REFLECTIONS ON Ancient and Modern LEARNING.  
The Second Part.  
WITH A DISSERTATION UPON The EPISTLES of PHALARIS, THEMISTOCLES, SOCRATES, EURIPIDES; etc. AND FABLES OF AESOP.  
By RICHARD BENTLEY, D. D. Chaplain in Ordinary, and Library Keeper to His Majesty.  
These Additions Complete the want of the former Eddition.  
LONDON, Printed for P. B. and sold by Richard Wellington, at the Lute in St. Paul's Churchyard. MDCXCVIII.   

ADDITIONS TO THE SECOND EDITION OF Mr. Wotton's Reflections UPON Ancient and Modern Learning.  

[Addit. Pag. 148, etc.] CHAP. XII. Of the Learning of the Ancient Indians and Chineses.  
WE are now arrived in our Passage Eastward as far as the Indies, where the first Springs of that Learning which afterwards flowed always Westward, arose. Thither Pythagoras is said to have gone, and to have fetched from thence his celebrated Doctrine of the Transmigration of Souls, which he taught, and is now believed by the Modern Bramines as it was the Opinion of the brahmin's of old.  
We have very little if any Account of these Indian Philosophers before Alexander the Great, who extended his Conquests as far as the River Indus. His Historians acquaint us with a Set of Philosophers in that Country, who practised great Austerities themselves, and taught others that Wisdom lay in living upon a little, in Abstaining from almost all sorts of Natural Pleasures, and Promoting the Prosperity and Welfare of the rest of Mankind. The Description that Strabo gives us of them, out of Megasthenes, Onesicritus and Aristobulus, which is very well Abridged by Sir W. T. is the Fullest and most Authentic that we have. And that the Body of it may be true, is probable from the Accounts of their Successors the Bramines, which are given us by Monsieur Bernier, and Abraham Roger, who lived many Years among them, and made it their Business to collect their Opinions with all the Exactness they could.  
The superstitious Care which these People take to follow the Customs, and propagate the Opinions of their Ancestors, be they never so absurd and senseless, plainly shows that they would have preserved their Learning with equal Care, had there been any of it to preserve. They keep a Collection of the wise Say of one Barthrouherri, which Monsieur Roger has given us a Taste of; but such miserable Stuff, for the generality, that one cannot read them without smiling at the Simplicity of those that can admire them. They would not show Monsieur Roger their Book of the Law, which they pretend to be sent from God; but by the Account which his Bramine Doctor gave of it, it is only an absurd History of the fabulous Successions of their Deities, and as absurd a Collection of superstitious Ceremonies, by which they were to be worshipped. Their Doctrine of the Transmigration of Souls, which Pythagoras first taught in the West, is a precarious idle Notion, which these besotted Indians do so blindly believe, that they are afraid of killing a Flea or a Louse, for fear of disturbing the Soul of one of their Ancestors. Though at the same time they scruple not to force multitudes of poor silly Women, and sometimes too, full sore against their Wills, to burn themselves alive with their deceased Husband's Bodies, under a pretence of their being serviceable to them in another World, though they are far from having any assurance that their Husbands will there stand in need of them. Can we believe that there is a generous Spirit residing in a People, who have now for MM or MMM Years placed the highest degrees of Sanctity and Prudence in halfstarving themselves, and depriving themselves of the lawful Conveniences of Life? Yet these were the chiefest Employments of the Ancient brahmin's, as they are still of the Modern Bramines.  
So that there is reason to fear that the Stories of the extraordinary Wisdom of the Ancient brahmin's are in a great measure fabulous, because in the idle and bigoted part of the Narrative they do so particularly agree with the Modern Bramines; and also, because if one consults what the Ancients have recorded of the brahmin's in Alexander's time, which is all gathered into a Body by 
(a) Palladius de Gentibus Indiae, & Bragmanibus Edit. Bissei Lond. 1665.  Sir Edward Byshe, he will find that the Accounts which come the nearest to the Fountain, have less in them of the Romance, 
(b) Let but any Man compare Strabo and Palladius together, and he will see the difference, tho' 'tis plain they relate to the same Time.  and that their Historians have expatiated and flourished more, as they were at the greater distance. For, upon comparing what all those Authors there quoted have said, I am enclinable to believe, that all we know of the Ancient brahmin's, is due to the Accounts which Alexander's Companions have given us.  
But let us enter into Particulars. Sir W. T. tells us, out of Strabo; 
(c) Lib. 15.  That their Opinions in Natural Philosophy, were, that the World was Round; that it had a Beginning, and would have an End, but reckoned both by immense Periods of Time; that the Author of it was a Spirit, or a Mind that pervaded the whole Universe, and was diffused through all the Parts of it; and, that they held the Transmigration of Souls, and some used Discourses of Infernal Mansions, in many things like those of 
(d) Essay, pag. 17.  Plato. Whether Megasthenes, from whom Strabo takes all this Account, has not made it a little more beautiful than he ought, I very much question, since Monsieur Bernier says, 
(e) Voyages, Tom. III. pag. 168. Edit, Eng.  That the Bramines believe, That the Earth is Flat and Triangular, with several Stories, all differing in Beauty, Perfection and Inhabitants, each of which is encompassed, they say, by its Sea; that one of these Seas is of Milk, another of Sugar, the third of Butter, the fourth of Wine, and so forth: so that after one Earth there comes a Sea, and after a Sea an Earth, and so on to seven, beginning from Someire 
(f) An Imaginary Mountain, which they place in the midst of the Earth. , which is in the midst of these Stories: That the first Story, which is at the foot of Someire, hath Deuta's 
(g) The Semigods of the Bramines.  for its Inhabitants, which are very perfect; that the second contains likewise Deuta's, but less perfect; and so of the rest, still lessening the Perfection to the seventh, which, they say, is ours, that is, of Men far less perfect than all the Deutas: And, lastly, That this whole Mass is sustained upon the Heads of divers Elephants, which when they stir, cause an Earthquake. Upon all this, and abundance more of the like nature in Astronomy, Anatomy, Medicine, and Physic's, which seems to be the true Oriental Doctrine, consonant to those noble Discoveries which are in 
(h) Histoire de la Vie & des Moeurs des Bramines.  Monsieur Roger's History of the Lives and Manners of the Bramines, Monsieur Bernier makes this Remark; 
(i) P. 169.  All these strange Impertinencies, which I have had the patience to relate, have often made me think, that if they be those famous Sciences of the Ancient brahmin's of the Indies, very many have been deceived in the great Opinion they entertained of them. For my part, I can hardly believe it, but that I find the Religion of the Indians to be from immemorial Times; that 'tis written in the Hanscrit Language, which cannot but be very ancient, since its beginning is unknown, and 'tis a dead Language, not understood but by the Learned; that all their Books are only written in that Tongue: all which are as many Marks of a very great Antiquity. This, by the way, confutes the Opinion of those 
(k) Sir W. T. his Essay, p. 17.  who make the Indian Learning to be all Traditionary; for not only their Religious, but their Profane Knowledge too, is all written in this Hanscrit Dialect.  
Yet one Notion of these Brahmins I cannot but take notice of, because it is a very Philosophical one, and has been with probability started and defended by some of the most curious Anatomists of the present Age, who built their Hypothesis upon the latest Discoveries which have been made in that admirable Art: I shall set it down in Monsieur Bernier's words; 
(l) P. 175, 176.  The Seeds of Plants and Animals are not form anew, but were contrived in the first Production of the World, and dispensed abroad every where, and mixed in all things; and that they are not only potentially but actually the very and entire Plants, and Animals, tho' so small, that their Parts cannot be distinguished, but when put into a convenient Womb, and there nourished, they extend themselves and increase: So that the Seeds of an Apple and Pear-Tree, are a little, entire, and perfect Apple and Pear-Tree, having all its Essential Parts; and so the Seeds of an Horse, an Elephant, a Man, etc. are a little Horse, a little Elephant, a little Man, in which there wants nothing but the Soul and Nourishment to make them appear what they are.  
This Opinion seems rather to have been maintained by a Leeuwenhoek, or a Malpighius, than by an Indian, who, as Monsieur Bernier assures us, 
(m) Pag. 166.  understands nothing at all of Anatomy, and can speak nothing upon that Subject but what is impertinent. Had it been the Result of Thought and Meditation, founded upon proper Premises, which must be the Effects of many and repeated Observations, one might justly have looked for, and would infallibly have found many other Notions of equal Subtlety among these Bramines; which tho' erroneous, (and so, perhaps, may this be,) yet could not have been made by any but Skilful Men. Such Discoveries likewise would have obliged us to have entertained a very honourable Notion of the Learning of the Ancient brahmin's; because, tho' they might have been Modern, in comparison of those Ancient Times, yet they might not also, for aught we knew, and consequently might have been challenged to those Ancient Philosophers by their Modern Champions. But when, amidst a vast variety of wild and fantastical Opinions, a Man meets with one or two which stand alone by themselves, without any thing that appears to have raised or confirmed them, he ought not presently to conclude, that the Philosophers who maintain them are Wise and Learned Men, tho' once, perhaps, or twice, Quod nequit Ingenium, Casus fecit.   

[Addit. Pag. 290, etc.] CHAP. XXII. Of Ancient and Modern Agriculture and Gardening.  
THE Ancients put so great a Value upon the Country-man's Arts, and we have so many Treatises still extant concerning them, written by their greatest Philosophers, their ablest Philologers, and their best Poets; that to say nothing of them, may be thought an inexcusable Omission. Husbandry and Gardening are Subjects upon which Theophrastus (Aristotle's Darling Disciple,) Varro (who is said to be the Learnedest of all the Romans,) and Pliny (perhaps no-way his inferior) have written large Discourses yet remaining. Varro and Pliny quote Numbers of Authors, some of them no less than Crowned Heads, since lost. Hesiod, whom some of the Ancients make older than Homer, and Virgil the Prince of Roman Poets, have left us Precepts of these Arts. Columella says, they are related to Philosophy itself, which those Heathen Sages prized so highly: And the later Roman Writers are still upbraiding the Luxury of their own Times, which wholly took off their Minds from these most useful Employments, and sending their effeminate Countrymen back to their renowned Ancestors who went from the Plough to the Camp, and having there commanded victorious Armies, returned back again to the Plough, to redeem the Time they had lost.  
There is no doubt but great Things were done in these Arts by the Ancients: Had we no Books extant to acquaint us with their Knowledge, yet the thing shows itself: Countries cannot be peopled by civilised Nations, nor great Cities filled, nor Trade carried on by polite and industrious Inhabitants, unless the Arts of Husbandry flourish. Mankind, without them, would be Wild, like the Negroes, and American Savages, or Arabs. But yet one Nation may be much more Knowing in these Things than another, and one Age consequently, though all may have Skill enough to answer the Necessities of Civil Life.  
In making my Comparison, I shall comprehend all that the Ancients understood by their Res Rustica, as it takes in the Forester's, the Husbandman's, and the Gardener's Business: Cato, Varro, and Columella include the Grafier's also, thereby completing the whole Body of Farming; but since his Work cannot well be made a Science of, I shall omit it.  
By a Forester here, I understand one that knows how to Plant, Propagate and Increase all sorts of Timber Trees; what Soils are proper for every sort; how they may best be defended from Dangers in their Growth; to what Uses they are most applicable, when they have arrived to their utmost Perfection; and how they may be best applied: Such a Man, in short, as Mr. Evelyn instructs in his Sylva, where he gives a full System of the Woodman's Skill; what he ought to know, and what to practise. A great part of his Work, and indeed the Nicest part of it, the Ancients were Strangers to, as having less occasion for it. The World was then, comparatively speaking, in its Infancy; there was no want of Wood for Fuel, Building, or Ships; and this Plenty made Men less curious in Contriving Methods of Preserving what they had in so great abundance. England, till within a few Ages, was every where overrun with Wood: The Hercynian Forest anciently took up what is now the most flourishing part of Germany: And France, which is at present so wonderfully Populous, that little Cultivable Ground remains Untilled, was in Caesars' time overspread with Woods and Forests. As Men increase, Tillage becomes more and more requisite; the consumption of Wood will be proportionably greater; and its want, and the necessary Uses of Timber, which grow upon Men as they become more numerous, will of consequence put them upon ways to preserve and increase it. Commerce with distant Parts, will show Men rare and useful Trees, to which their own Soil was before a stranger; and Luxury will soon teach them to transplant them.  
No wonder therefore if Modern Writers excel the Ancients, upon a Subject which they had less occasion for. The Romans, indeed, were curious in Planting Trees for Shade or Fruit; but their Industry in that particular comes under another Head, as rather belonging to the Gardener's Work. It may therefore, perhaps be esteemed a small Character of Mr. Evelyn's Discourse of Forest Trees, to say, that it Outdoes all that Theophrastus and Pliny have left us on that Subject: For it not only does that, and a great deal more, but contains more useful Precepts, Hints and Discoveries upon that now so necessary a part of our Res Rustica, than the World had till then known from all the Observations of former Ages. To name others after him, would be a derogation to his Performance.  
Agriculture properly so called, has been always necessary since Noah's time, when the Flood, that destroyed the World of the Ungodly, wrought such a change upon the Face of the Earth, as made it necessary for all Mankind in the sweat of their brows to eat their bread. And the early Populousness of the Eastern Nations, (though I would not bring Semiramis and Zoroaster's Armies to prove it) shows how much it was followed. For though those Countries should be allowed to be, as they really are, marvellously Fruitful; yet even Egypt, and the Plains of Babylonia, must be Tilled, to yield a Crop to satisfy the Hunger of their Inhabitants. Westward, as the World was later Peopled, so Tillage was proportionably later; and the Athenians tell of one Triptolemus, who learned the Art of Sowing Corn of the Egyptians, above a Thousand Years after Noah's Flood (c). After that, Necessity 
(n) Vid. Marshami Chronicon. pag. 249. Edit. Lond.  taught them many Rules; and it is evident from Theophrastus, and the Roman Writers of Geoponic's, that their Knowledge in this kind was very great. They were thoroughly versed in the Art of Dressing their Grounds, and the Seasons when it was proper to do every part of a Husbandman's Work: what Compost was fit to meliorate their overwrought or barren Lands; what Soil was best for this Grain, and what for that. Their Vines and Olives, which were their Farmer's care, were managed with much Skill and Curiosity; and Pliny reckons up a great many sorts of both of them, which the Luxury of that Age had taught them to cultivate. In a word; They were Industrious and Skilful Husbandmen; and perhaps, 'tis not possible to tell, at this distance, whether our Farmers manage their Grounds more judiciously than they did theirs: since any Improvements particular to one Climate and Soil, do not prove that Age in which they are made, more Knowing than another, wherein such Improvements could take no place: though at the same time, a Country naturally barren, which has a weak Sun in an unkindly Climate, requires more Skill, as well as more Industry, to make it fertile. And therefore it may be questioned, whether, considering the Natural Felicity of the Soils of Sicily, Africa and Greece, and much more of Egypt, Judaea and Babylonia, whose Fertility was anciently, with Reason, so much extolled, the Improvements in England, Scotland and Holland may not justly come into competition with any ancient Performances; which how great soever in themselves, were yet less upon this account, that the Husbandmen in those Regions had not such Difficulties to struggle with.  
But though the Ancients, probably, understood the Art of Sowing Wheat, and Barley, and Legumes, and Flax, and how to manage their Vines and Olives, as well as any Age has done since; yet other things of unspeakable use they were wholly strangers to. The Art of Making Cider, at least of Choosing the best Apples, and Managing their Orchards and Plantations accordingly, they knew little or nothing of. And here again I must remember to take notice, (which, upon every opportunity, I gladly do,) that Mr. Evelyn's Pomona has taught the present Age many things concerning the way of Ordering Appletrees, and Making Cider, to which the World, till then, were wholly Strangers, and for which he ought here to be mentioned with Honour. The Sugar-Cane was not anciently unknown, since it grows naturally in Arabia and Indostan; but so little was the Old World acquainted with the Nature of its delicious Juice, that some of their ablest Men doubted whether it were a Dew like Manna, or the Juice of the Plant itself. All the Arts and Methods therefore of Preparing Sugar, which have made it so very useful to Humane Life, are owing to Modern Portuguezes and English. Malt-Drinks were used in Gaul and Spain anciently; as also in Egypt, where, probably, they were first invented: but whether they were so accurately made as ours, no Man can tell, unless he knew certainly whether and with what they fermented them. May I not farther instance in Coffee and Tobacco? The Romans drove a greater Trade in Arabia, and were better acquainted with its Commodities, than this part of the World has been at any time since, which no Man that has ever read the Thirteenth Book of Pliny's Natural History can possibly doubt of; yet there is no one Syllable of any thing like Coffee in his whole Work, nor indeed in any other Ancient Author before the Arabs. It is very probable that it grows wild in Arabia, since it is known to grow no where else; and that the Prohibition of Wine by the Mahometan Law, made the Arabs find out its Virtues, (whereas before it was a neglected Shrub) to supply the place of the other Liquor. But still its Cultivation is, as to the present Question, Modern; and since the Arabs do now bestow great Care and Pains in Managing it, it comes not improperly in among the Augmentations of Modern Agriculture. And that Tobacco ought here to be mentioned, is questioned by none who know what a Delight and Refreshment it is to so many Nations, so many several ways. The Accounts of Virginia and Brasil will inform us what pains our European Planters are at, to make that Herb palatable to all sorts of Persons. So that without taking notice of any more Particulars, we may be assured, that the Modern Husbandry is a larger, if not a more exact thing than the Ancient; and even in those things wherein the Ancients did most excel, in the Management of their Vines and Olives, the comparative Excellency of the later Ages will perhaps be allowed by all those who are acquainted with the Curiosity of the present, in Managing of their Fruit-Trees; which shall be treated of in its proper place.  
I deferred to speak of Gardening till the last; because Luxury always comes after Necessity; though, generally, when it is once introduced, it still goes on increasing, till it is come to the utmost pitch to which it can be carried. In the present Subject, we shall find a gradual Improvement so very visible, that I hope to put it past controversy.  
The Babylonian Horti Pencils, or Gardens on the tops of Buildings, aught, in most Men's Opinion, first to be mentioned in point of Antiquity. These, Josephus assures us, were only large Walks of Trees planted on the tops of Mounts of Masons Work, erected in the midst of the City by Nabuchadnezzar, to please his Wife. If they are no older, Alcinous's Garden, described by Homer 
(o) Odyss. lib. viij. , was long before them. There one sees the Simplicity of that Heroical Age very plainly. The Poet thought he did a magnificent thing, when he made it Four Acres in circumference: He tells us, it was stored with Pear-Trees and Appletrees, Pomegranates and Figs, Vines and Olives, which furnished him with constant successions of Fruit; and had two Fountains, one cut into Streams, to water it within; the other flowing from thence, to supply the Necessities of the Inhabitants of the Town. And this is all he says of it: Poets and Romancers describe every thing for their Hero's uses, as splendidly as they can, what they have seen, read, or heard of, is always brought in, as 'tis expected it should. Accordingly the Garden described by Eustathius 
(p) Amorum Ysminiae & Ysmines, l. i. , in the later times of the Grecian Empire, when Luxury was improved into an Art, which it was far from being in old Homer's time, is much finer, though far short of the Gardens and Villas of the Princes and Great Men of the present Age. Eustathius' Garden has open and arched Walks of Laurel, Cypress and Myrtle, with Arbours of Vines for the Conveniencies of the Guests, to gather the Grapes as they lay at their Meals by the Fountain-side; with a Jet d'eau in the middle of it, spouting Water out of an Eagles' Bill; by which a She-Goat was milked, with the Liquor dropping out of the Nipples into a Pail on purpose: round the Fountain are Swallows and Peacocks, Doves and Cocks, all either Cast or Carved, out of whose Bills the Water flowing, gave a Sound to the several Birds. This indeed is very pleasant and poetical, and shows, that Eustathius had seen or heard of something of this nature, by which he guided his Fancy.  
What the Roman Gardens were, we are sufficiently taught by their Writers of Country Affairs: 
(q) Lib. x. tot. & lib. xi. cap. 3.  Columella's and 
(r) Lib. nineteen.  Pliny's Precepts and Descriptions are fit for nothing else but a Kitchen-Garden: They give Directions for Ordering Cucumbers, Melons, Artichokes, Coleworts, Turnips, Radishes, Parsnips, Skirrets, Garlic, Leeks, Onions, Asparagus, and a numerous train of Potherbs, with a little Garden-Physic. They both assign this as the reason why Virgil would say nothing of Gardening, in his Georgic's; it being a Subject so very poor and jejune, that it would not bear the Ornaments which that Divine Poet gave to all his Works: So they seem to understand his Spatia iniqua which he complains of, upon which account he left off where he did.  
For if we fancy that the Gardens of Lucullus, Pompey, Cicero, Maecenas, Seneca, and of all those Great Romans which are so highly extolled by the Ancients, were what we ordinarily call Gardens, we are very much mistaken: Their Gardens were spacious Plaits of Ground, filled and surrounded with stately Walks of Platan's, and other shady Trees, built round with Xysti, Porticoes, finely paved with curiously coloured and far-fetched Marble, laid in artificial Figures, noble Ranges of Pillars, adorned within with Fishponds, Aviaries, Fountains and Statues. Such still are the Villas of the Italian Princes at Frascati, Tivoli, and their other delicious Seats in Latium and Campania, so celebrated of old, for being the Gardens of the European World. Such, in some measure, are the famous Gardens about Ispahan, where Shade and Coolness give them their greatest Pleasure, in a Region where the Soil naturally furnishes its Inhabitants with excellent Fruit, and fragrant Flowers; so that they are at little pains to cultivate that which they can have without, and which would not afford half that Delight in their Gardens of Pleasure, that they find in lying, in the cool of the Day, under a shady Plane, by a Fountain-side. This made the Ancients, who all lived in warm Climates, admire the Plane so exceedingly, that frantic Stories are told of Xerxes' doting upon one in the Lesser Asia, when he was bringing down his mighty Armies against Greece 
(s) Aelian. Var. Hist. 2. 14. . The Walks of Academus, and the Gardens of Epicurus, were of this sort, Cool and Delicious; but which can give us no Idea of the Artificial Beauties of Modern Gardens. For the Question is not, which is in itself pleasanter; or, whether if we lived in Greece or Persia, we should not rather choose to imitate the Fashion of those Countries: but, which shows the greatest Skill of him that makes it.  
The Gardens of this Age are of several sorts, for the Kitchen, for Flowers, for Greene's, and Shady Walks, for Fruit-Trees, and for the Apothecary.  
To the First of these, the Industry of the Ancients (as we have seen already) was in a manner wholly confined. That they knew how to manage those Kitchen Stores which their Gardens yielded, is unquestionable; but their Variety was not near so great, since neither was the New World known, nor the Old so well examined as it has been since. Besides, they knew little of the Art of Raising Summer Plants, in the severest Frosts, and so making all Seasons of the Year unite in one, at Great Men's Tables; the bringing which to the present Perfection, is due to the Industry and Sagacity of the Age we live in; which how much it has enlarged this part of Gardening from what it was anciently, every Man by himself will easily imagine. The Romans, indeed, had a way of Preserving Melons in Winter, by Sowing them in a large Box filled with rich Mould and Dung, which they housed in Winter, and exposed in Sun-shiny Days under their Specularia, that seem to have been of the nature of our Glasses: by which Contrivance, Tiberius the Emperor had Melons all the Year round. That shows what Necessity might have forced them to, had they been put to it.  
As for Flower Gardens, the Ancients minded them not. They require an open Sun, and a free Air, which in hot Countries would have been Nuisanses, rather than Delights. Plants remarkable for their Beauty or their Smell, had a place indeed in their Plantations; but we find no mention of any great Variety of Species, or Art in Ranging or Managing those they had. There is nothing said in any Greek or Roman Authors of large Gravelwalks, surrounding spacious Grass-Plats, edged with beautiful Borders, filled with all that choice of Auricula's, Tulipa's, Carnations, Tuberoses, Jonquilles, Lily's, Hyacinths, Narcissus', and that almost infinite diversity of Beautiful and Odoriferous Flowers that now adorn our Gardens. They knew not the Art of Diversifying the Colours, Enlarging the Flowers, and giving them all those sickly or luxuriant Beauties which are so commonly to be met with in our Gardens. Some Notion they had of Managing Dwarf-Trees, and Clipping other Trees that would bear it into what Form the Gardeners please; but they speak so little of it, that we have no reason to think they understood much of that beautiful Furniture which Dwarves and Ever-greens afford us.  
The Usefulness of Fruit-Trees made them be anciently more regarded. The Vines and Olives of the Ancient Greeks and Romans we have mentioned alteady. They had several sorts of Apples, Pears, Quinces, Peaches, Pomegranates, Plums, Figs and Nuts: As for Oranges and Lemons, and the delicious Fruits of the East and West-Indies, they were wholly Strangers to them. And they had not near the Variety of those they knew, with which Monsieur de la Quintinie, were they now alive, could furnish them. Though they had many Precepts concerning Pruning, Setting, Graffing and Inoculating, knew their Usefulness, and could perform all those Operations with Success; yet, comparatively speaking, their Manner was course; and had their Climates been as unkindly, their Success would have been but indifferent. They could manage Earth and Air and Water pretty tolerably; but how to bring the Sun under Rules (if I may use so bold an Expression) they knew not; which yet, by their Wall-Plantations, our Gardeners do every day. That is an Invention the Ancients were entirely unacquainted with; thereby, in Cold Countries, we can command the Warmth of Italy and Spain, and have Fruits of a Bigness, and Colour, and Taste, which even at Home they can scarce reach.  
It will not be hard now, with due Allowances, to make a just Comparison between Ancient and Modern Horticulture. Monsieur de la Quintinie will give us a full and just Idea of what the Skill of this Age can reach to: Mr. Evelyn's Kalendarium Hortense ought to be joined with it, to show the Difference in a more Northern Clime. What Variety our Florists can pretend to, will appear from Parkinson's Paradise, Ferrarius' Flora, or Swertius' Florilegium. In those Books one may see what Art can do, to beautify and enlarge Flowers beyond what Nature ordinarily produces. Other Men can only follow Nature; the Gardener alone leads it, and hastens or slackens its pace according as suits best with his Designs or Inclinations.  
I need say nothing of the Physic-Garden; since what has been said already in the foregoing Chapter enables every Man to judge there aright. So much for the Knowledge of Things not endued with Sensible Life.  

[Addit. pag. 344. 1. 15.]  
SURGERY comes next to be considered; which though at present it be looked upon as inferior to PHYSIC, yet it was much the ancientest, and is still the certainest part of Medicine. For here the Eye directs the Surgeon how he shall proceed; and if he knows but the Virtue of his Medicines, and how to apply them, he can, generally speaking, tell whether his Patient be curable or not. Anciently this was only a Branch of the Physician's Work; and the Old Physicians in the Heroical Times, Aesculapius, Chiron, Machaon, and the rest, were little more than Surgeons that could apply a Plaster, and cure a Green Wound. Nay, after Learning had emboldened Men to reason upon the Causes of Diseases whose Original was not visible to the naked Eye, and to try whether Inward Remedies would not cure them; Surgery was constantly treated of by Physicians, as a part of their Profession. Celsus alone will convince every Man of the truth of this Proposition.  
But how they treated of it, I durst not adventure to assert; tho' the Public will thank me for leaving it untouched, since that eminently Learned Surgeon, Mr. Charles Bernard, who is so great an Honour to his Profession, has done me the favour to communicate this following Paper: which I shall subjoin in his own words:  
If we inquire into the Improvements which have been made by the Moderns in Surgery, we shall be forced to confess, that we have so little reason to value ourselves beyond the Ancients, or to be tempted to contemn them, as the fashion is among those who know little, and have read nothing, that we cannot give stronger or more convincing Proofs of our own Ignorance, as well as our Pride. I do not pretend that the Moderns have not at all contributed towards the Improvement of Surgery; that were both absurd and injurious, and would argue as much folly as that which I am reproaching: but that which I am contesting for, is, That it consists rather in Refining and Dressing up the Inventions of the Ancients, and setting them in a better Light, than in Adding many important ones of our own. Whether it be, that the Art of Healing External Hurts, being principally the Subject of our Senses, was earlier studied, and therefore capable of being sooner brought to a greater degree of Perfection, than the other branch of Medicine; or, that the majority of the mere Professors having been for some Ages illiterate and empirical, it hath not been advanced and cultivated so as it might have been, had they been better qualified than they generally were, and do yet, for the greatest part, continue to be: For a Testimony of which, that exceeding Paucity of good Writers which occur in Surgery, when compared with those in most of the other learned Arts and Sciences, is, in my opinion, sufficient; and yet, were they fewer, 'twould, in the judgement of these Scioli, be no great detriment to the Art. For the Folly of which Assertion, the best Excuse that can be made, seems to be, that because some Methods of proceeding both in Physic and Surgery, which are incommunicable, to which every Man must be directed by his own Judgement and Natural Sagacity, not being to be found in those Authors whom these opinionated Practitioners have had the luck to consult, they are led immediately to despise all Reading, as useless and uninstructive; especially that of the Ancients, who do not generally, I confess, writ to Novitiates and Fools, or to those who will be always such.  
But whoever hath been conversant in their Writings, and hath the Opportunity and Capacity of comparing and judging from his own Experience, will readily confess, that one thing which does not a little recommend the Reading of them beyond most of the Moderns, is, That they are more accurate in describing the Pathognomonics, and more just and nice in distinguishing the Species of Tumours and Ulcers, than our more refined Moderns are.  
If this Age hath pared away any rude and superfluous Methods of Practice, as it must be confessed they have, it cannot be demonstrated that they were all derived from the Ancients, but were in a great measure introduced by ignorant and barbarous Professors of a much later date.  
There is no question, but that the principal Improvements which have these latter Ages been made in Surgery, are owing chief to the Discoveries which have been made in Anatomy, by which we are better enabled to solve many of those Phaenomena which were before inexplicable, or explained amiss; the most important part, in the mean while (I mean the Art of Healing, to which all the others ought to be subservient) remaining very little better than the Ancients left it.  
As an contestable Proof of what I say, I appeal to all those Bodies of Surgery which have been hitherto published by the most Learned and Celebrated of the Moderns, being all manifestly Transcripts from one another, and the best of them from the Ancients. But this may indeed be said in defence of the Moderns in this particular, That even Transcribing is not their Invention, tho' it be their Practice; for Aetius and Aegineta have borrowed not a little of what they have, from Galen; and Marcellus Empiricus more grossly from Scribonius Largus, without so much as remembering his Name among the rest of those Authors to whom he was less beholden.  
Among all the Systematical Writers, I think there are very few who refuse the Preference to Hieron. Fabricius ab Aquapendente, as a Person of unquestioned Learning and Judgement; and yet is not be ashamed to let his Readers know, that Celsus among the Latins (who, he tells us, is Mirabilis in Omnibus, and advises, in Horace's words, Nocturnâ versare manu, versare diurnâ,) Paulus Aegineta among the Greeks, and Albuchasis among the Arabians (whom I am unwilling to place among the Moderns, being in the number of those whom our Modern Judges reject, either because they never read him, or because he had the misfortune to live DC Years since) are the Triumvirate to whom he principally stands indebted, for the Assistance he received from them, in composing his excellent Book.  
But how many Operations are there now in use, which were unknown to the Ancients? I fear, that upon a due Enquiry, there would be more useful ones found to be omitted or discontinued, than to have been invented by us. But to descend a little to Particulars, that we may, without Prejudice or Partiality, be enabled to determine whether the Ancients are indeed so contemptible, and their Writings so useless, as some would represent them.  
Cutting for the Stone (to begin with that) was unquestionably theirs, and the manner accurately described by Celsus and others; and yet that no Person or Age may be defrauded of the Glory they deserve, where we can do them right, we must confess, that that way of performing it, which in most cases is preferrible, and in some only practicable, which by Authors is styled Magnus Apparatus, the High Operation, or Cutting upon the Staff, was invented by one Joannes de Romans of Cremona, who flourished at Rome, about the Year 1520. The Manner of the Operation, and the Instruments necessary, were first described and published by his Scholar Marianus Sanctus Barolitanus, at Venice, in 1535. The Use of the Modiolus, in Opening the Skull, was likewise theirs; our Countryman Woodall only mending the Instrument, by making that Taper, which was before Cylindrical, and for that reason not altogether so secure: The Alae, or Wings, being the Invention of that Great Man Aquapendens, to whom we stand obliged for many other useful Instruments. The Paracentesis, in all its kinds, is theirs: Barbette, indeed, invented an Instrument which is sometimes more commodiously made use of than the Ancient Methods are. Laryngotomy, or the Opening of the Windpipe, in a Quinsey, was practised by them; an Operation secure and necessary; however, at this day so disused, that it is almost become obsolete, either through the Timidity of the Patient, or Relations, or the Backwardness or Ignorance of the Physician or Surgeon; and tho' Aretaeus, P. Aegineta, and Caelius Aurelianus, seem, from the Authority of Antyllus, to discourse doubtfully of it; yet the greatest part of the Ancients, both Greeks and Arabians, advise it; and Galen in particular, from Reason and Experience, as well as from the Authority of Asclepiades, justly recommends it as the last Refuge in a Quinsey. Cutting for the Hernia Intestinalis, with the true Distinctions and Cures of all the other Species, are accurately described by them. They taught us the Cure of the Pterigion and Cataract; they described and distinguished all the Diseases of the Eyes, (which were not then, as now to the reproach of the Age they are, almost solely in the Hands of Old Women and Mountebanks) as justly as any of our Modern Oculists, who, indeed, do little more than transcribe from them. Opening an Artery, and the Jugular-Vein, (pretended to be revived here in England) was no more first attempted by the Moderns, than making Ligature in an Aneurism; which though an Operation of no mighty difficulty, was certainly not understood, very lately, by Fred. Ruysch, a considerable Dutch Anatomist, and Professor of that and Surgery at Amsteldam, [as may be seen in his Observationes Anatomico-Chirurgicae, Obs. 2. printed in Quarto, at Amstel. 1691.] The Extirpation of the Tonsils, or Uuula, is not our Invention; though, indeed, the removal of the former by Potential Cauteries, which we sometimes use, when the Patient will not admit Excision or Fire, seems neither to have been practised nor known to the Ancients. The manner of treating the Fistula Lachrymalis (a nice and difficult Cure, very often) which we continue at this day, is no other than what was taught by them; only the Use of the Cannula for the Cautery seems owing to Fabr. ab Aquapendente. As for the Actual Cautery, no inconsiderable, however terrible a branch of Surgery it may seem, though Costaeus, Fienus and Severinus have written so amply concerning it; yet from one single Aphorism 'tis demonstrable, that Hypocrates knew its true Use as well as any that have since succeeded him; not to mention how frequent it is in the Writings of all the rest of the Ancients, and used in many cases (I don't doubt but with admirable success) wherein it is wholly neglected, or not understood by us. The Cure of the Varices, by Incision, scarce talked of in our days, seems to have been familiarly practised among the Ancients, as is manifest from Celsus, and Paulus Aegineta; though so painful an Operation, that, as Tully [2 Tuscul.] and Plutarch tell us, Marius was the first who in one Leg underwent it, standing, and without being bound, though he could not be prevailed upon to purchase with so much Torture a Cure in the other: And though Pliny tells us, that he was unus Hominum, the single Instance; yet Tully assures us, that by his Example, there were others that sustained with equal Resolution and Fortitude. And whoever is conversant with those obstinate Varicous Ulcers which we frequently meet with, will confess, that for the effecting of a Cure, 'tis absolutely necessary, however painful and superfluous an Operation some may esteem it. The Ancients mention the Vari and Valgi, and prescribe us a Method of Cure; but the manner of their Reduction by the Instruments now in use they knew not, which were the Invention of Fabricius ab Aquapendente: as was also that for Extraction of the Polypus; which nevertheless the Ancients cured as frequently, tho' not so commodiously as ourselves. But the Polypus of the Ear (a Disease indeed which occurrs not so often as the preceding) seems so little known to the Moderns, that the very Mention of any such Disease is rarely to be met with in any of their Writings, yet the Cure of it is not omitted by the Ancients. They were perfectly acquainted and furnished with Convenient Instruments for the Reduction of all the Species of Fractures and Luxations, and the Methods of treating them afterwards; together with all the kinds of Sutures at this day in use among us, and some too that are now lost, at least so uncertain, that some very learned Men have thought they employed not their time amiss, in endeavouring to determine what they were, and to recover their Use. And though some have contended, that Issues were unknown to them, the contrary is evident from Celsus and Caelius Aurelianus; though we must acknowledge, that the placing and continuing them as now we do, appears not to have been in use among them. Nor is the Seton so extremely Modern, but that Lanfrancus, who lived CCCC Years since, directs its Use, and describes the manner of Making, (yet mentions it not as an Invention of his time,) though indeed, till Hildanus' days, it seems to have been always made with the Actual Cautery.  
There is no doubt but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Cutting the Infant out of the Mother, to preserve both, commonly called Partus Caesareus, (not often, if at all practised among us, tho' revived by some of our Neighbours with a success which ought to provoke the Emulation of our Professors here) is owing purely to the Felicity of the Moderns of the last Century. For, not to enter into the Controversy, whether Pliny, Nonius or Isidore were in the right, in asserting, that the First of the Caesars was denominated from his manner of Birth; or Probus and Festus, in affirming, that they were the Caesones; whereas the Caesars were only so called, from their Hair: Most certain it is, that neither Side pretend the Operation to have been done Matre Superstite: Nor is there any Evidence, that Cutting the Foetus out of the Womb, and Preserving the Mother, was ever proposed or thought of by the Ancients, whether Greek, Latin or Arabian; both the Story, and the Reason of the Name, being to be found only in the Historians and Grammarians. Who it was that first proposed or practised it, I confess, I am not able to determine: For Fr. Rossetus, who first wrote solemnly and expressly, or indeed at all, concerning it, produceth several Examples of other Men's Experience and Success, before ever he attempted it himself.  
As for those Operations which the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Curtorum Chirurgia, they amounted to no more than Cutting the Hair-Lip, or the like; for that they knew and practised; and therefore it becomes us to do right to the Age whose it was, for the Discovery of that which Gaspar Taliacotius properly so calls, and which himself brought to Perfection, and (whatever Scruples some who have not examined the History, may entertain concerning either the Truth or Possibility of the Fact) practised with wonderful Dexterity and Success, as may be proved from Authorities not to be contested. So that it is a most surprising thing to consider, that few or none should have since attempted to imitate so worthy and excellent a Pattern, especially in an Age wherein so many deplorable and scandalous Objects do every day seem either to beg or command our Assistance. But I do not assert him to have been the first Inventor, because it is what I find mentioned, tho' imperfectly, by Alex. Benedictus, before Taliacotius was born; and afterwards, by Vesalius, in his Chirurgia Magna, if at least that mean Piece be his, as we have it published by Borgarutius, which Fabr. Hildanus justly questions. There is likewise an Epistle quoted by Steph. Gourmelenus, in his Ars Chiurgica, written from one Calentius, to his Friend Orpianus (who, it seems, had the misfortune to want a Nose,) giving him an Account, that there was one Brauca a Sicilian, qui didicit nares inserere, which Calentius himself had seen performed, and therefore invites him to come, with this Encouragement, That he might be sure to return with a Nose of what size he pleased. Who this Orpianus was, is not material to inquire; nor can I, I confess, say much of this Brauca, (or Branca, as Taliacotius calls him, who seems to know no more of Him or his History, than what he transcribed from Gourmelenus; and Gourmelenus himself, no more than is expressed in this Epistle of Calentius, which affords but little light into the History;) though it is very probable that he was the same Person whom Ambr. Parey mentions to have practised this way of Inoculating Noses some Years before his time, in Italy; and gives an Instance of a Cadet of the Family à S. Thoano, who being weary and ashamed of a Silver Nose, applying himself to this Italian, returned with one of Flesh, to the Wonder and Satisfaction of all that knew him. As for this Elisius Calentius, from whom we have the first mention, that I can find, of any such Operation, he was Contemporary and Familiar with Sannazarius, and Jou. Pontanus, who mentions him; as does also Lilius Gyraldus, in his History of the Modern Poets, and tells us, agreeably enough, that he was Poor, Amorous, and a Poet; that he was born at Amphracta, in Apulia, but lived generally at Naples: His Works were printed about the Year 1503; and afterwards, his Epistles, among other select ones, were published by Gilb. Cognatus, and printed by Oporinus, in 1558. But I must not omit, among the rest, (what indeed is so notorious, that no Man, I suppose, will deny it,) That all the sorts of Amputations, as Limbs, and Breasts, etc. were as familiarly practised among the Ancients, as any can pretend they are among us, if we had only the Authority of a Poet for it, Immedicabile vulnus ense rescindendum est.  
The Art of Bandage, or Rolling, no mean or unnecessary, though neglected piece of Surgery, and upon which the French do so much value themselves, they knew so well, and had in such perfection, that we have not pretended to add much to that excellent and useful Treatise which Galen hath expressly written upon that Subject.  
And tho' the Variety of Instruments now in use, may seem, in some measure, to be justly challenged by the Moderns, every Man adding as his own Fancy suggested, and the Necessity required; yet by what are transmitted to us by the Ancients, 'tis notorious, that they were neither ignorant nor destitute of those which were most necessary; and that they had Variety of others too, may, by what we see described by Oribasius and others, and are at this day made use of, more easily be imagined than proved, but seems highly probable.  
As for Topical Medicines, most certain it is that we are obliged to them, for instructing us in the Nature and Properties of almost all those of which we do at this day form our Applications; some few excepted, the Productions of Modern Chemistry, in this or the preceding Century.  
And as for general Methods of Cure, many of them have been so excellently well handled by the Ancients, (to instance only in Wounds of the Head) that several of the Moderns who have written most judiciously upon them, have been of Opinion, that they could not serve and oblige Posterity better, than by Commenting upon that admirable Book of Hypocrates upon the same Subject.  
That which without Injury to the Ancients, or Vanity in ourselves, may be justly said, is, That the publishing Observations after that Method which some of the Moderns have done, is that wherein we must be allowed infinitely to have exceeded them; and is vastly of more Advantage to the Reader, than the perusal of tedious Systems are capable of being, two or three of which generally comprehending whatever is to be found in all the rest: But particular Cases, when judiciously and faithfully reported, (of which, too few, I fear, even of the Moderns are guilty,) Et prodesse solent & delectare, are diverting and instructive at once, the Reader more effectually adding other Men's Experience to his own.  
But to insist upon every Particular, and to pretend to demonstrate what hath been Invented, Discontinued or Lost in every Age, if it be to be done, requires a Person of greater Leisure, and infinitely more capable than myself. What I have said, is sufficient to show, that it becomes us to speak of the Ancients with Respect and Civility at least, if it were only for this; That it was our Instruction, and the Benefit of Mankind in general, which induced them to take that Care, and to be at so much Expense of Time and Labour to communicate their Knowledge to the World: Not that we are implicitly to be be determined by their Authority, or to suppose that they have not left room for succeeding Ages to Invent, and to Improve all those Parts of Surgery wherein they appear either to have been mistaken or dificient. For my own part, I must confess, I do entirely concur with Thomas Bartholine, [Epist. Med. Cent. 3.] who very well understood the Advantages which the Moderns had, and was himself as solicitous for the Improvement of Knowledge, as inquisitive into Nature, and as happy in his Discoveries, as any of those who imagine it a part of their Wit and Breeding to ridicule and contemn the Ancients; Pessimè studiis suis consulunt (says he) qui ita recentiorum scriptis se immergunt, ut veteres vel negligant vel contemnant, quam plerarumque rerum lux ex illis pendeat: And in another place; Ita semper recentiorum sententiis & opinionibus calculum adjeci, ut sua antiquitati reverentia servaretur, cui artis nostrae fundamenta debemus.    

[Addit. pag. xxii, etc.] THE POSTSCRIPT TO THE PREFACE.  
SInce the Second Edition of my Book was printed off, we have had an Account in the Journal des Sçavans, that Monsieur Perrault has published a THIRD PART of his Parallel between the Ancients and the Moderns; in which he undertakes to prove, that the Skill of the Moderns in Geography, Philosophy, Medicine, Mathematics, Navigation, etc. is preferrible to that of the Ancients. The Book is not yet, that I know of, in England, and possibly may not be procurable in some time. I thought it necessary, however, to take notice, that I have had a bare Intimation of such a Book, and no more; that so if in any Material Things we should happen to Agree, (as writing upon the same Argument, 'tis very probable we may,) I might not hereafter be thought a Plagiary. There was no danger hitherto; since as far as he had gone before, I either openly dissented from him, or directly abridged his Words.  
Pag. 220. I have, upon his own Authority given Columbus the Credit of Discovering that little Bone in the Inner Cavity of the Ear, which, from its figure, is commonly called the Stirrup: And indeed, he being the first that ever mentioned it in Print, and pretending that it was his own Invention, seems to have the fairest Plea to the Honour of it. But Philippus Ingrassias, who wrote some time before Columbus, certainly knew it: For, in his Commentary upon Galen de Ossibus, he expressly mentions it; and for that Reason, Falloppius, who could not want Opportunity of being truly informed, and was a right honest Man, and a judicious Anatomist, and one to whom many Discoveries are owing, ascribes it to him in such Terms as put the Controversy beyond dispute. Tertium (says Falloppius, speaking of the little Bones in the Inner Cavity of the Ear) si nolumus debitâ laude quenquam defraudare, invenit & promulgavit primus Johannes Philippus ab Ingrassia Siculus Philosophus ac Medicus Doctissimus dum Neapolitano in Gymnasio publicè Anatomen doceret: And a little after; Deus tamen gloriosus scit Ingrassiae fuisse inventum; atque cum Stapedis aut Saffae nostrorum Patrum effigiem gestet, merito Stapedis nomine ab eodem fuisse donatum. Had Ingrassias' Book been printed in his Life-time, there had never been room for a Dispute; though his Right was so well known, that Bartholomaeus Eustachius, who wrote soon after Columbus, and put in his Claim to the Glory of the Discovery, mentions Ingrassias' Pretences, which Columbus does not.  
Some, perhaps, will think this Enquiry into the Author of this Discovery, to be a needless Affectation of Exactness. But 'tis so much the Duty of all Writers, not to misled their Readers in the smallest particular, that they are obliged to rectify their own Mistakes wherever they find them, and not to be afraid of being accused of Negligence; since Truth, and not Glory, aught to be the ultimate End of all our Labours and Inquiries.  
I am obliged also to take notice, that I have lately got a sight of Servetus' Christianismi Restitutio, out of which that famous passage concerning the Circulation of the Blood, which I set down at length, pag. 230. was copied long ago by that worthy Member of the Royal Society, Mr. Abraham Hill, from whom Mr. Bernard had it. My Lord Bishop of Norwich, whose incomparable Library contains every thing that is rare and excellent, did me the Honour to show it me. His Manuscript Copy is a Transcript of that Printed one which is preserved in the Landtgrave of Hesse's Library at Cassels; the very Book that was perused by Sandius, who gives an Account of it in his Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum. The Book itself was printed (at Basil, says Sandius) in 1553. and is a Collection of all Servetus' Theological Tracts, though considerably enlarged: some of which, and particularly his Discourses concerning the Trinity, had been published Twenty Years before. This I mention; because, if what Servetus says of the Passage of the Blood through the Lungs, be in the former Edition, the Discovery has so much the greater Antiquity. The Passages now in question, are in the Fifth Book of the Trinity, where he treats of the Holy Ghost: There he takes pains to prove, 
(a) He says he introduces this Disputation, ut inde intelligas ipsi Spiritûs Sancti Substantiae esse essentialiter adjunctam creati Spiritûs Christi Substantiam.  that the Substance of the Created Spirit of Jesus Christ is Essentially joined to the Substance of the Holy Ghost. To explain this, he talks much of God's Breathing the Soul into Man, which, by his manner of Explication, it is plain, he believed to be Material, the way he proceeds, is this: He supposes Three Spirits in Man's Body, Natural, Vital, and Animal; which (says he) are 
(b) Qui vere non sunt tres, sed duo Spiritus distincti. Vitalis est spiritus qui per Anastomoses ab Arteriis communicatur Venice, in quibus dicitur Naturalis. Primus ergo est Sanguis, cujus sedes est in hepate & corporis venis: Secundus est Spiritus Vitalis, cujus sedes est in cord, & corporis arteriis: Tertius est Spiritus Animalis, quasi lucis radius, cujus sedes est in cerebro & corporis nervis.  really not Three, but Two distinct Spirits. The Vital is that which is communicated by anastomosis from the Arteries to the Veins, in which it is called Natural. The Blood therefore is First, whose Seat is in the Liver and Veins: The Vital Spirit is Second, whose Seat is in the Heart and Arteries: The Animal Spirit is Third, which is like a Ray of Light, and has its Seat in the Brain and Nerves. So that he makes the beginning of the whole Operation to be in the Liver; which, according to him, is the original Workhouse of the Blood, which he calls the Soul or Life, as it is called in the Old Testament.  
Now to understand how the Blood is the Life, he says,  

(c) 
Ad quam rem est prius intelligenda substantialis Generatio ipsius Vitalis Spiritûs, qui ex Aëre inspirato & subtilissimo sanguine componitur & nutritur: Vitalis spiritus in sinistro cordis ventriculo suam originem habet, juvantibus maxime pulmonibus ad ipsius generationem. Est spiritus tenuis, caloris vi elaboratus, flavo colore, igneâ potentiâ, ut sit quasi ex puriore sanguine lucens vapour, substantiam continens aquae, aëris & ignis: generatur ex factâ in pulmone mixtione inspirati aëris cum elaborato subtili sanguine, quem dexter ventriculus sinistro communicate. Fit autem communicatio haec non per parietem cordis medium, ut vulgo creditur, sed magno artificio à dextro cordis ventriculo longo per pulmones ductu, agitatur sanguis subtilis: à pulmonibus praeparatur, flavus efficitur, & à venâ arteriosâ in arteriam venosam transfunditur; deinde in ipsâ arteriâ venosâ inspirato aëri miscetur, & exspiratione à fuligine repurgatur: atque ita tandem à sinistro cordis ventriculo totum mixtum per Diastolen attrahitur, apta supellex ut fiat spiritus vitalis.  
Quod ita per pulmones fiat communicatio & praeparatio, docet conjunctio varia & communicatio venae arteriosae cum arteriâ venosâ in pulmonibus. Confirmat hoc magnitudo insignis venae arteriosae, quae nec talis nec tanta facta esset, nec tantam à corde ipso vim purissimi sanguinis in pulmones emitteret ob solum eorum nutrimentum, nec cor pulmonibus hac ratione serviret, cum praesertim antea in embryone solerent pulmones ipsi aliunde nutriri ob membranulas seu— Cordis usque ad horam nativitatis nondum apertas, ut docet Galenus.   We must first understand the substantial Generation of the Vital Spirit, which is compounded of, and nourished by Inspired Air, and the subtlest part of the Blood: The Vital Spirit has its original in the left Ventricle of the Heart, by the assistance of the Lungs, which chief contribute to its Generation. It is a subtle Spirit (so I render tenuis here) wrought by the force of Heat; of a florid Colour, having the power of Fire: so that it is a sort of shining Vapour made of the purer part of the Blood, containing within itself the substance of Water, Air and Fire. It is made in the Lungs, by the mixture of Inspired Air with that Elaborated Subtle Blood which the Right Ventricle of the Heart communicates to the Left. Now this Communication is not made through the Septum of the Heart, as is commonly believed, but the subtle Blood is very artificially agitated by a long passage through the Lungs from the right Ventricle of the Heart, and is prepared, made florid by the Lungs, and transfused out of the Arterious Vein into the Venous Artery, and at last in the Venous Artery itself it is mixed with the Inspired Air, and by expiration purged from its Dregs. And thus at length the whole Mixture is attracted, by the Diastole of the Heart, into the left Ventricle, being now a fit Substance out of which to form the Vital Spirit.  
Now that this Communication and Preparation is made by the Lungs, is evident from the various Conjunction and Communication of the Arterious Vein with the Venous Artery in the Lungs; the remarkable largeness of the Arterious Vein does likewise confirm it: since it would never have been made of that Form and Bulk, nor would it have emitted so great a quantity of very pure Blood out of the Heart into the Lungs, if it had been only for their Nourishment: nor would the Heart have been this way serviceable to the Lungs, since the Foetus in the Womb are otherwise nourished, by reason of the closeness of the Membranes of the Heart, which are never opened till the Birth of the Child, as Galen teaches.  
So that the whole Mixture of Fire and Blood is made in the Lungs, where there is a 
(d) Transfusio à venâ arteriosâ ad arteriam venosam propter spiritum, à Galeno non animadversa.  Transfusion out of the Arterious Vein into the Venous Artery, which Galen took no notice of.  
Afterwards, he says, 
(e) Ille itaque spiritus vitalis à sinistro cordis ventriculo in arterias totius corporis deinde transfunditur, ita ut qui tenuior est, superiora petat, ubi magis adhuc elaboratur, praecipue in plexu retiformi sub basi cerebri sito, ubi ex vitali fieri incipit animalis ad propriam rationalis animae rationem accedens.  That this Vital Spirit is transmitted from the left Ventricle of the Heart into the Arteries of the whole Body; so that the more subtle Parts get upwards, where they are yet more refined, especially in the Plexus Retiformis, which lies in the Base of the Brain, where, from Vital, it gins to become Animal, and approaches to the proper Nature of the Rational Soul.  
This he reasons long upon, to prove, that the Blood is the Soul of Man; and seems to allow no other but what is thus made; first elaborated in the Liver, thence carried by the Veins into the right Ventricle of the Heart, and so into the Lungs; where being mixed with Air, it becomes Vital; and afterwards being carried by the Arteries into the Brain, it is there further sublimed, till it receives its last Perfection, so as to be fit to perform the noblest Operations of the Animal Life.  
If we compare now this Notion thus explained by Servetus, with Dr. Harvey's Theory of the Circulation of the Blood, we shall plainly see, that he had imperfect Glimmerings of that Light which afterwards Dr. Harvey communicated with so bright a Lustre to the learned World: Which Glimmerings, since they were so true, having nothing in them of a False-Fire, I much wonder that he went no further; though at the same time I cannot but hearty congratulate the Felicity of my own Country, which produced the Man that first saw the Importance of these noble Hints which he improved into a Theory, and thereby made them truly useful to Mankind.  
Before I conclude this POSTSCRIPT, it will be expected, perhaps, that I should say something concerning this New Edition. I have taken the Liberty which all Men have ever allowed, to Alter and Add where I thought any thing was faulty or deficient, and now and then I omitted some few Passages that did not so immediately relate to the design of the Book.  
By one of these Additions, that of Surgery, which Mr. Bernard put in at my request, it will be yet further seen, that I would have nothing allowed to the Moderns, where the Cause will not strictly bear it. I had conceded so much to them before, that it was generally thought I was biased on their behalf: It was not enough, to tell the World I was of no Side; the contrary was taken for granted, since in so many Particulars I actually gave them the Pre-eminence, when Sir W. T. had given it them almost in nothing. I must own, I was glad it could be proved, that the World has not actually lost its Vigour, but that a gradual Improvement is plainly visible; which this Instance that Mr. Bernard has so incontestably made out, does by no means contradict. For Surgery, though it is the certainest, yet it is the simplest part of Medicine: There the Operator is more let into his Work, which does not depend so much upon Conjecture as Physic. The Reproach therefore of its comparatively small Proficiency, is to be laid upon the Men, not the Art; it has been for these last Ages esteemed too Mechanical for Men of Liberal Education, and fine Parts, to busy themselves about: So that I question not but if as many learned Men had cultivated Surgery for these last CCC Years, as have employed themselves in some other Parts of Natural and Mathematical Learning, it would have met with as proportionable an Increase; unless we should say, that it is already come to its highest Perfection; which, whether it be or no, I cannot pretend to decide.  
The entire Discourses which are added, are printed by themselves, for the Satisfaction of those who have bought the First Edition, and have no Curiosity to compare that with the Second. But I have not reprinted those lesser Additions which are interwoven into the Body of the Book, both because they would appear only like a parcel of lose Scraps, and because something was to be done in compliance to the Bookseller, who (having once more, at a time when Printing labours under so great Discouragements, adventured to publish so large a Book which so few People will care to read) desired that this Second Edition might be made as Valuable to him as well it could.  
April 30. 1697.    

A DISSERTATION UPON THE EPISTLES OF PHALARIS, THEMISTOCLES, SOCRATES, EURIPIDES, and Others; And the FABLES of AESOP.  
BY RICHARD BENTLEY, D. D. Chaplain in Ordinary and Library-keeper to His MAJESTY.  
LONDON, Printed by J. Leake, for Peter Buck, at the Sign of the Temple, near the Inner-Temple-Gate, in Fleetstreet, MDCXCVII.   

Sir William Temple's Essay upon Ancient and Modern Learning, pag. 58.  
IT may perhaps be further affirmed, in favour of the Ancients; That the oldest Books we have, are still in their kind the best. The two most Ancient that I know of in Prose, among those we call Profane Authors, are Aesop's Fables, and Phalaris' Epistles, both living near the same time, which was that of Cyrus and Pythagoras. As the first has been agreed by all Ages since for the greatest Master in his kind; and all others of that sort have been but Imitations of his Original: so I think the Epistles of Phalaris to have more Race, more Spirit, more Force of Wit and Genius, than any others I have ever seen either Ancient or Modern. I know, several Learned Men (or that usually pass for such, under the Name of Critics) have not esteemed them Genuine; and Politian, with some others, have attributed them to Lucian: but I think he must have little Skill in Painting, that cannot find out this to be an Original. Such Diversity of Passions, upon such Variety of Actions and Passages of Life and Government; such Freedom of Thought, such Boldness of Expression; such Bounty to his Friends, such Scorn of his Enemies; such Honour of Learned Men, such Esteem of Good; such Knowledge of Life, such Contempt of Death; with such Fierceness of Nature, and Cruelty of Revenge, could never be represented but by him that possessed them. And I esteem Lucian to have been no more capable of Writing, than of Acting what Phalaris did. In all One writ, you find the Scholar or the Sophist; and all, the Other, the Tyrant and the Commander.   

A DISSERTATION UPON The EPISTLES of PHALARIS, and others; and the FABLES of AESOP.  
To Mr. Wotton.  
SIR,  
I Remember, that discoursing with you upon this Passage of Sir W. T. (which I have here set down,) I happened to say, That with all Deference to so great an Authority, and under a just Awe of so sharp a Censure, I believed it might be even demonstrated, that the Epistles of Phalaris are Spurious, and that we have nothing now extant of Aesop's own Composing. This casual Declaration of my Opinion, by the power of that long Friendship that has been between us, you improved into a Promise, That I would send you my Reasons in Writing, to be added to the New Edition of your Book: believing it, as I suppose, a considerable Point in the Controversy you are engaged in. For if it once be made out, that those Writings your Adversary so extols, are Supposititious, and of no very long Standing; you have then His and his Parties own Confession, That some of the Later Pens have outdone the Old ones in their kinds: And to others, that have but a mean Esteem of the Wit and Style of those Books, it will be a double Prejudice against him, in your favour, That he could neither discover the true Time, nor the true Value of his Authors.  
These, I imagine, were your Thoughts; when you engaged me to this, that I am now doing. But I must take the freedom to profess, that I writ without any view or regard to your Controversy; which I do not make my own, nor presume to interpose in it. 'Tis a Subject so nice and delicate, and of such a mixed and diffused nature, that I am content to make the best Use I can of both Ancients and Moderns, without venturing with you, upon the hazard of a wrong Comparison, or the envy of a true one.  
That some of the Oldest Books are the best in their kinds, the same Person having the double Glory of Invention and Perfection; is a thing observed even by some of the Ancients 
(a) Dion. Chrysost. Orat. 33. p. 397. . But then the Authors they gave this Honour to, are Homer and Archilochus, one the Father of Heroic Poem, and the other of Epode and Trochaic. But the choice of Phalaris and Aesop, as they are now extant, for the two great inimitable Originals, is a piece of Criticism of a peculiar Complexion, and must proceed from a Singularity of Palate and Judgement.  
To pass a Censure upon all kinds of Writings, to show their several Excellencies and Defects, and especially to assign each of them to their proper Authors, was the chief Province and the greatest Commendation of the Ancient Critics. And it appears from those Remains of Antiquity that are left us, that they never wanted Employment. For to forge and counterfeit Books, and father them upon Great Names, has been a Practice almost as old as Letters. But it was then most of all in fashion, when the 
(b) Galen. in Hippoc. de Natura Hominis, Comm. 2. p. 17. Ed. Basil.  Kings of Pergamus and Alexandria, rivalling one another in the Magnificence and Copiousness of their Libraries, gave great rates for any Treatises that carried the names of celebrated Authors. Which was an Invitation to the Scribes and Copyers of those Times, to enhance the Price of their Wares by ascribing them to Men of Fame and Reputation; and to suppress the true Names, that would have yielded less Money. And now and then even an Author, that wrote for Bread, and made a Traffic of his Labours, would purposely conceal himself, and personate some old Writer of eminent Note; giving the Title and Credit of his Works to the Dead, that himself might the better live by them. But what was then done chief for Lucre, was afterwards done out of Glory and Affectation, as an Exercise of Style, and an Ostentation of Wit. In this the Tribe of the Sophists are principally concerned; in whose Schools it was the ordinary task to compose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to make Speeches and writ Letters in the Name and Character of some Hero, or great Commander or Philosopher; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, What would Achilles, Medea, or Alexander say in such or such Circumstances? Thus Ovid, we see, who was bred up in that way, writ Love Letters in the Names of Penelope and the rest. 'Tis true, they came abroad under his own Name; because they were written in Latin and in Verse, and so had no colour or pretence to be the Originals of the Grecian Ladies. But some of the Greek Sophists had the Success and Satisfaction to see their Essays in that kind pass with some Readers for the genuine Works of those they endeavoured to express. This, no doubt, was great Content and Joy to them; being as full a Testimony of their Skill in Imitation; as the Birds gave to the Painter, when they pecked at his Grapes. One of them 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Praef. Epist. Bruti.  indeed, has dealt ingenuously, and confessed that he feigned the Answers to Brutus, only as a Trial of Skill: but most of them took the other way, and concealing their own Names, put off their Copies for Originals; preferring that silent Pride and fraudulent Pleasure, though it was to die with them, before an honest Commendation from Posterity for being good Imitators. And to speak freely, the greatest part of Mankind are so easily imposed on in this way, that there is too great Invitation to put the trick upon them. What clumsy Cheats, those Sibylline Oracles now extant, and Aristeas' Story of the Septuagint, passed without control even among very learned Men. And even some Modern Attempts of this kind have met with Success not altogether discouraging. For though Annius of Viterbo, after a Reputation of some Years, and Inghiramius immediately, were shamed out of all Credit: yet Sigonius' Essay the Consolation, as coming from a skilful Hand, may perhaps pass for Cicero's with some, as long as Cicero himself shall last. Which I cannot presage of that bungling Supplement to Petronius (I mean not that from Traw, but the pretended one from Buda) that Scandal to all Forgeries: though, I hear, 'tis at present admired as a genuine Piece by some that think themselves no ordinary Judges.  

OF PHALARIS 'S EPISTLES.  
THat Sophist, whoever he was, that wrote a small Book of Letters in the Name and Character of Phalaris, (give me leave to say this now, which I shall prove by and by) had not so bad a hand at Humouring and Personating, but that several believed, it was the Tyrant himself that talked so big, and could not discover the Ass under the Skin of that Lion. For we find Stobaeus 
(d) Stob. Tit. seven. , quoting the 38, and 67, and 72, of those Epistles, under the Title of Phalaris. And Suidas, in the Account he gives of him, says he has wrote most admirable Letters, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, meaning those that we are speaking of. And Johannes Tzetzes, a Man of much rambling Learning, has many and large Extracts out of them, in his Chiliads; ascribing them all to the Tyrant whose Livery they wear. These three, I think, are the only Men among the Ancients, that make any mention of them: but since they give not the least hint of any Doubts concerning their Author; we may conclude, that all the Scholars of those Ages received them as true Originals; so that they have the general Warrant and Certificate for this last Thousand Years before the Restoration of Learning. As for the Moderns; besides the Approbation of those smaller Critics, that have been concerned in the Editions of them, and cry them up of course; some very Learned Men have espoused and maintained them, such as Thomas Fazellus 
(e) Historia Sicula, p. 118. , and Jacobus Cappellus 
(f) Historia Sacra & Exotica, p. 249. . Even Mr. Selden himself 
(g) Marm. Arundel. p. 106.  draws an Argument in Chronology from them, without discovering any Suspicion or Jealousy of a Cheat. To whom I may add their latest and greatest Advocate; who has honoured them with that most high Character, prefixed to this Treatise.  
Others, indeed, have shown their Distrust of Phalaris' Title to them; but are content to declare their Sentiment without assigning their Reasons. Phalaris, or some body else, [says Caelius Rhod. lib. iii. c. 7.] The Epistles that go under the Name of Phalaris, [Menagius ad Laert. p. 35.] Some name the very Person, at whose door they lay the Forgery. Lucian, whom they commonly mistake for Phalaris, [says Ang. Politianus, Epist. 1.] The Epistles of Phalaris, if they are truly his, and not rather Lucian's, [Lilius Greg. Gyraldus, Poet. Hist. p. 88] who, in another place, [p. 332.] informs us, that Politian's Opinion had generally obtained among the Learned of that Age: The Epistles, says he, of Phalaris, which most People attribute to Lucian. How judiciously they ascribe them to Lucian, we shall see better anon; after I have examined the Case of Phalaris, who has the Plea and Right of Possession. And I shall not go to dispossess him, as those have done before me, by an Arbitrary Sentence in his own Tyrannical Way; but proceed with him upon lawful Evidence, and a fair, impartial Trial. And I am very much mistaken in the Nature and Force of my Proofs, if ever any Man hereafter, that reads them, persist in his old Opinion of making Phalaris an Author.  
The Censures that are made from Style and Language alone, are commonly nice and uncertain, and depend upon slender Notices. Some very sagacious and learned Men have been deceived in those Conjectures, even to ridicule. The great Scaliger published a few jambics, as a choice Fragment of an old Tragedian, given him by Muretus; who soon after confessed the Jest, that they were made by himself. Boxhornius writ a Commentary upon a small Poem De Light, supposed by him to be some ancient Author's; but it was soon discovered to be Michael Hospitalius', a late Chancellor of France. So that if I had no other Argument, but the Style, to detect the Spuriousness of Phalaris' Epistles; I myself, indeed, should be satisfied with that alone, but I durst not hope to convince every body else. I shall begin therefore with another sort of Proofs, that will affect the most slow Judgements, and assure the most timid or incredulous.  
The Time of Phalaris' Tyranny cannot be precisely determined, so various and defective are the Accounts of those that writ of him. Eusebius sets the Beginning of it Olymp. XXXI, 2. Phalaris apud Agrigentinos tyrannidem exercet; and the End of it Olymp. XXXVII, 2. Phalaridis tyrannis destructa. By which Reckoning he governed XXVIII Years. But St. Hierom, out of some unknown Chronologer (for that Note is not extant in the Greek of Eusebius) gives a different Time of his Reign, above LXXX Years later than the other; Olymp. LIII, 3. or as other Copies read it, LII, 2. Phalaris tyrannidem exercuit annos XVI. Which is agreeable to Suidas, who places him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, about the LII Olympiad. If the former Account be admitted, the Cheat is manifest at first sight: for those Letters of Phalaris to Stesichorus and Pythagoras must of necessity be false. Because Stesichorus was but VI Years old at that supposed time of Phalaris' Death; and Pythagoras was not taken notice of in Greece till LXXX Years after it. But for the sake of Aristotle and Jamblichus, who make these Three to be Contemporaries, and that I may prevent all possible Cavils and Exceptions; I am willing to allow the latter Account, the more favourable to the pretended Letters; his Government commencing Olymp. LIII, 3. and expiring after XVI Years, Olymp. LVII, 3.  
I. In the last Epistle, to those of Enna, a City of Sicily; Phalaris says, the Hyblenses and Phintienses had promised to lend him Money at Interest; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Sophist was careful to mention such Cities as he knew were in Sicily. For so Ptolemee places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there; and Antoninus, Phintis; and Pliny, Phintienses. But it is ill luck for this Forger of Letters, that a Fragment of 
(h) Diod. p. 867.  Diodorus, a Sicilian, and well acquainted with the History of his Country, was preserved to be a Witness against him. That excellent Writer informs us, that Phintias, Tyrant of Agrigentum, (the very Place where Phalaris was before him) first built Phintia, calling it by his own Name; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that this was done, while the Romans were at War with King Pyrrhus, that is, Olymp. CXXV; which is above CCLXX Years after Phalaris' Death, taking even the later Account of St. Hierom. A pretty Slip this of our Sophist, who, like the rest of his Profession, was more versed in the Books of Orators than Historians, to introduce his Tyrant borrowing Money of a City, almost CCC Years before it was named or built.  
II. In the XCII Epistle, he threatens Stesichorus the Poet, for raising Money and Soldiers against him at Aluntium and Alaesa, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and that perhaps he might be snapped, before he got home again from Alaesa to Himera, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. What a pity 'tis again, that the Sophist had not read Diodorus: for he would have told him, that this Alaesa was not in being in Phalaris' days. 
(i) Diod. p. 246.  It was first built by Archonides, a Sicilian, Olymp. XCIV, 2. or, as others say, by the Carthaginians, about Two Years before. So that here are above CXX Years slipped, since the latest period of Phalaris. And we must add above a dozen more to the reckoning, upon the Sophist's own score: For this Letter is supposed to bear date before Stesichorus and Phalaris were made Friends; which was a dozen Years, as he tells his Tale 
(k) Epist. 103. , before Stesichorus died; and Phalaris he makes to survive him. I am ware, that the same Author says, 
(l) Diod. ibid.  that there were other Cities in Sicily, called Alaesa: But it is evident from the situation, that this Alaesa of Archonides is meant in the Epistles; for this lies on the same Coast with Himera and Aluntium, (to which two the Sophist here joins it,) and is at a small distance from them. And indeed there was no other Town of that name in the days of the Sophist, the rest being ruined long before.  
III. The LXX Epistle gives an account of several rich Presents to Polyclitus the Messenian Physician, for doing a great cure upon Phalaris. Among the rest, he names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ten couple of Thericlean cups. But there is another thing, besides a pretty Invention, very useful to a Liar; and that is, a good Memory. For we will suppose our Author to have once known something of these Cups, the time and the reason they were first called so; but that he had unhappily forgot it, when he writ this Epistle. They were large Drinking-Cups, of a peculiar shape, so called from the first Contriver of them, one Thericles a Corinthian Potter. Pliny, by mistaking his Author Theophrastus, makes him a Turner, [lib. XVI. cap. 40.] Celebratur & Thericles nomine, calices ex terebintho solitus facere torno. The words of Theophrastus are these, [Hist. Plant. l. V cap. 4.] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; That the Turner's make Thericlean Cups of the Turpentine tree, which cannot be distinguished from those made by the Potters. Here can nothing be gathered hence, to make Thericles himself a Turner; for after he had first invented them, they were called Thericlean, from their shape, whatsoever Artificer made them, and whether of Earth, or of Wood, or of Metal. But as I said, by the general consent of Writers, we must call him a Potter. Hesychius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lucian [in Lexiphanes, pag. 960.] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Etymologicon M. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The words of Eubulus, whom he citys, are extant in Athenaeus, [lib. XI. p. 471.]  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And again;  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Now the next thing to be enquired, is the Age of this Thericles; and we learn that from Athenaeus; one Witness indeed, but as good as a multitude in a matter of this nature, [pag. 470.] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; This Cup, says he, was invented by Thericles the Corinthian Potter, who was contemporary with Aristophanes the Comedian. And in all probability, he had this indication from some Fable of that Poet's, now lost; where that Corinthian was mentioned, as one then alive. But all the Plays that we have left of his, are known to have been written and acted between the LXXXIIX and XCVII Olympiads, which is an interval of XXXVI years. Take now the very first year of that number; and Thericles, with the Cups that had their appellation from him, come above CXX years after Phalaris' death.  
But I must remove one Objection that may be made against the force of this Argument: for some ancient Grammarians give a quite different account, why such Cups were called Thericlean. Some derive the word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the skins of Beasts that were figured upon them: and Pamphilus the Alexandrian 
(m) Athenaeus, pag. 471.  would have them called so, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because Beasts were scared and frighted, when, in Sacrifices, Wine was poured upon them out of those Cups. So I interpret the words of Pamphilus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For what is more ordinary in old Authors, than the memory of that custom of pouring wine on the heads of the Victims?  
Ipsa tenens dextra pateram pulcherrima Dido  
Candentis vaccae media inter cornua fudit.  
Nor are wild Beasts only called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but tame too, such as Bulls and Cows; as the Epigrammatist calls the Minotaur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I cannot therefore comprehend why the most learned Is. Casaubon will read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this passage, and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For I own, I see little or no sense in it, according to his Lection. And as for the Authority of the ancient Epitomiser of Athenaeus, who, he says, reads it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; one may be certain, 'twas a fault only in that Copy of him that Casaubon used. For Eustathius, who appears never to have seen the true Athenaeus, but only that Epitome, read it in his Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and took it in the same sense that I now interpret it, [p. 1209. Iliad.] H 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And now for those two derivations of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; was ever any thing so forced, so frigid, so unworthy of refutation? Does not common Analogy plainly show, that as from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and many such like; so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? besides so many express Authorities for it, which I have cited before. To which I may add that of Julius Pollux, [l. VI c. 16.] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and Plutarch in P. Aemilius, [pag. 273.] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Clemens Alexand. [II. Paed. p. 69.] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For one may justly infer, that both Plutarch and Clemens believed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; because they join them with those other Cups, all which had their names from Men that either invented or used them. And so says a Manuscript note upon that passage of Clemens; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So that upon the whole, let Pamphilus and those other Grammarians help him as they can, our Sophist stands fully convicted, upon this Indictment, of forgery and imposture.  
I must here beg leave of the late learned Editors of our Mock Phalaris, with whom I must by and by have some further expostulation, to descent from their new version of this passage; whereby this argument from Thericles would vanish into nothing. For instead of ten couple of Thericlean Cups, as the former Interpreters honestly translate it, they present us, as an emendation, with the like number of GLASSES, Poculorum Vitreorum, leaving us not the least footstep of our Corinthian Potter. But methinks these Glasses come in but oddly and stingily among those other things named there of great value, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Vessels of Gold and Silver, beautiful Slaves, fifty thousand Drachmae, and a liberal yearly Pension for Life. If Agathocles the Tyrant had made this Present of a score of Glasses, it might have passed for a mark of favour: because he was a Potter in his youth, and we might suppose them of his own making. And as I remember, Diodorus tells such a story of him. But why Phalaris should make so cheap and brittle a Compliment, I cannot conjecture. 'Tis true, Suidas translates it a Glass, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and Etymolog. Mag. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But we know the old Lexicons chief consist of Excerpta out of Scholiasts and Glossaries upon particular Authors; one of which, in one single place, might expound it a Glass. But that it must universally mean so, or particularly in this passage before us, neither the use of the Language, nor good Sense will allow. For besides Earth, which was the first Material; some were made of Wood, as Theophrastus says in the place already cited; others of Silver or Gold, as Plutarch in P. Aemilius; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Athenaeus, [lib. v. p. 199.] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And I conceive, it were more agreeable to the Generosity of Phalaris, which is the subject of so many Letters, to suppose these Thericlean Cups to be Silver at least, if not a more precious Metal.  
iv In the LXXXV Epistle, he boasts of a great Victory obtained over the Zancleans; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But the very preceding Letter, and the XXI, are directed to the Messenians, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the City is there called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and in the First Epist. he speaks of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Here we see we have mention made of Zancleans and Messenians; as if Zancle and Messana were two different Towns. Certainly the true Phalaris could not write thus; and it is a piece of ignorance inexcusable in our Sophist, not to know that both those names belonged to one and the same City, at different times. Strabo, [lib. VI p. 268.] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Messana, which was before called Zancle. See also Herodotus, [lib. VII.] and Diodorus, [lib. IU.] and others. Perhaps it may be suspected, in behalf of these Epistles, that this change of Name was made, during those XVI years of Phalaris' Tyranny; and then supposing the LXXXV Letter to be written before the change, and the other Three after it, this argument will be evaded. But Thucydides will not suffer this suspicion to pass, who relates, 
(n) Lib. vi. p. 414.  that at the time of Xerxes' expedition into Greece (which was Olymp. LXXIII.) Anaxilaus King of Rhegium besieged Zancle, and took it, and called it Messana, from the Peloponnesian City of that name, the place of his nativity. The same says 
(o) Lib. vi. cap. 23.  Herodotus: and agreeably to this narrative, 
(p) Lib. xi. p. 37.  Diodorus sets down the death of this Anaxilaus Olymp. LXXVI, 1. when he had reigned XVIII years. Take now the latest accounts of Phalaris' death, according to to St. Hierom; and above LX years intervene between that, and the new naming of Zancle. So that unless we dare ascribe to that Tyrant a Spirit of Vaticination, we cannot acquit the Author of the Letters of so manifest a cheat.  
But I love to deal ingenuously, and will not conceal one testimony in his favour, which is that of 
(q) Messen. p. 134.  Pausanias, who tells the story very differently from Herodotus and Thucydides, placing this same Anaxilaus of Rhegium about a CLXXX years higher than they do; That he assisted the Refugees of Messana in Peloponnesus, after the second war with the Spartans', to take Zancle in Sicily; which thereupon was called Messana, Olymp. XXIX: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now if this be true, we must needs put-in one word for our Sophist; that Phalaris might name the Messenians, without pretending to the gift of Prophecy. 
(r) Sicil. Antiq. p. 85.  Cluverius indeed would spoil all again; for he makes it a fault in our Copies of Pausanias, and for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the XXIX Olymp. reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the LXIX; which is too great a number, to do our Author any service. But we will not take an advantage against him, from a mistake of Cluverius; for without question, the true Lection is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the XXIX; because the time of the Messenian War agrees with that computation, and not with the other: and the ancient 
(s) Euseb. Scalig. p. 39  Catalogue of the Olympionicae puts Chionis' Victory at that very year. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So that if Pausanias' Credit is able to bear him out, our Author, as to this present point, may still come off with reputation. But alas! what can Pausanias do for Him, or for himself, against Herodotus, and Thucydides, that lived so near the time they speak of; against those other unknown Authors that Diodorus transcribed; against the whole tenor of History, confirmed by so many Synchronisms and Concurrences that even demonstrate Anaxilaus to have lived in the days of Xerxes, and his Father; when Theron, and not Phalaris, was 
(t) Herodot. lib. seven. p. 438.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Monarch of Agrigentum. Nay, though we should be so obliging, so partial to our Sophist, as for his sake to credit Pausanias against so much greater Authority; yet still the botch is incurable; 'tis running in debt with one man, to pay off another. For, how then comes it to pass, that the Messenians in another Letter, are in this called Zancleans? which, by that reckoning of Pausanias, had been an obsolete forgotten word, an hundred years before the date of this pretended Epistle.  
V That same XCII Letter, which has furnished us already with one detection of the Imposture, will, if strictly examined, make a second confession, from these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; 'tis a threat of Phalaris to the Himeraeans, That he would extirpate them like a Pinetree. Now here again am I concerned for our Sophist, that he is thus taken tripping. For the Original of this Saying is thus related by 
(u) Lib. vi. cap. 37.  Herodotus: When the Lampsaceni in Asia had taken captive Miltiades the Athenian, Crooesus' King of Lydia sent them a Message; That if they did not set him free, he would come and extirpate them like a Pine; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The men of Lampsacus understood not the meaning of that expression, like a Pine; till one of the eldest of them hit upon it, and told them, That of all trees, the Pine, when once it is cut down, never grows again, but utterly perishes. We see the phrase was then so new and unheard of, that it puzzled a whole City. But now if Croesus was upon that occasion the first Author of this Saying, what becomes of this Epistle? For this, as I observed before, being pretended to be written above a dozen years before Phalaris' death, carries date at least half a dozen before Croesus began his reign.  
Nay, there is good ground of suspicion, that Herodotus himself, who wrote an Hundred Years after Phalaris was killed, was the first broacher of this expression. For 'tis known, those first Historians make every body's Speeches for them. So that the blunder of our Sophist is so much the more shameful. The Third Chapter of the VIII Book of A. Gellius, which is now lost, carried this Title; Quod Herodotus parum vere dixerit, unam solamque pinum arborum omnium caesam nunquam denuo ex iisdem radicibus pullulare; That Herodotus is in the wrong, in saying, that of all trees, a Pine only, if lopped, never grows again. I suppose, Gellius, in that Chapter told us, 
(w) Hist. Pl. lib. iv. c. 19 Caus. Pl. l. v. c. 24. Plin. l. xvii. c. 24.  out of Theophrastus, of some other trees, beside the Pine, that perish by lopping; the Pitch-tree, the Fir, the Palm, the Cedar, and the Cypress. But I would have it observed, that he attributes the Saying, and the Mistake about it, not to Croesus, but to Herodotus: after whom, it became a Proverb, which denotes an utter destruction, without any possibility of flourishing again. See 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Zenobius, Diogenianus, and Suidas. And 'tis remarkable, that our Letter-monger has Herodotus' very words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; when all those three other Writers have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which shows he had in his eye and memory this very place of Herodotus. A strange piece of stupidity, or else contempt of his Readers, to pretend to assume the garb and person of Phalaris, and yet knowingly to put words in his mouth, not heard of till a whole Century after him.  
But here again our late Editors, as if they had been bribed for the Sophist, have lopped off and destroyed this branch of our Evidence, as far as lay in their power: for they have made bold to execute this Proverb upon itself, and have quite extirpated the Pinetree out of their new Version: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; that is, qui eos in arundinis morem conteret, who will bruise them like a Reed, (say our critical Interpreters.) It seems, the Translation in the former Editions, Qui eos exscindam instar pinus, was too easy and vulgar. In H. Scripture, indeed, there is mention, by a very elegant Metaphor, of bruised and broken Reeds. But why Reeds must be transplanted hither, and the innocent Pine rooted up, I confess to be above my small understanding in Gardening.  
VI In the LXXXV Epistle, we have already taken notice of our Mock-Tyrant's triumph; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That he had utterly routed the Tauromenites and the Zancleans. But there's an old and true Saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Many new and strange things happen in War. For we have just now seen those same routed Zancleans rise up again, after a Thousand Years, to give him a worse defeat. And now the others too are taking their turn to revenge their old losses. For These, though they are called Tauromenites, both here, and in the XV, XXXI, and XXXIII Epistles, make protestation against the name; and declare they were called Naxians, in the days of the true Phalaris. Taurominium, quae antea Naxos, says Pliny, [lib. III. c. VIII.] Taurominium, quam prisci Naxon vocabant, says Solinus, [cap. XI.] Whence it is, that Herodotus and Thucydides, because they writ before the change of the name, never speak of Taurominium, but of Naxos, and the Naxians. A full account of the time, and the reason, and the manner of the change, is thus given by 
(x) Lib. xiv p. 282, & 305.  Diodorus. Some Sicilians planted themselves Olymp. XCVI, 1. upon a Hill called Taurus, near the ruins of Naxus, and built a new town there, which they called Tauromenion, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from their settlement upon Taurus. About Forty Years after this, Olymp. CV. 3. 
(y) Lib. XV. p. 411.  one Andromachus a Tauromenite gathered all the remnant of the old Naxians that were dispersed through Sicily, and persuaded them to fix there. This is such a plain and punctual testimony, that neither the power and stratagems of the Tyrant, nor the rhetoric of the Sophist, are able to evade it. Where are those then, that cry up Phalaris for the florid Author of the Letters? who was burnt in his own Bull, above CL Years before Taurominium was ever thought on.  
But I shall not omit one thing in defence of the Epistles; which though it will not do the work, let it go, however, as far as it can. We have allowed, that Pythagoras was contemporary with Phalaris; and yet in the History of that Philosopher, we are told of his conversation and exploits at Taurominium. Porphyry says, 
(z) Vita Pythag. p. 169.  He delivered Croton and Himera, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Taurominium, from Tyrants: and, 
(a) P. 192, & 193.  That in one and the same day he was at Metapontium in Italy, and Taurominium in Sicily. The same story is told by 
(b) Jambl. p. 128.  Jamblichus; who supplies us too with another, 
(c) P. 109.  That a young man of Taurominium being got drunk, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Pythagoras played him sober by a few tunes of grave Spondees. These several passages seem to concur with, and confirm the credit of the Letters, that Taurominium had a Name and Being in the time of Pythagoras and Phalaris. All this would be very plausible, and our Sophist might come off with a whole skin, but for a cross figure in his own Art, Rhetoric, called Prolepsis or Anticipation, viz. when Poets or Historians call any place by a name, which was not yet known in the times they writ of. As when Virgil says of Aeneas,  — Lavinaque venit Littora: 
and of Daedalus,  Chalcidicáque levis tandem superadstitit arce: 
he is excused by Prolepsis; though those places were not yet called so in the times of Daedalus and Aeneas. So when Porphyry and Jamblichus name Taurominium in the story of Pythagoras; meaning Naxos, which was afterwards called so; the same figure acquits Them. For 'tis no more, than when I say, Julius Caesar conquered France, and made an expedition into England: though I know that Gaul and Britain were the names in that age. But when Phalaris mentions Taurominium so many generations before it was heard of, he cannot have the benefit of that same Prolepsis. For this is not a Poetical, but a Prophetical Anticipation. And he must either have had the Prescience and Divination of the Sibyls, or his Epistles are as false and commentitious as our Sibylline Oracles.  
VII. The XXXV Letter to Polygnotus presents us with a Sentence of Moral, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That wise men take Words for the shadow of Things; that is, as the Shadow is not alone without the presence of the Body, so Words are accompanied with the Action. 'Tis a very notable Saying, and we are obliged to the Author of it; and if Phalaris had not modestly hinted, that others had said it before him, we might have taken it for his own. But then there was either a strange jumping of good Wits, or Democritus was a sorry Plagiary; for He laid claim to the first Invention of it, as 
(d) Vita Democrit.  Diogenes Laertius says, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and 
(e) De Educat. Puer.  Plutarch, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. What shall we say to this matter? Democritus had the character of a man of Probity and Wit; who had neither inclination, nor need, to filch the Say of others. Besides, here are Plutarch and Diogenes, two witnesses that would scorn to flatter, and to ascribe it to Democritus, had they ever read it in others before him. This bears hard indeed upon the Author of the Letters: but how can we help it? He should have minded his hits better, when he was minded to act the Tyrant. For Democritus, the first Author of the Sentence, was too young to know even Pythagoras, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says 
(f) Vita Democ.  Diogenes; and yet Pythagoras survived Phalaris, nay, deposed him, if we will believe his Scholars. We may allow Forty Years space for Democritus' writing; from the LXXXIV Olymp. to the XCIV, in which he died. Now the earliest of this is above an Hundred Years after the last period of Phalaris.  
I am sensible that 
(g) De Daem.  Michael Psellus refers this Saying to Simonides; and 
(h) Epist. 252, & 259.  Isidorus Peleus. to the Lacedæmonians. But these two are of little authority, in a case of this nature, against Plutarch and Diogenes. Neither would the matter be mended, should we accept of their testimony. For Simonides was but Seven Years old, or, as others say, yet unborn, when Phalaris was killed. And were it a Lacedaemonian Apophthegm, though the date be undetermined, it might fairly be presumed to be more recent than Herald  
VIII. In the LI Epistle to Eteonicus there is another Moral Sentence; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Mortal Men ought not to entertain Immortal Anger. But I am afraid he will have no better success with this, than the former. For 
(i) Lib. two. cap. 21.  Aristotle, in his Rhetoric, among some other sententious Verses, citys this jambic, as commonly known;  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
This, though the Author of it be not named, was, probably, like most of those Proverbial Gnomae, borrowed from the Stage; and consequently, must be later than Phalaris, let it belong to what Poet you please, Tragic or Comic.  
But because it may be suspected, that the Poet himself might take the Thought from common usage, and only give it the turn and measure of a Verse; let us see if we can discover some plainer footsteps of Imitation, and detect the lurking Sophist under the mask of the Tyrant. 
(k) Tit. XX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Stobaeus gives us these Verses out of Euripides' Philoctetes;  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Now to him that compares these with the words of the Epistle, 'twill be evident, that the Author had this very passage before his Pen; there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; not only a sameness of sense, but even of words, and those not necessary to the Sentence: which could not fall out by accident. And where has he now a Friend at a pinch, to support his sinking credit? for Euripides was not born in Phalaris' time. Nay, to come nearer to our mark; from 
(l) Argument. Medeae Eurip.  Aristophanes the famous Grammarian, (who, after Aristotle, Callimachus, and others, writ the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, A Catalogue and Chronology of all the Plays of the Poets; a Work, were it now extant, most useful to ancient History,) we know that this very Fable, Philoctetes, was written Olymp. LXXXVII; which is CXX Years after the Tyrant's Destruction.  
IX. The XII Epistle exhibits Phalaris making this compliment to his Friends; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; That while they continued in prosperity, his joy for that, though himself should fall under misfortunes, would still make him happy. But methinks those words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Other God, or Genius, that is, the Bad one, have a quaintness in them something Poetical, and I am mistaken if they be not borrowed from some Retainer to the Muses. And now I call it to mind, they are 
(m) Pyth. 3.  Pindar's,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
or Callimachus'; for this Scazon of his is there cited by the Scholiast,  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Whether of these our Author made bold with, I cannot determine. Pindar I should incline to guests, but that I find him familiar with Callimachus upon another occasion; Epist. CXXII. speaking of Perillus' invention of the Brazen Bull; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Where he has taken that expression, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from these Verses of 
(n) Scholar Pind. Pyth. 1.  Callimachus that concern the same business;  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
But be it either of them as you will, I suppose the Ages of both those Poets are well enough known; so that without any computation of Years, one may pronounce these fine Epistles not to belong to Phalaris himself, but to his Secretary the Sophist.  
X. The XXIII Epistle is directed to Pythagoras; and there he gives to his Doctrine and Institution the name of Philosophy; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And so again in the LVI. he gives him the title of Philosopher, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I could show now, from a whole crowd of Authors, that Pythagoras was the first man that invented that word; but I shall content myself with two, Diogenes Laertius, and Cicero. The former says, 
(o) P. 3. & 26.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Pythagoras first named Philosophy, and called himself Philosopher, in conversation with Leon the Tyrant of Sicyon, or, as some say, of Phlius. The latter tells us, 
(p) Tuscul. Quaest. l. v.  That when Pythagoras had discoursed before Leon, the Tyrant much taken with his wit and eloquence, asked him what Art or Trade he professed. Art, says Pythagoras, I profess none, but I am a PHILOSOPHER. Leon, in admiration at the newness of the name, inquires what those Philosophers were, and wherein they differed from other men; Quinam essent Philosophi, & quid inter eos & reliquos interesset. What a difference is here between the two Tyrants? The one knows not what Philosopher means; the other seems to account it as threadbare a word, as the name of Wise Men of Greece; and that too, before ever he had spoken with Pythagoras. We cannot tell, at this distance of time, which Conversation was first, that with Phalaris, or that with Leon. But allowing Leon's to be the first, yet it could not be long before the other. And 'tis very hard to believe, that the fame of so small a business could so soon reach Phalaris' ear in his Castle, through his Guard of Blue-coats, and the loud bellow of his Bull. Nay, could we suppose him to have heard of it; yet surely when he had written to Pythagoras, he would have ushered the Word in with some kind of introduction, That Science which you call Philosophy; and not speak of it as familiarly, as if it had been the language of his Nurse.  
XI. In the LXIII Epistle, he is in great wrath with one Aristolochus, a Tragic Poet that no body ever heard of, for writing Tragedies against him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and in the XCVII. he threatens Lysinus, another Poet of the same stamp with the former, sor writing against him both Tragedies and Hexameters, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now to forgive him that silly expression, of writing Tragedies against Him, for he could not be the Argument of Tragedy, while he was living; I must take the boldness to tell him, who am out of his reach, that he lays a false crime to their charge. For there was no such Thing nor Word as Tragedy, while he tyrannised at Agrigentum. That we may slight that obscure story about Epigenes the Sicyonian, Thespis, we know, was the first Inventor of it;  
Ignotum Tragicae genus invenisse camaenae  
Dicitur, & plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis.  
Neither was the Name of Tragedy more ancient than the Thing; as sometimes it happens, when an old Word is borrowed and applied to a new Notion; but both were born together: the Name being taken from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Goat that was the Prize to the best Poet and Actor. But Alcestis, the first Tragedy of Thespis, was acted about 
(q) Marm. Arund. Suidas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the LXI Olymp. which is more than twelve Years after Phalaris' death.  
XII. Had all other ways failed us of detecting this Impostor, yet his very Speech had betrayed him. For his Language is Attic, the beloved Dialect of the Sophists, in which all their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Exercises, were composed; in which they affected to excel each other, even to Pedantry and Solecism. But he had forgot that the Scene of these Epistles was not Athens, but Sicily, where the Doric tongue was generally spoken and written; as besides the testimonies of others, the very Thing speaks itself in the Remains of Sicilian Authors, Sophron, Epicharmus, Stesichorus, Theocritus, Moschus, and others. How comes it to pass then, that our Tyrant transacts every thing in Attic, not only foreign Affairs of State, but domestic Matters with Sicilian Friends, but the very Accounts of his Household? Pray, how came that Idiom to be the Court Language at Agrigentum? 'Tis very strange, that a Tyrant, and such a Tyrant as He, should so dote on the Dialect of a Democraty, which was so eminently 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Hater of Tyrants; which, in his very days, had driven out Pisistratus, though a generous and easy Governor. Especially, since in those early times, before Stage-Poetry and Philosophy and History had made it famous over Greece, that Dialect was no more valued than any of the rest.  
I would not be here mistaken; as if I affirmed, that the Doric was absolutely universal, or original in Sicily. I know, that the old Sicani, the Natives of the Isle, had a peculiar Language of their own; and that the Greek Tongue there, like the Punic, was only a foreigner, being introduced by those Colonies that planted themselves there. Most of which coming from Corinth, Crete, Rhodes, etc. where all spoke the Doric Dialect; thence it was that the same Idiom so commonly obtained almost all over Sicily; as it appears to have done, to omit other testimonies, from the ancient Medals of that Island, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; all which words, inscribed upon their Money, demonstrate the Doric Dialect to have been then the language of those Cities. 'Tis true, there came some Colonies to Sicily, from Euboea, and Samos, and other places; which, in those Parts where they settled, might speak, for a while, the jonic or the Attic; and afterwards, being mixed with the Dorians, might make a new sort of Dialect, a compound of both: as 
(r) Lib. vi. p. 414.  Thucydides observes of Himera, that the language of that City was at first a medley of Doric and Chalcidic. But that is no more than what happened even in Greece itself, where there were many 
(s) Vetus Auctor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, local sub-Divisions of every Dialect, one Country having always some singularity of Speech, not used by any other. But those little peculiarities do not hinder us from saying in general, that the Sicilians spoke Doric. For the other Dialects were swallowed up and extinguished by those two powerful Cities of Dorian Original, Syracuse, and Agrigentum, that shared the whole Island between them. Syracuse was a Corinthian Colony, and spoke 
(t) Theocrit. Id. xv.  the Dialect of her Mother City. Agrigentum was first built by the Geloans of Sicily, who had been themselves a Plantation of the Cretans and Rhodians, both of which were Dorian Nations. So that upon the whole, though in some other Towns, and for a time, there might be a few footsteps of the jonic and Attic; yet our Sophist is inexcusable, in making a Tyrant of Agrigentum, a City of Doric Language and Original, writ Epistles in such a Dialect, as if he had gone to School at Athens.  
But there is a 
(u) Vid. Eurip. Edit. Cantab. p. 523.  learned Greek Professor (whose Pardon I must ask, that I forgot to name him above, among the Patrons of Phalaris,) who, after he has asserted the credit of Euripides' Letters, gratuitously undertakes to apologise for These too, about this matter of the Dialect. First, says he, 
(w) Is enim Astypala natus erat, una ex Cycladibus, ubi Atheniensium erat Colonia.  because Phalaris was born at Astypala, an Island of the Cycladeses, where was an Athenian Colony, that is one reason for his speaking Attic. It were easy to overthrow this first argument at once; by refuting our spurious Epistles, and by showing, from much better Authority, that Phalaris was a Sicilian born. But I may speak, perhaps of that by and by; and I will have every Proof I bring stand by itself, without the support of another. Let us allow then, that Phalaris came from Astypalaea, (for so it is to be called;) not that Isle of the Cycladeses, according to 
(x) v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Stephanus; but of the Sporades, mentioned by 
(y) Lib. x. p. 488.  Strabo and 
(z) Lib. iv. cap. 12.  Pliny: for this latter was nearest to Crete, whither Phalaris' Wife and Son are supposed to have fled, Epist. LXIX. 'Tis true, our late industrious Editors have discovered a new place of his birth, 
(a) Vid. Vitam Phalar. & Indicem. Edit. Oxon.  Astypalaea, a City of Crete, never mentioned before by any Geographer, situate in the 370th. deg. of Longit. bearing South and by North off of Utopia. And I am wholly of their opinion, that he was born in that, or in none of them. But because Tradition is rather for the Island, we will beg their good leave to suppose it to be so: and There, as it seems, was formerly a Plantation of Athenians; and Phalaris being one of their Posterity, must needs, for that reason, have a twang of their Dialect. Now, what a pity 'tis, that Phalaris himself, or his Secretary, did not know of this Plantation, when he writ the CXX Letter to the Athenians, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉! What a fine compliment would he have made upon that subject of their Kindred! If any one know an express testimony, that there was an Athenian Colony at that Astypalaea, he can teach me more than I now remember. This I know in general, from 
(b) Lib. 1. p. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Thucydides and others, that the Athenians sent Colonies to most of the Islands; and so That may come in among the rest. But what then? must the Language for ever afterwards be Attic, wherever the Athenians once had footing? Thucydides says in the same passage, That they planted jonia. They had Colonies at Miletus, at Ephesus, and most of the Maritime Towns of Asia Minor. Nay, the jonians and the Attics were anciently one People, and the Language the same: and when Homer says, 
(c) Strabo, lib. viij. p. 333. & lib. ix. p. 392.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the latter he is known to mean the Athenians. And yet we see, that in process of time, the Colonies had a different Dialect from that of the Mother Nation. Why then must Astypalaea needs be Attic? and that so tenaciously, that twenty Years living in Sicily could not at all alter it in one of her Islanders? He was part of that time a 
(d) Polyaenus Stratag.  Publican, or Collector of Taxes and Customs: Can not that perpetual negoce and converse with Dorians bring his mouth, by degrees, to speak a little broader? Would not He that 
(e) Ibid.  aimed at Monarchy, and for that design studied to be popular, have quitted his old Dialect for that of the place; and not by every word he spoke make the invidious discovery of his being a Stranger? But what if, after all, even the Astypalaeans themselves should be found to speak Doric? If we make a conjecture from their neighbourhood, and the company they are put in, we can scarce question but they were Dorians. 
(f) Lib. x. p. 488.  Strabo says, the Island lies between Cos, and Rhodes, and Crete, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And that all these three used the Doric Dialect, is too well known, to need any proof.  
But let us hear the Second Apology for the Atticism of Phalaris. 
(g) Sed nec ipse Diodorus Siculus nec Empedocles Agrigentinus, nec Ocellus Lucanus Dorice sed Attice fere scripserunt.  He defends him by the like practice of others; that being Dorians born, repudiated their vernacular Idiom for that of the Athenians; as Diodorus of Agyrium, Empedocles of Agrigentum, and Ocellus of Lucania. So that, though Phalaris be supposed to be a Native of Sicily, yet here is an excuse for him, for quitting the Language. But I conceive, with submission, that this Argument is built partly upon a vulgar Mistake, and partly upon such Instances as are quite different and alien from the case of our Epistles.  
Ocellus Lucanus, the Pythagorean Philosopher, writ a small Treatise Of the Nature of the Universe; which has been several times printed, and is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the common and ordinary Greek. But, if I may expect thanks for the discovery, I dare engage to make out; that the Author composed it, not in the dress that it now wears, but in Doric, his own Country fashion. For I find, it was agreed and covenanted among all the Scholars of that Italian Sect, 
(h) Jamblichus Vit, Pythagor. 202.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to use their own Mother-Tongue: this was the injunction of Pythagoras; this was the tessera of the whole Party; and those that know any thing of their story, will believe they would have lost their Lives, rather than have broken it. 'Tis most certain, if one had published a Book against that Injunction, he would have been banished the Society. Besides, when Jamblichus tells us of this Compact of theirs, he makes not one Exception to it; which he could not have missed, neither from ignorance nor forgetfulness, if so common a Tract as this of Ocellus had been writ in the Attic. Nay, we are assured, that other Pieces of this Author were made in the Doric; as one Of Law, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cited by 
(i) Eclog. Phys. c. 16.  Stobaeus: the fragment gins thus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But, which is plain demonstration, four citations are brought by the 
(k) Ibid. c. 24.  same Writer out of this very Book, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, About the Nature of the Universe; all which are in Doric, and not, as they are now extant, in the ordinary Dialect. The first of them gins thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which is thus extant in the vulgar 
(l) Edit. Cantab.  Ocellus, p. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The second, thus beginning, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, extant p. 17. The third, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. thus extant, p. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The fourth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; extant in ordinary Greek, p. 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. From which passages these two points are manifestly evinced; That Ocellus composed his Writings in Doric, and so is falsely brought in for an Excuse to our Phalaris: and, which is much more considerable, That this Tract of his now extant, is to be acknowledged for a genuine Work; which hitherto Learned Men have doubted of, from this very business of the Dialect. For we now see by these Fragments, that every word of the true Book is faithfully preserved; the Doric only being changed into the ordinary Language, at the fancy of some Copyer since the days of Stobaeus.  
As for Empedocles and Diodorus, a Poet and an Historian, their case is widely remote from that of our Tyrant. The former, being to write an Epic Poem, showed an excellent judgement in laying aside his Country Dialect for that of the jonians; which Homer and his followers had used before him, and had given it, as it were, the dominion of all Heroic Poetry. For the Doric Idiom had not Grace and Majesty enough for the Subject he was engaged in; being proper indeed for Mimes, Comedies, and Pastorals, where Men of ordinary rank are represented; or for Epigrams, a Poem of a low vein; or for Lyrics, and the Chorus of Tragedy, upon the account of the Doric Music; but not to be used in Heroic, without great disadvantage. And the Historian likewise, with the rest of that and other Dorian Nations, Philistus, Timaeus, Ephorus, Herodotus, Dionysius Halic. etc. had great reason to decline the use of their vernacular Tongue, as improper for History; which, besides the affectation of Eloquence, aims at Easiness and Perspicuity, and is designed for general use. But the Doric is course and rustic, and always clouded with an obscurity; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says 
(m) Vita Pythag. p. 205.  Porphyry; who attributes the decay of the Pythagorean Sect to their writing in that Dialect. And we have just now seen an instance of it; since some body thought it worth his labour, to transcribe Ocellus into another Idiom. And now, what affinity is there between Phalaris' case, and that of Historians, or Heroic Poets? What mighty motives can be here for assuming a foreign Dialect? The Letters are dated in the middle of Sicily, mostly directed to the next Towns, or to some of his own Domestics, about private affairs, or even the expenses of his family, and never designed for the public view. If any will still excuse the Tyrant for Atticizing in those circumstances, 'tis hard to deny them the glory of being the faithfullest of his Vassals.  
XIII. But since Tyrants will not be confined by Laws; let us suppose, if you will, that our Phalaris might make use of the Attic, for no reason at all, but his own arbitrary humour and pleasure: yet we have still another Indictment against the credit of the Epistles. For even the Attic of the true Phalaris' age is not there represented; but a more recent Idiom and Style, that by the whole thread and colour of it betrays itself to be a thousand years younger than Herald Every living Language, like the perspiring Bodies of living Creatures, is in perpetual motion and alteration; some words go off, and become obsolete; others are taken in, and by degrees grow into common use; or the same word is inverted to a new sense and notion; which in tract of time makes as observable a change in the air and features of a Language, as Age makes in the lines and mien of a Face. All are sensible of this in their own native Tongues, where continual Use makes every man a Critic. For what Englishman does not think himself able, from the very turn and fashion of the Style, to distinguish a fresh English composition from another a hundred years old? Now there are as real and sensible differences in the several ages of Greek; were there as many that could discern them. But very few are so versed and practised in that Language, as ever to arrive at that subtlety of Taste. And yet as few will be content to relish or dislike a thing, not by their own Sense, but by another man's Palate. So that should I affirm, That I know the novity of these Epistles from the whole body and form of the work; none, perhaps, would be convinced by it, but those that without my indication could discover it by themselves. I shall let that alone then, and point only at a few particular marks and moles in the Letters, which every one that pleases may know them by. In the very first Epistle; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which you accuse me of, is an innovation in language; for which the Ancients used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In the XVII. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, having given before, never used by the Ancients in that sense, but always for having betrayed. In the LI. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, desirous to follow me, where he speaks of his Wife that would accompany him in his exile: but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anciently signified, to pursue; when that which fléd, feared and shunned the Pursuer. In the CXLII, among other Presents to a Bride, he sends 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; which would anciently have signified Daughters: but he here means it of Virgins or Maidens; as Filly and Figlia signify in French and Italian; which is a most manifest token of a later Greek. Even 
(n) Chiliad. p. 196.  Tzetzes, when he tells the story out of this Epistle, interprets it Maids, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In the LXXVII, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, many that are fond of their children; for that is his sense of the words; which, of old, would have been taken for a flagitious love of Boys; as if he had said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They that will make the search, may find more of this sort; but I suppose these are sufficient to unmask the recent Sophist under the person of the old Tyrant.  
XIV. But should we connive at his using the Attic Dialect, and say not a word of those flaws and innovations in his Style; yet there is one thing still, that, I fear, will more difficultly be forgiven him; that is, a very slippery way in telling of Money. This is a tender point, and will make every body shy and cautious of entertaining him. In the LXXXV Epistle he talks of a Hundred Talents, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; of Fifteen more, in the CXVIII; Eight, in the CXXXVII; Seven, in the CIV; Five, in the CXLIII; and Three, in the XCV. These affairs being transacted in the middle of Sicily, and all the persons concerned being natives and inhabitants there; who would not be ready to conclude, that he meant the Talon of the Country? since he gives not the least hint of his meaning a foreign Summ. If a bargain were made in England, to pay so many Pounds or Marks; and the party should pretend at last, that he meant Scots Marks, or French Livres: few, I suppose, would care to have Deal with him. Now this is the very case in so many of these Letters. In the LXX, indeed, he is more punctual with Polyclitus his Physician; for he speaks expressly of Attic Money, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But this is so far from excusing him, that it is a plain condemnation out of his own mouth. For if it was necessary to tell Polyclitus, that he meant the Attic Money, and not the Sicilian; why had he not the same caution and ingenuity towards all the rest? We are to know, That in Sicily, as in most other Countries, the Name and Value of their Coins, and the way of reckoning by Sums, was peculiar. The Sum Talent, in the Sicilian Account, contained no more in Specie than Three Attic Drachms, or Roman Denares; as plainly appears from 
(o) Pollux, lib. ix. c. 6.  Aristotle, in his now lost Treatise of the Sicilian Government. And the words of Festus are most express; Talentorum non unum genus: Atticum est sex millium denarium, Syracusanum trium denariûm. What an immense difference! One Attic Talon had the real value of Two Thousand Sicilian Talents. Now, in all these Epistles the very Circumstances assure us, that by the word Talent simply named, the Attic Talon is understood. But should not our wise Sophist have known, that a Talon, in that Country where he had laid the Scene of his Letters, was quite another thing? Without question, if the true Phalaris had penned them, he would have reckoned these Sums by the Sicilian Talents, increasing only the Number: Or should he have made use of the Attic Account, he would always have given express notice of it; never saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alone, without the addition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
XV. But to let pass all further arguments from Words and Language; to me the very Matter and Business of the Letters sufficiently discovers them to be an Imposture. What force of Wit and Spirit in the Style, what lively painting of Humour, some fancy they discern there; I will not examine nor dispute. But methinks little Sense and Judgement is shown in the Groundwork and Subject of them. What an improbable and absurd story is that of the LIVIA? Stesichorus was born at Himera; but he chanced to die at Catana, a hundred mile's distance from home, quite across the Island. 
(p) Suidas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  There he was buried, and a noble Monument made for him. Thus far the Sophist had read in good Authors. Now upon this he introduces the Himerenses, so enraged at the others for having Stesichorus' Ashes, that nothing less will serve them, than denouncing of War, and sacking their City. And presently an Embassy is sent to Phalaris, to desire his assistance: who, like a generous Allye, promises them what Arms and Men and Money they would: but withal, sprinkles a little dust among the Bees, advising them to milder counsels, and proposing this expedient, That Catana should have Stesichorus' Tomb, and Himera should build a Temple to him. Now, was ever any Declamator's Theme so extravagantly put? What? to go to War upon so slight an occasion? and to call in too the assistance of the Tyrant? Had they so soon forgot Stesichorus' own counsel? 
(q) Aristot. Rhet. l. two.  who, when upon another occasion they would have asked succour of Phalaris, dissuaded them by the Fable of the Horse and his Rider. Our Sophist had heard, that Seven Cities contended about Homer; and so Two might go to Blows about another Poet. But there's a difference between that Contention, and this Fight in Earnest. He is as extravagant too in the Honours he would raise to his Poet's Memory; nothing less than a Temple and Deification. Cicero tells us, that in his days, there was his Statue still extant at Himera (then called Thermae,) which, one would think, was Honour enough. But a Sophist can build Temples in the Air, as cheaply and easily as some others do Castles.  
What an inconsistency is there between the LI and LXIX Epistles? In the former he declares his immortal hatred to one Python, who, after Phalaris' flight from Astypalaea, would have persuaded his Wife Erythia to a second marriage with himself; but seeing her resolved to follow her Husband, he poisoned her. Now this could be no long time after his banishment; for than she could not have wanted Opportunities of following him. But in the LXIX Epist. we have her alive again, long after that Phalaris had been Tyrant of Agrigentum; for he mentions his growing old there. And we must not imagine, but that several years had passed, before he could seize the Government of so populous a City, that had 
(r) Diod. Sicul. p. 205.  200,000 Souls in it, or, as others 
(s) Diog. Laert. in Empedoc.  say, 800,000. For he came an indigent Stranger thither, according to the Letters; and by degrees rising from one employment to another, at last had opportunity and power to effect that design. Besides, in the LXIX Letter, she is at Crete with her Son; and in the LI, she is poisoned (I suppose) at Astypalaea: for there her Poisoner dwelled; and 'tis expressly said, she designed, but could not follow her Husband. Which seems an intimation, that the Sophist believed Astypalaea to be a City in Crete. 'Tis certain, our diligent Editors by comparing these two passages together, made that discovery 
(t) Vita Phalar. & Index.  in Geography: for it could not be learned any where else; and 'tis an admirable token, both that the Epistles are old and genuine, and that the Commentators are not inferior to, nor unworthy of their Author.  
What a scene of putrid and senseless formality are the LXXIIX, LXXIX, and CXLIV Epistles? Nicocles a Syracusian, a Man of the highest rank and quality, sends his own Brother an hundred miles with a request to Phalaris, That He would send to Stesichorus another hundred miles, and beg the favour of a Copy of Verses upon Clearista his Wife, who was lately dead. Phalaris accordingly sends to Himera with mighty application and address, and soon after writes a second Letter of Thanks for so singular a Kindness. Upon the fame of this, one 
(u) Ep. lxv.  Pelopidas entreats him, That he would procure the like favour for a friend of His; but meets with a repulse. Now, whether there was any Poem upon Clearista among the Works of Stesichorus, whence our Sophist might take the Plot and Groundwork of this story; or whether all is entirely his own invention and manufacture; I will not pretend to guests. But let those believe that can, that such stuff as this busied the head of the Tyrant: at least they must confess then, though the Letters would represent him as a great admirer and judge too of Poetry, that he was a mere Asinus ad Lyram. For, in the LXXIX Epist. he calls this Poem upon Clearista 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which must here (as it almost ever does) signify a Lyric Ode, since it is spoken of Stesichorus a Melic or Lyric Poet. But in the CXLIV he calls it an Elegy, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; which is as different from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Theognis is from Pindar, or Tibullus from Horace. What? the same Copy of Verses both an Ode and an Elegy? Can not some years' acquaintance with Stesichorus teach him the very Names? But to forgive Him, or rather the Sophist, such an egregious piece of Dulness; why, forsooth, so much ado, why such a vast way about, to obtain a few Verses? Can not they have writ directly to Stesichorus, and at the price of some Present have met with easy success? Do not we know, that all of that String, Bacchylides, Simonides, Pindar, got their livelihood by the Muses? So that to use Phalaris' intercession; besides the delay, and an unnecessary trouble to both, was to defraud the Poet of his Fee.  
Nay certainly, they might have employed any hand, rather than Phalaris'. For, begging pardon of the Epistles, I suspect all to be a Cheat, about Stesichorus' friendship with him. For the Poet, out of common gratitude, must needs have celebrated it in some of his Works. But that he did not, the Letters themselves are, in this point, a sufficient witness. For, in the LXXIX, Phalaris is feigned to entreat him, not once to mention his Name in his Books. This was a sly fetch of our Sophist, to prevent so shrewd an objection from Stesichorus' silence as to any friendship at all with him. But that cunning shall not serve his turn. For what if Phalaris had really wished him to decline mentioning his Name? Stesichorus knew the World well enough, that those sort of requests are but a modest simulation; and a disobedience would have been easily pardoned. In the LXXIV Letter, he proclaims and glories to his enemy Orsilochus, that Pythagoras had stayed five Months with him: why should he then seek to conceal from Posterity the twelve Years familiarity with Stesichorus? Pindar, exhorting Hiero the Tyrant of Syracuse to be kind to Poets and Men of letters, tells him how Croesus had immortal praise for his friendship and bounty to them, but the 
(w) Pyth. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  memory of that cruel and inhospitable Phalaris was hated and cursed every where. How could Pindar have said this, had he heard of his extraordinary dearness with Stesichorus? For their acquaintance, according to the Letters, was as memorable and as glorious, as that of Croesus with Aesop and Solon. So that Pindar, had he known it, for that sole kindness to his fellow Poet, would have forborn so vile a character. Plato, in his Second Epistle, recounts to Dionysius some celebrated friendships of learned Men with Tyrants and Magistrates; Simonides' with Hiero and Pausanias, Thales with Periander, Anaxagoras' with Pericles, Solon's and others with Croesus. Now, how could he have miss, had he ever heard of it, this of Stesichorus with Phalaris? being transacted in Sicily, and so a most proper and domestic Example. If you say, the infamy of Phalaris made him decline that odious instance: in that very word you pronounce our Epistles to be spurious. For if They had been known to Plato, even Phalaris would have appeared as moderate a Tyrant as Dionysius himself. 
(x) In Phalar. prior.  Lucian, that feigns an Embassy from Phalaris to Delphi for the dedication of the Brazen Bull, makes an Oration in his Praise, as Isocrates does of Busiris; where, without doubt, he has gathered all the stories he knew for Topics of his commendation: but he has not one word of his friendship with Stesichorus. Nor, indeed, has any body else. And do not you yet begin to suspect the credit of the Letters?  
It would be endless to prosecute this part, and show all the silliness and impertinency in the Matter of the Epistles. For, take them in the whole bulk; if a Great Person would give me leave, I should say, they are a fardel of Common Places, without any life or spirit from Action and Circumstance. Do but cast your eye upon Cicero's Letters, or any Statesman's, as Phalaris was: what lively characters of Men there! what descriptions of Place! what notifications of Time! what particularity of Circumstances! what multiplicity of Designs and Events! When you return to these again, you feel, by the emptiness and deadness of them, that you converse with some dreaming Pedant with his elbow on his desk; not with an active, ambitious Tyrant, with his Hand on his Sword, commanding a Million of Subjects. All that takes or affects you, is, a stiffness and stateliness and operoseness of Style: but as that is improper and unbecoming in all Epistles, so especially it is quite alien from the character of Phalaris, a man of business and dispatch.  
XVI. It must needs be a great wonder to those that think the Letters genuine; how or where they were concealed, in what secret Cave, or unknown Corner of the World; so that no body ever heard of them for a thousand years together. Some trusty Servant of the Tyrant must have buried them under ground; and it was well that he did so. For if the Agrigentines had met with them, they had certainly gone to pot. They that burned alive both Him, and his Relations, and his Friends; would never have spared such monuments of him, to survive Them and their City. And without doubt it was immortal velum, and stolen from the 
(y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Parchments of Jove; that could last for ten Ages, though untouched and unstirred; in spite of all damp and moisture, that moulders other mortal skins. For had our Letters been used or transcribed during that thousand years; some body would surely have spoken of them. Especially since so many of the Ancients had occasion to do so: so that their silence is a direct argument that they never had heard of them. I have just now cited some passages of Pindar, Plato, and Lucian; which are a plain indication, that they were unknown to those Three. Nay, the last of these, besides the proof  from his silence and praetermission, does as good as declare expressly, that he never saw our Epistles. For, not to mention other differences of less moment, he makes both 
(z) Phalar. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Phalaris, and his Smith Perilaus, to be born at Agrigentum; but the Letters bring one of them from Astypalaea, and the other from Athens. Lucian then knew nothing of them; or at least knew them, as I do, to be spurious, and below his notice. Much less could he be the Author of them, as Politian and his followers believe; for he would neither have been guilty of such flat Contradictions; nor have so forfeited all Learning and Wit, by those gross blunders in Chronology, and that wretched pedantry in the Matter. And whosoever those Authors were, that Lucian followed, in his Narrative of Phalaris; They too are so many Witnesses against the Epistles. One can hardly believe, indeed, that the Sophist should venture to fetch his Tyrant from Astypalaea, without the warrant of some old Writer. But yet Lucian and his Authors compel us to think so. And we find him as foolhardy on other occasions. 
(a) De Polit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Heraclides of Pontus, that lived within two Centuries of Phalaris' Age, says, the Agrigentines, when they recovered their Liberty, burned Him and his Mother: but our Sophist makes him an Orphan, 
(b) Epist. xlix.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; which if any one shall contend to mean the loss of his Father only, yet still He and Heraclides will not set horses together. For if Phalaris fled alone from Astypalaea, neither Wife nor Child nor any Relation following him, according to the Letters; how came the Old Woman to be roasted at Agrigentum? 
(c) Vita Pythag. p. 183.  Jamblichus brings in Abaris the Hyperborean in company with Pythagoras, to Phalaris' Court: But our Sophist has writ a 
(d) Epist. lvii.  Letter for him, wherein he refuses to come. So little regard had he, to fit his stories to true History: and I have had too much regard to him, in giving him the Honour and Patience of so long an Examination.  
I MUST now beg the favour of one word with our late Editors of this Author. They have told the world, in their Preface, That (among other Specimens of their Diligence) they collated the King's MS. as far as the XL Epistle; and would have done so throughout, but that the Library Keeper, 
(e) Praef. Phalar. Edit. Oxon. Manuscripto in Bibliotheca Regia, cujus mihi copiam ulteriorem Bibliothecarius pro singulari sua humanitate negavit.  out of his singular Humanity, denied them the further use of it. This was meant as a Lash for Me, who had the Honour then and since to serve His Majesty in that Office. I must own, 'twas very very resolved of them, to make the Preface and the Book all of a piece; for they have acted in this Calumny both the injustice of the Tyrant, and the forgery of the Sophist. For my own part, I should never have honoured it with a Refutation in Print, but have given it the Neglect that is due to Weak Detraction; had I not been engaged to my Friend, to write this Censure upon Phalaris; where to omit to take notice of that Slander, would be tacitly to own it. The true story is thus: A Bookseller came to me, in the name of the Editors, to beg the use of the Manuscript. It was not then in my custody: but as soon as I had the power of it, I went voluntarily and offered it him; bidding him tell the Collator not to lose any time; for I was shortly to go out of Town for two Months. 'Twas delivered, used, and returned. Not a word said by the Bearer, nor the least suspicion in me, that they had not finished the collation. For, I speak from experiment, they had more Days to compare it in, than they needed to have Hours. 'Tis a very little Book, and the Writing as legible as Print. Well, the Collation, it seems, was sent defective to Oxon; and the blame, I suppose, laid upon Me. I returned again to the Library, some months before the Edition was finished: No application was made for further use of the Manuscript. Thence I went for a whole fortnight to Oxon, where the Book was then printing; conversed in the very College where the Editors resided. Not the least whisper there of the Manuscript. After a few weeks, out comes the new Edition, with this Sting in the Mouth of it. 'Twas a surprise, indeed, to read there, that our Manuscript was not perused. Can not they have asked for it again, then, after my return? 'Twas neither singular, nor common Humanity, not to inquire into the truth of the thing; before they ventured to Print, which is a Sword in the Hand of a Child. But there is a reason for every thing; and the mystery was soon revealed. As for the King's Manuscript, they had no want nor desire of it; for, as I shall show by and by, they had neither industry nor skill to use either That or their Own. And for my part; I, it seems, had the hard hap, in some private conversation, to say the Epistles were a spurious Piece, and unworthy of a new Edition. Hinc illae lachrimae. This was a thing deeply resented; and to have spoken to me about the Manuscript, had been to lose a plausible occasion of taking revenge.  
Pro singulari sua humanitate! I could produce several Letters from learned Professors abroad, whose Books our Editors may in time be fit to read; wherein these very same words are said of me candidly and seriously. For I endeavour to oblige even Foreigners by all Courtesy and Humanity; much more would I encourage and assist any useful Designs at home. And I hearty wish, that I could do any service to that young Gentleman of great Hopes, whose Name is set to the Edition. I can do him no greater at present, than to remove some blemishes from the Book that is ascribed to him: which I desire may be taken aright; to be no disparagement to himself, but a reproof only to his Teachers.  
It is counted an ill Omen to stumble at the Threshold. In the very First Epistle to Alcibous, we have these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is, For a disease of the Soul, the only Physician is Death: do you therefore expect a most painful one for those many and great injustices, not involuntary ones, such as you accuse Me of, but voluntary ones that yourself have committed. Let us see now, how our new Editors have managed this passage. First, they interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nulli gravem: meaning, I suppose, that Alcibous's death would be grievous to no body. Which not only produces a flat and far-fetched sense, but is contrary to the rules of good Language. For the Greek is in the Superlative degree: let them put it then nulli gravissimam; and it will show them the error of their Version. It will be evident to such as know propriety of Speech, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, since no Dative Case follows it, must be referred to Alcibous, and to no body else. I do not expect from our Editors much sagacity in way of Critic: but though they could not of themselves find out the true Reading; yet methinks they might have embraced it, when they saw it in the Manuscript; which reads it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a most grievous and cruel death; meaning that in the Brazen Bull; which he calls, in the CXXII Epist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an epithet of the same root and signification. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place, is an expletive particle, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the Grammarians call it; which being a rare and acquaint usage, was the cause of corrupting the Text.  
The next words in the same passage, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, our elegant Interpreters render scelera, non invita. And this we are to receive for one of their many 
(f) Praef. p. 3.  improvements after the former Translators. Those Old ones, good honest Men, put us off with plain country Latin, Scelera, non praeter voluntatem patrata, and other such Periphrases. For, as it was in their days believed, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signified unwilling, and was always meant of the Agent: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was involuntary, and generally meant of the Action. And this latter, when it signifies the Action, cannot be expressed in Latin by one single word. For Involuntarius was not in use: and Invitus is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and is always spoken of the Person, never of the Thing. So that if any body else had said scelera invita, unwilling Crimes; some bold Readers would be apt to take it for Barbarism and Nonsense: but coming from those great Genius's, with whom Learning, that is a leaving the world, has taken her last residence, they receive this as a new discovery in Language; like 
(g) Sup. p. 44.  another of theirs in Geography.  
In the very next words to these, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; let us see if they make any better work there. Invita, ad quae me hortaris; Involuntary Crimes, to which you exhort me, says the version of our late Editors. Admirably well done again! Pray, how can this Alcibous, a Messenian, be said to exhort him to those Cruelties, who so much abhorred Him and Them, (as it is in this very Letter,) that he had the Physician his Townsman tried for his own Life, for saving the Tyrant's? It would puzzle a common Wit to reconcile this; but here's a Note upon this passage, that will set every thing aright. 
(h) Annot. ad Phalar. p. 145.  Ad quae me hortaris;] i. e. Moribus tuis nequissimis provocas. Commend me to these Annotators for a help at a dead lift. To provoke a Man, we see, with the basest tricks, is, in their language, to exhort him. So that when They, by a vile aspersion, instead of thanks for a kindness received, have given me just provocation to answer them as they deserve; it is only, in their manner, to exhort me to do it. It is my singular Humanity, that I do not follow their Exhortation. But I am apt to believe, that even the Sophist himself, as illiterate as he was, would disdain to own such a version to be the Echo of his meaning. Had he had in his thoughts so ridiculous a sense as they father upon him; he would have said then, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For that is the Syntax of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when it signifies to exhort. Whereas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Text is for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) is, in that sense, as absurd and incongruous in Greek; as Quae mihi hortaris, or, Quae mihi provocas would be in Latin. I think I have shown already, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, exprobrare, to accuse and reproach: Those involuntary wrongs, that you lay to my charge. 'Tis true, the word is not used in this acceptation by any ancient Authors. I have mentioned it therefore above, as a token of a more recent Writer. But without doubt it was of known use in the age of the Sophist; and the innovation was not at all improper. For as the Ancients, both in Poetry and Prose, used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to denote this meaning; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. so by a like metaphor and analogy, we may use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to express the same notion: just as the Latins say, vitio VERTERE. All this, I suppose, was known to the Translator of Phalaris, who is commonly, but, I believe, falsely supposed to be Cujacius; for he interprets it very well, Cujusmodi mihi objicis. But that Edition, and another of Aldus, tho' the two principal of all, and both of them in the public Library at Oxon, had yet the odd fortune to lie all the while concealed 
(i) Praef. p. 3. , from our late Editors that lived there.  
I was, but just now, in the mind to oblige them, by going through their whole Book, and correcting for them all the Faults, that give offence to the best Readers. But now, that I cast my eye backwards, it makes me look as blank, at the prospect of all that's to come; as Hercules did, when, after he had made a bargain unseen, he saw the Stables of Augeas. For if the very First Epistle, of nine Lines only, has taken me up four Pages in scouring; what a sweet piece of work should I have of it, to cleanse all the rest for them? I must beg their Excuse therefore for the present; and shall only, to keep my Promise, give one Touch of their industry and skill, in making use of the Manuscript.  
They have confessed to us, they collated the Manuscript to the 
(k) Praef. p. 4.  XL Epistle. But, it seems, they could make no use of its various Lections, but in one single place, Epist. XXVI. It is writ to one Ariphrades, to caution his Son to leave off plotting against Phalaris; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; lest, when punishment overtakes him for persisting in his present courses, he pretend he had not fair warning. But what now do our new Editors make of this? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they translate, suam expendens conditionem. This puts me in mind of the old Greek Proverb, That Leucon carries one thing, and his Ass quite another. For here's no affinity at all between the Text and the Version; which would every whit as well agree to any other words in the Book. Even our Editors themselves seem sensible of this; for they give us this Note upon it, 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alium sensum hic vix admi●tit. in eodem tamen usurpatum ●●llibi invenio. Melius itaque in MS. Regio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ob ea quae jam agit. Annotat. pag. 146.  That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot admit here of any other meaning: and yet they find it no where else used in this sense. I dare pass my word for the truth of this latter part: to the former I shall say more anon. So that, say they, the better Reading is in the King's Manuscript, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. for those things which he now does. In the King's Manuscript, which I have now by me, it was written at first, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: but another Hand has razed out the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as appears by the void space, and made it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This Corrector, whoever he was, though we know him from hence to be a sorry Critic; yet he was a degree above our new Editors. For he made his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Enclitic; but they theirs an Interrogative, as we see by their Accent. Which in this place is directly against either common Grammar, or common Sense; choose whether they please. But the genuine lection and meaning is, as I rendered it above; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, persisting and proceeding in his present ways. So in the XXXIX Epist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, continuing in the present station. 'Tis true, our Editors will not find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus rendered in their Dictionaries: but they may please to enlarge them then from this very place. For, is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exactly the same as the Latin PERTENDO? And is not Pertendo, to persist and persevere?  
(m) Ter. Eunuch. 1, 1.  Verum si incipies, neque pertendes naviter. 
Even the Version ascribed to Cujacius has here the true interpretation, Persistens in proposito: which I would advise our Editors to consult, when they design to oblige the world by another Edition.  
This is all the use they have made of the King's Manuscript: let us see if they have been more diligent in their own. In the XXXIV Epist. the Tyrant tells one Pollux, who wondered he was grown so recluse, and difficult of access; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Nay, says he, I avoid company less than I ought to do; for I have found no faith either among strangers or friends. Our new Interpreters have given us here a cast of their Critic; for 
(n) Legendum forsan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quam enim interpretationem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hic admittat, non video.  instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they venture to read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ego jam sedulo omnes fugio: as for the former Lection, they confess they know not what to make on't. Here are your Workmen to mend an Author; as bungling Tinkers do old Kettles: there was but one hole in the Text before they meddled with it, but they leave it with two. For the fault is not in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; which is to be corrected 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, minus quam par est, minus quam oportet. This is so very easy an Emendation, that a small dose of sagacity might have found it out, by conjecture. But what will the Men of Letters think of our Editors? will they commend their skill or their industry most? when I assure them, that all the Three Manuscripts which they pretend to have collated, have it plainly and fairly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which fault will the Editors plead to? to make a public boast of collating Three Manuscripts, and yet neglect every one of them? or, to have observed in the Manuscripts so certain a Correction, without either knowledge to make use on't themselves, or ingenuity to communicate it to the world? 'Tis a bad business on either side; and yet it receives a great aggravation from this other which follows. Epist. LXVIII. Phalaris, to encourage his Son's Bounty; I do not think, says he, you spend me too much money, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; but I rather think I allow you too sparingly, for so generous a Son. Here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comes again. Now, every one of the Manuscripts have it here too 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Two of which, they pretend, in their Preface, to have throughly collated. And yet they take not the least notice of this plain Emendation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, parcius aequo, parcius quam oportet; but blunder on with the vulgar Reading, and translate it, 
(o) Ego me pauperiorem invenio, quâm ut filii benignitati sufficere possim.  But I find myself too poor to supply your Liberality. Which, besides that it does not answer the words of the Greek, (which would then have been, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) makes mere nonsense of the Context. For in the very next sentence, he tells his Son; You shall sooner want friends to give it to, than I want money to give. Ingenious Translators! to make him complain of Poverty, and in the same breath to declare that he has Riches without end.  
Let this serve for a short Specimen of their Care and Skill in using of Manuscripts. I have many more instances ready at hand; but their Humanity, I hope, will pardon me, if I don't produce them now; nor now proceed, as I once thought, to weed all their Book for them. My Time does not lie upon my hands; and this Tract must be only a short Appendix to the Book of my Friend: but it's likely hereafter, if, in their way of speaking, they mightily exhort me to it; I may be at their service; if not in this, yet in another Language: to carry the fame and glory of our Editors, whither such Editions as theirs seldom go, to foreign Universities.   

OF THEMISTOCLES 's EPISTLES.  
SIR,  
I Presume I have been as good as my word, in detecting the cheat of Phalaris' Epistles: the other part of my Promise was a Censure of Aesop's Fables. But before I meddle with those, I am willing, now that my Hand's in, to examine some other Impostures of this sort, out of the same Schools of the Sophists. It will be no unpleasant labour to me, nor, I hope, unprofitable to others, to pull off the disguise from those little Pedants, that have stalked about so long in the apparel of Hero's.  
The Epistles of Themistocles were printed first at Rome, in MDCXXVI, out of a Manuscript in the Vatican. The Editor, a Greek Bishop, believed them genuine; but there were some that suspected a Forgery, as 
(p) De Script. Socrat. p. 78.  Leo Allatius informs us: who himself leaves the matter in doubt; but withal observes in their favour, that no body had ever said a word in print, to prove them to be spurious. 
(q) V 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Suidas is an Evidence in their behalf; for, speaking of their reputed Author, he says, he has writ Letters full of Spirit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He, I think, is the only old Writer that makes any mention of them. Which alone, as before in Phalaris' case, is a shrewd prejudice against their Credit and Reputation. 
(r) Lib. 1. p. 90.  Thucydides and Charon Lampsacenus say that Themistocles, when he fled into Asia, made his address to Artaxerxes, who was newly come to the Throne; wherein they are followed by 
(s) Vita Themistoc.  Cornelius Nepos and Plutarch; against the common tradition of Ephorus, Heraclides, and most others, that make Xerxes the Father to be then alive. Some 
(t) Plutarch, Diodor. Athenaeus, etc.  Writers relate, that he had five Cities given him by the Persian; others, but three. Now, if the Letters had been known to any of those Authors, both these Disputes had been soon at an end, or rather never had been raised. For he himself expressly says, 
(u) Ep. XX.  it was Xerxes he went to, and that he gave him but three Cities. Now, where could these Epistles lie, unknown and invisible from Themistocles' time to Suidas? We must needs say, that the Letters had a worse Exostracism than their Author: since he was banished but for five Years, but they for a Thousand.  
II. 'Tis observable, That every one of the Letters bear date after his banishment; and contain a complete Narrative of all his Story afterwards, without the least gap or interruption. Now 'tis hard to say, whether is the more strange of the two; That not one single Letter of his, before that time, should be preserved; or not one, afterwards, lost, though written from so distant places, Argos, Corcyra, Epirus, Ephesus, Magnesia, from whence there was no very sure conveyance to Athens. What a cross vicissitude of Fortune! while the Author is in Prosperity, all his Letters are unlucky; and not one of them is missing, after he himself miscarried. But the Sophist can easily account for this, though Themistocles cannot: for here are no Letters before his Exile; because the latter part of his Life was the whole Tour and Compass that the Sophist designed to write of: and not a Letter afterwards perished; because being forged in a Sophist's Closet, they run no hazard at all of being lost in the carriage.  
III. Themistocles was an Eloquent Man; but here are some touches in his Letters of such an elevated strain, that if he did not go to School to Gorgias Leontinus the Sophist of that time, I can hardly believe he writ them. The Historians tell us moderately, That after he was driven from home, he was made much on at Argos: but He himself is all melting, when he talks on that Subject. 
(w) Ep. i.  He was met, he says, on the road by two Argivans of his acquaintance; who, when he told them the news of his Banishment, railed bitterly at the Athenians: but when they heard he was going to Delphi, rather than to Their town; in a kind quarrel they tell him, That 
(x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the Athenians had justly punished him; since he so much wronged the City of Argos, to think of any Sanctuary but that. Well, he goes with them to Argos; and there the whole City 
(y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  teazes him by mere force to take the Government upon him; taking it as the greatest injury, that he offered to decline it. These, you'll say, are choice flowers both of Courtesy and of Rhetoric: but there's another clearly beyond them; where he tells us, 
(z) Ep. xiv.  That he is so resolved of going to the Persian Court, though it was a desperate risque; that neither the Advice of his Friends, nor his Father Neocles 's Ghost, nor his Uncle Themistocles 's, nor Augury, nor Omen, nor Apollo 's Oracle itself, should be able to dissuade him. Here's a bold resolute Blade for you! here's your Stoical 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉! 'Tis almost impossible for a Sophist not to betray himself. Nothing will relish and go down with them, that is ordinary and natural. Then they applaud themselves most, when they have said a forced, extravagant thing. If one speaks of any Civility; the Compliment must be strained beyond all Decorum. If he makes a Resolution; he must needs swagger and swear, and be as wilful as a Mad man.  
iv The Subject of many of the Letters is Common place; mere Chat, and telling a Tale, without any Business; an Errand not worth sending to the next Town, much less to be brought from remote Countries some hundreds of Leagues. The XV and XVIII Letters are written to Enemies; his Friends, I suppose, failing in their Correspondence: and contain nothing but a little Scolding; which was scarce worth the long carriage from Ephesus to Athens.  
V In the XX Epistle we have this Story: When Themistocles was at Corcyra, he designed for Sicily, to Gelo the Syracusian Tyrant. But just as he was going a Shipboard, the news came that Gelo was dead, and his Brother Hiero succeeded him. Now, if we make it appear, that Hiero was come to the Crown some years before Themistocles' Banishment, and this Voyage to Corcyra; what becomes of the Credit of our Epistles? 'Tis true, the Chronology of this part of History is not so 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Them. p. 227.  settled and agreed, as to amount to a Demonstration against the Letters; but however, when joined with the Arguments preceding, at least it will come up to a high Probability. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Plut. Them. p. 225.  Theophrastus, in his Treatise of Monarchy, relates, That when Hiero had sent Race-horses, and a most sumptuous Tent, to the Olympian Games; Themistocles advised the Greeks to plunder the Tyrant's Tent, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and not to let his Horses run. 'Tis evident then, if Theophrastus speak properly, that Hiero was Monarch of Syracuse, when Themistocles was at Olympia; but it's most certain he never came thither after his Exile.  
But, to deal fairly, it must be confessed, that Aelian, in telling this story, varies from Theophrastus; for he says, 
(c) Var. Hist. ix, 5.  Hiero himself came to the Games. But that he would go thither in Person, after he got the Government, is wholly improbable. So that, if Aelian be believed, this business must have been done, before Hiero came to the Throne. For even in Gelo's life-time, who left him the Monarchy, he kept Horses for the Race; and won at the Pythian Games, 
(d) Pind. Scholar Pyth. 1, & 3.  Pythiad the XXVI, which answers to Olymp. LXXIV. 3. But besides that Theophrastus is of much greater authority, the other refutes himself in the very next words. For he says, Themistocles hindered Hiero upon this pretence; That he that had not shared in the common Danger, ought not to share in the common Festival: where it's certain, by the common Danger, he means Xerxes' Expedition; when 
(e) Herod. seven. c. 163. Diod. xi. p. 21.  Gelo either refused or delayed to give the Greeks his assistance. This affront than was put upon Hiero, after that Expedition. But the very next 
(f) Diod. xi. p. 29.  Olympiad after, Hiero was in the Monarchy. It cannot be true then, that his first accession to the Throne, was, according to the Letters, while Themistocles stayed at Corcyra.  
Besides these Inferences and Deductions, we have the express Verdict and Declaration of most of the 
(g) Scholi. Pind. Pyth. 1. Diod. xi. p. 29, 41. Euseb. in Chron.  Chronologers, who place the beginning of Hiero's Reign Olymp. LXXV, 3. and Themistocles' Banishment seven years after, Olymp. LXXVII, 2. The Arundelian Marble, indeed, differs from all these, in the periods of Gelo and Hiero: which would quite confound all this argumentation from notes of Time. But either that Chronologer is quite out, or we can safely believe nothing in History. For he makes Gelo first invade the Government, two years after Xerxes' Expedition. But 
(h) Lib. seven.  Herodotus spends half a dozen pages in the Account of an Embassy to Gelo from Sparta and Athens, to desire his assistance against the Persian. And 'tis agreed among all, 
(i) Herodot. ibid. & Diod. l. xi.  That Gelo's Victory over the Carthaginians in Sicily was got the very same day with the Battle at Salamis.  
VI The whole Volume of Themistocles' Letters consists of XXI only; and Three of these are taken up in the story of Pausanias. The Second is writ to Pausanias himself, before that Spartan's Conspiracy with the Persian was discovered. There he exhorts him to moderation in his Prosperity; lest some very great turn of Fortune should speedily befall him. Can you desire now a surer indication of a Sophist? Without doubt, he that penned this Epistle, knew beforehand what happened to Pausanias: who was soon after recalled home by the Magistrates, and put to death for Treason. The XIX is to Pausanias again; but after his Conspiracy was detected. Here he tells the Particulars of that Plot as exactly, as if he had been one of the Ephori, that overheard it. Nay, he foretells him, that the Lacedoemonians would take away his life. Now besides that Themistocles would scorn to insult so, and rail to no purpose, as this Letter does; he would surely have had more wit, than knowingly to write to the Dead. For at the same time he heard those Particulars of Pausanias' Treason, he must needs hear of his Execution; since those things were not known till after his Death, and the rifling of his Papers. The VI Epistle is a long Narrative of the whole business of Pausanias: for that was a Subject worthy of Eloquence, and therefore was to receive ornament from the Pen of the Sophist. But it was scarce worthy of Themistocles, to send such a long News-Letter to Athens; where, in all likelihood, the Story was common, before he heard of it himself.  
But how shall we reconcile this Affair of Pausanias according to the Letters, with what Diodorus has left us upon the same Subject? The Letters, we see, make Themistocles to be banished, 
(k) Ep. two.  before Pausanias was suspected; and make the one reside at Argos, 
(l) Ep. nineteen. vi.  while the other was convicted and put to death. But Diodorus, who has brought all his History into the method of Annals, places the Death of Pausanias 
(m) Lib. xi. p. 36.  Olymp. LXXV, 4; and the Exile of Themistocles, 
(n) Lib. xi. p. 41.  six years after, Olymp. LXXVII, 2. Now, I would fain know of our Sophist, how he came to dispose and suit his matters so negligently; to bring Pausanias upon the stage again, when he had been six years in his Grave? I imagine he will refer me to 
(o) Lib. i p. 88  Thucydides, who makes an immediate transition from one story to the other; That the Spartans' accused Themistocles, who was then banished from home, of conspiring with Pausanias. This, indeed, might draw the Sophist and some others into a mistake. But it may be taken two ways: either that it was done presently, upon the Death of Pausanias; or a few years after, when Themistocles' Exile gave the Spartans', that hated and feared him, an opportunity to ruin him. 
(p) In Themist. p. 224.  Plutarch follows the first way; for he makes Themistocles, after his Banishment, to have private deal with Pausanias: in which opinion he favours the Author of these Letters. But the second will rather appear to be the sense of Thucydides: if we consider, that he places the matter of Pausanias' 
(q) P. 63.  just after the flight of Xerxes; but when Themistocles went into Asia, he makes 
(r) P. 90.  Artaxerxes to be in the Throne: which was a considerable while after. Besides that Diodorus, whose design was to refer all Occurrences to Years, and not to follow the thread of Story beyond the annual Period, is of more credit in a point of Chronology; than Plutarch or any other, that writ Lives by the Lump.   

OF SOCRATES 's EPISTLES.  
THE Epistles of Socrates, and his Scholars, Xenophon, Aristippus, etc. were published out of the Vatican Library by the Learned Leo Allatius; and printed at Paris, MDCXXXVII. He was so fully persuaded himself, and so concerned to have others think, that they are the legitimate Offspring of those Authors they are laid to; that he has guarded and protected them, in a Dialogue of LVII Pages in quarto, against all the Objections that He or his Friends could raise. And no body since, that ever I heard of, has brought the matter into controversy. But I am inclined to believe, that by that time I have done with them, it will be no more a Controversy, but that they are spurious. I shall make use of nothing that Allatius has brought, except one Objection only; and that I shall both manage in a new way, and defend it against all his Exceptions.  
I. The First Letter is Socrates' to some King, 'tis supposed to Archelaus King of Macedonia; in which he refuses to go to him, though invited in the most kind and obliging manner. That he really denied his company to Archelaus and others, we are assured from very good hands: which was the ground for our Falsary to forge this Epistle. But I believe, none of those that mention it, make so tall a Compliment to Socrates, as he does here to himself. For he says, 
(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  The King offered him part of his Kingdom; and, that he should not come thither to be commanded, but to command both his Subjects and Himself. Can you desire a better token of a Sophist, than this? 'Tis a fine offer, indeed, to a poor old Man, that had nothing but his Staff and one Coat to his back. But a Sophist abhors mediocrity; he must always say the greatest thing; and make a Tide and a Flood, though it be but in a Basin of Water.  
II. Well; our Philosopher goes on, and give a reasons of his refusal; That his Daemon forbidden him to go: and then he falls into the long story of what happened to him in the Battle at Delium; which was a tale of twenty years standing at the date of this Letter. But the Sophist had read it in Plato; and he would not miss the opportunity of an eloquent Narration. I will not here insist upon the testimony of 
(t) Lib. v. p. 215.  Athenaeus; That the whole business is a mere fiction of Plato's: let that be left in the middle. But we may safely infer thus much from it; That even Athenaeus himself, whose curiosity nothing escaped, never met with these Epistles. Which alone creates a just suspicion, that they were forged since his days; especially when the universal silence of all Antiquity gives a general consent to it.  
There's a passage, indeed, in 
(x) Analogia Socrat.  Libanius, which, in Allatius' judgement, seems plainly to declare, that he had seen this very Epistle. For after he had mentioned Socrates' refusal to go to Scopas, and Eurylochus, and Archelaus; he adds; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now should we concede, what Allatius would have; this is all that can be inferred from thence in their favour; That they are older than Libanius; which I am willing to believe: and, That He believed them true; which I matter not at all. For so we have seen Stobaeus, Suidas and others, cry up Phalaris for a genuine Book; and yet I fancy none of my Readers are now of their opinion. But with Allatius' good leave, I would draw the words of Libanius to a quite contrary purpose. After he had said, that many Princes had solicited Socrates, by Letter, to come and live in their Courts; and he answered them all with a denial: But (says he) I want the Letters themselves; in which you might perfectly see the Spirit of the Man. This, to me, is an indication, that the Letters he means were not extant. For if he had them in his hand, according to Allatius, how could he want them? And 'tis plain, he speaks here of several Letters, being Replies to several Messages; but in this Collection here's but a single one. I wish (says he) the Letters were to be had; in those you might read his Character. If this be the sense of those words, as probably it is; Libanius is so far from being Patron to our Epistles, that he is a positive Witness against them.  
III. The VII Letter is writ by Socrates to one of those that had fled to Thebes from the violence of the XXX Tyrants: in which he gives him an account of the state of Athens since their departure; That himself was now hated by the Tyrants, because he would have no hand in the condemnation of Leon the Salaminian: and then he tells the story at large. Now, here's a manifest discovery that the Letters are supposititious. For the business of Leon was quite over, before those Fugitives left the Town. For Leon was murdered 
(u) Xenoph. Hist. lib. two. p. 467, 470. Diod. l. xiv.  before Theramenes was: and Theramenes was murdered, before Thrasybulus and his Party fled to Thebes. And that Socrates means them in this Letter, 'tis evident from hence; That he speaks here of their Conspiracy, to resort privately towards Athens and set upon the Tyrants: which afterwards came to pass.  
iv The VIII, IX, XII, and XIII, are Letters of Jest and Raillery between Antisthenes and Aristippus and Simon the Shoemaker. 'Tis an affront to the memory of those Men, to believe they would fool and trifle in that manner; especially send such impertinent stuff as far as from Sicily to Athens, which could not decently be spoken even in merriment at a Table.  
V In the XIII Epistle, among the acquaintance of Simon he names Phaedrus, the same that gives the Title to the Dialogue of Plato: and the XXV is writ by Phaedrus himself to Plato: and both these are dated after Socrates' death. I will appeal now to Athenaeus, if these two Letters can be genuine. He, among other Errors in Chronology for which he chastises Plato, brings this in for one; 
(y) Lib. xi. pag. 505. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  That he introduces Phaedrus discoursing with Socrates; who must certainly be dead before the days of the Philosopher. How comes he then to survive him, in these Epistles; and discourse so passionately of his Death? 'Tis true; for want of ancient History, we cannot back this Authority with any other Testimony. But I am sure, all those that have a just esteem for Athenaeus, can have no slight one of this Argument against the credit of the Letters.  
VI The XIV Epistle gives Xenophon a long Narrative of Socrates' Trial and Death; being writ presently after by one of his Scholars that was present at both. Among other particulars, he tells him, 
(z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  That the Oration or Charge against Socrates was drawn up by Polycrates the Sophist. But I doubt this will turn to a Charge against another Sophist, for counterfeiting Letters. For, I think, I can plainly prove, That at the date of this Letter there was no such report ever mentioned, that Polycrates had any hand in it; and, that this false Tradition, which afterwards obtained in the World, and gave occasion to our Writer to say it in his Letter, did not begin till some years after Socrates' condemnation.  
Diogenes Laertius brings Hermippus' testimony, That Polycrates made the 
(a) Vita Socrat.  Charge. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But, in opposition to this, he presently subjoins; That Favorinus, in the First Book of his Commentaries, says, That Polycrates' Oration against Socrates is not true and real: because he mentions in it the Walls, built by Conon six years after Socrates' death. To which Laertius subscribes his own assent, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, And so it is. I may freely say, that this passage of Favorinus has not been yet rightly understood. It is generally interpreted, as if he denied the Oration that is attributed to Polycrates to be really his. But this is very far from being his opinion. For than he would be flatly confuted by Isocrates, a Witness unanswerable; who, in a Discourse which he addresses to this very Polycrates, tells him; 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Isoc. Busir.  I perceive you value yourself most upon two Orations, The Apology of Busiris, and Accusation of Socrates. But Favorinus' meaning was; That Polycrates did not make that Oration for a true Charge to be spoke at the Trial of Socrates; but writ it several years after, for no other Trial than that of his own Wit. The words in the Greek can admit of no other sense; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Observe, that he says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Polycrates mentions: if he had denied him to be the Author, he would have said in the Passive, There is mentioned. Besides he expressly calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, only denies it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But if he had denied it to be His, he would have said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: as Laertius speaks in other places; 
(c) In Xenoph.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
(d) In Aeschine.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This, I think, is sufficiently clear. Now we are to know, it was the custom of the old Sophists to make an ostentation of their Art, upon some difficult Subjects and Paradoxes, such as other people could speak nothing to: as the commendation of a Fever or the Gout. Polycrates therefore, to show his Rhetoric in this way, writ an Apology of Busiris, that killed and eat his Guests; 
(e) Quintil. lib. two. cap. 18.  and of Clytaemnestra, that murdered her Husband: and to give a proof of his skill, as well in accusing Virtue, as in excusing Vice, he writ an Indictment against Socrates; not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the true one, as Favorinus truly says, but only a Scholastic Exercise; such as Plato, Xenophon, Libanius and others writ in his Defense. So that we are no more forced to believe, that His Oration was the true Charge that was spoken at Socrates' Trial; than, that he really pleaded for Clytaemnestra, when Orestes was going to kill her. Nay, it appears to me, from Isocrates himself, that it was but a Scholastic Exercise, and after Socrates' death. For he blames Polycrates, for reckoning Alcibiades among Socrates' Disciples: since, besides that no body else ever counted him his Scholar; had he really been so, he had been a commendation to his Master; and not a disparagement, which was the aim of the Sophist. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Isoc. Busir.  So that (says he) if the dead could have knowledge of your Writings, Socrates would thank you. Is not this a clear indication, that Socrates was dead, before the Oration was made? and that this was not the true Charge? For than he would have heard it at his Trial: and there had been no occasion to say, if the dead could have knowledge of it. In the close of all, he advises him to leave off showing his parts upon such villainous Themes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; lest he do public mischief by putting false colours upon things. Here again we are plainly told, that his Action against Socrates, like those for Busiris and Clytaemnestra, was but a Declamation, a Theme and Exercise in the School, and not a real Indictment in the Areopagus at Athens. To all which let me add, That neither Plato nor Xenophon nor any body contemporary with Socrates, ever once mention Polycrates for the Author of the Charge: which, had the thing been true, they would certainly have thrown in his teeth, considering the perpetual quarrel between Sophists and Philosophers. And 'tis well known; that the Athenians, in a penitential mood, either banished or put to death all those that had any hand in Socrates' accusation. If Polycrates then were so eminently guilty, as to draw up the Impeachment; how could he escape untouched, when all the rest suffered?  
But when the Accusation of Socrates, though only a Sophistical Exercise, came abroad in the world; it was natural enough, in some process of time, that those that heard of it only, or but perfunctorily read it, should believe it to be the real Charge. We have seen already, that Hermippus was in that mistake, who lived an hundred years after; and with him Quintilian, Themistius, and others innumerable. Favorinus, it seems, alone had the sagacity, by a notice from Chronology, to find it of a more recent date than Socrates' Trial. And even that very passage of Favorinus has lain hitherto in the dark: so that my Reader may forgive me this prolixity and niceness; since he learns by it a piece of News. As for Hermippus, lest the Authority of so celebrated an Author should deter one from so plain a truth; I will show another slip of his, and a worse than this, in the story of Socrates. When Gryllus the Son of Xenophon was slain in the same battle that Epaminondas was; most of the Wits of that Age writ Elegies and Encomium's on him, in compliment and consolation to his Father. Among the rest, 
* Laert. in Xenoph.  Hermippus says, Socrates was one. Which is a blunder of no less than XXXVII years, the interval between Socrates' death and the battle of Mantinaea.  
Socrates was put to death Olymp. XCV, 1. when Laches was Magistrate. This is universally 
(g) See Diodorus, Favorinus, Diog. Laertius, Aristides, Marmor. Arund. Euseb. Argumentum Isocr. Busir. etc.  acknowledged; and to go about to prove it, were to add Light to the Sun. And six years after this, Olymp. XCVI, 3. 
(h) Diodor. xiv. p. 303. Favorin. Diog. Laert.  in Eubulides' Magistracy, Conon repaired the Walls. Which gave the hint to Favorinus, and after him to Diogenes, to discover the common mistake about Polycrates' Oration. But Leo Allatius, to avoid the force of their Argument, undertakes an impossible thing; to prolong Socrates' life above twenty years beyond Laches: so that He might see Conon's Walls, and Polycrates' Declamation be the true Charge at his Trial. Which he would make out by comparing together some Scraps of different Authors, and some Synchronisms of other Men's Lives with Socrates'. As if those things which are only mistakes and unwary slips of the Writers, could have any force or credit against so many express Authorities. By the same way that he proceeds, I will show the quite contrary; that Socrates died twenty years before Laches' Government. For we have it from good Hands, 
(i) Diog. Laert. in Socrat. Argum. Isoc. Busir.  That Euripides, in a Play of his called Palamedes, using these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. designed to lash the Athenians for Socrates' murder: and the whole Theatre perceiving it, burst into tears. Socrates therefore died before Euripides. But 'tis well known, that the latter died six years before Laches was Archon. Nay, Socrates must needs be dead, before Palamedes was acted. But that was acted Olymp. XCI, 1. 
(k) Aelian. Var. Hist. two, 1. Scholar Aristoph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 401. , which is sixteen years before Laches. Have I not proved now exactly the quite contrary to Allatius? But still, I hope, I have more judgement, than to credit such an obliqne Argument against so many direct Testimonies. If Allatius had looked round about him, he would not have committed so great a blunder; while he defends his Epistles at one Post, to expose them to worse Assaults. If Socrates died in Laches' Magistracy, one Epistle must be spurious, that mentions Polycrates. This Breach Allatius would secure; and therefore he will needs make him live several years longer. But then, say I, if we concede this to Allatius; not one Epistle only, but the whole bundle of them are spurious. For most of them plainly suppose, that Socrates died under Laches. Even this very Epistle complains 
(l) Ep. xiv.  that Xenophon was abroad when Socrates suffered; and that the Expedition of Cyrus hindered him from being present then at Athens: and a second Letter, 
xviii.  to name no more, dated after Socrates' death, makes Xenophon to have newly escaped the dangers of his long March through Enemy's Countries. Now, all the world knows, 
(m) Marm. Arund. Laert. Diodor. etc.  that Cyrus' Expedition and Xenophon's March was in Laches' time, and the year before him. So that upon the whole; there is no escape, no evasion from this Argument; but our Epistles must be convicted of a manifest Cheat.  
VII. In the XVII Letter, one of Socrates' Scholars, supposed to be present at Athens when the things he speaks of were acted, says, the Athenians 
(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  put to death both Anytus and Melitus, the Prosecutors of Socrates: which being contrary to known matter of fact, proves the Epistle to be a forgery. Melitus, indeed, was killed; but Anytus was only banished; and 
(o) Laert. in Socrat. & in Antisth. Themist. Orat. two. Augustin. de Civ. Dei, viij, 3.  several Writers speak of him afterwards at Heraclea in Pontus.  
VIII. The XVIII is a Letter of Xenophon's, inviting some Friends to come to see him, at his Plantation near Olympia. He says, Aristippus and Phaedo had made him a Visit: and that he recited to them his 
(p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Memoirs of Socrates; which both of them 
(q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  approved of. This alone is sufficient to blast the reputation of our famous Epistles. For, how is it likely, that Aristippus would go so far to see Xenophon, who 
(r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Laert. in Aristippo.  was always his Enemy? Much less would he have given his approbation to a Book, that was a satire against himself. For the Book is yet in being; and in it he introduces Socrates, in a long Lecture, reprehending Aristippus 
(s) Xenoph. Memorab. lib. two. in princip.  for his Intemperance and Lust. Even Laertius takes notice, That he brought in Aristippus' name upon that scandalous occasion, out of the enmity he bore him.  
IX. We have already seen Xenophon writing Socrates's Memoirs at Scillus, near Olympia. But in the XXII, to Cebes and Simmias, he is writing them at Megara; for there the Letter is dated. And in the XXI, to Xanthippe, he invites her to come to him to Megara. One would think, there was more Sophists than one had a finger in this Volume of Letters: or if he was but one Author, Nature gave him a short Memory without the blessing of a great Wit. 'Tis true, upon Socrates' Execution, his Scholars left Athens for fear, 
(t) Laert. in Euclid.  and retired to Megara, to the house of Euclides: which occasioned our Sophist to bring Xenophon thither too. But he should have remembered, that while They were scared out of Athens for fear of their own Lives, He was safe at a great distance in the retinue of Agesilaus; from whose company he went to Scillus, without ever residing at Megara. Nay, the Sophist is so indiscreet, as to bring in Xenophon in forma pauperis, to beg and receive relief from Cebes and Simmias: whereas every body knows, that he got great riches in the War, 
(u) Laert. in Xenoph. Xenoph. Exp. Cyri, l. v. p. 350.  and lived in very great splendour and hospitality at Scillus.  
X. In the XXIV Epistle, Plato says, he is quite weary of a City Life; and had therefore retired into the Country, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Allatius translates, none long ab Ephestiadibus. He ought to have said, ab Hephaestiadis. For the true word in the Greek, is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plato had some Estate there, which he disposed of in his Will: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as 'tis in 
(w) Vita Platon.  Laertius. Hesychius; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Stephanus Byz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. In the Roman Manuscript of Laertius, 'tis writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which manner of spelling is found also in Hesychius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If the Reader does believe, that our Letter-monger, like Hesychius, spelt the word wrong; he will be satisfied of the forgery: For surely, Plato himself knew the true name of his own Estate. But if he incline to absolve the Author, and lay the blame upon the Copyers; he may please to accept of this, only as an Emendation.  
XI. The XXVII Epistle is Aristippus' to his Daughter Arete: which, perhaps, is the very same that is mentioned by Laertius; who, among the Writings of this Philosopher, names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Allatius, indeed, is ready to vouch it: but I am not so easy of belief. For here are 
(x) IX. & XI.  two other Letters of his in this Parcel, and both of them writ in the Doric Dialect, though directed to Athens: because, forsooth, he was a Cyrenaean, and the Doric his native Tongue. Pray, what was the matter then, that in this he uses the Attic; though he writ from Sicily a Dorian Country, to his own Daughter at Cyrene? One would suspect, as I observed before, that a couple of Sophists clubbed to this Collection. 'Tis true, we know, from Laertius; that of XXV Dialogues published by Aristippus, some were in the Doric Idiom, and some in the Attic. But that, I suppose, was done because of the variety of his Persons. In some Dialogues the Speakers were Sicilians, and those were writ in the Doric; and where the Athenians were introduced, the Attic was proper. But now, in this Letter to his Daughter, both Parties are Dorians; and so this Epistle should rather be Doric, than either of the other two.  
XII. In the same Letter he mentions her Estate in Bernice, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. There is no question but he means 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; perhaps that City not far from Cyrene. But there was nothing then in all Afric called by that name: for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the Macedonian idiom for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Victorious. In that Country, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was generally changed into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: as 
(y) Etym. Magn. etc.  instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and so in others. So that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was unknown in Afric, till the Macedonians came thither: and indeed, they had their names from the Wives of the Ptolemees, whole century of years after the date of this Letter.  
XIII. He goes on, and tells his Daughter, That if he should die, he would have her go to Athens, and live with Myrto and Xanthippe the two Wives of Socrates. It was a common Tradition among the Writers of Philosophic History, that Socrates had these two Wives at once; and from thence our Sophist made them the compliment of a place in this Epistle. 
(z) Laert. in Socrat. Plutarch. Aristid. Athen. xiii. p. 556.  There are cited as Authors of this story, calisthenes, Demetrius Phalereus, Satyrus, and Aristoxenus, who all took it from Aristotle in his Book Of Nobility, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But Polygamy being against the Law of that Commonwealth, and the story therefore improbable; Hieronymus Rhodius produces a temporary Statute made in Socrates' days, That by reason of the scarcity of People, a Man might marry two Wives at a time. But notwithstanding such a flush of Authorities, 
(a) Athenaeus, Plutarch. ib.  Panoetius the Stoic, a very great Man, writ expressly against all those named above; and, in the opinion of Plutarch, 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  sufficiently confuted the Tradition of the Two Wives. For my own part, I dare pin my belief upon two such excellent Judgements, as Plutarch's and Panoetius'; and upon their credit alone, pronounce this Letter to be an Imposture. What grounds they proceeded on I cannot now tell; but I think there is apparent reason for rejecting the story, even laying aside their testimony. For none of Socrates' acquaintance, not Plato, not Xenophon, say one word of this Myrto. Aristotle, we see, was the first that mentioned her: but 
(c) Ibid.  Plutarch suspects that Book to be spurious. So that all this Tradition risen at first from a Falsary, that counterfeited Aristotle's name. Besides, they do not agree in telling their tale; one says, that he had both Wives together: another, that Myrto was his first Wife, and the second came after her death: another, that Xanthippe was the first. Let either of them come first, and our Epistles are false; for here we have Both surviving him, and living together. 
(d) Ibid.  One says, this Myrto was Aristides' Daughter; another his Granddaughter; and another, his Grandson's Daughter. Whatsoever she was; if she outlived her Husband, according to the Letters, pray where was her Ladyship at the time of his suffering? 
(e) Plato Apolog.  Xanthippe, like a loving Wife, attended him in the Prison; but the other ne'er came near him. 'Tis a mistake, sure, that has passed upon the world, that Xanthippe was the Scold: it should seem, that Myrto had the better title to that honourable name. But what shall we say to Hieronymus, who brings you the very Statute, that gave allowance of two Wives at once? Panaetius, you see, believed it not: and why may not a Statute be forged, as easily as these Epistles? If there was such an Act, there appears no great wisdom in it. It is certain, there is near an equality in the births of Males and Females. So that if some Men had two Wives for their share, others must go without: and what remedy would that be against the scarcity of People? Besides that by such a Law the Rich only would be accommodated, who were able to maintain a couple: the poorer sort, who are always the most fruitful, would be in worse circumstances than before. And without doubt, a very strong interest would have been made against the passing of such a Bill; 
(f) A. Gellius, li. 1. c. 23.  as we know what the Roman Matrons did, when Papirius Praetextatus made a like story to his Mother. 'Tis very odd too, that no body but Hieronymus should ever hear of this Statute; and He too a suspected Witness, because he brings it to serve a turn, and to help at a hard pinch. But certainly such a Political Occurrence, had it been true, could never have lain hid from the whole tribe of Historians. It had very well deserved not only a mention, but a remark. But how could it possibly escape the fancy and spleen of all the Comedians of that Age? how could they miss so pleasant an argument of jest and ridicule? Those that are acquainted with the condition of those times, will look upon this as next to a Demonstration. But let us grant, if you will, half a dozen Wives to Socrates; yet nevertheless our Epistles will be still in the mire. For here our Sophist makes the two Women live amicably together: which is pretty hard to believe: for (as 
(g) Aristoxenus' apud Theodoret, Serm. xii. ad Graecos.  those that make them Two, tell the story of them) while their Husband was alive, they were perpetually fight. But, which is worse yet, there are other Letters in the bundle, that plainly suppose Socrates to have had but one Wife. 
(h) Ep. iv.  He himself, writing to some body, tells him this domestic news, That Xanthippe and the Children are well: but says not a word of my Lady Myrto. 
(i) Ep. xxi.  Xenophon sends a Letter top full of kindness and commendation to Xanthippe and the Little ones; but it was very uncivil in him, to take no notice of the other; since, according to the story, she brought her Husband the more Children. Nay, if we allow this Letter of Xenophon's to be genuine, he played a false and dirty trick, much against his character. For at the date of this Epistle, if we believe the very next 
(k) Ep. xxii.  to it, he was writing Socrates' Memoirs. So that while he here in his Letter wheedles the poor Woman, and makes her little Presents, and commends her for her love to her Husband, and for many good qualities; in his Book 
(l) Xenoph. Conviv. p. 876.  he traduces her to that present Age, and to all Posterity, for the most cursed and devilish Shrew, that ever was or ever would be. Nay, which makes it the base, he was the only Man that said this of her; for neither Plato nor any of the old Socratics writ a word about her Scolding. Which made 
(m) Lib. v. p. 219.  Athenaeus suspect it was a Calumny: especially since Aristophanes and his Brethren of the Stage, in all their Raillery and satire upon Socrates, never once twitted him about his Wife. Well, let that be as it will: but what shall we say to Xenophon's double dealing? For my part, rather than I'll harbour such a thought of that great Man, I'll quit a whole Cartload of such Letters as these.  
XIV. Xenophon, in the XV Letter, tells this story of Plato, to whom he bore a grudge; That he should say, None of his Writings were to be ascribed to himself, but to Socrates young and handsome; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now, this sentence is taken out of Plato's Second Epistle to Dionysius the Younger: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Here's a blunder with a witness, from the Sophist's ignorance in Chronology. For his forged Letter of Xenophon bears date immediately after Socrates' death: but the true one of Plato, which Xenophon here alludes to, is recenter by a vast while. For Dionysius came but to the Crown Olymp. CIII, 1. which is XXXII years after the Trial of Socrates.  
I must observe one thing more, that by no means should be omitted. There were formerly more Epistles of Xenophon extant, than appear in this Collection. A large fragment is cited in 
(o) Serm. 81.  Stobaeus, out of his Letter to Crito; 
(p) Serm. 120, 123.  two fragments out of a Letter to Sotira; 
(q) Serm. 5.  and two more out of one to Lamprocles: none of which are found here in Allatius' Parcel. Theodoret produces a passage out of a Letter of his to Aeschines; wherein he jerks Plato 
(r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  for his Ambition and Voluptuousness; to gratify which, he went to Sicily, to Dionysius 's Court. 
(s) Praep. Evang. xiv. 12.  Eusebius has this passage and more out of the same Epistle: and the whole is extant in 
(t) Serm. 78.  Stobaeus. What shall we say? that the true Letters of Xenophon were extant in those days? or that those too were a Cheat, and belonged to the same Volume whence these of Allatius were taken? And so, as I observed before, they will be older than Libanius' time. I am afraid it will be thought ill manners to question the judgement of Eusebius and Theodoret. But we know, 
(u) See Dissert. upon Jo. Malal.  they have made other mistakes of a like nature: and the very Letter which they cite, betrays itself to be a counterfeit. Xenophon, we see, reproaches Plato, in a Letter to Aeschines. If this were true, it was a most rude affront to the Person he writ to, whose friendship he courts so much in the rest of his Letter. For Aeschines himself was guilty of the very same fault, and is wounded through Plato's side. 'Tis well known, that He too, as well as Plato and Aristippus and others, made a Voyage to Sicily, and struck in with Dionysius; 
(w) Laert. & Suidas in Aesch. Plut. de Adulat.  and that purely for Money and the Table. 
(x) In Parasito.  Lucian says, He was Parasite to the Tyrant; and 
(y) Polycritus apud Laert.  another tells us, he liked his Entertainment so well, that he did not stir from him, till he was deposed. I would ask any Man now, if he can still believe it a genuine Letter; let him have what veneration he can for the Learning of Eusebius.  
In the beginning of this Discourse, I have said, That I heard of none, that, since the first publication of these Letters, called them into question. But I was shown to day (after mine was in the Press) in Bishop Pearson's Vindiciae Epp. Sancti Ignatii, a 
(z) Par. II. p. 12, 13.  Digression made on purpose against Socrates' Epistles. I must confess, with some shame, I had either never read that Chapter, or utterly forgot it. But I am glad now to find that imcomparable Man both to think it worth going out of his way to discover this Imposture, and to confirm me in my judgement by the accession of his great Authority. There is nothing there disagreeing with what I had said; but that his Lordship allows the Epistle to Aeschines, cited by Eusebius, to be genuine: which I had endeavoured to convict of a forgery. I refer it to those that please to read both; whether they think I have just reason to change my opinion: especially when I shall tell them, That not Aeschines only, but even Xenophon himself made a Visit to Dionysius. I have 
* Lib. x. p. 427.  Athenaeus for my Authority, a Witness beyond all exception. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Xenophon (says he) the Son of Gryllus, when at Dionysius the Sicilian 's Table the Cupbearer forced the company to drink; Pray, says he, Dionysius (speaking aloud to the Tyrant,) if your Butler forces Wine upon us against our wills, why may not your Cook as well compel us to eat? So that if we suppose the Letter genuine, the absurdity will double itself; both Parties being guilty of the very same thing, that is charged upon Plato.   

OF EURIPIDES 's EPISTLES.  
'TIS a bold and dangerous venture, to attack Euripides' Letters; since a very Learned Greek Professor has so passionately espoused them; that he declares it to be 
(a) Perfrictae frontis & judicii imminuti. Eurip. Edit. Cantab. par. two. p. 523.  great Impudence and want of all Judgement to question the Truth of them. I do not care to meddle with Controversy upon such high Wagers as those: but if I may have leave to give my opinion, without staking such valuable things as Modesty and good Sense upon it, I am very ready to speak my mind candidly and freely.  
I. There are only five Epistles now extant, ascribed to Euripides: but without doubt there were formerly more of them; as we have seen just before, that we have not now the whole Sett of Xenophon's Letters. Neither can we suppose a Sophist of so barren an Invention, as to have his Fancy quite cramped and jaded with poor Five. We have here a peculiar happiness, which we wanted in the rest; to know whom we are obliged to for the great blessing of these Epistles. Apollonides, that writ a Treatise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, About falsified History, says, one 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Sabirius polo forged them, the same Man that counterfeited the Letters of Aratus. This we are told by the Writer of Aratus' Life, no unlearned Author: who does not contradict him about these of Euripides; but for Aratus', he says, that, bating this Apollonides, every body else believed them to be genuine. I cannot pass any judgement of what I never saw; for Aratus' Letters are not now to be had: but if they were no better than these of our Tragedian, I should, in spite of the common vogue, be of Apollonides' mind; and I wish that Book of his were now extant. One may know, by the manner of the Name, that this Sabirius polo was a Roman: but I do not find such a Family as the Sabirii, nor such a Surname as polo. What if we read Sabinius, or Sabidius Pollio? Non amo te, Sabidi; nec possum dicere quare. If that Sabidius in Martial was the forger of our Epistles; though the Poet could give none, yet I can give a very good reason, why I do not love him.  
But the Learned Advocate for the Letters makes several Exceptions against the Testimony of Apollonides. As first, That we may fairly infer from it, that a great many others believed them to be true. Alas! How many more, both Ancients and Moderns, believed Phalaris' to be true? If that argument would have done the work, I might have spared this Dissertation. But prove, that these Letters now extant are the same that were forged by Sabirius. Commend to me an Argument, that, like a Flail, there's no fence against it. Why, had we been told too, that he made Phalaris' Epistles: yet how could we prove, unless some passages were cited out of them, that they were the same that we have now? But though I cannot demonstrate that these are Sabirius'; yet I'll demonstrate them by and by to be an Imposture; and I hope than it will be no injustice to lay them at his door. But 'tis an evidence, that the true Epistles of Euripides were once extant; because some body thought it not improper to father false ones upon him. Now, I should think the very contrary; that the Cuckoo does not lay her Egg, where the Nest is already full. At least, I am resolved I'll never go a book-hunting after the genuine Epistles of Phalaris; though some body has cheated the World with a parcel of false ones.  
II. It might easily have happened, tho' we suppose the Letters spurious, that in so small a number as Five, there could be nothing found to convict them by. But so well has the Writer managed his Business; that every one of them has matter enough to their own Detection. The last and principal of them is dated from Macedonia, in answer to some reproaches, that were cast upon him at Athens for his going to Archelaus. As for what you writ from Athens; says he, pray know, that I value no more, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, what Agatho or Mesatus now say; than I formerly did, what Aristophanes babbled. Here we have the Poet Agatho, (for without doubt he means the Poet, since he has joined him with Aristophanes) residing at Athens, and blaming Euripides for living with Archelaus. Now, could any thing be more unfortunate for our Sabirius polo, than the naming of this Man? For even this Agatho himself was then with Archelaus in 
(c) Aelian. TWO, 21. & XIII, 4. Plut. in Apoph. Scholar Aristoph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Euripides' company: besides that they were always good friends and acquaintance, not there only, but before at Athens.  
But perhaps some may suspect, it was another Agatho a 
(d) Vita Eurip. p. 29. Ed. Cant.  Comic Poet, that was meant in the Letter, and not the famous Agatho the Tragedian. This I find to be the Opinion of the Learned Person . But I will make bold to expunge this Comic Agatho out of the Catalogue of Mankind. For he sprung but up, like a Mushroom, out of a rotten passage in Suidas; who, after he has spoken of Agatho the Tragic Poet, has these words; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which his Interpreters (Wolfius and Portus) thus translate, Fuit & alius Agatho Comoediarum Scriptor. But there's nothing like Fuit & alius in the Original; but the same Agatho is here meant, that was mentioned before. This they might have known from the following words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he was libelled for his Effeminateness. For whom can that belong to, but to Agatho the Tragedian; whom 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Rhet. Praec.  Lucian ranks with Cinyras and Sardanapalus? Do but read Aristophanes' Thesmophoriazusae; and you'll see him ridiculed upon that score for some pages together. The Scholiast upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the same Poet; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (says he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Here you see, it is expressly said, 
(f) P. 133.  Agatho the Tragedian was traduced as Effeminate. It follows presently in the same Scholiast; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; where we have the very words of Suidas applied to the Tragedian: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, this same Agatho was a Comedian, Socrates being his Master: not another, as the Translators of Suidas interpolate the Text. But is it true then, that our spruce Agatho writ Comedies too? Nothing like it; though the learned 
(g) Dialog. de Poet.  Gregorius Gyraldus affirms it from this very passage. 'Tis a mere oscitation of our Scholiast, and of Suidas that gaped after him: the occasion and ground of the story being nothing but this. Plato's Convivium was in the House of this Agatho: in the 
(h) P. 336. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  conclusion of which, Socrates is introduced proving to Agatho and Aristophanes; That it belonged to the same Man, and required the same Parts, to write both Comedy and Tragedy; and that he that was a skilful Tragedian, was also a Comedian. Hence have our wise Grammarians dressed up a fine story, That Agatho was a Comedian, and of Socrates' teaching. And now, I hope, I have evidently proved the thing that I proposed; to the utter disgrace of our admired Epistles.  
III. Euripides, we have seen, did not value one farthing, what either Agatho or 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Mesatus said of him. I would gladly be better acquainted with this same Mesatus; for I never once met with him but here in this Letter. He must be a Brother of the Stage too, by the company he is placed in: But what was the matter? Was he so hissed and exploded, that he durst never show his head since? I have a fancy, he was of the same family with 
(k) Epist. lxiii, & xcvii.  Phalaris' two Fairy Tragedians, Aristolochus and Lysinus: and that these Letters too are a kin to those of the Tyrant. But, perhaps, you'll say, this Mesatus is but a fault in the Copies. It may be so: and I could help you to another Tragedian of those times, not altogether unlike him; one Melitus, the same that afterwards accused Socrates; who was likely enough to hate Euripides, that was the Philosopher's friend. Or I could invent some other medicine for the place: but let those look to that, that believe the Epistles true, or think them worth the curing.  
The very Learned Defender of the Epistles, one of a singular Industry and a most diffuse Reading, has proposed some Objections against the Letters, communicated to him by a private Hand. That private Person, at the request of the Editor, imparted his opinion to him in a very short Letter: to which he had no Answer returned; till he found it, with some surprise, brought upon the stage in 
(l) Eurip. Edit. Cant. p. 27, & 523.  print; and his Reasons routed and triumphed. But let us see if we can rally them again: perhaps they may keep their ground in a second Engagement.  
iv Our friend Sabirius polo, to make the whole Work throughout worthy of himself, has directed this same Letter to Cephisophon, who was Euripides' Actor for his Plays. For he had often heard of Cephisophon; and so he would not let him pass without a share in his Epistles. But he should have minded Time and History a little better, if he hoped to put himself upon Us for the Author he mimic's. 'Tis true, Cephisophon and our Poet were once mighty dear acquaintance: but there fell out a foul accident, that broke off the friendship. For Euripides caught him Acting for him, not upon the Stage, but in private with his Wife. Which business taking wind abroad, and making a perpetual Jest, was one of the main reasons why he left Athens and went to Macedonia. And is it likely, after all this, that our Poet should write a Letter to him, as soon as he got thither? that he should use him as his most intimate Friend, nearer to him than his own Children? I know, there are some so fond of our Epistles, that they value all this as nothing. Cephisophon is so much in their Books; that whatsoever is said against him, must be calumny and detraction. Give me an Advocate, that will stick close and hang upon a Cause. By being their Editor, he is retained for the Letters; and therefore he must not desert his Client. But why shall no Testimony be allowed, that touches Cephisophon? Are not 
(m) P. 167, 184.  Aristophanes and his Commentator, and Suidas and 
(n) In Vita Eurip.  Thomas Magister all lawful and good Evidence? And is there one single Witness against them in his behalf? Not a Writer is now extant, that mentions his name, but what tells the story of him: and if we must not believe them; we shall want new Evidence to prove, there ever was such a Man.  
V In a Disquisition of this nature, an inconsistency in Time and Place is an argument that reaches every body. All will cry out, that Phalaris, etc. are spurious, when they see such breaches upon Chronology. But I must profess, I should as fully have believed them so; though the Writers had escaped all mistakes of that kind. For as they were commonly men of small endowments, that affected to make these Forgeries; a great Man disdaining so base and ignoble a work: so they did their business accordingly; and expressed rather themselves, than those they acted. For they knew not how to observe Decorum, in a Quality so different from their own: like the silly Player, that would represent Hercules; tall indeed, but slender, without bulk and substance. Let us see the conduct of this Author: In the first Letter, Archelaus sends Euripides some Money; and our Poet, as if his Profession were like a Monastic Vow of Poverty, utterly refuses it. And why, forsooth, does he refuse it? Why, it was too great a Sum for his condition. Yes, to be sure; when a Sophist makes a Present, the greatest Sum costs no more than the least. But it was difficult to be kept, and the fingers of Thiefs would itch at it. Alas for him; with the expense of one Bag, out of many, he might have provided a Strong Box, and new Doors and Locks to his House. But why could he not accept a Little of it? Even 
(o) Laertius, in Socrat & Xenoc.  Socrates himself and Xenocrates took a modicum out of Presents, and returned the rest again. And is a Poet more selfdenying, than the most mortified of the Philosophers? But the best of all, is, That Clito the King's chief Minister threatened to be angry with him, if he refused it. What, could Clito expect beforehand, that the Present would be refused? The most sagacious Statesman, sure, that ever Monarch was blest with. Alexander could not foresee such a thing; but was mightily surprised, when Xenocrates would not receive some Money that he sent him: 
(p) Plut. Apoph.  What, says he, has Xenocrates no Friends to give it to, if he need it not himself? As for our Poet, he had Friends, I assure you; but all of his own kidney, men of Contentment, that would not finger a penny of it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. What would one give to purchase a Sett of such acquaintance? And yet, I know not how, in the Fifth Letter, their appetites were come to 'em; For in that, Euripides himself, from Archelaus' Court, shared some Presents among them; and we hear not one word, but that all was well taken.  
VI The rest of this Letter is employed in begging pardon 
(q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  for the two Sons of a Pellaean old fellow, who had done something to deserve Imprisonment. And the Third and Fourth are Common Places of Thanks for granting this request. Now, besides that the whole Business has the Air and Visage of Sophistry; for this same is a mighty Topic too in Phalaris' Epistles: 'tis a plain violation of good Sense, to petition for a Man without telling his Name: as if Pella the royal City had no Old Man in it but one. How can such an Address be real? But to this they give a double Answer; That a Sophist, if this was one, could not be at a loss for a Name: he might easily have put one here; as hereafter he names Amphias, Lapretes and others. But the point is not, what he might have done, but what he has done. He might have named some other Poet at Athens, and not Agatho that was then in Macedonia. All those mistakes and blunders of Phalaris and the rest might easily have been avoided, had the Writers had more History and Discretion. 
(r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  But he had writ a Letter before this about the same business; and there we must suppose he had mentioned his name. This indeed would be something, if it would carry water. But though the Sophist has told you so; do not rashly believe him. For it is plain, that pretended Letter must have been sent to Archelaus, before this vast Present came from him. Why then did not the same Messenger that brought the Money, bring the Grant too of his Petition? Would the King, that did him this mighty Honour and Kindness, deny him at the same time that small and just Request? For the crime of those Prisoners was surely no heinous business. Had it been a design to assassinate the King, he would never have interceded for them. The Charge against them was a venial fault: or were it the blackest accusation, their Innocence at least would clear them: for our Poet himself tells us, 
(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  They had done no body any wrong.  
VII. The Second Epistle is to Sophocles, whom he makes to be shipwrecked at the Island Chios; the Vessel and Goods being lost, but all the Men saved. That Sophocles was at Chios, we are informed by 
(t) Athen. XIII, 603.  jon Chius the Tragedian; who relates a long conversation of his there. If our Author here means the same Voyage, as probably he does; he is convicted of a cheat. For (t) than Sophocles was Commander of a 
(u) Ibid. & Thucyd. I, 75.  Fleet with Pericles in the Samian War; and went to Chios, and thence to Lesbos, for auxiliary Forces. But our Mock-Euripides never thinks of his public Employment; but advises him to return home at his leisure; as if it had been a Voyage for Diversion. Yes, says his Advocate; but why might he not be at Chios another time, though no body speak of it, about private Affairs? Yes; why not, indeed? For Sophocles was so 
(w) jon Chius, ib. Aristoph. Ranis.  courteous and good-natured a Man, that, to do our Letter-monger a kindness, he would have gone to every Island in the Archipelago. But 'tis hard though, that a good Ship must be lost, and our Poet swim for't, to oblige the little Sophist. For I fear the Vessel was cast away, purely to bring in 
(x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the great loss of Sophocles 's Plays. Alas! alas! Can he not go over the water, but he must needs take his Plays with him? And must Euripides, of all men, lament the loss of them; whose own Plays must, probably, have truckled to them at the next Feast of Bacchus? Must Euripides, his Rival, his Antagonist, tell him, 
(y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  That his Orders about family affairs were executed: as if He had been employed by him, as Steward of his Household?  
VIII. The Fifth Letter is a long Apology for his going to Macedonia. Can they think, says he, that I came hither for love of Money? I should have come then, when I was younger; and not now, to lay 
(z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  my bones in a barbarous Country, and make Archelaus richer by my Death. I observed it, as no small mark of a Sophist, That our Author foretells, he was to die in Macedonia; where, we know, he was worried to death by a pack of Dogs. But what wonder, say they, if an Old Man of Seventy predict his own death? I do not question, but our Poet might presage himself to be Mortal. But 'twas an odd guess to hit upon the time and place, when and where he was to die. For, what ground was there to be so positive? The Letter, we see, carries date just after his arrival at Court? He had, as yet, had very short trial, whether all things would continue to his liking. And we have no reason to suppose, that he came thither for good and all; never to see Athens again. Might he not, by some accident, or supplanted by some rival, lose the King's favour? Or, was he sure His life would last as long as his own? 'Twas a violent death, and not mere Age and Craziness, that took our Poet away at last: and he knew Sophocles to be then alive and hearty and making of Plays still; that was Fourteen years older than himself. In these circumstances to be so positive about his dying there, was a Prophecy as bold as any of the Pythian Oracle. But, say they, he gives a hint too, that Archelaus might be deposed: which a Sophist would not say, because it never came to pass. That was true and came to pass every day, that he might be deposed: and he does not suggest, that it actually would be so; for he expressly says, 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  God would always stand by the King, and support him. But indeed, as they interpret a passage there; it looks as if he had foreboded real Mischief; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which last words they translate, ubi jam destitutus fueris & abdicatus, when you are deserted and deposed. But with all due submission, I will assume the freedom of changing the version. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belong to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and not to Archelaus: and the distinction is to be put thus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Tempus ad exercendam benignitatem concessum; You will not grieve, that the time is gone past recalling, which was granted you by God to do good to Mankind in. This, I suppose, is now clear enough; and Archelaus is in no danger of being deposed by this sentence. But let us examine our Author's next words; 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  To make Archelaus richer by my death. A very good Thought indeed, and worthy of Euripides. But pray what could the King get by his death? Would the Poet be compelled to make him his Heir; as some were forced by the Roman Emperors? Or, would the King seize upon his Estate, and defraud the true Inheritor? If the Poet had such suspicions as these, he would never have gone to him. But though he had left all to him at his death; what would the King have been richer for him? For surely Euripides, having settled affairs at home, carried no great Stock with him to Macedonia; unless he thought Archelaus would make him pay for his Board. He might well expect to be maintained by the King's Liberality; (c) as he found it in the 
(d) Ep. v.  Event. The King therefore, were he his sole Heir, would only have received again, what himself had given before. Nay, even a great part of that had been lost beyond recovery. For our Poet, by the very first Messenger, had packed more away to Athens, that Archelaus had given him, than all that he carried with him could amount to; perhaps, than all he was worth before.  
IX. But he has more still to say to those, that blamed him for leaving Athens. If Riches (says he) could draw me to Macedonia; why did I refuse 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  these very same Riches; when I was 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  young, or middle-aged; and while my Mother was alive; for whose sake alone, if at all, I should have desired to be rich? He alludes here to the First Letter, (and perhaps to others now lost,) where he refuses an ample Sum of Money sent him by Archelaus. Alas, poor Sophist! 'twas ill luck he took none of the Money, to Fee his Advocates lustily: for this is like to be a hard brush. For how could the Poet, while young, or middle-aged, refuse Presents from Archelaus? since, according 
(f) Diod. Sicul. & alii apud Athen. l. v. p. 217.  to most Chronologers, he was about Seventy; and, by the most favourable account, above Sixty; when Archelaus came to the Crown.  
X. But what a dutiful Child had Mother Clito the Herb-woman? For her sake alone, her Son Euripides could wish to be Rich; to buy her Oil to her Salads. But what had the Old Gentleman the Father done, that he wishes nothing for His sake? And how had his 
(g) Suidas, Tho. Magister, etc.  three Sons offended him, that They have no share in his good wishes? 'Tis a fine piece of conduct, that our Sophist has shown. He had read something of our Poet's Mother; for she was famous in old Comedy for her Lettuce and Cabbage: but having heard nothing of his Sons; he represents him through all his Letters, as if he had no Children. As here, the only motive to desire Wealth, is his care of the Old Woman: and when she is supposed to be dead, all his concern is only for his Friends. In the First Letter, 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  He and his Friends are such contented men, that they refuse the royal Gift. Not a word of the three young Sparks; who, 'tis hard to think, were so selfdenying. In the Fifth, he keeps none of the King's Presents by him, but sends all away to Athens, to be shared among his 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Friends and Companions. How, again, would the young Gentlemen look, to be forgot thus by their own Father? If it be suspected, in favour of the Letters, that the Sons might be all dead before; I can soon put a stop to that, from a good Evidence, Aristophanes; who, in a Play made 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, p. 184. Edit. Basil.  the very Year of our Poet's death, mentions the Sons as then alive.  
XI. The Romans may brag as much as they please of Maecenas and others: but of all Patrons of Learning, Archelaus of Macedonia shall have My commendations. Within two or three days after Euripides' arrival, he makes him a Present of 
(l) Ep. v.  Forty Talents. Which was a greater Sum of Money than our Poet could ever have raised before; though all that he had should have been sold four times over. The Great Themistocles 
(m) Plut. Themist.  was not worth Three Talents, before he meddled with Public Affairs: and 
(n) Terent. Heaut.  Two Talents was thought a good Portion for a substantial Man's Daughter. Alexander the Great, when he was Lord of the World, sent Xenocrates the Philosopher a Present of Thirty Talents, or, as others say, Fifty; which 
(o) Cicero, Tusc. v. Pecunia temporibus illis, Athenis praesertim, maxima.  Cicero calls a vast Sum, especially for those times. But Alexander's natural Munificence was stimulated and exalted to that extraordinary Act of Bounty, out of a peak 
(p) Laert. in Arist.  he had to Aristotle. How generous then, nay, how profuse was Archelaus; that out of his little and scanty Revenue could give as much, as his great Successor in the midst of the Persian Treasures? But all this is spoiled again; when we consider, 'tis a Sophist's Present: who is liberal, indeed, of his Paper Notes, but never makes solid Payment.  
And now, I suppose, it will be thought no great matter, whether Sabirius polo, as Apollonides affirms, or any other unknown Sophist, have the Honour of the Epistles. I will take my leave of Him and Them; after I have done the same kindness to Apollonides, that I did to Sabirius. For as I read the name of the one, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: so, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I dare make bold to substitute 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The former was never heard of but here. This latter is mentioned by Laertius, Harpocration and others. He writ several Books, and dedicated one of them 
(q) Laert. in Timone.  to Tiberius. The time therefore agrees exactly with this emendation; for living in that Emperor's days, he might well cite a Roman Author Sabidius Pollio. But to take away all manner of scruple; this very Book About Falsified History is ascribed to Apollonides Nicenus by 
(r) v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. De Differ. Vocab.  Ammonius; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; just as the Writer of Aratus' Life says; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

OF AESOP 's FABLES.  
I Can easily go on, and discover to you many more Impostures of this kind, The Epistles of Anacharsis, Heraclitus, Democritus, Hypocrates, Diogenes, Crates, and others. But perhaps I may be exhorted hereafter to put this Dissertation into Latin, with large Additions: till which time I will adjourn the further Discourse upon those several Authors; and proceed now to the last thing proposed, The Fables of Aesop.  
And here I am glad to find a good part of the Work done ready to my hand. For Monsieur Bachet S. de Meziriac, has writ The Life of Aesop, in French: which Book, though I could never meet with it, I can guests from the great Learning of the Author, known to me by his other Works, to have in a manner exhausted the Subject. Vavasor too, De Ludicra Dictione, ascribes the present Fables to Maximus Planudes, and not to Aesop himself. See also a great deal upon this Head in the late Historical Dictionary of Mr. Bail. All which make me look upon Sir W. T.'s mighty Commendation of the Aesopean Fables now extant, which is the occasion of this Treatise, to be an unhappy Paradox; neither worthy of the great Author, nor agreeable to the rest of his excellent Book. For if I do not much deceive myself, I shall soon make it appear, That of all the Compositions of the Aesopic Fables, these that we have now left us, are both the Last and the Worst. Though I do not intent a set Discourse; but only a few lose things, that I fancy may have escaped the Observation of Others.  
I. 'Tis very uncertain, if Aesop himself left any Fables behind him in writing: the Old Man in 
(s) In Vespis, p. 357.  Aristophanes learned his Fables in Conversation, and not out of a Book:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉—  
There's another 
(t) In Avibus, p. 387.  passage in the same Poet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; which 
(u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Suidas, and from him Erasmus, Scaliger, etc. affirm to be used proverbially; You have not read so much as Aesop, (spoken of Idiots and Illiterates.) From whence one might conclude, that Aesop wrote his own Fables, which were in every body's hands. But it plainly appears from the Poet himself, that it is not a Proverbial Saying: For when One had said, He never heard before, that Birds were older than the Earth: the Other tells him, He is unlearned, and unacquainted with Aesop; who said, That the Lark was the first of Things; and she, when her Father died (after he had laid five days unburied, because the Earth was not yet in being) at last buried him in her own Head. Now, what is there here like a Proverb? But pray take notice, that this Fable is not extant in our present Collection; a good testimony, that Ours are not of the Phrygian's own Composing.  
I will mention another place of our Poet; that I may, on this occasion, correct a gross Error of the Scholiast. 'Tis extant in Vespis, p. 330.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [. 
Where he interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; of one Aesop a ridiculous Actor of Tragedy. But our Scholiast himself is more ridiculous: if it was He that writ this; and not some trifler, that foisted it in among the other's Annotations. For there was no Aesop a Greek Actor in the days of Aristophanes: he mistakes him for the famous Aesop in Cicero's time, an Actor of Tragedy on the Roman Stage; and far from being ridiculous:  Quae gravis Aesopus, quae doctus Roscius egit. 
But the Aesop meant by our Poet is the Phrygian himself, whose Fables were called Jests, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: so in the other passage, already cited, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hesychius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
(w) Orat. lxxii. p. 631.  Dion Chrysostom, speaking of our Aesop, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Avienus, in his Preface; Aesopus, responso Delphici Apollinis monitus, RIDICULA orsus est.  
II. The first, that we know of, who essayed to put the Aesopic Fables into Verse, was 
(x) Plato in Phaedone. Plutarch. de Aud. Poet. Laert. in Socrat.  Socrates the Philosopher. Laertius seems to hint, that he did but one Fable; and that with no great success; the beginning of it was this:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
'Tis observable again, that Socrates does not say, he made use of a Book of Fables: but, I wrote, says he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, those that I knew, and that I could first call to mind. And this Fable too does not appear in our present Collection; if we may gather so much, from his naming the Corinthians.  
III. After Socrates' time, 
(y) Laert. in Demet.  Demetrius Phalereus made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Collections of Aesopean Fables: which, perhaps, were the first in their kind, committed to writing; I mean, in form of a Book. These seem to have been in Prose: and some, perhaps, may imagine, that they are the same that are now extant. I wish they were; for than they would have been well writ, with some Genius and Spirit. But I shall demonstrate Ours to be of a Modern Date; and the Composition itself speaks too loud, that it is not Demetrius'.  
iv After him, there was some body, whose name is now lost, that made a new Edition of the Fables in Elegiac Verse; I find no mention of them, but in Suidas; who citys them often under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I will set down a few Fragments of them; both to show that they belong to the Aesopic Fables, which has not yet been observed, that I know of; and to enable you to judge, whether, if we could change our modern Collection for these, we should not get by the bargain.  
(z) Suida● in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
This belongs to the Fable about the Two Bags that every Man carries; one before, where he puts other men's faults; another behind him, where he puts his own. This is mentioned by Catullus, Horace, Phaedrus, Galen, Themistius, Stobaeus, etc. and it is a Blot upon our Modern Sett, that there it is wanting.  

(a) Id. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
(b) vulgo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And,  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
And,  

(c) Id. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉—  
And,  
(d) Id. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Some of them, it seems, were all Hexameters:  
— 
(*) Id. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & Scholar Aristoph. p. 220.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
'Tis an easy matter to find what Fables these pieces relate to; and I think they are all extant in the present Collection.  
V This, you see by this Specimen, was no contemptible Author: and after him came one Babrius, that 
(e) Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  gave a new Turn of the Fables into Choliambics. No body, that I know of, mention him; but Suidas, Avienus, and Jo. Tzetzes. There's one Gabrias, indeed, yet extant, that has comprised each Fable in four sorry jambics. But our Babrius is a Writer of another Size and Quality; and were his Book now extant, it might justly be opposed, if not preferred, to the Latin of Phaedrus. There's a whole Fable of his yet preserved at the end of Gabrias, of the Swallow and the Nightingale. Suidas brings many Citations out of him; all which show him an excellent Poet: as this of the Sick Lion,  
— 
(f) Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:  
And that of the Boar,  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
(h) Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: 
And a great many others.  
VI I need not mention the Latin Writers of the Aesopean Fables; Phaedrus, 
(h) Aus●nius, Ep. xuj.  Julius Titianus, and Avienus; the two first in jambic, the last in Elegiac: but I shall proceed to examine those Greek one's now extant, that assume the name of Aesop himself. There are two parcels of the present Fables; the one, which are the more ancient, CXXXVI in number, were first published out of the Heidelberg Library, by Neveletus, A. D. MDCX. The Editor himself well observed; That they were falsely ascribed to Aesop, because they 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Fab. 152.  mention holy Monks. To which I will add another remark; That there is a sentence out of Job, 
(k) See Fab. 288. Job i. 21.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Naked we all came, and naked shall we return. But because these two passages are in the Epimythion, and belong not to the Fable itself; they may justly be supposed to be Additions only, and Interpolations of the true Book. I shall therefore give some better Reasons, to prove they are a recent Work. That they cannot be Aesop's own, the CLXXXI Fable is a demonstrative proof. For that is a story of Demades the Rhetor, who lived above CC years after our Phrygian's time. The CXCIII is, about Momus' Carping at the Works of the Gods. There he finds this fault in the Bull; That his Eyes were not placed in his Horns, so as he might see where he pushed. But 
(l) In Nigrino.  Lucian (speaking of the same Fable) has it thus; That his Horns were not placed right before his Eyes. And 
(m) De Part. Anim. l. iii. p. 54.  Aristotle has it a third way; That his Horns were not placed about his Shoulders, where he might make the strongest push; but in the tenderest part, his Head. Again, Momus blames this in the Man; That his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did not hang on the outside of him, so as his Thoughts might be seen: but in 
(n) In Hermotimo.  Lucian, the fault is; That he had not a Window in his Breast. I think it probable from hence, that Aesop did not write a Book of his Fables: for then there would not have been such a difference in the telling. Or, at least, if these that are now extant were Aesop's; I should guests from this specimen, that Lucian had the better on't, and beat him at his own play.  
VII. But that they are recenter than even Babrius, who is himself one of the latest Age of good Writers, I discovered by this means. I observed in 'em several passages, that were not of a piece with the rest; but had a turn and composition plainly Poetical: as in the CCLXIII Fable, which gins thus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This, I saw, was a Choliambic Verse; and I presently suspected, that the Writer had taken it out of Babrius. And I was soon confirmed in my judgement by this 
(o) Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  fragment of his, that belongs to the same Fable:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
For in the Fable in Prose there are these words; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whence it evidently appears, that the Author of that Parcel, which was published by Neveletus, did nothing else but epitomise Babrius, and put him into Prose. But I will give you some further proofs of it. The CCLXI gins thus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which, at the first reading, one perceives to be part of a Scazon: and thus it is in a 
(p) Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  fragment of Babrius:  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
In the CLVI, about the Fox with the Firebrand; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Who does not discover here a Scazon of Babrius?  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
The CCXLIII is a manifest turning out of Choliambics into Prose; for the whole is made up either of Pieces or entire Verses:  — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
And,  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
And,  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 
And,  
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
In the CCXCIII, there are these remnants of Babrius:  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
And,  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
And,  — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
The CLXV gins thus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which I suppose to have been in Babrius thus:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Or, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:  
In all these passages here are most visible footsteps by which we may trace our Imitator: but generally he has so disguised the Fables, that no body can find they ever belonged to Babrius. In the CCXLV, about the Priests of Cybele, there's nothing but a short dry Story, and no relics of a Verse. But there's a noble fragment of Babrius belonging to the same Fable, which I will here set down. both to correct it, (for he that has given it us, 
(q) natal Com. l. ix. c. 5.  has printed it false,) and to show you how much we have lost:  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉;  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
VIII. Thus I have proved one Half of the Fables now extant, that carry the name of Aesop, to be above a Thousand Years more recent than Herald And the other Half, that were public before Neveletus, will be found to be yet more modern, and the latest of all. That they are not from Aesop's own Hand, we may know from the LXX, Of the Serpent and the Crabfish: which is taken from a Scolion or Catch, much older than Aesop, that is extant in 
(r) Lib. xv. c. 15.  Athenaeus, and must be corrected thus:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And there is great reason to believe, that they were drawn up by Planudes, one of the Later Greeks, that translated into his native Tongue Ovid's Metamorphoses, Cato's Distiches, Caesar's Commentaries, and Macrobius. For there is no Manuscript any where, above CCC years old, that has the Fables according to that Copy. Besides that there are several passages, that betray a modern Writer; as in the LXXVII, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Bird; and XXXIX, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Beast; both unknown to all ancient Authors: and in the CXXIX, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Crying in his heart, a manifest Hebraism, in imitation of Eccles. xi. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The LXXV, about the Aethiopian, is taken almost word for word out of the VI of Apthonius the Rhetorician; who made an Essay upon some Aesopic Fables, that is yet extant. The IV, as appears from the last sentence of it, is a Paraphrase on the CCLXXXIV of Neveletus' Parcel; which Parcel, as I have proved above, are a Traduction of Babrius: and particularly in this very Fable there are footsteps of his Verses;  — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
And,  — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
This Collection therefore is more recent than that Other; and coming first abroad with Aesop's Life, writ by Planudes, 'tis justly believed to be owing to the same Writer.  
IX. That Idiot of a Monk has given us a Book, which he calls The Life of Aesop, that, perhaps, cannot be matched in any Language, for Ignorance and Nonsense. He had picked up two or three true stories, That Aesop was Slave to one Xanthus, 
(s) Eustath. in X Odyss. p. 785.  carried a Burden of Bread, conversed with Croesus, and was put to death at Delphi: but the Circumstances of these, and all his other Tales, are pure Invention. He makes Xanthus, an ordinary Lydian or Samian, to be a (t) Philosopher: which 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  word was not heard of in those days, but invented afterwards by Pythagoras. He makes him attended too, like Plato and Aristotle, by a Company of Scholars, whom he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: tho' the word was not yet used in that sense, even in Aristotle's time. 'Twas the 
(u) Plutarch. in Conviv.  King of Aethiopia's Problem to Amasis' King of Egypt, To drink up the Sea: but Planudes makes it a Wager of Xanthus with one of his Scholars. To say nothing of his Chronological Errors, Mistakes of a Hundred or Two Hundred years: Who can read, with any patience, that silly Discourse between Xanthus and his Man Aesop; not a bit better than our Penny-Merriments, printed at London-Bridge?  
X. But of all his injuries to Aesop, that which can least be forgiven him, is, the making such a Monster of him for Ugliness: an Abuse, that has found credit so universally; that all the modern Painters, since the time of Planudes, have drawn him in the worst Shapes and Features, that Fancy could invent. 'Twas an 
(w) Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Scholar Aristoph. P. 357, & 387.  old Tradition among the Greeks, That Aesop revived again, and lived a second life. Should he revive once more, and see the Picture before the Book that carries his Name; could he think it drawn for Himself? or for the Monkey, or some strange Beast introduced in the Fables? But what Revelation had this Monk about Aesop's Deformity? For he must learn it by Dream and Vision, and not by ordinary methods of Knowledge. He lived 
(x) A. D. MCCCLXX▪  about Two Thousand Years after him: and in all that tract of time, there's not one single Author that has given the least hint, that Aesop was ugly. What credit then can be given to an ignorant Monk, that broaches a new Story after so many Ages? In Plutarch's Convivium our Aesop is one of the Guests with Solon and the other Sages of Greece: there is abundance of Jest and Raillery there among them: and particularly upon Aesop: but no body drolls upon his ugly Face; which could hardly have escaped, had he had such a bad one. Perhaps you'll say, it had been rude and indecent, to touch upon a natural Imperfection. Not at all, if it had been done softly and jocosely. In Plato's Feast, they are very merry upon Socrates' Face, that resembled old Silenus: and in this, they twit Aesop for having been a Slave: which was no more his Fault, than Deformity would have been. Philostratus has given us, in Two Books, a Description of a Gallery of Pictures; 
(y) P. 735.  one of which is Aesop with a Chorus of Animals about him. There he is represented smiling and looking towards the ground, in a posture of Thought; but not a word of his Deformity; which, were it true, must needs have been touched on, in an account of a Picture. The Athenians set up a noble Statue to his Honour and Memory:  


(z) Phaedrus, l. xi. ult.  Aesopo ingentem Statuam posuere Attici,  
Seruúmque collocarunt aeterna in basi;  
Patere honoris scirent ut cuncti viam,  
Nec generi tribui, sed virtuti gloriam.   
But had he been such a Monster, as Planudes has made of him; a Statue had been no better than a Monument of his Ugliness: it had been kinder to his Memory, to have let that alone. But the famous Lysippus was the Statuary that made it. And must so great a Hand be employed to dress up a Lump of Deformity? Agathias the Poet has left us an 
(a) Anthol. lib. iv. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Epigram upon that Statue:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
How could He too have omitted to speak of it, had his Ugliness been so notorious? The Greeks have several Proverbs about Persons deformed; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Our Aesop, if so very ugly, had been in the first rank of them; especially when his Statue had stood there, to put every body in mind of it. He was a great Favourite of Croesus' King of Lydia; who employed him, as his Ambassador to Corinth and Delphi. But would such a Monster, as Planudes has set out, be a fit Companion for a Prince? or a proper Ambassador; to be hooted at by all the Boys, wherever he came? Plutarch represents him as a polite and elegant Courtier; rebuking Solon for his gruff and clownish behaviour with Croesus; telling him, he must converse with Princes, 
(b) Plut. in Solone.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, either agreeably, or not at all. Now, could either such a Station, or such a Discourse befit Aesop; if he was truly that Scarecrow, as he is now commonly painted? But I wish I could do that justice to the Memory of our Phrygian; to oblige the Painters to change their Pencil. For 'tis certain, he was not Deformed Person; and 'tis probable, he was very Handsome. For whether he was a Phrygian, or, as others say, a Thracian; he must have been sold into Samos by a Trader in Slaves. And 'tis well known, that that sort of People commonly bought up the most Beautiful they could light on; because they would yield the most Profit. And there is mention of two Slaves, Fellow-Servants together, Aesop and Rhodopis a Woman; and if we may guests him by his Companion and (b) Contubernalis, we must needs believe him a Comely Person. For 
(c) Pliny xxxvi, 12.  that Rhodopis was the greatest Beauty of all her 
(d) Herodotus. Suidas. Strabo.  Age: and even a Proverb arose in Memory of it;  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
FINIS.    

ERRATA.  
PAge 48. l. 17. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; p. 66. l. 14. r. very well resolved; p. 80. l. ult. r. Ten years; p. 90. l. 22. r. gives a reason; p. 93. l. 29. r. of that Philosopher; p. 124. marg. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; p. 127. marg. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.