to assist one another.  
Each of these Armies must be at the least fifty thousand Men.  
For this purpose your Majesty must give Orders to Monsieur Voisin, Intendant of the Low Countries, to make with the Commissaries of Provisions, an exact computation of Provisions necessary for the maintenance of so many Troops, and to furnish the Magazines, of which the Principle one's shall be at Mons, Maubeuge, Philipville, and Dinant.  
The great Master of the Ordinance must also give order that the Ammunitions of War, as well as the great Artillery be transported early to the nearest frontier places; The Count de Guiscard Governor of Dinant must take care to assemble and get ready a good number of Boats. Monsieur de Vertillac Governor of Mons must likewise take care to get together all the Wagons and Carts which can be found in the Country of Hainault: He must make at the same time as well as the other Governors, a list of the Pioners that we can have, the number of which cannot be less than Twenty thousand; and to the end that all the Troops may be there at the time of the general Rendevouse which shall be at Mons, your Majesty must presently dispatch Orders to make them march. I add also, that care must be taken to have good intelligence to stir them up and maintain them, cost what it will, because it is the primum mobile, without which we shall build upon a Quicksand.  
All these Resolutions being taken, there will want nothing but a Head to move so great a Body: And as the presence of Kings and Princes is the Soul and strength of their Army, and that a Prince which commands in person his Armies, aspires to an immortal glory, so there is not a Soldier who fight in the sight of his Prince, doth not employ all his valour and being animated with a desire of glory, and hop●s to be liberally recompensed, doth not present himself with joy, to the greatest and most dangerous perils.  
I advise then your Majesty to make this Campaign as you did that of Mons; your Majesty took notice that this important place was surrendered in less than fifteen Days, after the opening of the Trenches, in the sight of an Enemy's Army, and in a time where the rigours of the Season opposed you.  
After such a blow your Majesty may undertake what you please. That's very well, says his Majesty, but where do you judge it will be necessary to open the Campaign? shall it be by the Siege of Ath, or Charleroy? as these places are nearest, it seems that we must begin there.  
No Sir, says Luxemburgh, you must attack your Enemies in a more sensible part, Ath and Charleroy are places which will fall of themselves into your Majesty's Hands.  
What must be done then, says his Majesty, shall we go to Bombard Brussels?  
No Sir, says Luxemburgh; that is not worth while, it must be a more shining enterprise, it is not reasonable your Majesty should put yourself at the head of your Armie● for so small a matter.  
What then says, his Majesty, shall we Attack Ostend by Sea and by Land? this loss will be very sensible to my Enemies, because that is the place where all the English Troops come to Land, and from thence we may penetrate into the Heart of the County of Flanders.  
No Sir, says Luxemburgh, this Conquest is not important enough to employ a King with an Army of one hundred and fifty thousand Men.  
What shall be done then, says his Majesty? shall we enter into the Country of Liege to force the Prince of that Diocese to lay down his Arms, and to submit himself to my clemency?  
No, says Luxemburgh, that expedition is more proper for Boufflers than your Majesty, it is not glorious enough for a Prince who marches only to attack invincible places.  
Ha! What then says his Majesty?  
Thus, Sir, says Luxemburgh; your Majesty must come at the Head of one hundred and fifty thousand Men divided into three Bodies, the first of which shall be commanded by your Majesty, having under you the marshal d' Humieres. The the second shall be under the Command of the Marquis de B●ufflers, and the third shall be remitted to my Conduct.  
The Army being thus divided the Marquis de Boufflers shall take the Van with a Body of fifteen thousand Horse, and possess the passages and avenues. The main Body of the Army being arrived your Majesty shall form the Siege of Namur, and by the taking of that important place, you will render yourself Master of a whole County, which is without contradiction the finest of the Low Countries.  
Luxemburgh, says his Majesty, this enterprise is great, and this place seems to me Impregnable by it Situation; besides the building of a certain Fort which is called Fort William, built within this little while renders it almost inaccessible.  
Sir, says Luxemburgh, Art and Inteltelligence must favour force, and as we say, sow the Tail of the Fox to the Skin of the Lyon.  
I know an expedient by which half of these difficulties will be overcome, and thus it is, as I understand it. There is in the Citadel a certain Baron de Berse, which is a Major, a Man fit to do any thing, a high spender, and much given to his pleasures. I understand that this Berse calls himself Kinsman of Madam de Maintenon, and that's what we want. But says, his Majesty, who has told you that this Berse will be a fit Man to hold correspondence?  
Sir, answered Luxemburgh, it is sufficient that he is given to Debauchery. Your Majesty must charge Madam de Maintenon with all this business; and whilst we shall be preparing Bombs and Carcases, she on her side must attack the strongest part of the place by fair and good guilded Letters, which will do more in one day than an Army of one hundred and fifty thousand Men in six weeks.  
Ho! says his Majesty, if matters be so, my good and dear Maintenon will do that well enough to do me a kindness.  
But what is it she must promise him in order to engage him?  
Sir, says Luxemburgh, she must promise him one hundred thousand Livers for reward, and after the reduction of the place, a Lieutenant Generals Post. I am persuaded that he will accept the proposition, and that in less than eight days your Majesty will have convincing proofs thereof.  
Ha! Well says his Majesty; suppose then for example, that he accepts the offers that Maintenon shall make him, in your opinion what method must he take to favour the enterprise?  
Sir, says Luxemburgh, it is this, he must in the first place make an exact Register of all the Provisions and Ammunitions of War, which shall be found in the Citadel; he must also make a very regular draught of the strength and weakness both of the Citadel, the Devil's House, & Fort William; ●e must oppose in quality of Major of thc Citadel, to all that shall be undertaken on the behalf of the Prince of Barbancon, who he must also endeavour to engage, if that can be done.  
He must inform your Majesty or some of your Generals, of all the designs, marches and countermarches of your Enemies; he must at the same time seem to do nothing, but to keep himself in the Citadel, and at his ordinary Post, just till you give him notice that the Mine is to be sprung.  
Which being done, Madam de Maintenon must write to him some time before to pretend to come out in a Party and suffer himself to be taken Prisoner, as if it had happened by imprudence.  
The Invention is not bad, says his Majesty.  
Sir, says Luxemburgh, being thus made Master of a Man, who will inform you at bottom of the least Circumstances, you ought to assure yourself that from this time forth the place is surrendered.  
If that be so, says his Majesty, we shall have as good a Bargain as that of Mons. But the Prince of Orange is about to repass the Sea in order to be present here early, and by what I can learn here, may put himself into the Field as soon as I; and having a great Army, and being accompanied with the Elector of Bavaria, they may well dispute this Conquest with me; these two Princes are of a little hot temper, so that this attacking them by so sensible an enterprise will so inflame them that they will not fail to get together all their Forces to oppose me.  
I do not doubt, says Luxemburgh, that whilst this Opera shall be playing in Flanders, we must prepare a Tragedy in England for the Prince of Orange.  
Your Majesty told me confidently the last time that King James had received Letters almost from all the Nobility and great ones of the Kingdom; besides, that there was a great number of Quakers and Fanatics, that had all unanimously espoused the Interest and Cause of this Prince to re-establish him upon the Throne, if your Majesty would only favour and support their enterprise by Eighteen or Twenty Thousand Men, which would make a Descent into the Isle of Wight.  
It is true, says his Majesty, and I have myself read the Letters. A Person of Quality says in express terms, that his British Majesty has nothing to do but to come, that he cannot believe with how much impatience and earnestness the Grandees of the Kingdom a●d the People wait for him; that all the World generally is concerned for his re-establishment upon the Throne. That in short, they begin to make proiusions of Arms and Horses, which they gather together the most secretly the● can; without forgetting good Sums of Money, which they keep ready to pay the Troops to be raised in the Kingdom, which shall consist only of persons discontented with the present Government.  
Sir, says Luxemburgh, if the thing be so, that will be a great stroke; the Prince of Orange must of all necessity repass the Sea in all haste to go to the succour of his three Kingdoms, and in the mean time your Majesty may do your business without opposition, and without resistance. Your Majesty must give Orders without losing of time to the Count de Tourville to have the Fleet ready to Sail, and that a great number of Transport Ships be got together in great diligence for the Embarquing of the Troops.  
But says, his Majesty, I shall not be very well pleased that Tourville should run the risk of a Battle, and I see the impossibility of executing such an enterprise without engaging of the two Fleets, the event whereof gives me trouble to think on't.  
Sir, says Luxemburgh, here are great inclinations to a revolution; we must hazard, and give something to Fortune. She is too much a Friend of your Majesties to abandon you in so fair a Field.  
Give but your Orders only to Tourville to go himself to attack the Hollanders; if he beats them, as there is all appearance he will, they being not more invincible at present than they were in 1690, all the English Fleet will range themselves on your side, and being Masters of the Sea, we can make the Descent with all liberty.  
But, says his Majesty, the English are like Cat●, the more you caress them the less they ●ome near you: If it should happen that they should change Opinion in the very moment of the Battle, and that they should jointly fight with the Hollanders, where woul● Tourville be, and what would become of my poor Fleet?  
Sir, says Luxemburgh, your Majesty must banish out of your imagination any such thought; it is a deceiving fancy, and a Bird of an ill Omen which comes to trouble you. We have seen but one such Catastrophe h● happened to your Majesty and you have ●ather reason to presage a Victory than a Defeat.  
In short, say his Majesty, since you are of that opinion and that you advise me to hazard a Bate, I will give my Orders to Tourville to ●●t effect.  
But as to t●● business of Namur, it seems to me that one Hundred and Fifty Thousand Men is not enough to undertake a Siege of that importance, and to possess so vast a ground as that.  
Sir, says Luxemburgh, we are not now in a time when they marched with Four or Five Hundred Thousand fight Men. We read in the History of the Kings of the first Race, that Attila King of the Huns came into the Field with an Army of five Hundred Thousand men, causing himself to be called the Scourge of God; but notwithstanding this great n●mber, he was defeated by King Merovee, ●nd lost in one Battle two Hundred Tho●sand of his Men.  
Sir, it is not the great numbers that cause Battles to be Won; ●n Army of Fifty Thousand Men well commanded, and which makes her movem●nts regularly, will beat one of an Hund●●d Thousand, if there happens a disorder among them.  
I have often heard say of the incomparable Monsieur de Turenne, ●nd of the deceased Prince of Conde, that ●n Army which exceeded the number of ●●fty Thousand Men, incommoded herself ●nd the General that Governed it.  
Besides Sir, I have mad just computation of the Troops of your Enemies; I suppose also that they should be put altogether, they would not then make one Hundred Thousand Men, so that your Majesty having Fifty Thousand more, you will be in a condition to Besiege the place and observe their Motions.  
But, says his Majesty, you have supposed that the Prince of Orange will find himself obliged to return in all haste to England, and that consequently the Enemy having no longer this Prince commanding at their Head, who is their greatest Spur, would stand still unmoveable, contenting themselves to be Spectators, which is to see the Medal just on its fair side: But I pray let us view the Reverse, and let us suppose that he should stay at the Head of his Army, as this Prince has long since sought an occasion to signalise himself in, and to give me Battle; seeing me engaged in a Siege of this Consequence, if the fancy should take him to come and attack me, and that I being beat should be obliged to quit it, what shame and what confusion will that be to me, who boast myself to have the invincibility of Achilles?  
Sir, says Luxemburgh, your Majesty has nothing less to doubt, than that I will make you so just a draught of the ground, of the Avenues and Defiles which cover the place, that when your Majesty shall be once made Master, of them with an Army of one Hundred and Fifty Thousand Fight men, as it hath been said, the Prince of Orange cannot attack you with an Army of Two Hundred Thousand Men, without hazard of being beaten. Your Majesty ought to Encamp between the Sambre and the Meufe, and besides that you will be covered by those two Rivers, you will have at your Right the Army of the Marquis de Bouffters, which will cover you on that side. As to the other Body of the Army, of which I shall have the Command, that shall possess all the ground between Namur and the small River of Mehaigne; which is just the only place at which the Enemy can make their Attack, if so be they have a mind to it; besides, many advantages that I could draw from the Situation of the Country, which is cut off by Defiles and Woods, there wants but a small River to Stop your Enemies, the Mehaigne or the Orme would serve me always for an Obstacle, so that your Majesty has no cause to apprehend any danger I will cover it so well with my Army, that you will have no more reason to fear, than if you were at Versailles, near your good Maintenon.  
But at least, says his Majesty, you must promise me to avoid all engaging, and to Encamp yourself so well, that the Prince of Orange mav rather dream of any other thing than to force you to fight. I am apprehensive of nothing more than of a Battle, and if I should be present and happen to lose it, I should make an irreparable breach to my Glory.  
Sir, answered Luxemburgh, rest satisfied thereupon.  
Let your Majesty only give your Orders, to the end that all may be ready; and that the Troops come early; especially those of Catalonia, Savoy, and Germany, which are the Provinces that are farthest off. As to the event, I take it upon myself, and I will always be answerable for it, being persuaded that this Conquest will cost your Majesty no more than that of Mons, and that you will receive not only great advantages, but that it will put you into an infallible way of obtaining a Peace, which I wish with all my Heart.  
As soon as Monsieur de Luxemburgh was gone out, the King caused Monsieur de Catinat to be called in, and bid him make him in few words, a Report of the condition in which he left the Affairs of Savoy.  
Monsieur de Catinat says, Sir, I have sufficiently informed your Majesty by my Letters of the particulars of the War of Italy, & of the care that I have taken to acquit myself worthily of the Government of your Army with which your Majesty was willing to Honour me  
And if I had not all the success that I could have well wished the last Campaign which was that of 1691. I have nevertheless done as much as lay in any Man's power with so small a number as I had. But the arrival of the Elector of Bavaria in Piedmont spoiled all by the great number of Germans which he brought with him, which being joined with the Troops of Spain and Savoy, Formed an Army stronger than mine by more than half. This inequality of Force stopped immediately the happy Progress I had made in the beginning of the Campaign; nevertheless without going out of my natural Seat.  
I made all the movements I thought myself obliged to make, to cover the Country, to guard the Passages, and to shun an Engagement, to which they would have drawn me, your Majesty having expressly forbidden me; and that was a great fortune to me to have to do with Germans, who gave me the time well to retrench, and to possess myself of all the Posts, after having left in Carmaniole Four or Five Thousand Men, and caused all the Hills and Passages of Suza to be taken up. As to the Shock your Majesty's Armies suffered at the Siege of Coni (which Monsieur de Bulonde had the imprudence to abandon after he had his Trenches opened against it for many days, it was sufficiently counterbalanced by the small progress the Imperialists made; because, besides their coming late into the Field, the misintelligence which reigned amongst their Generals absolutely broke the course of their Erterprises which were terminated at the taking of Carmaniole. The Extract of their Counsels of War, I had by means of a Pension which I paid to one of their Generals, (as I acquainted your Majesty by a Letter) was of great Service to me, and I made use of one Brother Recolet, a Germane, by whom I had my be Correspondences to receive my Letters by a sure hand, which were brought to me by one named Jenet, a Savoyard by Nation, who went and took them in a Trunk of an old Tree, where the brother Recolet had took a care to put them. I than understood that in their Council of War, in which the Elector of Bavaria presided jointly with the Duke of Savoy, the Count de Schombergh was to command the Hugneu●●s and the old returned Refugees made this following proposal.  
That an irruption should be made into Dauphine and Provence, going thereinto by the valley of Keiras, after having made themselves Masters of the Castle. That from thence they might easily seize upon the small City of Guillestre; and that Three Leagues from thence they might continue their march to force the City of Ambrun, where there is a very fine Archbishopric. That being once made masters of the most advantageous places of high Dauphine, they should not fail to carry the dread and terror throughout the whole Province, which being one of the most oppressed of France, by the Taxes and great Imposts that it pays to his Majesty, and ruined on the other side by the frequent passage of the Soldiers, it would not fail to rise and take up Arms against her natural Prince. That the great number of new Catholics which were in that place, would undoubtedly find out a way for a revolt. That as for him he was of this opinion, that there was no time to be lost, the Season being already advanced but too far; that the places which remained behind possessed by the French, would give them no disturbance; that they should only leave a good Body of the Army upon the Frontiers to secure Piedmont, to make Head against the Army o● Catinat, and to keep the Garrison of Casal and Pignerol in awe.  
I acknowledge freely Sir, that this Project gave me a great deal of trouble, and that I feared very much that the Balance would have leaned to that side; because truly according to the rules of War, and the true interests of the Duke of Savoy, and of his Allies, they might thereby cut out a great deal of business for your Majesty, and put me out of a condition to oppose them, because I should have immediately been obliged to divide the Body of my Army, which was already but too small, and I should have found myself in a condition to have held out the Campaign no longer.  
To come back to the Count de Schombergh who had resolved upon these conclusions that I have now reported; The Count Caraffa, who commanded the Imperial Troops, spoke immediately after him, and said, That in truth this Resolution was judicious, but that it seemed too bold an attempt to undertake entering into an Enemy's Country; to force an Army that possessed the Avenues and the passages, and which was advantageously entrenched; besides that the Winter which came on apace, did not permit that they should at so great a distance, engage themseluss in an unknown Country, and run a hazard of being cut off; that they might expose an Army to great danger by following the advice of Schombergh, and that that was not all, to enter into an Enemy's Country, but also to bring the Army back again safe and sound. That he did not see how they could succeed in such projects, whilst the Enemies should possess all the nearest places that made them Masters of all Savoy, and put all Piedmont under contribution, if th●y had not always an Army there to cover it. That as for him he was of a quite contrary opinion to that of Monsieur de Schombergh; that he did not remember he had read, that the Caesars and the Alexanders, who had been great Captains, ever practised any thing like this in the whole course of their Wars: In short, he concluded, that it was very proper, with submission to better advice, to begin the Campaign by the Siege of Carmaniole, that after that place had yielded, he judged it fit that the rest of the time should be employed to treat early for Winter Quarters with the Princes of Italy; that the Imperial Troops would be very much fatigued after such a Siege, and would be then only fit for nothing else but to take up their Winter Quarters.  
The Count de Schombergh being mindful of the Prince of Orange's interest, who had sent him into Savoy to put himself at the Head of the Hugonots, could not without being concerned hear what Count Caraffa proposed; and although he was of a sweet and pacific temper, a quality which he inherited from his deceased Father, as well as that that gave great hopes of his being one of the best Captains of the Age, could not nevertheless persuade himself to be quiet; he had too long seen himself idle against his will. Besides, he could not get it into his head whatever, he tried to force himself to believe, that a whole Campaign ought to be passed in the Siege of so small a place as Carmaniolle, whilst they should neglect one of the fairest occasions that ever was offered for the Allies to enter into France. He replied then to all that had been proposed by Count Caraffa, that he was too old a practitioner in War not to have a full knowledge of the Situation of the Country, of the Roads, of the Woods, of the Marshes, of the Defiles, of the Mountains, of the Rivers, of the Bridges, of the watery places—, of the Passages, and in one word of all the places by which they can pretend to enter into Dauphine: He added to this his knowledge, that of having studied from his youth, the Genius, the Manners, the interest; the jealousies, the strength, and the weakness, and generally all the predominant Passions of the French Nation, in which he had been brought up. That a General of some consideration, and who strove to understand his Tr●de, ought thoroughly to be acquainted with these things. And that he should be very sorry to have it disputed w●th him by another; that if he should be obliged to support his discourse by examples drawn from the greatest Captains, he could make it appear as clear as the Sun at Noon, that the Caesars and the Alexanders, as well as Charles the Fifth, the Turennes and the Condes, and infinite other modern Generals have not had any other Principle in the Art of War, That he proposed nothing rashly; but he pretended to give to the Council so just a draught of the design they proposed, that he was persuaded it was not so much to be rejected as the Count Caraffa would have insinuated. Thereupon putting his Hand in his Pocket he pulled out many Writings. The first was a circular Letter in form of a Manifesto, which was to be dispersed upon their coming into the Country to stir up the People to embrace the party of the Allies, which was conceived in these terms.  
That all the Inhabitants of High and Low Dauphine were exhorted to come and join the A●ms of his Britannic Majesty, and of his Royal Highness the Duke of Savoy, who came with a pote●t Army to their relief, to help them to shake off the Yoke, under which they had groaned so many years. That the old Catholics as well as the new Converts, without distincti n of Religion should be equally received by the clemency of these Princes who tendered them their assistance; That God had already on many occasions declared himself the Protector of the Armies of the Allies, and that they ought n●t to doubt but that he would bless their conquests and put them quickly into a condition to deliver all France from her great oppression.  
That they protested that nothing in the exercise of Religion should be changed, but that every one should have full liberty of conscience, like that the People so peaceably enjoyed in the reigns of Henry the Fourth and Lovis in the Thirteenth. They declared also that all the Debtors should be discharged who should submit themselves, and come and implore the protection of their Deliverers; and lastly, that they would maintain the Clergy in their dignities, the Gentlemen in their Lands, the Merchants in the freedom of their Trade, the Countrymen in peace and quiet, and the Magistrates in their Authority for the preserving of the Law and the Administration of justice.  
That they should live under a Government far different from that in which they had lived, and that they should at once be delivered from the great miseries to which they had been reduced, by the insupportable and Tyrannical charge of Taxes and Imposts which they were obliged to pay to a Sovereign, who had made his free People, miserable Slaves.  
After the reading of this Manifesto, he shown several Letters, which had been written to him by the most considerable of the Nobility of high and low Dauphine, the chief whereof were also read in the Council according to order, as follows.  
Copy of a Letter written from Dauphine to Monsieur the Count of Schombergh, at present in Piedmont.  
Sir,  
I writ to you with Tears of joy which have succeeded those of sorrow, of which your happy arrival in Savoy hath altogether cured us, in hopes that your dear presence will more and more favour the good intentions of his Royal Highness, for the good of the public Peace, and the deliverance of so many Spiritual Slaves, whose sighs have oftentimes come as far as you, even when you were yet in Brandenburg.  
But it was too early Days then, since that the providence of God has reserved you till this Day, to be one of the Principal Instruments made use of to restore to our Poor Zion, her ancient splend●r and tranquillity. We hearty pray to God that he would be pleased to take you into his Holy Protection, and would bless all your just designs. You cannot believe the inclinations in which the generality and almost every one of the whole province find themselves; they seem to me altogether favourable if you were a little diligent, and that you would once imitate France in that, to whom all moments are precious, when she is about to execute her designs.  
I engage you my word upon the Faith of a Man of Honour, that there would be a general rising, if you would enter into the Country. The fear I am in lest my Letter should miscarry, doth not give me leave to send you the particulars of all things; rely upon the little I have said; let me know the time and place, and believe me without reserve Sir, etc.  
Monsieur Julian will give you my Name and Direction how to send to me.  
Another Written to the same.  
Sir,  
WE are under the greatest trouble in the World, to understand that the design you had verbally proposed to his Electoral Highness of Bavaria and to the Duke of Savoy, to enter into Dauphine by the Valley of Keiras, was not received as you expected, and as we wished. We earnestly pray you as many as we are, the number whereof is so great that you would be surprised if I should tell you; but as that doth not concern the condition of the affair in hand, I desire you to excuse me for several reasons. We supplicate you, I say, unanimously to come back to your Post, and to be willing once more to employ your interest to make their Highnesses and Count Caraffa understand, that it is so important a thing to enter into Dauphin this Campaign, taking advantage of the weakness of the places, of the good disposition in which the People are at present found, and of an assured Conquest of the whole Country, if you come straight to Grenoble, that if you neglect it, I do Prophecy there will remain no more to the Allies than an immortal dissatisfaction for having gone no farther, when you might have penetrated even into the Heart of France.  
We have written several Letters upon the same Subject to Messieurs de Monbrun and de Montauban, praying them to Communicate them to you; I am  
Sir, Yours, etc.  
Count Caraffa seeing that Monsieur de Schomberg came immediately to matter of fact, and that he maintained his Opinion by strong proofs, and remarking besides, that his Electoral Highness of Bavaria, the Duke of Savoy, the Prince Eugene, the Duke de Leganez, the Count de Palfi, and the Marquis de Pianese, who were all present, seemed in some measure to be willing to applaud him, withdrew immediately out of the Council, and went home, protesting that he would remain firm in his first resolution; that the Council might resolve what they thought fit; but for him he knew what he had to do, and that the Imperial Troops of which he had the chief Command, should make no other motion than what he should order them; that he knew the Emperor's mind, and so it was needless to lose time in employing it to deliberate thereupon.  
This way of procedure, which was so little expected, extremely surprised the other Generals. But the Count de Schomberg appeared so sensibly touched at it, that he without any more ado presently complained, and also afterwards acquainted them, that he was so little satisfied in Italy, that he even resolved to go back into Holland, or into Brandenbourg, where he had formerly Commanded the Troops of his Electoral Highness of Brandenbourg. The Duke of Bavaria was no less concerned, that after having Traveled through all Germany and Italy to come by hard Journeys into Piedmont, where he was expected with such impatience, which he did, notwithstanding the access of a Fever, which he found very hard to get rid of, without reckoning a Thousand other unhappy mifortunes which he felt, during the length of his Journey: And all this in hopes to have gathered Laurels at his Arrival; if he met with nothing less, that he must rest contented, as also his other Companions, with an Idea only which they form to themselves of a Glorious Campaign.  
The Duke of Savoy was he who lost most by these Disputes, and whom the matter touched nearest; but as he had not the experience of other Generals, he found himself not in a condition with a heat proper for the cause, to maintain an Opinion so plausible and so disinterested as that of Count Scomberg's appeared.  
Besides, he was willing to consent to it, because they looked upon this undertaking as the only remedy which presented itself to incommode their Enemy, and to discharge their poor States from the Insupportable burden of the Auxiliary Troops, which would Triumph with Joy, said he, if they should see themselves once Posted in the Enemy's Country, to take their Winter Quarters there, which is just the grievance of the Germans.  
But the bitter Draught that Count Caraffa could not swallow, was quite another thing. He saw amongst the Princes of Italy plenty enough of all things. It is a Country flowing with Milk and Honey; whereas in Dauphine, he saw nothing but Melancholy Deserts, and People already ruined by the War, which was more than sufficient to make him take another resolution.  
Prince Eugene was of the Opinion of the Duke his Cousin, and their interests were too common, not to be united together. He added that he could not think self-willdness was capable to produce so great disorders, and that Princes were happy when they were the only Masters, and the Armies Victorious, when they were Commanded by one Chief; that these three years that the Wars continued in Italy their disagreement had alone done more hurt than the Enemy; for 'twas this angry Goddess of Discord that came incessantly to trouble the most important resolutions, and to furnish new Seeds of Division and Dispute, which oftentimes arises from a slight occasion: That if these contests should be kept up any longer, and that we should amuse ourselves thus to pass whole Campaigns in deliberating, and principally the precious time which was destined to enter into Action, This would be just to play the Game which France would desire; that we drawing ourselves insensibly into Winter, which is the Mother of business for her, she would have a new occasion to cry out as she use to do of Victory, because she is assured of her design, and takes justly the time of our Retreat and lying in our Winter Quarters.  
The Duke de Leganez Governor of the Milanese was altogether of the Spanish Opinion, (that is to say) Piano veremo, and being full of confidence and good will, he catched at all, and was ready to embrace the first or second resolution, or else both together, if that could have been done and agreed to with good Judgement.  
But as the good Man is as great a Wit, as was his Predecessor, so he seems to have a little more good nature, and the glorious House from which he is descended serves him for a Pattern; he contents himself nevertheless to follow the Crowd and plurality of Voices, for fear to fall into some Heresy, if he should have dared to have advanced from his own Opinion a third project. In a word, the resolution taken to enter into France, was the most proper for him, and for all the other States of Italy. And if the Count de Caraffa would by misfortune have yielded to it, that had been done. But as I have already insinuated to your Majesty, I had so well fettered him with Chains of Gold, that he saw himself not in a condition to make one single Step towards it. Count Palfi, a good Germane also, otherwise a brave Man, and the Marquis de Pianese, were absolutely of the Opinion of Count Schomberg, and could not consent to the Negative without regret.  
The busyness having then been traversed by the selfconceitedness of Count Caraffa, who, as I have represented it, had no Body with him; but as he had on his side all the Imperial Troops which made the principal Force of their Army, he constrained all the other Generals in spite of all they had to say, to submit to the Law of his Judgement; so that not being able to do otherwise, they resolved at last to act jointly with him, and to open the Campaign by the Siege of Carmanoille, of which they made themselves Masters after a great deal of resistance, from a part of your Majesty's Troops which fought bravely.  
After this Conquest they talked no more of any Project for the rest of the Campaign. Caraffa keeping faithfully his word which he had so solemnly sworn, would hear talk of nothing more but Winter Quarters, for fear of violating his Oath, and passing for a perjured Person; so putting immediately his Hand to the Work, he began to treat about Contributions with the Princes of Italy, who finding themselves in more trouble than if they had an Enemy's Army at their Gates, found no better way to take, to preserve Peace and repose in their Country, than to consent to the payment of great Sums which they demanded of them, rather than to see their Inhabitants exposed to the Insolence and Fury of the Soldiers, who were ready to fall upon them as upon Innocent Doves.  
The Republic of Genova, and the Dukes of Mantua and Modena will for a good while remember the coming of the Germans into Italy, and the other States will have no reason to forget them.  
But to make short, since your Majesty order me, and that the time to make your designs appear this Campaign, approacheth, I will add only to all I have said already concerning the Affairs of Italy, that I thought fit, as I have let your Majesty know, to make advantage of the distance of the Germane Troops which were found dispersed here and there in several Countries, and to lay Siege to Montmelian, and secure by this important Fort the Conquests with which it had pleased God to bless your Arms in Savoy. I undertook then this Siege in a time, when the rigours of the Season making us feel the utmost extremity, not to speak of a great number of other unhappy obstacles, which seemed to oppose so great an undertaking, I found myself several times obliged to quit it; but as your Majesty had expressly ordered me to hazard all, I at last made it submit to your obedience in less time than I had proposed to myself.  
Catinat, answer me, I pray you, says the King, to what I shall ask you. I have a great design in Flanders that I pretend to execute some weeks hence, and for this purpose I shall have occasion for an Army of one hundred and fifty thousand Men. As the Troops that I have in Brabant and Germany are not sufficient to make this number, may I well dispose of fifteen or sixteen thousand Men of the Troops which are under your command in Savoy? As you are the only one of all my Generals who knows the Map of Italy best, the designs of the Duke of Savoy, and the Genius of the Italian Nation, having travelled in the habit of a Carmelite through all those Countries, according to the order I had given you, in hopes that you would be one day more proper to do me important Services on that side, and it was you who had the care of the buying of the City of Cazal, having received the Sum which I had agreed with the Duke of Mantova to pay unto him for it.  
Answer me, I pray you, do you believe me to be in a condition safe enough to withdraw my Troops, and could you well make head against the Germans, if I only leave you an Army of nine thousand Men?  
Sir, answered Catinat, your Province of Dauphine, which was the most exposed of all your Kingdom, and into which your Enemies have often flattered themselves to enter with a great Army, need to fear nothing further, since the taking of Monmelian. This place as well as Pignerol, Susa and Nice, of the side of Provence, are more than sufficient to cover it and to put all into a profound security.  
But let us turn the Scale, says his Majesty: If the Duke of Savoy making advantage of your weakness and of the small number you will have there, should happen on a sudden to take a Resolution of forcing the Passages, and of entering into my Kingdom, and that jointly with Schombergh, who commands the Hugonots and the old returned Refugees they should come to enter into Dauphi●e, and put all that Province under Contribution; for without flattering myself I fear the old returned Refugees, and my new Converts coming once to form themselves into Troops, and to join them, would m●ke a formidable Army, for they would procure me a great deal of trouble, and might in time make this Province to rise, which is already but too much disaffected, because it is that part of my Kingdom that I have always the least minded, and which has been the most oppressed by the great Taxes that it pays me, and lately by the passage of the Soldiers and the Winter Quarters which has almost made them desolate. That if once this Barrier come to be forced, my Enemies might from Dauphine enter into the Country of Lions, Forests and Boucollois, all being open on that side, and do me more hurt in one Campaign than I have done to them since the War was declared.  
Sir, answers Catinat, rest satisfied in this, and let not your Majesty for this stop the course of your great undertake: I will take care of Dauphine; give me only the charge of it, as you have done for the time passed, and confide entirely in me.  
But, says the King, you may be mistaken Catirat. Do not you know that Men alter, as well as their Opinions, and that such a Resolution is quickly taken?  
Sir, answers Catinat, that your Majesty may not trouble you self, I engage you my word upon the Faith of an honest Man, that your Enemies shall undertake nothing on that side, and that the disunion amongst them will always be the ruin of their undertake.  
I wish it might be so, says his Majesty; for if I were assured of the contrary, I would choose rather to remain all the Campaign upon the defensive, waiting for the Winter to make a Siege, than to suffer that my Enemies should give me on that side any blemish to my glory; and that a Duke of Savoy, whom I formerly treated as one of my Pages, should boast to have encamped at the Gates of Grenoble: I believe I should die with grief if that should come to my Ears: For what shame would not that be to receive Law from a Prince to whom I gave it all the course of my Reign?  
Sir, answered Catinat, I add for Conclusion, that your Majesty needs not to fear any thing from the Duke of Savoy, nor from the old returned Refugees. Your Majesty has given me with the Command of your Army a golden Key, which has the secret to open the Hearts, and as the head of Medusa to convert Men into Rocks and make them ; so that when the Skin of the Lion shall fail me, I shall always have that of the Fox, and that will be more than sufficient to stop all the undertake of the Savoyards and Germans, if so be they should seem to undertake more than the last Campaign. I add to all these Reflections, that they being used to come into the Field after that the Troops of your Majesty have done their business, if occasion should require it, it would always be time enough to form an Army of Detachments, that we shall have to oppose them in all their designs. Besides, I will manage so well the nine thousand that your Majesty shall leave me, and I will cause Monsieur de la Rai, de Bache Villiers, and the Vins to go to their Posts who shall cover the Province so advantageously that we shall have nothing to fear.  
The King being sufficiently informed of the affairs of Piedmont, passed to those of Cattalonia, and said in presence of Monsieur de Catinat, that he had not judged it fit to call Monsieur de Novailles to this Council of War, because that having nothing to apprehend from the part of the Spaniards but some feeble Rodomontades, and that the Duke de Villa Hermosa their General, having more care to say his Prayers by his great Pater Noster Beads, which he carries hanging at the Guard of his Sword, than of the Stratagems of War, he had also made choice of a General fit to regulate the Affairs of the House of the deceased Poor Madam the Fontange, of which he had the charge whilst she lived, than to have commanded an Army any thing considerable; that having besides given the Government of Languedoc to his keeping, and that even till one of the three young Princes should be of age to fill it, he was willing also to give him the command of the Army in Catalonia, as well by reason of the nearness of the place, as also of the knowledge which he hath of the Spanish Tongue and Manners. But he had so small a number in Catalonia, that it was not worth while to talk of it; that at most we might reckon upon three thousand Men of eight that were there; the five thousand remaining being designed to make the Campaign, and to act against the Miquelets. His Majesty added, that it was true, that he had advice by the means of his Spies at the Court of Spain, that the Catholic King caused a Fleet to be Armed of 14 or 15 Men of War, which were to be jointly commanded with the Galleys, by Admiral Papichini, to cruise in the Medditerranean, from the moment that the Count d' Estrees should be put to Sea, and that they seemed to have a mind to attempt something upon the Coast of Provence to favour the Duke of Savoy.  
But that he gave so little Faith to all those discourses, that he made no difficulty to say, that since they had undertaken nothing like it the two last Campaigns, it was a proof of their weakness, and that he had by consequence nothing to fear on that side. From the affairs of Catalonia, his Majesty came to those of Germany, and ordered immediately that Catinat should go out of the Chamber, and that the Marshal de Lorge should come in, who commanded his Army upon the Rhine, and said to him, de Lorge, I pray you tell me a word of the condition in which you left 〈◊〉 Troops.  
Sir, answered the Lorge, your Army upon the Rhine, has suffered much by the diseases which have Reigned all this Campaign, and also it finds its self much weakened by the Death of so great a number of brave Officers and Soldiers; not to speak of the desertion which has been also very great, notwithstanding any thing we could do to hinder it. Nevertheless by the care that the Marquis d' Vxelles, Monsieur de Melac and I have taken, your Majesty's Army is at present in an incomparable better condition than it was  
We have given it good Winter Quarters, which has much contributed to its refreshment, and cause the Diseases to abate: After that we have set ourselves to work with heat and success to make the necessary recruits to render the Regiments complete, and that by the means of Money, which we are to consider in that Country as the Materia prima, and the second cause, which makes that it is adored among the Germans, and that by this means your Majesty will never want Soldiers.  
The King seeing Monsieur de Melac, who followed the Marshal de Lorge, addressed himself to him, and said to him, Melac, have you brought a List of the Villages that you have burnt in Germany, and particularly in the Palatinate and along the Rhine?  
Melac answered, Sir, I have not yet made it, but if your Majesty desires it, I will make one immediately.  
His Majesty answered him, you will do me a kindness, and you must take care at the same time to mark those that remain to be burnt.  
Afterwards his Majesty addressed himself to the Marquis d' Vxelles, who had likewise followed the Duke de Lorge, and said to him, d' Vxelles, I am not altogether satisfied with the way of your living, and I have heard many disadvantageous things to your Reputation; for I am informed every day that you plunge yourself into the dirty Debaucheries of the Duke de Vendosme; altho' on the other side I do not dislike your Services; and I have given you sufficient marks by conferring upon you the charge of Lieutenant General, in memory of the Siege of Mayence, that you defended seven weeks together against an Army of one hundred thousand Men, which had at their Head the Duke of Lorraine, and all the Electors of the Empire.  
The Marquis d' Vxelles answered, Sir, I very well see that I have great Enemies at Court: But I pray your Majesty to be persuaded that all these false reports that have come to your Ears, do own their Birth only to the jealousy and misunderstanding of some Generals, whom I shall name in time and place, in order to clear myself when your Majesty shall please to order me.  
His Majesty answered, the time is too short to enter into such a discussion; greater affairs call me into Flanders; so I reserve to inform myself of all these matters at my return from the Campaign.  
After which his Majesty turning himself towards Monsieur the Duke de Lorge, said to him, de Lorge, I have called you to assist in this Council of War to reveal to you a great design. I have resolved to march into Flanders at the Head of an Army of one hundred and fifty thousand Men; the time presses, and the undertaking is important, so I shall have occasion for all my Forces. I have already given orders to make all the regulate Troops to come, that I have in Italy, except nine thousand Men; for according to the report that Catinat has just now made me, I judge that my Enemies will undertake nothing on that side.  
Besides, that I have let the Duke de Novailles know that my will was that he should make a Detachment of three thousand Men, of his best Troops, and that he should make them march apace, to the end they might be in the nick of time at the Rendevouse.  
The business in Hand then is to know the number of the Troops of my Army in Germany, the Detachment that you are in a condition to make, and those you have occasion for to cover my Conquests with on that side.  
Sir, answered the Marshal de Lorge, your Majesty's Army in Germany may amount to about fifty thousand Men, reckoning the Garrisons of Strasbourg, of Philipsbourg, and the other places; so you may depend upon a Detachment of twenty or twenty five thousand Men; the other twenty five thousand which remain shall be ordered for the preservation of the Country, of which I can at any time form an Army of ten thousand Men, which will be more than sufficient to observe the Enemy, and the rest shall be distributed in the Garrisons of the Frontier places.  
But, answered his Majesty, could not the Germans during that time make use of your weakness and undertake the Siege of Philipsbourg, or Landaw, or else Mont Royal, that the deceased Duke of Lorraine looked upon as the Flower of all my Fortresses, and insomuch that he was resolved to have it at any rate? Or at least can they not make some considerable ravage in the Country, and oblige me to quit a great undertaking half begun? As I do not march unprofitably, but to gather Laurels, and that Victory may follow me wherever I go, I should have an inconceivable trouble, if a Reverse should happen to me, and that that should fall out for having failed of good Intelligence.  
Sir, replied the Marshal de Lorge, the Germans go not so fast in business; your Majesty makes them gain at this time more Conquests, than they will make in three Campaigns.  
They are too great Friends to their Ease and good Cheer to forsake their Winter Quarters in the Month of May.  
Now I think on't de Lorge, says his Majesty, How did you Govern yourself the last Campaign, which was that of 1691. for I hear that their Army was strong.  
Sir, answered the Lorge, this Campaign was passed like the rest, that is to say, in disputing the Ground. But as the Confederate Army, commanded by the late Elector of Saxony, came very late into the Field, which is the Original Sin of the Germans, that of your Majesty had two months' sooner the Enemy's Country at her discretion.  
After having caused the Forage to be consumed on the Right and Left, as I had Orders from your Majesty to keep myself upon the Defensive, I repassed the Rhine upon the Arrival of the Enemy's Army.  
The Duke of Saxony pretended to follow me; but as he wanted more necessaries than I to make a Bridge, so I was on the other side before he was ready, and made myself first Master of the best Posts. The Marquis d Vxelles made on his side, with a Flying Camp, all the necessary Marches and Counter-marches, as well to cover the Place, as to give false Alarms to the Enemies. Monsieur de Melac opened the Campaign by thirty Villages that he Burnt with a very good Grace. As he is the ablest Incendiary of Europe, so he has reason to hope for a Mareschals Staff for recompense.  
But, says his Majesty, How did then the Designs of the Elector of Saxony end?  
Sir, answered the Lorge, this Elector was a good Prince, made much of by the God Mars, but a lover of Joy, of Pleasure and of good Cheer; Brave otherwise as the Sword he wore. But as he was not absolute in the Army, and that I had the secret to divide them, I knew always beforehand by the means of my Spies and my Intelligence, all the Resolutions taken in their Council: Besides I do not know a Nation more liable to be Corrupted than the Brabancons; at the sight of a Golden Calf they all Humble and Prostrate themselves. St. Lovis was a great Saint in Germany as well as in Flanders: I speak as to particulars, because as to the general, each People have their Scaevola, who had rather Dye a Thousand times than betray their Country.  
To come back to my Subject, the Division began, and the Sickness accomplished the ruin of their Army, which coming to want Provisions by the defect of the Magazines, saw themselves reduced to the brink of falling into great extremities.  
The Elector himself having felt in his own Person part of the Evils, which began to afflict his Army, went out of the Camp, and caused himself to be carried, Sick of the Bloody Flux to Frankfort. Sometime after I heard of his Death, which made an end of the Expeditions of the Campaign of the Germans for the Year 1691.  
But, answered the King, that does not follow, and does not prove that it will be the same this year. The Germans may come again to themselves, make just reflections, and enter into their true Interests; and as they have a mighty Spur, which is the Prince of Orange; and have on the other side from Forty to Fifty Thousand Men; if they should come all of a sudden to pass the Rhine and force you, I am persuaded that you would be in a great confusion, having but Ten Thousand Men to oppose them. So that coming to lose a Battle, I should lose the Fairest Flower of my Crown, and my good Fortune, which has promised not to quit me but in the Grave, would bid me eternally Farewell. Besides that, the Turk my Ally, whom I have till now strove to raise up in his hopes, by the consideration of the Progress that I have made upon the Rhine, would turn his Back upon me, and making his separate Peace with the Emperor our common Enemy, I should find myself in a very ill condition.  
Sir, answered the Lorge, do not forge unto yourself Monsters for fight them. The Picture that your Majesty now makes of the present State of Germany, is nothing less than such. To be fully persuaded therein we need reflect only upon what has been done on that side, since the beginning of the War till now.  
Three Campaigns are passed without having gained one Inch of Ground upon your Majesty; and if the Deceased Duke of Lorraine, whom we might have called with Justice the Turenne of Germany, had not by his Vigilance and his Bravery, stirred up and animated the Electors to take the Reins in their Hands, and Unite all together, to raise again the Glory of the Empire, to work for her preservation, and to set themselves in opposition to the Violence of the Common Enemy, that same would not have been compassed. So that in the Campaign which was of 1689. we saw them bestir themselves, and minding their business hearty, they formed the Siege of Ma●●ence, of Bon and of Keiserswert, of which they made themselves Masters. But this great Zeal which had so ●●rongly animated them, cooled by little and little, and was wholly stifled by the Death of him who had first raised it. Besides, if your Majesty wishes to have a more sensible proof of what your Enemies are in a condition to undertake on that side; you have only to follow the course of the Rhi●e, in beginning by the Palatinate, so to Coleg●●, and then to consider the condition which most of the Members of the Empire have been reduced to since the Rupture of the Truce.  
Let us begin with the Palatinate: I do not think that your Majesty has any thing to fear on that side, since it is only a Melancholy remainder of what escaped the Fury of the Soldiers, and the Barbarity of the Incendiaries, and by consequence worthier of pity and compassion than to be feared.  
As for the Elector Palatine, he is a brave Prince, and who might be feared if he had Power in his Hands.  
Let us go on to the Elector of Mayence; neither will he put himself at the Head of the Imperial Army to Command it, because on the other side it is not his business. I am persuaded that he will be very sorry to have changed his Cross for a Marshal's Staff, and he ought long ago to have remembered the Alliance of your Majesty, and to have, more than he did, harkened to the French Sirens, which obstinacy hath made him become a Prince without Land, an Archbishop without a Diocese, and a Shepherd without a ●lock, and he would have been still in the same condition if the Deceased D●ke of Lorraine, and the Allies had not taken up Arms in his Favour, to recover him a part of his Country; as for the rest, the Charge of the War hath Eat it up, and his Countries have been in so great a desolation, that they have still need of Succour from the Emperor to preserve them; whereupon your Majesty has nothing to fear on that side.  
Let us speak one word of the Elector of Treves; neither is War his business, and his Sword seems to me, never to have done hurt to any body. That does not hinder him to be one of the Bravest Princes of the Empire, but also one of the most unhappy, by the entire Desolation of his Countries, which have felt the first Fury of the War, and saw themselves exposed to the Violence of the Soldiers, the Walls of his Capital City laid even with the Ground, the Castle of his residence Battered with Cannon Shot, and Coblens overwhelmed under a Shower of Bombs which have been thrown in at several times.  
As for the Bishop of Munster, he is so extremely changed since the two first Campaigns, that the A●●ies have no reason to depend upo● him, nor upon his Troops, so that you● Majesty has no reason neither to fear any thing from him, or that he for his part will come to trouble your— undertake.  
As to what regards the Electorat of Cologne, we may put them into the number of those who have greatly suffered, having been the Seat of War all the time that the dispute between the Cardinal de Furestemburgh and Prince Joseph Clement remained undecided, and which was at last ended only by force of Arms, which had like to have overturned that State, and utterly to have ruined it. So that that Diocese will need many years quiet to repair her lost forces and recover her ancient liberty.  
Be it as it will, the Prince Joseph Clement is brave, and of whom there is great hopes; but on the other side he is too young to measure his Sword with your Majesty; so you have no occasion to fear any thing from that Quarter. From the Borders of the Rhine, let us go a little farther into the Country, and see if there is some new Caesar which could carry the Glory of Germany so far, as did formerly that great Captain of the Romans; I would say a Prince a little resolved, who should come and put himself at the Head of the Germans, to serve them for a Sting, and animate them by his presence.  
I only see the Elector of Saxony who succeeds to that Electorship, vacant by the Death of the Elector his Father, and who seems to be engaged to follow the Interest of the Elector of Brandenburg, by reason of the ailyance of the Princess of Anspach his Cousin, whom he has lately Married. But as he is a new Married Man, he will be glad to enjoy during the Summer the first sweetness of his Marriage, giving nevertheless the Command of his Troops to Monsieur Schoning our good Friend, heretofore in the service of the Elector of Brandenburg, and at present happily received and accepted General of the Troops of Saxony, so that your Majesty has no more need to fear any thing on that side: One Countermarch may be of great use.  
But, says his Majesty, you say nothing of the Electors of Brandenburg and Bavaria, nor of the Princes of the Houses of Ha●over, who are notwithstanding the Right Hand of all Germany, and who may when they think fit Form a Party to balance all the Power of the Emperor, and of the other less potent Princes of the Empire.  
Sir, answered the Lorge, I do not pretend to talk off the Electors of Brandenburg and Bavaria; and m●ch less of the House of Hanover, because these Princes having a greater share in supporting the War of Flanders than that of Germany, since they have the greatest part of their Troops in that Country, and that according to my judgement, they are resolved to make very great efforts, I leave the care to Monsieur de Luxemburgh to discourse it throughly, being resolved to meddle with nothing but the affairs of the Rhine.  
But if your Majesty desires I should speak a word by the way, I will obey you willingly, and add to what has been said of the Princes of the Empire, that to what relates to the Duke of Bavaria, we do not doubt but he is brave in his Person, and perhaps one of the greatest Princes, that the Empire has yet produced; he hath given signal marks in Hungary, where he has done for his Age, Actions worthy to be put in Parallel with what the boldest and most glorious Captains have done; I add to all that, that the Campaign of 1689. in which he Commanded with the late Elector of Saxony, the Army of the Confederates upon the Rhine; the Dauphin, to whom your Majesty had given the Command in Chief of your Army, had all the trouble imaginable, and was obliged to make use of all the tricks of War, to avoid a Battle; whilst that his Brother-in-Law the Duke of Bavaria made on his side great Marches, and forced all that opposed his passage to come to engage; so far it is true that Hatred becomes more and more irreconcilable when it is born amongst Relations or Friends. But the failing of Generals, by the Death of two of the greatest Captains of the Age, Lorraine and Schomberg, and the pressing necessities that the Allies found themselves in, by the progress that your Arms had made in Flanders, Savoy, Catalonia, and upon the Rhine, was the cause that he went to Command in Italy, and from thence into Flanders, where he actually is.  
It were only to be wished by them, that his Electoral Highness would use a little more Circumspection in the choice he makes of his Domestics, and principally of his Musicians, who wriggle themselves into his Chapel, in the Habit of a Priest or Monk, not to say of a Fox, for nothing but to see what passes, and discover to his Enemies his most secret undertake; which is the greatest misfortune that can happen to a General; and that he ought to endeavour to avoid as a plague capable to spoil all he does, to ruin his reputation, to make him unhappy, and baffle all his great designs.  
But it is an Universal Malady amongst all the Allies; and there are very few of their Generals, who have yet found the secret to preserve themselves; and this is just the defect of their Breastplate, and by which your Majesty carries even into the Heart your most formidable Blows, and that all the French Generals look upon at this day, as the Seed of the Laurels and Victories they have heaped up one upon another. Your Majesty may conclude from all that I have reported of the Elector of Bavaria, that this Prince will be for the future so strongly employed in other places that I do not think we shall see him any more at the Head of the Armies of the Rhine.  
But the Elector of Brandenburg, says his Majesty, could not he come in Person, for by what I can learn he is to make the Campaign, without being able to understand where he is to Command.  
Sir, answered the Lorge, I have told your Majesty, and I'll repeat it again, that all these considerations ought not to stop the course of your Erterprises. The Elector of Brandenburg has to straight Engagements with the Prince of Orange to leave Brabant.  
These two Princes are inseparable, and will always hold together Mutually to maintain their Interests: It is not necessary I should enlarge thereupon, nor that I should search Proofs at a distance; the Catastrophe th●t happened in England, furnishes a convincing Argument, and we may say, that this was the only Elector amongst all the Members of the Empire to whom the Prince of Orange had opened his Heart, and put confidence in.  
So the Elector on his side favoured his design as well by his Troops, as by the Marshal de Schomberg, whom he offered him with a●l freedom of Heart.  
So in Flanders, since the beginning of the War till now, and also during the time the Prince of Orange laboured in Ireland for the reduction of that Kingdom, the Elector made it his chief Study to Act jointly with Prince Waldeck, and we never ●●ve seen him come back again to the R●●e, to quit the Command of ●is Troops which are almost all in the Service of the United Provinces.  
I add also here, that I am persuaded that your Majesty has lost mu●● by the Death of the late Elector his Father, if you consider the free access, and the liberty that he gave to your Ministers, who had thereby the occasion to enter into the Cabinet of that Prince, to collect his most secret Thoughts; Monsieur the Rebenack knows it better than any one; but now it is no more so.  
The death of the late Electrice has also deprived you of a good part of your best Intelligences, so that to renew them in this Court, you must implore the assistance of St. Lovis, and bestow behind the Curtain a good number of Pistols, after which your Majesty will be Master of the Secrets there, as you are in all other places.  
But, answered his Majesty, as to matter of Intelligence, I just now learned with a great deal of regret, and also with some kind of trouble, that the poor General Schoning was arrested by order of the Emperor, and carried to Spielberg in Moravia where he is Condemned to a perpetual prison. That troubles me so much the more, because I lose in him one of the most faithful Correspondents that I had in all Germany, and in one word a second Fustemberg.  
I shall never forget the Obligation I have to him, and the Siege of Bon, where he found the Means to make it hold out five whole Months after it was Bombarded which was of great help to me, to amuse the Elector of Brandenburg the whole Campaign.  
If the good Man had been believed other Affairs would have fallen'n well out.  
Sir, your Majesty will never fail of Spies, if you do but largely reward them. Money has charms whose Brightness dazzle a Man's Reason, and makes all things to be undertaken; and if your Enemies had this secret, your Majesty would not reckon so many Victories nor Conquests: But their parsimony has served more to bring your Majesty to the Period whither you are at present come, than your great and numerous Armies.  
A Secret Bought is worth a Battle won, and a Governor corrupted is worth the Conquest of an Important City. So I advise you to keep yourself always at the Trunk of a Tree, in following step by step the Tracts of Richiieu and Mazarine, who have so worthily instructed you, in tracing their ways to come ●o the end of your undertake, and ●● come at last to the Universal Monarchy 〈◊〉 the Cent●● of all your Glorious undertaking.  
As to the matter of Monarchy, ●nswe●●d his Majesty, say what you t●●nk of ●●e Princes of the House of Hanover, and let us make an end of talking of the Affairs of Germany, with the Chief of the Empire.  
As to what regards, says the Lorge, the Princes of the House of Hanover, your Majesty has had even to this time no reason to complain of their Hostilities.  
They love Tranquillity too well, to fear they should come to put themselves at the Head of the Germans, to pass the Rhine Headlong, and for the Glory of the Nation hazard a Battle. As to their Troops which are the finest of Europe, the Prince of Orange has found the means to engage them in his service, in making the Emperor agree, that the Eldest Duke of the Family should augment the number of Electors, and that he should be received into the Electoral College. Which shows that the Prince of Orange is looked upon at present, as the Star that Governs in the World, and that he has only to desire in order to obtain.  
Prerogatives of a Prince, which he hath acquired, without thinking of the Universal Monarchy, to which your Majesty has aspired, since so many years, and for which you have so mercilessly caused so much Blood to be spilt, and so many States, and Provinces to be overthrown, and so many People to be ruined, whilst this Prince Arrives by the way of Sweetness and complacency— and by gaining the Friendship of the People, who regard him already as their Deliverer, and another Joshua, ready to stop the 
* The King of France.  Sun in the midst of his course  
I forgot to tell you, says his Majesty, that my Agent Bidal has let me know that the Landgrave of Hesse, Cassel, and the Margrave de Bareith are to Command the Armies of the Confederates upon the Rhine, so you will have occasion of a great deal of management; I recommend to to you above all to avoid a Battle.  
Sir, says de Lorge, rest satisfied thereupon, if they are two, I have the secret in Hand to divide them, and I promise myself beforehand with my small number a glorious Campaign.  
But, says his Majesty, do you know well the Landgrave de Hessel Cassel? do you know that he and the Prince of Orange are two Heads in one Cap, that he is brave in his Person, and that he is to be feared?  
Sir, answered the Lorge, yes if he was alone, but it is sufficient they are two to Command, and by consequence two Heads, of which each will have his Counsellors; rest satisfied that I will accomplish it, alios vidimus ventos, says Virgil.  
We have seen other Outrages and Tempests, and it is no new thing that we fight against two Chiefs. We do not see Prudence and Wisdom divided and parted, in all the parts of Human Body, but she resides, and has her principal Seat in the Brain of a Man.  
A Body which should have two Souls, would be deprived of this agreeable Harmony which produces health, and which causes all the parts that compose it to Act in order. It is the same with an Army, which is Commanded by two Generals. It is impossible they should be free from division, which is more pernicious than the loss of Battles.  
Besides de Lorge, says his Majesty, if the Emperor Leopold stirred up by my Example, or by Imitation of the Roman Emperors, his Predecessors, should of a sudden take the resolution to come himself at the Head of the Army upon the Rhine to govern it, and see what passes there, I must own I should be in a great deal of trouble upon this account, and that you would be in no less than I, because I am persuaded that the presence of a Prince, who shows and exposes himself to danger in sight of his Soldiers, and of his Generals, is a mighty Example. If the Ottoman Emperor my Ally, would have believed me, and have harkened to my Ambassador the Baron de Chasteau Neuf, he would have come in Person to have put himself at the Head of his Armies in Hungary, I doubt not but he would thereby have preserved all his Conquests, carried the dread for the second time to the Gates of Vienna, and saved many Battles, lost by the fault of his Viziers.  
Sir, answered the Duke de Lorge, the Emperor Leopold and his Nephew Charles the II. King of Spain are not so Ambitious as your Majesty. These are two good Princes, who seek only Repose and Peace, and shun the Cruelties of the War. And if your Majesty had not constrained them to take up Arms to maintain their Interests, and those of all Europe, they would not have troubled themselves at this time to go and gather Laurels in the Field of Mars; this God doth not Sympathise with those Princes; Apollo has many other Charms, and Mount Parnassus other Enchantments. Formerly Orpheus by the sweetness of Instruments drew to him all the Beasts; and also the insensible Creatures, the Rocks and the Woods could not defend themselves from his attractive Harmony. It is true, that if Charlemaigne, Charles the V and Philip the II. should come from the other World, this reproach would without doubt be made them. But every Prince has his Passions, his Inclinations, and his Weaknesses; your Majesty loves War, the late King Charles the II. King of England loved the fair Sex, and your Majesty took care to make him a Present of Mistresses.  
The Roman Emperor loves a Harmony; make him a Present of Musicians, and they will take care to inform you of all that passes at the Court of Vienna.  
I understand also Sir, that the Electors at present, for the most part, Study the Inclinations of their Prince, and strive to imitate him in all things, which is the reason they are all almost lovers of Music. So there remains no more for your Majesty to do, than to make a provision of Musicians, (Brabant above all abounds of such) and send them into all the Courts of Germany, and this will be a Sovereign remedy to know and discover all.  
What I have just now said furnishes me yet with one thought, which is, that it is not to be wondered at (as a politic Spaniard did once very judiciously say) that your Majesty has surpased Henry the iv Lewis the XIII. and in a word all your predecessors, by a great number of events, which have happened during your Reign, and which are solely owing to the Wisdom, and to the good fortune of your Majesty, since we see that the Imbecility of Princes, who have Reigned in your time, have as much, and also more contributed thereunto. If you had had for Competitors, Queen Elizabeth, Gustavus Adolphus, and Charles the V which would have disputed the Ground with you; as you had Charles the II. and James the II. Kings of England the Emperor Leopold, and Charles the II. King of Spain, who have let you undertake any thing, I am persuaded you would not have got so many Victories. But this is the unhappy condition of States. The downfall of one is the rise of the other. I say also farther; if it should happen, by way of fatality, as we may say, that the Prince of Orange was not met with in your Reign, and also that being met with, he had not been animated with another Zeal than the rest of the Princes of Europe, for the defence of their Countries, and the preservation of their Liberties, all would long since have fallen under the weight of your Arms, and your Majesty would have finished the great Work of the Universal Monarchy.  
But, says his Majesty, what do you hear of the Negotiation of the Peace between the two Empires? Monsieur Harboured Envoy of the Prince of Orange, has he been well received by the Grand Vizier? I know the interview was to be at Belgrade, what have you learned, and what are your thoughts thereupon? Do you believe that he will succeed better than Pensionary Hop and the Knight Hussey have done before?  
Sir, answered the Lorge, I know from good Hands that the Grand Signior wishes for a Peace, and that the People will have it at any rate; so your Majesty has no more time to lose, and there wants but one moment to conclude it, and to reconcile these two Powers. The French Sirens who are at the Court of the Grand Signior, begin to lose a little of the Charms of their Singing and their Melody, as well as their credit. The Louis d' Orseolo are so strongly cried down at Constantinople, that no Body will have any more to do with them.  
I advise then your Majesty to push on your great designs; the time presses, prevent your Enemy in the Field; your Majesty being at the Head of a flourishing Army, may go fall on where you think fit, and carry one of the strongest places of Europe.  
I advise you again to make your last efforts, to come to a Peace, an to hinder the conclusion of the Truce between the two Emperors, and if Money is not capable to hinder it, to employ yet more Sovereign remedies, the Secrets of 
† Harboured poisoned.  Brinvilliers in the Hands of a French Cook are infallible.  
As soon as the Marshal de Lorge, was gone out of the Chamber, the King ordered that the Count de Tourville and John Barts should come in.  
Tourville, says his Majesty, I have two great designs in hand, and I have chose you to execute the one, whilst I am going to execute the other at the Head of an Army, of one Hundred and Fifty Thousand Men. There is no time to lose, the occasion is pressing, and the resolution is taken.  
First, I propose to myself to re-establish King James upon the Throne of England: And in the second place to constrain my Enemies, who have flattered themselves to stop the Course of my Conquests, to ask for a Peace.  
Sir, says Tourville, nothing is impossible for your Majesty; you have a formidable Fleet which makes you Master of the Sea, & which obliges your Enemies to yield you that Empire, for which so many Nations have spilt their Blood.  
The English and the Dutch boasted themselves till now to possess it, but the glorious Fight of 1690. has decided it to the advantage of your Majesty, so you are in a condition to undertake all that you please on that side. By Land your Majesty is no less formidable, you have great and Valiant Armies, always ready for the execution of your vast undertake; you have able Generals to Command them, who Work for nothing but the Glory of their Prince; and which is more, you have the Philosopher's Stone in your Hand, that is to say, the secret to draw from your Subjects what Money you please, which renders you formidable to all Europe, and makes you always Triumphant.  
That's not the matter in hand, says his Majesty, I well know that I am feared, by my Enemies; but by land I have more reason to trust to the good fortune of my Arms than by Sea. The English and the Hollanders seem to me yet to be feared, if a good understanding should once come to Reign amongst them.  
Sir, says Tourville, if your Majesty takes the pains to run over the History of your Reign, you will see many Victories that your Admirals have gained upon the Hollanders, who are also yet as much to be feared as the English; because besides the method they have of blowing up themselves rather than submit, they also otherwise fight like madmen. But let it be as it will, there has been several Fights during this reign, the chiefest of which was that of Tobago, where the Marshal d' Estre Sunk almost all the Holland Fleet; there have been also many others that Monsieur du Quesne had upon the Coasts of Sicily, in one of which the famous Ruyter, Admiral of Holland, was killed, which was a very sensible and irreparable loss for that Republic, and which she felt many years after. In another Fight all the Enemy's Fleet was burnt under the Canon of Palermo.  
But, says his Majesty, all those times are past, and experience has shown me in the year 1690. when you fought against the Hollanders, which were in all but Twenty Four great Men of War, whereas you had Eighty Five, that you had nevertheless a great deal of trouble with that great number to draw yourself off from the Engagement; and I do not know whether my Fleet was more damaged than theirs; since you brought no other mark of Victory, than that of carrying back to Breast my Ships much disabled without having taken from the Enemies one simple Chaloop.  
Sir, says Tourville, I vow to your Majesty, that my surprise was great to see so small ● number resist and fight against a Fleet whi●h we had reason to take for Invincible, and I much doubt if that of Philip the II. which was so called when she went to the Conquest of three Kingdoms, was so Fine, so Formidable, and so Numerous in great Ships of War.  
Be it as it will, Sir, generally all the Fleet of your Majesty, fought against this small number, Monsieur de Gabaret had like to have been taken off with a Canon Bullet, and had more than Two Hundred killed aboard. Monsieur de Nesmo d did wonderfully well, but his Ship ●as so mauled, that we had a great deal of trouble to carry her off. Monsieur the Count d' Estre was Wounded in the Leg by a Splinter, and had a great number killed and wounded aboard. The Marquis de la Porte came off at no cheaper a rate than the Count d' Estre, and his Ship was greatly damaged.  
The Marquis de Vallette was obliged to Change his Ship, so much had she been shot through and through; he had above half his Equipage killed without reckoning the wounded. In short, Sir, what I Report here to your Majesty is but an abridgement of the losses we had, and I content myself to speak of the Admirals and Chiefs of Squadrons, passing over in silence a great number of Officers of less considerable Ships. But as to the rest your Majesty had the glory of the Fight and the Victory on your side.  
But that is not all, says his Majesty, you will have a stronger Enemy to fight with this Campaign, than the former, if I may believe my Spies in Holland, and chief at Amsterdam, who have let me know positively, that that Republic has resolved to put to Sea for her quota, a Fleet of Forty five great Ships, which being joined to Fifty that the English will furnish, will make a very potent Fleet; so I have reason to presage quite another Event, and if it should happen by misfortune that you should be beaten you will ruin all my undertake.  
Sir, says Tourville, if the English are only lookers on, as there is all appearance, I have the Victory in my Pocket.  
But do you know well, says his Majesty, that the Hollanders alone are almost as strong in number as you will be?  
Sir, it is no matter, says Tourville, the Naval Army of your Majesty, if actually of Forty Four great Ships, without reckoning the Six, which are yet at Dunkirk, and the fourteen th●t the Count d' Estre brings from Toulon, the which joined together, will make a Fleet more than sufficient to beat the Enemy, tho' the two Nations together should fight their best. I suppose also the advantage, that if it should happen by a misfortune, or by contrary Winds, that Monsieur d' Estre was not in a condition to join me, Sir I engage at the Peril of my Life, to go and attack them with the Forty Four which composes the main of the Fleet, and which i● more, to come back Glorious and Triumphant.  
Tourville, says his Majesty, have a care, who reckons without his Enemy reckons twice; Mazarine always told me, in my Youth, That Foresight and Wisdom made the first degree of the Fortune of the great ones; and that a Prince who did not foresee the Misfortunes which might happen to him, was not worthy to Reign. So I have always so strongly strove to follow the Maxims of that good Man, that I would never hazard any thing; and I have found myself very well satisfied with it. So I have ordered all my Generals, upon pain of Death, not to hazard a Battle, unless they were assured of the Victory.  
To make short then, Tourville, free you seem to have Courage enough, here is the order you must keep in attacking my Enemies.  
Having ranged my Fleet in Battalions, you must go straight upon them, and you must Post yourself opp●●●te and in presence of the English; after having ●…g up the red Flag, you must salute A●miral Rus●el very civilly with two broadsides of Canon, only with Powder, and without Ball: after this Salvo, and one moment after, you must make Sign to all my Fleet to do the same, an● that with Powder, in imitating you▪ this Ceremony being done, ●…u will know immediately if A●miral ●●s●●l en●…rag●th the Matter. For if I may believe K●ng J●mes, the Victory is ou●s: and at this Signal all the E●g●●●● will range themselves on my side and ●…in you. This Prelude being played, you must make ●…alf a turn to the left, and you must go Post yourself straight in the presence of the Hollanders▪ who you must vigorously attack with my whole Fleet: and as after the joining of the English Fleet, y●u will be stronger by half than they, I flatter myself already, beforehand, that you will obtain one of the m●st signalised Victories which has y●t been gained. I recommend to you, above all, to be I execrable, and to destroy without Pity and without Mercy, my Enemies, to exterminate them, and to act so that not one escape.  
Tourville, call to your remembrance the Fight of 1690. and see that that happens no more to you, to let the Hollanders retire, without taking one unhappy Bark from them.  
Whilst you shall be engaged, King James shall be upon the Coast to judge of the Blows, waiting for the Event; and the Descent into England will follow immediately after, and all that without losing time.  
The King asked for John Barts, who was retired out of the way: John Barts seeing his Majesty desired to speak with him, answered Sir, I am here.  
John Barts, says his Majesty, how go the Prizes? Do you take many of the English and Hollanders? For by what I can learn, these two Nations fear you.  
Sir, answered John Barts, I have resolved, saving your Majesty's good pleasure, to carry the French Piracy to so high a degree, that all the Capers of France shall have reason to call me their Father, their Patron and their Restorer; and, finally, after my death, those of S. Malo and Dunkirk shall canonize me in Memory of my great Actions, and my name placed in the Calendar, shall be named, The Feast of John Barts the holy Thief.  
In short, I hope, by the help of the Almighty, to outdo quickly, by my Tricks and my good Prizes, all that has been formerly most boldly done by the Mezomortes and those of Tripoli.  
But, answered his Majesty, if it should happen that you should fall into the Hands of your Enemies, I am persuaded that they would make you pass your time very ill.  
Sir, says John Barts, I fear nothing so much as the Zealand Capers, formerly my joint Brothers, and at present my mortal Enemies, because they are so angry that I have betrayed my Country and their Party, to embrace that of your Majesty's, that they will call me in their Language, Vrede Breeker, Breaker of the Peace, that they would never pardon me; besides, they cannot endure that I should surpass them in Malice, and that I should teach the French their Art, of which they are jealous even to the last degree.  
John Barts, says his Majesty, this is not all; I have two great Designs in hand, the one in Flanders and the other in England, and I see myself just upon the point of Execution, and to make it succeed, I shall have occasion for all my Forces by Sea and Land; so it is, and for that end I have called together all my Generals to take their Advice, and conduct this Enterprise with all the Prudence imaginable. My design is, then, to go into Flanders, at the Head of an Army of 150000 Men, and to form the Siege of the strongest place of Europe; whilst I shall be busy in the execution of it, you must get together all my Capers and form a Fleet, of which I make you, from this time, Admiral, in consideration of your good Services; and you must act on one side, whilst the Count de Tourville shall act on the other, according to the Orders I have given him; and you must make your Movements and your Courses, with your flying Camp of Pirates, being well settled in Concert and Intelligence with Tourville: As to the rest, I recommend to you the Secret.  
Assoon as the Count de Tourville and John Barts were gone out, his Majesty order d, That Monsieur de Pompone should come.  
Pompone, says the King, I recommend to you my Kingdom, I am just upon my departure, the Resolutions are taken, and I am to be in Flanders at the Head of 150000 Men; so I leave you the Reins of Government, during my absence. You are the wisest of my Ministers, and after the death of poor Louvois, I knew not how to make choice of a worthier Subject than you. Father La Chaize, my Confessor, is not contented; and the old Quarrels that these good Fathers have had, with your Uncle Monsieur Arnaud, run still in their Heads.  
Sir, says Pompone, the Jansenists will always flourish in your Kingdom in spite of the Reverend Fathers of the Society, and of their violent Prejudices against them. I know what I have suffered upon their account, having tried many Storms, which had made me resolve upon a voluntary Banishment, in retireing into the Country, to be secure from their Persecution and their Rage; Monsieur de Louvois neither was none of my best Friends; he had too much correspondence with Father la Chaize, not to join Forces and attempt my Ruin every way he could; but without ransacking the Ashes of the dead, I rejoice to see my Innocence applauded by the confidence your Majesty reposes in me concerning the Affairs of your Kingdom.  
As you have been, says his Majesty, in Embassy in Holland, and that you know perfectly the Genius and Interest of that Republic, I have but one word to say to you, to make you apprehend immediately what is my end, in going to the Head of my Armies; it is one Home-push for the Game, and the only one to come to a Peace; Luxemburgh made me see it as clear as the day.  
Sir, says Pompone, it is high time for your Majesty to begin to set bounds to your Ambition, and that you cherish your People; the whole Kingdom is oppressed, and groans under the heavy Burden of Imposts and Subsidies, and therefore 'tis dangerous for so great a Prince as you, to expose himself too much.  
If the Presence of your Majesty is necessary in your Army, it is no less so in your Kingdom, where you support your Power and Sovereignty, and dissipate the Plots of the Malcontents; which keeps Prosperity among your People, and preserves the Harmony that is necessary between him that commands and those that obey.  
We have experienced in all Ages past, that those Kings who have stayed at home in their Closets have executed greater things, than those have done, whom Ambition and an insatiable desire of Glory have carried even to the extremities of the World. Charles V and Lovis XI. have achieved greater Exploits, without going out of their Palace, than did Lovis the Young and Philip the August, in passing the Seas, and in carrying their Arms into Africa; we still feel the smart of what was occasioned in France, by the Imprisonment of St. Lovis, of King John, and of Francis I. Sir, these are Wounds to the State, and irreparable Losses when they hap.  
Pompone, says his Majesty, the Resolution is taken, and the Dice is thrown; this Campaign will be no more dangerous for my Person, than that of Mons was, and so many others that I have made in my Reign; Fortune cherishes me too much, to leave me now I am in so fair a Career.  
A King is never Great nor Illustrious, who has not carried his Arms among Strangers to make them know his Strength, and to make them feel the sweetness and equity of his Commands. I had all my Life an aversion for those slothful Kings of the first Race, who did not govern their Countries, but suffered themselves to be governed by the Grandees; nothing is more pernicious to a Prince, than Luxury and too much Repose. Nero, whose first years were so admirable and so great, eclipsed the lustre of them by his Debau●hes and his Cruelties, which were but the fatal consequence or Idleness.  
Sir, answered Pompone, if your Majesty has so concluded, and that you think it fit, for the way to a Peace, I wish you all Prosperity and a happy Campaign.  
The time of my departure draws near, sa●● his Majesty; I recommend to you, above all, to have an Eye upon the new Catholics, whom I look upon, in my Absence, as Enemies most to be feared. You know what care I have taken to bring them back to the bosom of the Church, an● how I have b●en forced to use them, to pluck up this cursed Tare which has mixed itself with the good Corn.  
Sir, answered Pomp●ne, I do not know, if your Majesty had all the reason in the World to deliver them so merciles●y to the resentment of their Enemies; for my particular, I felt a part of their Misfortunes, and Father la Chaiz● gave me no better Quarters than them.  
Your Illustrious Predecessors, witness the Grandfather of your Majesty, H●n y iv came to the Crown only by their assistance. They did h●m so great Services, when he saw himself overwhelmed by the Catholics, who 〈◊〉 ma●e a considerable Party, ca ●'d T●e League, that he woul● have undoubtedly sunk without their Assistance; so, in memory of their Fidelity, he gra●ted them the Edict of Na●●s. So that your Majesty ought to consider, that if you have, at this day, the Crown upon your Head, as a most worthy Successor of that Great Henry, you are no ●ess beholding to them than your Grandfather.  
Pompone, says his Majesty, let us talk of other things. It suffices to tell you, That the G ●●●es of ●…y Conscience, having so ordered it, it was no longer in my Power to oppose it. In short, I am going, an● therefore recommend to you, abo●e all my Kingdom, my new Converts▪ I recommend to you the Queen of Great B●itain, the Prince of Wales, a●● the Infant of E● land, visit them often and comfort them in their ● sgrace; te●● them, from me, T●●t I go where Glory calls me, to heap up Laurels, an● to accomplish their re-establishment.  
I recommend also to you my S●● the D●uphi●… take care above all, to represent to ●●m the Injury he does to his Reputation, to love rather the Pleasures of Diana and the Hunting of the Wolf than the noble Works of Mars.  
I recommend to you also the three young Princes, my grandchildren; entertain them, above all, with the great Actions of their Grandfather; I recommend to you chief the Eldest, the Duke of Burgundy, whom I used to call the Prince of Co●de; because that truly we see, as it were reb●rn in h●m all the shining Qualities of that Prince.  
I recommend to you, in short, all the Intelligences that I have in Foreign Courts, have a care of them: receive the Letters that shall be writ to me, and cause the Sums designed for the Pensions I pay them, to be returned. I also very carefully recommend to you my Treasury; assist Ponchart●aine with your good Advice, and lend him your Hand in working jointly for settling a Fund for the next Campaign.  
Money is the Sinew of War, without it I should be a K●ng without Power, and all my great Designs would evaporate int●●moak.  
Sir, says Pompone, they report of Dag●bert, that he was so j●st and free towards the Churches, That he caused the Church of St. Dennis to be covered with Silver. But your Majesty makes another use of Money, you have a quite different Pity and Justice from that Prince. You imitate rather him, who finding the 12 Apostles of Massy Silver in a Church, caused them to be taken from the Altar; and having made them into Money, told them, That they should go Preach, throughout the whole World, according to the order that Jesus Christ had given them.  
Monsieur de Pompone being gone out, the King ordered, that Messieurs de Barbesieux and de Chanlais should come in in all haste.  
Barbesieux, says his Majesty, the Resolutions are taken; I have a great Design in hand: Silence, we are now at the point to bring great things to Light; the Campaign of Mons had nothing like it.  
Ha! what then! Sir, says Barbesieux.  
I am a going, says his Majesty, into Flanders, at the Head of an Army of 150000 Men, to form the Siege of the Key of all the Low Countries.: Luxemburgh has should it me as clear as the Sun at Noon.  
Sir, says Chanlais, your Majesty must make haste, for I hear that the Prince of Orange will come a Month sooner into the Field than he did last year.  
It is no matter, says his Majesty, I shall have near 80000 Men more than he, and I shall be covered by three potent Armies; besides, I will make Boufflers go before and possess himself of the Passages. Luxemburgh has assured me, that I have no more cause to fear, than if I were at Versailles.  
Sir, answered Barbesieux, if that be so, your Majesty will have a good Bargain for all you shall undertake, whilst that the Prince of Orange fatigues and exposes himself to the most eminent Dangers.  
Sir, says Chanlais, Gold and Treason are at this day two great double Keys to your Majesty; besides, that they open all Gates, they operate more in a moment than great Armies do in a Summer's Expedition.  
Both the one and the other must be had, says his Majesty; I have found out the means to tame the Lion and the Fox, which were heretofore incompatible, and I only march now to take Possession of what I have bought before.  
Sir, says Barbesieux, that is not all; your Majesty must seek the shortest way to come quickly to a Peace; the want of every thing is a dangerous Disease, which gins to be felt throughout your Kingdom.  
Barbesieux, you speak home, says his Majesty, and all the advantage I propose to myself, by this Expedition, is to come to the way of a Peace.  
Sir, says Barbesieux, I have yet a shorter way, and more abridged than that, to come to a Peace.  
Ha! what? says his Majesty.  
It is to put in execution the Project that my deceased Father, the Marquis de Louvois, had begun the rough draught of, and which he left in his Cabinet after his death; that is, the White that is the Centre whereto all your Majesty's Erterprises should tend.  
What must be done then, says his Majesty?  
Sir, the Business in hand, is to send the Prince of Orange, Chief of the League, ad Patres, if your Majesty will consent to it. It is he that sits at the Helm, and is the chiefest Promoter of this War, who draws by his Rapidity, the Princes and the Circles of the Empire, as well as the other States at present in War with your Majesty.  
Sir, added Chanlais, thereby King James will remount his Throne immediately, and your Majesty will impose what Laws you please to the Allies, who then would see themselves without a Head, and would be like a Flock without a Shepherd. The Dogs of England coming to fail, the Wolf would enter into the Park, sacrificing all to her rage, without Pity and without Mercy.  
But, says his Majesty, how can that be? Such an Undertaking gives me Horror.  
Sir, says Barbesieux, that's not the matter in hand; your Majesty is in the Mire, as we say, you must draw yourself out of it cost what it will.  
But good God, says his Majesty, if the World should come to know that I had consented to so black an Attempt, what would they say of me?  
When I shall have throughly acquainted your Majesty, says Barbesieux, with the Importance of the Project and the easiness of the Execution, we will look out for Remedies to cure the niceness of your Conscience.  
What is your Opinion of it, then, says his Majesty?  
Sir, says Barbesieux, I have two profligate Men ready, grandval and Dumont, who shall be the Undertakers of this glorious Tragedy; I will charge myself with the Event, and will answer for the Success.  
Ho! ho! says his Majesty, you have then your People ready.  
Sir, says Barbesieux, the late Marquis de Louvois, my Father, has been so happy as to do your Majesty some considerable Services, during your Reign, and he would have added this to the rest of his good Deeds, if Death had not cut him off; but having snatched him out of the World, when he thought the least of it, he charged me, as his worthy Son, to proceed to the execution of his last Will, and to be Assistant to this great Work.  
Ha', ha', says his Majesty, Louvois had then undertaken it, had he? I should never have thought that of him.  
Sir, says Barbesieux, is your Majesty ignorant then, that the death of the Duke of Lorraine, and now of late, the Knight Harboard, hath been procured by our means, with the help of a little Poison? We have brought the Affairs of the War on the Rhine into a good Posture, and caused, on a sudden, all the Propositions of Peace to vanish, that the Turk, your Ally, made to the Emperor. No Sir, that your Majesty may not flatter yourself, you own all to Poison, to Money and to Treason; and if you had not on your side these great and mighty Springs, you would never with all your numerous Armies, have pushed on your Frontiers so far.  
Let us speak softly, says his Majesty, for fear some of my Enemies should be here; I would not for a hundred such Crowns as I wear, this should come to the Ears of the Prince of Orange.  
Sir, added Chanlais, your Majesty must know, That there is no Prince in the World who marches with more freedom and simplicity, than the Prince of Orange. He exposes himself to Danger without troubling himself about the Event; Predestination alone rules his Motions; and we do not see him as your Majesty, an Idolater of his Person nor of his Preservation: He is wont to say, That which God guards is well guarded. So, Sir, your Majesty needs only give your consent to the Undertake, and we warrant the rest.  
But, says his Majesty, methinks Grandvall and Dumont are not sufficient for so great a Design, but that there should be yet some other sort of Incendiaries to animate and help them.  
Sir, says Barbesieux, without doubt your Majesty must needs think that King James is the Head of the Party, and that there are eight Actors more, Persons ready to do any thing, whose Names are these, grandval, Dumont, Liesdal, Rebenac, Bidal, Luxemburgh, Paprel, Parcker, Chanlais and myself; if your Majesty accepts of the Proposition, you will give great encouragement to the Undertaking.  
As to myself, says his Majesty, I am not altogether my own Master; I have a Sovereign who reigns over my Will, and who has an Empire over me, much more absolute than that I have over my Subjects, I mean, the Guides of my Conscience, so that I dare not engage myself in the Cabal, before I have consulted my Priests.  
Sir, says Barbesieux, the time presses and the occasion is favourable.  
Barbesieux, says his Majesty, then let my Counsel of Conscience be called, and I will consult them thereupon. The Reverend Father la Chaize going out of the Chamber of Meditations appeared with his triangular Cap, accompanied by Madam de Maintenon his Secretary, who carried under her Arm a great Book, in Folio, which had for Title, The Art to assassinate Kings. The Archbishop of Paris could not come, because of the Dispatches he had to write to Rome, the Post being just upon ●ts departure.  
My Reverend Father, says his Majesty, as you are a great Casuist, and that you, like St. Peter, have full power to bind and unbind with me.  
What's the Business in hand, Sir, says the Reverend Father la Chaize, being impatient of knowing what he had to put to him?  
The Business in short, says his Majesty, is to commit an execreable Attempt, and to know whether my Conscience will not be charged with it, if I consent to it.  
What is it then, says the Reverend Father?  
My good Father, says his Majesty, Barbesieux has just now proposed to me a very short way whereby I may, this Campaign, undoubtedly come to clap up a Peace, and there wants nothing but my consent to have it executed.  
As what? as what? says the Reverend Father?  
Father, says his Majesty, it has been resolved to have the Prince of Orange assassinated, as he who is the only Obstacle to all my Designs: and as this Prince exposes himself very much, grandval and Dumont have engaged themselves to deliver him alive or dead.  
Opus plane Divinum! says the Reverend Father la Chaize. This Enterprise is all of God: Absolvo te, Sir, I absolve you. Thereupon, taking in hand the great Book that his Secretary Madam de Maintenon carried, he shown to his Majesty, by the Opinion of the most celebrated Authors of the Society, to wit, the Reverend Fathers Garnet, Suares, Eudemon, Parsons, Zimancka, Escobar, Sancher, Saiman, Filitius, and a great number of others, That to take off a Heretic Prince from the Christian World, by the Sword, Poison or otherwise, was a Work very acceptable to God, and the straight way that led to Paradise.  
But 'tis time we put an end to a Conference which carries so much Horror with it, by the Devise of this great Prince, H●ni s●u qui mal y Pense; and we will only say, That he hath used long since hearty to forgive all his Enemy's the Evils they would do him, and that he accounts it his Glory to pray to God for their Repentance and their Conversion. But we may still avow, That it is a very base and odious Action f●r F ance, and of which Lovis the Great, as Triumphant, as Glorious and as great a Politician as he is, will never wa●h himself clean, tho' he should use all the Water of Versailles or the Royal Canal: Mes●●●urs de Boil●au and de la Fontain, who are employed about writing this History, aught by no means to forget marking this in great Characters, under Viro Immortali, and to speak of it as one of the principal Events of his Reign. This will be the richest Flower of his Crown, and one of his fairest Pictures, capable to draw admiration from all Ages to come. But I can't forbear saying here, by the way, That there have such things been done in the Reign of this Monarch, which yet pass, in the sense of his Flatterers, for Actions Great and Heroick, which yet, to speak sincerely, are nothing less than such; and if we should put, as we say, the History of his Life and of his Reign into a Crucible, there would be wrought a very surprising change; for instead of Gold and the other fine glittering Gimcracks, wherewith those Juggler's use to cheat the deluded Multitude, there would come out nothing but so many Monsters, in different Shapes and Figures.  
It is to be feared, that of all these Prodigies of Glory and Grandeur, which at present seem to be the terror of his Subjects as well as of his Enemies, and as it were essential to his good Fortune, there would remain in the Furnace only a little Dross and Smoke.  
But hold, let us not go too far, but turn for once the other side of the Medal, and take it on the fairest side. We will speak a little of his Glory, since he loves it so much, and it is his Favourite Passion: We will own it true, that he is one of the greatest Kings that the French Monarchy ever yet hath given us; that he is a very great Politician, very Wise in his Choice, and very Vigilant in the execution of a good Design; but then we must acknowledge this too, that this Prince would be a very great Hero, if he would but add to all these excellent Qualities, that one, of right knowing himself, without suffering his Courtiers to offer him such Incense as if he were another Divinity, and thereby commit that great oversight which Alexander the Great did formerly, when he exacted that they should pay him Divine Honours. Let him remember himself, that this was the first Forerunner of the fall of the Empire of that Prince, and of the great Designs he had conceived of the Conquest of Asia.  
I would advise him then, rather to rid himself of all those Owls, who are always about his Sacred Person, as Birds of an unhappy Omen, and who will leave him no more than the Devil formerly did our Saviour in the Wilderness, even till he hath promised them to do all the mischief they desire.  
Here is the Source and Spring of all those Evils and Calamities, which at present so cruelly afflict Europe. If this Prince would but once enter into his true Interests, and would change his Council, we might then see him the Wonder of the Universe; The imaginary Immortality with which they flatter him, would then be a real and solid one; which would procure him not only the Love of his Subjects, but also the Respect and Veneration of the whole World.  
Here is enough for Lovis the Great; let us go on to King James his good Friend.  
This Prince, as all the World knows, has long since bid adieu to Glory, and therefore it may be said of him, That he is like an old Deserter who has sold all his Equipage, to go into the Service of another Prince. Besides, it is sufficient that he is a Member of the Society, to carry in one hand the Sword and in the other the Flambeau. He ought to remember, That he was once fallen into the hands of his Competitor, who received him by Principles of Humanity and Christianity, very different from his, who fought after nothing but Popery and Slavery▪ and if he could once in his Life imitate the least of the Qualities of this great Prince, whom he makes at present the Object of his Hatred, and whom he looks upon as his mortal Enemy, he would acquire many degrees of Glory and good Fortune, which he has not yet attained to, and 'tis to be feared scarce ever will. But God forgive him his Sins, and make him a good Christian, if he has not been so yet. This may suffice to say of him; let us pass on now to two other Gentlemen.  
Here is a fitting place to make their Panegyric in a few words. But to spare them the Shame for having been the Instruments of so detestable an Undertaking, we will be content to make them only repass in review one after another, to the end they may be well known to the World.  
Let us begin then with Monsieur de Barbesieux, who presents himself the first, his Sword in his Hand, c●ying, Kill, Kill; you must not wonder to see him so hot, for since the death of the Marquis de Louvois, his Father, he fears nothing so much as a Reverse of Fortune, and that Lovis the Great should one time or another take a fancy to serve him, as the Crow in the Fable, that is to say, to pull off his best Feathers, in taking from him his most profitable places, as he did formerly to the Children of C●lbert. So Monsieur de Barbesieux, to keep himself in favour, has thought that he could not render a more signal pi●ce of Service to his Majesty, than that of assassinating a Prince, who is at this da●, the o●ly obstacle to all the Designs of the King his Master, and the most glorious Prince in Christendom.  
Now let us make way for Monsieur de Luxemburgh, and let him pass by; he wears the Sword of the late Monsieu● de Bouteville● ●is Father, that is to say, a dangerous Sword, and which gives Qua●ter to no Body; methinks I hear him say, what Rodrigus said to the Earl, in the Play of Ci●, 
That Arder which I carry in m● Eyes,  
Do you know it is his Blood? do you know it?   
So, it is not the first of his Wickednesses his having attempted the Life of King William; and we may say of him without a Compliment, That his Sins are become a habit to him, and he is now too much advanced in years ever to have any hopes that he will correct himself.  
But to give yet a j●ster Idea of what he can do, we will add here, to satisfy the Curious, the Articles of Agreement which he formerly made with the Devil, just as we find them in the Original, which have been communicated to us, to wit, 

I. That he gave himself wholly ●o him, with Promise.  
II. That he would never speak of God, and that he would n●ver go to Mass.  
III. That he should be without Pity and Mercy.    
On the other side the Devil engaged himself, 

I. To favour him in all his Designs.  
II. To make him win all the Battles he should fight.  
III. To keep him always in the Love and Favour of his King.  
iv To cause him to have, when he would, all manner of Favours of the fairest Ladies.  
V To make h●m Invulnerable. And,  
VI That he should live to the Age of Seventy Five Years.    
But you will say, where was Monsieur de Luxemburgh before the Battle of Flerus, which made him live again, and drew him, as we say, from the Grave of Silence and Forgetfulness, where he had been shut up since the Wars of Holland? Nothing was less believed, than that he was yet in the World; and the Opinions were so divided thereupon, that w● knew not what to believe. Some th●ught him in scotland at the Head of the Highla●d Rebels; others believed him with a Turbet on in ●he Ottoman Army, and turned into a Grand Vizier; and truly one would have judged that the little Genius t●ey had, the good Fortune and Progress which followed the first Campaign that the Infidels made in Hungary, was but an effect of his Negromancy: it was feared also, that he had already taught them the greatest Cunning of his Art and Knowledge.  
But others better instructed in the History of his Life, and wiser in the Affairs of the times, undoubtedly believed, That the Court of Fra●ce, or ●ather the Council of the King had thought fit to deliver him to the mercy of Justice, to make him an Example, as they had don● of B●inviliiers, as well to appease the People and the Clergy, as to satisfy his Majesty's Council of Conscience.  
The Reverend Father la Chaize declared himself a Party against him, and fought his death, with as much fierceness, as one of the ing's Attorneys doth that of a Criminal for High Treason. So they began already to sacrifice him, and all the World thought him just going to finish his days upon a Scaffold, with as much Infamy as his unhappy Father had done before him.  
The Crime then which he was accused of had something in it the m●st aggravating, the most crying and the most enormous in the World, since they had joined Poison to Magic. Besides, the death of the poor Count de S●issons, with which he was charged, cried aloud to Heaven for Vengeance. Others believed that the King, as angry as ●e seemed to be against him, having made some Reflections on the services, that this General had formerly done him in his former Wars, was at last pleased to change his sentence of Death into that of Banishment, or perpetual Imprisonment. There was also a semblance that this last way of punishment was most likely to prevail with him, that which his Inquisitors and his Judge's had chose, and which they pushed on to the last, according to the utmost rigour of Law and practice.  
Be it as it will, it is certain, and it is the judgement of those who are perfectly acquainted with his History, as having always been near his Person in the greatest time of his disgrace; and who have very wi●●ingly Communicated to us the Memorials which are reported in this small Treatise. It is, I say, certain, that Monsieur the Marquis de Louvois took his business so strongly to Heart, that we may say, Monsieur de Luxemburgh doth not only owe him his Liberty, but also his Life, as well as the new favours which his Majesty Honours him with at present, by the Command of his Armies, which he even trusts him with.  
Monsieur de Louvois, seeing then that his business was done, and that the poor Duke was irreparably lost; as he was a wise Minister, and penetrating what might hereafter happen, he thought that France might yet have occasion of him, considering that all the old Generals that were of any Esteem, and Reputation, began to fail them; and that the Duke of Luxemburgh as being the youngest, was the only one who remained; truly Monsieur de Turenne, the Prince of Conde, and in the last place the Duke of Schomberg had been ravished from the King, those by Death, and this by the disorders of Religion; so very judiciously reflecting that the loss the King lately had of these three Captains, was irreparable, and that besides France was just a going into such a condition in all likelihood, that she stands in need of all Assistances and Instruments, he was throughly convinced that all imaginable Obstacles ought to be removed to preserve him.  
He went then to find out his Majesty, and told him, Sir, this is not all; your Majesty sees yourself at the very point of having all Europe upon your hands, and the War which is a going to be kindled, will perhaps be the bloodiest that France ever yet felt, not only in this Reign, but those that preceded; and as your Majesty will have many Enemies to fight with, so you will be obliged to have several Armies. But, Sir, that which causes not the least of my disturbances, is, to see that you have not one General left, who has understanding enough, and is capable to Command: It is true, you have yet Lieutenant Generas enough; But for a General in Chief, who is a Man of Conduct, who has experience and cunning, and has been in Battles whether he has won or lost; it is no matter, which of them, for experience makes them Masters, I know no Body belongs to your Majesty except Luxemburgh. He is the only one who in my opinion, seems fit to become a great Captain, if he is not so already, and consequently in a condition to do you great service. I advise then your Majesty to pass over all his faults of which he is accused, to satisfy, nevertheless as much as you, can your Council of Conscience, in leaving the Criminal at the Bastile, and causing his Trial underhand to be delayed, which will flatter the hopes of his Judges, and at the same time appease the most inveterate against him, who not being able to divine the true cause, will tyre themselves with talking about it; and your Majesty will preserve thereby a Subject, who may be serviceable to you in business when it shall be a fit time.  
After this Discourse Monsieur de Louvois, observing that his Majesty appeared half shaken, thought that Madam de Maintenon would be of great help to him, to push on the business effectually. He went then to speak with he●, and represented to her as he had done to the King, the necessity there was to save this General which was lost without recovery, if he should be left fifteen days more in the hands of his Judges, who would by all extremity m●ke him an Example. He added that there was no time to be lost, & that France would one day own him great Obligations, if she would save a Subject, who was so dear and so necessary for her, which besides the great services he had already rendered the Crown, gave yet great hopes for the future, That he was the only one left, of so many brave Captains, who had Commanded in the former Wars, and who having served under Turenne and Conde, had learned by these great Men many fine qualities necessary for the Government and Conduct of an Army, which will not be found in the Person of another General.  
Madam de Maintenon, who is a true Siren near the King, and who sees herself Mistress of the Heart and Will of this Monarch, by her flattering Amours, was so lively persuaded by the Discourse of Monsieur de Lovois, that she immediately espoused the cause, and the interest of Monsieur de Luxemburgh, and promised the Marquis de Louvois to speak to the King the very first visit she made, adding withal, that she did not doubt but she should obtain the pardon of this unhappy Man, and draw him out of his disgrace, unless that the Instances and the Intrigues of Father La Chaize, and of the Archbishop of Paris should prevail over hers; that for him who was the chief of the Clergy of France, she had the means in her Hands to appease him, but that Father La Chaize, would give her a great deal more trouble, because this good Father was an Enemy to be feared, and it was by no means good to have him a party against one; that she would endeavour nevertheless to persuade both the one, and the other, which she also did, and Monsieur de Luxemburgh was no less beholding for his liberty to Madam de Maintenon, than to Monsieur de Louvois, since they equally laboured for his preservation.  
The King having been thus prepossessed, and the Storm raised against him entirely appeased, the Duke began to hope in Prison to have some more Liberty, and to taste some comfort. He was no more kept so close up, and his Guards began to become more negligent in observing him; He was nevertheless kept in the Bastille a long time afterwards, by which the Court thought to become Guiltless in the Eyes of the World, to the end it might not seem altogether a Connivance, and an Authorising of the Crime by granting liberty to a Criminal, whom all the Laws condemned to death. This was done only to dispose by degrees the People and his Inquisitors, to receive with less noise the news of his Release. The time being then come that France had occasion for him, as the Marquis de Louvois had foretold; and the King having experienced the first Campaign, which was that of 1689. that his Armies were ill governed, and that they did not Act conformably to his intention, and as he had well enough laid the Scheam; that if on the other side his Arms had not had success that year, it was not for want of Forces, and being seconded and supported by great Armies, but rather the fault of the General, who was neither undertaking enough, nor cunning enough. His Majesty having caused the Duke of Luemburgh, to be called would in granting him grace and pardon take occasion from thence to engage him by new favours to be more mindful than ever of his Interests; and make that his acknowledment, should be a potent inducement to this General, to excel above all what he had done well and glorious for the service of his Prince, in the former Wars, and particularly in that of Holland, where he had signalised himself by his Cruelties. And as the matter in hand, was to give him the Command of the Army in Flanders, because it was there where he had the best succeeded, if we except the Battle of St. Denis, the King wisely thought that he would not fail to make himself quickly talked of, the Spaniards and the Hollanders to feel new marks of his inhumanity, which France wanted above all things to oblige yet tottering Fortune to declare herself for her Arms.  
It was resolved upon, utterly to ruin the rest of Spanish Netherlands, to the end that he might become Master of them with more ease, thereby to force the Hollanders to hearken to new propositions of Peace, which is the aim of his Majesty, and the design of the Court.  
Experience shows us then at this day, that the Marquis de Lovois was in the right. For Monsieur de Luxemburgh strives on his side fully to answer all the expectations of his Benefactor, and the hopes he had conceived of him, by the signal Services which he renders his Majesty, not only in helping him to support the heavy burden of the present War; but also in discovering to him a short and abridged way to come quickly to a glorious Peace; and as he is a Man that abounds in malice, and knows sufficiently what is Good and Evil, yet he strives to forget that little of Humanity, and Christianity which is left him, & goes on in a full Career, with his Sword in his Hand, into that Cabal, which seeks how to find out Kings, and then to assassinate them. Here is enough for Monsieur de Luxemburgh, let us finish his Chapter, and bid him adieu for altogether, with putting him in mind that 'tis high time for him to set about his Conversion, unless he will die as he has lived.  
Let us go on to Monsieur de Chanlais, Fourth Actor of this Cabal, he keeps himself behind the Hang, feigning as if he had hid himself. He does like those that throw a Stone, and hid their Arm. But methinks he would do better to acquit himself well, of the Charge which he possess in the Army, that would be more honourable, and more glorious for him, than to make here the sorrowful Figure of the Valet of a Hangman, in lending his hand to the Assassinates.  
Behold Monsieur Rabenac who walks a pace, let us see what he will have to say to justify himself for having had also a part in so black of an Action. He will not fail to say, that the overgreat Zeal he had for the Interests of the King his Master did engage him therein.  
What slavery is this, That a Minister should engage to commit a detestable Crime before God and Men, for nothing but to please his Prince! But it may be he will perform his Repentance, whilst he is at Rome, and ask pardon of God and of the Holy Father for so great a Sin.  
For Messieurs Bidal and Paparal, we will put them together to make the balance even, because they are truly of the same Metal and the same Weight. And if for curiosity one should weigh their malice, I do not believe they would either of them want many Scruples to make the Scale even. So it is no very strange thing, that they have played the same part in this Tragedy. Good God then have mercy on them.  
As to Mr. Parker an English Officer, we may justly say he followed the Councils of his Prince King James, who engaged him to the Party by fair promises of advancing his Fortunes; and we may say of him, that the Man was not better than the Master; so let God give him Peace as the rest.  
But hold, here is one would fain slip by, what shall we say of him? he seems as if he were afraid of being known. He appears to me the more to be feared, therefore let us have a care of him, and let him go by quickly. It seems he is not wholly well pleased; for we doubt any longer see that smiling Countenance which he used to show when he was at the Hague as he went out in a Coach. But I am impatient to know him, therefore through Curiosity let us pull off his Mask: Ho, ho, it is Monsieur Moreau.  
To spare a great deal of confusion, let us content ourselves with making him the Compliment that Seneca in his Tragedies caused to be made to Jason speaking to Medea, purga Regnum, & veneficas tecum aufer herbas, that he may be gone as soon as possibly, and carry with him all the evil he would have done to the State, and that he may come back no more.  
As to Grandval, Dumont and Leefdal, the last Actors of this Tragic Scene, I do not pretend to speak one word of them, because I look upon them, as the executioners of the Orders of the Sovereign Tribunal, which made them Act; and that's sufficient for their Apology.  
But we must not forget here the Encomiums of Madam de Maintenon, who has made no scruple neither to fowl her Fair White Hands in the Plot of an Assassinate. She is at least as much to be feared as the Goddess of Discord formerly was at the Feasts of the Marriage of Peleus, and would not fail to revenge herself in a much more cruel manner than this Important and Angry Goddess did. It is also to be feared, that she would throw into the Assembly, either some Carcases or some Bombs, instead of Golden Apples. Let us then prevent her Jealousy and her Fury; for a Woman in Wrath is dangerous. Let us give her rather Incense to appease her, and say in her praise, that she is Virtuous, Zealous, and Active as may be; that she strives also to render great Services to the French Monarchy; and that when ever we come to a Peace she will have no less Contributed to it, by her Cares, than the Arms of her Monarch. But let us say also at the same time, that she gives a very bad example to the Ladies of the Abbey of St. Cyr, of which she is Superior, and that his Majesty's Council of Conscience, will never justify her before God▪ for the Crime she has committed, in giving her advice to so horrible an attempt. I advise her then to dispose of herself early, to go make her Repentance in the Convent of Penitents by the Example of those that have gone before her. Here is enough for her, let us go on.  
As for the Reverend Father La Chaize. Methinks I see him appear, ●olding in one hand the Sword, wi●h which the great St. Ignatius was about to kill the Moor (in going his Voyage to Spain) who would maintain to him that the bl●ssed Virgin Mary, was no Virgin after the Conception.  
Methinks also, in the other Hand he carries a Book in Folio, which has for Title, The Art to assassinate Kings and Princes. But let us not enter into a Dispute with him, for fear he should be obliged to borrow all the Eloquence of Father Bourdalou to justify himself. To raise yet again the Glory of all these Tragical Actors, we may join here to their Cabal, the Illustrious James Clement, Barriere, Chastel, Ravaillac, John Iuvr●gni, Venero, Balthuzar Gerard, Peter Paine, Parri and a great many more of them, as we may find by the Rep●rt of R●badneira the Jesuit, lib. 2. ch. 3. who have attempted the Lives of the Kings, Henry the Third and Henry the Fourth, of Great William Prince of Orange, his Son Prince Maurice, and of Queen Elizabeth.  
But it is no astonishing thing that we see at this day all the Court of France, and so many brave Lords who have formerly witnessed their having had a Horror for so detestablea Doctrine, to be nevertheless blindly engaged in such a Cabal, after having cruelly underwit to the death of the greatest Prince of Europe. After this Stroke, I say, may we not say, That the whole Monarchy is at this day governed by Jesuits; and that instead of one Lovis the Fourteenth, we see one Father la Chaize reigning and sitting upon the Throne of the French, giving his Orders, and making all his Tragical and Bloody Actors to perform their parts.  
And as the Soul of Luxemburgh is an Active Soul, and by consequence, the most conformable to the Soul of this Reverend Father, so has he been chosen to be at the Head of these Assassinates the better to command them, and to add yet this Expedition to the History of his Life, as the last Masterpiece of it.  
But let us come to our purpose, and confess, That all these Proceed are made by France, to come quickly to her end, which is an advantageous Peace. Let us also add, for Conclusion, That Lovis the Great, often mistakes himself ●n the Execution of his vast Designs; since of all the Resolutions he had taken for this Campaign, Experience has shown us that he was out in his Account▪ about the Imaginary Re-establishment of King James, about the Engagement at Sea, about the Entry of the Duke of Savoy into Dauphine, and about the assassinating of King William.  
It is true, he made himself Master of Namur, which was one of the four great Undertake that was the object of his Ambition. But then we may also own, that this Triumph has been sufficiently counterbalanced by the ruin of his Fleet, and of the Designs of King James, which are all blown into the Air, by the glorious Irruption of the Duke of Savoy, who has put his Country under Contribution; and, lastly, by the Shame and Infamy which will always attend the Baseness of having attempted on the Life of so great a Prince. And here are the Events which have flattered this Monarch into the beginning of a Campaign, but which nevertheless have not answered the great hopes he had conceived. Let us see, at present, what he will undertake anew, and if his Projects will have the same Success the next Campaign: Let us wait for him boldly, and make him see that our People are not so weary of the War as his Subjects; and that if he will come to a glorious Peace, with which he flatters himself, and seeks after with eagerness, he must, at the least, surrender up all his Conquests.  
FINIS.