A REMONSTRANCE OF HIS Sacred Royal Majesty OF SWEDEN, Unfolding the GROUNDS and CAUSES whereby His said Majesty was constrained to continue the WAR brought on him by the King and Kingdom of DENMARK, After the PEACE was ratified at Roskild, But neither Pursued nor duly Observed by the DANES. Anno 1658. LONDON, Printed by R. Wood for D. Pakeman, and are to be sold at his Shop at the Sign of the Rainbow in Fleetstreet, 1659. HIS MAJESTY OF sweden Remonstrance, Declaring the Reasons that forced him to continue the WAR with DENMARK after the Treaty at Roskild. THere are principally two things which cannot but affect any man with wonder, that shall without partiality weigh and observe the course and carriage of this War betwixt the Swedes and Danes, to wit, the singular moderation, which his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden to his Princely Renown, hath expressed and approved to the World: and on the other side, the extreme Ingratitude, whereby the Nation of Denmark hath deservedly contracted a foul and lasting infamy. For when the most Serene his Majesty of Sweden, The Danish practices against Sweden. was by mature and weighty Reasons drawn forth to a War against Poland, and that he failed not of such success as usually accompany just undertake, the Danes grew straightways maliciously affected to our Victories, deeming our Acquists to be their loss and detriment: nor could they contain or forbear to publish these envious Passions, but they must be practising with the the States of Holland to give some check to the progress of the Swede in Prussia; with Holland, at least they readily granted a free passage to the State's Fleet through the Sound, contrary to their Faith given to us, and also joined with them as many of their own men of War as they had in readiness, and that to no other purpose, but only to second the cross and sinister Designs of the Dantzickers, with the Dantzickers, and to heighten and embitter the Pole against the Swede. And though this might have served for a sufficient testimony of their meaning to us, yet they held it too scant, unless they had also urged the Muscovite to make a War on the Swedes, and with the Muscovites. propounding the goodliest Christian Provinces as a booty, to the exquisite Cruelties of barbarous Nations. Nor was the Play acted under a mask, as by men ashamed to own their parts, but they sent a pompous Embassy to congratulate the coming of the Muscovite into Liefland; solemnly exhorting him constantly to stick to, and effectually to prosecute so worthy a Design. His most Serene Majesty of Sweden having been duly regardful to that Amity, The Swedish dealing with the Dane to prevent a breach. which his Neighbourhood and Confederacy with the Danes required, to prevent any perverse opinion that might be raised on his preparation for War, had in due season directed his Resident in the Danish Court to unfold his Majesty's purpose, and for what reasons he was constrained to take up Am's against the Poles. Which Reasons appeared so sufficient and just to the Danish King, He acquaints him with his enterprise against Poland, and proposeth a Treaty for the Confirmation of ancient Leagues by his Resident as Plenipotentiary, that he professed never to impede or thwart his Design, but rather he seemed to wish the Expedition prosperous. And for as much as it seemed for the behoof of these Northern Kingdoms to join in a straighter bond of Friendship, his Majesty hath on his part neglected nothing that might conduce to the effecting and establishing thereof: which seemed also fully prepared and ripe, when the Danes purposing nothing less than the confirmation of it, objected certain Grievances first to be removed. Which, when the Swedish Plenipotentiary suspecting nothing, desired them to propound: Which the Dane disappoints, after many delays they retrieve their old complaints of Injuries committed by the Subjects of Sweden to the prejudice of their Customs of the Sound. But when he had easily demonstrated the groundless vanity of this, and what else was alleged, the Danes could no longer hold, but laying aside the vizor, plainly urged to be discharged of the Covenants made at Bromsebroe. by endeavouring to make void the treaty Bromsebroe. The Swedish Commissioner after so many fruitless Demonstrations and Protestations being tired with their juggling, and perceiving that the Danes had precluded all means of confirming the League, Whereupon the Swedish Resident retires. took his leave of the King and most of the Peers of the Kingdom, and departed, referring the Debate of those pretended Grievances to a meeting of the Senators of both Kingdoms, then shortly to be held on the Borders, according to the custom of those Northern People. He was scarce departed Coppenhagen, The Danes seize upon Swedish ships. when three Swedish ships coming from Portugal were detained, and made prize by the Danes in the Sound; and presently after the Inhabitants of Breme and Pomerania are solicited to renounce their Allegiance, hoodwinked with a specious promise of Liberty, Solicit Bremen and Pomerania to Rebellion. as a reward of their impiety. Immediately after War was denounced, and an herald to that purpose sent into Sweden, but one whose (otherwise) sacred administration was profaned by a Libel, And denounce War. which declaring such frivolous and foul Causes of the said War, in so virulent a strain as never before was known to pass betwixt Kings, rendered those Causes yet more weak and contemptible. Indeed he received his deserved censure by public Authority, and the Danes themselves some time after, acknowledged the shamefulness of the thing, so that in the Treaty at Roschild they condemned it; but whereas it holds out the departure of the Swedish Commissioner from Coppenhagen as the occasion of the ensuing War, therein they add foul Impudence to Malice. Which was contrived long before the Residents departture. For the Papers of Andr. Bille chief General to the King of Denmark, which came to our hands on the possessing of frederick's Ode, and the Isle of Fuhnen, are more than sufficient proof, how long before his departure this War was decreed, and that they were most studious to contrive means of hastening his departure. This public Invective against the Swedes Nation was seconded by private calumny, the Peers of Denmark reckoning it great glory and merit to abound in tart Reproaches, contending for a mastery in scurrility with their poor and fordid eloquence. So great a matter it seems it was to unsheathe a pen against the Swedes, and he that was the best proficient in scoffing and detraction, thereby presumed himself to be the worthiest Patriot. The were the Danish Soldiers poured into the Countries of Sweden, And soon after broke out. discovering every where much impotent rage, especially in the Dukall part of Holstein and Breme, which, together with the rest of Sweden, they had long since swallowed in hopes: but Divine Vengeance stayed not long, but stroke such terror and dread into them, that some of them durst not abide the approach of our men coming from the farther part of Lettow, but betook themselves for shelter to adjacent Islands; But were soon repulsed by the Swedes from Bremen and the Dukall Holstein, others received the wages of their rash adventure, being in a few day's time utterly expelled the Duchy of Breme, excepting only the Castle of Bremerford. Soon after all Jutland submitted to the Swede, save that new built Fort of frederick's Ode, which was at first stiffly maintained by a considerable party of the Danes. But the valiant Commander Wrangle encouraged by his Majesty's influence and his own valour, after he had begirt it a few weeks, won it, without any great loss of his own men, and having made great slaughter of the Enemy, And frederick's Ode taken. carried with him two thousand Prisoners; amongst whom were the chief General of Denmark and another Senator. His most Serene Majesty of Sweden did not forget in the current of these Victories his regard to Peace; Major General Jephson and Sir Philip Meadows Agents for his Highness the Lord Protector of England, In the mean time Sweden offers terms of accommodation by the English public Ministers. promoting it with all diligence; of which the former then resided in the Swedish Court, the latter in the Danish, to settle a Peace betwixt them. But how was this received by the Danes? They vouchsafed an Answer indeed three several times to those things Sir Philip Meadows had declared concerning this Business, but with all they sought with such arrogancy and height to impose Laws on the Swedes, Which the Dane contemns, that it might thence be easily discerned, what small affection they had to Peace, notwithstanding all that his most Serene Majesty of Sweden could urge in his Declarations, to render them more calm and tractable. And that no man may be unsatisfied in this Relation, we have here subjoined the whole business of the several Intercourses under the Letters, A, B, A, B, C, D, E, F etc. C, D, E, F. etc. Wherefore the Swedes perceiving themselves to be only born in hand with a counterfeit show of Peace, and that the Danes did at the same time vigorously labour a Confederation with the Austrian, Pole, and Brandenburg, and makes Leagues with Austria, Poland, and Brandenburg. resolved to infest them with War in their very lurking places, and since reason might not take place, to work them to it by force. Herein they found assistance from the extreme sharpness of the Winter, which was such that the whole Sea being frozen over, afforded passage, beyond all Record of example, for the whole Army of the Swedes into Fuhnen. Whereupon the Swede marching over the Sea doth possess himself of Fuhnen. On that Island abode the flower and choice of the Danish Soldiery, as also all the most hardy Commanders, who notwithstanding being broken and put to flight, came into the power of the Swede, together with five Senators of that Kingdom; so that it may well be affirmed, that the Swedish Affairs were by that day's work much secured; and that the very foundations of the Danish Kingdom began to totter: thus the Channel of the Sea was no sufficient Mote to fortify him, who assumed to himself the Pride and Insolence to oppress others, who never had deserved any such usage at his hands. His Majesty of Denmark being horribly surprised with this News, and the more for that the Swedes had the same opportunity to pass into Zealand, began to advise with such of his Peers, as he had about him, concerning a Peace, And the Dane then desires a Treaty of Peace. desiring the aforesaid English Agent, Sir Philip Meadows, to mediate therein. Who, though he had found them deaf till then to all his Arguments of Peace, was very diligent and trusty to that charge, and sending one of his Retinue to the King of Sweden then residing at Odensea in Fuhnen, Letter G. advised him, Letter G. that the Danes were become inclinable to Peace. For that cold, which naturally doth harden, Which is accepted of by the Swedes. Letter H. had now made the stony hearts of the Danes softer and more pliable than wax. To these Letters answer was made, Letter H. with great moderation, such as could not be expected from a Prince in the height and heat of Conquest. The Messenger also returned over the Ice into Zealand the same way he came, being instructed concerning the time and place of the Treaty. In the mean time his most Serene Majesty of Sweden, holding it unmeet to slight his opportunity, moved by the Islands, Langland, Who marcheth over the Sea into Zealand. Laland, and Falster, the way which Fates had opened, with his victorious Army toward Zealand, and at Wordinburg Castle met with the English Envoy Extraordinary, and some Danish Commissioners. There his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden, And a Treaty gins at Wordinburg. understanding the Danes forwardness to lay hold on a Peace, made no delay, but joined Commissioners of his with them, who, for that it was for the behoof of each Party, to use dispatch, might bring the matter to a speedy issue. And doubtless a Peace had then been concluded, (Monsieur Hugo Terlon the Ambassador in Ordinary from the most Christian King of France to the King of Sweden, and Sir Philip Meadows, But broken off by the Danish Commissioners, for default of Instructions whom we have often occasion to mention with commendation, much labouring therein) had not the Danish Commissioners pretended their Commission was not large enough to make a Peace in the terms then propounded by the Swedes. For which cause they departed to Coppenhagen to return speedily with further Commission. In the mean time his most Serene Majesty of Sweden, that he might hasten the Peace, goeth on with his Army, and was approached even to the gates of Coppenhagen, when the Danish Commissioners returning with the English Envoy extraordinary, were wondrous desirous to consummate the Agreement begun at Wordinburg. Whereupon those Honourable Persons, who had mediated, by the assent of his Majesty of Sweden, And again renewed at Tostrup, where the Articles were form, Letter I. gave meeting to the Commissioners of each Party at Tostrup, a Village near Coppenhagen, where, having spent some days on the traverse of Affairs, they resolved on certain Articles to be shortly after enlarged and polished at Roskild, Letter I. for that it was impossible in such a huddle and speed to give caution to all emergent disputes and differences, that in tract of time might arise thereon. Which Articles, And afterward confirmed at Rockild Letter K. being prepared by the subscriptions of those Mediators and the Commissioners were finally confirmed and ratified by both the Kings, Letter K. It might be esteemed almost miraculous, that his most Serene Majesty of Sweden, having been so much provoked, and so set at naught by the Danes, should so govern his courage and resolution, as to forbear the utter destruction of that Nation, that had so often threatened to root out him and his. Doubtless the Kingdom of the Danes had then been brought to a period, and Coppenhagen, that only remained, could have little availed them, being no otherwise defensible, but by the naked bodies of men. There you might have seen King and Peers all in a confusion, the Nobility at discord with the Citizens, the Soldier's mutining; and those, who should have been their guard and defence, pouring out all manner of threats and menaces. Insomuch, that those that were most judicious, did most despair of the common safety, the wealthy Citizens imploring the favour and protection of the Swedes. The Fortresses that remained in Schonen, lay open to the enemy; not only for that the Ice had made the passage easy, but also for that most of the Soldiers were drawn thence into Zealand. But the most Serene his Majesty of Sweden wanted nothing but will to ruin the Kingdom of Denmark and those, whom by force he might, he chose rather to win by clemency, only taking of the Enemies that part of the Country, which had formerly been injuriously wrested from the Swede; as also some places in Norway for his security, that though hereafter they would, they might not easily annoy him. Now who could imagine, that the Danes, who own both their being and their dominion to be Swede, should demonstrate themselves so utterly unworthy of those benefits? For the Articles at Tostrup were scarce signed, and a Cessation of Arms on both sides proclaimed, when they took the boldness presently to discover their malicious inclinations. It had been here declared amongst other things, that, before his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden should, for the better ease of the Country dispose of his Soldiers in their Quarters, until it should be agreed upon the time of their departure out of Zealand in the meeting at Roskild, the Danes should out of hand send in their promised aid of 2000 But not duly kept on the Danish part. Horse. (For his Majesty of Sweden had generously discharged them from sending in the 2000 Foot, which by force of the Articles at Tostrup they were bound to do, that he might express his affection to the King of Denmark, who earnestly besought it, lest he should be deprived of all Foot Forces for the maintenance of his Garrisons.) But mark what was here done. The Danes first took advice, as afterwards plainly appeared, whether it were not wisdom, under colour of sending in aid, to set upon his most Serene Majesty of Sweden at unawares, and to rid themselves of the fear of an Enemy so near at hand. The contrivers of this Device had prevailed, had it not received opposition from others, who did not so much detest the foulness of the Fact, as judiciously, discern, that those Plots against so vigilant a King would hardly succeed. Yet, lest they should seem to deal too candidly with us, The promised Horse not being sent as was agreed. instead of two thousand Germane Horse, after much balking they sent us only nine hundred thrity six, and those in disorder too, as if it had been none of their business; and of these the least part Germans, or of any other Foreign Nations, but Danes born, in whom the Swedes could put little confidence; for that they knew it would be a grievous matter for them to bid adieu to their Country Pork and Pease; but rather, when the Swedish Army should march, they would slink away and forsake their Colours. Nor was it long ere it proved so, for of all that number there were only four hundred stayed, and those Foreigners. Certainly his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden might justly have had rejected that patched and imperfect supply of Horse, nor have admitted those that were Danes by birth, much less those of Schonen, such as were the Troops of Axle Vrop to come in and fill up the number. For they being appointed at the charge of the Ministers and Bailiffs in Schonen, are to be concluded under the same condition with those that set them out, and were before that obliged by Covenants to pay Faith and Allegiance to the Kingdom of Sweden. But as his most Serene Majesty of Sweden had not only passed over many things in those Treaties, whereon he might have insisted, but also in others had receded much from his right in reference to what was promised; so in the business of these Horse, Yet the Swede doth connive at this, he was pleased to express his noble disposition, and to receive at the present such as the Commissioners of Denmark had been pleased to appoint him; yet on this condition, that the Remainder should speedily be provided, all sufficient and foreign Soldiers; at least, if they intended, that the Peace, which was drawn in short at Tostrup, Expecting due satisfaction before the full ratification of the Treaty. should receive a final confirmation at Roskild. Afterwards the Swedes Army was dispersed into their Quarters, being ready to march out of Sealand, as soon as the business at Roskild should be dispatched. And though it be almost incredible, that the Danes being cast upon those extremities, should delay the conclusion of an Agreement, Yet the Danes do delay, especially since it was so much their concern to bring it to a speedy issue; yet many days were trifled away at Roskild, and the whole matter spun out in hopes of some change of Affairs. For then the Swedish army might be necessitated, Hoping for a change of affairs. and Coppenhagen the better fortified against all attempts; and the Danes might have opportunity by Foreign Aids to make up their Breaches. But the fierceness of the winter, and the unwonted cold continued, contrary to the hopes of the Danes. His most Serene Majesty of Sweden who well enough perceived the Danes drift, would not waste time upon the pretence of Treaties, the loss of which, as it is always considerable, so than it was inestimable; Which perceived by the Swede, he threatens the attempting of Coppenhagen. Letter L. but rather he enjoined his Commissioners to urge the Danes, adding this commination, that in case they continued to spin out longer delays, he must of necessity make recourse to his Warlike Power and besiege Coppenhagen. Whereupon it was at length concluded, Letter L. and those Gentlemen, which had mediated, And then the Treaty was. fully subscribed subscribed two Instruments drawn thereupon, together with the Commissioners of each part, and interchangeably delivered them, according to the custom. But forasmuch as the Danes supposed themselves unable to sustain a War, which might happen to them, having lost so many Provinces, and which they were obliged to part with by the renouncing of all other Leagues, And the Danes insist upon a Treaty for a nearer League. it was earnestly sought of the Swedes, not only at Tostrup, but likewise at Roskild, that Commissioners of either Nation might suddenly be appointed for the contracting of a straight League between those two Northern Countries; whereof they gave them sufficient hopes. Moreover some further Articles were consented to, And private Articles were agreed upon. Letter M. Letter M. which were privately concluded, the Dane so desiring it, yet were enforced with the like authority that the former had, by the subsciptions of those honourable Mediatiours and the Commissioners. We might observe the same candour in the Danes with the above noted, about the beginning of the Treaties at Tostrup, when in their Project they used for the most part ambiguous terms, only to the end, that they might reserve to themselves matter sufficient to wrest them in the future, to a sense injurious to us, in the mean time colourably affirming, that their sense was the same with what the words of the Swedes Commissioners carried. But this appeared yet more manifest at Roskild, and chief in that the Danes at the making of their protocol or Registry were found guilty of that, which in the Cornelian Law de falsis is under a very sharp penalty restrained. For when the Swedish Commissioners in comparing the Projects of the Instrument of Peace, Yet the Danes do falsify the Articles. had observed amongst other things, that the Danes had not always in perspicuous terms expressed the sense of the Swedish Projects, they not only desired upon that ambiguity the Danes exposition, but also, that no stop might be put to the behooveful Work of Peace, they were content, upon condition their verbal explication might for the better caution be inserted in the protocol or Registry, lest by a different interpretation some controversy might arise between these Northern Nations in succeeding times. Yea, to the end the certainty might be clear and manifest, the Swedes in many things of chiefest moment did dictate to the Danish Pens the sense of each party. Hence it was that the Swedes were the more facile, and were content to conform to the expressions of the Danes in many places of their Projects. Yet contrary to our hopes we afterwards found, that the Danes dealt very disingenuously herein, notoriously depraving the protocol or Registry, as shall in its proper place hereafter appear. But whatsoever there is of this, would signify little, (since by virtue of the Peace made, all miscarriages and in the Treaty were to be buried in oblivion) had they not after the Peace concluded renewed matter of jealousy and distempers, And give cause of jealousy after the peace concluded. stifling that mutual confidence that should have been revived and restored betwixt the two Kings. In the mean time his S. R. M. of Sweden understanding that the Treaties at Roskild were in a manner drawn to a conclusion, commands part of his Army to march to Wordinburgh, part to Corsoer, that they might pass over into Jutland and Fuhnen before the ice was thawed; When the Swede had given order for a march out of Zealand. Count Tota was ordered to prepare for his departure to Schonen, to take possession in his Majesty's name of those Towns and Castles, that were to be surrendered by the Danes. But the News had scarcely come to the King of Sweden, being yet at Ringsted of the final conclusion of the Peace, when there posted to him Owen Juull from Coppenhagen with Letters credential from the King of Denmark, By reason that he refuses to deliver the Forts in Schonen according to agreement, offering only Elsingburg an inconsiderable place. informing amongst other things, that the King could not render his Forts up in Schonen, so soon as was expected; for that it was impossible (by reason it began to thaw) to bring the Swedish Army out of Sealand; yet that he was ready, to deliver up the Castle at Helsingburgh without delay for his security. And that they might the more cleanly impose upon the Swedes, he pretended, that the King of Denmark had not means enough to maintain those Garrison Soldiers in Schonen, whilst the Swedish Army remained in Sealand Nor would the said Juul desift from that pretence, although the King of Sweden undertook to make provision for those Soldiers. Wherefore his Majesty of Sweden dismissed the Agent with such Answer, as suited with the present state of Affairs, and was not a little moved therewith, it being easy to guests what the Danes then designed. For what security could he promise himself with his Army in an Island void of all defence, if those Fortresses in Schonen were denied him? He had been wholly at the Danes disposal, and might have been brought to utmost extremities, if the Danes had found aid from abroad. And this was the suggestion of Beuningen, than Ambassador from the States of Holland into Denmark, who made them solemn promise, At the persuasion of Beuningen upon assurance of supplies from Holland. that, if the surrendry of those Forts could be delayed upon that pretence, they should have sufficient supplies brought into Denmark for their relief, as soon as the sea was navigable. Adding further, if they were distressed for money, he would procure them a large supply, whereof also, as the report went, he gave them some earnest, in lending them money at the present. Thereupon the King of Sweden recalled his Army with all haste, which was gone part to Wordinburgh, Whereupon the Swede recalls his army, Then the Dane condescends to surrender Schonen. Letter N. part to Corsoer, having sent his Secretary Ehrenstein to Roskild with strict Injunction to the Commissioners, for preventing all occasion the Danes might use to make denial, that there should be a particular Recess appointed concerning the rendition of Schonen. Letter N. To which when the Danish Commissioners had easily consented, (for they had proceeded so far in words before) the Swedish Army made ready once more to march away. But then the Frost slackened, And when the Swedish Army was to march the second time the weather slackens. Letter O. and the Ice was not able to bear so great a weight, and the rather for that five or six days had elapsed, in sending and recalling the Army. And now his Majesty of Sweden desired to return into his Country, when Letters are brought him from the Danish King, Letter O. wherein was contained, not only the confirmation of what hath been said of the Rendition at Schonen, but also he himself was invited into the Castle of Fredericksburgh to a personal conference. Which latter part was also seconded by two of his chief Peers sent to Roskild. And the two Kings meet personally in great confidence. The King misliked it not, and therefore came with a small attendance. It was remarkable what great confidence each King had of the other; and hard to say, which of the two was most forward to give credit to the other: whether the King of Sweden were more confident, who adventured himself with so small a guard among the Danes, that were more numerous; or the King of Denmark, who adventured his Person out of his Metropolis, whilst the Swede was Master of the whole Country round about. But whether the one or the other, this is certain, that those two Kings spent there some days in such brotherly amity and friendship, that any man would conclude all bitterness and rancour was passed over: Whereof this may serve for proof, that the King of Denmark amongst other familiar discourses made mention of that League we formerly spoke of, And the Dane doth insist upon a near union. wherein he esteemed it necessary, that these two Northern Kingdoms should he united, and desired with great instance from the King of Sweden, that he would send his Ambassador into Denmark for that purpose. Thereupon his Majesty of Sweden, before his going to Gottinburgh, where he had commanded the Senators of the Kingdom, and Deputies of the three Orders to meet him, that he might discharge his faith and promise to the King of Denmark, and most liberally perform all things, Which the Swede readily puts in a way to be encounted. that tended to the amity of the Kingdoms, and the confirmation of the late concluded Peace, gave Order for such an Embassay at Malmoe in Schonen, with ample instructions, with all speed to establish the League the Dane had so earnestly sought, and he promised. The Lord Baron Stenot Bielcke, Senator of the Kingdom, and Sir Peter Julius Coyet, Counsellor of State, who were designed for that Embassay, cheerfully undertook their charge; Sending Ambassadors, and being set forwards on their Journey with all expedition, on the 19 day of March the same year they arrived at Coppenhagen. There they were received in such sort, Who were in appearance received with all integrity. as was suitable to the honour of their Royal Masters, being brought in and treated with such great observance of respect and reverence, that any one would thence ominate an happy event, and such as was desired to that Embassay. For the Senators of the Kingdom were very large in expressing their fowardness and their sincere desire to maintain that mutual correspondence, not only in the solemn admission of our Ambassadors to the King of Denmark, but also in all private conferences; sharply inveighing against the public Ministers of other States, who had entangled them in that War by several insinuations and devices. But how far different was the purpose of these Danes, 'twill be no hard matter for any man to guests, who shall understand by the subsequent Narrative, But not so in effect. that the Danes in pretence of a League had no other aim, but by their engines and devices, if not wholly to overthrow, yet for the most part to evacuate and defeat the Treaty at Roskild, and by protracting the concluding of Peace, to gain time, and on the first occasion that presented itself, by force and fraud to regain their lost Provinces, the latter of which many of the Danish Nobility have not been ashamed to talk of openly. 'Twas a strange thing, that the Danish Ambassadors, the Lord Axle Vrop, and Peter Reetzi, both Senators of the Kingdom should in their first meeting with the Swedish Ambassadors at Coppenhagen the 29. of March refuse to draw up, as was their charge, any grounds and foundations of that League so much desired first at Tostrup, then at Roskild, by the Danish Commissioners, and lastly at Fredericksburgh by the King himself. The Danes refusing to deliver the gounds of the League in writing. Yet on the last day of the said month of March they had another meeting and then after many delays they pretended a form of that League in words, but would not exhibit it in writing, till the Swedes had first exhibited theirs. To say the truth, 'twas a matter of no great moment, and of little concern, which part should first cast their Articles into paper, but that there were hot coals covered under these embers. For what else did the Danes design, but to sift out the meaning of the Swedes, and to rake together matter to pervert it, and render them odious to other Nations, as if they only did eagerly pursue those things, whereby other men might in any kind sustain loss or prejudice. And that they might carry their Imposture the more smoothly, But at last done, they desired, that whatsoever passed in word or writing in reference to the League, Secrecy is imposed on both sides, should be kept close and secret from all the world. But they were most imprudently catched by their own Law, which they had devised to tie up others. For they acknowledged, that the Project, But not observed by the Danes. which the Swedes had first drawn and delivered, was lost, afault hardly to be excused in any servant, much less in such Guardians of secrets, as they look upon themselves to be. Yet this carelesseness might be excused, had they not in a manner published to all men, what ever was either written or spoken, Who revealed all to Beunengen the State's Ambassador, who did obstruct all, and especially to Beuningen Ambassador of the States of the united Provinces, by whose direction and counsel they ordered and managed still their Designs and Determinations, insomuch that he hath often boasted, that he was the only hindrance of the conclusion of the League betwixt the Swedes and Danes, Letter P. Letter P. But the event will declare what profit hath accrued to the Kingdom of Denmark, or may for the future be expected by harkening to so perverse Counsels; This is certain, that his Majesty of Sweden had no other regard in this League, Whereas the Swedish whole aim was to to preserve the Northern kingdoms in Peace. Letter Q. but to secure the trade of the Baltic sea, and preserve the Kingdom of Denmark from the attempts of other Enemies. Which if ever, was then most necessary; and as all the Swedes Proposals in reference to the Leagne, so that last, Letter Q. do clearly manifest, that he had no other scope, but to preserve those Northern Kingdoms without the prejudice and detriment of any other, as the precise words in the Eleventh Article of the former approved Proposals being rad will discover. On the contrary the Danes had far different designs, But the Danish design was to make the treaty at Roskild of none effect, as the dubious event of Wars might give the advantage. and directed all their craft, that under colour of contracting a straighter League, they might shrink from the obligation of the Treaty at Roskild, and that by tying up the Swedes, they might suspend the execution of very many of those points upon the dubious event of Wars, wherein the Swedes must be immediately involved, not observing that the Treaty spoke absolutely, and took force immediately from the ratification of the Peace. Many things might here be alleged touching the unreasonable demands of the Danes, wherewith they had the confidence to urge the Swedes in their Projects, but because they are partly (though but colourably) either mended or expunged in their last, Letter R. and are partly manifest by conferring the Swedish and Danish projects, we shall pass them over, Letter R, only reciting what was the main cause of breaking off that Treaty. In the Third Article of the transactions at Roskild, The cause of the breaking off, of that private Treaty. amongst other things it was provided, that the Kingdoms of Sweden and Denmark should jointly endeavour to impead the passage of any Fleet of War through the Sound itno the Baltic Sea, to the end that the King and Kingdom of Sweden, together with the Kingdom of Denmark might preserve their power and command, which they have always jointly held to this day, in the Baltic Sea, and from all prescription have retained inviolate against all Opposers of what kind, or under what pretence soever. The occasion of this caution, was not only a negotiation some years since carried on by a Resident of Poland at the Hague, touching a League then to be made between the King of Poland, The Danes having violared the former Treaties, and the States of the united Provinces, of which this was one main drift, that a Dutch Fleet of War should be equipped and sent into the Baltic Sea; but also the Fleet that was sent in the year 1656. contrary to the Privilege of these Northern Kingdoms, though by consent of the King of Denmark as Joint Commander, and that not only sent through the Sound to relieve and supply the enemies of the King of Sweden, by bringing in a foreign Navy into the Baltic Sea. but also enforced by some of the Danes Men of War, contrary to the Faith both of his word and writing, to a great and general mischief. Which to prevent for the future, and to stop the claim of any other Nations, who might seek to send any Fleet into the Baltic Sea, pretending a consent of one of the Joynt-Commanders of that Sea, the Swedes found it necessary most effectually to oblige the King of Denmark, not only from any such consent in the future, but also that whensoever any Fleet should endeavour to pass in the dislike of either of those Kings, the other should jointly oppose their passage. Which the Swede would prevent in time to come. For it was the intent of his S. R. M. of Sweden, in case he should at any time make War upon his Enemies, to secure all things behind him, and especially Seaward, nor to permit, that any State by the like Attempts in future, should challenge a passage by prescription, in the wrong and prejudice of those Northern Kingdoms. But it is not material to discover at large that the Command of the Baltic Sea, and consequently the power and right of prohibiting any Fleet of War, doth jointly belong to these two Kingdoms, since there was never yet any dispute thereof between the said Kingdoms, neither have either of the Kings at any time interposed, when the other hath used or claimed his power against Intruders. We have an example of this in that Renowned King of Swedes the great Gustavus Adolphus, who was never controlled or resisted, whilst he destroyed that Fleet, which the Duke of Fridland had provided in the Baltic Sea, under the Commission of the Germane Emperor Ferdinand the Second. In the like manner, when Christian the Fourth King of Denmark gave chase to a ship, which under Commission from the King of Poland would have exacted Customs, near the City of Dantzick, the King of Swedes never expressed any dislike. The same thing is likewise testified at large by the several writings of those Kings then published. Sure it is, that the Swedes might yield to the Danes desires, that the third Article of the transaction of Roskild, as also at Tostrup was set down in this form: That no Enemy should be permitted to send a Fleet of War into the Baltic Sea. But in this sense, as the Danish Commissioners themselves expounded it, that no foreign Fleet under what pretence soever should pass into the said Sea, though not esteemed enemy to one of the Nations, and that in this case Forreign and Enemy were words Synonimous, and equivalent. Hence it was, that to make it the more apparent, in the said third Article those two appellations went together, chief because the Danes pretended the word Enemy must therefore be added, lest other States might thence apprehend matter of dislike or suspicion. But indeed the Danes, who in their own Right, and also by virtue of the Agreement at Roskild, were obliged to joun with his Majesty of Sweden, in prohibiting all foreign Fleets from the Baltic Sea, to preserve themselves from a public guilt of violating the Peace, steered a quite contrary course, and that they might put a stop upon the proceeds of the Swedes successes in War, But the Danes seek to elude, used all artifice to extricate and acquit themselves from that obligation. Which to accomplish they thought a fit opportunity presented itself in the debates of the League wherein they might slyly elude and change that absolute Covenant of excluding foreign Fleets from the Baltic Sea into a Conditional one; or to speak plainly, to defer it to a day and time not at all prefixed. For although that often cited third Article of the transaction at Roskild doth clearly affirm, that either of these confederate Kings was bound, not only by all means possible to hinder the passage of any Foreign Fleet of War by the Sound into the Baltic Sea, but also that no other Prince besides the said Kings, should presume to furnish or use any Fleet of War in that Sea: By limiting the third Article at their pleasure to have this sense. yet the Danish Commissioners had the confidence to limit that Obligation in their Projects, that it was to be understood, when those Wars, the Swede was now engaged in, should be ended; and that not till then they were obliged to the performance, as it evidently appears by the fourth and fifth Article of the Danish Projects last by them produced. But this possibly might be passed by, had they not abused the true and evident meaning, with forced interpretations. For whereas the Swedish Ambassadors did plainly demonstrate; that that added condition, or to speak truly, the delaying of mutual aid was needless; for that there was no intent to involve the Kingdom of Denmark in the Wars the Swedes than had in hand; but rather the promised Assistance was only Naval, consisting in a certain definite number of ships sufficiently appointed, which the Kingdom of Sweden could not stand in need of, neither against the Muscovite, Pole, nor Emperor of Germany, (than King of Hungary and Bohemia) forasmuch as none of these were powerful at Sea; and that the League had reference only to those, who being no neighbours to the Baltic Sea, should attempt to infringe the just Dominion of those Kings. To which the Danes gave this answer, That no Foreigner, during the Swedes Wars with the Muscovite, Pole, or the House of Austria of the Imperial Line, would dare attempt to enter those Seas with any Fleet, That it should be of no force till the present Wars should be ended. unless he were Friend or Confederate to one of those forenamed Enemies of the Swedes; and for that reason it would be no new War but the continuation of the present. The Danes therefore insisted upon that Clause, When the War shall be ended, which the Swedes have now in hand: adding further divers sharp speeches, which would be too long here to relate. Now forasmuch as that Treaty of the League did comprehend matters of two kinds, to wit, the Consequences of the Agreement at Roskild, which were therefore of perpetual Obligation; and such things as should arise from that particular Convention, and were to be in force after the Peace was ratified, and therefore aught to be restrained to a time certain: the Swedish Ambassadors, as the nature and condition of those things required, always carefully observed that difference in their Proposals, as is very evident from the twelfth Article. But the Danes, who thought it a sufficient discharge of their duty, if they did wilfully pursue their own method, though they were often advised of it, yet in the fourth, fifth, and tenth Article of their Proposal, made mixture and confusion of all things; intending that whatsoever was contained in the Treaty of the League, was all to commence from the Ratification thereof, and would have it in force only for the twelve Years following, not regarding that those things which concern the defence of the Dominion in the Baltic Sea, did bind them to a perpetual obligation from the time of the Peace made, as the Covenants themselves held it forth. That aid also, which was to be supplied by either Nation, for the excluding of Foreign Fleets of War out of the Baltic Sea, as was the tenor of the Agreement, fell under the same confusion. For it was in all things couched under the same Qualifications with those Supplies, which by virtue of the League to ensue, to wit, in case either King should be assailed, the other was obliged to afford only for twelve years following, and to the certain number often ships only. Truly, it seems, they had no other ground herein, but that they thought the Swedes fit to be deluded with such open Impostures, and out of a natural hatred to the Nation, esteemed them so stupid and sottish, that they could not discover their Agreements to be frustrated and avoided by devices and shifts. And, if we must be plain, it appears, that had not some of ours been too credulous, and trusted too much to the ingenuity of the Danes, the Swedish Ambassadors had not perhaps been satisfied with that Exposition the Danes made at Roskild, nor by their own easiness had encouraged them to attempt the same course at Coppenhagen. Therefore when the Swedish Ambassadors observed that the Danes endeavoured by those forced limitations utterly to evacuate and render useless the ensuing League; And the Swedes seeing their false intentions, are forced to break off. and that those sinister suspicions, which the bare name and report of a mutual League between these Kingdoms might raise with foreign Nations, (for this Hobgoblin was almost daily produced like the Gorgon's Head) were only colourably pretended, and that their heat and affection to the conforming of a League which they expressed in words immediately after the Peace concluded, not only grew Lac-warm, but was utterly extinguished, and that their labour was fruitless, they were unwilling to be longer fed with vain hopes, especially since they had manifestly discovered that other heads had influence upon, and acted the Danish Counsels. Therefore they themselves were the first that broke off the Treaty, thinking it more safe and prudent, to expect a more serious return thereto, after the Wars, which the Swedes have now in hand, were ended, and that in the mean time what concerns the perfecting the Peace at Roskild, and the excluding Foreigners out of the Baltic Sea should be inserted into a particular Recess, which they call declarative. But as the Danish Commissioners did with all readiness embrace the former, so they utterly abandoned the latter, saying that it was to light a Candle to the Sun; if any man should in this point endeavour to enlighten or unfold the Articles at Roskild. One might be here at a stand whether the Danes may more justly be taxed of ingratitude or of imprudence but that it is certain that the former is never seen but in the worst of men, the latter may sometimes fall upon good and worthy persons, and therefore is much more excusable. For to endeavour to abuse, and fraudulently to circumvent such a King, to whom by Divine Providence, and the prosperous success of his Forces, almost the whole Kingdom of Denmark lay vanquished, and who might have sacrificed it to his revenge, if his just fury had set it on fire, and might have made the whole Nation Exiles and Caitiffs; after Peace granted them, and the greatest part of their Territories, to the wonder of the whole world, restored; thus to requite such a King is most foul and detestable Ingratitude. Neither is it less imprudence then to discover the vileness of their minds, when he yet remained in the bowels of their Kingdom with a most powerful Army, and might have taken such vengeance on the violaters of Peace, as pleased him best. But as high and generous spirits are not easily provoked to Revenge, especially if there be hopes of amendment, without the utter destruction of the faulty; so his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden chose rather to make proof by any course, And standing to the Treaty at Roskild, do publish it. whether the Danes might by reason and without force be wrought to their just Devoir. To which he thought nothing more expedient, then by a clear Declaration to set out the Covenants agreed at Roskild. The reason of producing and declaring this Treaty at Roskild, as we said before, was this, because the Danes feigned divers complaints and grievances, accused the Swedes of opposing and violating the Peace lately concluded, made a sense that could not at all stand with the Agreements at Roskild, and quite contrary to the meaning of the Commissioners, and that besides some things were mutually promised in that transaction, which by necessary and unavoidable consequence concluded the alteration of the Agreements at Bromsebroe in many places. To put a timely stop upon this, and as much as lays in the power of humane providence, utterly to extirpate and root out such seeds of division, his most Serene Majesty of Sweden sent Positive Orders to those Ambassadors, That the Complaints and Grievances wherewith the Danes did: blame the Swedes, might be removed. which he had empowered to confirm the Peace, to use their especial care and endeavours herein. Nor did they in this omit any thing, but still in performance of their duty, made it their only aim and design to settle a lasting peace and quiet betwixt these Northern Nations. To this purpose they met the Danish Commissioners very often, and they used all kind of dexterity and prudence to lay open all those things, which for the future might come into controversy, on purpose to give the Danes an opportunity to gratify themselves. For what, pray, could have been more necessary for the Kingdom of Denmark, especially as their Affairs then stood if out of sincerity of heart and a real intention they had made a Peace? What more acceptable to God? What more glorious in the sight of the whole world, then for two Neighbour Kingdoms, professing the same Religion, together and at the same time to settle a Peace, and remove all those causes, that for the future might raise up any controversy betwixt them? Yet, for all this, the Danes, as if they had been possessed with a fatal blindeness, could never settle their minds seriously to promote it. For though the Swedish Ambassadors offered nothing, but what was just in itself; and the Danes could not find any thing to carp at, only they said, they spent their pains to no purpose in explaining of that, which was clear enough in itself, and did plainly express the meaning of the Commissioners: yet being urged, for the prevention of all mistakes, to set down what ever both Parties mutually agreed upon in writing, they brought in another form, putting such a sense upon the transaction at Roskild, Concerning the Swedish ships passing through the Sound. as might in part weaken and destroy all the accrewments arising out of the Swedish Ships passing the Sound or Baltic Sea, in part much infringe their freedom from Customs, which they were of necessity to enjoy, by virtue of the Laws and Statutes of the Nation, but most especially by reason of the Agreements made at Bromsebroe. No man surely, unless biased either by anger or malice, that knows the condition and commerce of these Northern Kingdoms, can persuade himself, that the Swedes, who at that time might have acted their pleasure upon the Danes, and had power enough to put Laws on their enemies, were so blinded as to make their condition worse than it was formerly, especially in so nice a point at Passports and Certificates are, the form, right, and validity of which had with such care and diligence been settled at Bromsebroe. You will scarcely too find any, unless delighted to pick Cavils, that can put any other interpretation upon the fourth Article of the transaction at Roskild, especially these words in the beginning; All and every Ship of Swethland, with what kind of Merchandise soever they carry: but that all the ships of Sweden with their Merchandise of what sort soever, and to whom soever belonging, aught to pass freely, and without paying any Customs, so that they have with them their Passports, with the names of the Owners in them, if he well consider the following words of the Article. Notwithstanding standing these things, the Danish Commissioners made a question both of the one and the other, as also of many other things that concern the concluding of the Peace; and had the confidence to defend it against all likelihood of truth, reason, the credit of the Records, and their knowledge, who were never absent at that transaction at Roskild. But any man may with good probability affirm, And concerning the substance of the whole Treaty at Roskild, that the Danes have not voluntarily performed in a manner any thing, to which they were obliged by the Agreement at Roskild, in that they put off most of them to a time not prefixed; nor had ever performed them, had not the Affairs of his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden, armed him both with power and opportunity to have constrained them. It would be too large a story, to relate all their crafty Devices, Pretences, Cavils, tedious Diversions and Procrastinations, The Danes defer the conclusion, according to the news which are bruited against Sweden. by which the Danes hoped they might shift off the conclusion of the Peace, and gain time till some emergent Wars or Troubles in other places might withdraw the Swedish Army out of Denmark. Therefore they fitted all their Treaties Executive to common Report and News, sometimes protracting them, as when it was reported that the Muscovite was levying a great Power, wherewith he would without doubt assail the Swedes in Finland and Leistand; or that the Cossacks had concluded a Peace with the Poles, and therefore that the Swedes had small hopes left them to compose their Differences there; or that the election of the then King of Hungary to be Emperor of Germany, could be no longer delayed, who together with the Elector of Brandenburg, would undoubtedly raise Troubles on the Swedes, and draw them out of Denmark: on the other side, sometimes posting on their said Treaties upon contrary reports. So that whosoever shall compare the times of their Assemblies, according to the tenor of the Protocol, may observe, that the Danes made show of intending the concluding of the Peace, and to stand to their promises, as the several reports came, either that the elector of Brandenburg would not be obliged by the League made with the King of Hungary against the Swedes; or that the Swedish Ambassador in Russia were restored again to liberty, and a War probably to be commenced between the Muscovite and the Pole: or that the election of the Emperor at Franckfurt was unexpectedly deferred; or that the most Christian King of France together with the Lord Protector of England, had worsted the Spanish Army, with other matters of the like tendency. It was surely tedious enough to be thus born in hand with Treaties, but most tedious and offensive, that the Danes sought to clear themselves of the causes of all those delays, giving out not only in Coppenhagen, And yet endeavour to lay the fault upon Sweden. but in all parts abroad, that they had no sooner removed any one obstacle, but the Swede still put in another, that they might never want a quarrel to continue their Army in Denmark beyond the time agreed for their departure, to the utter wasting and ruin of their Countries. But as all those things are false and feigned, so they were alleged by the Danes to no other purpose, but that they might charge the Swedes with the fault of all their Procrastinations, and as far as they could be believed, render the Swedes odious to the world. Thence also it was, that as soon as the Ambassadors came to Coppenhagen, the Danes were not ashamed to accuse the Swedes, both by words and writing of not keeping the Peace, and renewed the same Complaints again not only to them, but to his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden himself by Owen Juul at Gothenburgh, and that contrary to all reason, by wresting the Conditions to their own advantage, directly contrary to the precise words and tenor of the Agreement, as hereafter shall more largely be discovered, Nor doth this seem to be done without some crafty intention, that the Danish Commissioners having heard that the Swedish Ambassadors did often allege the authority of the Protocol, Whereas they themselves would not bring a Register to keep the protocol. and from thence did plainly demonstrate the genuine sense of the instrument of Peace, and the very verbal explication of the Commissioners of either party, would not bring with them a man, who for the information of Posterity might be wholly employed in this business, to insert into the protocol or Registry all that was said and done in the several meetings. When they were put in mind of this by the Swedish Commissioners, they excused the absence of their Register, being a Noble Man and one of their Chancellors, who about the beginning of the Treaties, had for a month discharged that Office, but was now absent from the City: as if men fit for that employment were so scarce in Denmark, nor that a man in Coppenhagen could be found fit to supply his place. And this did not a little increase our suspicion, Nor would they be persuaded to furnish persons with fullpower to treat and conclude. that the Danish Commissioners, though they were often advertised of it, could never be persuaded to furnish Persons with a full power for the Executive Treaties. Indeed it cannot be denied, that at the first meeting for the making of this League, the Commissioners of either party were plenipotentiary delivering and changing each with other full and sufficient Commissions of the same tenor: but those did principally regard the League only, and when that was over, being the principle matter, they could be of no further force, as appears clearly out of the Plenipotentiary Commissions of the Swedish Ambassadors, Letter S. Wherefore the Swedish Ambassadors being instructed with new power from their King, Letter S. acquainted the Danes therewith, showing them the Original and Authentic Commissions, and offering them to take Copies of them, instantly pressing them, that they would be prepared with the like, that the solemnity of the whole transaction might be clear and manifest. But all this labour was fruitless; neither have the Danes to this day performed what they had so often promised. But it had been no hard matter for them to have procured the like sufficient Commissions (which were the very foundation and essential part of the Treaties) when the Swede supplied them with the forms. Nor could they pretend forgetfulness, who had been so often put in mind of it. Nor was it a new and unusual course in the beginning of any Treaty to exchange such Commissions, for that a few weeks before, upon the first meeting about the League, the same ceremony had been used. Out of all which, as it is easy to collect what the Danes were working in their minds, so it shall be yet more clearly discovered by a Narrative of some things concerning the Declarative and Executive Recess. But before we descend to a full discourse of them, it will not be unfit briefly to hint, how the Danes carried themselves touching the satisfaction they promised to the Duke of Holstein Gottorp. Concerning the Duke of Holstein. There had been an ancient controversy between the House of Holstein of the Gottorpian Line, and the Kings of Denmark, who are also Duke of Holstein, concerning the Chapter of Sleswick, and the Jurisdiction of Swabsted, of which the moiety by clear Right had belonged to the foresaid Dukes of Holstein for seventy years past. Nevertheless the Kings of Denmark had taken to themselves the whole Chapter and Jurisdiction, The wrongs done unto him. not regarding the frequent solicitations, by which the Dukes of Holstein had endeavoured to have the matter decided by Arbitratours indifferently chosen for the consideration of their right. Likewise at the beginning of this War, the Danish Soldiers had so grieved the Subjects of the forementioned Duke with continual exactions, that worse could scarce have been expected from an enemy, and that the condition of the most Serene Duke was worse than those of the Nobility, who by reason of the communion of Government were obnoxious to the power of the King of Denmark. Those Territories had undergone the selfsame fate in the Wars, which Christian the Fourth had waged first with Ferdinand the second, Emperor of Germany, and afterward with the King of Swedes, and the said Duke was oppressed with the charge of a War, which he had neither advised, nor as the Union of the Kingdom of Denmark with the Dukes of Sleswick expressly required, approved, and that only under this pretence, that as he was Duke of Sleswick, he was a Vassal of Denmark, and that in the administration thereof, as also of the Duchy of Holstein, he took turns with the Kings of Denmark Hereto may be added, that Bille General of Denmark, having been directed to that purpose by Gersdorffe high Steward of the Kingdom, contrived plots for the gaining of the Duke's Forts, and thereby seized the strong Rampire of Stapelholme. Therefore when the Duke found by sad experience, that it was his lot to be underservedly embroiled in all the Wars of Denmark, and that, although he was possessed of the Duchy of Sleswick in Frank Fee, yet he was made a common prey to both sides, he bethought himself, as with justice he might, how to quit himself of the burden of that Vassalage, and communion in the Government of the Dutchies; and not only to assert his right to the moiety of the Chapter of Sleswick, and Jurisdiction of Swabsted, together with so many years' fruits, but to obtain due recompense for the wrong he had sustained. For the more easy effecting whereof, his Majesty of Sweden being thereto obliged both by the bonds of blood and alliance, as also for that he had suffered much from the Danes out of the hatred they bore to the Swedes, offered his assistance, Wherein the Swedes endeavour to see him righted. straight enjoining those, who were sent to conclude the Peace, that they should have an especial regard to that business. Nor were the Swedish Commissioners wanting in that charge, and they drew the whole matter to this head, that the Danish Commissioners consented to those three demands; to wit, of the Jurisdiction of Swabsted, and Chapter of Sleswick, whereof they had claimed the one half in their own Right, the other in lieu of profits received, unless they would make satisfaction otherwise; likewise concerning the discharging him from the burden of Fealty, Which the Danes having promised, do not perform. and lastly to the surcease of the communion in the government and administration of those Dutchies. And the Swedish Commissioners were earnestly urged by those Gentlemen which had mediated, that they would acquiesce upon those concessions. But when the Swedish Commissioners did require of them to deliver into their hands the City of Rendsburgh in satisfaction of the wrong done, and also for future caution, that the Duke might be put to no further trouble, and the Danes precisely and peremptorily denied it; neither had the Swedish Commissioners any power to dispense with the rendry of the City to the Duke's prejudice, the dispatch of the whole matter was referred to the coming of the Ambassadors of Holstein who were expected every moment, yet so as that business should make a peculiar Article in the Treaty of Roskild, by force whereof a just satisfaction was promised to be made to the said Duke before the second day of May. Indeed it cannot be denied that the words of the Article are general, neither is the satisfaction restrained to those four demands, on which the Swedish Commissioners did insist in the name of the said Duke; yet since the Danes in the presence of those Mediators had then already promised the three former, which might not be put in writing, only because the Danes were always nosing the Swedes with the narrowness of the Duke's Commission, it was scarely possible that any man should harbour so hard a thought of the Danes, that they should have the boldness to question the truth of those things, which had been done and declared in the presence of so many witnesses, persons beyond all exception; and especially when the King of Denmark himself had given manifest hopes to the Ambassador of the French King to that purpose. Yet notwithstanding as soon as they came to Coppenhagen, and began to treat about satisfaction with the delegates of Holstein, the Danes there turned faces about, were quite of another mind, and sometimes by denying what they had promised at Roskild in the presence of those Gentlemen that mediated, sometimes by seeking out new shifts and refuges, suffered the whole time to lapse that was prefixed them. And to discover themselves the more, they intimated to Sir Philip Meadows the English Envoy Extraordinary a Protest, Letter T. Let. T. wherein they endeavoured to lay all the blame on the delegates of Holstein, for hindering the dispatch of the affair, and declared their willingness to refer that controversy to Arbitratours, never considering that that way of composing of difference in this business had been so often made use of without the least effect. Hence it is, that they can never make good their Protest to any, that do not take promise for performance. For the Danes being bound by the 22. Article of the Treaty at Roskild, in full and precise words to make satisfaction to the most Serene the Duke of Holstein, before the second day of May; it was not enough for them to express a willingness to submit to those things, which Arbitratours chosen by either party would have had adjudged; nor were they to be accounted to have given any satisfaction in it, in that they desired only to delay the Business by bare promises. Besides the business of satisfaction ought not to have been agreed by Arbitratours, but by Commissioners of either party, although that way too, had the Danes been willing to have had the controversy decided, the matter might have been brought to a speedy issue, and according to the Proposals of the Ambassadors of Sweden with the consent of those of Holstein, referred by both Parties to the arbitrement of those Gentlemen that were Mediators. But this relished not well with the Danes, who made as great a business about the narrowness of their Commission, as if they had been to renew it in some foreign Country. The truth of it is, the Danes declined the putting of it to the Arbitration of those Gentlemen that were Mediators, because they well knew, that they were privy to all the Promises they had made at Roskild, and therefore could expect no good success in so bad a cause, where the Judges understood the whole matter. Nay, as if the Danes had accounted it some great sin to perform what they had engaged their faith to, there were some amongst them that would have the Peace broken under the pretence of the Holstein business, and that there were such kind of Contrivances cherished in the Danish Court, the French Ambassador Monsieur Hugo Trelon informed his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden his Ambassadors at Coppenhagen. A thing indeed so much the more likely, in that they made use of Alfeld to compose the Holstein Controversies, being the same man that with his Colleges of his own name had used all his endeavours and artifices to persuade, that the treaties with the Swedes might be brought at least to give way for some entry for their Confederates. Hence it was, that both of them, who were deputed by the Danes for the business of Holstein, instead of satisfaction presumed to raise menaces against the most Serene Duke, spreading abroad that the Swedish Army would not be there for ever, under whose countenance he might impose such unjust things on the Danes. As if it were unjust for one to challenge that, which for seventy years past had contrary to all Law and Right been detained from him; or to shake off that yoke from his shoulders, which without the least fault in him hath involved him thrice in a bloody War; or lastly to desire reparation for the loss he had sustained. At last after many long debates, the Swedish Ambassadors told the Danes to their faces, that though they performed every thing else, yet if they did not this too, the Swedish Army should not march away, by which means that controversy was laid aside, though neither any time appointed, nor those things gained, which had been heretofore promised at Roskild, And this by the way. When therefore, as we said before, the Danes being persuaded by the suggestions of others, had fraudulently and maliciously framed a form of the League, and given sufficient cause to break up the Treasties, Nor would they condescend, that there should be a particular recess concerning the defence of Superiority and Right in the Baltic Sea. Letter U. the Ambassadors of Sweden inserted into a particular Recess that Article, that concerned the defence of Superiority and Right in the Baltic Sea, as also other points that tended to the plainer declaration of the Third Article of the Agreements at Roskild. For there was no reason, why the Danes should refuse to confirm it, forasmuch as that Article, Letter V was taken out of the Articles approved by the Commissioners of each Party when the League was drawn, with which it did in all things suit, as is sufficiently evident by the comparing of those Articles. But let us observe the carriage of the Danes herein. When they saw themselves cast into this necessity, either by admitting that point to abandon the opportunity, by which under some pretence and colour of Right they might quit themselves from the Agreement at Roskild, and especially from the obligation of the Third Article; or else by abrupt refusal they must discover their purpose hitherto concealed, which was not to be bound to a perpetual observance of the Treaty at Roskild, they chose the safer way, contending that the Treaty at Roskild as to this point was clear of itself, and needed no other explication; and that they did stick to the same meaning, which that point in the Swedish Project did hold forth. At least, to shun the suspicion, which other Nations might thence apprehend, that they would not permit that that Article should be so clearly inserted in a particular Recess, as also they always omitted it in their declarative Project. Hence it being obvious to the Swedish Ambassadors, what a viper was here hatching, they did demonstrate to the Danes at several meetings, how necessary and behooveful it was not to omit that Article, for that it might be a means to prevent all indirect craft, which might be working in future times by the various interpretations upon that third point of the Treaty at Roskild: however that it was absolutely necessary, that his Majesty of Sweden should be most clearly certified of the Danes sincerity and true meaning towards him; neither was it a thing new and unheard os in matters of so great a moment, that though they seem clearly set down, yet they should have the most plain and particular explication, Nor that the explication of the words of the third Article of the Treaty at Roskild should be made a secret Article, that nothing be left to subtle wits to wrest and abuse. But if they only stuck at the suspicion that might arise amongst people of other Nations, there were divers ways to remove that scruple. For that matter might either be comprehended in some secret Article, or that verbal exposition of the Danish Commissioners might by their consent be inserted into the protocol or Registry, and subscribed by each party for future information, that it might be impossible hereafter to raise any doubt of the genuine sense of the Article, or of the meaning of those that made it. But as they did only make use of the suspicion of other Nations, to hinder the dispatch of the affairs; so that, which the Swedes propunded, could not possibly be acceptable to the Danes. For how, say they, can that be kept secret, to which not only two Kings, but the Senators of both the Kingdoms with many others are privy. And further they said they had no such Instructions from their King, and were already satisfied that they should never be Commissioned to draw up any secret Article with the Swedes to that purpose. At length being urged with great instance by the Swedes, they did consent that that verbal explication concerning the genuine sense of the third Article of the Treaty at Roskild should be noted in due form in the protocol or Registry, Or brought into a particular Recess. only to that purpose, that it might afterwards be omitted in the peculiar Recess. Wherefore the Swedish Ambassadors being duly mindful that the Danes had formerly taken the boldness to disparage the Authority of the Protocol at Roskild, reputing it only a private Writing, and such as could carry no plenary proof; they saw there was little force and security in that concession of the Danes, yea no more, than was in their bare verbal Declaration. For it was to be feared, that they would hereafter, as formerly, deny that that Annotation was made in the Protocol by their consent and privity, chief, because there was none present of their party that was appointed to perfect the Protocol, Or subscribed in a protocol, as hath formerly been said. Therefore it was thought necessary that both the Swedish and Danish Commissioners should seal and subscribe this part of the Protocol. And so it was propounded to the Danes, who only deluded the Swedes, and rejected them in this demand, Prerending sometimes want of Commission. using recourse to their old Plea of wanting Commission. At last, when after much hot contention, the Swedish Ambassadors could not be prevailed withal by such frivolous excuses, they put off the visor, and were forced to discover, what they had rather have reserved in their breasts till a more commodious time, to with, that they could in no ways approve the Swedes Project in reference to the Baltic Sea; But at last discover their purpose was not to condescend to the exclusion of foreign men of War from the Baltic Sea. that that said Project did not faithfully explain the Agreements at Roskild, to which they were resolved to stick; that it would not be in their power to alter any word or tittle in those things, which both Kings together with the Senate of either Kingdom had ratified. Furthermore that it would be very absurd in them to bind themselves to the excluding of all Foreign Fleets whatsoever from the Baltic Sea, whereas by force of the Agreements at Roskild, they were obliged only to the excluding of such Fleets as should come with Hostility, not those which should come either to convoy Merchants ships, or to relieve their friends, or else to transport Ambassadors and other public Ministers from place to place. The Swedish Commissioners had just cause to wonder at this had they not made sufficient proof before that the Danes dealt ' not clearly in this Treaty, and that their words and thoughts were far different: yet they could never have had imagined, that the Danes should have the boldness publicly to utter that which hitherto by reason of the apparent foulnesS thereof they had sought to palliate and dissemble by so many far-fetched colours and glosses. For, as we have above-noted, the Danish Commissioners had formerly affirmed in precise words, Contrary to former transactions, that they did maintain and hold the same Exposition that the Swedish Project did, concerning the third Article; neither had they refused that the Exposition they declared should for the greater certainty be set down in the Protocol or Registry: nay, what is more, in their drawing up of the League to be made with the Swedes, being a second time exhibited in writing, they held forth the said third Article in the very same form; so that they could not deny it now without horrible impudence, especially since those Danish Commissioners, and express Declarations at the Treaty at Roskild. who were present at the Treaties at Roskild, did readily affirm, that a Foreign and Hostile Fleet in this case were Synonimous, and of the same import. Besides, to speak the truth, as the right of Convoying hath its original from the right of the Superiority of the Territories, and no one ought justly to convoy any one through the territories of another; so no one can justly exercise that Right in the Baitick Sea, which hath been by general consent of all the Borderers on that Sea, time out of mind, And the acknowledged Privileges of both Kingdoms. and without any interruption, under the tuition and custody of these two Northern Kingdoms only. Yea, the State's General themselves in all their Leagues entered into with the Kingdom of Sweden, do acknowledge their Dominion in the Baltic Sea, never adjudging it from that Kingdom. And how, pray, is it possible, that any one should assist another, who is an enemy to either one of these Kings, and not be accounted an enemy in doing it? Or who yet ever grew to that height of madness, to say, that any thing was altered, because it is declared in more words the better to explain it? Surely the Danes were possessed with a new principle of Religion, that they could not with safety of conscience put an interpretation on that now, which a few days ago they presumed wholly to deny, or at least to lessen much. Yet at last they came thus near the mark, that a Foreign Fleet of War should be prohibitted from coming into the Baltic Sea, but that passage should not be denied to so many ships of War as did not make up a Fleet, which are sent to transport Ambassadors, or do any offices of the like nature. When therefore they had showed the Danes at large, But the King of Sweden insisting resolutely upon former agreements, how unjustly they proceeded in this and in many other businesses, and withal in express words added this threatening Language, that it was to be feared, that his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden perceiving too evidently that the Danes would not yield to those Agrements at Roskild, and that in a matter and Article of so great moment, would endeavour to procure his security some other way, since he could not obtain it, as it now appears by Treaties and Compositions in writing. At last the Danish Commissioners, and principally the high Steward Joachim Gersdorff, At last condescend thereunto, but not till the Month of July, after the Treaty at Roskild. but not until the Month of July, declared themselves, that they did in all things approve of, and were well pleased with the Swedish Project in this business; and that they were willing to exhibit that point engrossed in writing, a thing, which though they were often urged to, they never yet performed. In the mean time whilst these things are in agitation at Coppenhagen, In the interim news comes of the preparation of a great Fleet at the solicitation of the Polish and brandenburgh's public Minister's Letter X. news was brought that there was a Fleet preparing in Holland to be sent forthwith, as the report went, into the Baltic Sea. That which increased the rumour, was, that there was an Envoy from the King of Poland negotiating with the States of Holland, and also a Minister of Brandenburg then Resident at the Hague, who implored their aid by Sea, Letter X. in the name of his Master the Elector, who was much afraid of the Swede. Hence the Ambassadors of Sweden, according to the command of his Majesty, thought it fitting for them to acquaint the Danish Commissioners with it, and to desire them to make ready some ships, and if there were occasion, to join with the Swedes in stopping the passage of a Foreign Fleet. His Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden signified the same to them first himself, Whereof notice is given to the Danes by the King, and by Count Wrangel, and then gave command that it should be done at Gottorp to Owen Juul the Danish Ambassador, and after that Count Wrangell high Admiral of the Kingdom declared it again in discourse with ulrick Christian Gyldenlowe Lieutenant General of the Horse to the King of Denmark, in these express words, That a Fleet might be made ready to guard the Sound. that he would not stir thence with his Army, till they had given satisfaction according to the Agreements at Roskild, in that particular. Then the Danes were very large in expressing their want and disability; But the Danes pretend in ability to set out a Fleet. and that by reason of the War, they were lately engaged in, they were reduced to such straits and extremity, that it was to no purpose to desire any such thing of them. His most Serene Majesty therefore, that he might not seem to demand Impossibilities of them, required by his Ambassadors that they would only give out, that they made ready their whole Fleet, but indeed only fit out eight ships for the service, which together with the Swedish Fleet consisting of forty ships, might be able without any great difficulty to keep out a Foreign Fleet. Vhereupon the Swedes desire but eight ships to join with their Fleet. But the Danish Commissioners complained of their want of ability to do this too, never remembering that in their own Project of a League, they had already of their own accord offered to set out ten ships. Every man therefore may see, how vain and false this pretence was, in that they had every thing in great abundance, Which the Danes also refuse to do. which was requisite for the furnishing of eight ships. For there was no want of ships nor other necessaries, as guns, sails, anchors, ropes, and other such kind of provision. Notwithstanding their sufficient ability to do it. They had store of Mariners too, and victuals, of which they had already brought to Coppenhagen, or might have brought a large supply from the Castle of Bahuse and the fortified places of Schonen. But they would not hear in that ear, and made their whole pretence nothing but so many Impossibilities. At last to avoid their making ready a Fleet, the Danish Commissioners said, Promising to prevail with the State's General not to send any Fleet to the Baltic Sea. Letter Y. that they would prevail with the State's General, that no Fleet should be made ready there to send into the Baltic Sea. But with what candour and fidelity they performed it, the Letters of Beuningen, Letter Y. written upon that subject will sufficiently declare. For they were so far from endeavouring to hinder it, that they affirmed to the aforesaid Beuningen, that they had wholly refused the Declaration of the third Article at Roskild, and the joining of their ships with the Swedes, which would admit that Article, Although to Beuningen they declare the contrary. and that the Swedish Commissioners rested content with that Declaration; and all this out of no other intention, but the more to provoke the Hollanders to make ready their Fleet. Yet it is very remarkable that afterwards, that they might not seem to do nothing, they went about the fitting of one Man of War, but whether to mischief and spoil the Swede, or to side with them no body knows. For it were a strange vanity, to expect fideiity in them, who never had so much as a will to keep their promises. There was as sharp a dispute too about the Island Ween; A sharp dispute doth arise concerning the Dominion of the Island of Ween. Letter Z. Letter AA. Letter BB. for when his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden had summoned the Inhabitants by his Commissioners to come with the rest of the people of Schonen, to take an Oath of Allegiance to him, they received contre-command from the King of Denmark, Letter Z. and so obeyed it not, though they were summoned a second time, Letter A. A. as the Relation of the Lords Commissioners in Schonen unfolds it at large, Letter B.B. For this reason the Swedish Ambassadors then Resident at Coppenhagen did at large, and with much pains, demonstrate the injustice of that action in the King of Denmark, and that the Island Ween belonged to Schonen. For it is a firm and undoubted Law among the more civilised Nations, Proofs that it belongs to the Province of Schonen. that all those Islands, which make not particular Provinces of themselves, are part of those Provinces, to which they are next adjacent, unless it can plainly be proved either by contract or prescription of the longest time that something else was in force concerning the same. Now because the Danes themselves did not deny, that Ween was not a Province of itself, it was presumed according to the Law of Nations, that it belongs to Schonen, to which it is next adjacent. Which presumption of the Law being on the Swedes side, the proof of the contrary lay upon the Commissioners of Denmark. Besides, the Island of Ween was still liable to the same fortune with Schonen, not only then, when it was given in pawn to the Counts of Holstein, and afterwards redeemed by the Swedes, and united to that Kingdom by the Danes consent, Letter C.C.D.D. but also when it was restored again to Denmark by the King Magnus Smech. Let. CC. DD. Which doubtless had never so fell out, had it not been part of Schonen. Thirdly, if we give any credit to the Northern Historians, it is manifest enough that the ancient bounds of the Swedes and Goths reached to the middle of the Sound. And upon this ground he challenged Ween as belonging to Schonen, in as much as there must be some reason for the determined middle of that Sea. Yea Arnold Huithfeld and Isaac Pontanus do not deny that the ancient limits of Sweden and Schonen were agreed upon to be in the very Channel of the Sound, as their words taken out of the public Instruments have it, Letter E.E. The credit of these men not Dane will dare to question, Letter EE. in regard the one being Chancellor of the Kingdom of Denmark was both a great lover of his Country, and very much knowing in that History; the other being a Dane born too, was hired by hsi Nation to compose the Annals of his Country, and published that Work of his, collected out of the Records of the Kingdom, by the authority and at the charge of King Christian the Fourth. What will they say, that in the Reign of Christopher the first of Denmark long before Schonen was pawned to the Counts of Holstein, Ween was subject to the Diocese of Lunden, and received Laws and Commands from the Archbishop there, under the quality of Bishop of Schonen. Hence it is no wonder, that in all the alienations it went constantly with Schonen, as we said before. Yet suppose that Ween did not at first belong to Schonen, yet it cannot be dnied, that at that time when it was pawned and redeemed, it was added to Schonen under the King Magnus Smech, and made parcel of it. Fourthly, The Letters of the grant of Schonen, Letter FF. Letter F F. do in plain words affirm, that Schonen was granted to the King and Kingdom of Sweden, with all the Appurtenances that either now belong or ever heretofore have belonged to it. But the Island of Ween did, as to its secular Jurisdiction, not only at the time of the Grant (as the Constitution of Christian the Fourth, Letter GG. HH. written in the Book of Records of Schonen, and the avoiding or revocation of it, Let. GG. HH. Letter II. Letter II. by Frederick the Third now King of Denmark; at last after a Peace was concluded, and when it could not then be well avoided, doth plainly enough show) belong to Schonen, but long before, when Schonen was subject to Sweden (which time we are principally to observe in this case) was united to that Province, and with the same Province disunited from the Kingdom of Sweden, as Huithfeld, Pontanus, and very many others plainly affirm. Fifthly, It can scarcely be denied, but that his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden did at least propose that to himself by the late Agreement, to restore to his own Country of Sweden, together with Schonen, whatsoever had been formerly with Schonen taken away from Sweden; especially that the ancient Bounds of Sweden, which were in the middle of the Sound, should revert to him again. Sixthly, It is an Argument that the King of Denmark was willing for satisfaction to grant to his most Serene Majesty of Sweden, all that formerly with Schonen had been wrested from Sweden, in as much as when he granted away many other Provinces to Sweden, yet he reserved not in express words the Island of Ween to himself and the Kingdom of Denmark. Besides, the Author of the Book written in the Danish Language, and entitled, Danmarcts oc Norgis fructbar Herlighed, or The fruitful Dominion of Denmark and Norway, doth plainly confess, that Ween doth properly belong to Schonen, unless by special Privilege and Grant from the King, something be constituted to the contrary. The Danish Commissioners were not a little employed to put a face of Justice upon their denial of it; Which the Danes seek to avoid. but they did chief endeavour to persuade the Gentlemen, that were Mediators, that the Demand of the Swedes was wholly unjnst; and that there never was any one, that had the boldness to deny, that Ween was part of Sealan. They exhibited the causes of this their assertion in writing, Letter KK. and to put the fairer cheat on them, Letter KK. divided them into two Classes, of which the first should prove, that Ween was not granted to Sweden, the latter that it was a part of Sealand. But now as to what concerns the first Argument, By some Arguments, which the Swedish answer. that that Island was expressly named and demanded at Wordinburgh in satisfaction by the Swedish Commissioners, but at Tostrup and Roskild was omitted and passed by in silence, and therefore that it was laid aside, that truly makes little to the purpose. For Ween indeed was by name demanded at Wordinburgh, The first Argument of the first Classis. as also Saltholm, Anholt, Lessow, Bornholm, etc. together with Schonen, Halland, and Blecking, but without that clause, With all the Appurtenances, which the Swedish Commissioners therefore counted superfluous, because at that time they were persuaded, that all the Appurtenances of those provinces were reckoned in those Islands, by reason they did not exactly know whether Saltholm did not belong to Schonen as well as Ween, and were in a doubt whether Anholt and Lessow were parts of Halland. But when afterwards it appeared very certainly to them, that Ween was part of Schonen, and that it was to be feared that there were yet more Islands appertenant to it, whose names they knew not, the Swedish Commissioners thought it not so necessary to express any Islands specifically at Tostrup and Roskild, but rather to comprehend them all in that general clause, with all the Appurtenances, lest by naming more Islands, they should prejudice themselves in others belonging to the Provinces that were to be surrendered, the names of which at that time they were not acquainted with; and give the Danes an occasion by inserting of one to collect that the other was excluded, and upon that ground to deny that Hitteroon, and other such like Islands, do belong to the Coasts of Trundheim, because they were not expressly named. Besides, it being supposed, that at that time, to wit, in the first Project, (though there was never any such thing) Ween was demanded as a thing apart and separate from Sealand, yet you cannot thence infer, that it is not comprehended under the general clause of Appertenances; if we can, as it may be easily done, make out that it either doth at this time belong to Schonen, or formerly did belong to it. Thirdly, it is a common Maxim. That a superfluous clause doth neither good nor hurt. Laftly, no man can without manifest injury to the truth affirm, that the Danes did expressly reserve the Island Ween to themselves, in that they made Answer to the first Project, that they could not agree to that satisfaction, in which Ween was expressly named, because at that very same time they would not agree to give Bornholm, and the Dominion of Bahuse and Trundheim in satisfaction, which Provinces and Dominions nevertheless they afterward granted together with Schonen, Halland and Blecking with all their appertenances. The other Argument of the first Class, to wit, that the most Serene his Majesty of Sweden did not demand the Island Ween, The second argument of the first Classis. till after the time of the Surrendry of Schonen was expired, and after the Swedish Commissioners had had possession of all Schonen with its appertenances, and that Ween was without controversy and contradiction left to the Danes, is much like the former. For all circumstances being well considered, the contrary will plainly appear, and first in that, as soon as the places of defence in a Province are once given in possession, all Country Villages and Parishes, which belong to that Province, are accounted to be at the same time given in possession, which very thing also was made before the delivery of the ratification. Besides, the Swedish Commissioners summoned the Inhabitants of Ween together with those of Schonen, to perform Homage, and take an Oath of Fealty: which when they were not then present to do, and gave no answer to the Letters that were sent thither to that purpose, than his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden, after it came to his knowledge, was pleased to enjoin his Ambassadors then resident at Coppenhagan, to show what right they had to that Island, and to make demand of it from the Danes, that so the Inhabitants of Ween might be reduced without any further circumstances: this also he gave Order to his Deputies to signify to Owen Juul Ambassador of his Majesty of Denmark at Gottenburgh. For to have made mention of this before, had been altogether unseasonable, and to no more purpose, then if we should treat about the right of Sweden, to some Islands of Norway that are granted to it; before the Inhabitants thereof or any other should start any doubt about it. Lastly his most Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden could not destroy his right, in that he did not presently at the very beginning take possession of the Island; for it is sufficient in Law, if any one upon better information of what his right is then before he had, shall challenge it before the time of the enjoyment of it be ended. As if in case it had happened, that in the grant of the Dominions of Trundheim and Bahuse some of the Appertenances thereunto had been concealed by the Danes, which the Swedish Ministers and Commissioners being not very well skilled in those places, had not presently demanded, this would not at all hinder, but that they in process of time being better informed of the places belonging to it, and instructed with fit instruments, might claim that to themselves which had formerly been fraudulently concealed. Because the fraud of the Concealer doth in no wise damage the appurtenances of him that deals justly, nor hinder him upon better informastion of what is his right, from demanding those things which were given him by Grant. And thus much for the Arguments of the first Class. For as to what concerns the latter, which should prove that Ween is a part of Sealand, this is the first, The second Classis, the first argument. that that Island was both as to its Secular and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, at all times subject to Sealand. But how true it is, doth easily appear from what hath been said before. For we showed there, that that Island belonged to Schnonen, not only in that time when it was pawned to the Counts of Holstein, but by a later Grant. For those Letters of Christian the Fourth, which are alleged to testify this, make nothing in the case; for he that looks upon them but superficially may perceive the contrary, and that it was for a peculiar reason, that it did at sometimes submit to the Provincial power of Sealand. But that Ween hath been formerly subject to the Bishop of Sealand, makes it no more a part of Sealand, than Falstre, Laland, Langland, and part of Alsen, which at this day are under the Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Odensea, are by reason of that, parts of Fuhnen. The very Kingdoms of Sweden and Denmark themselves were formerly under the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Hamburgh, which nevertheless had no other dependency from it. The second Argument of the Danes is, The second argument. that those of Ween use the same Language and Dialect with those of Sealand. But no one is so blind, as that he cannot see the weakness of this Argument. If all the Inhabitants of Amack, as a part of them doth, should speak the Dutch Language, yet no body, by the Danes good leave, would conclude that therefore Amack is under the Government of Holland. So all the Inhabitants of the Island of Nockoe, only of all Eastland, speak the Swedish Language, yet doubtless that Island is a part of Eastland. He must be ignorant of all Antiquity, to say no worse, that doth not apprehend such things come to pass by the transporting of Colonies. Hence indeed we might without much difficulty grant, that some of Sealand have inhabited that Island, but he that would thence collect, that that Island itself belongs to Sealand, must have his brains in his heels. As if it might not be too, that by reason of the often commerce with the Citizens of Coppenhagen, the Inhabitants of Ween might frame themselves to speak the Language of Sealand, when as every week they use to go thither. The third Argument, The third argument. whereon the Danes lay their main stress, is of the same force and substance, to wit, that the people of Ween hold their Land by Villanage, and use the same Law with those of Sealand. For to begin with the latter, as it doth not follow, because Fuhnen, Langland, and Laland use the Law of Jutland; the City's Stralsand, Rostock, Gryphiswald, etc. the Law of Lubeck; Stetin that of Magdeburgh; Poland in many points that of Saxony; that therefore these places shall belong to Jutland, Lubeck, Magdeburgh, or Saxony: so neither can we conclude that Ween is appurtenant to Sealand, because it useth the Law of Sealand. And it is strange that the Danes should seek to conclude from the Laws and Customs of any Province, to whom that Province doth belong, whereas by force of the Treaty at Roskild, Schonen, Halland, and Blecking Provinces granted to the Swedes, are by special Agreement to enjoy for the future the Danish Laws, notwithstanding they are for ever annexed and united to the Kingdom of Sweden. But as to the former, that that subjection of those of Ween, to wit, the holding of their Land by Villanage, is a thing peculiar only to Sealand of all the Danish provinces; and that Sealand with the places appertinent to it, is as it were specifically distinguished from all the other Territories of Denmark, we know not whether it deserves better indignation or laughter. For if it be a shame for a Citizen to be ignorant of the Laws of his Country, we can scarce find how the Danish Commissioners should acquit themfelves of a foul fault, who are not ashamed to declare those things upon a Public account, which the meanest of the Commonalty know to be most false. Are not those of Laland Tenants also by Villeinage, in so much that the very Clergy were heretofore subject to that burden, as Stephanius in his History of Christian the Third plainly confesseth; not a little decrying the King, for that he discharged them of that service. But what shall we say of Amack, where the people are not bound to Villeinage, but free Denizens? For either this must be no longer part of Sealand, or Laland must be appertinent to Sealand; neither of which the Danes either can or will acknowledge. But it becomes him, who hath once abandoned shame, to be impudent with a mischief, especially where those that balk the truth may hope for a reward. Their last reason was fetched from Authorities, The fourth argument. for that all Writers, both Ancient and Modern, do comprehend Ween under the description of Sealand. That the Danish Commissioners might gain credit to this assertion, they sent to Monsieur Terlon's lodging, Ambassador of the French King, and one of the Mediators, a whole pile of Books, from whence it might be discovered, that Ween did belong to Sealand and not to Schonen. But the cover was fit for the dish, and the Cause was not so bad, but the Witnesses were worse. For who would have dreamed that the Danes should carry themselves so carelessly in an affair of so great moment; and for the clearing of the controversy, whether Ween did belong to Sealand or Schonen, should produce those for witnesses, who are not Danes by birth, nor knowing in the History of Denmark, and so might accurately decide the matter, but foreigners and strangers, such as could claim no credit at all in the Affairs of those Northern Nations, nor have described the state of those Kingdoms with due diligence or previous enquiry, but have scribbled without choice or judgement, what ever they could find in other Writers. That this may manifestly appear, let us examine that Author, who exceeds all the rest in bulk and error, Atlas' major Joannis Janssonii de Anno 1664. and we shall perceive how dim-sighted the Danes were in citing him. For he in his description of Denmark affirms, that Jutland is divided into Northern and Southern, of which the latter hath anciently been called Nordalbingen, and containeth the Dukedom of Sleswick, to which also Holstein is subject. But who is so ignorant of these places, as not to discern this to be most grossly false, forasmuch as Holstein is no part of Denmark, nor in specie of the Dukedom of Sleswick, but a part of Germany and feudary to the Roman Empire, and is held of the King of Denmark only under the title of Duke. Nor is that a small error, that he reckons Store a River of Holstein amongst the Rivers of the Kingdom of Denmark. Thirdly, having spoken of the Sound, he adds this, that even there, to wit, near that Straight, Roskild is situated; manifestly contrary to the truth, since that City lies about eight Germane miles distant from thence. Fourthly, discoursing of the Islands adjacent to Sealand, he affirms that Monen contains Stege, and other Cities, where as there is no other City there to be found. Fifthly, he affirms that Schonen hath been usually divided into two Dutchies, Halland and Blecking, a thing which the Danes themselves will acknowledge to be false. Sixthly, concerning the present and modern Estate he affirms, that in Lunden of Schonen is an Archbishop's Sea, whereas it is only a Bishopric and no more. Seventhly, which is a most notorious dotage in him, or rather sottishness, he makes Malmoe, usually called by the Flemings Elmbegn, to be two Towns, which is only one Town with two names. Just as if a man should affirm, that Gedanum were a Town different from Dantzick, Sedin from Stetin, Regiomont from Konigsberg, and Bigosce from Bromberg. Eightly, he makes Halland and Blecking to be appertinent to Schonen, which are Provinces independent, though in matters Ecclesiastical subject to one Bishop. Ninthly, he sets down the Islands Sando, Hanno, and Bornholm, belonging to Schonen, of which the latter is a distinct Province of itself, seated under the Diocese of Lunden. Tenthly, in his description of Jutland, Letter AA. Letter AA. the Author reports that the Bishopric of Sleswick was always in the possession of the Dukes, and always subject to the Kingdom of Denmark. The falseness of which, the Delegates lately sent to Coppenhagen by the most Serene Frederick Duke of Holstein did at large demonstrate. Eleventhly in his description of Fuhnen, Letter BB. Letter BB. he saith, that Fuhnen is divided from Denmark by the straight of Middlefact, as if Fuhnen also were not Denmark, and only Jutland went by the name of Denmark. Twelfthly, he writes that Fuhnen contains in it ninety Islands, amongst which he counts Laland, Falstre, Alsen, and others, which are particular Provinces of themselves, and do not otherwise belong to Fuhnen, then that in matters spiritual they are under the Bishop of Odensea. Nay, Alsen and Aroe do rather depend of the Dukedom of Sleswick. But for those ninety Islands, we shall have need of another Columbus to discover them Thirteenthly, In his description of Norway he affirms, that Marstrand is a Peninsula; a falsehood that is obvious to every one. Fourteen, In his description of Sweden he would have Ingermanland to be seated on one side of Capor, when as Capor is a city of Ingermanland. These Absurdities amongst many thousand others we only inserted, to show what small credit, or indeed that no credit at all is to be given to this grand Witness, the Danes produced, in these Northern Affairs. That French Book is much alike too, that is entitled, Description General d' Europe Quatriesme parte du Monde, par Pierre d' Avity, inprimè à Paris Anno, 1643. in fol. For he in that description of his, citys in the Margin those very same Authors, which Janssonius in his Atlas puts down that he made use of, and therefore deserves no greater credit than the other. But, to pass over those errors, which he commits very often in his description of Schonen, by imitating the Atlas, what ever concerns this business, makes Ween no more a part of Sealand, than Langland, Laland, Falstre, Alsen, Aroe, etc. parts of Fuhnen. Nor in this case is the other French Book of any weight, entitled, Les Empires, Royaumes, Estates, Seigneries, etc. par le Sieur D V. J. Y. inprimè à S. Omer, 1614 in quarto. For it is not only stuffed with the Errors that are in the Atlas, but hath so many more besides that any one may easily see he was a faithful Collector of others too. Lewis Gothofred in his Archontologia Cosmica, and Martin Zeiler in his Description of Denmark, run into the same error; the latter of which, having no foundation to go on, fails most grossly, not only in counting Hallands-As, a montanous wood of that name, amongst the Maritine Towns of Halland; but also in putting Trelleburgh Usted, Santhammer, Ahuse, Sylfsburg, etc. amongst the Maritines Cities of Blecking; when as indeed only that, he set last, belongs to that place, all the rest being adjacent to Schonen. As to what concerns Heylin's Cosmography in English, that saith indeed that the Island Ween, amongst other Provinces, is subject to the Government of Sealand: but by that word Government, he understands only Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction; as he writes that Laland, Langland, Falstre, Arroe, etc. are subject to the Government of Fuhnen, because the Bishop of Odensea, as to matters Spiritual, governs there; but for what belongs to secular Jurisdiction, by the Danes own confession, it hath dependence upon no other; and the Author himself affirms, that Alsen and Arroe are parts of the Dukedom of Sleswick. But though that English Historian stumbled not at this stone, yet to pass by other things, he betrays his ignorance in the Affairs of these Northern parts, in that be saith, that the Island of Bornholm was so called from a City of the same name; a place which no man yet could ever find there. The Rear was brought up by two Danish Books, of which the former cited before, entitled, Danmarcts oc Norgis fructbar Herlighed, the other Encomium Daniae; but they had better have passed them by, unless it had made more for the honour of their Nation. For the former in this takes the Swedes part, and writes in express words, that Ween, as to the secular Jurisdiction, belongs to Schonen, unless the King in favour to one or other constitutes something to the contrary: and the other makes Ween to be in the Bishopric of Sealand, which, as it makes not for the Danes, so the Swedes do not deny it. These are the Arguments which the Danes would have prove that Ween doth belong to Sealand, which we have here laid down, that the World may see with what strength and resoluteness they maintain their Cause. A Reply to the Danish Answers to the Swedish Arguments. Notwithstanding the Danish Commissioners were thus worsted, they were not disencouraged, but brought their whole strength and force to overthrow the Swedes Arguments, by excepting to the first; To the first. that the Islands Jarsey and Garnsey are bordering nearer upon Normandy then England, and yet they do belong to England. But that case is quite another thing than ours, for those Islands are Provinces of themselves; besides they were formerly appertenances to Normandy, but when that Country was in the hands of the French, those Islands were united to the Kingdom of England upon a particular agreement. But seeing there can be no such agreement produced concerning Ween, the Rule of the Law of Nations stands in full force and virtue. That which they excepted against the second argument, To the second. that Halland and Blecking were always alienated as Schonen was, and yet are never the more parts of Schonen, is not true. For we know that Halland hath sometimes been pawned in specie, and by itself, and sometimes too hath been under the subjection of the Swedes, when Schonen at the same time hath paid Allegiance to Denmark; the latter of which, the body of the Law of Sweden doth clearly witness. Now grant it be so, yet the case of Halland and Blecking is far different from this, for they are independent Provinces, and were never alienated as parts of another, as Ween was. Nay, though you should reply, that Ween was so alienated with Schonen, and not as an appertinent to it, in regard Ween is specifically and by name expressed in the public Instrument, made in the time of King Magnus, concerning the surrendry of Schonen, yet it will not at all advantage you: Insomuch as in the very same Instrument Lystre is also named specifically, which nevertheless without all controversy, and by the assent of the Danes themselves was a part of Blecking, and now surrendered to Sweden with Blecking. And that naming of them in particular was only for the greater caution, and more than necessary, which kind of Clauses whether they be put in or left out do no harm. Happily these two places were therefore specially named, because at that time Lystre was the most considerable Port of Blecking, and Ween defended the Port of Landscron. Theresore when this way would not take, the Danish Commissioners tried another, The Danes would have the Controversy about Ween remitted to arbitrators, but the Swedes give reason why that ought not to be. and would have this controversy put to the judgement of Arbitrators, to whose award according to the agreements at Stetin, such contentions, as arose of that kind, use to be referred. But that is not the meaning of the Agreements at Stetin, for they do not submit those things, which belong to the execution of a Peace made to arbitration, but only those controversies, which is times of Peace might happily arise between those Northern Kingdoms. But this contention of Ween not coming into that number and account, there is no reason why it should be bound up by the form of those Agreements at Stetin. Besides, the Swedes easily smelled out; that the Danes did desire it to be put to arbitration for no other end, but by their several delays to continue the controversy to eternity, or at least protract it for a long time, as we see it happened in those Differences in the Agreements of Stetin referred to Arbitrators, which after forty years and upward, to wit, in the thirteenth year of this Age, were buried, and utterly extirpated in the transaction of Siored. This was the reason why they desired the controversy might be decided without any further circumstances, adding some kind of threats too, in case they should little or nothing prevail with them with Reasons and Arguments how efficacious soever. Yet, lest the Danes should have any just cause of complaint, the Swedes were willing to acquiesce; and would forbear to urge any furthur the surrendry of the Isalnd, so that they would make it appear, that the Island Ween was by public Constitution joined for ever to Sealand, before the Peace made at Roskild, or by the Rolls or Doomsday Book of the Kingdom, that it was still without any interruption adherent to Sealand. But the Danes produced not a tittle to that purpose, pretending that those Rolls had been made use of and burnt, to make Fireworks at the Marriage of Prince Christian the Fifth. At length after the most Serene his Majesty of Denmark had himself made search into the Records and Evidences of his Kingdom, and could find nothing that could entitle Ween to Sealand, made an agreement with the French Ambassador, who (by reason the English Envoy extraordinary, during that controversy, was gone to Coppenhagen) was much employed in that Affair, that the Island Ween so often made mention of, At last the Danes promise to grant Ween to the Swedes, but in a deceitful way. should be surrendered as a part adherent to Schonen, and that Letters should with all possible speed, that could be, be delivered to the Ambassadors of Sweden, by virtue of which the Inhabitants of Ween should be passed over and granted to Schonen, and the Kingdom of Sweden. But when the Danish Commissioners afterwards put this Article upon that controversy into writing, they put the words thus; That Ween was granted to the Swedes, but not as part of Schonen, but only to avoid enmities, and over and above; only for this purpose, to leave themselves an occasion hereafter to demand it again. Just so it was with the Letters they promised us, we could not get them of them, the Danes still complaining, as often as we minded them of it, which was very often, that we should have them after the Treaty was ended, having no regard that Ween was demanded and granted, not by force of the present Treaty, but of the Agreements at Roskild, and that it was immediately subject to the Jurisdiction of Sweden with Schonen, to which it belonged. But it is in vain to contend with them by reasons, who never resolved of any thing less, then to perform their promises. For whilst the Swedish Ambassadors expect the Danes Letters of surrendry, the King of Denmark himself enjoins his Resident in England, Let. LL. MM. Letter LL. MM. that he would use his endeavour to take an occasion to persuade his Highness the Lord Protector of England, that the Island Ween was wrested from them very wrongfully; yet that he should be very wary in his proceed, lest the Swedish Ministers Resident there should perceive any thing of it. So well indeed the Danes wish the Swedes, that they endeavour to render them odious to the whole World with false accusations and detractions. Nay, the perverseness and wilfulness of the Danes reached into Norway, and the very borders of the North. The like deceit and perverseness used about the surrender of Rumsdhall in the Jurisdiction of Trundheim. For whereas the Jurisdiction of Nidroes', which commonly goes by the name of Trundheim, aught to be surrendered to the Swedes, Rumsdhall a little Lordship there, always adjoined to the Jurisdiction of Trundheim, and which the Danish Commissioners themselves at Roskild confessed to be a part of it, was held out, and denied us by Wibe Governor of Trundheim. Indeed when the Swedish Ambassadors first acquainted the Danish Commissioners with it, they would not believe, that the Governor dared do any such thing, but when it appeared to them, that the matter was really so, they made as if he did it merely of his own head. But he that shall but cursorily look over the Copy of the Commission, that he withheld it by, which the Danes at the instance of the Swedes showed at last in July, will easily perceive, that the Governor attempted it not without command. Letter NN. Letter NN. It will be worth while, to observe here a little at large the horrible villainy of the Danes, that showed itself in this business. For when the question at Roskild about the surrendry of the Jurisdiction of Trundheim in satisfaction to the Swedes, was, what ought to come under that denomination, both sides at last agreed on this, As appeareth by the Swedish Protocol. That by the Jurisdiction of Trundheim, all that is understood to be granted to the Swedes, that belongs to the Bishopric of Trundheim, unless what expressly belongs to the Jurisdiction of Norland specifically so called, and Wardhuse, as the words of the Swedish Protocol have it. And to avoid all doubts, that might be raised on this business, one of the Swedish Ministers dictated the very same words to the Danish Registers pen. But when the Swedish Ambassadors being led upon good and weighty grounds, and taking especial notice of the controversy that was raised about Rumsdhall, would insert in writing that peculiar Article concerning the appertinances of the Jurisdiction of Trundheim, in a declarative Recess, Letter OO, Letter OO, wherein, not only all the places appertaining to it were specifically expressed, but the words of the Protocol alleged; then the Danes began to prick up their ears, and that they might lay aside or suppress that Article, they pretended that it was to no purpose to make any further controversy about this business, and that there was no need of any such Declaration; besides, that they had given command to the Governor of Trundheim, that he should raise no doubts about the surrendry of that Lordship. Nevertheless, when the Ambassadors urged it, the Danish Commissioners answered, that their demand was new, and that there was no such thing in the words of the Protocol; that there never was any such kind of mention of the Bishopric of Trundheim, and that there were some Goods comprehended under those words, neither belonging to the Jurisdiction of Norland specifically so called, nor Wardhuse, though lying in them, which were in no wise granted. The Swedish Ambassadors were not a little moved with that answer, and the rather in that Gersdorf High Steward of the Kingdom and others, which were present at the Treaties at Roskild, did both know and confess that those were the formal words, which were made use of. Hence to clear themselves of foul dealing, they desired a Copy of the Danish Protocol, making no question but they should find the same words there. Besides, Cornelius Lerck went to one of the Ambassadors, who had been Register at Roskild, and after discoursing several things about this business, said, that he did not remember, that it was concluded at Roskild, that all that which appertains to the Bishopric of Trundheim, excepting that, which belongs to the Jurisdiction of Norland specifically so called, and Wardhuse, was granted with the Jurisdiction of Trundheim. But after when the Ambassador opened the Protocol, he found these words written: By the Jurisdiction of Trundheim, Compared with the Danish. all those things are understood to be granted, which appertain to that Jurisdiction, from which notwithstanding those are expressly excepted, that belong to the Jurisdiction of Norland and Wardhuse. Where a child may perceive a notorious tautology, and so a great fault, unless one will make his business to be understandingly mad. For, pray, what kind of explication would that be: By the Jurisdiction of Trundheim is understood all that, which appertains to that Jurisdiction: truly, a very silly one, or rather none at all; or how can the Jurisdiction of Norland and Wardhuse be excepted from Trundheim, which never yet were comprehended under it? Whence it must necessarily follow, that the Bishopric of Trundheim was mentioned, in that those two beforenamed Jurisdictions, excepted from the Grant, are subject to that Bishopric. But by whose negligence or falseness it was, that in the place of Bishopric, the word Jurisdiction was put into the Danish Protocol, is not proper now to inquire. But what ever this be, though in the mean time, to wit, in July there was news come, that the Lordship of Rumsdhall was delivered up to the Swedes Deputies; yet the Danes did not relish it well, that the Swedes Ambassadors should, as we said before, put in writing the Article concerning the appertenances of the Jurisdiction of Trundheim; and that for no other reason, but that they might have hereafter an occasion to complain, either that that Jurisdiction was granted by mistake, or wrested away by violence. As it fell out in the case of those two Parishes Idre and Jerne, into the possession of which the Danes put the Swedes; as also of Jempterland and Herndahlen after the Peace in the Year 1645, and yet they were not ashamed lately to allege, the injustice of taking them away as the cause of their War. You may easily collect, that we were to expect the same dealing in this too, from the words of Ionas Juul Envoy of the King of Denmark into Poland, spoken at Berlin, where he did confidently assert, that the Danes might easily take an advantage from the controversy about Rumsdhall, to make a new War upon the Swedes. But we must proceed to grosser matters yet. For if ever there were any thing, Another cause of difference was the Custom which the Danes used to take of the ships passing through the Sound, belonging to Sweden. that for these seventy years and upwards hath embroiled these neighbouring people in a War, it was certainly that Custom that the Danes use to take of those ships that pass through the Sound, the burden of which the Swedes would never yet submit to. Denmark hath had sufficient experience of that to their great loss, and especially in the War made in 1643. which was undertaken principally, because the Danes exacted Customs of the Swedes. But the Danes could never be so far mended by beating, as to deal more warily for the future. For though by the fourth Article of the Transaction at Roskild it was agreed, that all the ships properly belonging to the Subjects of the Kingdom of Sweden, in what place soever they live, Contrary to express Agreements at Roskild. so that they have with them their Passports, called commonly Sea Brieff, which use to mention the Owner of the ships, aught to remain free with all the Lading in them from all Custom, Inquisition, Search, and other such kind of troubles; they, which were the King of Denmark's Commissioners of the Customs in the Sound at Helsingore took no notice of it at all, but not only exacted Customs of the ships belonging to Stetin and Stralsund, and of other Merchandise properly belonging to the Subjects of the Kingdom of Sweden in Pomerania and Liefland, but detained some of those ships for some day's time; insomuch that only in the month of May, as is well known, they broke this Privilege eight times. Nay, the Danes were not ashamed to exact Customs of the Wines that were allotted for his Sacred Royal Majesty of sweden Court, and his chief Ministers, as appears to have been done on the 16. day of May at Helsingore. All which for brevity sake we will add in their order to this work, Letter PP. Letter P P. But when the Ministers of Sweden objected to the Commissioners of the Danish Customs, that they had violated their Agreements; they answered, that they knew no other Agreements but those of Bromsebroe; nor had they received any command to let the Swedish ships pass upon any other terms then formerly. Which excuse, as they had often at other times made, they had the confidence to make yet again on the sixth day of July; to be silent of other breaches of the Articles of Bromsebroe, confirmed at Roskild, which they committed in this business lately after the Peace was made. Indeed they made restitution of some of those things, they had wrongfully extorted, Which the Danes took no care to put in execution. but not of all, nor those neither until they were urged by the Swedish Ambassadors. But if the Danes had really intended to have stood to those Agreements at Roskild, they would have taken greater care in an Affair of that difficulty. Nevertheless, as if it had been a slight matter they had in hand, the Danish Senators never gave so much as a Copy of the Agreements at Roskild to the Commissioners of the Customs, or any other direction how they should use the Swedes ships for the future; but left the whole business to some old crafty Custom-house Men, to the great injury both of the Swedes Honour, and the sacred observance of Agreements. What could any one now expect of the Danes for the future, that dared to commit such kind of enormities, when the Swedish Army was yet in the bowels of their Kingdom, and his Majesty's Ambassadors stayed at Coppenhagen urging the conclusion of the Peace, and all those Articles were fresh in their memory, which were lately made at Coppenhagen, upon weighing and considering of all circumstances; so that it is so much the more wonderful, that the Danes should be so negligent in ordering a matter of so great concernment. But it is probable that the Danes did it, in regard they were weary of the Transaction at Roskild, and so made it their business to render themselves guilty of the breach of it; and in case it should not fall out some other way, they persuaded themselves, that this business would at last tire out the Swedes patience. For there is much in the meaning of the words of Peter Reetze, a Senator of the Kingdom of Denmark, But rather seemed willing to make the Swedish freedom from paying Custom, an occasion of a future breach. which he spoke openly at Coppenhagen at a meeting of the Commissioners of either party; to wit, that there could be no hopes of a firm and lasting Peace between the Northern Kingdoms, as long as the most Serene, the king of Denmark should make use of his Right in exacting the Custom of the Sound, and the Swedes would pretend a Freedom there. In the eleventh Article of the Transaction at Roskild, they promise a restitution of those three Swedish ships, and of all the goods, with which they came laden from Portugal, which were taken and detained, Nor did the Danes keep their promise in restoring Swedish ships and goods taken before the War proclaimed. as we formerly said, before the proclaiming of the War, in the Sound. But the Danes used their old trick in this too, and first by frivolous exceptions did endeavour to put off the performance of their promises, daring to affirm, that they only promised to restore the ships, but not the goods they were loaded with. As if it were a thing likely, that one that covenants for the restitution of goods taken from him, did not intent that they should be restored in the same condition they were in, and not spoiled and wasted or but part of them. Indeed the Swedish Ambassadors urged the restitution of them that very time, when two of those ships road at anchor in the Baltic sea not far from Newburgh in Fuhnen, by reason that Count Wrangell high Admiral of the Kingdom, had upon those coasts mariners in readiness, and such things as were necessary to repair the ships; but they could not prevail with them, till they were first brought to Coppenhagen, where after many delays they at last delivered them to a Swedish Captain, but in such a condition, that they could not stir from the Port of Coppenhagen for want of things necessary for shipping before the end of June. But as for the merchandise and other goods which yet remained in their hands, in regard they could not restore them by reason of the scarcity of salt, and the other things, they made this agreement, that they should pay in lieu of them 23000. Rixdollars, 17000 of which should be paid at Hamburgh, the other at Coppenhagen to one of the Ambassadors, which his Majesty should especially authorise to that purpose. Marsell and Klingeberg took the business upon them, both Merchants and Councillors to the King of Denmark, the one as to his Mines, the other to his Admiralty, yet so as that they promised by Bills obligatory to pay the money, as if it were their own proper debt. And for their sakes it was, that the payment of those moneys, which was to have been made before the first of May, if the Swedes would have stood upon the strictness of it, was deferred till a certain limited time. The first payment was fairly carried, and the 6000. Dollars paid at Coppenhagen; but as soon as the Letters of Exchange according to their Agreement were tendered at Hamburgh, Klingeberg began to put them off with delays, and would not accept them, till he had received further intelligence, that they had given them a discharge at Coppenhagen. Who cannot see that this is a mere pretence, when as no man is so absurd to desire to be discharged of a debt before payment, especially when the time of payment is not till some weeks after. But doubtless Klingeberg did that by the command of his superiors to gain time, and that they might in the mean while see to what place his Majesty of Sweden would march his Army. Afterwards when he was called upon a second time, the time for payment being come, he answered, that as Affairs stood, he could not pay any money for the Kingdom of Denmark, without any the least regard to his promise of payment of it as his own debt. Nay, if all circumstances be rightly considered, it appears plainly enough, that Klingeberg upon this account would never have paid a Farthing. We formerly showed what hopeful signs the Danes gave of their performing the Peace, Nor did they send the 2000 Horsemen which they were bound to send to the Swede. when instead of 2000 Horsemen, they sent us but 936. never considering, that when they had performed that condition, the Swedish Army was to be drawn off from Sealand. Therefore when the Swedish Ambassadors desired that those Horse men might be delivered to them with the greatest expedition they could, the Danish Commissioners said, they were not obliged to send them in any more. They said further, that the Muster-rolls, wherein the Soldiers were listed, did show, that those three Regiments, which they delivered to them at first, did fully complete the number that was allotted them. And those were the Rolls that the Swedish Deputies desired so often without the least effect when they first presented them, But that is a pitiful exception, and such as none but the Danes would make use of; who think promises sufficiently performed by such idle scribbling. For what profit could the King of Sweden reap, in that those Regiments completed the number at Coppenhagen, if he never received them? For it had been to little purpose for any one to have busied himself about the getting again of such Soldiers together, as use to have no punishment inflicted on them for disobeying their commands, since it was impossible to continue those men, that were delivered to him in their duty. For it was well enough known, that of those that ran away after they were delivered to us, there were above 200. only out of the Troops of Axle Vrop that lay skulking in Coppenhagen and other parts of Sealand as their Sanctuary, to speak nothing of above 30. of them that were of the King of Denmark's own Guard. The Swedish Ambassadors therefore at the instance of the Governor of Schonen acquainted Vrop with it, Nor would they use means to let those be recovered who ran away after they were sent. desiring him that he would by public authority enjoin some to give all aid and assistance to the Swedish Ministers in the recovery of those Renegadoes, and bringing them to their colours: but then Vrop began to make a long apology, and to inevigh against the lose discipline of the Soldiery: that War now was a kind of trade, and that they would have most soldiers where there was the greatest hopes of booty; that he could force no man to follow the Army against his will, and that he would perform his duty but ill, that went upon compulsion: yet he would acquaint his Sovereign with it, and see what his pleasure was. But he never returned any answer to this day, so that the Officer that was sent by the Governor of Schonen for this purpose, who knew their names, and where they lay skulking, was forced to come back without the least thing done in it. But as by their silence we may easily argue their denial of the request; so in this business the Danes show their extreme injustice. For if he, which gives another power to raise soldiers in his Dominions, is by that very act bound, upon request made to give his assistance, if any run away, for the apprehending of them; the Danes were much more obliged of their own accord to have forced those soldiers, which they delivered to them, to their duty, if they had had the least respect to friendship or neighbourhood. We need not abound in words. The Danes were not only pleased that their Horsemen would not follow the Swedish Camp, but did seem tacitly to command them to this deserting us. For it is likely, that those soldiers were not bound to the service by oath, only for this end, that in case there should arise any scruple of conscience about it, it might easily be resolved upon remembrance, that they were as yet bound by oath to the King of Denmark, Nor free those that were sent, from the Oath of former Allegiance by Proclamation. especially in regard they were so often called upon to discharge those Horsemen by public Proclamation from their former allegiance, and still put it off. But for all this, the Swedish Ambassadors persisted still in their often demands of the 1060. Horse, which were wanting, but never received any other answer, but that it was impossible in the condition Denmark was then in, that so many complete Horsemen could be put in arms. But the Ambassadors that knew the contrary well enough, urged them further, yet withal being willing to rest satisfied, if instead of those thousand Horse, they would suddenly send them only 500 Horse, and a 1000 Musquetiers. For his most Serene Majesty of Sweden thought this to be a lesser burden to the Danes, as he himself affirmed to Owen Juul at Gothenburgh. But they instead of the 1000 Musquetiers promised 500 Dragoons, who being drawn from the Plough to the Sword, could give us no great hopes of staying long with their Colours. Upon which account when the Swedes refused them, the Danes promised that they would send command to Eberstein Campmaster General to deliver those 1000 Horse without any further delay upon the departure of the Swedish Army out of Holstein. But there was poison in the tail of it, and the Danes were in hopes, that if the Swedish Army had once moved, they would not put a stop upon their march, though they should not receive those 1000 Horsemen. When his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden therefore, who knew well enough that there were not so many Horsemen in all the Regal Holstein, had fully by his Ambassadors affirmed the same to the Danish Ministers, and pressed very urgently, that some might be chose out of the Troops that were in Sealand, And when at last 500 Horsemen were sent, 100 of them left their Colours, viz. such as were Danes by birth. when they saw no way to evade it, they ordered at last that Gyldenlow should deliver him 500 Horsemen in Jutland and Eberstein, the rest in Holstein. Gyldenlow did his part first, yet in such a manner, that before they were conducted from Colding to Kiele, above 100 of those 500 Horse left their Colours, to wit, all that were Danes by birth. Hence it is no wonder that his most Serene Majesty of Sweden would not accept of any Dane amongst the 600. that were yet to be delivered to him, because it might very well be feared, that they were all well skilled in the game of cheating the Swedes. But Eberstein used more delays, and at first signified to Count Wrangell by Letters, that he received a command from the King to deliver him 500 Dragoons not Troupers; but afterwards upon complaint made by the Swedish Ambassadors to the Danes, after a second command he presented to them 300. Troupers; but for the most part ragged, and tattered, and ill armed, which at first the Deputies of his Majesty of Sweden would not accept of, chief because the number allotted them was not completed; but afterwards General Boddeker accepted of about 400. Horse from Eberstein, when they were offered him a second time, not as making up the number, but because he thought it policy by this means to weaken the Danes Forces, in case they should prove our enemies. But though the Danish Commissioners took much pains to persuade the Swedish Ambassadors, that there were not above 400. Troupers maintained in all Denmark, yet his most Serene Majesty knew how grossly in this they went against the truth, as afterwards the event proved it, when about the entering of the Swedish Army into Sealand, it plainly appeared that there were many more, than were to be delivered to his Majesty of Sweden. Concerning Prisoners, the 19 It was agreed concerning Prisoners, all to be set at liberty without Ransom. Article of the Agreements at Roskild had made this provision, that immediately after the Peace made, all should be set at liberty without any Ransom. But as if the Danes thought it a thing commendable in them to put delays on us, the Governor of the Castle of Bremer Vorden would not set at liberty the Swedish Officers, that were prisoners with him, though urged to it again and again by the Counsel of State at Bremer Vorden, pretending, that he knew nothing of a Peace between the Northern Kingdoms; and granting it were so, that those things, which the two Kingdoms had jointly ordered, did not concern him; that he acknowledged no other power, but from his Majesty of Denmark, and that he could not set his Prisoners at liberty, But the Governor of Bremer Vorden did not observe this agreement. till he received a command from his Majesty to that purpose. At last when the Swedish Ambassadors showed the Danish Commissioners the injustice of this action, especially in regard the Swedes had been so forward in this point, they were dismissed by the King's command, but long after the time appointed for it. This is an argument of vast negligence in the Danes, that they, as if it were a May game should not in due time signify to their Ministers what duty laid upon them to the execution of the late made Peace. Just so, when the foresaid Governor of the Castle of Bremer-Vorden had warning, Nor did he deliver up the Castle at the time appointed. that his time of quitting of it was near, not only complained as formerly, that he had no command for it, but besides took care for all kind of grain and provision, as if it were to keep out a long siege, sparing no costs, and much at his own charge too, though otherwise a very penurious man. And, as if he had been afraid that he should not raise suspicions bad enough, he gave further cause of suspicion by his ambiguous speeches and words of doubtful meaning: saying, That there was no necessity for him to quit the Castle; that by reason he had been used to the Wars, he was unwilling to leave them off; and if happily the King of Denmark were weary of the War, But seemed resolved to keep it by force. yet that there were other Kings and Princes, for whose service he might keep that Castle, and such other like high and vaunting speeches, which his pride was not ashamed to belch out. But who that knows the Danes genius never so little, would not from thence conjecture all things to the worst, especially in that the Swedish Ambassadors, when they urged the restitution of the foresaid Castle at the Danish Court, had this answer, that the Governor had strict command without any the least delay or shifting to quit the Castle. And that by the King's command, But the Governor stiffly denied it; so that one might justly have made a question whether of the two to believe in this case, the Danish Commissioners or the Governor, had he not produced Letters to justify his proceed to be by the King's command. The Swedes upon this business began to suspect them, and were the more confirmed in it; in that the Ambassador of the King of Hungary made a most solemn promise to one of the Danish Nobles at Coppenhagen, that upon condition they would not surrender up Bremer-Vorden to the Swedes, And upon the offers made by the Ambassador of the King of Hungary to man the place against the Swedes. that he would get as many of the choicest soldiery of the King his Majesty, to defend it and invade the Swedes, as they themselves should judge to be sufficient to effect it. That they should only say with courage and resolution, what they desired, and that presently they should have a very powerful Army. Upon this his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden by his Ambassadors pressed the surrendry of it the more urgently, easily smelling out that there was some mischief a hatching, and the Danes designs contrary to their agreements appearing still more and more, but they would have had prevailed but little on them, and been cheated with fair promises, and effected nothing, had they not by his Majesty's command began to give out some threatening language, affirming to the Danish Commissioners faces, At last being threatened with a siege, they gave it up two months after the time limited. that if they would not without any further circumstances surrender the Castle, that his Majesty would by violence reduce the Governor to his obedience, and set down his Army before it. For this was that which made them deliver up the place to the Swedes Deputies, but yet it was not till July, above the space of two months after the time limited them. These things might easily have put a King of so generous a spirit, especially when he found himself thus slighted and abused, to take up arms: but his Majesty notwithstanding this restrained his passion, promising himself that the Danes would be more just and cheerful in doing those things that were behind. But it is in vain to expect any justice from them, who think their affairs can never be well settled, if they be not supported by fraud and deceit. We have as full an example of this in the restitution of a small ship of Norcoping, Nor did they restore a ship taken by one of their pirates before War denounced. which a Danish Pirate under commission from the King of Poland, long before the War was denounced, brought to Coppenhagen laden with several sorts of Merchandise. For though the King of Denmark himself promised in his Letters to the Magistrate of Lubeck, who made a complaint of it by his Deputy, because these Swedish ships were allotted for the payment of some Citizens of Lubeck, that he would not suffer any of his Subjects to exercise Piracy unpunished; yet they could never get that restitution made, although the Swedish Ambassadors did often desire the administration of Justice. Indeed after mocks and scorns, which the Citizens of Norcoping were subject to at Coppenhagen, they did at last promise a restitution, Letter Q Q. Letter Q Q. but the Danes have not to this day performed the Article that was made thereupon, and which made part of the Declarative Recess, Letter R R. showing plain enough that they would perform nothing, only give fair words. Letter R R. But what could one promise himself from such kind of Judges as these be, who, as the common report went at Coppenhagen, had themselves been at the charge to set out and arm that Pirate ship? Notable assertors indeed of the Rights that belong to the Northern Kingdoms in the Baltic Sea, who think it no baseness nor disrepute in them, to gape after filthy lucre under a Commission from the King of Poland, when as the King of Denmark himself grants him no power to War in the Baltic Sea. The Danes too, forsooth, used the same kind of cheerfulness in the restitution of those things, Nor did they restore that which was taken from Count Konigsmark after Peace made. that were taken away by the Danish Soldiery from Count Konigsmark, and other Swedish Officers, after the Peace made at Tostrup; and however the Authors were well enough known, you might find that the Danes had very happy wits to make excuses. Amongst which, this was none of the least, that those Soldiers, which had took that booty, knew not that the Peace was made. But this excuse was none of the most ingenious, seeing that ignorance, had it been really true and not asserted, could only exempt them from punishment, for violating the Peace, but not from restitution of the Spoil, according to the tenor of the eleventh Article at Roskild. And to what purpose should a Court of War be appointed, Contrary to the eleventh Article of the Peace concluded at Roskild. to which the King of Denmark signified by his Letters that he would submit this controversy, when as they which had committed the spoil did neither deny the fact, nor fly for it; nor was the restitution desired according to the Rules of Military Discipline, but the tenor of a Peace made. Yet notwithstanding the Swedish Ambassadors did very often instance it, and urged the restitution of those things that were taken away, but could get nothing but Danish promises, which come to more than a mere cheating of your expectation. And that they might leave nothing unattempted, Nor would they suffer the Swedes to take the Victuals and Corn which was their own store, contrary to the 14 Article of their agreement. that might tend to the avoiding of the Agreements, they prohibited the carrying away the Victuals and Corn which the Swedish Commissary had stored up in Alholm, a Jurisdiction of Laland, without any regard to the fourteenth Article, that affirms in express words, that restitution ought to be made of these places, the Victuals and Provision excepted. In like sort there were very many of the Senators of Schonen, who by virtue of the Peace made, were to be bound by Oath to the most Serene the King of Sweden, Nor were many of the Senators of Schonen discharged of their Oaths by the Dane, though they sued for a discharge that could not prevail with the Danish Court, that they might be discharged from the Employments and Offices, which they had hitherto administered. And some of them were at last so wearied out with shifts sometimes of one sort, sometimes of another, that one may say justly enough, they were hindered from performing this Oath to the Swedes: but others of them out of an hope of a change, which they saw was not far off, neglected to do it, because they believed they must ere long forget it. Afterwards too, when this Serene Majesty of Sweden was made acquainted, that one Henry Carloffe an Adventurer, Nor did the Danes observe the eleventh Article of the Treaty at Roskild, concerning the African Company of Sweden, in the Case of Henry Carloffe and formerly one of the Governors of the African Company in Sweden, by reason of an injury, as he construed it, done to him by the Swedish Governors, because he had used a private trade in the coasts of Guine, directly contrary to the Privileges of that Company, and his Faith engaged thereto, had not only privately transported his whole Family from Hamburgh to Embden; but that he might the more infested and damage the foresaid Swedish Company, without any regard to his promises and the security he had given, had got himself in the time of the War a Commission from the King of Denmark, and to that purpose about the middle of Autumn 1657. weighed anchor from Embden, and went with a ship armed and well-appointed for Guine; his Majesty upon a fitting and submissive desire of the Sharers of the said Company, could not out of his singular clemency suffer, that the safety of his faithful Subjects, as much as was concerned in this business, should be put to an hazard in the Treaties at Roskild, but rather seriously enjoined his Commissioners, that were appointed for that Transaction, to provide the best they could for the profit and interess of that Company. But in regard no man could so much as dream, that the Danes should use any difficulty in granting the particulars, when they allowed of the general; nor was there any certainty as yet, at the time the Treaty was concluded, whether Carloffe had done any damage in Guine: the Commissioners of his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden thought it sufficient, as it had really been sufficient, had they not had to do with cavillers, that that caution desired by the Members of the African Company in Sweden, should be made in general terms for every case, and put into the eleventh Article of the Instrument of Peace, in this form: to wit, That all those Prizes which might have been taken by virtue of Commissions given, but were not brought into Ports before the Transaction of Tostrup, should be restored to their true and lawful Owners. For these words being so general, do not only comprehed this case of Guine, but can be understood of no other, in that during the War, no Prize could be taken either in the Germane or Baltic Sea, which was not brought into a Swedish or Danish Harbour before the Transaction at Tostrup made in February, because at that season of the Year there is no sailing at all in these Northern Countries, in regard the cold is so great, that the whole Country is frozen over. Wherefore these words are principally to be applied to those Prizes, which during the War, and immediately before the composition might have been taken, but by reason of the great distance of the place, could not be brought into Harbour, where they ought to be adjudged. Truly the Swedes had never started any doubt about the genuine sense of those words alleged, had they not been sufficiently taught by so many Arguments and Trials, that the Danes did watch after all occasions, whereby by false and farfetched interpretations, they might free themselves from those things they were obliged to perform by virtue of the Instrument of Peace. Therefore the Swedish Ambassadors, that they might timely prevent any mischief about the true understanding of the eleventh Article, as much of it as belonged to the African Company, asked of the Danish Commissioners at a meeting had at Coppenhagen in April, whether the words above-written, speaking of the Prizes taken under Commission from the Dane, were so to be understood, that this case might be comprehended under them, if happily contrary to hope any damage should be done to the African Company in Sweden by a private man, that should make Prize under Commission from the King of Denmark; to which the Danes answer was simply Affirmative, alleging that not only this, but all other cases whatsoever were comprehended under those general words. But afterward when for the better caution, the Swedish Ambassadors would put the case in an Article, and insert it amongst other Points, that were to be explained in the Project of an additional Recess, the Danes sought out several ways to shift it off, and evade it, pretending in this as in many other points, that there was no need of any Declaration, for his Majesty of Denmark was very ready to do all that he was obliged to by virtue of the Agreements at Roskild, if in case any damage was done to the African Company, contrary to the Instrument of Peace. Nevertheless the Swedish Ambassadors still urged it, especially after they had received certain intelligence, that Carloffe was gone up from Guine to the River of Elbe with a great prize, having seized upon all the Swedes Forts there, and carried the Governor of them along with him Prisoner to Gluckstad; and that he himself was fled with the best part of the gold, and other merchandise of great value, which he had taken away in Guine, and made some alteration in the Article which they had drawn, fitting it more expressly to the present case, as will appear, Letter SS. if you look into the Letters S S. The Danes strived to acquit themselves from the obligation of the restitution they were bound to by reason Carloffe was fled; but this was but a vain plea, in regard the most Serene the King of Denmark and his Ministers having had timely notice of it, should have used all their endeavour to stop him from getting away to the damage and prejudice of others. For the Minister Resident at Hamburgh did in the name of his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden, as soon as ever he heard that the ship was gone up the River of Elbe, by a Secretary, whom he had sent away to Gluckstad to that purpose, earnestly desire not only of the Counsel of the Government there, but of Field Marshal Eberstein that they would detain and secure the foresaid Carloffe with all the goods he had brought with him, to the end that restitution might be the better made, according to the tenor of the agreements at Roskild, not only of the Castle of Capo-Cors, but of all other the Swedes Forts in the Coasts of Guine, as also the ship and movable goods taken away from the said Company. But all this pains was taken to no purpose, as the relation of Secretary Barshene that was sent from Hamburgh to Gluckstad hereunto annexed, Letter T T. doth more fully show, Letter T T. with all the circumstances of it. Upon this the Swedish Ambassadors received command from his Majesty being then at Flensburgh, not only speedily to make up that point that concerns the African Company, but further to urge, Whereupon the Swede threatens not to march with his Army out of Denmark till the African Company was satisfied. that the Danes should without any more delay make just satisfaction to the foresaid company, or otherwise his Sacred Royal Majesty would not march his Army out of Denmark; or if so be that restitution could not so soon be made, they should take good and certain security before the removal of the Army for sure and true payment, and restitution of these places they had seized at the time prefixed. And indeed the Swedes had very great reason to look circumspectly in this affair, in regard that it was plain enough by their dismissing of Carloffe, that the Danes never hearty resolved to make reparations of the losses the faithful subjects of Sweden had sustained, especially when there were so many several circumstances besides that might give the Swedes just cause to suspect the Danes injustice and perverseness in this business. Amongst which, this was none of the least, that Carloffe was reported to have sworn those Soldiers, which he had placed in Garrison in the Castles of Guine, not to the King of Denmark, Letter U U. but himself, Letter VV. and he with the greatest part of his prize had withdrawn himself from the Danish Jurisdiction, and put himself under the protection of another Lord. But the damage that the Swedish Company sustained, was valued to be above 300000. Rixdollars, besides the Castle of Capo-Cors, and other Forts and Merchants houses built and enjoyed by the Swedes, of all which restitution ought to have been made. This was showed the Danes, and the Swedish Ambassadors did propound, to avoid for the future all dissensions and differences that might arise about the number and quantity of the movable goods that were taken away, that a certain sum of money should be agreed upon as just and equitable, which the loss sustained by the Swedish Company should be rated at, from which should be deducted what ever could here in Europe, or else there in afric be restored in specie, but yet according to the common rate that commodities did bear at that place and time, when the restitution should be made. And thence it was, that the sum of 400000. Rixdollars was put in the foresaid Swedish Project, not that the Swedish Ambassadors would rigidly and peremptorily stick upon that sum, but as a sum of which something might be agreed on or remitted, as was showed and told to the French Ambassador, as soon as the Project was first mentioned. Nor could they justly be found fault withal, in that they desired real security upon pawn given, it being a thing customary and usual betwixt Princes, and chief done for that end, that the debtor may be the stronglier bound to pay his debt, and redeem his pawn. Nor could that giving of pawn be any damage to the Danes, had they resolved to pay the moneys they promised without any fraud at the time appointed, because it was in the Danes power to make over such goods in security to the Swedes, as might be appointed to them according to the commodity of their situation, and where there were no places of defence. But how just soever the things were that were desired, they relished not well with the Danes, whose whole labour was to avoid and shift themselves off from that business by wasting time, not considering what they had so roundly confessed in the name of the most Serene the King of Denmark concerning the genuine sense of the Eleventh Article of the agreements at Roskild, but making use of these reasons following: and first, The Danes allege reasons why no restitution is to be made to the Guine Company of that which H. Carloffe had taken. that they could pretend no right to those goods that were taken away in Guine, in regard it is certain, that they were brought into Port before the pacification of Tostrup, persuading themselves that a Port in afric in this case was equivalent to a Port of Denmark; and that therefore no doubt or controversy ought to be made about the Danes possession of those things they had taken away, though they were brought to Denmark, or to Holstein after the Transaction at Tostrup, no more than the Danes could pretend a right to the ship called Delmenhorst, which was seized by Count Wrangel high Admiral of Denmark not far from Corsoer in a Danish Port, but could not be brought to a Swedish Port before the transaction at Tostrup. The Danish Commissioners further urged, that they were bound by virtue of the Fourteenth Article of the Agreements at Roskild, to make restitution of nothing but only the Forts in Guine, in regard all other things remaining there, as guns, ships, gold, and other merchandise were to be accounted moveables, which in a Continent and a Port, were by the right of War, together with the Fort yielded up, and in the power of the King of Denmark. Thirdly, They endeavoured to assert, that Carloffe was not to be accounted such a man, as only takes prize by a private Commission, but a real Officer of War of the King of Denmark's, lawfully authorized and expressly commanded to seize upon the foresaid places, and to bring away their merchandise for the service of the King of Denmark. Fourthly, They said that according to the clause of the Eleventh Article of the Agreements at Roskild, Restitution ought not to be made of those Goods that Carloffe in the name of the King of Denmark took away in the Continent, or in the Port, because there is only mention made of such Goods as might have been taken by those that had a public Commission and fought in the King's service in the open Sea, as the word Prize shows, which must only be understood of Ships, and cannot be extended to such things as are taken away in the Continent, and therefore that those things, which Carloffe had done, were not to be accounted among them. On the other side the Swedish Ambassadors did produce more and clearer arguments, The Swedish reply to those Arguments. to show that the pretence, which they made to those Goods that were taken and seized in the time of War at Guine, had not its foundation so much in the difference, which according to common acceptation might be one thing in an Officer of War, and another thing in him that sets out a Ship at his own charge, and makes prize only by virtue of a public Commission, as in the express agreement made in this business at Roskild. For as exceptions would infringe Laws, and set up a new Rule, according to which, those things that are agreed on, must be guided: so in this case we ought rather to consider what both parties agreed on in this business, then that which commonly in the like case use to be kept and observed amongst others, especially if the thing be not specifically determined. That every one knows well enough, that the Peace made with the enemies, is restrained only to Europe, and not extended to other places situate out of it, as the Spaniards once answered the English; nay, that during the while the Treaties for a twelve years' Truce betwixt the Spaniard and States General lasted, the Equinoctial Line was proposed as the limit and boundary, within which the Peace and Truce was of full force and virtue; but on the other side of it the War was still to be continued. The very same case, if approved by either party, would be this, that some places in regard of their situation, though subject to the jurisdiction of one and the same Lord, should by a particular agreement be annoyed and infested with War, whilst others under the same Lord should enjoy a quiet Peace; which Peace nevertheless had there not been a previous agreement, and had Peace been simply concluded, aught to have been extended to all places without any difference. In like manner if there were no difference made in the Treaties between the movable goods and goods that were seized, all than would come under the same law, as much as concerns restitution, although in our case there was a peculiar and an express covenant, as we shall hereafter more at large prove. If therefore a distinction might be made betwixt places, as was above said, and also betwixt goods movable and taken in the time of the War, why not betwixt persons too, that had seized any thing during the War, as the Eleventh Article of the Agreeements at Roskild would clearly lay it before us. And truly that any and unprejudiced man, that considers the said Article, unless he will purposely dote, should fully and sufficiently understand, that in it is established first, that all immovables, to wit, Provinces and Fortresses taken from the Kingdom of Sweden in the heat of the War, wheresoever situated, should be restored to his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden. Secondly, that restitution should be made of all moveables taken from the Swedish Subjects before the beginning of the War, as also of three ships laden with salt, and detained in the Sound, or the true value of them. Thirdly, that all moveables, which during the War might have been taken before the Transaction at Tostrup, by soldiers, and others that followed the Camp, and by such as endamaged the enemy not only as belonging to some company, but as maintained at the charge of the Principal Officers, are plainly not liable to the restitution, by an argument à contrario, principally grounded on these words; What goods and moveables soever besides after that time, from the subjects of the one party, or of the other, etc. Fourthly, That all moveables, whether ships, guns, merchandise, and such like, taken by virtue of Commissions by private men, who only at their charge, and chief for their own proper benefit set out and furnish ships to make prize, but brought into Port before the Pacification at Tostrup, should likewise be free from restitution. But, fifthly, if any private man making Prize under public Commission, had taken away any thing by Sea or Land, and had not, before the Pacification completed at Tostrup, brought it in to such a Port, where, according to the form used amongst the more civilised Nations, it might be declared as lawful Prize according to the Laws of the Admiralty, that that was to be restored to its lawful owner. Therefore that two things are principally requisite, to make such things as were taken away not liable to restitution; to wit, that they were not only taking during the War, but brought into Port before the 18th. day of February, 1658. when the Pacification at Tostrup was made. Nor that the Danish Commissioners, which were present at the Treaties at Roskild, could deny, that those words, Of Prizes taken during the time of the Commission, but not as yet brought into Ports, were added by the Swedes for the good and profit of the Subjects of his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden, and made use of only for the caution and benefit of the African Company of Sweden; and therefore ought in no wise to be frustrated and avoided, but according to Justice and Equity to stand in full force and virtue. Which if really so, as it cannot be otherwise, and that Carloffe cannot make himself out to be any other, than one that under Commission from the Danes hath done damage to the Swedes in afric; nor hath not brought the greatest part of his Prize to Gluckstad before June, to wit, some months after the time limited; it necessarily follows, that the Danes, by virtue of the Pacification at Roskild, are bound to make real satisfaction to the Swedish Company. For it is very certain that Carloffe had set on foot and acted this villainy at the charge and hazard of himself and his complices; nor could the Danes prove with all their endeavours, that he either received any money from the King of Denmark to arm and set out his ship, or that any of his Soldiers were bound in this action by Oath to the King of Denmark; or lastly, that they had the least pay promised them. Whence it was, that the Danish Commissioners, though the Swedish Ambassadors oftentimes desired it, would not produce a copy of the Commission and Instructions, that were given to Carloffe, because they were afraid that the tenor of that would make it appear, that Carloffe was only a private man, making Prize under public Commission, and no real Officer of War of the King of Denmark. But though the Swedish Ambassadors were not so happy as to see that commission, yet they could plainly collect, that Carloffe, in that he conveyed himself privately and by stealth from Gluckstad, and implored the aid and protection of other Commonwealths and States, did principally look at the benefit and profit of himself and his complices, and not of the Kingdom of Denmark; and that the cause of his fear was, lest the Danes should desert him in this business, and force him to perform the Agreements at Roskild in that point. Unless you will rather say, that Carloffe fled by the command and advice of the Danes, because they supposed, that by this means they might the easilier free themselves from making satisfaction. Besides, the Swedish Ambassadors put the Danish Commissioners in mind, that it was no new and unusual thing, for those that made Prize under a public Commission, to seize upon fortified places, and do damage as well by Land as by Sea. That that was manifest enough from the actions of the Companies of the East and West Indies in Holland, who besides their Traffic waged such a kind of War under a Public Commission, when as the Members of those Companies, though some of them be of a Public capacity are to be considered only as private men in this business. Besides that experience doth testify, that he that by virtue of a Commission granted him, doth arm and furnish out ships at his own charge against the Enemy, gets power likewise to injure his Enemy not only at Sea, but at Land too, if he can. And that the English did that frequently in the former War with Spain. Nor can that word Prize, which is used in the foresaid eleventh Article, be restrained only to ships, or to that, which is taken at Sea, seeing rather by the general signification of it, it comprehends all kind of booty whether by Sea or Land; and that in the French Tongue, whence it hath its original, it denotes booty, spoil, and every thing that is taken away from any enemy, nor can it be otherwise construed or expounded. That it is likewise nothing to the purpose, that the ship called Stockholm-Castle, which lay at anchor not far from the Castle Capo-Cors, was as the Danes declare, brought to a Danish Port from those places after the Castle was won, before the Pacification; when as the word was brought, hath a particular signification here, and is to be understood according to the condition of the matter it speaks of; to wit, in the same sense, it useth to be taken and construed in such kind of private expeditions and ventures, made by virtue of Commissions granted them, as we said before. For who, pray, in afric should declare and adjudge, whether that ship and other movable goods were taken justly, and according to the Rules of their Commission, when there was none there empowered to it? Nor could Carloffe and his Complices do it, because no man hath liberty to be judge in his own cause. Wherefore it follows upon necessity, that the Danes were not exempted from restitution, because the Prize was brought before the Pacification at Tostrup to an African Port; but it was further requisite to make the possession legal and safe, to bring those goods, that were taken away, into a Danish Port. Besides that that ship could not properly be said to have been brought into a Danish Port in afric, because it lay there before; nor could the other merchandise or moveables, which were found in the Castle Capo-Cors, and seized together with it, be accounted to be brought thither by Carloffe, in as much as they were there before, and were only by him carried away from thence. But that the Danish Commissioners were quite besides the cushion, in comparing the ship Delmenhorst that was seized upon not far from Corsoer, with this business of Guine, seeing that foresaid Man of War taken in the time of the War by the Soldiers of his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden, hath nothing at all of the case of a Pirate Ship, that private men which having right to fight by virtue of Commissions they have got granted, use to set forth for their own profit, but that business is rather to be guided by the rule of the often mentioned Eleventh Article, by virtue of which the ship Delmenhorst might justly be kept by the Swedes, though it was not brought into another Swedish Port before the conclusion of the Peace; but the Prize that was made in Guine by one that had a Commission, and not brought into a Danish Port before the Pacifiation, aught by all Law to be restored. That it was to no purpose too, to allege the Fourteenth Article of the Agreements at Roskild in this business, which did not at all belong to it, and spoke only of the Forts and Fortresses, that were either seized by the Armies here in Europe, or were to be surrendered by the Pacification at Roskild in satisfaction to the Kingdom of Sweden, because they were to be delivered naked, without Guns or any Ammunition or Provision, as may be seen from the context of the Fourteenth Article, and especially in that, which was ordered about the end of that Article: to wit, That the Boars of those Jurisdictions, in which those Forts are situated, are bound to carry all their Warlike Ammunition and Provision to the shore, that they might the more conveniently be shipped and carried away, a thing nothing at all applicable to this case of Guine: But that the natural place, to which this business related, was in the foresaid Eleventh Article, where first it was generally ordered, that all Provinces and Places seized upon in the time of the War, and taken from the Kingdom of Sweden, wheresoever they were situated, should be restored; and afterwards there was special provision made about goods movable, to this purpose, that all those Prizes (amongst which those also are legally comprehended, which were taken from the Swedish Subjects in the Castle Capo-Cors and the Coasts of Guine) which might have been taken by Commissions gained, but not brought into Port by the time limited, should be restored again, as we showed you before, to their lawful Proprietors. At last when the Danish Commissioners had nothing of weight or moment that they could reply against those reasons that were alleged, and the Swedish Ambassadors did pressingly urge as well themselves, as by Monsieur Terlon the French Ambassador, their absolute and positive answer, they made recourse to their usual shifts; and that they might delay time, and avoid and elude the execution of the Peace, The Danes seek to refer the business to Arbitrators. said, that it was but equitable, that that controversy, according to the custom brought in and approved on in the Agreements at Stetin, should be composed by some Arbitrators chosen to that purpose, in regard they verily believed, that both parties were furnished with good reasons to render the thing plain to them. But the Swedish Ambassadors, as they had formerly about the Island Ween, so in this business also upon good grounds refused it, proving by very strong arguments, that this controversy did depend upon the execution of the Peace lately made, But the Swedes refuse this. and was not such as arose anew between those Northern Kingdoms after the Peace was allotted for execution, or was in the pacification itself devolved and cast upon the judgement of Arbitrators, and therefore was not of that nature and condition, as that it ought, according to the tenor of the Agreements at Stetin, be decided by Arbitratours. Nay, his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden himself, who in the mean time went from Gothenburgh to Flensburgh, and wished nothing more, then that the Executive Treaties at Coppenhagen might speedily come to an happy issue, and earnestly desired, without the trial of further controversies with the Kingdom of Denmark, The King of Sweden writes to the King of Denmark about the busisiness. Let. X X. to march with his Army out of Jutland and Holstein, to pursue with the greater force and efficacy the purpose he had intended in other places, to show how hearty he respected that business of Guine, sent Letters concerning it to the most Serene the King of Denmark, Letter XX. enjoining likewise his Ambassadors at Coppenhagen, that in the private audience they were to have of the King of Denmark for this business, they would set before them the injustice of the Danes in this Affair and others concerning the executive Treaties, and that without any kind of sticking at it, they should tell them openly and plainly, And demands real caution for restitution before his Army should departed from Denmark. that before he had received real caution or security for the undoubted payment of the moneys, and restitution of those places they had seized, that he neither could nor would march his Army out of the Kingdom of Denmark, because he could not put the least confidence in the bare words and promises of the Danes. All which things, though the Swedish Ambassadors faithfully related and spoke openly, both to the most Serene the King of Denmark at the private Audience, and to his chief Ministers at other meetings, But the Danes are not induced to do their duty. yet they could never move them to the performing of their duty in the observation of the Agreements at Roskild. Indeed it cannot be denied, that the Danes made a show in words, that they were willing to restore, all that should be found at Gluckstad of the Goods taken away in Guine, and to give satisfaction afterward for the rest, that Carloffe had privily conveyed away with him, so that they would give them so much time, Only they promise in words something to be restored in time, as whilst they might draw in Carloffe again to them, or bring him under their power; and when that was done, that without doubt, as they said, the places taken in afric should be restored, assoon as ever a Ship could perform so long a voyage. But in the interim, before this restitution and payment was truly performed, But would not hear of any real caution. they would not hear a word of giving real caution or security, pretending that they were in no wise bound by the Agreements at Roskild to give any caution. And because any one that sides with neither party can easily perceive, how foolish and weak this reason is, we thought it scarcely worth while to trouble you farther with what the Danes were answered to it. Only we cannot pass by the strange kind of acting that is usual with the Danes in this affair, that, when the Swedish Ambassadors did often desire, and urge their absolute and positive answer concerning the real caution they demanded, they would excuse themselves, that they could not pawn to the Swedes any Lands or Goods, but yet that they would promise them, that they would bring them some Hamburgh Merchants, Yet promise that Merchants should take the debt upon them as their own. that should engage themselves, to make good the satisfaction they desired to the African Company, at the time prefixed, as if it were their own proper Debt. Which, when the Swedish Ambassadors upon new Instructions from his Majesty, assented to, and were content with that security they had proposed; then the Danes turned cake in the pan, and recanted their words, Which when the Swedes accepted as a caution, the Danes afterward recanted. they had formerly spoke, about giving in that security in the presence of the French and Swedish Ambassadors, pretending, that in the condition the Kingdom of Denmark was at that present in, and the lowness of their fortunes, they could not persuade any Foreign Merchants to undertake upon themselves the payment of so great a sum. The cause of this alteration doubtless was, that, in regard they had heard, that his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden was ready to march away with his Army, and that the Ambassadors of the Elector of Brandenburg were gone from Flensburgh without effecting any thing, they would not believe, that he would for the business of Guine, which only concerns some private persons, put off that expedition, which he had resolved on, much less wholly give it over. Afterward when the Danes were showed the unworthiness of this action, and every one did verily believe, that the business would be done without any further delays and pretences, unless they would have no mercy neither on themselves, nor of their Countrymen in Jutland and Holstein, To decline an answer to the Swedish Ambassadors, the Dane sends his Ambassador to the Swedish King. who by reason of the stay of the Swedish Army, occasioned by the unseasonable and unnecessary shift of the Danes, were under a very great oppression: his most Serene Majesty of Denmark instead of an answer, which he should have given the Swedish Ambassadors to their Proposals, sent away Owen Juul in an Embassy about the end of June to his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden, who amongst other instructions carried Letters, Let. Y Y. Y Y. in which indeed he answered the Letters of his Majesty of Sweden, but in such a manner, that it was apparent enough, that the Danes never intended to give full and just satisfaction to the African Company. The Swedish Ambassadors perceiving it endeavoured but in vain to hinder that Embassy, and showed them both by Monsieur Terlon the French Ambassador, who was then at Coppenhagen, and they themselves declared more at large to the chief Ministers of the Kingdom of Denmark, how unusual and unfitting a thing it would be, for the King of Denmark to dispatch an Embassy to his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden, for the transacting of that controversy, concerning which the Swedish Ambassadors Resident at Coppenhagen, were empowered with very large Commissions, and had very lately as it were anew been by Letters Credential to the King of Denmark, appointed to finish that business; that they had done their duty, and not only justly declared what they were commanded, and urged their answer, but expected it too almost every moment. That they themselves, Which the Swedish Ambassadors endeavoured to dissuade, but in vain. and all others of judgement that were skilled in these affairs, could not but believe, that this Embassy was set on foot, only to spend time, and in hope that his Majesty of Sweden would hereafter be forced in the mean while to march his Army out of the Danish Provinces; which if it should so happen, the Danes would show little or nothing at all of endeavour and good will, in making reparations to the African Company; but that they dare boldly affirm, that their hope would extremely fail them, in as much as they certainly knew, that his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden, in regard he had seen them so full of shifts and changes, would not stir with his Army out of Jutland, before that whole affair were fully completed. Besides that they were afraid, that his Sacred Royal Majesty would interpret that Message to be but a mere elusion and shifting off the Agreements, which might be the cause of great heart-burnings betwixt these Northern Kingdoms, to the great damage and prejudice of the Danes. Yea, his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden himself did begin so far to suspect the Danes preposterous manner of acting, that upon that ground, And the King of Sweden represents to the Danish Ambassadors the injustice of the Danish proceeding, And urges his own Ambassadors at Coppenhagen to dispatch the business there. Letter ZZ. he was pleased not only to set out at large the extreme injustice of the Danes to Owen Juul, at his coming to him, but sent charge amongst other things to his Ambassadors residing at Coppenhagen, to dispatch the business of Guine, Letter ZZ. In the mean time all the while Juul was employed about that Embassy, in which there were some weeks spent, the Danish Commissioners would not give the Swedish Ambassadors any meeting in Coppenhagen; and at such times as they were called upon to it, which was very often, they answered, that they must first expect the return of Owen Juul. At last that they might not seem to do nothing, and upon the news that was brought, that the Poles and Austrians had laid close siege to the City of Thoren, The Danes hearing of the siege of Thoren, that the King of Hungary was chosen Emperor of Germany, and that part of the Swedish Army had already begun their march into Germany, they wrested and refused almost all those things, which the Commissioners themselves before, Begin to retract all what they formerly had promised. and principally Gersdorff High Steward of the Kingdom had so often promised, about the satisfaction that was to be given to the African Company. For though before the departure of Owen Juul, this question, to wit, whether the Danes were in justice bound to make satisfaction for the damage done at Guine, or no? was carried in the Affirmative, and that they were bound to make it; and only this question, how, to wit, whether satisfaction ought to be made for all things taken away from the Swedish Company in Guine, or also, whether real caution was to be given for the greater certainty of payment, or no? remained, which the Ambassadors and Commissioners of both parties were to discuss; the Danes that lay at lurch and waited how the times would go, and when they might have occasion to order their affairs as best pleased themselves, took heart again, and not only denied all other satisfaction, Except only the restitution of the Castle Capo-Cors. except the restitution of the Castle of Capo-Cors only, but would have the whole business referred to the judgement of Arbitrators. In order to which, the Danish Commissioners did by Monsieur Terlon the French Ambassador deliver their Project to the Swedish Ambassadors, Let. AAA. Let. AAA. And then give a new Project to the Swedes by the Ambassador of France. which having no reason in it that was of any weight, or could put any fair gloss of truth upon the Danes unjust purpose herein, except those they had formerly brought, which had been so often confuted and exploded, his most Serene Majesty upon sudden notice of it, was cast into such an admiration, that he could not tell what he ought to expect in the future from such unconstant and fickle people But after that the Danes understood, partly from the relation of Owen Juul, and partly from the Letters of his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden to the King of Denmark, that his Sacred Royal Majesty would in this case remit nothing of the right of his faithful Subjects, they met with the Swedish Ambassadors again, and exhibited a Project the 17. day of July, Letter BBB. Let. BBB. And again another Próject to the Swedish Ambassadors by themselves. But the Swedish not accepting their Project, offer to them another of their own. Let. CCC. which was written so captiously and ambiguously, that under the shelter and refuge of it, the Danes had a liberty to defer their payment from day to day, and might find divers pretences to raise doubts and controversies whether it were to be paid or no. Whereupon the Swedish Ambassadors the very next day made another Project, in which there was more care taken and better caution for the certain payment of the money, Letter CCC. and sent it to the Danish Commissioners. But the Danes were no better pleased with this, then with the former Swedish Project, in regard that it did for the most part cut off all occasions, which the Danes might in the future at their pleasure lay hold on, to exempt and free themselves from giving the satisfaction they had promised. But as the Danes never resolved with themselves hearty fully to satisfy the African Company in this point, Which the Danes accept of. so that could not be welcome to them that obliged them to the Agreements at Roskild. Nay, that there might be a just cause of wonder at them, And do not so much as perform that which they had promised in their own Project, so far as the Swedes did accept of it. the Danes could not be brought to make restitution of that part of the African Prize that was at Gluckstad, which they themselves promised in their own Project, though they were often required to do it. For though they had time long enough granted them for to make restitution of those things that were taken away, and they had besides other means proposed to them, by which the Danes might better their condition, and the more easily bear with it, yet they could get nothing out of them but the foresaid Project, what labour and industry soever the Swedish Ambassadors used to mind the Danes of their duty. So that thereupon the whole Treaty might be said to have had an end in this business. So that one may justly say, that the whole Treaty had an end in this business; and that it is left to the discussion of abler judgements, how little of those things the Danes have voluntarily and willingly done, to which they were bound by the tye of conscience and solemn agreements, and which they had so often obliged their faith to perform. There were, Yet in more other things the Danes did fail. besides these we have formerly mentioned more things yet, by which one might sufficiently enough perceive the unbounded desire of the Danes to misinterpret the Agreements, as those things that were to be performed mutually in their salutes at the Castles situated on both sides of the Sound, As concerning the salutes of the Castles on both sides of the Sound. as also their giving notice, if happily any Fleet of War passed through the Sound, and the moneys which use to be exacted of those that sail in the foresaid Sea, to keep lights at night in the Watch-Tower; and such other things of the like nature which came into dispute. For when Schonen is granted with all the superiority belonging to that Territory as well by Land as Sea to the Swedes, that is likewise presumed to be granted, that useth to belong and is proper to all the Castles and Forts adjacent to the Sea, as the honour of a salute to be given by the ships that pass by. Nevertheless the Danes contended that that solemn salute was to be performed to the Castle of Croneburgh by the Swedish ships, yet so that the Danish ships were not bound to observe the same honour to the Castle of Helsinburgh. This truly were to deny the Swedes the superiority in Schonen, which the Danes arrogated to themselves in Sealand, as if the Swedes had not the same right in their possession of Schonen, as the Danes have in Sealand. From thence too it was, that the Danes after the Agreements at Roskild took the boldness to exact the giving of warning, if any Swedish Fleet passed the Sound, And the giving of warning when a Swedish Fleet did pass the Sound which the Agreements at Bromsebroe do determine, little considering that there was a necessity of it only then, when the Danes were Masters of both sides of the Straight. But because the Swedish Ambassadors made an Agreement with the Danish Commissioners about these businesses, we think it more convenient to pass them by in silence. But though it appears manifestly enough from those things we have laid down before, that the Danes suffered nothing to be wanting in them that might add any thing to the delaying the execution of the Peace; or, to speak more truly, Yet the Danes boldly accuse the Swedes, as if they had broken the agreements. partly by denying their promises, partly by ambiguous interpretations, that they betrayed themselves to be in their hearts utterly against and averse to the observation of the Agreements; yet they took the boldness to lay the guilt of that crime to the Swedes, delighting much to make them, whom nature had given to be their neighbours, partakers of their crime. For when not long after the conclusion of the Peace, the Letters which the Danish Ministers sent to their King out of Germany, were intercepted and broke open in the Dukedom of Sleswick, By the occasion of some Letters intercepted, which were directed to the Danish Court, and printed. and part of them afterwards printed, without any regard that the most Serene the King of Sweden had by his Letters patents fully granted security and free passage every where to all public Posts going and coming: then the Danes greedily catched at that occasion to make complaints, that the Swedes in this had grossly violated their Covenants. But how irrational and groundless this was, will easily appear by the full Narrative of the Fact: For thus the case stands. There came one out of Germany, a Servant, Whereof a particular account is given. as we found him to be afterwards, of some Danish Minister, who upon his petition had got a Pass at Gottorp from the most Serene the Duke of Holstein, this fellow was suspected by his Highness Philip Prince Palatine, General of the Swedish Horse, who had received intimation that there was one posting into Denmark with Letters from the King of Hungary and elector of Brandenburg, containing in them plots and contrivances destructive to the Kingdom of Sweden, and the more, in regard he would tell no body of what condition he was. Whereupon his foresaid Highness Prince Palatine gave command to an Officer, who was Governor of Flensburgh to stop him in his passage there, and to inquire of him, who he was, whence he came, and what he carried with him. For he had two Portmantles or Cloak-bags. There he betrayed his business by making doubtful answers, and such as did not well hang together, and being asked what he carried in those Portmantles, he said that in one there was Letters, in the other things for him to wear. But because they gave no credit to what the fellow said, they looked into one of them, in which he said there was no Letters, where they found, contrary to what he had said, instead of things to wear very many Letters, which afterwards being broken up at Fuhnen were sent to his Majesty of Sweden being then at Gothenburgh. His most Serene Majesty, without whose privity and command all these things were done, having lighted upon those Letters by chance, especially seeing they were written at that time, Showing how the Austrians, Brandenburgers and Danes did correspond against the Swede. when as yet there were great enmities betwixt these Northern Kingdoms, was pleased to cause some of them to be printed, that the world might see what the Austrians and Brandenburg had in their hearts, and what he could promise himself of such an outside friendship, and pretences of security. Besides this not long before, it was given out both by Letters and Messengers from Denmark, that the most Serene the King of Sweden had by reason the Forts were denied him in Schonen, gathered his Army together again, and proscuted the War; so that from thence his Highness the Prince Palatine, who knew nothing of the composition but by reports, had cause sufficient to detain the man. All which matters of import being well considered with their circumstances, will very easily acquit the King of Sweden from the crime of violating the Peace, who only granted safe passage to public Curriers, but not to any one that came out of suspected and enemy's quarters, especially seeing he never professed himself to be a Currier of the King of Denmark's, or of any of the Danish Ministers, and had indeed got a Pass of the most Serene the Duke of Holstein, but no other, then in the common form that they use to have, who go journeys. But there were not any contrivances of the Danes divulged, That the Swedes did not divulge any Danish contrivances made after the peace concluded. which by the Peace lately made with the Swedes either were of no effect, or aught to be so, but of other enemies of Sweden, without any injury to the Nation of Denmark. Much less did the Swedish Ambassadors urge any things that were new, Nor did the Swedish Ambassadors urge any new thing, or not agreeing with the Treaty at Roskild. or that did not well agree with the Treaties at Roskild, but such things indeed they did, as the Danes by their sinister interpretations gave them an occasion for, and which were thought to add much weight to the better explaining of the Instrument of Peace. Which things upon that account his most Serene Majesty of Sweden laid open in April to Owen Juul, Ambassador of the King of Denmark, at Gothenburgh, willing the same to be done by his Deputies, Let. DDD. Let. DDD. to which purpose he sent like commands to his Ambassadors that resided at Coppenhagen. Unless they will call that new, which was treated on at Coppenhagen, about the making restitution of those ships that were taken away in the time of the War from the Subjects of Sweden, in lieu of those that were seized on in Fuhnen, and other Ports of Denmark. Sure that was for the advantage of the Danes, who for restoring of one received ten. To speak nothing of a mutual covenant, by virtue of which that aught to have been so performed. Nor can that Article of Oblivion be accounted new, Nor could the Article of Oblivion be accounted new. which the Swedish Ambassadors would have inserted into an Additional Recess, in regard the Danes themselves gave the occasion of doing it, by making the Swedes guilty of violating the Peace, unless they had had a mind only to lay aside the old War, and leave behind them the seeds that might raise a new one. Nor, lastly, is it any new thing, Nor that the Swedes to secure themselves did make warlike provisions of Soldidiers. that the Swedes to free themselves from all kind of suspicion of the Danes, did get together Foreign Soldiers, and made other kind of Warlike provision that might have been spared, seeing without that they could not obtain the end of the War, which is the security of the Kingdom of Sweden. The Danes themselves complained almost every moment of the utter desolation of their Provinces, and that they were wholly unable to undergo the charge of the War: sure than it must be some very great reason, that could persuade them to lay a greater burden of oppression upon those Subjects that were already utterly exhausted. And seeing there was no other Kingdom or Commonwealth except Sweden, against which the Danes had such grudge, as might break out into a War, it would be very hard for the Swedes to promise themselves security, whilst the other was in arms. They were far more bitter yet, in upbraiding the Swedes for exceeding the limits of their Agreements, Nor that the Subjects of Denmark were taxed by the Swedes after the pacification otherwise then justly, and according to Agreements. in that after the Pacification at Roskild, they did put the Subjects of the King of Denmark to pay the same Taxes and Contributions, as in the heat of the War. But all that is founded upon a false Hypothesis, and hath its original from a misinterpretation of the 17th. Article of the Agreements at Roskild. For whereas that Article speaks of a necessary maintenance of the Swedish Army in the Dominions of the King of Denmark till the first day of May, the Danes putting a strange kind of sense upon those words, would have all ordinary Contributions, and what ever was commanded and promised before the conclusion of the Peace, either to redeem their Houses from firing, or to bring in Provision, to cease and be made void. Hereupon, presently after the Swedish Ambassadors came to Coppenhagen, as we intimated before, the Danes raised a controversy about this business, complaining that all that was done, was directly contrary to the Agreements at Roskild. And Owen Juul was in the same note too at Gothenburgh, Let. EEE. Let. EEE. in April, the same month that the King of Denmark sent him. But who, pray, is so ignorant in Military affairs, that knows not, that an Army hath not all kind of necessary maintenance, when they are supplied with meat and drink, but that there are more things requisite; as the furnishing them with money for Clothes, and Arms, and shoeing their Horses, and things of that nature. And because no King or Prince can maintain an Army in his own Kingdoms, Dominions, or Territories, with Victuals only, it is not probable that the King of Sweden would ease the Danes of that burden, which in time of War is laid upon his own Subjects. Nor have the Danes deserved so well of the Swedes, as that they should respect them more than the faithful people and subjects of their own Country. It is well enough known, that after the late Peace made in Germany, the Soldiery had for almost two whole months, till the complete execution of the Peace, not only a supply of Provision, but of Money too: which when the Swedish Commissioners alleged as an example in this business of Roskild, and Christian Skiel the Danish Plenipotentiary (for Gersdorff high Steward of the Kingdom was sick at that time) did at first thwart it; ask what difference there was betwixt the times of Peace and War, if there were no ease of their burdens? to which when he received this answer, that there was this difference, That there was a time certain prefixed for these Contributions, and that they were demanded without any hostility; at last he acquiesced and said, If they could get Peace upon no other terms, they must bear it patiently. And that this was really so, the Danes themselves, if they be honest men, cannot deny. The Swedish Ambassadors put the foresaid Skiel in mind of this at Coppenhagen, and did themselves declare to Fleming, Precedent of their Military Affairs, that to be the explication of the 17th. Article. To which the Swedish Deputies answers to the demands of Owen Juul at Gothenburgh do every where agree. But the cause of all the mistake in this business, was, Which is proved by the tenor of the 17. Article. because the Swedish Commissioners giving credit to what the Danes said, suffered this Article to be made up as well out of the Danish as the Swedish Project. Whence it came to pass, that those things which were before clearly and distinctly propounded, did now determine the business in some obscurity. For there are principally three heads of that Article, of which the first prescribes to the Soldiery, how they ought to behave themselves at their departure out of the Danish Provinces; the second, what they were to expect in Fuhnen, Jutland, Holstein, and other countries' subject to the Kingdom of Denmark, till the first day of May; and lastly, how they must proceed in Sealand, to wit, where they should quarter, till the Sea were navigable. And as in their departure they were to commit no violence on the Subjects, so in Fuhnen, Laland, Jutland, Holstein, and other Territories of the Kingdom of Denmark, what ever was demanded, before the conclusion of the Peace, either of ordinary Contributions or to redeem their Houses from firing, or lastly to get their Provision together, ought, besides the maintenance of the Army, to be performed without any delay until the time of quitting them. But the case of Sealand was otherwise, which did grant the Soldiers nothing besides necessary maintenance, as it should be defined by Commissioners of either party. And this is the genuine meaning of this Article. Truly it can scarcely be denied that it was by the negligence of some Commissaries of War in some places, that, in regard they thought they had much time left, they did not in due time demand of the Inhabitants of Fuhnen and Laland the contribution and moneys raised to prevent the firing of their Houses, and other such things as belong to their Provisions, according to the command they received from the most Serene the King of Denmark, before he went away into Sealand: But that negligence of theirs could not in such a case at all hinder the Swedes right when they sought it. Nevertheless his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden to make proof of his affection to the King of Denmark, Yet the Swede did remit some thing of his Right, to ease the Danes. at the instance of Owen Juul, remitted part of his right, and by public Proclamation made at Gothenburgh, did most strictly command the abolition of all monthly Contributions for the future, the day of payment of which was not yet past. As for the other insolences committed by the Soldiery which the Danes complained of; as no one can do any more than prohibit them, so it is sufficient, if those that command them, inflict due punishment upon the Offenders. The third violation of the Agreements, The third accusation against the Swedes, that they went not out of Denmark about the beginning of May; answered that they accuse the Swedes of, was, that the Swedish Army did not according to to their Covenant, go out of the Danish Dominions about the beginning of May. But this is a strange kind of impudence, to say nothing worse, to demand of his Majesty of Sweden that he should quit the Provinces in the Dominion of the Kingdom of Denmark, before they had performed those things, which are required to the execution of the Transaction at Roskild. For the acquitting of the Provinces is the last thing in point of time that ought to be executed, within which there should be nothing left undone that was to be done by either of the parties covenanting, but only that which requires a permanent and continual Act. And, unless a plenary, and as to all things an absolute execution of the Peace was performed before, there was no necessity for the quitting of the Forts and Provinces afterwards. Nay, if his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden would have stood strictly upon his right, he was not bound to draw his Army out of Sealand, in as much as the delivery of the thousand Horse, according to the condition upon which he promised to quit it, was not yet performed. That one may justly say, that by this only action, the Swedes deserved very well of the Danes. Nor were they backward in showing their readiness in other things, as appears in their quitting of Laland, the city Nasko, Falstre, Monen, and Langland, which were surrendered in their due time, and as soon as possibly they could; that any man might easily gather, that the Danes immediately after the Peace was made, did use all their endeavour to scrape up matter to make a new War on the Swedes. Neither are we here led by vain suspicions, Evidences that the Danes did not intent to continue in peace with the Swedes are set forth. or rumours of the unstable multitude; but by evident grounds and discoveries, such as to all impartial judges will make undeniable proof, that the Danes purposed nothing less than Peace. For what could be in their end in charging his Majesty of Sweden with violating the Peace, in that he gave way that the moneys formerly levied should be got in, for the necessary support of the soldiery, but only that by a notorious misconstruction of the Covenants, they might rake together some matter of a new War. Or how could all that zeal and fervency to the ratifying of a perpetual confederacy with the Swedes, so suddenly have vanished, had it not been counterfeit and made to this very purpose, that by pretence of a League, they might discharge themselves of the third Article of the Treaty at Roskild, and that they might continue their League made with the States of Holland to the prejudice of the Swedes? Why should they have so abhorred to join their Fleet of War with that of the Swedes, but that they might thereby get a fair way wholly to defeat the Agreements at Roskild, when they should be therefore accused of violating the Peace? Which Counsel was contrived by Beuningen, as he himself plainly took on him. What made them appear so wayward and averse in the business of Holstein, complaining that heavier and heavier burdens were imposed on them, than had been promised, but that they might after a while take occasion to evacuate all the Agreements? Why should they refuse to proceed to the promised division of the Ecclesiastical Goods of the Chapter of Sleswick, before the departure of the Swedish Army, although the Duke of Holstein himself urged it, had they had any purpose to stand to their conditions? Why should the King of Denmark's Counselors in Holstein, who saw evidently enough (though they pretend to have been dubious) that a Peace was on foot betwixt the Swedes and Danes, suggest to their King such pestilent Counsel, together with such odious reproaches against the Swedes, but that they were assured they would be very grateful and acceptable? Let. GGG. Letter GGG. Why should they, being, as they themselves confessed, in so necessitous a condition, go on to make new levies of soldiers? Or why did Rosewing by Gersdorffe's warrant take care to secure Coppenhagen with a Garrison of Dutch Soldiers, but that they were devising of a new War? Letter HHH. Why did they refuse to bring in the Horse they had promised, Let. HHH. pretending falsely they were not able, that they might be provided with sufficient force to deal with the Swedes? Why did Owen Juul affirm himself to the King of Swedes at Gothenburgh, that the business of Holstein was agreed, and Gyldenlow the Lieutenant General at Flensburgh, that the African or Guine Controversy was compounded, but that they might make him secure, and incite him to departed ere his business was dispatched? Why did the Danish Commissioners appointed for the Executive Treaties at Coppenhagen never produce their Plenipotentiary Commissions? Why would they not bring a Register, if they intended really, and were willing their purpose should be understood? Why did they themselves retard the Treaties, if they were desirous to bring them to issue? Why was not that committed to writing, which was supposed to be agreed on on all hands, but that they never intended it should be binding to them? Why should they refuse on the morrow, what they had this day allowed, but that they would suspend the execution of the Peace, as the circumstances and change of time did either promise prosperity, or threaten adversity to the Swedes? What could be the reason they did not freely perform any one thing tending to the execution of the Peace, but that in time following they might have this to say, that all things were unjustly forced and extorted from them by compulsion and threats? It was not a talk of the vulgar, but a Maxim of the Peers of Denmark, that the Peace in hand betwixt the two Kingdoms could not be durable, that they were not bound by a contract occasioned by force and fear; that those Provinces were not aliened but lent, and must shortly be rendered back with interest; that other States and Republics would not adventure to let the Swedes establish Monarchy in the North; that they would not want most powerful foes, whose united strength they would be unable to resist; that sometimes there was scarce a moment passed twixt great height and a down-fall; that the doubtful chance of War would afford opportunity of revenge when least looked for, with other discourses of this kind, wherewith the Danes flattered themselves, and cherished those hopes of regaining their lost Provinces with many more into the bargain. And Magnus Hodge himself Senator of the Kingdom of Denmark, may easily call to mind that he cast abroad the greatest part of these speeches. But this eager desire of setting on the Swedes being so deeply rooted in the Danes, could not contain itself in words, breaking out so far, that before the Peace was yet come to ripeness, they endeavoured by most villainous plots and attempts to bring speedy ruin on the King and Kingdom of Sweden. For whereas by the second Article of the Agreement at Roskild, the Danes were obliged, not only, that all Leagues and Covenants formerly made with any to the prejudice of the Swedes should cease, if any such had been made, but also they should not by any means enter into any such for the future; they were so far from renouncing such Leagues, that the Leagues, which were at the conclusion of the Peace but shapeless issues and imperfect embryos, they have hitherto been licking into due form and perfection. Whereof the faithful communication of matters between the Hungarian and Polish Agents with the Danish Ministers at Coppenhagen, may serve for abundant proof, if there were no other. For what commerce could the King of Hungary, who was afterwards Emperor of Germany, have with the King of Denmark or against whom could they find occasion to contract Leagues, but against the Swedes, whose ruin they unanimously conspired, though in other respects they were very much divided. It was not for nothing the King of Hungary would have his Agent abide at Coppenhagen, but the hopes, which the Danes had given of a League to be ratified and most solemnly kept, was that which detained him there. The business of Morstein is like this, who was sent by the King of Poland, and stays there to this day, being fed with the same hopes. Hereof Beuningen gives testimony in his Letters, Let. Let. III. III. where he affirms that Morstein said, that he stayed at Coppenhagen, waiting upon the issue of the Diet of Warsau, and if a Peace were there concluded with the Muscovite, that he should make some farther stay in Denmark, but if otherwise, he should departed. Which, without question, he spoke to this end, that he might evidence by his words and asseveration, how constant the King would be found to the League with the Dane against the Swedes, if not hindered by War with the Muscovite. But the Transaction with the Elector of Brandenburg was carried more secretly, as if the Danes themselves had been ashamed to own their own malice; and it is certain that Berlin, the Minister sent by the King of Denmark, like one that durst not show his head, met the Elector by night, and declared to him the things he had in charge. Of which the scope was, that the King solicited the elector to take up Arms against the Swedes, that they might be forced to quit Fuhnen, Jutland, and other Provinces of Denmark, and so leave room for the Danes to begin a new War. As to the united Provinces, Gersdorffe high Steward of the Kingdom made a solemn promise immediately after the League was concluded, to their Ambassador then Resident at the Danish Court, that whatsoever they in their straits and extremities had promised, his King would never endure that any thing should be performed, that was prejudicial to the League between the Kingdom of Denmark, and the said United Provinces, but rather he would preserve inviolate all things that had been agreed on betwixt them. This Beuningen recounted in his Letters to the States, and in many other Letters of his, he hath with great pains published that inclination of the Danes to adhere to their League with them, and likewise how nothing at all was kept secret from him, that passed between the Swedish and Danish Commissioners in reference to the establishing of a League, and that the King himself did not dislike that they should be secretly imparted to him. But what could the States allege to be concluded to their prejudice (as they perversely and without reason expound it) more than that main Article of the Treaty at Roskild, to wit, of prohibiting any Fleets of War to enter the Baltic Sea without the consent of both the Kings. And this is the very Article, to the performance whereof, the Danes would not be obliged, though they had promised it. Should we further relate with what bent and eagerness they they have been contriving to slander the Swedes to other Nations, and especially to the most Serene His Highness the Lord Protector of great Britain, and to convict them of breach of peace in requiring the Island of Ween, it would be an endless work. Thus indeed do the Danes heap blessings on the Swedes, promoting their good, and by all means diverting from them what might tend to their disadvantage! And lest Sweden should want enemies, so great is their affection to their reconciled friends, the King of Denmark hath recommended several Officers, by himself dismissed, to the Germane Emperor and the Elector, who were then in open War against the Swedes. Now who can be so utterly void of judgement, as to cast any blame on his most Serene Majesty of Sweden, in that he had regard to his own security, when the Peace agreed proved so unstable; nor would departed with his Army, ere he had, what in him lay, clean weeded out these ancient seeds of discord in these Northern Kingdoms. Which had been in great part effected, if the Executive Treaties had been concluded with a General Act of Oblivion of what ever was past. But the Danish Commissioners could never be brought to put any such thing in writing, it being easily discernible what they aimed at by their banking and delays Since therefore the Danes have in effect violated every Article of the Treaty at Roskild, The conclusion recapitulatory of the cause of continuing the War as is clearly to be collected from what hath been alleged; namely the first, in plotting sudden destruction to the Kingdom of Sweden by most pernicious counsels, expressing all good meaning to, and as much as in them lay, assisting the implacable enemies of Sweden, studying to enrage both their friends and foes against them: the second likewise, in that they were so far from quitting their Leagues, formerly made to the Swedes prejudice, that they have made new ones to the like tendency: The third, In that they would not exclude a Foreign Fleet of War from the Baltic Sea: The fourth, In exacting Customs and other Charges from the Swedish Ships in the Sound: The fifth, by complaining that the Isle of Ween belonging to Schonen was wrongfully wrested from them, contrary to right and justice; nor to this day have they fully delivered it up as they ought to do: The sixth, In detaining certain Goods belonging to the Jurisdiction and Chapter of Trundheim. The eighth, In drawing very many of the Nobility in the Provinces yielded to the Swedes from observing their Oath. The eleventh, in not restoring three Swedish ships with their Cargoes, as also other things taken from the Swede before the War was proclaimed, and in refusing to satisfy the great depredations made by Carloffe in Guine, and likewise the Goods taken from Count Konigsmark and others, by violence, although the very persons that did it were well enough known. The fourteenth, In prohibiting the carrying away the warlike provision that was laid in store in Anholm, a Jurisdiction in Laland. The sixteenth, In not completing that promised supply of 2000 Horse, nor quitting Bremer Vorden at the time limited. The seventeenth, By endeavouring by sundry disputes and contestations to bereave the Soldiery of their due maintenance, and so to make the Swedes guilty of breach of faith. The nineteenth, In not releasing the persons by the time prefixed. And lastly, in as much as they have in no ways performed the private Article. His most Serene Majesty was forced to betake himself again to his Arms, and since the Peace he had till then made, could scarce be termed a Peace, the conditions and grounds thereof being very little observed, to continue the War he had begun, till the Senators of Denmark should return to fairer carriage and proceed. For which reason also it was needless solemnly to denounce War, since the Danes knew right well what Peace-breakers were to expect; and that War must of necessity return, where the Peace solemnly made, through the Danes perverseness could take no effect. Notwithstanding the Swedish Ambassadors were cautious enough that the matter should not break out contrary to their just hope and expectation, not only affirming openly to the Danish Ministers, and especially to Gersdorffe high Steward of the Kingdom, that their Royal Majesty would never pass by their delays & elusions of Articles, but also signified by Letters written to the French Ambassador to that effect, Let. KKK. Let. KKK. that it was now altogether necessary to require from the Danes an absolute and positive answer whether they meant to perform their Covenants, and to determine the Executive Treaties or no. Yea, to make it the more evident, that they meant it in earnest, they showed the King's Letters to the French Ambassador, wherein it was said expressly, that his Majesty was resolved not to departed out of Denmark with his Army, till the business were fully concluded; and that if Prussia were lost in the mean while, he would require reparation of the Danes. All which things were faithfully related by him, as the Letters of Beuningen do sufficiently testify. Surely it may hence be collected, how unwillingly his Majesty of Sweden descended to those extreme remedies, that he never omitted any thing which might in any sort conduce to demonstrate his readiness and affection to a serious maintaining of an entire Peace between these two Northern Kingdoms. Evidences of the King of sweden bounty to oblige the Danes to him to confirm the Peace. For to say nothing of other expressions of his good affection, this must certainly proceed from a mind sincerely studious of Peace, that he freely granted to the Queen of Denmark the Jurisdiction of Hirsholme, which by virtue of the conditions should have been restored to Count Vlfeld, undertaking to satisfy Vlfeld the like in value: that he bestowed on Vlrick Frederick, the King's Bastard-son, the command of two Regiments, and a considerable Pension for his life; and that he suffered the Queen to enjoy the Rents of Ween during her life, they having been hers before. Indeed his Majesty of Denmark had not only laid aside all rancour of spirit, but also all desire of ruling over his neighbours, which creep on men of generous minds sometimes against their wills, being contented with what he was persuaded might be sufficient for his security. And that he might for ever bar all pretence to Denmark, he thought fit to assume the Title of Schonen, aiming at nothing more, then that the Executive Treaties might speedily be brought to a good issue. Hence, as soon as he saw some hopes of it, he straight enjoined his Ambassadors then residing at Coppenhagen, Irem, his Majesty's performances of conditions on his part. to effect the Treaties, and Count Wrangel high Admiral that commanded in Fuhnen and Jutland, for the gaining of time to march his Army forthwith without the least delay out of Denmark, as soon as he should be certified by the Ambassadors from Coppenhagen, that the Treaty was concluded. His Majesty with his Queen departed from Gothenburgh, intending for Holstein, with certain confidence, that he should find his Army on their March. And indeed his Majesty wondered much at the preposterous counsels of the Danes, that they delayed to put a final period to the Treaties, little regarding that their Subjects sustained great damage, whilst the Army abode in their Countries. Notwithstanding, suspecting nothing, he commanded part of his Forces away, at Flensburgh he gave the same Orders both to his Ambassadors at Coppenhagen, and also to Count Wrangel, and the rather for that it was told him by Gyldenlow that the Commissioners were not only in a manner agreed concerning the satisfaction of the African Company, Whereas the Danes did nothing but dilatorily. but also that the Horse remaining were to be delivered presently up with the Castle of Bremer Vorden. But if it had been his Majesty's pleasure to have assaulted the Danes afresh, he would, as consulting with the present state of Affairs, have remitted something of his Right in the cause of the Brandeburgh, and would not have had so urged the Danes to furnish out their Fleet, unless a man should believe that the King of Sweden purposed to provide weapons for his enemies. But when he saw most certainly, that the Danes in their procrastinations had quite another drift than the tranquillity of the North, and that to spend time, and to delay under some colourable pretence the conference with his Ambassadors, and that Owen Juul was sent in Embassy about no other business, than what the Ambassadors at Coppenhagen were fully instructed in; being taught by infallible arguments that his moderation and gentleness had been of little or no avail with the Danes, and that his courtesies had only encouraged them to the more foul ingratitude and desperate madness. For the Danes had persuaded themselves, that he could not, though he should never so much desire it, make any stay in Denmark, especially since they understood, whiles these matters had depended, that the King of Hungary and Bohemia, a deadly enemy of the Swedes, was elected Emperor of Germany, that the Brandeburgh Ambassadors were gone in dislike from Flensburgh without taking leave of the King, and that the City of Thorun was straight besieged. His most Serene Majesty of Sweden therefore was not stirred up against the Danes by any blind desire of embroiling himself in War, Evidences of the Swedish intention, that it was not to assault the Danes, if he had not been by them necessitated to it. since being assailed on all hands by so many powerful enemies, he could not possibly want occasion to exercise his Military prowess. Nay, he was rather constrained by inevitable necessity to work himself out of those tempests, the Danish plots had raised against him. Truly, he had not forgotten what great mischief the Muscovite had done in Leifland, and how little credit was to be given to them, though they talked so much of Peace. The hazardous estate of the Protestants in Poland too, with the cries of his own Subjects in Prussia, imploring his aid almost every moment, did deeply affect his otherwise most calm and gentle spirit. The horrible injuries done him by the Austrians, did irritate his generous resolution, which injuries as he never provoked or drew on himself, so undoubtedly he had then resolved to take vengeance of them, he pondered in his mind the Brandeburghs treacherous plots and breaches of League, which would easily have moved any to just indignation, especially since it was of so high concern to the Protestant Cause in general, suddenly to withdraw him from the pernicious Society of the House of Austria. But the consideration of these and other things was overpowred by the truly royal affection he bore to his Kingdom and people, which would by no means permit, that by chastising the injuries of others, he should again expose his Country to the robberies and outrages of the Danes, chief since by those unlucky delays many fair opportunities were already elapsed, that his enemies by degrees had gotten strength, and those who formerly were hardly able to make any defence, were now so bold as to invade and make a new War upon him; and lastly that those, who had purposed to be at Peace, were now grown furious, and threatened his utter destruction. To which may be added, that however his Majesty might be able to sustain the Wars brought on him by others, yet he foresaw great difficulty in avoiding the Armies of the Danes, and the performance of what they had contrived at Gluckstad, especially being environed by so great a multitude of enemies. Therefore he held it most necessary, since he could not hinder, yet to avoid and frustrate these Danish designs against Sweden, and forasmuch as there was no safety but in Arms, he deemed it not unfit to exchange a War for a faithless Peace, having resolved, if God should prosper his undertake, (of which the justice of his cause forbids him to doubt) never to desist till he should see a faithful, sincere, and durable Peace restored and settled betwixt these Northern Kingdoms. And though his Sacred Royal Majesty of Sweden had entertained quite another opinion of the King of Denmark, he could not possibly be induced, to think that a Prince formerly commended for his affection to Peace, and who had sought to express the same in several debates and overtures, should now assume a contrary temper; yet could he not, though it was his earnest desire, refrain from War, which was the only imaginable remedy to preserve himself against the treacheries of the Danes. Nor is the King himself to be excused, for he must justly be presumed to have liked and approved what his Ministers did, since through his unseasonable facility, he restrained it not, as by his authority he might and ought. But as for the effusion of Christian blood, without which this business cannot be effected, And therefore is guiltless of the effusion of Christian Blood. as his Majesty of Sweden doth most hearty detest and lament the same; so he makes no doubt, but that the eternal Justice, which is only incorrupt, will in its own time avenge the same on the contrivers of the Danish devices. Lastly, touching the desolation of the Provinces, And of the desolation of Provinces. and the great calamity brought on the Subjects, let the Danes impute those things to themselves, who having first provoked us to Arms, sued for Peace, when they saw no remedy but they must be beaten; to no other end, then that in the mean time they might desire aid from others, and disable the Swedes forces by dividing and drawing them into divers parts at once. The success of which Counsels, their posterity, those that shall be left of them, may deplore, when it is too late, not without horrid execrations on their Ancestors; in that they preferred a doubtful War, and such as would draw nothing after it but ruin, before a sincere and a secure Peace. FINIS. Note, The Public Acts and Records before mentioned, and often cited in the Margin, according to the Letters of the Alphabet, being not ready for the Press, shall follow with the first opportunity.