THE COPY OF A LETTER, WRITTEN BY A MASTER OF ART OF CAMBRIGE, TO HIS FRIEND IN LONDON, CONcerning some talk passed of late between two worshipful and grave men, about the present state, and some procedings of the Earl of Leycester and his friends in England.  
conceived, SPOKEN and published, with most earnest protestation of all duetyful good will and affection, towards her most excellent Ma. and the Realm, for whose good only it is made common to many.  job. Cap. 20. Vers. 27. Revelabunt coeli iniquitatem eius, & terra consurget adversus eum. 
The heavens shall reveal the wicked man's iniquity, and the earth shall stand up to bear witness against him.  
ANNO M. D. LXXXIIII.   

THE EPISTLE DIRECTORY. TO M. G. M. IN GRACIOUS Street in London.  
Dear & loving friend, I received about ten days gone, your letter of the 9 of this present: wherein you demand & solicit again the thing, that I so flatly denied you, at my late being in your chamber: I mean, to put in writing the relation which then I made unto you, of the speech had this last Christmas in my presence, between my right worshippful good friend & Patron, & his gest the old lawyer, of some matters in our state & country. And for that you press me very seriously at this instant, both by request & many reasons, to yield to your desire herein, & not only this, but also to give my consent for the publisshing of the same, by such secret means as you assure me you can there find out: I have thought good to confer the whole matter with the parties themselves, whom principally it concerneth (who at the receipt of your letter were not far of from me:) And albeit at the first, I found them averse and nothing inclined to grant your demand: yet after upon consideration of your reasons, & assurance of secrecy: (especially for that ther is nothing in the same contained repugnant to charity or to our bound duty toward our most gracious Princess or country, but rather for the special good of them both, & for the forwarning of some dangers imminent to the same) they have referred over the matter to me, yet with this PROVISO that they will know nothing, nor yet yield consent to the publishing hereof, for fear of some future flourish of the Ragged Staff to come hereafter about their ears, if their names should break forth: which (I trust) you will provide shall never happen, both for their security, & for your own. And with this I will end, assuring you that within thes five or six days, you shall receive the whole in writing by an other way & secret means, neither shall the bearer suspect what he carrieth: whereof also I thought good to premonyshe you▪ And this shall suffice for this tyme.   

THE PREFACE OF THE CONFERENCE.  
SCHOLAR.  
NOt long before the last Christmas, I was requested by a letter from a very worshipful and grave gentleman, whose son was then my pupyle in Cambridge, to repair with my said scholar, to a certain house of his near London, and there to pass over the holy days in his company: for that it was determined that in Hyllarye term 
The occasion of this conference and meeting.  following, his said son should be placed in some Inn of Chancery, to follow the study of the common la, and so to leave the university. This request was grateful unto me both in respect of the time, as also of the matter, but especially of the company. For that, as I love much the young gentleman, my pupil, for his towardliness in religion, learning, and virtue: so much more do I reverence his father, for the riper possession of the same ornaments, & for his great wisdom, experience, and grave judgement in affairs of the world that do occur: but namely touching our own country, wherein truly I do not remember to have heard any man in my life, discourse more substantially, indifferently, & with less passion, more love and fidelity than I have heard him: Which was the cause that I took singular delight to be in his company, & refused no occasion to enjoy the same. Which also he perceiving, dealt more openly & confidently with me, then with many other of his friends, as by the relation following may well appear.  
When I came to the foresaid house by London, I found there among other friends, an ancient man that professed the la, and was come from London 
The persons and place of this conference.  to keep his Christmas in that place, with whom at divers former times I had been well acquainted, for that he haunted much the company of the said gentleman my friend, and was much trusted and used by him in matters of his profession, and not a little beloved also for his good conversation, notwithstanding some difference in religion between us. For albeit, this lawyer was inclined to be a Papist, yet was it with such moderation and reservation of his duty towards his Prince and country, and proceedings of the same: as he seemed always to give full satisfaction in this point to us that were of contrary opinion.  
Nether did he let to protest often times with 
A Temperate Papist  great affection, that as he had many friends and kinsfolk of contrary religion to himself: so did he love them never the less for their different conscience, but leaving that to God, was desirous to do them any friendship or service that he could, with all affection, zeal, and fidelity. Neither was he wilful or obstinate in his opinion, and much less reproachful in speech (as many of them be) but was content to hear what soever we should say to the contrary (as often we did:) and to read any book also that we delivered him, for his instruction.  
Which temperate behaviour, induced this gentleman & me, to affect the more his company, & to discourse as freely with him in all occurrentes, as if he had been of our own religion.   

THE ENTRANCE TO THE MATTER.  
ONE day then of the Christmas, we three retiring ourselves after dinner, into a large Gallery, for our recreation, (as often we were accustomed to do, when other went to cards and other pastimes:) this lawyer by chance had in his hand a little book, then newly set forth, containing A defence of the public justice 
Th● book of justice  done of late in England, upon divers priests and other papists for treason: Which book, the lawyer had red to himself a little before, & was now putting it up into his pocket, But the gentleman my friend, who had red over the same once or twice in my company before, would needs take the same into his hand again, & asked the lawyer his judgement upon the book,  
LAWYER.  
The lawyer answered. That it was not evil penned in his opinion, to prove the guiltiness of some persons therein named in particular, as also to persuade in general, that the Papists both abroad & at home, who meddle so earnestly with defence & increase of their religion (for thes are not all, said he) do consequently wish and labour some change in the state: but yet whether so far forth, & in so deep a degree of proper treason, as here in this book both in general and particular is presumed and enforced, that (quoth he) is somewhat hard (I ween) for you or me (in respect of some other difference between us) to judge or discern with indifferency.  
GENTLEMAN.  
Nay truly said the gentleman, for my part I think not so, for that reason is reason in what religion so ever. And for myself, I may protest, that I bear the honest Papist (if there be any) no malice for his deceived conscience, whereof among others, yourself can be a witness: marry his practises against 
The Papists practises against the state.  the state I cannot in any wise disgiest: and much less may the common wealth bear the same (where of we all depend,) being a sin of all other, the most heinous, and least perdonable. And therefore seeing in this you grant the Papist both in general abroad, & at home, and in particular such as are condemned, executed and named in this book to be guilty: how can you insinuate (as you do) that there is more presumed or enforced upon them by this book, than there is just cause so to do.  
LAWYER.  
Good Sir, said the other, I stand not here to examine the doings of my superiors, or to defend the guilty, but wish heartily rather their punishment that have deserved the same. Only this I say, for explication of my former speech: that men of a different religion from the state wherein they live, may 
two s●●tes of dealing against the state  be said to deal against the same state in two sorts: the one, by dealing for the increase of their said different religion, which is always either directly, or indirectly against the state. [Directly] when the said religion containeth any point or article directly 
Directly  impugning the said state, (as perhaps you will say that the Roman Religion doth against the present state of England in the point of Supremacy:) and [Indirectly] for that every different 
Indi●lye.  religion divideth in a sort and draweth from the state, in that there is no man who in his heart would not wish to have the chief Governor and state to be of his religion, if he could: and consequently misl●keth the other in respect of that: and in this kind, not only those whom you call busy Papists in England, but also those whom we call hot Puritans among you, (whose difference from the state especially in matters of government is very well known,) may be called all traitors, in mine opinion: for that every one of thes in deed, do labour indirectly, (if not more) against the state, in how much soever each one endeavoureth to increase his part or faction that desireth a governor of his own religion.  
And in this case also are the protestants in France & Flaunders under Catholic Princes: the Caluinists (as they are called) under the Duke of Saxony, who is a lutheran: the Lutherans under Cassimere, 
The state of all subjects, in a state of different religion.  that favoureth calvinists: the Grecians and other Christians under the Emperor of Constantinople, under the Sophy, under the Great Chame of Tartary, and under other Princes that agree not with them in religion. All which subjects do wish (no doubt) in their hearts, that they had a Prince and state of their own religion, in stead of that which now governeth them: and consequently in this first sense, they may be called altraitors, & every act they do for advancement of their said different religion (dividing between the state and them) tendeth to treason: which their Princes supposing, do sometimes make divers of their acts treasonable or punishable for treason. But yet so long as they break not forth unto the second kind of treason, which containeth some actual attempt 
The second kind of treason.  or treaty against the life of the Prince, or state, by rebellion or otherwise: we do not properly condemn them for traitors, though they do some acts of their religion made treason by the Prince his laws, who is of a different faith.  
And so to apply this to my purpose: I think, Sir, in 
The application of the former example.  good sooth, that in the first kind of treason, aswell the zealous Papist, as also the Puritans in England, may well be called and proved traitors: but in the second sort (whereof we speak properly at this time) it can not be so precyslye answered, for that there may be both guilty & guiltless in each religion. And as I cannot excuse all Puritans in this point: so you cannot condemn all Papists, as long as you take me and some other to be as we are.  
GENTLEMAN.  
I grant your distinction of treasons to be true, (said the gentleman,) as also your application thereof to the Papists and Puritans (as you call them,) not to want reason, if there be any of them that mislike the present state (as perhaps there be:) albeit for my part, I think thes two kinds of treasons, which you have put down, be rather divers degrees then divers kinds: wherein I will refer me to the judgement of our Cambridge friend here present, whose skill is more in logical distinctions. But yet my reason is this, that indeed the one is but a step or degree to the other, not differing in nature, but ra●her in time, ability or opportunity. For if (as in your former examples you have showed) the Grecians under the Turk, and other Christians under other Princes of a different religion, and as also the Papists and Puritans (as you term them) in England (for now this word shall pass between us for distinction sake,) have such alienation of mind from their present regiment, and do covet so much a governor and state of their own religion: 
Two degrees of treason.  then no doubt but they are also resolved to employ their forces for accomplishing and bringing to pass their desires, if they had opportunity: and so being now in the first degree or kind of treason, do want but occasion or ability, to break into the second.  
LAW.  
True, Sir, said the lawyer, if there be no other cause or circumstance that may wythholde them.  
GENTLEMAN.  
And what cause or circumstance may stay them I pray you (said the gentleman) when they shall have ability and opportunity to do a thing which they so much desire?  
LAW.  
divers causes (quoth the lawyer) but especially and above all other (if it be at home in their own country,) the fear of servitude under foreign nations, may restrain them from such attempts: As we see in Germany that both Catholics and protestants would join together, against any stranger that should offer danger to their liberty. And so they did against Charles the fift. And in France not long ago, albeit the protestants 
Fear of foreign oppression, maketh friendship at home.  were up in arms against their king, and could have been content, by the help of us in England, to have put him down, and placed an other of their own religion: yet when they saw us once seized of Newhaven, and so like to proceed to the recovery of some part of our states 
●unce  on that side the sea: they quickly joined with there own Catholics again to expel us.  
In Flaunders likewise, though Monsieur were called 
Flaunders.  thither by the protestants, especially for defence of their religion, against the Spaniard: yet we see how dainty divers chief protestants of Antwarpe, Gaunt and Bruges were, in admitting him, & how quick in expelling, so soon as he put them in the least fear of subjection to the french. And as for Portugal, 
Portugal.  I have heard some of the chiefest Catholics among them say, in this late contention about their kingdom: that rather than they would suffer the Castilian to come in upon them, they would be content to admit whatsoever aids of a contrary religion to themselves, & to adventure whatsoever alteration in religion or other inconvenience might befall them by that means, rather than endanger their subjection to their ambitious neighbour.  
The like is reported in divers histories of the 
The old harred of east Grecians towards the west Latins.  Grecians at this day, who do hate so much the name and dominion of the Latins: as they had rather to endure all the miseries which daily they suffer under the Turk for their religion and otherwise: then by calling for aid from the west to hazard their subjection to the said Latins. So that by thes examples you see, that fear & horror of external subjection may stay men in all states, and consequently also both Papists and Puritans in the state of England, from passing to the second kind or degree of treason, albeit they were never so deep in the first, and had both ability, time, will, and opportunity for the other.  
SCHOL.  
Here I presumed to interrupt their speech, & said▪ that this seemed to me most clear, and that now I understood what the lawyer meant before, when he affirmed, that albeit the most part of Papists in general might be said to deal against the state of England at this day, in that they deal so earnestly for the maintenance & increase of their religion, and so to incur some kind of treason: yet (perhaps) not so far forth nor in so deep a degree, of proper treason as in this book is presumed or enforced: though for my part (said I) I do not see that the book 
Not all Papists properly traitors.  presumeth or enforceth all Papists in general to be properly traitors, but only such as in particular are therein named, or that are by la attainted, condemned or executed: and what will you say (quoth I) to those in particular.  
LAW.  
Surely (quoth he) I must say of thes, much after the manner which I spoke before: that some here named in this book are openly known to have been in the second degree or kind of treason: as Westmoreland, Norton, Saunders, and the like. But divers 
The Priests and Seminaries that were executed.  others (namely the Priests and Seminaries that of late have suffered,) by so much as I could see delivered and pleaded at their arraignments, or heard protested by them at their deaths, or gathered by reason and discourse of myself, (for that no foreign Prince or wise councillor would ever commit so great matters of state to such instruments:) I cannot (I say) but think, that to the wise of our state, that had the doing of this business, the first degree of treason (wherein no doubt they were) was sufficient to dispatch and make them away: especially in such suspicious times as thes are: to the end that being hanged for the first, they should never be in danger to fall into the second, nor yet to draw other men to the same: which perhaps was most of all misdoubted.  
After the lawyer had spoken this, I held my peace, to hear what the gentleman would answer: who walked up and down, two whole turns in the gallery, without yielding any word again: and then staying upon the sudden, cast his eyes sadly upon us both, and said.  
GENTLEMAN.  
My masters, how so ever this be, which in deed appertaineth not to us to judge or discuss, but rather to persuade ourselves, that the state hath reason to do as it doth, and that it must often times, aswell prevent inconveniences, as remedy the same when they are happened: yet for my own part I must confess unto you, that upon some considerations which use to come unto my mind, I take no small grief of these differences among us (which you term of divers & different religions) for which we are driven of necessity, to use discipline towards divers, who possibly otherwise would be no great malefactors. I know the cause of this difference 
Wise considerations  is grounded upon a principle not easy to cure, which is the judgement & conscience of a man, whereunto obeyeth at length his will and affection, what soever for a time he may otherwise dissemble outwardly. I remember your speech before of the doubtful and dangerous inclination of such as live discontented in a state of a different religion, especially, when either indeed, or in their own conceit, they are hardly dealt withal, and where every man's particular punishment, is taken to reach to the cause of the whole.  
I am not ignorant how that misery procureth amity, and the opinion of calamity, moveth affection of mercy and compassion, even towards the 
Misery moveth mercy.  wicked: the better fortune always is subject to envy, and he that suffereth, is thought to have the better cause, my experience of the divers reigns and procedings of king Edward, Q. Marry, and of this our most gracious sovereign hath taught me not a little, touching the sequel of thes affairs. And finally, (my good friends) I must tell you plain 
A good wish.  (quoth he: and this he spoke with great asseveration) that I could wish with all my heart, that either thes differences were not among us at all, or else that they were so temperately on all parts pursued: as the common state of our country, the blessed reign of her Ma. and the common cause of true religion, were not endangered thereby. But now: and there he brak of, and turned aside.  
LAW.  
The lawyer seeing him hold his peace & depart, he stepped after him, and taking him by the gown said merrily: Sir, all men are not of your complexion, some are of quicker and more stirring spirits, and do love to fish in water that is troubled, for that they do participate the Black moors humour, that dwell in Guinea (whereof I suppose you have heard and seen also some in this land) whose excercise 
The nature and practise of the Guineans  at home is (as some write) the one to hunt, catch, and sell the other, and always the stronger to make money of the weaker for the tyme. But now if in England we should live in peace and unity of the state, as they do in Germany, notwithstanding their differences of religion, and that the one should not pray upon the other: then should the great Falcons for the field (I mean the favourites of the time fail whereon to feed, which were an inconvenience as you know.  
GENTLEMAN.  
Truly Sir, said the gentleman, I think you rove nearer the mark than you ween: for if I be not deceived the very ground of much of thes broils whereof we talk, is but a very pray: not, in the minds of the Prince or state (whose intentions no doubt be most just and holy) but in the greedy imagination and subtle conceit of him, who at this present in respect of our sins, is petmitted by God, to tyrannize both Prince and state: 
The Tyrant of english state.  and being himself of no religion, feedeth notwithstanding upon our differences in religion, to the fatting of himself & ruin of the realm. For whereas by the common distinction now received in speech, there are three notable differences of religion in the land, the two extremes, whereof are the Papist and the puritan, and the religious Protestant 
Three differences of religion in England.  obtaining the mean: this fellow being of neither, maketh his gain of all: & as he seeketh a kingdom by the one extreme, and spoil by the other: so he useth the authority of the third, to compass the first two, & the countermine of each one, to the overthrow of all three.  
SCHOL.  
To this I answered: In good sooth Sir, I see now where you are: you are fallen into the common place of all our ordinary talk & conference in the university: 
The Earl of Leycester.  for I know that you mean my L. of Leicester who is the subject of all pleasant discourses at this day throughout the realm.  
GENTLEMAN.  
Not so pleaseaunt as pitiful, answered the gentleman, if all matters and circumstances were well considered, except any man take pleasure to ●east at our own miseries, wihch are like to be greater by his iniquity (if God avert it not) then by all the wickedness of England beside: he being the man that by all probability, is like to be the bane and fatal destiny of our state, with the eversion of true religion, whereof by indirect means, he is th● greatest enemy that the land doth nourish  
LAW.  
Now verily (quoth the lawyer) if you say thus much for the protestants opinion of him, what shall I say for his merits towards the Papists? who for as much as I can perceive, do take themselves little beholding unto him, albeit for his gain he was some years their secret friend against you: until by his friends he was persuaded, and chief by the L. North by way of policy, as the said L. 
The L. north's policy.  boasteth, in hope, of greater gain, to step over to the puritanes, against us both, whom notwithstanding it is probable, that he loveth as much, as he doth the rest.  
GENTLEMAN.  
You know the bears love, said the gentleman, which is all for his own paunch, and so this Bear-whelp, turneth all to his own commodity, and for greediness thereof, will overturn all if he be not stopped or mouzeled in tyme.  
And surely unto me it is a strange speculation, whereof I cannot pick out the reason (out only that I do attribute it to God's punishment for our sins) 
A strange speculation.  that in so wise & vigilant a state as ours is, and in a counrrie so well acquainted and beaten with such dangers: a man of such a spirit as he is known to be, of so extreme ambition, pride, falsehood and treachery so borne, so bred up, so nuzzled in treason from his infancy: descended of a tribe of traitors, and fleshed in conspiracy against the Royal blood of K. Henry's children in his tender years, and exercised ever since in drifts against the same, by the blood and ruin of divers others: a man so well known to bear secret malice against her Ma. for causes irreconcilable, and most deadly rancour against the best▪ and wisest Councillors of her highness: that such a one (I say so hateful) to God and man, and so markable to the simplest subject of this land by thee public ensigns of his tyrannous purpose, should be suffered so many years without check, to aspire to tyranny by most manifest ways, and to possess himself (as now he hath done) of Court, Council, and country, without controlment: so that nothing wanteth to him but only his pleasure, and the day already conceived in his mind to dispose as he list, both of Prince, Crown, Realm and religion.  
SCHOL.  
It is much truly (quoth I) that you say, and it ministereth not a little marvel unto many, whereof your worship is not the first, nor yet the tenth person of account which I have heard discourse and complain. But what shall we say hereunto? ther is no man that ascribeth not this unto the singular 
The Q. Ma most excellent good nature.  benignity and most bountiful good nature of her Ma. who measuring other men by her own heroical and Princely sincerity: cannot easily suspect a man so much bounden to her grace, as he is, nor remove her confidence from the place, where she hath heaped so infinite benefits.  
GENTLEMAN.  
No doubt (said the gentleman) but this gracious and sweet disposition of her Ma. is the true original cause thereof: which Princely disposition, as in her highness it deserveth all rare commendation, so lieth the same open to many dangers often times, when so benign a nature meeteth with ingrate and ambitious persons: which observation perhaps, caused her Ma most noble Grandfather and father (two renowned wise princes) to withdraw sometime upon the sudden, their great favour from certain subjects of high estate. And her Ma. may easily use her own excellent wisdom and memory, to recall to mind the manifold examples of perilous haps fallen to divers Princes, by to much confidence in obliged proditours: with whom the name of a kingdom, and one hovers 
Fears that subjects have of my L of Leycester  reign, weigheth more, than all the duty, obligation, honesty, or nature in the world. Would God her Ma. could see the continual fears that be in her faithful subjects hearts, whiles that man is about her noble person, so well able and likely (if the Lord avert it not) to be the calamity, of her Princely blood and name.  
The talk will never out of many mouths and minds, that divers ancient men of this Realm, 
Sir Fran-Walsing ham.  and once a wise gentleman now a Councillor, had with a certain friend of his, concerning the presage and deep impression, which her Ma. father had of the house of Sir john Dudley, to be the ruin 
K H●n. presage of the house of Dudle●  in time of his Ma. Royal house and blood, which thing was like to have been fulfilled soon after (as ●1 the world knoweth) upon the death of K. Edward by ●he said Dudley this man's father: who at one blow, procured to dispatch from all possession of the Crown, all three children of the said noble king. And yet in the midst of those bloody practises against her Ma. that now is and her sister (wherein also this fellows hand was so far, as for his age he could thrust the same,) within sixetiene days before K. Edwardes death (he knowing belike that the king should die) written most flattering 
Deep dissimulation  letters to the Lady Marie (as I have heard by them who then were with her) promising all loyalty and true service to her, after the disease of her brother, with no less painted words, than this man now doth use to Q Elizabeth.  
So dealt he then with the most dear children of his good king & master, by whom he had been no less exalted and trusted, than this man is by her Ma. And so deeply dissembled he then when he had in hand the plot to destroy them both. And what then (alas) may not we fear and doubt of this his son, who in outrageous ambition and desire of reign, is not inferior to his father, or to any other aspiring spirit in the world, but far more insolent, cruel, vindicative, expert, potent, subtle, fine, and foxlike then ever he was? I like well the good 
Sir Fran. Walsing ham.  motion propounded by the foresaid gentleman, to his friend at the same time, and do assure myself it would be most pleasant to the Realm, and profitable to her Ma. to wit, that this man's actions might be called publicly to trial, and liberty given to good subjects, to say what they knew 
Edmund Dudley  against the same, as it was permitted in the first year of K. Henry the eight against his Grandfather, and in the first of Q. Marry against his father: 
Iho● Dudley.  and then I would not doubt, but if thes two his ancestors were found worthy to lose their 
Robert Dudley.  heads for treason: this man would not be found unworthy to make the third in kindred, whose treacheries do far surpass them both.  
LAW.  
After the Gentleman had said this, the Lawyer stood still, somewhat smile to himself, and looking round about him, as though he had been half afeard, and then said. My masters, do you read over or study the statutes that come forth? have you not heard of the PROVISO made in the last Parliament for punishment of those who speak so broad of such men as my L. of Leycester is?  
GENTLEMAN.  
Yes, said the gentleman, I have heard how that my L. of Leycester was very careful and diligent at that time to have such a la to pass against talkers: hoping (belike) that his L. under that general 
The la against talking.  restraint might lie the more quietly in harbour from the tempest of men's tongues, which tatled busily at that time, of divers his Lordship's actions & affairs, which perhaps himself would have wished to pass with more secretsie. As of his discontentement & preparation to rebellion, upon Monsieurs first coming into the land: of his disgrace and checks received in court: of the fresh death of the noble Earl of Essex: and of this man's hasty snatching up of the widow, whom he sent 
Actions of Leicester whereof hewould have no speech.  up and down the country from house to house by privy ways, thereby to avoid the sight & knowledge of the Q. Ma. And albeit he had not only used her at his good liking before, for satisfying of his own lust, but also married and remarried her for contentation of her friends: yet denied he the same, by solemn oath to her Ma. and received the holy communion thereupon (so good a conscience he hath) and consequently threatened most sharp revenge towards all subjects which should dare to speak thereof: & so for the concealing both of this and other his doings, which he desired not to have public, no marvel though his Lordship were so diligent a procurer of that la for silence.  
SCHOL.  
In deed (said I) it is very probable that his Lordship was in great distress about that time, when Monsieurs matters were in hand, and that he did many things and purposed more, whereof he desired less speech among the people, especially afterwards, when his said designmentes took not place. I was myself that year not far from VVarwike when he came thither from the Court a full Mal-Content, & when it wvas thought most certainly throughout the Realm, that he would have taken arms soon after, if the marriage of her Ma. with Monsieur had gone forward. The thing in Cambridge & in all the country as I road, was in every man's mouth: & it was a wonder to see not only the contenaunces, but also the behaviour, & to hear the bold speeches of all such as were of his faction.  
My Lord himself had given out a little before at Killing worth, that the matter would cost many 
Leicester Preparatives to rebellion upon Monsieurs marriage.  broken heads before Michelmasse day next: and my Lord of Warwik had said openly at his table in Green wiche, Sir Thomas Hennige being by (if I be not deceived,) that it was not to be suffered (I mean the marriage) which words of his once coming abroad (albeit misliked by his own Lady then also present) every serving-man & common companion, took then up in defence of his Lordship's part against the Q. Ma. Such tunning there was, such sending & posting about the Realm, such amplification of the powers & forces of Cassimere & other Princes, ready, (as was affirmed) to present themselves unto his aid, for defence of the Realm & religion against strangers:) for that was held to be his cause) such numbering of parties & complices within the Realm, (whereof himself showed the 
To Sir Th' Layton.  Catalogue to some of his friends for their comfort) such debasing of them that favoured the marriage (especially two or three Councillors by name, 
L. Treasurer. L. Chamber lain. M controller.  who were said to be the cause of all and for that were appointed out to be sharply punished to the terror of all others:) such letters were written and intercepted of purpose, importing great powers to be ready, & so many other things done & designed, tending all to manifest & open war: as I began heartily to be afeard, and wished myself back at Cambridge again, hoping that being there, my scholar's gown should excuse me from necessity of fight, or if not, I was resolved (by my Lords good leave, to follow Aristotle, who preferreth always the Lion before the Bear: assuring myself withal, that his Lordship should have no better success in this (if it came to trial) then his father had in as bad a cause, & so much the more for that Iwas privy to the minds of some of his friends, who meant to have deceived him, if the matter had broken out. And amongst other there was a certain Vicepresident in the world, who being left in 
Sir Iho. Hibbo●.  the room & absence of an other, to procure frynds: said in a place secretly not far from Ludlow, that if the matter came to blows, he would follow his Mistress & leave his Master in the briers.  
GENTLEMAN.  
Marry Sir (quoth the gentleman) & I trow man●e more would have followed that example. For albeit I know that the Papists were most named and misdoubted of his part, in that cause, for their open inclination towards Monsieur, and consequently, for greater discredit of the thing itself, it was given out every where by this Champion of religion, that her Ma. cause, was the Papists cause, (even as his father had done in the like enterprise before him, though all upon dissimulation, as appeared 
Leicester Father a trayteious Papist.  at his death, where he professed himself an earnest Papist:) yet was there no man so simple in the Realm, which descried nor this Vizard at the first: neither yet any good subject (as I suppose) who seeing her Ma. on the one part, would not have taken against the other part, what so ever he had been. And much more the thing itself in controversy (I mean the marriage of her Royal Ma. wy●h the brother and heir apparent of France,) being taken and judged by the best, wisest and faythfulest protestants of the realm, to be both honourable, 
The honour and commodities by the marriage with France.  convenient, profitable and needful. Whereby only, as by a most sovereign, and present remedy, all our maladies both abroad and at home, had at once been cured: all foreign enemies, and domestical conspirators, all differences, all dangers, all fears had ceased together: France had been ours most assured: Spain would not a little have trembled: Scotland had been quiet: our competitors in England would have quaked: and for the Pope he might have put up his pipes. Our differences in religion at home, had been either less, or no greater than now they are, for that Monsieur being but a moderate Papist, and nothing vehement in his opinions, was content with very reasonable conditions, for himself and his strangers only in use of their conscience, not unlikely (truly) but that in time he might by God's grace, and by the great 
Ethelbert King of Kent, converted An. Do. 603.  wisdom & virtue of her Ma. have been brought also to embrace the gospel, as king Ethelbert an heathen was, by noble Q. Bertha his wife, the first Christian of our English Princes.  
Unto all which felicity, if the Lord in mercy should have added also some issue of their royal bodies, (as was not impossible, when first this noble match was mowed,) we then (doubtless) had been the most fortunate people under heaven, and might have been (perhaps) the mean to have restored the Gospel throughout all Europe beside, as our brethren of France well considered & hoped.  
Of all which singular benefits both present & to come, both, in RE and in SPE, this Tyrant for his own private lucre (fearing lest hereby his ambition might be restrained, & his treachery revealed) hath bereaved the realm, & done what in him lieth beside, to alienate for ever & make our mortal enemy this great Prince, who sought the love of her Ma. with so much honour & confidence as never Prince the like, putting twice his own person to jeopardy of the sea, & to the peril of his malicious enuiours here in England, for her Ma sake.  
LAW.  
When you speak of Monsieur (said the lawyer) I cannot but greatly be mowed, both for these considerations well touched by you, as also for some other: especially one wherein (perhaps) you will think me partial, but truly I am not: for that I speak it only in respect of the quiet & good of my country, and that is, that by Monsieurs match with our noble Princess, besides the hope of issue (which was the principal) there wanted not also probability, that some union or little toleration in religion, between you and us, might have been procured in this state, as we see that in some other countries is admitted to their great good. Which thing (no doubt) would have cut of quite 
Toleration in Religion, with union in defence of our country.  all dangers and dealings from foreign Princes, and would have stopped many devices and plotes within the Realm: whereas now by this breach with France, we stand alone as me seemeth without any great unition or friendship abroad, and our differences at home grow more vehement and sharp then ever before. Upon which two heads, as also upon infinite other causes, purposes, drifts and pretences, there do ensue daily more deep, dangerous and desperate practises, every man using either the commodity or necessity of the time and state for his own purpose Especialie now when all men presume that her Ma. (by the continual thwart which have been used against all her marriages) is not like to leave unto the realm, that precious jewel so much and long desired of all English hearts, I mean the Royal heirs of her own body.  
GENTLEMAN.  
Thwart call you the defeating of all her Ma. most honourable offers of marriage? (said the other) truly in my opinion you should have used an other word to express the nature of so wicked a fact: whereby alone, if their were no other, this unfortunate man, hath done more hurt to his common wealth, than if he had murdered many thousands of her subjects, or betrayed whole armies to the professed enemy. I can remember w●l myself, four treatises to this purpose, undermined by his 
divers marriages of her Ma. defeated.  means. The first with the Swe●hen king: the second with the Archduke of Austria: the third with Henry K. of France that now reigneth: and the fourth with the brother & heir of the said kingdom. For I let pass many other secret motions made by great potentates to her Ma. for the same purpose, but thes four are openly known, & therefore I name them. Which four are as well known to have been all disturbed by this DAWS, as they were earnestly pursued by the other. 
Leicester de 〈…〉 to d 〈…〉 away all 〈◊〉 her Ma.   
And for the first three Suitors, he drove them away, by protesting and swearing that himself was contracted unto her Ma. whereof her highness was sufficiently advertised by Cardinal Chat●lian in the first treaty for france, & the Cardinal soon after punished (as is thought) by this man with poison. But yet this speech he gave out then, every where among his friends both strangers & other, that he (forsooth) was assured to her Ma. & consequently that all other Princes must give over their suits, for him. whereunto notwithstanding, when the Sw●● then would hardly give ear, this man conferred with his Privado to make a most unseemly & disloyal proof thereof for the others satisfaction, which thing I am enforced by duty to pass over with silence, for honour to the parttes who are touched therein: as also I am to conceal his said filthy Privado, though worthy otherwise for his dishonesty to be displayed to the world: but my Lord himself, I am sure, doth well remember both the man & the matter. And d●lbei● there, was no 〈◊〉 man at that time who knowing my L. suspected not the falsehood, and his arrogant affirmation touching this contract with her Ma. yet some both abroad and at home might doubt thereof perhaps: 
Leicester convinceth himself of impudency  but now of late, by his known marriage with his Minion Dame Lettuce of Essex, he hath declared manifestly his own most impudent and disloyal dealing with his sovereign in this report.  
LAW.  
For that report (quoth the lawer) I know that it was common and maintained by many, for divers years: yet did the wiser sort make no account thereof, seeing it came only from himself, and in his own behalf. Neither was it credible, that her Ma. who refused so noble knights and Princes as Europe 
The baseness of Leicester ancestors.  hath not the like: would make choice of so mean a peer as Robin Dudley is, noble only in two descents, and both of them stained with the Block, from which also himself, was pardoned but the other day, being condemned thereunto by law for his deserts, as appeareth yet in public 
Anno 1 R. Marie.  records. And for the widow of Essex, I marvel Sir (quoth he) how you call her his wife, seeing the canon law standeth yet in force touching matters of marriage within the Realm.  
GENTLEMAN.  
Oh (said the gentleman laughing) you mean for that he procured the poisoning of her husband, in his journey from Ireland. You must think that Doctor Dale will dispense in that matter, as he did 
D. Dale.  (at his Lordship's appointment) with his Italian 
D. julio.  physician Doctor julio, to have two wives at once: at the leastwise the matter was permitted, 
The archbishops overthrow for not allowing two wives to Leicester his Physician.  and borne out by them both publicly (as all the world knoweth) and that against no less persons than the archbishop of Canturburie himself, whose overthrow was principally wrought by this Tyrant for contrarying his will, in so beastly a demand. But for this controversy whether the marriage be good or no, I leave it to be tried hereafter, between my young L. of Denbighe, and M. Philippe Sidney, whom the same most concerneth. For that it is like to deprive him of a good. lie inheritance if it take place (as some will say that in no reason it can,) not only in respect of the precedent adultery and murder between the parties: but also for that my L. was contracted, at least, 
The Lady Sheffield nov●● Embass●desse in France.  to an other Lady before, that yet liveth, whereof M. Edward Diar and M. Edmond Tylney both Courtiers can be witnesses, and consummated the same contract by generation of children. But this (as I said) must be left to be tried hereafter by them which shall have most interest in the case. Only for the present I must advertise you, that you may not take hold so exactly of all my L. doings in women's affairs, neither touching their marriages, neither yet their husbands.  
For first his Lordship hath a special fortune, that when he desireth any woman's favour, than what person so ever standeth in his way, hath the luck to die quickly for the finishing of his desire. As for example: when his Lordship was in full hope to 
The death of Leicester first L●die and wife.  marry her Ma. and his own wife stood in his light, as he supposed: he did but send her a sid, to the house of his servant Forster of Cumner by Oxford, where shortly after she had the chance to fall from a pair of stars, and so to break her neck, but yet without hurting of her hood that stood upon her head. But Sir Richard Varney who by 
Sir Ri●h. Varney.  commandment remained with her that day alone, with one man only, and had sent away perforce all her servants from her, to a market two miles of, he (I say) with his man can tell how she died, which man being taken afterwards for a felony in the marches of Wales, & offering to publish the manner of the said murder, was made away privily in the prison. And Sir Richard himself dying about the same time in London, cried piteously, & blasphemed God, & said to a gentleman of w●rship of mine acquaintance not long before his death: that all the devils in hell did tear him in pieces. The wife also of Bald Butler kinsman to my 
B●lde Bu●ler.  L. gave out the whole fact a little before her death. But to return unto my purpose, this was my Lords good fortune to have his wife die, at that time when it was like to turn most to his profit.  
Long after this, he fell in love with the Lady Sheffield whom I signified before, & then also had he the same fortune to have her husband die quickly with an extreme rheum in his head (as it was given out) ●ut as other say, of an artificial Catarrh 
The s●● 〈…〉 s death of the Lord Sh●sh●ld  that stopped his breath. The like good chance had he in the death of my Lord of Essex (as I have said before) and that at a time most fortunate for his purpose: for when he was coming home from Ireland, with intent to revenge himself upon my L. of Leycester, for begetting his wife with child in his absence (the child was a daughter and brought up by the La: Shandoys, W. Knooles his wife): my L. of Ley. hearing thereof, wanted not friend or two to accompany the deputy, as among other, a couple of the Earls own servants, Crompton 
The poisoning of the Earl of▪ Essex.  (if I miss not his name) yeoman of his bottles, and LLoide his Secretary, entertained afterwards by my L. of Leycester. And so he died in the way of an extreme Flux, caused by an Italian Recipe, as all his friends are well assured: the maker whereof was a Surgeon (as is believed) that then was newly come to my Lord from Italy. A cunning man & sure in 
The Shifting of a child in Dame ●e●tice belly  operation, with whom if the good Lady had been sooner acquainted & used his help, she should not have needed to have sitten so pensive at home & fearful of her husband's former return out of the same country, but might have spared the young child in her belly, which she was enforced to make away (cruelly & unnaturalie) for clearing the house against the good▪ man's arrival.  
Neither must you marvel though all thes died in divers manners of outward diseases, for this is the excellency of the Italian art, for which this 
The divers operations of Poison.  Surgeon and D. julio were entertained so carefully, who can make a man die, in what manner or show of sickness you will: by whose instructions no doubt but his Lordship is now cunning, ofpecialye 
Doctor ●aylye the younger.  adding also to thes the counsel of his Doctor bailie, a man also not a little studied (as he seemeth in this art. For I heard him once myself in a public act in Oxeford (and that in presence of my Lord of Leycester if I be not deceived) maintain, that poison might so be tempered and given as it should not appear presently, and yet should kill the party afterwards at what time should be appointed. Which argument belike pleased well his Lordship and therefore was chosen to be discussed in his audience, if I be not deceived of his being that day present. So though one die of a Flux, & an other of a Catarrh, yet this importeth little to the matter, but showeth rather the great cunning and skill of the Artificer.  
So Cardinal Chatilian (as I have said before.) having 
Death of Cardinal Chatilian.  accused my L. of Leycester to the Q. Ma. and after that, passing from London towards France about the marriage, died by the way at Canturburie of a burning Fever: & so proved D. Bailies assertion true, that poison may be given to kill at a day.  
SCHOL.  
At this the Lawyer cast up his eyes to heaven, & I stood somewhat musing & thinking of that which had been spoken of the Earl of Essex, whose case indeed moved me more than all the rest, for that he was a very noble Gentleman, a great advancer of true religion, a Patron to many preachers and students, and towards me and some of my friends in particular, he had been in some things very beneficial: & therefore I said that it grieved me extremely to hear or think of so unworthy a death contrived by such means to so worthy a Peer. And so much the more, for that it was my chance, to come to the understanding of divers particulars concerning that thing, both from one Lea, an Iris he-man, Robin Honnies and other, that were present 
Lea. Honnies  at Penteneis the merchants house in Develing upon the key, where the murder was committed. The matter was wrought especially by Crompton yeoman of the bottles, by the procurement of L Loyde as you have noted before, and there was poisoned at the same time and with the same cup (as given of courtesy by the Earl) one Mistress Alice Draykot a goodly Gentlewoman, whom the Earl affectioned much, who departing thence towards 
Mesteriss Draykot poisoned with the Earl of Essex.  her own house, (which was 18. miles of, the foresaid Lea accompagning her, and waiting upon her,) she began to fall sick very grievously upon the way, & continued with increase of pains & excessive torments, by vomiting, until she died, which was the Sunday before the Earls death, ensuing the friday after, & when she was dead, her body was swell unto a monstrous bigness and deformity, whereof the good Earl hearing the day following, lamented the case greatly, & said in the presence of his servants, Ah poor Alice, the cup was not prepared for the, albeit it were thy hard destiny to taste thereof.  
Young Honnies also whose father is Master of the children of her Ma. Chapel, being at that time Page to the said Earl, and accustomed to take the taste of his drink (though since entertained also among other by my L. of Leycester for better covering of matter) by his taste that he then took of the compownde cup, (though in very small quantity, as you know the fashion is:) yet was he like to have lost his life, but escaped in the end, (being young) with the loss only of his hear: which the Earl perceiving, and taking compassion of the youth: called for a cup of drink a little before his death, and drunk to Honnies, saying: I drink to the my Robin, and be not a feared, for this 
The Earl of Essex speech to his Page Robin Honnies  is a better cup of drink then that, whereof thou tookest the taste when we were both poisoned, & whereby thou hast lost thy hear & I must lose my life. This hath young Honnies reported openly in divers places, and before divers Gentlemen of worship sithence his coming into England, & the foresaid Lea Irisheman at his passage this way towards France, after he had been present at the forenamed Mistress Draykots death, with some other of the Earls servants, have & do most constantly report the same, where they may do it without the terror of my L. of Leicester's revenge. Wherefore in this matter there is no doubt at all, though most extreme vile and intolerable indignity, that such a man should be so openly murdered without punishment. What noble man within the Realm may be safe if this be suffered? or what worthy parsonage will adventure his life in her Ma. service if this shallbe his reward? But (Sir) I. pray you pardon me for I am somewhat perhaps to vehement in the case of this my Patron and noble peer of our Realm. And therefore I beseech you to go forward in your talk whereas you lief.  
GENTLEMAN.  
I was recounting unto you others (said the Gentleman) made away by my L. of Leicester with like art, and the next in order I think was Sir Nicolas 
Death of Si● Nicholas Throgmarton.  Throgmarton, who was a man whom my L. of Leycester used a great while (as all the world knoweth) to overthwart and cross the doings of my L. Treasurer then Sir Will. Cicill, a man specially misliked always of Leycester, both in respect 
Sir Wil Cycyll now L. Treasurer.  of his old master the Duke of Somerset, as also for that his great wisdom, zeal and singular fidelity to the Realm, was like to hinder much this man's designments: wherefore understanding after a certain time that thes two knights were secretly made friends, and that Sir Nicholas was like to detect his doings (as he imagined,) which might turn to some prejudice of his purposes: (having conceived also a secret grudge & grief against him, for that he had written to her Ma. at his being Ambassador in France, that he heard reported at Duke Memorances' table, that the Q. of England had a meaning to marry her horse keeper) he invited the said Sir Nicholas to a supper at his house in London and at supper time departed to the Court, being called for (as he said) upon the sudden by her Ma. and so perforce would needs have Sir Nicolas to sit and occupy his Lordship's place, and therein to be served as he was: and soon after by a surfeit their taken, he died of a sttaunge and incurable vomit. But the day before his death, he declared to a 
The poisoning of Sir Nicholas i● a Sala●e.  dear friend of his, all the circumstance & cause of his disease, which he affirmed plainly to be of poison, given him in a Salate at supper, inveyhing most earnestly against the Earls cruelty & blood die disposition, affirming, him to be the wickedest, most perilous, and perfidious man under heaven. But what availed this, when he had now received the bait?  
This then is to show the man's good fortune, in seeing them dead, whom for causes he would not have to live. And for his art of poisoning, it is such now and reacheth so far, as he holdeth all his foes in England and else where, as also a good many of his friends in fear thereof, and if it were known how many he hath dispatched or assaulted that way, it would be marvelous to the 
The Lord Chamber lain.  posterity. The late Earl of Sussex wanted not a scruple for many years before his death, of some dram received that made him incurable. And unto that noble gentleman, Monsieur Simiers, 
Monsieur Symiers.  is was disconuered by great providence of God, that his life was to be attempted by that art, and that not taking place (as it did not through his own good circumspection,) it was concluded that the same should be assaulted by violence, whereof I shall have occasion to say more hereafter.  
It hath been told me also by some of the servants of the late Lady Lenox, who was also of the blood Royal by Scotland as all men know, & consequently 
The poisoning of the Lady Lenox.  little liked by Leicester: that a little before her death or sickness, my L. took the pains to come and visit her with extraordinary kindness, at her house at Hackeny, bestowing long discourses with her in private: but as soon as he was departed, the good Lady fell into such a Flux, as by no means could be stayed so long as she had life in her body, whereupon both she herself, and all such as were near about her, and saw her disease and ending day, were fully of opinion, that my Lord had procured her dispatch at his being ther. Whereof let the women that served her be examined as also Fowler that then had the chief doings in her affairs, and since hath been entertained by my L. of Leicester. Mallet also a stranger borne, that then was about her, a sober and zealous man in religion, and otherwise well qualified, can say somewhat in this point (as I think) if he were demanded. So that this art and exercise of poisoning, is much more perfect with my Lord then praying and he seemeth to take more pleasure therein.  
Now for the second point, which I named, touching marriages and contracts with women: you must not marvel though his Lordship be somewhat divers, variable and inconstant, with him 
Leycester most variable dealing with women in contracts & marriages.  self, for that according to his profit or his pleasure, and as his lust and liking shall vary (wherein by the judgement of all men, he surpasseth, not only Sardanapalus and Nero, but even Heliogabalus himself): so his Lordship also changeth wives and Minions, by killing the one, denying the other, using the third for a time, and the fawning upon the fourth. And for this cause he hath his terms & pretences (I warrant you) of Contracts, Precontracts, Postcontractes, Protractes, and Retractes: as for example: after he had killed his first wife, and so broken that contract, then forsooth 
contracts  would he needs make himself husband to the Q. Ma. and so defeat all other Princes by virtue of his precontract. But after this, his lust compelling him 
Preconts' acts. Postcontractes.  to an other place, he would needs make a postcontract with the Lady Scheffield, and so he did, begetting two children upon her, the one a boy called Robin Sheffield now living, some time brought up at Newington, and the other a daughter, borne (as is known) at Dudley Castle. But yet after, his concupiscence changing again (as it never stayeth) he resolved to make a retract, 
Retract.  of this postcontract, (though it were as surely done (as I have said) as Bed and Bible could make the same) & to make a certain new, protract, (which 
Protract.  is a continuation of using her for a time) with the widow of Essex: But yet to stop the mouths 
Leycester two Testaments.  of-out-cryars, and to bury the Synagogue with some honour, (for thes two wives of Leycester, were merrily & wittily called his old and new Testaments, by a person of great excellency within the Realm) he was content to assign to the former a thousand powndes in money with other petty considerations, (the pitifullest abused that ever was poor Lady) and so betake his limbs to the later, which later notwithstanding, he so useth (as we see) now confessing, now forswearing, now dissembling the marriage: as he will always yet keep a void place for a new surcontract with any other, when occasion shall require.  
SCHOL.  
Now by my truth Sir (quoth I) I never heard nor read the like to this in my life: yet have I red much in my time, of the carnality and lycentiousnes of divers outrageous persons, in this kind of sin, as namely these whom you have mentioned before: especially the Emperor Heliogabalus who passed all other, and was called Varius, of the variety of filth which he used in this kind of carnality, 
varius Heliogabalus, & his most in famous death.  or carnal beastliness. Whose death was: that being at length odious to all men, and so slain by his own soldiers, was drawn through the City upon the ground like a dog, & cast into the common privy, with this epitaph. Hic proiectus 
An epitaph.  est indomitae & rabide, libidinis catulus. Here is thrown in, the Whelp of vn●ewlie and raging lust: which epitaph, may also one day chance to serve my L. of Leicester (whom you call the Bear-whelp,) if he go forward as he hath begun, and die as he deserveth.  
But (good Sir) what a commpassion is this, that among us christians, and namely in so well governed, 
A pitteful permission  and religious a common wealth as ours is, such a riot should be permitted upon men's wives, in a subject: whereas we read that among the very heathens, less offences than these, in the same kind, were extremely punished in Princes themselves, and that not only in the person delmquent alone, but also by extirpation of the whole family for his 
The extirpation of the Tarquinians.  sake, as appeareth in the example of the Tarquinians among the Romans. And here also in our own Realm, we have registered in Chronicle, how that one king Edwin above six hundredth years past was 
An. Do 959.  deprived of his kingdom, for much less scandalous facts than thes.  
GENTLEMAN.  
I remember well the story (quoth the gentleman) & there by do easily make conjecture, what difference there is betwixt those times of old, & our days now: seeing them, a Crowned Prince could not pass unpunished with one or two ontragious acts, whereas now a subject raised up but yesterday from the meaner sort, rangeth at his pleasure in all licentiousness, 
The into lerable licentiousness of Lei. carnality  and that with security, void of fear both of God and man. No man's wife can be free from him, whom his fiery lust liketh to abuse, nor their husbands able to resist nor save from his violence, if they show dislike, or will not yield their consent to his doings. And if I should discover in particular how many good husbands he had plagued in this nature, and for such delights, it were intolerable: for his concupiscence & violence do run jointly together, as in furious beasts we see they are accustomed. Neither holdeth he any rule in his lust beside only the motion & suggestion of his own sensuality. Kindred, affinity or any other band of consanguinity: religion, honour, or honesty taketh no place in his outrageous appetit. What he best liketh that he taketh as lawful for the tyme. So that kinswoman, ally, friends wife, or daughter, or what soever female sort beside doth please his eye: (I leave out of purpose and for honour sake terms of kindred more near) that must yield to his desire.  
The keeping of the mother with two or three of her daughters at once or successively, is no more with him, than the eating of an hen and her chicken together. There are not (by report) two noble women about her Ma. (I speak upon some account of them that know much) whom he hath not solicited by potent ways: Neither contented with this place of honour, he hath descended to seek pasture among the waiting Gentlewomen of her Ma. great Chamber, offering more for their allurement, than I think Lais did commonly take in Corinthe, if three hundredth pounds for a night, will make up the sum: or 
Money Well spent.  if not, yet will he make it up otherwise: having reported himself (so little shame he hath) that he offered to an other of higher place, an hundredth pound lands by the year with as many jewels 
Anne Vaviser.  as most women under her Ma. used in England: which was no mean bait to one that used traffic in such merchandise: she being but the leavings of an other man before him, whereof my L. is nothing squeamish, for satisfying of his lust, but can be content (as they say) to gather up crumbs when he is Hungry, even in the very Laundry itself, or other place of base quality.  
And albeit the Lord of his great mercy, to do him good, no doubt, if he were revokeable, hath 
The punishments of God upon Leicester, to do him good.  laid his hand upon him, in some chastisement in this world by giving him a broken belly on both sides of his bowels whereby misery & putrefaction is threatened to him daily: & to his yongsonne by the widow of Essex, (being Filius Peecati) such a strange calamity of the falling sickness in his infancy, 
* The children of adulterers shall be consumed, and the seed of a wicked bed shallbe rooted out, saith god Sap. 3.  as well may be a witness of the parent's sin & wickedness, and of both their wasted natures in iniquity: yet is this man nothing amended thereby, but according to the custom of all old adulterers, is more libidinous at this day then ever before, more given to procure love in others by Conjuring, Sorcery, and other such means. And albeit for himself, both age, and nature spent, do somewhat tame him from the act, yet wanteth he not will, as appeareth by the Italian ointment, procured not many years passed by his surgeon or Mountebank of that country, whereby (as they say) he is 
Leicester ointment.  able to move his flesh at all times, for keeping of his credit, howsoever his inability be otherwise 
Leicester bottle.  for performance: as also one of his Physicians reported to an Earl of this land, that his Lordship had a bottle for his bedehead, of ten Pounds the Pint to the same effect. But my masters whether are we fallen, unadvised? I am ashamed to have made mention of so base filthiness.  
SCHOL.  
Not without good cause (quoth I) but that we are here alone and no man heareth us. Wherefore I pray you let us return whereas we left: and when you named my L. of Leicester's daughter borne of the Lady Shefield in Dudley Castle, there came into my head a pretty story concerning that affair, which now I will recount (though somewhat out of order) thereby to draw you from the further stirring of this unsavoury puddle, & foul dunghill, whereunto we are slipped, by following my Lord somewhat to far in his paths & actions.  
Wherefore to tell you the tale as it fell out: I grew acquainted thes months paste with a certain Minister, that now is dead, & was the same man that was used at Dudley Castle, for compliment of some Sacred ceremonies at the birth of my Lord of Ley. daughter in that place: & the matter was so ordained, 
A pretty devise.  by the wily wit of him that had sowed the seed, that for the better covering of the harvest & secret delivery of the Lady Scheffielde: the good wife of the Castle also (whereby Ley. appointed gossippes, might without other suspicion have access to the place) should feign herself to be with child, & after long & sore travail (god wot) to be delivered of a qwyshen (as she was indeed) & a little after a fair Coffin was buried with a bundle of clouts in show of a child: & the Minister caused to use all accoustomed prayers and ceremonies for 
An act of Atheism  the solemn interring thereof for which thing, afterwards, before his death he had great grief & remorse of conscience, with no small detestation of the most irreligious devise of my L. of Ley. in such a case.  
LAW.  
Here the Law. began to laugh a pace both at the devise & at the Minister, & said now truly if my L. contracts hold no better, but hath so many infirmities, with subtleties, and by▪ places beside: I would be loath that he were married to my daughter, as mean as she is.  
GENT.  
But yet (quoth the Gentleman) I had rather of the two be his wife for the time than his gest: especially if the Italiam Surgeon or Physician be at hand.  
LAW.  
True it is, (said the lawyer) for he doth not poison his wives, whereof I somewhat marvel, especially his first wife, I muse why he chose rather to make her away by open violence, then by some Italian Confortive.  
GENT.  
Hereof (said the Gentleman) may be divers 
The First reason why Ley. slay his wife by violence, ratherthen by poison.  reasons alleged. First that he was not at that time so skilful in those Italian wares, nor had about him so fit Physicians & Surgians for the purpose: nor yet in truth do I think that his mind was so settled then in mischief, as it hath been sithence. For you know, that men are not desperate the first day, but do enter into wickedness by degrees, and with some doubt or staggering of conscience at the beginning. And so he at that time might be desirous to have his wife made away, for that she letted him in his designments, but yet not so stony hearted as to appoint out the particular manner of her death, but rather to leave that, to the discretion of the murderer.  
secondly it is not also unlikely that he prescribed 
The second reason.  unto Sir Rich. Varney at his going thither, that he should first attempt to kill her by poison, & if that took not place then by any other way to dispatch her, how soever. This I prove by the report of old Doctor bailie who then lived in Oxeforde (an 
Doctor bailie the elder.  other manner of man than he who now liveth about my Lord of the same name) & was professor of the Physic Lecture in the same university. This learned grave man reported for most certain, that there was a practise in Cumner among the conspirators, to have poisoned the poor Lady a little before she was killed, which was attempted in this order.  
They seeing the good Lady sad and heavy (as one that well knew by her other handling that her death was not far of) began to persuade her, that her disease was abundance of Melancholy and other humours, & therefore would needs counsel her to take some potion, which she absolutely refusing, to do, as suspecting still the worst: they 
A practice for poisoning the la: Dudlei  sent one day, (unawares to her) for Doctor bailie, and desired him to petswade her to take some little Potion at his hands, and they would send to fetch the same at Oxeforde upon his prescription, meaning to have added also somewhat of their own for her comfort, as the Doctor upon just causes suspected, seeing their great importunity, and the small need which the good Lady had of Physic, & therefore he flatly denied their request, misdoubting (as he after reported) lest if they had poisoned her under the name of his Potion: he might after have been hanged for a cover of their sin. Marry the said Doctor remained well assured that this way taking no place, she should not long escape violence as after ensued. And the thing was so beaten into the heads of the principal men of the university of Oxeford, by thes and other means: as for that she was found murdered (as all men said) by the Crowner's inquest, and for that she being hastily and obscurely buried at Cumner (which was condemned above as not advisedly done) my good Lord, to make plane to the world the great love he bore to her in her life, and what a grief the loss of so virtuous a Lady was to his tender heart, would needs have her taken up again and reburied in the university church at Oxeford, with great Pomp and solemnity: That Doctor Babington my L. chaplain, making the public 
Doctor Babington  funeral Sermon at her second burial, tripped once or twice in his speech, by recommending to their memories that virtuous Lady so pittefullie murdered, in stead of so pitifully slain.  
A third cause of this manner of the Lady's death, 
A Third reason.  may be the disposition of my lords nature: which is bold and violent where it feareth no resistance (as all cowardly natures are by kind) and where any difficulty or danger appeareth, there, more ready to attempt all by art, subtlety, treason and treachery. And so for that he doubted no great resistance in the poor Lady to withstand the hands of them which should offer to break her neck: he durst the bolder attempt the same openly.  
But in the men whom he poisoned, for that they were such valiant knights the most part of them, as he durst as soon have eaten his scabbard, as draw his sword in public against them: he was enforced, (as all wretched ireful and dastardly creatures are) to supplant them by fraud and by other men's hands. As also at other times he hath sought to do unto divers other noble and valiant personages, when he was a feared to meet them in the field as a knight should have done.  
His treacheries towards the noble late Earl of Sussex in their many breaches, is notorious to all England. As also the bloody practises against divers others.  
But as among many, none were more odious & misliked of all men, than those against Monsieur Simiers a stranger & Ambassador: whom first he practised to have poisoned (as hath been touched 
The intended murder of Monsieur Simiers by sundry means.  before) & when that devise took not place, them he appointed that Robin Tider his man (as after upon his ale bench he confessed) should have slain him at the black friars at Greenwich as he went forth at the garden gate: but missing also of that purpose, for that he found the Gentleman better provided and guarded than he expected, he dealt with certain Flusshyners and other Pirates to sink him at sea with the English Gentlemen his favourers, that accompanied him at his return into France. And though they miss of this practise also, (as not daring to set upon him for fear of some of her Ma. ships, who, to break of this designment attended by special commandment, to wafte him over in safety) yet the foresaid English Gentlemen, were holden four hours in chase at their coming back: as M. Rawley well knoweth being then present, and two of the Chacers named Clerk and Hatris confessed afterwards the whole designment.  
The Earl of Ormond in like wise hath often declared, and will avouch it to my Lord 
The intended murder of the Earl of Ormond.  of Leicester's face, when so ever he shallbe called to the same, that at such time as this man had a quarrel with him and thereby was likely to be enforced to the field (which he trembled to think of) he first sought by all means to get him made away by secret murder, offering five hundredth pounds for the doing thereof: and secondly when that devise took no place, he appointed with him the field, but Secretly suborning his servant 
Wyllm Killegre  Wyllm Killegre to lie in the way where Ormonde should pass, and so to massacre him with a caliver, before he came to the place appointed. Which murder though it took no effect, for that the matter was taken up, before the day of meeting: yet was Killigre placed afterward in her Ma. Privy Chamber by Leycester, for showing his ready mind, to do for his master so faithful a service.  
SCHOL.  
So faithful a service (quoth I?) truly, in my opinion, it was but an unfit preferment, for so facinorous a fact. And as I would be loath that many of his Italians, or other of that art, should come nigh about her Ma. kitchen: so much less would I, that many such his bloody Champions, should be placed by him in her highness chamber. Albeit for this Gentleman in particular, it may be, that with change of his place in service, he hath changed also his mind and affection, and received better instruction in the fear of the Lord.  
But yet in general I must needs say, that it cannot be but prejudicial & exceeding dangerous unto our noble Prince and Realm, that any one man whatsoever (especially such a one as the world taketh this man to be) should grow to so absolute authority and commaundrie in the Court, as to place about the Princess person (the head, the 
Preocupation of her Ma. person.  heart, the life of the land) what so ever people liketh him best, & that not upon their deserts towards the Prince, but towards himself: whose fidelity being more obliged to their advauncer then to their sovereign, do serve for watchmen about the same, for the profit of him, by whos appointment they were placed. Who by their means casting indeed but Nets & Chains, & invisible bands about that person, who most of all he pretendeth to serve, he shutteth up his Prince in a prison most sure, though sweet and senseless. 
An ordinary way of aspiring by preocupation of the Prince's person   
Neither is this art of aspiring new or strange unto any man that is experienced in affairs of former time: for that it hath been from the beginning of all government a trodden path of all aspirers. In the stories both Sacred and Profane, foreign and domestical of all nations, kingdoms, countries, and states you shall read, that such as meant to mount above other, and to govern all at their own discretion: did lay this for the first ground and principle of their purpose: to possess themselves 
A Comparison.  of all such, as were in place about the principal: even as he who intending to hold a great City at his own disposition, nor dareth make open war against the same: getteth secretly into his hands or at his devotion, all the Towns, Villages, Castles, Fortresses, Bulwarks, Rampires, waters, ways, Ports and passages, about the same, and so with out drawing any sword against the said City, he bringeth the same into bondage to abide his will & pleasure.  
This did all these in the Roman Empire, who rose from subjects to be great Princes, and to put down Emperors. This did all those in France and other kingdoms, who at sundry times have tyramnized their Princes. And in our own country the examples are manifest of Vortiger, harold, henry of Lancaster, richard of Warwyk, Richard of Gloucester, john of Nortumberland and divers others, who by this mean specially, have pulled down their Lawful sovereigns.  
And to speak only a word or two of the last, for that he was this man's father: doth not all England know, that he first overthrew the good 
The way of aspiring in Duke Dudley.  Duke of Somerset, by drawing to his devotion the very servants and friends of the said Duke? And afterwards did not he possess himself of the kings own person, and brought him to the end which is known, & before that, to the most shameful disheriting of his own Royal Sisters: & all this, by possessing first the principal men, that were in authority about him?  
Wherefore Sir if my Lord of Leycester have the same plot in his head (as most men think) and that he meaneth one day to give the same push at the Crown by the house of Huntingdon, against all the race and line of king Henry the seventh in general. which his father gave bef … him, by pretence of the house of Suffolk, against the children of king Henry the eight in particular: he wanteth not reason to follow the same means & platform of planting special people, for his purpose about the Prince for surely his father's plot lacked no witty device or preparation, but only that God overthrew it at the instant: as happily he may do this man's) also, notwithstanding any diligence that human wisdom can use to the contrary.  
GENTLEMAN.  
To this said the Gentleman: that my Lord of Leicester hath a purpose to shoot one day at the Diadem by the title of Huntingdon, is not a thing obscure in itself, and it shallbe more plainly proved hereafter But now w●l I sh●w v●to you, for your instruction, how well ●his man hath followed his father's platform (or rather passed the same) in possessing himself of all her Ma. servants, friends, and forces, to serve his turn at that time for execution, and in the mean space for preparation.  
First in the Privy chamber, next unto her Ma. 
Leycester power in the pri●y chamber.  person, the most part are his own creatures (as he calleth them) that is, such as acknowledge their being in that place, from him: and the rest he so over-ruleth either by flattery or fear, as none may dare but to serve his turn. And his reign is so absolute in this place, (as also in all other parts of the Court) as nothing can pass but by his admission, nothing can be said, done, or signified, whereof he is not particularly advertised: no bill, no supplication, no complaint, no suit, no speech, can pass from any man to the Princess (except it be from one of the Council) but by his good liking: or if there do: he being admonished thereof (as presently he shall:) the party delinquent is sure after to abide the smart thereof. Whereby he holdeth as it were a lock upon the ears of his Prince, and the tongues of all her Ma. servants, so surely chained to his girdle, as no man dareth to speak any one thing that may offend him, though it be never so true or behoveful for her Ma. to know. 
Leycester married at waensteade when her Ma. was at M. Stoners house Doctor Culpeper Physician Minister.   
As well appeared in his late marriage with Dame Essex, which albeit it was celebrated twice: first at Killingworth, and secondly at Waensteade (in the presence of the Earl of warwick, L. North, Sir Fran. Knooles & others) and this exactly known to the whole Court, with the very day, the place, the witnesses, and the Minister that married them together: yet no man durst open his mouth to make her Ma. privit thereunto, until Monsieur Simiers disclosed the same, (and thereby incurred his high displeasure) nor yet in many days after for fear of Leycester. Which is a subjection most dishonourable & dangerous to any Prince living, to stand at the devotion of his subject, what to hear or not to hear, of things that pass within his own Realm.  
And hereof it followeth that no suit can prevail 
No su●e can pass● but by Leycester read  in Court, be it never so mean, except he first be made acquainted therewith, and receive not only the thanks, but also be admitted unto a great part of the gain & commodity thereof. Which, as it is 
Polidore in the 7. year of K Rich ●. and you shall find this proced●ng of certain abou●e that K to be put as a great cause of his overthrew  a great injury to the suitor: so is it a far more greater to the bounty, honour & security of the Prince, by whose liberality this man feedeth only, & for tifieth himself, depriving his sovereign of all grace, thanks, & good will for the same. For which cause also he giveth out ordinarily, to every suitor, that her Ma. is nigh & parsimonious of herself, & very difficile to grant any suit, were it not only upon his incessant solicitation. Whereby he filleth his own purse the more, & emptieth the hearts of such as receive benefit, from due thanks to their Princess for the sure obtained.  
Hereof also ensueth, that no man may be preferred in Court (be he otherwise never so well a deserving servant to her Ma. except he be one of Leicester's faction or followers: none can be advanced, except he be liked and preferred by him: none receive grace, except he stand in his 
No preferments but by Leycester to Leycestrians.  good favour, no one may live in countenance, or quiet of life, except he take it, use it, and acknowledge it from him, so as all the favours, graces, dignities, preferments riches and rewards, which her Ma. bestoweth, or the Realm can yield: must serve to purchase this man private friends, and favourers, only to advance his party, and to fottifie his faction. Which faction if by thes means it be great, (as indeed it is:) you may not marvel, seeing the riches and wealth, of so worthy a common weal, do serve him but for a price to buy the same.  
Which thing himself well knowing, frameth his spirit of proceeding accordingly. And first, upon 
Leycester anger & insolency.  confidence thereof, is become so insolent & impotent of his Ire that no man may bear the same, how justly or injustly so ever it be conceived: for albeit he begin to hate a man upon bare surmises only (as commonly it falleth out, ambition being always the mother of suspicion) yet he prosecuteth the same, with such implacable cruelty, as there is no long abiding for the party in that place. As might be showed by the examples of many whom he hath chased from the Court, upon his only displeasure, without other cause, being known to be otherwise zealous protestants. As Sir Jerome Bows, M. George Scot and others that we could name.  
To this insolency is also joined (as by nature it followeth) most absolute and peremptory dealing in all things whereof it pleaseth him to dispose, 
Leicester peremptory dealing.  without respect either of reason, order, due, right, subordination, custom, conveniency, or the like: whereof notwithstanding Princes them selves are wont to have regard in disposition of their matters: as for example among the servants of the Q Ma. household, it is an ancient and most commendable order & custom, that when a place of higher room falleth void, he that by succession is next, & hath made proof of his worthiness in an inferior place, should rise and possess the same, (except it be for some extraordinary cause) to the end that no man unexperienced or untried, should be placed in the higher rooms the first day, to the prejudice of others, and disservice of the Prince.  
Which most reasonable custom, this man contemning 
Breaking of order in her Maiesté howsholde.  & breaking at his pleasure, thrusteth into higher rooms any person whatsoever, so he like his inclination or feel his reward: albeit he neither be fit for the purpose, nor have been so much as clerk in any inferior office before.  
The like he useth out of the Court, in all other 
Leicester. violating of all order in the country abroad.  places where matters should pass by order election or degree: as in the universities, in election of Scholars and heads of houses, in Ecclesiastical persons, for dignities of church, in officers, Magistrates, stewards of lands, Shiryves and Knights of the shiers, in Burgesses of the parliament, in commissioners, judges, justices of the peace, (whereof many in every shire must wear his livery) and all other the like: where this man's will, must stand for reason, and his Letters for absolute laws, neither is there any man, magistrate, or communer in the Realm, who dareth not sooner deny their petition of her Ma. letters, upon just causes (for that her highness is content after to be satisfied with reason) then to resist the commandment of this man's letters, who will admit no excuse or satisfaction, but only the execution of his said commandment, be it right or wrong.   

LAW.  
To this answered the lawyer, now verily (Sir) you paint unto me a strange pattern of a perfect Potentate in the Court: belike that staunger, who calleth our state in his printed book Leicestrensem rempublicam, a Leicestrian common 
A Leicestryane common wealth.  wealth, or the common wealth of my Lord of Leycester, knoweth much of thes matters. But to hold (Sir) still within the Court: I assure you that by considerations, which you have laid down, I do begin now to perceive, that his party must needs be very great and strong within the said Court, seeing that he hath so many ways & means to increase, every, and encourage the same, and so strong abilities, to tread down his enemies. The common speech of many wanteth not reason I perceive, which caleth him the heart & life of the Court.  
GENTLEMAN.  
They which call him the heart (said the Gentleman) upon a little occasion more, would call him 
Leycester called the heart and life of the Court.  also the head: and then I marvel what should be left for her Ma. when they take from her both life, heart, and headship in her own Realm? But the truth is, that he hath the Court at this day, in almost the same case, as his father had it, in king Edward's days, by the same device, (the Lord forbidden, that ever it come fully to the same state, for than we know what ensued to the principal:) and if you will have an evident demonstration of this man's power and favour in that place: call you but to mind the times when her Ma. upon most just and urgent occasions, did withdraw, but a little her wonted favour and countenance towards him: did not all the Court as it were, mutiny presently? 
A demonstration of Leyc Tyranny in the Court  did not every man hang the lip? except a few, who afterwards paid swetlie for their mirth. were there not every d●ye new devices sought out, that some should be on their knees to her Ma. some should weep & put finger in their eyes: other should find out certain covert manner of threatening: other reasons and persuasions of love: other of profit: other of honour: other of necessity: & all to get him recalled back to favour again? And had her Ma. any rest permitted unto her, until she had yielded and granted to the same?  
Consider then (I pray you) ●hat if at that time, in his disgrace, he had his faction so fast assured to himself: what hath he now in his prosperity, after so many years of fortification? wherein by all reason he 
Leyc. provideth never to come in the Q. danger again.  hath not been negligent, seeing that in policy the first point of good fortification is, to make that fort impregnable, which once hath been in danger to be lost. Whereof you have an example in Rich. Duke of York, in the time of K. Henry the sixth, who being once in the kings hands by his own submission, & dismissed again (when for his deserts he should have suffered: provided after, that the king should never be able to overreache him the second time, or have him in his power to do him hurt, but made him 
Anno Regni. 31.  self strong enough to pull down the other with extirpation of his family.  
And this of the Court, household and Chamber of her Ma. But now if we shall pass from Court to Council, we shall find him no less fortified but 
Ley puissance in the privy Coucell.  rather more: for albeit the providence of God hath been such, that in this most honourable assembly, there hath not wanted some two or three of the wisest, gravest, and most experienced in our state, that have seen and marked this man's perilous proceedings from the beginning, (whereof notwithstanding two are now diseased, and their places 
L. Keeper L. Chamberlain.  supplied to Leicester's good liking:) yet (alas) the wisdom of thes worthy men, hath discovered always more, than their authorities were able to redress: (the others great power and violence considered) and for the residue of that bench and table, though I doubt not but there be divers, who do in heart detest his doings (as there were also, no doubt among the Councillors of king Edward, who misliked this man's father's attempts, though not so hardy as to contrary the same:) yet for most part of the Council present, they are known to be so affected in particular, the one for that he is to him a brother, the other a father, the other a kinsman, the other an ally, the other a fast obliged friend the other a fellow or follower in faction, as none will stand in the breach against him: none dare resist or encounter his designments: but every man yielding rather to the force of his flow, permitteth him to pierce, & pass at his pleasure, in what soever his will is once settled to obtain.  
And hereof (were I not stayed for respect of some whom I may not name) I could allege strange examples, not so much in affairs belonging to subjects and to private men, (as were the cases 
Matters wherein the Council are enforced to wink at Leycester  of Snowden forest, Denbigh, of Killingworth, of his fair Pastures foully procured by Southam, of the Archbishop of Canterbury, of the L. Barkley. of Sir john Throgmarton, of M. Robinson, and the like,) wherein those of the Council that disliked his doings, lest dared to oppose themselves to the same: but also in things that appertain directly to the Crown & dignity, to the state and common weal, and to the safety and continuance thereof. It is not secure for any one Councillor, or other of authority, to take notice of my lords errors or misdeeds, but with extreme peril of their own ruin.  
As for example: in the beginning of the rebellion in Ireland, when my Lord of Leycester was in some disgrace, and consequently, as he imagined 
Leycester intelligence with the rebellion in Ireland.  but in frail state at home, he thought it not unexpedient, for his better assurance, to hold some intelligence also that way, for all events, and so he did: whereof there was so good evidence and testimony found, upon one of the first of account, that was there slain, (as honourable personages of their knowledge have assured me) as would have been sufficient, to touch the life of aine subject in the land, or in any state Christian, but only my Lord of Leycester: who is a subject without subjection.  
For what think you? durst any man take notice hereof, or avouch that he had seen thus much? durst he that took it in Ireland, deliver the same where especially he should have done? or they who received it in England, (for it came to great hands,) use it to the benefit of their Princess and country? No surely: for if it had been but only suspected, that they had seen such a thing, it would have been as dangerous unto them, as it was to Actaeon to have seen Diana & her maidens naked: whose 
Actaeon's case now come in England  case is so common now in England as nothing more, & so do the examples of divers well declare: whose unfortunate knowledge of to many secrets, brought them quickly to unfortunate ends  
For we hear of one Saluatore a stranger, long 
Saluatore Slain in his bed  used in great Mysteries of base affairs and dishonest actions, who afterwards (upon what demerit I know not) sustained a hard fortune, for being late with my Lord in his study, (well near until midnight, (if I be rightly informed) went home to his chamber, and the next morning was found slain in his bed. We hear also of one doughty, hanged in haste by Captain Drake upon 
Doughty hanged by Drake.  the sea, and that by order (as is thought) before his departure out of England, for that he was over privy to the Secrets of this good Earl.  
There was also this last summer past, one, Gates 
The story of Gates hanged at Tyburn.  hanged at Tyburn, among others, for robbing of Carriars, which Gates had been lately clerk of my Lords kitchinge, and had laid out much money of his own, (as he said) for my L. provision, being also otherwise, in so great favour and grace with his L. as no man living was thought to be more privy of his secrets than this man, where upon also it is to be thought, that he presumed the rather to commit this robbery, (for to such things doth my Lords good favour most extend:) and being apprehended & in danger for the same, he made his recourse to his honour for, protestion, (as the fashion is) and that he might be borne out, as divers of less merit had been by his Lordship, in more heinous causes before him.  
The good Earl answered his servant and dear Privado courteously, and assured him, for his life, how so ever for utter show or compliment the form of la might pass against him. But Gates seeing himself condemned, & nothing now between his head and the halter, but the word of the Magistrate which might come in an instant, when it would be to late to send to his Lord: remembering also the small assurance of his said Lords word by his former dealings towards other men, whereof this man was to much privy: he thought good to solicit his case also by some other of his friends, though not so puissant as his L. and master, who dealing in deed, both diligently and effectually in his affair, found the matter more difficult a great deal then either he or they had imagined: for that my Lord of Leycester, was not only not his favourer, but a great hastener of his death under hand and that with such care, diligence, vehemency, and irresistible means, (having the la also on his side,) that there was no hope at all of escaping: which thing when Gates heard of, he easily believed for the experience he had of his Masters good nature, and said, that he always mistrusted the same, considering how much his Lordship was in debt to him, and he made privy to his Lordship foul secrets, which secrets he would, there presently have uttered in the face of all the world, but that he feared torments or speedy death, with some extraordinary cruelty, if he should so have done, and therefore he disclosed the same only to a Gentleman of worship, whom he trusted specially, whose name I may not utter for some causes (but it beginneth with H.) & I am in hope ere it be long, by means of a friend of mine, to have a sight of that discourse & report of Gates, which hitherto I have not seen nor ever spoke I with the Gentleman that keepeth it, though I be well assured that the whole matter passed insubstance as I have here recounted it.  
SCHOL.  
whereunto I answered, that in good faith it were pity that this relation should be lost, for that it is very like, that many rare things be declared 
This relation of Gates, may serve hereafter for an addition in the second edition of this book  therein, seeing it is done by a man so privy to the affairs themselves, wherein also he had been used an instrument. I will have it (quoth the Gentleman) or else my friends shall fail me, howbeit not so soon as I would, for that he is in the west country that should procure it for me, & will not return for certain months, but after I stall see him again, I will not leave him unril he procure it for me, as he hath promised. well (quoth I,) but what is become of that evidence found in Ireland under my Lord's hand, which no man dare pursue, avouch, or behold.  
GENTLEMAN.  
truly (said the Gentleman) I am informed that it lieth safely reserved in good custody, to be brought forth and avowched, when so over it shall please God so to dispose of her Ma. heart, as to lend an indifferent ear, aswell to his accusers, as to himself, in judgement.  
Neither must you think, that this is strange, nor that the things are few, which are in such sort reserved in deck for the time to come, even among 
The deck reserved for Leycester.  great personages, and of high calling, for seeing the present state of his power to be such, and the tempest of his tyranny to be so strong and boisterous, as no man may stand in the rage thereof, without peril, for that even from her Ma. herself, in the lenity of her Princely nature, he extorteth what he designeth, either by fraud, flattery, false information, 
Leycester puissant violence with the Prince herself.  request, pretence, or violent importunity, to the over-bearing of all, whom he meaneth to oppress: No marvel then though many even of the best and faithfullest subjects of the land, do yield to the present time, and do keep silence in some matters, that otherwise they would take it for duty to utter.  
And in this kind, it is not long sithence a worshipful and wise friend of mine told me a testimony in secret, from the mouth of as noble and grave a Councillor, as England hath enjoyed thes 
The Earl of Sussex his speech of the Earl of Leices.  many hundredth years: I mean the late L. chamberlain, with whom my said friend being alone at his house in London, not twenty days before hsi death, conferred somewhat familiarly about thes and like matters, as with a true father of his country and common wealth: and after many complaints in the behalf of divers, who had opened their griefs unto Councillors, and saw that no notice would be taken thereof: the said noble man, turning himself somewhat about from the water (for he sat near his pond side, where he beheld the taking of a pike or carp) said to my friend: It is no marvel (Sir) for who dareth intermeddle himself in my Lords affairs? I will tell you (quoth he) in confidence between you and me, there is as wise a man and as grave, and as faithful a Councillor, as England breedeth, (meaning thereby 
The L. B●rghlei.  the L. Treasurer) who hath as much in his keeping of Leicester's own hand writing, as is sufficient to hang him, if either he durst present the same to her Ma. or her Ma. do justice when it should be presented. But indeed (quoth he) the time permitteth neither of them both, & therefore it is in vain for any man to struggle with him.  
Thes were that noble man's words, whereby you may consider whether my L. of Leicester be strong this day in Council or no: and whether his fortification be sufficient in that place.  
But now if out of the Council, we will turn 
Leycester power in the country abroad  but our eye in the country abroad, we shall find as good fortification also there, as we have perused already in Court and Council: and shall well perceive that this man's plot, is no fond or indiscrete plot, but excellent well grounded, and such as in all proportions hath his due correspondence.  
Consider then, the chief and principal parts of this land for martial affairs, for use and commodity of armour, for strength, for opportunity, for liberty of the people, as dwelling farthest of from the presence and aspect of their Prince, such parts (I say) as are fittest for sudden enterprises, without danger of interception: as are the north, the West, the countries of Wales, the Islands round about the land, and sundry other places within the same: Are they not all at this day at his disposition? are they not all (by his procurement) in the only hands of his friends and allies? or of such, as by other matches, have the same complot and purpose with him? 
York Earl of Huntingdon.   
In York is precedent, the man that of all other is fittest for that place, that is, his nearest in affinity, his dearest in friendship, the head of his faction, & open competitor of the Sceptre. In Barwik is Captain, 
Barwick. The L. Hunsden.  his wife's uncle, most assured to himself & Huntinghton, as one who at convenient time, may as much advance their designments, as any one man in England.  
In Wales the chief authority from the Prince, 
Wales. Si● Henry Sidney. The Er. of Pembroke. The west Earl of Bedford.  is in his own brother in la: bu● among the people, of natural affection, is in the Earl of Penbrook: who both by Marriage of his sister's daughter is made his ally, and by dependence is known to be wholly, at his disposition. The west part of England is under Bedford, a man wholly devoted to his & the Puritans faction. In Ireland was governor of 
The L. Grey. † Her Ma. (as he saith for striking of M. Fortescue called him lame wretch: that grieved h●m so. (for that he was hurt in her service at lieth) as he said, he would live to be revenged.  late the principal instrument appointed for their purposes: both in respect of his heat, and affection toward their designments, as also of some secret discontentment, which he hath towards her Ma. and the state present for certain hard † speeches and ingrate recompenses, as he pretendeth: but indeed for that he is known to be of nature fiery, and impatient of stay, from seeing that common wealth on foot, which the next competitors for their gain, have painted out to him and such others, more pleasant than the Terrestrial Paradise itself.  
This then is the Hector, this is the ajax, appointed for the enterprise, when the time shall come. This must be (forsooth) an other Richard of War●vik, to gain the Crown for Henry the ninth of the house of York: as the other Richard did put down Henry the sixth of the house of Lancaster, & placed Edward the fourth, from whom Huntingdon deriveth his title: therefore this man is necessarily to be entertained from time to time, (as we see now he is) in some charge and martial action, to the end his experience, power, and credit may grow the more, and he be able at the time to have soldiers at his commandment. And for the former charge which held of late in Ireland, as this man had not been called away, but for execution of some other secret purpose, 
* In Scotland or else where, a 'gainst the next inheritors or present possessor.  for advancement of their designments: so be well assured that for the time to come, it is to be furnished again with a sure and fast friend to Leycester and to that faction. 
Sir John Parotte.   
In the isle of Wight I grant that Leycester hath lost a great friend and a trusty servant by the death of Captain Horsey, but yet the matter is supplied 
Sir Edw. Horsey. Sir Georg Carew.  by the succession of an other, no less assured unto him, than the former, or rather more, through the band of affinity by his wife. The two islands of Gersey and Gernsey are in the possession of two 
Sir Amias Paulet. Sir Thomas Layton.  friends & most obliged dependentes. The one, by reason he is exceedingly addicted to the Puritan procedings: the other, as now being joined unto him by the marriage of Mistress Bess his wives sister, both daughters to Sir Francis, or (at least) to my Lady Knooles, and so become a rival, companion and brother, who was before (though trusty) yet but his servant.  
And thes are the chief Keys, Forteesses, and Bulwarks, within, without & about the realm, which my Lord of Leyces. possessing, (as he doth,) he may be assured of the body within: where notwithstanding (as hath been showed) he wanteth no due preparation for strength: having at his disposition (besides all aids and other helps specified 
Her Ma. Stable. Her Armour Munitition, and Artilerye. The Tower.  before) her Ma. horse, and stables, by interest of his own office: her Armour, Artillery and Munition, by the office of his brother the Earl of Warwick. The Tower of London and treasure therein, by the dependence of Sir Owyne Hopton his sworn seruaunt● as ready to receive and furnish him with th● whole (if occasion served) as one of his predecessors was, to receive his father in K. Edwardes days, for the like effect, against her Ma. and her sister.  
And in the City of London itself, what this 
London. Sir Rowland Heiward, & Mad▪ Fleet wo●  man at a pinch, could do, by the help of some of the principal men, & chief leaders, & (as it were) commanders of the commons there, and by the bestirring of Fleetwoode his mad Recorder, and other such his instruments: as also in all other Towns, Ports and Cities of importance, by such of his own setting up, as he hath placed there to serve his designments, and justices of peace with other, that in most Shires do were his livery, and are at his appointment: the simplest man within the Realm doth consider.  
whereunto if you add now his own forces and furniture, which he hath in Killingworth Castle and other places, as also the forces of Huntingdon in particular, with their friends, followers, allies, and Compartenours: you shall find that they are not behind in their preparations.  
SCHOL.  
For my Lord of Huntington's forwardness in the cause (said I) there is no man, I think, which maketh doubt: marry for his private forces, albeit they may be very good, for any thing I do know to the contrary, (especially at his house within 25. miles of 
My L. of Huntington's preparation at Ashby.  Killingworth, where one told me some years paste, that he had furniture ready for five thousand men:) yet do I not think, but that they are far inferior to my L. of Leycest. who is taken to have excessive store, & that in divers place. And as for the Castle last mentioned by you, ther are men of 
Killingworth Castle.  good intelligence, and of no small judgement, who report, that in the same, he hath well to furnish, ten thousand good soldiers, of all things necessary both for horse & man, besides all other munition, armour, & artillery, (whereof great store was brought thither under pretence of triumph, when her Ma. was there, & never as yet carried back again) & besides the great abundance of ready Coin, there laid up (as is said) sufficient for any great exploit to be done within the Realm.  
And I know that the estimation of this place was such, among divers, many years ago: as when at a time her Ma. lay dangerously sick, and like 
elf ●ane.  to die, at Hampton Court, a certain gentleman of the Court, came unto my L. of Huntingdon, & told him, that for so much as he took his L. to be next in succession after her Ma. he would offer hymas mean of great help, for compassing of his purpose, after the disease of her Ma. which was, the possession of Killingworth Castle (for at that time thes two 
The offer & acceptation of Killingworth Castle.  Earls were not yet very friends, nor confederate together) & that being had, he showed to the Earl the great furniture and wealth, which thereby he should possess for pursuit of his purpose.  
The proposition was well liked, & the matter esteemed of great importance, and consequently received with many thanks. But yet afterwards her Ma. by the good providence of God, recovering again, letted the execution of the bargain: and my L. of Huntingdon having occasion to join amity with Leycester, had more respect to his own commodity, than to his friends security, (as commonly in such persons & cases it falleth out) & so discovered the whole device unto him, who forgot not after, from time to time, to plague the deviser by secret means, until he hath brought him to that poor estate, as all the world seethe: though many men be not acquainted with the true cause of this his disgrace and bare fortune.  
LAW.  
To this answered the Lawyer: In good faith (Gentlemen) you open great mysteries unto me, which either I knew not, or considered not so particularly before, and no marvel, for that my profession and exercise of law, restraineth me from much company keeping: and when I happen to be among some that could tell me much herein, I dare not either ask, or hear if any of himself begin to talk, lest afterwards the speech coming to light, I be fetched over the coals (as the proverb is) for the same, under pretence of an other thing. But you (who are not suspected for religion (have much greater privilege in such matters, both to hear & speak again, which men of mine estate dare not do: Only this I knew before, that throughout all England 
The prerogative of my ●. of Leycester  my L. of Leycester is taken for Dominus sac totum: Whose excellency above others is infinite, whose authority is absolute, whose commandment is dreadful, whose dislike is dangerous, & whose favour is omnipotent.  
And for his will, though it be seldom law, yet always is his power above law: and therefore we lawyers in all cases brought unto us, have as great regard to his inclination, as Astronomers have to the Planet dominaunte, or as sea men have to the north Pole.  
For as they that sail, do direct their course, according 
Leyc. the Star directory to Lawyeres in their Clientes affairs.  to the situation & direction of that star which guideth them at the Pole: and as astronomers who make prognostications, do fortel things to come, according to the aspect of the Planet dominaunte, or bearing rule for the time: so we do guide our Clients bark, and do prognosticate what is like to ensue of his cause, by the aspect & inclination of my L. of Ley. And for that reason, as soon as ever we hear a case proposed, our custom is to ask, what part my L. of Ley. is like to favour in the matter (for in all matters lightly of any importance, he hath a part) or what may be gathered of his inclination therein: and according to that we give a guess, more or less, what end will ensue.  
But this (my masters) is from the purpose: and therefore returning to your former speech again, I do say, that albeit I was not privy before to the particular provisions of my L. and his friends, in such and such places: yet seeing him accounted L. general over all the whole Realm, and to have at his commandment, all these several commodities and forces pertaining to her Ma. which you have mentioned before, and so many more as be in the Realm, and not mentioned by you (for in fine, he hath all:) I could not but account him (as he is) a porent Prince of our state, for all furniture needful to defence or offence, or rather the only Monarch of our nobility, who hath sufficient of himself to plunge his Prince, if he should be discontented, especial for his abundance of money, (which, by the wise, is termed the Sinours of Martial actions) wherein by all men's judgements, he is better furnished 
Ley. furniture in money.  at this day, than ever any subject of our land, either hath been heretofore, or lightly may be hereafter, both for banks without the realm & stuffed coffers within. In so much that being myself in the Last Parliament, when the matter was moved, for the grant of a Subsidy, after that, one for her Ma. had given very good reasons, why her highness was in want of money, and consequently needed the assistance of her faithful subjects therein: an other that sat next me of good account said in mine ear secretly: these reasons I do well allow, & am contented to give my 
The saying of a knight of the shire touching Leycester money.  partin money: but yet, for her Ma. need, I could make answer as one answered once the Emperor Tiberius in the like case & cause. Abundè ei pecuniam fore, si a liberto suo in societatem reciperetur. that her Ma. should have money enough, if one of her servants would vouchsafe to make her highness partaker with him: meaning thereby my L. of Leycester, whose treasure must needs in one respect, be greater, then that of her Ma. for that he layeth up what soever he getteth, & his expenses he casteth upon the purse of his Princess.  
GENTLEMAN.  
For that (said the Gentleman) whether he do or no, it importeth little to the matter: seeing both that which he spendeth, & that he hoardeth, is truly & properly his Princess treasure: and seeing he hath so many & divers ways of gaining, what should he make account of his own private expenses? if 
The infi●nit ways of gaining that Leycester hath.  he lay out one for a thousand, what can that make him the poorer? he that hath so goodly lands, possessions, signiories and rich offices of his own, as he is known to have: he that hath so special favour and authority with the Prince, as he can obtain 
Suits.  what soever he listeth to demand: he that hath his part and portion in all suits beside, that pass by grace, or else (for the most part) are ended 
Lands.  by law: he that may chop & change, what lands he listeth with her Ma. despoil them of all their woods and other commodities, and rack them afterwards to the uttermost penny, and then return the same, so tenter-stretched and bore shorn, into her Ma. hands again, by fresh exchange, rend for rent, for other lands never enhanced before: he that possesseth so many gainful licences to him self alone of Wine, Oils, Currantes, Cloth, velvets, 
Licenses.  with his new office for Licence of alienation, most pernicious unto the common wealth, as he useth the same, with many other the like, which were sufficient to enrich whole towns, corporations, countries, and commonwealths: he that 
Falling out with her Ma.  hath the art, to make gainful to himself every offence, displeasure, and falling out of her Ma. with him, & every angry coontenaunce cast upon him: he that hath his share in all offices of great profit and 
Offices.  holdeth an absolute Monopole of the same: he that disposeth at his will the Ecclesiastical livings of the Realm, maketh bishops, none, but such as 
Clergy  will do reason, or of his Chaplanes whom he listeth, & retaineth to himself so much of the living as liketh him best: he that sweepeth away the glebe from so many benefices throughout the land & compoundeth 
Benefices  with the person for the rest: he that so schoureth the University & Colleges where he is Chancellor, 
University.  & selleth both headships & Scholars places, & all other offices, rooms & dignities, that by art or violence may yield money: he that maketh title to what land or other thing he please, and driveth the parties to compound for the same: he that taketh 
Oppressions.  in whole Forests, Commons, Woods & Pastures to himself, compelling the tennauntes to pay 
Rapines.  him new rent, and what he ceaseth: he that vexeth and oppresseth whom so ever he list, taketh from any what he list, & maketh his own claim, suit, 
Prince's favour.  and end as he list: he that selleth his favour with the Prince, both abroad in foreign countries, and at home, and setteth the price thereof what himself will demand: he that hath & doth all this, & besides 
Presents.  this, hath infinite presents daily brought unto him of great value, both in jewels, Plate, all kind of Furniture & ready Coin: this man (I say) may easily bear his own expenses, & yet lay up sufficiently also to weary his Prince when needs shall require.  
LAW.  
You have said much Sir, (quoth the Lawyer) and such matter, as toucheth nearly both her Ma. & the common wealth: and yet in my conscience if I were to plead at the bar for my Lord: I could not tell which of all these members to deny. But for that 
Leycester home-gaine by her Ma. favour.  which you mention in the last part, of his gaining by her Ma. favour, both at home & abroad: touching his home gain it is evident, seeing all that he hath is gotten only by the opinion of her Ma. favour towards him: and many men do repair unto him, with fat presents, rather for that they suppose, he may by his favour do them hurt, if he feel not their reward, then for that they hope he will labour any thing in their affairs.  
You remember (I doubt not) the story of him, that 
A pretty story.  offered his Prince a great yearly rent, to have but this favour only, that he might come every day in open audience, and say in his ear, God save your Ma. assuring himself, that by the opinion of confidence and secret favour, which hereby the people would conceive, to be in the Prince towards him▪ he should easily get up his rent again double told. Wherefore, my L. of Leycester receiving daily from her Ma. greater tokens of grace and favour then this, and himself being no evil merchant, to make his own bargain for the best of his commodities: cannot but gain exceedingly at home by his favour.  
And for his Lucre abroad upon the same cause, 
Leycester foreign gain by her Ma. favour.  I leave to other men to conceive, what it may be, sithence the beginning of her Ma. reign: the times whereof and condition of all Christendom hath been such, as all the Princes and Potentates round about us, have been constrained at one time or other, to sue to her highness for aid, grace, or favour: in all which suits, men use not to forget (as you know) the parties most able by their credit, to further or let the same.  
In particular only this I can say, that I have heard of sundry french men, that at such time, as the treaty was between France and England, for the redelivery of Calais unto us again, in the first year of her Ma. reign that now is, when the french men were in great distress & misery, & K. Philippe refused absolutely to make peace with them, except Calais were restored to England (whether for that purpose he had now delivered the french hostages:) 
Leycester bribe for betraying of Calais.  the french men do report (I say) that my L. of Leycester stood them in great stead at that necessity, for his reward, (which you may well imagine was not small, for a thing of such importance,) & became a suitor, that peace might be concluded, with the release of Calais to the french: which was one of the most impious facts (to say the truth,) that ever could be devised against his common wealth.  
GENTLEMAN.  
A small matter in him (said the Gentleman) for in this he did no more, but as Christ said of the Jews: that they filled up the measure of their father's sins. And so if you read the story of K. Edwardes time, you shall find it most evident, that this man's father before him, sold Bullogne to the french by 
Leycester father sold Bullogne.  like treachery. For it was delivered up upon composition, with out necessity or reason, the. 25. of April, in the fourth year of K. Edward the sixth, when he (I mean duke Dudley) had now put in the Tower the L. Protector, & thrust out of the Council whom 
Earls of Arundel and Souchampton put out of the Council by D. Dudley.  he listed: as namely the Earls of Arundel & Southampton, & so invaded the whole government himself, to sell, spoil & dispose at his pleasure. Wherefore this is but natural to my L. of Leycester by descent, to make merchandise of the state, for his Grandfather Edmund also, was such a kind of Copesman.  
LAW.  
An evil race of merchants for the common wealth (quoth the Lawyer) but yet, Sir, I pray you (said he) expound unto me somewhat more at large, the nature of these licences which you named, as also the changing of lands with her Ma. if you can set it down any plainer: for they seem, to be things of excessive gain: especially his way of gaining by offending her Ma. or by her highness' offence towards him, for it seemeth to be a device above all skill or reason.  
Not so 
Leycester gain by falling out with her Ma.  (quoth the Gentleman for you know that every falling out must have an atonement again, whereof he being sure by the many & puissant means of his friends in Court, as I have showed before, who shall not give her Ma. rest until it be done: then for this atonement, and in perfect reconciliation on her Ma. part, she must grant my Lord some suit or other, which he will have always ready provided for that purpose, and this suit shall be well able to reward his friends, that laboured for his reconcilement, and leave also a good remainder for himself. And this is now so ordinary a practise with him, as all the Realm observeth the same, and disdaigneth that her Ma. should be so unworthily abused: For if her highness fall not out with him as often as he desireth to gain this way, than he picketh some quarrel or other, to show himself discontended with her, so that one way or other, this gainful reconciliation must be made, and that often for his commodity. The like art he excerciseth in inviting her Ma. to his banquettes and to his houses, where if she come, she must grant him in suits, ten times so much as the charges of all amount unto: so that Robin playeth the broker in all his affairs, & maketh the uttermost penny of her Ma. every way.  
GENTLEMAN.  
Now for his change of lands, I think I have been reasonable plain before: yet for your fuller satisfaction, you shall understand his further dealing therein, to be in this sort. Besides the good lands & of ancient possession to the Crown, procured at her Ma. hand, and used as before was declared: he useth the same trick for his worst lands, that he possesseth any way, whether they come to him, by extort means & plain oppression, or through maintenance & broken tiltes, or by cozenage of simple 
Leycester fraudulent change of lands with her Maie●t●e whereby he hath notably endamaged the Crown.  Gentlemen, to make him their heir, or by what hard title or unhonest means so ever, (for he practiseth store of such and thinketh little of the reckoning:) after he hath tried them likewise, to the uttermost touch, & let them out to such, as shall gain but little by the bargain: then goeth he and changeth the same with her Ma. for the best lands he can pick out of the Crown, to the end that hereby he may both enforce her Ma. to the defence of his bad titles, and himself fill his coffers, with the fines and uttermost commodity of both the lands.  
His licences do stand thus: first he got Licence 
Leycester Licences.  for certain great numbers of Clothes, to be transported out of this land, which might have been an undoing to the merchant subject, if they had not redeemed the same with great sums of money: so that it redounded to great damage of all occupied about that kind of commodity. After that he had the grant for carrying over of barrel stanes & of some other such like wares. Then procured he a Monopole, for bringing in of sweet wines, oils, currantes & the like: the gain whereof is inestimable. He had also the forfeit of all wine that was to be drawn above the old ordinary price, with licence to give authority to sell above that price: wherein Captain Horsey was his instrument, by which means it is incredible what treasure & yearly rent was gathered of the Vintner's throughout the Land.  
To this add now his licence of Silks & Velvets, 
silks & Veluetes.  which only were enough to enrich the Mayor and Adermen of London, if they were all decayed (as often I have heard divers Merchants affirm). And his licence of alienation of lands, which (as in part I have opened before) serveth him not only to excessive gain, but also for an extreme scourge, wherewith to plague whom he please in the Realm. For seeing that without this licence, no man can buy, sell, pass, or alienate, any land 
The tyrannical Licence of alienation.  that any ways may be drawn to that tenure, as holden in chief of the Prince: as commonly now most land may) he calleth into question what sooner liketh him best, be it never so clear: and under this colour, not only enricheth himself without all measure, but revengeth himself also, where he will, without all order.  
LAW.  
Hear the lawyer stood still a pretty while, biting his lip, as he were astonished, and then said. Verily I have not heard so many and so apparent things or so odious, of any man that ever lived in our common wealth. And I marvel much 
Edmond Dudley.  of my L. of Leycester, that his grandfathers fortune doth not move him much, who lost his head in the begnining of K. Henry the eights days, for much less and fewer offences, in the same kind, committed in the time of K. Henry the seventh: for he was thought to be the inventor of these poolinges and molestations, wherewith the people were burdened, in the later days of the said king. And yet had he great pretence of reason to allege for himself: in that these exactions were made to the king's use, and not to his, (albeit no doubt but his own gain was also there. M. Stowe writeth in his Chronicle, that in the time of 
Ebmund Dudley's bokewrit ten in the Tower.  his imprisonment in the Tower, he wrote a notable book, entitled The tree of commonwealth, which book, the said Stowe saith, that he hath delivered to my Lord of Leycester many years gone. And if the said book be so notable as M. Stowe affirmeth: I marvel, that his L. in so many years, doth not publish the same, for the glory of his ancestors?  
GENTLEMAN.  
It may be (said the Gentleman) that the secrets therein contained, be such, as it seemeth good to my Lord, to use them only himself, and to gather the fruit of that tree into his own house alone. For if the tree of the commonwealth in Edmund dudley's book, be the Prince and his race: and the fruits to be gathered from that tree▪ be riches, honours, dignities, & preferments: then no doubt, but as the writer Edmund was cunning therein: so have his two followers▪ john and Robert, well studied and practised the same, or rather have exceeded and far passed the author himself. The one of them gathering so eagerly, & wythsuch vehemency, as he was like to have broken down the main boughs for greediness: the other yet plucking and heaping so fast to himself and his friends, as it is and may be, most justly doubted, that when they have cropped all they, can, from the tree left them by their father Edmund (I mean the race 
The supplanting of the race of Henry the 7. The inserting of Huntingdon  of K. Henry the seuē●h:) then will they pluck up the Stem itself by the roots, as unprofitable: and pitch in his place another Trunk, (that is the line of Huntingdon) that may begin to feed a new, with, fresh fruits again, and so for a time content their appetites, until of gatherers, they may become trees, (which is their final purpose) to feed themselves at their own discretion.  
And how so ever this be, it cannot be denied, 
Edmund dudley's brood more cunning than himself.  but that Edmund dudley's brood, have learned by this book, and by other means, to be more cunning gatherers, than ever their first progenitor was, that made the book. First for that he made profession to gather to his Prince (though wickedly) & these men make demonstration, that they have gathered for themselves: & that with much mote iniquity. secondly for that Edmund Dudley though he got himself near about the tree, yet was he content to stand on the ground, and to serve himself from the tree, as commodity was offered: but his children not esteeming that, safe gathering, will needs mount aloft upon the tree, to pull, crop, and rifle at their pleasure. And as in this second point the son john Dudley was more subtle, then Edmund 
Northun▪ & Leices will rule their Prince & ●●t be ruled.  the father: so in a third point, the Nephew Robert Dudley is more crafty than they both▪ For that, he seeing the evil success of those two that went before him, he hath provided to gather so much in convenient time, and to make him self therewith so fat and strong, (wherein the other, two failed: as he will never be in danger more, to be called to any account for the same.  
LAW.  
In good faith Sir (quoth the Lawyer) I thank you heartily, for this pleasant discourse upon Edmond dudley's tree of common wealth. And by your opinion, my L. of Leicester is the most learned of all his kindred, and a very cunning Logitioner indeed, that can draw for himself so commodious conclusions, out of the perilous premises of his progenitors.  
GENTLEMAN.  
No marvel (quoth the Gentleman) for that his L. is Master of Art in Oxeforde, and Chancellor beside of the same University, where he hath store (as you know) of many fine wits & good 
Leycester master of art and a cunning Logitioner.  Logitioners at his commandment: and where he learneth not only the rules and art of cunning gathering: but also the very practise (as I have touched before: seeing there is no one College, or other thing of commodity within that place, wherhence he hath not pulled, what so ever was possibly to be gathered, either by art or violence.  
SCHOL.  
Touching Oxeford (said I) for that I am an University man myself, and have both experience of Cambrige, and good aequaintaunce with divers students of the other University: I can tell you 
●ey. abusing and spoiling of Oxford  enough, but in fine all tendeth to this conclusion, that by his Chauncelorship, is canceled almost all hope of good in that University: and by his protection, it is like soon to come to destruction. And surely if there were no other thing, to declare the odds and difference betwixt him, and our Chancellor, (whom he cannot bear, for that every 
The L. treasurer  way he seethe him, to pass him in all honour and virtue) it were sufficient to behold the present state of the two Universities, whereof they are heads and governors.  
For our own, I will not say much, lest I might perhaps 
Cambrige.  seem partial: but let the thing speak for itself. Consider the fruit of the garden, & thereby you may judge of the gardiner's diligence. Look upon the Bisshoprickes, pastorshippes, and pulpits of England, and see whence principally they have received their furniture for advancement of the Gospel. And on the contrary side, look upon the Seminaries of Papistry at Rome and Rheims, upon the Colleges of Iesuists, and other compagnies of papists Beyond the seas, and see wherhence they are, especially, fraught.  
The Priests and Iesuists here executed within the land, and other that remain either in prison, or abroad in corners: are they not all (in a manner) of that University? I speak not to the disgrace of any good that remain there, or that have issued out thence into the Lord's vineyard: but for the most part there, of this our time, have they not either gone beyond the seas, or left their places for discontentment in Religion, or else become serving men, or followed the bare name of law or Physic, without profiting greatly therein, or furthering the service of God's Church or their common wealth?  
And whethence (I pray you) ensueth all this, burr by reason that the chief Governor thereof is an Atheist himself, and useth the place only for gain and spoil? for here-hence it cometh, that 
The disorders of Oreforde by the wickedness of their Chancellor.  all good order and discipline is dissolved in that place: the fervour of study extinguished: the public lectures abandoned (I mean of the more part:) the Taverns and ordinary tables frequented: the apparel of students grown monstruous: and the statutes and good ordinance, both of the University & of every College and hall in private, broken and infringed at my Lords good pleasure, without respect either of oath, custom, or reason to the contrary. The heads and officers are put in & out at his only discretion: & the scholars places either sold, or disposed by his letters, or by these of his servants and followers: nothing can be had there, now, without present money: it is as common buying and selling of places in that University, as of horses in Smithfeild: whereby the good & virtuous are kept out, and companion thrust in, fit to serve his L. afterwards, in all affairs that shall occur.  
And as for Leases of farms, Woods, Pastutes, 
Leases.  Personages, Benefices or the like, which belong any way to any part of the University, to let or bestow, these, his L. and his servants have so fleeced, shorn, and scraped already, that there remaineth, little to feed upon hereafter: albeit he want not still his spies and intelligencers in the place, to advertise him from time to time, when any little new morsel is offered. And the Principal 
Leycester instruments.  instruments, which for this purpose, he hath had there before this, have been two Physicians bailie and Culpeper, both known Papists a little while ago, but now just of Galens religion, and so much the fit for my Lord's humour: for his Lordship doth always covet, to be furnished with certain chosen men about him, for divers affairs: as these two Galenistes for agentes in the University: Dee & Allen (two Atheists) for Figuring and Conjuring: julio the Italian & Lopas the jew, for Poisoning, & for the art of destroying children in women's bellies: Verneys for Murdering: Digbyes for 
* At digby house in warwik shire Dame Lettuce lay, and some other such pieces, of pleasure.  Bawds: and the like in other occupations which his Lordship exerciseth.  
Wherefore to return to the speech where we began: most clear it is, that my Lord of Leycester hath means to gain and gather also by the University, as well as by the country abroad. Wherein (as I am told) he beareth himself so absolute a Lord, as if he were their king, and not their Chancellor: Nay far more then, if he were the general and particular founder of all the Colleges and other houses of the University: no man daring to contrary or interrupt the least word or signification of his will, but with his extreme danger: which is a proceeding more fit for Phalaris the Tyrant, or some Governor in Tartary, then for a Chancellor of a learned University.  
LAW.  
To this answered the Lawyer, for my Lord's wrath, towards such as will not stand to his judgement and opinion, I can myself be a sufficient witness: who having had often occasion to deal for composition of matters, betwixt his Lordship and others, have seen by experience, that always they have sped best, who stood lest in contention with him, what soever their cause were. For as a great & violent river, the more it is stopped or contraried, the more it riseth and swelleth big, and in the end, dejecteth with more force the thing that made resistance: so his Lordship being the great and mighty Potentate of this Realm, 
The peril of standing with Leicester in anything.  and accustomed now to have his will in all things, can not bear to be crossed or resisted by any man, though it were in his own necessary defence.  
Hereof I have seen examples, in the causes of Snowden forest, in Wales, of Denbighe, of Killingworth, of Drayton and others: where the parties that had interest, or thought themselves wrounged, had been happy, if they had yielded at the first to his Lordship's pleasure, wythoutfurther question: for than had they escaped much trouble, charges, displeasure and vexation, which by resistance they incurred, to there great ruin.) and 
* Poor men resisting Warwikes enclosure at North hall were hanged for his pleasure by Leicester's authority.  loss of life to some) and in the end were feign also to submit themselves unto his will, with far worse conditions, then in the beginning were offered unto them: which thing was pitiful indeed to behold, but yet such is my Lord's disposition.  
GENTLEMAN.  
A noble disposition (quoth the Gentleman, that I must give him my Coat if he demand the same, and that quickly also, for fear lest if I staggar or 
Great Tyranny.  make doubt thereof, he compel me to yield both Coat and Doublet, in penance of my stay. I have red of some such Tyranntes abroad in the world: Marry their end was always according to their life, as it is very like that it will be also in this man, for that there is small hope of his amendment, and God passeth not over commonly such matters unpunished in this life, as well as in the life to come.  
But I pray you Sir, seeing mention is now made of the former oppressions, so much talked of throughout the Realm, that you will take the pains, to explain the substance thereof unto me: for albeit in general, every man doth know the same, and in heart do detest the Tyranny thereof: yet we abroad in the country, do not understand it so well and distinctly as you that be Lawyers, who have seen and understood the whole process of the same.  
LAW.  
The case of Killingworth and Denbighe, (said the Lawyer) are much alike in matter and manner of proceeding, though different in time place and importance. For that the Lordship of Denbighe in 
The Lord sh●ppe of Dembighe & Leyces. oppression used the●in  North wales, being given unto him by her Ma. a gteat while ago at the beginning of his rising, (which is a Lordship of singular greatimportaunce, in that country, having (as I have heard) well near two hundredth worshipful Gentlemen freeholders to the same:) the tennauntes of the place considering the present state of things, & having learned, the hungry disposition of their new Lord: made a common purse of a thousand pounds, to present him withal, at his first entrance. Which though he received (as he refuseth nothing,) yet accounted he the sum of small effect for satisfacction of his appetit: and therefore applied himself, not only to make the utermoste that he could by leases, & such like ways of commodity: but also would needs enforce the Freeholders, to raise their old rent of the Lordship, from two hundredth and fifty pounds a year or there abouts (at which rate he had received the same in gift from her Ma.) unto eight or nine hundredth pounds by the year. For that he had found out (forsooth) an old record, (as he said) whereby he could prove, that in ancient time long passed, that Lordship had yielded so much old rent: & therefore he would now enforce the present tennauntes, to make up so much again upon their lands, which they thought was against all reason for them to do: but my L. perforce, would have it so, and in the end compelled them to yield to his will, to the impoverishing of all the whole country about, 
The Manor of Killingworth and Ley. oppression ther.   
The like proceeding he used with the tennauntes about Killingworth, where he receiving the said Lordship & Castle from the Prince, in gift of twenty four pounds yearly rend or there about, hath made it now better than five hundredth by year: by an old record also, found by great fortune in the hole of a wall as is given out (for he hath, singular good luck always in finding out records for his purpose) by virtue whereof, he hath taken from the tennauntes, round about, their lands, Woods, Pastures, and Commous, to make himself Parks, Chases, and other commodities therewith, to the subversion of many a good family, which was maintained there, before this devourer set foot in that country.  
But the matter of Snowden Forest, doth pass all 
The case of Snowden forest most pitiful.  the rest, both for cunning and cruelty: the tragedy whereof was this. He had learned by his intelligencers abroad, (whereof he hath great store in every part of the Realm) that there was a goodly ancient Forest in Northwalles, which hath all most infinite borderers about the same: for it lieth in the midst of the country, beginning at the hills of Snowden (whereof it hath his name) in Carnarvan shit, and reacheth every way towards divers other shires. When my Lord heard of this, he entered presently into the conceit of a singular great prey: and going to her Majesty, signified that her highness was often times abused, by the encroaching of such as dwelled upon her Forestes, which was necessary to be restrained: and therefore beseeched her Majesty, to bestow upon him the incrochementes only, which he should be able to find out, upon the forest of Snowden, which was granted:  
And there upon he chose out commissioners fit for the purpose, and sent them into Wales, with the like commission, as a certain Emperor was wont to give his Magistrates, when they departed from him to govern, as Suetonius writeth: 
An old Tyrannical Commission.  Scitis quid velim, & quibus opus habeo. You know what I would have, and what I have need of. Which recommendation, these commissioners taking to heart, omitted no diligence in execution of the same: And so going into Wales, by such means as they used, of setting one man to accuse an other: brought quickly all the country round about in three or four shires, within the compass of forest ground: and so entered upon the same, for my L. of Leycester. Where upon, when the people were amazed, and expected what order my Lord himself would take therein: his L. was so far of from refusing any part of that, which his commissioners had presented & offered him as he would yet further stretch 
A ridieulous demonstration of excessive ana●ice.  the Forest beyond the sea, into the isle of Anglesey, & make that also within his compass & bounder.  
Which when the commonalty saw, and that they profited nothing, by their complaining and crying out of this Tyranny: they appointed to send some certain number of themselves, to London, to make supplication to the Prince: and so they did: Choising out for that purpose a dozen Gentlemen, and many more of the commons of the country of lyn, to deal for the whole. Who coming to London and exhibiting a most humble supplication to her Ma. for redress of their oppression: received an answer, by the procurement of my Lord of Leycester, that they should have justice, if the commonalty would return home to their houses, and the Gentlemen remain there, to solicit the cause. Which as soon as they had yielded unto, the Gentlemen were all taken and cast into prison, & there kept for a great space, and afterwards were sent down to Ludlowe, (as the place most eminent of all these countries) there to wear papires of perjury, and receive other punishments of of infamy, for their complaining: which punishments notwithstanding, afterward upon great su●e of the parties and their friends, were turned into great fines of money, which they were constrained to pay, and yet beside to agree 
A singular oppression.  also with my L. of Leycester for their own lands, acknowledging the same to be his, and so to buy it of him again.  
Whereby not only thes private Gentlemen, but all the whole country there about, was and is (in a manner) utterly undone. And the participation of this injury, reacheth so far and wide, and is so general in these parts: as you shall scarce find a man that cometh from that coast, who feeleth not the smart thereof: being either impoverished, beggared, or ruinated thereby.  
Whereby I assure you that the hatred of all that 
Leycester extremely hated in Wales.  country, is so universal and vehement against my Lord: as I think never thing Created by God, was so odious to that Nation, as the very name of my Lord of Leycester is. Which his Lordship well knowing, I doubt not, but that he will take heed, how he go thither to devil, or send thither his posterity.  
GENTLEMAN.  
For his posterity (quoth the Gentleman) I suppose he hath little cause to be solicitous: for that God himself taketh care commonly, that goods and honours so gotten and maintained, as his be, shall never trouble the third heir. Marry for himself, I confess (the matter standing as you say) that he hath reason to forbear that country, and to leave of his building begun at Denhighe, as I hear say he hath done. For that the universal hatred of 
The end of Tyrants  a people, is a perilous matter. And if I were in his Lordship's case, I should often think of the end of Nero: who after all his glory, 
Nero.  upon fury of the people was adjudged to have his head thrust into a Pillory, and so to be beaten to death, with rods and thwonges.  
Ot rather I should fear the success of Vitellius, 
Vitellius.  the third Emperor after Nero, who for his wickedness and oppression of the people, was taken by them at length, when fortune began to fail him, and led out of his Palace naked, with hooks of Iron fastened in his flesh, and so drawn through the City with infamy, where, laden in the streets with filth and ordure cast upon him, and a prick put under his Chin, to the end he should not look down or hide his face, was brought to the bank of Tiber, and there after many hundredth wounds received, was cast into the river. So implacable a thing is the furor of a multitude, when it is once stirred, and hath place of revenge. And so heavy is the hand of God upon Tyrants in this world, when it pleaseth his divine Majesty to take revenge of the same.  
I have red in Leander, in his description of Italy, how that in Spoleto (if I be not deceived) 
A most terrible revenge take upon a Tyraut.  the chief City of the country of Vmbria, there was a strange Tyrant: who in the time of his prosperity, contemned all men, and forbore to injury no man, that came within his claws: esteeming himself sure enough, for ever being called to render account in this life, and for the next he cared little. But God upon the sudden turned upsidedown the wheel of his felicity, and cast him into the people's hands: who took him, and bound his naked body upon a plank, in the market place, with a fire and iron tongues by him: and then made proclamation, that seeing this man was not otherwise able to make satisfaction, for the public injuries that he had done: every private person annoyed by him, should come in order, and with the hot burning tongues there ready, should take of his flesh so much, as was correspondent to the injury received, as indeed they did until the miserable man gave up the ghost, & after to: as this author writeth.  
But to the purpose: seeing my Lord careth little for such examples, and is become so hardy now, as he maketh no account to injury and oppress whole countries and commonalties together: it shallbe bootless to speak of his procedings 
Leye. oppression of particular men.  towards particular men, who have not so great strength to resist, as a multitude hath. And yet I can assure you, that there are so many and so pitiful things published daily of his Tyranny in this kind: as do move great compassion towards the party that do suffer, and horror against him, who shameth not daily to offer such injury.  
As for example: whose heart would not bleed to hear the case before mentioned, of M. Robinson of Staffordshire: a properyong gentleman. 
M. Robinson.  and well given both in religion and other virtues. Whose father died at Newhaven in her Ma. service, under this man's brother the Earl of Warwik: & recommended at his death, this his eldest son, to the special protection of Leycest. & his brother, whose servant also this Robinson hath been, from his youth upward, and spent the most of his living in his service. Yet notwithstanding all this, when Robinson's lands were entangled with a certain Londoner, upon interest for his former maintenance in their service, whose title my L. of Leycester (though craftily, yet not covertly) under Ferris his cloak, had gotten to himself: he ceased not to pursue the poor Gentleman even to imprisonment, arraignment, and sentence of death, for greediness of the said living: together with the 
M. Harcourt.  vexation of his brother in law M. Harcourt and all other his friends, upon pretence, for sooth, that there was a man slain by Robinson's party, in defence of his own possession against Leicester's intruders, that would by violence break into the same.  
What shall I speak of others, whereof there would be no end? as of his dealing with M. Richard 
Ric. Lee.  Lee, for his Manor of Hooknorton (if I fail 
Lodovik Grevill.  not in the name:) with M. Lodourke Grivell, by seeking to bereave him of all his living at once, if the drift had taken place? with George Witney, 
George Witney.  in the behalf of Sir Henry Leigh, for inforcinng him to for-go the Countrollership of Woodstock, which he holdeth by patent from K. Henry the seventh? With my L. Barkley, whom he enforced 
L. Barkley  to yield up his lands to his brother VVarwike, which his ancestors had held quietly for almost two hundredth years together?  
What shall I say of his intolerable tyranny upon 
Archbis. of Cantur.  the last archbishop of Canturburie, for doctor julio his sake, and that in so foul a matter? Upon 
Sir john Throgmarton.  Sir john Throgmarton, whom he brought pitifully to his grave before his time, by continual vexations, for a piece of faithful service done by him to his country, and to all the line of K. Henry, against this man's father, in K. Edward & Q. Mary's days? Upon divers of the Lanes for one man's sake 
Lane.  of that name before mentioned, that offered to take Killinworth Castle? upon some of the Giffordes, 
Gifforde.  and other for Throgmartons sake? (for that is also his L. disposition, for one man's cause whom he brooketh not, to plague a whole generation, that any way pertaineth, or is allied to the same:) his endless persecuting of Sir Drew Drewrie, and 
Sir Drew Drewry.  many other Courtiers both men and women? All thes (I say) and many others, who daily suffer injuries, rapines & oppressions at his hands, throughout the Realm, what should it avail to name them in this place: seeing neither his L. careth any thing for the same, neither the parties aggrieved are like to attain any least release of affliction thereby, but rather double oppression for their complaining.  
Wherefore, to return again whereas we began, 
The present state of my L. of Leices.  you see by this little, who, and how great, & what manner of man, my L. of Leycester is this day, in the state of England. You see and may gather, in some part, by that which hath been spoken, his wealth, his strength, his cunning, his disposition. His Wealth is excessive in all kind of riches for a private man, 
Leycester Wealth.  and must needs be much more, than any body lightly can imagine, for the infinite ways he hath had of gain, so many years together. His Strength 
Leycester Strength.  and power is absolute and irresistible, as hath been showed, both in Chamber, Court, Council, and Country. His Cunning in plotting and fortyfying 
Leycester Cunning.  the same, both by Force and Fraud, by Mines and Contermines, by Trenches, Bulwarks, Flankers, and Rampires: by Friends, Enemies, Allies, servants, Creatures, and Dependentes, or any other that may serve his turn: is very rare and singular. His Disposition 
Leycester disposition.  to Cruelty, Murder, Treason, and Tyranny: and by all these to Supreme Sovereignty over other: is most evident and clear. And then judge you whether her Ma. that now reigneth (whose life and prosperity, the Lord in mercy long preserve,) have not just cause to fear, in respect of these things only: if there were no other particulars to prove his aspiring intent beside?  
LAW.  
No doubt (quoth the lawyer) but these are great matters, in the question of such a cause as is a Crown. And we have seen by example, that the least of these, four, which you have here named, or rather some little braunshe contained in any of them. 
Causes of just fear for her Majesty.  hath been sufficient to found just suspicion, distrust or jealousy, in the heads of most wise Princes, towards the proceedings of more assured subjects, than my L. of Leycester, in reason may be presumed to be. For that the safety of a state & Prince, standeth not only in the readiness and ability of resisting open attempts, when they shall fall out: but also (& that much more as Statistes write) in a certain provident watchfulness, of preventing all possibilities and likelihoods of danger or surpression: for that no Prince commonly, will put himself to the courtesy of an other man) be he never so obliged) whether he shall retain his Crown or no: seeing the cause of a Kingdom, acknowledgeth neither kindred, duty, fairh friendship, not society.  
I know not whether I do expound and declare myself well or no, but my meaning is, that whereas, every Prince hath two points of assurance from his subject, the one, in that he is faithful & lacketh will, to annoy his sovereign: the other, for that he is weak and wanteth habylytye, to do the 
A point of necessary policy for a Prince.  same: the first is always of more importance than the second, and consequently more to be eyed and observed in policy: for that our will may be changed at our pleasure, but not our ability.  
Considering then, upon that which hath been said and specified before, how that my Lord of Leycester, hath possessed himself of all the strength, powers and sinews of the Realm, hath drawn all to his own direction, and hath made his patty so strong as it seemeth not resistible: you have great reason to say, that her Ma. may justly conceive some doubt, for that if his will were according to his power, most assured it is, that her Ma. were not in safety.  
SCHOL.  
Say not so, good Sir, (quoth I) for in such a case truly, I would repose little upon his will, which is so many ways apparent, to be most insatiable of ambition. Rather would I think that as yet his ability serveth not, either for Time, Place, Force, or some other circumstance: then that any part of good will should want in him: seeing that not only his desire of sovereignty, but also his intent and attempt to aspire to the same, is sufficiently declared (in my conceit) by the very particulars of his power and plots already set down. Which, if you please to have the patience, to hear a Scholars argument, I will prove by a Principle of our Philosophy.  
For if it be true which Aristotle sayeth, there is no agent so simple in the world, which worketh 
A Philosophical argument to prove Ley▪ intent of sovereignty.  not for some final end, (as the bird buildeth not her nest but to dwell and hatch her young ones therein:) & not only this, but also that the same agent, doth always frame his work according to the proportion of his intended end: (as when the Fox or Badger maketh a wide earth or den, it is a sign that he meaneth to draw thither great store of prey:) then must we also in reason think, that so wise and politic an agent, as is my L. of Leycester for himself, wanteth not his end in these plottings and preparations of his: I mean an end proportionable in greatness to his preparations. Which end, can be no less nor meaner then Supreme Sovereignty, seeing his provision & furniture do tend that way, & are in every point fully correspondent to the same.  
What meaneth his so diligent besieging of the 
The preparations of Leyc. declare his intended end  Princess person? his taking up the ways and passages about her? his insolency in Court? his singularity in the Council? his violent preparation of strength abroad? his enriching of his Complices? the banding of his faction, with the abundance of friends every where? what do thes things signify (I say) and so many other, as you have well noted and mentioned before: but only his intent and purpose of supremacy? What did the same things protend in times passed in his father, but even that which now they protend in the son? or how should we think, that the son hath an other meaning in the very same actions, than had his father before him, whose steps he followeth.  
I remember I have heard, often times of divers 
How the Duke of Northun. dissembled his end.  ancient and grave men in Cambrige, how that in K. Edward's days the Duke of Northumberland this man's father, was generally suspected of all men, to mean indeed as afterwards he showed, especially when he had once joined with the house of Suffolk, and made himself a principal of that faction by marriage. But yet for that he was potent, and protested every where, & by all occasions his great love, duty, and special care, above all others, that he bore towards his Prince & country: no man durst accuse him openly, until it was to late to withstand his power: (as commonly it falleth out in such affairs) and the like is evident in my L. of Leicester's actions now (albeit to her Ma. I doubt not, but that he will pretend and protest, as his father did to her brother), especially now after his open association with the faction of Huntingdon: which no less impugneth under this man's protection, the whole line of Henry the 7. for right of the Crown, than the house of Suffolk did under his father the particular progeny of K. Henry the eight.  
GENTLEMAN.  
Nay rather much more (quoth the gentleman) for that I do not read in K. Edward's reign, (when the matter was in plotting notwytstanding) that 
The boldness of the titlers of Clarence.  the house of Suffolk durst ever make open claim to the next succession. But now the house of hastings is become so confident, upon the strength and favour of their fautors▪ as they dare both plot, practise and pretend, all at once, and fear not to set out their title, in every place, where as they come.  
LAW.  
And do they not fear the statute (said the Lawyer) so rigorous in this point, as it maketh the matter treason to determine of titles?  
GENTLEMAN.  
No, they need not (quoth the Gentleman) seeing 
The abuse of the statute for silence in the true succession.  their party is so strong and terrible, as no man dare accuse them: seeing also they well know, that the procurement of that statute, was only to endanger or stop the mouths of the true successors, whiles themselves, in the mean space, went about underhand, to establish their own ambushment.  
LAW.  
Well, (quoth the Lawer) for the pretence of my L. of Huntingdon to the Crown, I will not stand with you, for that it is a matter sufficiently known & seen throughout the Realm. As also that my L. of Leicester is at this day, a principal favourer and patron of that cause. albeit some years past, he were an earnest adversary and enemy to the same. But yet I have heard some friends of his, in reasoning of these matters, deny stoutly a point or two, which you have touched here, and do seem to believe the same.  
And that is, first, that how soever my Lord of 
Two excuses alleged by Leycester friends.  Leycester do mean to help his friend, when time shall serve yet pretendeth he nothing to the Crown himself. The second is, that what soever may be meant for the title, or compassing the Crown after her Ma. death, yet nothing is intended during her reign. And of both these points they allege reasons.  
As for the first, that my Lord of Leycester is very well known, to have no title to the Crown himself, either by descent in blood, alliance or otherways. For the second, that his L. hath no cause to be a Mal-Content in the present government, not hope for more preferment, if my L. of Huntingdon wear king to morrow next, than he receiveth now at her Ma. hands: having all the Realm (as hath been showed) at his own disposition.  
GENTLEMAN.  
For the first (quoth the Gentleman) whether he mean the Crown for himself, or for his friend, it importeth not much: seeing both ways it is evident, 
Whether Leycester mean the Crowa sincerely for Huntingdon or for himself.  that he meaneth to have all at his own disposition. And albeit now for the avoiding of envy, he give it out, as a crafty fox, that he meaneth not but to run with other men, and to hunt with Huntingdon and other hounds in the same chase: yet is it not unlike, but that he will play the Bear, when he cometh to dividing of the pray, and will snatch the best part to himself. Yea & these self same persons of his train and faction, whom you call his friends, though in public, to excuse his doings, & to cover the whole plot, they will & must deny the matters to be so meant: yet otherwise they both think, hope & know the contrary, and will not stick in secret to speak it, and among themselves, it is their talk of consolation. 
The words of the Lord north, to M. Poolie.   
The words of his special councillor the Lord north, are known, which he uttered to his rrustie Poolie, upon the receipt of a letrer from Court, of her Ma. displeasure towards him, for his being a witness at Leicester's second marriage with Dame Lettuce (although I know he was not ignorant of the first) at Wanstead: of which displeasure, this Lord making fat less account then, in reason he should, of the just offence of his sovereign, said: that for his own part he was resolved to sink or swim with my L. of Leycester: who (saith he) 
Poolie told this to Sir Robert jermine.  if once the Cards may come to shuffling (I will use but his very own words) I make no doubt but he alone shall bear away the bucklers.  
The words also of Sir Thomas Layton, to Sir 
The words of ●n Thomas Layton brother in Law to my Lord.  Henry Nevile, walking upon the. Tarresse at Windsor are known, who told him, after long discourse of their happy conceived kingdom, that he doubted not, but to see him one day, hold the same office in Windsor, of my L. of Leicester, which now my L. did hold of the Queen. Meaning thereby the goodly office of Constableship, withal Royalties and honours belonging to the same, which now the said Sir Henry exerciseth only as deputy to the Earl. Which was plainly to signify, that, he doubted not but to see my L. of Leycester one day king, or else his other hope could never possibly take effect or come to pass.  
To the same point, tended the words of Mistress 
The words of Mistress Anne West Sister unto this holy Countess.  Anne West Dame Lettuce sister, unto the Lady Anne Askewe in the great Chamber, upon a day when her brother Robert Knowles' had danced disgratiouslie & skornefulie before the Q. in presence of the French. Which thing for that her Ma. took to proceed of will in him, as for dislik of the strangers in presence, & for the quarrel of his sister Essex: it pleased her highness to check him for the same, with addition of a reproachful word or two (full well deserved) as though done for despite of the forced absence, from that place of honour, of the good old Gentlewoman (I mitigate the words) his sister. Which words, the other younger twig receiving in deep dudgeon, broke forth in great choler to her forenamed companion, and said, that she nothing doubted, but that one day she should see her sister, upon whom the Q railed now so much (for so it pleased her to term her Ma sharp speech) to sit in her place and throne, being much worthier of the same, for her qualities and rare virtues, them was the other. Which undutiful speech, albeit, it were over heard and condemned of divers that sat about them: yet none durst ever report the same to her Ma. as I have heard sundry courtiers affirm, in respect of the revenge which the reporters should abide at my L. of Leicester's hands, when so ever the matter should come to light.  
And this is now concerning the opinion and secret speech of my Lords own friends, who cannot but utter their conceit and judgement in time and place convenient, what so ever they are willed to give out publicly to the contrary, for deceiving of such as will believe fair painted words, against evident and manifest demonstration of reason.  
I say reason, for that if none of thes signs and 
Three argumences of Leicester's meaning for himself before Huntingdon.  tokens were, none of thes preparations nor an● of thes speeches & detections, by his friends th● know his heart: yet in force of plain reason, ● could allege unto you three arguments only, which to any man of intelligence, would easily persuade and give satisfaction, that my L. of Leycester meaneth best & first for himself in this sure▪ Which three arguments, for that you seem to be attended, I will not stick to run over in all brevity.  
And the first, is, the very nature and quality of 
The first argument the Nature of ambition  ambition itself, which is such (as you know,) that it never stayeth▪ but passeth from degree to degree, and the more it obtaineth, the more it coveteth, and the more esteemeth itself, both worthy and able to obtain. And in our matter that now we handle, even as in wowing, he that sueth to a Lady for an other, and obtaineth her good will, entereth easily into conceit of his own worthiness thereby, and so commonly into hope of speeding himself while he speaketh for his friend: so much more in kingdoms: he that seethe him self of power to put the Crown of an other man's head, will quickly step to the next degree which is, to set it of his own, seeing that always the charity of such good men, is wont to be so orderly, as (according to the precept) it beginneth with itself first.  
Add to this, that ambition is jealous, suspicious, and fearful of itself, especially when it is joined with a conscience loaden with the guilt of many crimes, whereof he would be loath to be called to account, or be subject to any man that might by authority take revew of his life and actions, when it should please him. In which kind, seeing my L. of Leycester hath so much to increase his fear, as before hath been showed▪ by his wicked dealings: it is not like, that ever he will put himself to an others man's courtesy, for passing his Audicte in particular reckonings, which he can no way answer or satisfy: but rather will stand upon the gross Sum, and general Quietus est, by making himself chief Auditor and Master of all accounts for his own parr in this life, how so ever he do in the next: whereof such humours have little regard. And this is for the nature of ambition in itself.  
The second argument may be taken from my L. 
The second argument. Leycester particular disposition.  particulars disposition: which is such, as may give much light also to the matter in question: Being a disposition so well liking & inclined to a kingdom, as it hath been tampering about the same, from the first day that he came in favour. First by seeking openly to marry with the Q. Ma. herself, and so 
Leycester disposition to ●āp●● for a kingdom.  to draw he Crown upon his own head, and to his posterity. secondly, when that attempt took not place, than he gave it out, as hath been showed before, how that he was privily contracted to her Majesty (wherein as I told you his dealing 
I mean the noble old Earl of Pe●brooke.  before for satisfaction of a stranger, so let him with shame and dishonour remember now also, the spectacle he secretly made for the persuading of a subject and Councillor of great honour in the same cause) to the end that if her highness should by any way have miscarried, than he might have entitled any one of his own brood, (whereof he hath store in many places as is known) to the lawful succession of the Crown, under colour of that privy and secret marriage, pretending the same to be by her Majesty: wherein he will want no witnesses to depose what he will. thirdly when 
The undutiful devise of▪ Natural issue, in ●he statu●● of suc●●ssion.  he saw also that this devise was subject to danger, for that his privy contract might be denied, more easily, than he able justly to prove the same, after her majesties disease: he had a new fetch to strengthen the matter and that was to cause thes words of (NATURAL ISSVE) to be put into the statute of succession for the Crown, against all order and custom of our Realm, and against the known common style of la, accustomed to be used in statutes of such matter: whereby he might be able after the death of her Ma. to make legitimate to the Crown, any one bastard of his own by any of so many hakneiss as he keepeth, affirming it to be the Natural issue of her Majesty by himself. For no other reason can be imagined why the ancient usual words of, LAWFUL ISSVE should so cunningly be changed into NATURAL ISSVE Thereby not only to endanger our whole Realm with new quarrels of succession but also to touch (as far as in him lieth) the Royal honour of his sovereign, who hath been to him but to bountiful a Princess.  
fourthly, when after a time thes fetches and devices, began to be discovered, he changed straight his course, and turned to the Papists and Scottish faction, pretending the marriage of the Q. in prison. But yet after this again, finding therein not such success as contented him throughly, and having in the mean space a new occasion offered of bait: he betook himself fiftly to the, party of Huntingdon: having therein (no doubt) as good meaning to himself, as his father had by joining with Suffolk. Marry yet of late, he hath 
The marriage of Arbella  cast a new about, once again, for himself in secret, by treating the marriage of young Arbella, with his son entitled the Lord Denbighe.  
So that by this we see the disposition of this man bend wholly to a sceptre. And albeit in right, title and descent of blood (as you say) he can justly claim neither kingdom nor Cottage (considering either the baseness or disloyalty of his ancestors:) if in respect of his present state & power, & of his natural pride, ambition, & crafty conveyance received from his father: he hath learned how to put himself first in possession of chief rule, under other pretences, and after to devise upon the title at his leisure.  
But now to come to the third argument: I say 
The 3. argument. The nature of the cause itself.  more and above all this, that the nature and sta●e of the matter itself, permitteth not, that my L. of Leycester should mean sincerely the Crown, for Huntingdon, especially seeing there hath passed between them so many years of dislike and enmity: which, albeit, for the time & present commodity, be covered and pressed down: yet by reason and experience we know, that afterwards when they shall deal together again in matters of importance▪ and when jealousy shallbe joined to other circumstances of their actions: it is impossible that the former mislike should not break out in far higher degree, than ever before.  
As we saw in the examples of the reconciliation, 
The nature of old reconciled enimyty.  made betwixt this man's father and Edward Duke of Somerset, bearing rule under king Edw. the sixth: and between Richard of York, & Edmund Duke of Somerset, bearing rule in the time of king Henry the 6. Both which Dukes of Somerset, after reconciliation with their old, crafty & ambitious enemies▪ were brought by the same to their destruction soon after. Whereof I doubt not, but my L. of Leycester will take good heed, in joining by reconciliation with Huntingdon, after so long a breach: and will not be so improvident, as to make him his sovereign, who now is but his dependant. He remembreth to well the success of the L. Stanley who helped K. Henry the 7. to the Crown: of the Duke of Buckingham, who did ●he same for Richard the 3. of the Earl of Warwick, who set up K. Edward the 4. and of ●he three Percies, who advanced to the Sceptre K. Henry ●he 4. All which noble men upon occasions that after fell out: were rewarded with death, by the self same Princes, whom they had preferred  
And that not without reason as Siegnior Machavel 
The reason of Machavel.  my L. Councillor affirmeth. For that such Princes, afterwards can never give sufficient satisfaction to such friends, for so great a benefit received. And consequently, least upon discontentment, they may chance do as much for others against them, as they have done for them against others: the surest way is, to recompense them, with such a reward, as they shall never after be able to complain of.  
Wherefore I can never think that my L. of Leycester will put himself in danger of the Like success at Huntington's hands: but rather will follow 
The meaning of the Duke of Northumber. with Suffolk.  the plot of his own father, with ●he Duke of Suffolk, whom no doubt, but he meant only to use for a pretext and help, whereby to place himself in supreme dignity, and afterwards what so ever had befallen of the state, the others head could never have come to other end▪ than it enjoyed. For if Q. Marie had not cut it of, K. john of Northumberland▪ would have done the same in time, and so all men do well know, that were privy to any of his cunning dealings.  
And what Huntington's secret opinion of Leycester is (notwithstanding this owtwarde show of dependence) ●t was my chance to learn, from the 
South house.  mouth of a special man of that Hasty king, who was his ledger or agent in London and at a time falling in talk of his master's title, declared, that he had heard him divers times in secret, complain to his Lady, (Leicester's sister) as greatly fearing that in the end, he would offer him wrong, and pretend some title for himself.  
LAW.  
Well (quoth the Lawyer) it seemeth by this last point, that thes two Lords, are cunning practitioners in the art of dissimulation: but for the former whereof you spoke, in truth, I have heard men of good discourse affirm, that the Duke of 
The meaning of the D. of No●thum▪ towards the D▪ of Suffolk.  Northumberland had strange devices in his head, for deceiving of Suffolk (who was nothing so fine as himself,) and for bringing the Crown to his own family. And among other devices it is thought, that he had most certain intention to marry the Lady Marie himself, (after once he had brought her into his own hands) and to have bestowed her Ma. that now is, upon some one of his children (if it should have been thought best to give her life,) & so consequently to have shaken of Suffolk and his pedigree, with condign punishment, for his bold behaviour in that behalf.  
SCHOL.  
Verily (quoth I) this had been an excellent Stratagem, if it had taken place. But I pray you (Sir) how could himself have taken the Lady Matie to wife, seeing he was at that time married to an other?  
GENTLEMAN.  
Oh (quoth the Gentlemen) you question like a Scholar. As though my L. of Leycester had not a wife a live, when he first began to pretend mariahe to the Q. Ma. Do not you remember the story of K Richard the third, who at such time as he thought best for the establishing of his title: 
The practice of K. Richard for dispatching his wife.  to marry his own nepce, that afterwards was married to king Henry the seventh, how he caused secretly to be given abroad that his own wife was dead, whom all the world knew to be then a live and in good health, but yet soon afterwards she was seen dead indeed. Thes great personages, in matters of such weight, as is a kingdom, have privileges to dispose of women's bodies, marriages, lives and deaths, as shallbe thought for the time most convenient.  
And what do you think (I pray you) of this new 
A new triumvirate between Ley. Talbot & the Countess of Shre●sbury.  TRIUMVIRATE so lately concluded about Arbella? (for so I must call the same, though one of the three persons be no, Virro, but, Virago,) I mean of the marriage between young Dembigh & the little daughter of Lenox, whereby the father in law, the Grandmother & the uncle of the new designed Queen, have conceived to themselves a singular triumphant reign. But what do you think may ensue hereof? is there nothing of the old plot of duke john of Northumberland in this?  
LAW.  
Marry, Sir, (quoth the Lawyer) if this be so: I dare assure you there is sequel enough pretended hereby. And first no doubt, but there goeth a deep drift, by the wife and son, against old Abraham (the husband and father) with the well lined large pouch. And secondly a far deeper by trusty Robert against his best Mistress: but deepest of ●l by the whole Craw, against the designememes of the Hasty Earl: who thirsteth a kingdom, 
Huntingdon.  with great intemperance, and seemeth (if there were plain dealing) to hope by thes good people to quenshe shortly his drought. But either part, in truth, seeketh to deceive other: and therefore it his hard to say where the game in fine will rest.   

GENTLEMAN.  
Well how so ever that be (quoth the Gentleman) I am of opinion, that my Lord of Leycester, will use both this practise and many more, for bringing the sceptre finally to his own head: & that he will 
The sleights of Le●. for bringing all to himself.  not only employ Huntingdon to defeat Scotland, and Arbella to defeat Huntingdon: but also would use the marriage of the Q. imprisoned, to defeat them both, if she were in his hand: and any one of all three to dispossess her Ma. that now is: as also the authority, of all four to bring it to himself: with mainie other fetches, flings & friscoes beside, which simple men as yet do not conceive.  
And how so ever thes two conjoined Earls, 
Scambling between Ley. and Huntingdon at the upshot.  do seem for the time to draw together, and to play booty: yet am I, of opinion, that th'one will beguile th'other at the upshopt. And Hastings for aught I see, when he cometh to the scambling, is like to have no better luck by the Bear, than his ancestor had once by the Boar. Who using his help first in murdering the son & heir of K. Henry the sixth, and after in destroying the 
Richard of Gloucester An 1. Edw. 5.  faithful friends and kinsmen of K. Edwatd the fift, for his easier way to usurpation: made an end of him also in the Tower, at the very same day & hour, that the other were by his counsel destroyed in Pontfract Castle. So that where the Goal and price of the game is a kingdom: there is neither faith, neither good fellowship, nor fair play, among the Gamesters. And this shallbe enough for the first point: viz. what good my L. of Leycester meaneth to himself in respect of Huntingdon.  
touching the second, whether the attempt be 
2. That the conpirators mean in her Ma. days.  purposed in her Ma. days, or no, the matter is much less doubtful, to him that knoweth or can imagine, what a torment the delay of a kingdom is, to such a one as suffereth hunger thereof, and feareth that every hour may breed some alteration, to the prejudice of his conceived hope. We see often times that the child is impatient in this matter, to expect the natural end of his parent's life. Whom, notwithstanding, by nature he is enforced to love: and who also by nature, is like long to leave this world before him: and after 
four considerations.  whos disease, he is assured to obtain his desire: but most certain of dangerous event, if he attempt to get it, while yet his parent liveth. Which four considerations, are (no doubt) of great force to contain a child in duty, and bridle his desire: albeit some times not sufficient to whythstand the greedy appetit of reigning.  
But what shall we think, where none of thes four considerations do restrain? where the present possessor is no parent? Where she is like by nature, to outlive the expector? whos death must needs bring infinite difficulties to the enterprise? and in whos life time, the matter is most easy to be achieved, under colour and authority of the present possessor? shall we think that in such a case the ambitious man, will overrule his own passion, and lose his commodity?  
As for that, which is alleged before, for my L. in the reason of his defenders: that his present state is so prosperous, as he cannot expect better in the next change what soever should be: is of small moment, in the conceit of an ambitious head, 
A thing worthy to be noted in ambitious men.  whos eye and heart is always upon that, which he hopeth for, and enjoyeth not: and not upon that which already he possesseth, be it never so good. Especialie in matters of honour and authority, it is an infallible rule, that one degree desired & not obtained, afflicteth more, than five degrees already possessed, can give consolation: the story of Duke Aman, confirmeth this evidently, who being the greatest subject in the world under king Assuerus, 
Hest. 5.  after he had reckoned up all his pomp, riches, glory & felicity to his friends, yet he said, that all this was nothing unto him, until he could obtain the revenge, which he desired, upon Mardo●haeus his enemy: & hereby it cometh ordinarily to pass, that among highest in authority, are found the greatest store of Mal-Contents, that most do endanger their Prince and country.  
When the Percies took part with Henry 
The mercy's.  of Bolingbrook, against K. Richard the second their lawful sovereign: it was not for lack of preferment: for they were exceedingly advanced by the said king, and possessed the three Earldoms of Northumberland, Worcester, and Staf●rd together, besides many other offices and di●●ies of honour.  
〈…〉ke sort, when the two Nevils, took upon 
The Nevils.  〈…〉yne with Richard of York, to put 〈◊〉 most benign Prince king Henry the sixth: and after again in the other side, to put down king Edward the fourth: it was not upon want of advancement: they being Earls both of Salisbury and Warwick, and Lords of many notable places beside. But it was upon a vain imagination of future fortune, whereby such men are commonly led: and yet had not they any smell in their nostrils, of getting the kingdom for themselves, as this man hath to prick him forward.  
If you say that thes men hated their sovereign, and that thereby they were led to procure his destruction: 
Leycester hatred to ●er Ma.  the same I may answer of my L. living though of all men he hath least cause so to do. But yet such is the nature of wicked ingratitude, that where it oweth most, & disdeigneth to be bound: 
The evil nature of ingratitude.  there upon every little discontentement, it turneth double obligation into triple hatred.  
This he showed evidently in the time of his little disgrace, wherein he not only did diminish, vilipend, and debase among his friends, the inestimable benefits he hath received from her Ma. 
Leycester speeches of his Ma. in the time of his disgrace.  but also used to exprobrate his own good services & merits, & to touch her highness with ingrate consideration and recompense of the same▪ which behaviour together with his hasty preparation to rebellion, and assault of her Ma. Royal person & dignity, upon so small a cause given: did well show what mind inwardly he beareth to his sovereign, and what her Ma. may expect, if by offending him, she should once fall within the copasse of his surious paws: seeing such a smoke of disdain could not proceed, but from a fy●●e furnace of hatred within.  
And sure he it is a wonderful matter to consider what a little check, or rather the bare imagination of a small overth wart, may work in a proud and disdeignful Stomach. The remembrance of his 
The causes of hatred in Leycester towards her Ma.  marriage miss, that he so much pretended and desired with her Ma. doth stick deeply in his breast and stirreth him daily to revenge. As also doth the disdain of certain checks & disgraces received at some times, especially that of his last marriage: which irketh him so much the more, by how much greater fear and danger it brought him into, at that time, and did put his widow in such open frenzy, as she raged many months after, against her Ma. and is not cold yet: but remaineth as it were a sworn enemy, for that injury, and standeth like a fiend or fury at the elbow of her Amadis, to stir him forward when occasion shall serve. And what effect such female suggestions may 
The force of female suggestions.  work, when they find an humour proud and pliable to their purpose: you may remember by the example of the Duchess of Somerset, who enforced her husband to cut of the head, of his only dear brother, to his own evident destruction, for her contentation.  
Wherefore, to conclude this matter without 
An evident Conclusion that the execution is meat● time of her Ma.  further dispute or reason: seeing there is so much discovered in the case as there is: so great desire of reign, so great impatience of delay, so great hope and ability of success, if it be attempted, under the good fortune and present authority of the competitors: seeing the plats be so well laid, the preparation so forward, the favourers so furnished, the time so propitious, and so many other causes conviting together: seeing that by differing, all may be hazarded, and by hastening, little can be endangered, the state and condition of things well weighed: finding also the bands of duty so broken already in the conspirators, the causes of mislike and hatred so manifest, and the solicitors to execution, so potent and diligent, as women, malice, and ambition, are wont to be: it is more than probable, that they will not lose their present commodity, especially seeing they have learned by their Architype or Protoplote which they follow (I mean the conspiracy of Nortumberland and Suffolk in 
An error of the father now to be corrected by the son  king Edward's days) that herein there was some error committed at that time, which overthrew the whole, land that was, the differing of some things until after the kings death, which should have been put in execution before.  
For if in the time of their plotting, when as yet their desygnementes were not published to the world, they had under the countenance of the king (as well they might have done) gotten into their hands the two sisters, and dispatched some other few affairs, before they had caused the young Prince to die: no doubt, but in man's reason the whole designment had taken place: and consequently it is to be presupposed, that thes men (being no fools in their own affairs) will take heed of falling into the like error by delay: but rather will make all sure, by striking while the iron is hot, as our proverb warneth them.  
LAW  
It can not be denied in reason (quoth the lawyer) but that they have many helps of doing what they list n 〈…〉, under the present favour, countenance & authority of her Ma. which they should not have after her highness disease: when each man shall remain more at liberty for his supreme obedience, by reason of the statute ptovided for uncertainty of the next successor: and therefore I for my part, would rather counsel them, to make much of her Ma. life: for after that, they little know what may ensue, ot befall their designments.  
GENTLEMAN.  
They will make the most thereof (quoth the Gentleman) for their own advantage, but after that, what is like to follow, the examples of Edward & Richard the second, as also of Henry & Edward the sixth, do sufficiently for warn us: whose lives were prolonged, until their deaths were thought more profitable to the conspirators, & not longer. 
Her Ma. life and ●eath, to serve the conspirators turn.  And for the statute you speak of, procured by themselves, for establishing the incertainty of the next true sucessor (whereas all our former statutes were wont to be made for the declaration & certainty of the same) it is with PROVISO, (as you know) that it shall not endure longer, than the life of her Ma. that now reigneth: that is, indeed, no longer then until themselves be ready to place an other. 
A proclamation with halters.  For then, no doubt, but we shall see a fair proclamation, that my L. of Huntingdon is the only next heir: with a bundle of halters to hung all such, as shall dare once open their mouth for denial of the same.  
LAW.  
At thes words the old Lawyer stepped back, as some what astonished, and began to make crosses 
Papistical ●lessing.  in the air, after their fashion, wherat we laughed, and then he said: truly my masters I had thought that no man had conceived so evil imagination of this statute, as myself: but now I perceive 
The statute of concealing the heir apparent.  that I alone am not malicious. For my own part, I must confess unto you, that as often as I read over this statute, or think of the same (as by divers occasions many times I do) I feel myself much grieved and afflicted in mind, upon fears which I conceive what may be the end of this statute to our country, and what privy meaning, the chief procurers thereof might have for their own drifts, against the Realm and life of her Ma. that now reigneth.  
And so much more it maketh me to doubt, for 
Richard going towards Jerusalem begun the custom by parliament, as Polydore noteth Anno 10. of Rich. 2. to declare the next heir.  that in all our records of la, you shall not find (to my remembrance) any one example of such a devise, for concealing of the true inheritor: but rather in all ages, states, and times (especially from Richard the first downward) you shall find statutes, ordinances, and provisions, for declaration and manifestation of the same, as you have well observed and touched before. And therefore this strange & new devise, must needs have some strange and unaccustomed meaning: & God of his mercy grant, that it have not some strange and unexpected event.  
In sight of all men, this is already evident, that 
The danger of our country by concealing the next heir  never country in the world, was brought into more apparent danger of utter ruin, than ours is at this day, by pretence of this statute. For where as there is no Gentleman so mean in the Realm, that cannot give a guess more or less, who shall be his next heir, and his tennauntes soon conjecture, what manner of person shallbe their next Lord: in the title of our noble Crown, whereof all the rest dependeth, neither is her Ma. permitted to know or say, who shallbe her next successor, nor her subjects allowed to understand or imagine, who in right may be their future sovereign: An intolerable injury in a matter of so singular importance,  
For (alas) what should become of this our native country, if God should take from us her most excellent Ma. (as once he will) and so leave us destitute upon the sudden? what should become of our lives, of our states, and of our whole Realm or government? can any man promiss himself, one 
Great inconveniences.  day longer of rest, peace, possession, life or liberty within the land, than God shall lend us her Ma. to reign over us? Which albeit, we do & are bound to wish that it may be long: yet reason telleth us, that by course of Nature, it cannot be of any great continuance, and by a thousand accidents it may be much shorter. And shall then our most noble common wealth and kingdom, which is of perpetuity, and must continue to ourselves and our posterity, hang only upon the life of her highness alone, well strucken in years, and of no great good health or robustious and strong complexion.  
I was within hearing some six or seven years 
Sir Christopher Hattons oration.  ago, when Sir Christopher Hatton, in a very great assembly, made an eloquent oration (which after I ween was put in print) at the pardoning and delivery of him from the gallows, that by error (as was thought) had discharged his piece upon her Ma. Barge, and hurt certain persons in her highness presence. And in that oration he declared and described very effectually, what inestimable damage had ensued to the Realm, if her Ma. by that or any other means should have been taken from us. He set forth most lively before the eyes of all men, what division, what dissension, what bloodshed had ensued, and what fatal dangers were most certain to fall upon us, when so ever that doleful day should happen: wherein no man should be sure of his life, of his goods, of his wife, of his children: no man certain whether to fly, who to follow, or where to seek repose and protection.  
And as all the hearers there present did easily grant that he therein said troth and far less than might have been said in that behalf, things standing as they do: so many one (I trow) that heard thes words proceed from a Councillor, that had good cause to know the state of his own country: entered into this cogitation, what punishment they might deserve then, at the whole state & common wealths hands, who first by letting her Ma. from 
Intolerable treasons.  marriage, & then by procuring this statute of dissembling the next inheritor: had brought their Realm into so evident & inevitable dangers? for every one well considered & weighed with himself, that the thing which yet only letted thes dangers & miseries set down by Sir Christopher, must necessarily one day fail us all, that is, the life of her Ma. now present: And then (say we) how falleth it out, that so general a calamity as must needs overtake us ere it be long (& may, for any thing we know tomorrow next) is not puided for, aswell as foreseen.  
Is there no remedy, but that we must willingly & wyttingly run into our own ruin? and for the favour or fear of some few aspirours, betray our country & the blood of so many thousand innocentes, as live within the land?  
For tell me (good Sirs) I pray you, if her Ma. should die tomorrow next (whose life God long preserve and bless,) but if she should be taken 
The miseries to follow upon her Mayest. death.  from us, (as by condition of nature and human frailty she may) what would you do? which way would you look? or what head or part, knew any good subject in the Realm to follow? I speak not of the conspirators, for I know they will be ready and resolved whom to follow: but I speak of the plain, simple and well meaning subject, who following now the utter letter of this fraudulent statute, (fraudulent I mean in the secret conceit of the cunning aspirours:) shallbe taken at that day upon the sudden, & being put in a maze by the unexpected contention about the Crown, shallbe brought into a thousand dangers, both of body & goods, which now are not thought upon, by them who are most in danger of the same. And this is, for the common wealth and country.  
But unto her Ma. for whose good and safety, the statute is only pretended to be made, no doubt, but that it bringeth far greater dangers, than any 
The danger to her Ma. by this statute.  devise that they have used beside. For hereby under colour of restraining the claims & titles of true successors, (whose endeavours notwithstanding, are commonly more calm and moderate then of usurpers,) they make unto themselves, a mean to forster and set forward their own conspiracy without controlment: seeing no man of might may oppose himself against them, but with suspicion, that he meaneth to claim for himself. And so they being armed, on the one side, with their authority and force of present fortune, & defended, on the other side, by the pretence of the statute: they may securely work and plot at their pleasure, as you have well proved before that they do. And when soever their grounds and foundations shallbe ready, it can not be denied, but that her Ma. life, lieth much at their discretion, to take it, or use it, to their best commodity: (& there is no doubt, but they will), as such men are wont to do in such affairs. Marry one thing standeth not in their powers so absolutely, and that is, to prolong her Ma. days or favour towards themselves, at their pleasures: whereof it is not unlike but they will have due consideration, lest perhaps upon any sudden accident, they might be found unready.  
GENTLEMAN.  
They have good care thereof I can assure you, (quoth the gentleman) & mean not to be prevented by any accident, or other mishap what soever: they will be ready for all events: and for that cause, they hasten so much their preparations at this day, 
The hastening of the conspirators  more than ever before: by sending out their spies and solicitors everywhere, to prove and confirm their friends: by delivering their common watchword: by complaining on all hands of our protestant Bishops & Clergy, & of all the present state of our irreformed religion, (as they call it:) by amplyfiing only the danger of Papists & Scottish faction: by giving out openly that now her Ma. is past hope of childbirh, & consequently seeing god hath given no better success that way in two women one after the other: it were not convenient (say they) that an other of that sex should ensue: with high commendation of the Law Salic in France, whereby women are forbidden, to succeed. Which speech though in show, it be delivered against the Q. of Scots and other of K. Henry the 7. his line, that descend of sisters: yet all men see that it towcheth as well the disabling of her Ma. that is present, as others to come: and so tendeth directly to Maturation of the principal purpose, which I have declared before.  
SCHOL.  
Here said I, for the rest which you speak of, besides the watchword, it is common and every where treated in talk among them: but yet for the watchword itself (for that you name it) I think (Sir) many know it not, if I were the first that 
The watchword of the conspirators  told you the story, as perchance I was. For in truth I came to it by a rare hap (as then I told you) the thing being uttered & expounded by a Baron of their own faction, to an other noble man of the same degree and religion, though not of the same opinion in thes affairs. And for that I am requested not to utter the second, who told it me in secret, I must also spare the name of the first: which otherwise I would not, nor the time and place where he uttered the same.  
LAW.  
To this (said the Lawyer) you do well in that: but yet I beseech you, let me know this watchword (if there be any such) for mine instruction and help, when need shall require. For I assure you that this gentleman's former speech of halters, hath so terrified me, as if any should come and ask or feel my inclination in these matters, I would answer them fully to their good contentment, if I knew the watchword, whereby to know them. For of all things, I love not to be hanged for quarrels of kingdoms.  
The watchworde is, (said I.) WHETHER YOU BE SETTLED OR NO? and if you 
ARE YOU SETTLED?  answer yea, & seem to understand the meaning thereof: then are you known to be of their faction, & so to be accounted and dealt withal for things to come. But if you staggar or doubt in answering, as if you knew not perfectly the mystery (as the noble man my good Lord did, imagining that it had been meant of his religion, which was very well known to be good & settled in the gospel:) then are you descried thereby, either not to be of their side, or else to be but a Puny not well instructed, 
A great mystery.  and consequently, he that moveth you the question, will presently break of that speech, and turn to some other talk, until afterwards occasion be given to persuade you, or else instruct you better in that affair.  
Marry the noble man, whereof I spoke before, perceiving by the demanding, that there was some mystery in covert, under the question: took hold of the words, & would not suffer the propounder to slip away (as he endeavoured (but with much entreaty, brought him at length, to expound the full meaning & purpose of the riddle. And this was the first occasion (as I think) whereby this secret came abroad. Albeit afterwards at the public communions, which were made thoughout so many shires, the matter became more common: especially, among the strangers that inhabit as you know) in great numbers with us at this day. All which (as they say) are made most assured to this faction, and ready to assist the same with great forces at all occasions.  
LAW.  
Good Lord (quoth the Lawyer) how many mysteries & secrets be there abroad in the world, whereof we simple men know nothing & suspect less. This watchword should I never have imagined: 
Assemblies at Communions.  and for the great and often assemblies under pretence of Communions, though of themselves & oft her own nature, they were unaccustomed, & consequently subject to suspicion: yet did I never conceive so far forth as now I do: as neither of the 
Strangers within the Land.  lodging and entertaining of so many strangers in the Realm, whereof our Artisans do complain every where. But now I see the reason thereof, which (no doubt) is founded upon great policy for the purpose. And by this also I see, that the house of Huntingdon, presseth far forward for the game, & shouldreth near the goal to lay hands upon the same. Which to tell you plainly, liketh me but a little: both in respect of the good will I bear to the whole line of K. Henry, which hereby is like to be dispossessed: as also for the misery, which I do foresee, must necessarily ensue upon our country, 
The peril of our country if Huntington's claim take place.  if once the challenge of Huntingdon take place in our Realm. Which challenge being derived from the title of Clarence only, in the house of York, before the union of the two great houses: raiseth up again the old contention, between the families of York and Lancaster, wherein so much English blood was spilled in times past, and much more like to be poured out now, if the same contention should be set on foot again. Seeing that to the controversy of titles, would be added also the controversy of religion, which of all other differences is most dangerous.  
GENTLEMAN.  
Sir (quoth the Gentleman) now you touch a matter of consequence indeed, & such as the very naming thereof, maketh my heart to shake & tremble. I remember well, what Philippe Cominus setteth down in his history of our country's calamity, by that contention of those two houses, distingwished 
The read rose and the whit  by the read rose & the white: but yet both in their arms might justly have borne the colour of read with a fiery sword in a black field to signify the abundance of blood and mottalitie, which ensued in our country, by that most woeful and cruel contention.  
I will not stand here to set down the particulars, observed & gathered by the foresaid author, though a stranger, which for the most part he saw himself, while he lived about the Duke of Burgundy & king Lewes of France of that time: namely the pitiful description of divers right noble men of our Realm, who besides all other miseries, were driven 
The misery of England by the contention between York and Lancaster.  to beg openly in foreign countries, & the like. Mine own observation in reading over our country affairs, is sufficient, to make me abhor the memory of that time, and to dread all occasion, that may lead us to the like in time to come: seeing that in my judgement, neither the civil wars of Marius & Sylla, or of Pompey & Caesar among the Romans 
Guelphians & Gibilines  nor yet the Guelphians & Gibilines among the Italians, did ever work so much woe, as this did to our poor country. Wherein by reason of the contention of York and Lancaster were fought sixteen or seventeen pitched fields, in less than an hundredth years. That is, from the eleventh or twelfth year of K. Richard the second his reign (when this controversy first began to bud up) unto the thirtienth year of K. Henry the seventh. At what time by cutting of the chief titler of Huntington's 
Edward Plantagenet Earl of warwik.  house, to wit, young Edward Plantagenet Earl of Warwik son and heir to George Duke of Clarence, the contention most happily was quenched and ended, wherein so many fields (as I have said) were fought, between brethren & inhabitants of our own nation. And therein, and otherwise only about the same quarrel, were slain murdered & made away, about 9 or 10. kings & kings sons, beside above forty Earls, Marquesses, & Dukes of name: but many more Lords knights and great Gentlemen and Captains: and of the common people without number, and by particular conjecture very near two hundredth thousand▪ 
The battle by Tadcaster on palm some day An. 1460.  For that in one battle fought by K. Edward the fourth, there are recorded to be slain on both parts, five & thirty thousand seven hundredth and eleven persons, besides other wounded and taker prisoners, to be put to death afterwards, at the pleasure of the Conqueror: at divers battles after, ten thousand slain at a battle. As in those of Barner & Tukesbury, fought both in one year.  
This suffered our afflicted country in those days, by this infortunate and deadly contention, which could never be ended, but by the happy conjunction of those two houses together, in Henry the seventh: neither yet so (as appeareth by Chronicle) until (as I have said) the state had cut of, the issue male of the Duke of Clarence, who was cause of divers perils to K. Henry the seventh, though he were in prison. By whos sister the faction of Huntingdon at this day, doth seek to raise up the same contention again, with far greater danger, both to the Realm and to her Ma. that now reigneth, than ever before.  
And for the Realm it is evident, by that it giveth 
The danger of Huntington's claim▪ to the Realm & to her Ma  room to strangers Competitors, of the house of Lancaster: better able to maintain their own title by sword, than ever was any of that lineage before them. And for her Ma. peril present, it is nothing hard to conjecture: seeing the same title in the foresaid Earl of Warwik, was so dangerous and troublesome to her grandfather (by whom she holdeth,) as he was feign twice to take arms in defence of his right, against the said title: which was in those days preferred & advanced by the friends of Clarence, before that of Henry: as also this of Huntingdon is at this day, by his faction, before that of her Ma. though never so unjustly.  
LAW.  
Touching Huntington's title, before her Ma. (quoth the Lawer) I will say nothing: be cause in reason, I see not by what pretence in the world, he may thrust himself so far forth: seeing her Ma. is descended, not only of the house of Lancaster: but also before him most apparently, from the house of 
How Huntingdon maketh his title before her Majesty.  York itself, as from the eldest daughter of king Edward the fourth, being the eldest brother of that house. whereas Huntingdon claimeth only, by the daughter of George Duke of Clarence the younger brother. Marry yet I must confess that if the Earl of Warwiks' title, were better than that of K. Henry the seventh (which is most false, though many attempted to defend the same by sword:) then hath Huntingdon some wrong at this day, by her Ma. Albeit in very truth, the 
† The most of Huntington's ancestors by whom he maketh title, attainted of treason.  attaints of so many of his ancestors by whom he claimeth: would answer him also sufficiently in that behalf, if his title were otherwise allowable.  
But I know beside this, they have an other fetch 
Th● in famous device of K. Rich. the third allowed by Huntingdon.  of K. Richard the third, whereby he would needs prove, his elder brother king Edward to be a Bastard: & consequently his whole line aswell male as female to be void. Which devise though it be ridiculous, and was at the time when it was first invented: yet, as Richard found at that time a Doctor shaw, that shamed not to publish and defend the same, at Paul's Cross in a Sermon: and john of Northumberland 
Anno. 1. Mariae.  my L. of Leicester's father, found out divers preachers in his time, to set up the title of Suffolk, and to debase the right of king Henry's daughter, both in London, Cambridge, Oxeforde and other places, most apparently against all law and reason: so I doubt not, but thes men would find out also, both Shawes, Sands, and others, to set out the title of Clarence, before the whole interest of K. Henry the seventh & his posterity, if occasion served. Which is a point of importance to be considered 
A point to be noted by her Ma.  by her Ma. albeit for my part, I mean not now to stand thereupon, but only upon that other of the house of Lancaster, as I have said.  
For as that most honourable, lawful, and happy conjunction of the two advetsarie houses, in king Henry the seventh and his wife, made an end of the shedding of English blood within it 
The joining of both houses.  self, & brought us that most desired peace, which ever sithence we have enjoyed, by the reign of their two most noble issue: so the plot that now is in hand, for the cutting of, the residue of that issue, and for recalling back of the whole title to the only house of York again: is like to plunge us deeper, than ever in civil discord, and to make us the bait of all foreign Princes: seeing there be among them at this day, some, of no small 
The Line of Portugal.  power (as I have said) who pretend to be the next heirs by the house of Lancaster: and consequently, are not like to give over or abandon their own right, if once the door be opened to contention for the same, by disannulling the Line of K. Henry the seventh: wherein only the keys of all concord remain knit together.  
And albeit I know well that such as be of my Lord of Huntington's party, will make small account of the title of Lancaster, as less rightful a great deal then that of York (and I for my part mean not greatly to avow the same, as now it is placed, being myself no favourer of foreign titles:) yet indifferent men have to consider, how it was taken in times passed, and how it may again, in time to come, if contention should arise: how many Noble personages 
The old estimation of the house of Lancaster.  of our Realm did offer themselves to die in defence thereof: how many oaths & laws were given & received throughout the Realm for maintenance of the same, against the other house of York for ever: how many worthy kings were Crowned, & reigned of that house & race, to wit, the four most noble Henries, one after an other, the fourth, the fift, the sixth, and the seventh: who both in number, Government, Sanctity, Courage, and fears of arms, were nothing inferior (if not superior) to those of the other house and line of York, after the division between the families.  
It is to be considered also, as a special sign of the favour and affection, of our whole nation unto that family: that Henry Earl of Richmond though 
Henry Earl of Richmond  descending but of the last son, and third wife of john of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster, was so respected, for that only by the universal Realm: as they inclined wholly, to call him from banishment, & to make him king, with the deposition of Richard, which then ruled of the house of York, upon condition only, that the said Henry should take to wife, a daughter of the contrary family: so great was in those days, the affection of English hearts, towards the line of Lancaster, for the great worthiness of such kings as had reigned of that race, how good or bad so ever their title were: which I stand not hear at this time to discus, but only to insinuate, what party the same found in our Realm in times past, and consequently, how extreme dangerous the contention for the same may be hereafter: especially, seeing that at this day, 
The line of Portugal.  the remander of that title, is pretended to rest wholly in a stranger▪ whose power is very great. Which we Lawyers are wont to esteem as a point of no small importance, for justifying of any man's title to a kingdom.  
SCHOL.  
You Lawyers want not reason in that Sir (quoth I) how so ever you want right: for if you will examine the succession of governments, from the begnining of the world unto this day, either among Gentile, Iewe, or Christian people, you shall find that the sword hath been always better 
The sword of great force to justify the title of a kingdom.  then half the title, to get, establish, or maintain a kingdom: which maketh me the more apalled to hear you discourse in such sort of new contentions, and foreign titles, accompanied with such power and strength of the titlers. Which cannot be but infinitely dangerous and fatal to our Realm, if once it come to action, both for the division that is like to be at home, and the variety of parties from abroad. For as the Prince whom you signify, will nor fail (by all likelihood) to pursue his title with all forces that he can make, if occasion were offered: so reason of state and policy will enforce other Princes adjoining, to let & hinder him therein 
Great dangers.  what they can: and so by this means shall we become juda & Israel among ourselves, one killing and vexing the other with the sword: and to foreign Princes we shallbe, as the Island of Salamina was in old time to the Athenians and Megarians: and as the Island of Cicilia was afterwards to the Grecians, Carthaginians and Romans: and as in our days the kingdom of Naples hath been to the Spaniards, frenchmen, Germans and Venetians, That is, a bait to feed upon, and a game to fight for.  
Wherefore, I beseech the Lord, to avert from us all occasions of such miseries. And I pray you Sir, for that we are fallen into the mention of thes matters, to take so much pains as to open unto me the ground of thes controversies, so long now quiet, between York and Lancaster: seeing they are now like to be raised again. For albeit in general I have heard much thereof, yet in particular, I either conceive not, or remember not, the foundation of the same: and much less the state of their several titles at this day, for that it is a study not properly pertaining unto my profession.  
LAW.  
The controversy between the houses of York and Lancaster (quoth the Lawyer) took his actual beginning in the issue of K. Edward the third, 
The beginning of the controversy betwixt York and Lancaster.  who died somewhat more than two hundredth years gone: but the occasion, pretence or cause of that quarrel, began, in the children of K. Henry the third, who died an hundredth years before that, and left two sons, Edward who was king after him, by the name of Edward the first, and was Grandfather to Edward the third: and Edmond, (for his deformity called Crookback.) Earl of Lancaster and beginner of that house, whos inheritance afterwards in the fourth descent, fell upon a daughter named Blanch, who was married to the fourth son of king Edward the third, named john of Gaunt, for that he was 
Edmond crook-back beginner of the house of Lancaster.  borne in the City of Gaunt in Flaunders, and so by this his first wife, he became Duke of Lancaster and heir of that house. And for that his son Henry of Bolingbrook (afterward called K. Henry the fourth) pretended among other things, that Edmond Crookback, great grandfather to Blanch his mother, was the elder 
Blanch.  son of K. Henry the third, and iniustelie put by the inheritance of the Crown, for that 
john of Gaunt.  he was Crookebacked and deformed: he took by force, the kingdom from Richard the second, 
How the kingdom was first brought to the house of Lancaster.  nephew to king Edward the third by his first son, & placed the same in the house of Lancaster, where it remained for three whole discentes, until afterward, Edward Duke of York descended of john of Gaunt's younger brother, making claim to the Crown by title of his grandmother, that was heir to Lionel Duke of Clarence, john of Gaunt's elder brother: took the same by force from Henry the sixth, of the house of Lancaster, and brought it back again to the house of Yo●●: where it contineved with much trouble in two kings only, until both houses were joined together in king Henry the seventh and his noble issue.  
Hereby we see how the issue of john of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster, fourth son to K. Edward the third, pretended right to the Crown by Edmond Crookbacke, before the issue of all the other three sons of Edward the third, albeit they were the elder brothers, whereof we will speak 
The issue of john of Gaunt  more hereafter. Now john of Gaunt though he had many children, yet had he four only, of whom issue remain, two sons and two daughters. The first son was Henry of Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster, who took the Crown from K. Richard the second, his uncles son, as hath been said, and first of all planted the same in the house of Lancaster: where it remained in two discentes after him, that is, in his son Henry the first, and in his nephew Henry the sixth, who was afterwards destroyed together with Henry Prince of Wales, his only son & heir, and consequelie all that Line of Henry Bolingbrok extinguished, by Edward the fourth of the house of York.  
The other son of john of Gaunt, was john Duke of Somerset by Katherine S Finsford, his third wife: 
The pedigree of K Henry the 7.  which john, had issue an other john, and he, Margaret his daughter & heir, who being married to Edmond Tyder Earl of Richmond, had issue Henry Earl of Richmond, who after was named K. Henry the seventh, whose Line yet endureth.  
The two daughters of john of Gaunt, were married to Portugal and Castille: that is, Philippe 
The two daughters married to Portugal & Castille.  borne of Blanch, heir to Edmond Crookback, as hath been said, was married to john king of Portugal, of whom is descended the king that now possesseth Portugal, and the other Princes which have or may make title to the same: and Katherine borne of Constance heir of Castille, was married back again to Hentie king of Castille in Spain, of whom king Philip is also descended. So that by this, we see, where the remainder of the house of Lancaster resteth, if the Line of K. Henry the seventh were extinguished: & what pretext foreign 
Foreign titles.  Princes may have to subdue us, if my L. of Huntingdon either now or after her Ma. days, will open to them the door, by shuting out the rest of K. Henry's Line, & by drawing back the title to the only house of York again: which he pretendeth to do, upon this that I will now declare.  
King Edward the third, albeit he had many children, yet five only will we speak of, at this tyme. 
The issue of king Edward the third  Whereof three were elder than john of Gaunt, and one younger. The first of the elder, was named Edward the Black Prince, who died before his father, leaving one only son named Richard, who afterwards being king and named Richard the second, was deposed without issue, and put to death by his Cousin germane, named Henry Bolingbrook Duke of Lancaster, son to john of Gaunt as hath been said, and so there ended the Line of K. Edwardes first son.  
King Edwardes second son, was William of Hatfield that died without issue.  
His third son, was leonel Duke of Clacence, whose only daughter & heir called Philippe, was married to Edmond Mortymer Earl of March: and after that, Anne the daughter and heir of Mortymer, was married to Richard Plantagenet 
two Edmundes the two beginners of the two houses of Lancaster & York.  Duke of York, son and heir to Edmund of Langley the first Duke of York: which Edmund was the fift son of K. Edward the third, and younger brother to john of Gaunt. And this Edmund of Langley may be called the first beginner of the house of York: even as Edmund Croocbacke the beginner of the house Lancaster.  
This Edmund Langley then, having a son named Richard, that married An 〈…〉 ●ortymer sole heir to Leonel Duke of Clarence, joined two Lines and two titles in one: I mean the Line of Leonel and of Edmund Langley, who were (as hath been said) the third and the fift sons to K. Edward the third. And for this cause, the child that was borne of this marriage, named after his father Richard Plantagenet Duke of York, seeing himself strong, and the first line of K. Edward the thirds eldest son, to be extinguished in the death of K. Richard the second: and seeing William▪ of Hatfield the second son dead likewise without issue: made demand of the Crown for the house of York, by 
The claim & title of York.  the title of Leonel the third son of K. Edward. And albeit he could not obtain the same in his days, for that he was slain in a battle against K. Henry the 6. at Wakefield: yet his son Edward got the same, & was called by the name of king Edward the fourth.  
This king at his death left divers children, as namely two sons, Edward the fift and his brother, 
The issue of king. Edward the 4.  who after were both murdered in the Tower, as shallbe showed: & also five daughters: to wit Elyzabeth Cicilie, Anne, Katherine, and Bridget. Whereof, the first was married to Henry the 7. The last became a nun, & the other three, were bestowed upon divers other husbands.  
He had also two brothers: the first was called George Duke of Clarence, who afterwards upon his deserts (as is to be supposed), was put to death in Calais, by commandment of the king, & his attainder 
The Duke of Clarence attainted by parliament.  allowed by parliament. And this man left behind him a son named Edward. earl of Warwik, put to death afterwards without issue, by king Henry the seventh, and a daughter named Margaret, Countess of Salisbury, who was married to a mean Gentleman named Richard Poole, by whom she had issue Cardinal Poole that died without Marriage, & Henry Poole that was attainted & execuded in K. Henry the 8. his time (as also herself was) & this Henry Poole left a daughter married 
Huntington's title by the Duke of Clarence.  afterwards to the Earl of Huntingdon, by who this Earl that now is maketh title to the Crown. And this is the effect of my L. of Huntington's title.  
The second brother of king Edward the fourth, was Richard Duke of Gloucester, who after the K. 
K. Rich. the third.  death, caused his two sons to be murdered in the Tower, and took the kingdom to himself. And afterwards he being slain by king Henry the 7. at Bosworth field, left no issue behind him▪ Wherefore king Henry the 7. descending as hath been showed of the house of Lancaster, by John of 
The happy conjunction of the two houses  Gaunts last son & third wife, & taking to wife lady Elizabeth eldest daughter of K. Edward the fourth of the house of York: joined most happily the two families together, and made an end of all controversies about the title.  
Now K. Henry the 7. had issue three children: 
The issue of king Henry the seventh.  of whom remaineth posterity. First Henry the 8. of whom is descended our sovereign, her Ma. that now happily reigneth, and is the last that remaineth a live of that first Line. secondly he had two daughters: whereof the first named Margaret, was married twice, first to james king of Scotland from 
The Line and title of Scotland by Margar. eldest daughter to king Henry the seventh.  whom are directly descended the Q. of Scotland that now liveth and her son: & K. james being dead, Margaret was married again to Archybalde Douglas Earl of Anguish: by whom she had a daughter named Margaret, which was married afterwards, to Matthew Steward Earl of Lenox, whose son Charles Steward, was married to Elizabeth Candishe daughter to the present Countess of of Shrewsbury, & by her hath left his only heir, 
Arbella.  a little daughter named Arbella, of whom you have heard some speech before. And this is touching the Line of Scotland, descending from the first & eldest daughter of K. Henry the seventh.  
The second daughter of K. Henry the seventh 
The Line & title of Suffolk by Marie second daughter to king Henry 7.  called Marie, was twice married also: first to the king of Frannce b● whom she had no issue: and after his death to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk, by whom she had two daughters, that is, Francis, of which the children of my L. of Hartford do make their claim: & Elenore by whom the issue of the Earl of Derby pretendeth right, as shallbe declared. For that Francis the first daughter of Charles Brandon by the Queen of France, was married to the Marquis of Dorset, who after Charles Brandon's death was made Duke of Suffolk in right of his wife, and was beheaded in Q Mary's time, for his conspiracy wuth my L of Leicester's father. And she had by this man three daughters: that is, jane, 
The issue of Francis eldest daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk.  that was married to my L. of Leicester's brother, & proclaimed Queen after king Edward's death, for which both she and her husband were executed: Katherine the second daughter, who had two sons, yet living, by the Earl of Hartford: & Marry the third daughter, which left no children.  
The other daughter of Charles Brandon by the Q. of France called Elinor, was married to George Clifford Earl of Cumberland, who left a daughter 
The issue of elinor second daughter to Charles Brandon.  by her named Margaret, married to the Earl of Darbye, which yet liveth & hath issue. And this is the title of all the house of Suffolk▪ descended from the second daughter of K. Henry the seventh, married (as hath been showed) to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk. And by this, you see also how many their be, who do think their titles to be far before that of my Lord of Huntington's, if either right, Law, reason, or consideration of home affairs may take place in our Realm: or if not, yet you cannot but imagine how many great Princes and potentates abroad, are like to join and buckle with Huntington's Line for the pre-eminence: if once the matter fall again to contention by excluding the Line of K. Henry the 7. which God forbidden.  
SCHOL.  
Truly Sir (quoth I) I well perceive that my Lords turn is not so nigh as I had thought, whether he exclude the Line of king Henry, or 
Hūtīg●ō behind many other titles.  no. For if he exclude that, then must he enter the Combat with foreign titlers of the house of Lancaster: and if he exclude it not, then in all appearance of reason & in Law to (as you have said) the succession of the two daughters of king Henry the seventh (which you distingwishe by the two names of Scotland and Suffolk) must needs be as clearly before him and his Line, that descendeth only from Edward the fourth his brother: as the Q. title that now reigneth is before him. For that both Scotland, Suffolk, and her Ma. do hold all by one foundation, which is, the union of both houses and titles together, in K. Henry the seventh her Ma. Grandfather.  
GENTLEMAN.  
That is true (quoth the Gentleman) and evident enough in every man's eye: and therefore no doubt, but that as much is meant against her Majesty if occasion serve, as against the rest that hold by the same title. Albeit her majesties state (the Lord be praised) be such at this time, as it is not safety to pretend so much against her, as against the rest, what soever be meant. And that in truth, more should be meant 'gainst her highness, then against all the rest, there is this reason: for that her Majesty by her present possession letteth more their desires, than all the rest together with their future pretences. But as I have said, it is not 
The policy of the Conspirators for the deceiving of her Majesty.  safety for them, nor yet good policy to declare openly, what they mean against her majesty: It is the best way for the present, to hew down the rest, and to leave her Majesty, for the last blow and upshoote to their game. For which cause, they will seem to make great difference at this day, between her majesties title, and the rest, that descend in likewise, from king Henry the seventh: avowing the one, and disallowing the other. Albeit, my Lord of Leicester's father, preferred that of Suffolk, when time was, before this of her Ma. and compelled the whole Realm to swear thereunto. Such is the variable policy of men, that serve the time, or rather, that serve themselves, of all times, for their purposes.  
SCHOL.  
I remember (quoth I) that time of the Duke, & was present myself, at some of his proclamations for that purpose. Wherein my L. his son that now liveth, being then a doer, (as I can tell he was:) I marvel how he can deal so contrary now: 
Leycester variabilitie.  preferring not only her Ma. title before that of Suffolk (whereof I wonder less because it is more gainful to him,) but also an other much further of. But you have signified the cause, in that the times are changed, & other bargains are in hand of more importance for him. Wherefore leaving this to be considered by others, whom it concerneth, I beseech you, Sir, (for that I know, your worship hath been much conversant among their friends and favourers) to tell me what are the bars and lets which they do allege, why the house of Scotland and Suffolk descending of K. Henry the seventh his daughters, should not succeed in the Crown of England after her Ma. who endeth the Line of the same K. by his son: for in my sight the matter appeareth very plain.  
GENTLEMAN.  
They want not pretences of bars and lets against them all (quoth the Gentleman) which I will lay down in order, as I have heard them alleged. 
Bars pretended 'gainst the claim of Scotland & Suffolk  First in the Line of Scotland their are three people as you know that may pretend right: that is, the Queen and her son by the first marriage of Margaret, and Arbella by the second. And against the first marriage I hear nothing affirmed: but against the two persons proceeding thereof, I hear them allege three stops: one, for that they are strangers 
Against the Queen of Scotland & her son.  borne out of the land, and consequently incapable of inheritance within the same: an other, for that by a special testament of K. Henry the eight, authorized by two several parliaments they are excluded: the third, for that they are enemies to the religion now received among us, & therefore to be debarred.  
Against the second marriage of Margaret 
Against Arbella.  with Archibalde Douglas, whereof Arbella is descended, they allege, that the said Archibalde had a former wife at the time of that marriage, which lived long after: and so neither that marage lawful, nor the issue thereof legitimate.  
The same bar they have against all the house and Line of Suffolk: for first they say, that Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk, had a known wife a live when he married Marie Queen of France, & consequently, that neither the Lady Frances nor Elenore, borne of that marriage, can be lawfully borne. And thes is all, I can hear them say against the succession 
Against Darbye.  of the Countess of Derby, descended of Elenore. But against my Lord of hartford's children, that come from Frances the eldest daughter, I hear them allege two or three bastardies more, besides 
Against the children of Har●ford  this of the first marriage. For first, they affirm that Henry Marquis Dorset, when he married the Lady Frances, had to wife the old Earl of arundel's sister, who lived both then and many years after, and had a provision out of his living, to her dying day: whereby that marriage could no way be good. secondly, that the Lady Katherine daughter to the said Lady Frances, by the Marquis (by whom the Earl of Hartford had his children) was lawfully married to the Earl of Penbrook that now liveth, and consequently, could have no lawful issue by any other during his life. thirdly, that the said Katherine was never lawfully married to the said Earl of Hartford, but bore him those children as his Concubine. Which (as they say) is defined and registered in the archbishop or Canterbury's Court, upon due examination taken by order of her Ma. that now reigneth, and this is in effect so much as I have heard them allege, about thes affairs.  
SCHOL.  
It is much (quoth I) that you have said, if it may be all proved. Marry yet by the way, I cannot but smile, to hear my Lord of Leycester allow of so many bastardies now upon the issue of Lady Frances, whom in time paste, when lane her 
Leicester dealing with the house of Suffolk.  eldest daughter was married to his brother, he advanced in legitimation before both the daughters of K. Henry the eight. But to the purpose: I would gladie know what grounds of verity thes allegations have, and how, far in truth they may stop from inheritance: for indeed I never heard them so distinctly alleged before.  
GENTLEMAN.  
Whereto answered the Gentleman, that our friend the lawyer could best resolve that, if it pleased him to speak without his fee: though in some points alleged, every other man (quoth he) that knoweth the state and common government of England, may easily give his judgement also. As in the case of Bastardy, if the matter may be proved, 
Bastardy.  there is no difficulty, but that no right to inheritance can justly be pretended: as also (perhaps) 
Foreign birth.  in the case of foreign birth, though in this I am not so cunning: but yet I see by experience, that foreigners borne in other lands, can hardly come and claim inheritance in England, albeit, to the contrary, I have heard great and long disputes, but such as indeed passed my capacity. And if it might please our friend here present, to expound the thing unto us more clearly: I for my part would gladly bestow the hearing, and that with attention.  
LAW.  
To this answered the Lawyer. I will gladie, Sir, tell you my mind in any thing that it shall please you demand: & much more in this matter wherein by occasion of often conference, I am somewhat perfect.  
The impediments which thes men allege against the succession of K. Henry the 8. his sisters, are of two kinds, as you see: The one known and allowed in our la, as you have well said, if it may be proved: and that is bastardy: whereby they sack 
Bastardies, lawful stops.  to disable all the whole Line and race of Suffolk: as also Arbella, of the second and later house of Scotland. Whereof, it is to small purpose to speak any thing here: seeing the whole controversy standeth upon a matter of fact only, to be proved or improved by records and witnesses. Only this I will say, that some of thes bastardies, before named, are rife in many men's mouths, & avowed by divers that yet live: but let other men look to this, who have most interest therein, and may be most damnified by them, if they fall out true. 
The impediments against Scotland three in number.   
The other impediments, which are alleged only against the Q of Scots and her son, are in number three, as you recite them: that is, foreign birth, K Henry's Testament, and religion: whereof I am content to say somewhat, seeing you desire it: albeit there be so much published already in books of divers languages beyond the sea, as I am informed, concerning this matter, as more cannot be said. But yet so much as I have heard pass among Lawyers▪ my betters, in conference of thes affairs: I will not let to recite unto you, with this Proviso 
A protestation.  and protestation always, that what I speak, I speak by way of recital of other men's opinions: not meaning myself to incur the statute of affirming or avowing any person's title to the Crown, whatsoever.  
First then touching foreign birth, there be some 
Touching the first impediment of f 〈…〉 yve by 〈…〉  men in the world that will say, that it is a common and general rule of our la, that no stranger at all, may inherit any thing, by any means, within the land: which in truth I take to be spoken without ground, in that general sense. For I could never yet come to the sight of any such common or universal rule: and I know, that divers examples may be alleged in sundry cases to the contrary: and by that, which is expressly set down in the seventh and ninth years of K. Edward the fourth, and in the eleventh and fovertienth of Henry the fourth, it appeareth plainly that a 
An Alien may purchase.  stranger may purchase lands in England, as also inherit by his wife, if he marry an inheritrix. Wherefore this common rule is to be restrained from that generality, unto proper inheritance only: in which sense I do easily grant, 
The true Maxima against Aliens.  that our common la hath been of ancient, and is at this day, that no person borne out of the aleagiaunce of the king of England, whose father and mother were not of the same aleagiaunce at the time of his birth, shallbe able to have or demand any heritage within the 
The statute of K. Edward whence the Maxima is gathered  same aleagiaunce, as heir to any person. And this rule of our common law is gathered in thes self same words of a statute made in the 25. year of K. Edward the third, which in deed is the only place of effect, that can be alleged out of our law against the inheritance of strangers in such sense and cases, as we now treat of. 
Reasons why the Scottish title is not leted by the Maxima Against Aliens.   
And albeit now the common la of our country, do run thus in general, yet will the friends of the Scottish claim affirm, that hereby that title is nothing let or hindered at all towards the Crown: and that for divers manifest and weighty reasons: whereof the principal are thes which ensue.  
First it is common, and a general rule of our 
The first reason.  English laws, that no rule, Axiom, or Maxima of la (be it never so general) can touch or bind the Crown, except express mention be made thereof, in the same: for that the king and Crown have great privilege and prerogative, above the state and affairs of subjects, and great differences allowed in points of la.  
As for example, it is a general and common 
The rule of thirds.  rule of la, that the wife after the decease of her husband, shall enjoy the third of his lands▪ but yet the Queen shall not enjoy the third part of the Crown, after the king's death: as well appeareth by experience, and is to be seen by la, Anno. 5. & 21. of Edward the third: and 
Tenant by courtesy.  Anno. 9 & 28. of Henry the sixth. Also it is a common rule, that the husband shall hold his wife's lands after her death, as tennaunt by courtesy during his life, but yet it holdeth not in a kingdom.  
In like manner, it is a general and common rule, 
Division among daughters.  that if a man die seized of land in fee simple, having daughters and no son: his lands shallbe divided by equal portions among his daughters: which holdeth not in the Crown: but rather the eldest daughter inheriteth the whole, as if she were the issue male. So also it is a common rule of our la, 
executors.  that the executor shall have all the goods and chattels of the testator, but yet not in the Crown. And so in many other cases which might be recited, it is evident that the Crown hath privilege above others, and can be subject to no rule, be it never so general, except express mention be made thereof in the same la: as it is not in the former place and a statute alleged: but rather to the contrary, (as after shallbe showed) there is express exception, for the prerogative of such as descend of Royal blood.  
Their second reason is, for that the demand or 
The second reason.  title of a Crown, cannot in true sense be comprehended under the words of the former statute, forbidding Aliens to demand heritage within 
The Crown no such inheritance as is meant in the statute.  the alegiaunce of England: and that for two respects. The one, for that the Crown itself cannot be called an heritage of alegiaunce or within alegiaunce, for that it is holden of no superior upon earth, but immediately from God himself: the second, for that this statute treateth only and meaneth of inheritance by descent, as heir to the same, (for I have showed before that Aliens may hold lands by pourchase within our dominion) & then say they, the Crown is a thing incorporate & descendeth not according to the common course of other private inheritances: but goeth by succession, as other incorporations do. In sign whereof, it is evident, 
The Crown a corporation.  that albeit, the king be more favoured in all his doings then any common person shallbe: yet cannot he avoid by la his grants and letters patents by reason of his nonage (as other infants & common heirs under age may do,) but always be said to be of full age in respect of his Crown: even as a Prior, Person, Vicare, Deane, or other person incorporate shallbe, which cannot by any means in la be said, to be within age, in respect of their incorporations.  
Which thing maketh an evident difference in our case, from the meaning of the former statute: for that a Prior, Deane, or Person, being aliens and no denizens: might always in time of peace, demand lands in England in respect of their corporations, notwithstanding the said statute or common la against aliens, as apeateth by many book cases yet extant: as also by the statute made in the time of K. Richard the second, which was after the foresaid statute of king Edward the third.  
The third reason is▪ for that in the former statute 
The third reason.  itself, of K. Edward, there are excepted expressly from this general rule INFANTS DV ROY, that is, the 
The King's issue excepted by name.  king's offspring or issue, as the word INFANT doth signify both in France, Portugal, Spain, and other countries: & as the latin word liberi (which answereth the same) is taken commonly in the 
L. liberorum F. de verb sign.  Civil la. Neither may we restrain the french words of that statute INFANTS DV ROY, to the king's children only of the first degree (as some do, for that the barraynnes of our language, doth yield us no other word for the same▪) but rather, that thereby are understood, as well the nephews and other discendantes of the king or blood Royal, as his immediate children. For it were both unreasonable and ridiculous to imagine, that K. Edwar● by this statute, would go about to disinherit hi● own nephews, if he should have any born ou● of his own aleagiaunce (as easily he might a● that time, his sons being much abroad from England, and the black Prince his eldest son having two children borne beyond the seas: and consequently, it is apparent, that this rule o● Maxima set down against Aliens is no way to be stretched against the descendantes of the king or of the blood Royal.  
Their fourth reason is, that the meaning of king 
The fowrth reason. The king's meaning  Edward and his children (living at such time as this statute was made) could not be, that any of their lineage or issue might be excluded in la, from inheritance of their right to the Crown, by their foreign birth wheresoever. For otherwise, it is not credible that they would so much have dispersed their own blood in other countries, as they did: by giving their daughters to strangers, and other means. As Leonel the 
The matches of England with foreigners.  kings third son was married in Milan: and john of Gaunt the fourth son gave his two daughters Phylippe and Katherine to Portugal & Castille: and his neipce joan to the king of Scots: as Thomas of Woodstock also the youngest brother, married his two dawghters, the one, to the king of Spain, and the other, to the Duke of Brytane. Which no doubt (they being wise Princes and so near of the blood Royal) would never have done: if they had imagined that herebie their issue should have lost all claim and title to the Crown of England: and therefore it is most evident, that no such bar was then extant or imagined.  
Their fift reason is, that divers persons borne out 
The fift reason. Examples of foreigners. admitted  of all English dominion and aleagiaunce, both before the conquest and sithences, have been admitted to the succession of our Crown, as lawful inheritors, without any exception against them for their foreign birth. As before the conquest is evident in young Edgar Etheling borne in Hungary, and thence called home to inherit the Crown, by his great uncle king Edward the Confessor, with full consent of the whole Realm, the Bishop of Worcester being sent as Ambassador to 
Flores hist. An. 1066.  fetch him home, with his father named Edward the owtlawe.  
And since the conquest, it appeareth plainly in king Stephen and king Henry the second, both of them borne out of English dominions, and of Parents, that at their birth, were not of the English alleagiaunce: and yet were they both admitted to the Crown. Young Arthure also Duke of Bretaigne by his mother Constance that matched with Geffray K. Henry the seconds son, was declared by K. Richard his 
Pol. lib. 15 Flor. hist. 1208.  uncle, at his departure towards jerusalem, and by the whole Realm, for lawful heir apparent to the Crown of England, though he were borne in Bretaigne out of English alleagiaunce, and so he was taken and adjudged by all the world at that day: albeit after king Richard's death, his 
King Ioh● a Tyrant.  other uncle john, most Tyrannously took both his kingdom and his life from him. For which notable injustice he was detested of all men both abroad & at home: and most apparently scourged by God, with grievous and manifold plagues, both upon himself and upon the Realm which yielded to his usurpation. So that by this also it appeareth, what the practise of our country hath been from time to time in this case of foreign birth: which practise is the best interpreter of our common English la: which dependeth especially and most of all upon custom: nor can the adversary allege any one example to the contrary.  
Their sixth, is of the judgement and sentence of K. 
The sixth reason. The judgement and sentence of K Henry the seventh.  Henry the seventh, and of his Council: who being together in consolation, at a certain time, about the marriage of Margaret his eldest daughter into Scotland: some of his Council moved this doubt, what should ensue, if by chance the kings issue male should fail, and so the succession devolve to the heirs of the said Margaret as now it doth? whereunto that wise and most prudent Prince made answer: that if any such event should be, it could not be prejudicial to England, being the bigger part, but rather beneficial: for that it should draw Scotland to England: that is, the lesser to the more: even as in times passed it happened in Normandy, Aquitane, and some other Provinces. Which answer appeased all doubts, and gave singular contention to thes of his Council, as Polidore writeth that lived at that time, and written the special matters of that reign, by the kings own instruction. So that hereby we see no question made of K. Henry or his councillors touching foreign birth, to let the succession of Lady Margaret's issue: which no doubt would never have been omitted in that learned assembly, if any la at that time had been esteemed or imagined to bar the same  
And thes are six of their principalest reasons, to prove, that neither by the words nor meaning of our common laws, nor yet by custom or practise of our Realm, an Alien may be debarred from claim of his interest to the Crown, when it falleth to him by rightful descent in blood and succession. But in the particular case of the Q. of Scots and her 
The seventh reason. The Q of Scot and her son no Aliens.  son, they do add another reason or two: thereby to prove them in very deed to be no Aliens. Not only in respect of their often & continual mixture with English blood from the beginning (and especially of late, the Q▪ Grandmother & husband being English, & so her son begotten of an English father) but also for two other causes & reasons, which seem in truth of very good importance.  
The first is, for that Scotland by all English men (how so ever the Scots deny the same) is taken & held as subject to England by way of Homage: which many of their kings, at divers times have acknowledged: & consequently, the Q. and her son being borne in Scotland, are not borne out of the aleagiaunce of England, and so no foreigners.  
The second cause or reason is, for that the forenamed statute of foreigners in the five and twenty year of K. Edward the third, is entitled of those that are borne beyond the seas. And in the body of the same statute, the doubt is moved of children borne out of English aleagiaunce beyond the seas: whereby cannot be understood Scotland, for that it is a piece of the continent land within the seas. And all our old records in England, that talk of service to be done within thes two countries: have usualy thes latin words infra quatuor Maria, or in french, deins lez quatre mers, that is, within the four seas: whereby must needs be understood as well Scotland as England, and that perhaps for the reason before mentioned, of the subjection of Scotland by way of Homage to the Crown of England. In respect whereof it may be, that it was accounted of old, but one dominion or aleagiaunce. And consequently, no man borne therein can be accounted an Alien to England. And this shall suffice for the first point, touching foreign Nativity.  
For the second impediment objected, which is the 
The second impediment against the Q. of Scot and her son which is K. Henry the eight his Testament.  Testament of K. Henry the eight, authorized by parliament, whereby they affirm the succession of Scotland to be excluded: it is not precisely true that they are excluded, but only that they are put back behind the succession of the house of Suffolk. For in that pretended Testament (which after shallbe proved to be none indeed) king Henry so disposeth, that after his own children (if they should chance to die without issue) the Crown shall pass to the heirs of Frances, and of Elenore his neipces by his younger sister Marry Q. of France: and after them (deceasing also without issue) ●he succession to return to the next heirs again. Whereby it is evident that the succession of Margaret Q. of Scotland his eldest sister, is not excluded: but thrust back only from their due place and order, to expect the remainder, which may in time be left by the younger. Whereof in mine opinion do ensue some considerations 
Foreign birth: no impediment in the judgement of K. Henry the eight  against the present pretenders themselves.  
First, that in K. Henry's judgement, the former pretended rule of foreign birth, was no sufficient impediment against Scotland: for if it had been, no doubt but that he would have named the same in his alleged Testament, and thereby have utterly excluded that succession. But there is no such thing in the Testament.  
secondly, if they admit this Testament, which 
The succession of Scotland next by the judgement of the competitors.  alloteth the Crown to Scotland next after Suffolk: then, seeing that all the house of Suffolk,) by thes men's assertion) is cexcluded by Bastardy: it must needs follow, that Scotland by their own judgement is next, and so this testament will make against them, as indeed it doth in all points most apparently, but only that it preferreth the house of Suffolk, before that of Scotland. And therefore I think (Sir) that you mistake somewhat about their opinion in alleging this Testament. For I suppose, that no man of my Lord of Huntington's faction, will allege or urge the testimony of this Testament: but rather some friend of the house of Suffolk in whos favour, I take it, that it was first of all forged.  
GENTLEMAN.  
It may be (quoth the Gentleman) nor will I stand obstinately in the contrary: for that it is hard, sometime, to judge of what faction each one is, who discourseth of thes affairs. But yet I marvel (if it were as you say) why Leicester's father after king Edwardes death, made no mention thereof in the favour of Suffolk, in the other Testament which then he proclaimed, as made by K. Edward deceased, for preferment of Suffolk before his own sisters?  
LAW.  
The cause of this is evident (quoth the Lawyer) 
The Duke of Northumbe●landes drift.  for that it made not sufficiently for his purpose: which was to disinherit the two daughters of K. Henry himself, & advance the house of Suffolk before them both.  
GENTLEMAN.  
A notable change (quoth the Gentleman) that a title, so much exalted of late by the father, above all order, right, rank, and degree: should now be so much debased by the son, as though it were not worthy to hold any degree, but rather to be trodden under foot for plain bastardy. And you see by this, how true it is which I told you before: 
The mutable dealig of the house of Dudley.  that the race of Dudley's are most cunning Merchants, to make their gain of all things, men, & times. And as we have seen now two testaments alleged, the one of the king father, & the other of the king son, & both of them in prejudice of the testators true successors: so, many good subjects begin greatly to fear, that we may chance to see shortly a third testament of her Ma. for the intituling of Huntingdon and extirpation of K. Henry's, blood, & that before her Ma. can think of sickness: wherein I beseech the Lord I be no Prophet. But now (Sir) to the foresaid will & testament of K. Henry, I have often heard in truth, that the thing was counterfeit, or at the least not able to be proved: and that it was discovered, rejected and defaced in Q. Mary's time: but I would gladly understand what you Lawyers esteem or judge thereof.  
LAW.  
Touching this matter (quoth the Lawyer) it cannot be denied, but that in the twenty and eight and thirty and sixth years of king Henry's reign, upon consideration of some doubt & irresolution, 
The authority, and occasion of K. Henry's testament.  which the king himself had showed, to have about the order of succession in his own children, as also for taking away all occasions of controversies in those of the next blood: the whole parliament gave authority unto the said king, to debate & determine those matters himself together with his learned council, who best knew the laws of the Realm, and titles that any man might have thereby: and that what soever succession his Ma. should declare as most right and lawful under his letters patents sealed, or by his last will and testament rightfully made and signed with his own hand: that the same should be received for good and lawful.  
Upon pretence whereof, soon after K. Henry's death, there was showed a will with the king's stamp at the same, & the names of divers witnesses, wherein (as hath been been said) the succession of the Crown, after the kings own children, is assigned to the heirs of Frances and of Elenore, neipces to the king, by his younger sister. Which assignation of the Crown, being as it were a mere gift in prejudice of the elder sisters right (as also of the right of Frances and Elenore themselves, who were omitted in the same assignation, & their heirs entitled only) was esteemed to be against all reason, la, and nature, & consequently not thought to proceed from so wise and sage a 
The king's Testament forged.  Prince, as K. Henry was known to be: but rather, either the whole forged, or at leastwise that clause inserted by other, and the kings stamp set unto it, after his death, or when his Ma. lay now past understanding. And hereof there wanteth not divers most evident reasons and proofs.  
For first, it is not probable or credible that K. 
The first reason.  Henry would ever go about, against la and reason, to disinherit the line of his eldest sister, without 
Injustice & improbability.  any profit or interest to himself: and thereby, give most evident occasion of Civil war and discord wyrhin the Realm, seeing, that in such a case of manifest and apparent wrong, in so great a matter, the authority of parliament, taketh little effect, against the true & lawful inheritor: as well appeared in the former times & contentions of Henry the sixth, Edward the fourth, and Richard the third: in whose reigns, the divers and contrary parliaments made and holden, against the next inheritor, held no longer with any man, then until the other was able to make his own party good.  
So Likewise, in the case of king Edward the 
The example of France.  third his succession to France, in the right of his mother, though he were excluded by the general assembly and consent of their parliaments: yet he esteemed not his right extinguished thereby: as neither did other kings of our country that ensued after him. And for our present case, if nothing else should have restrained king Henry, from such open injustice towards his eldest sister: yet this cogitation, at least, would have stayed him: that by giving example of supplanting his elder Sister's Line by virtue of a testament or pretence of parliament: some other might take occasion to displace his children by like pretence: as we see that Duke Dudley did soon after, by a forged testament of K. Edward the sixth. So ready Scholars there are to be found, which easily will learn such 
The second reason. Incongruities & indignities.  Lessons of iniquity.  
secondly, there be to many incongruities and indignities in the said pretended Will to proceed from such a Prince and learned Council as king Henry's was. For first what can be more ridiculous, then to give the Crown unto the heirs of Frances and Elenore, and not to any of themselves? or what had they offended that their heirs should enjoy the Crown in their right, and not they themselves? What if king Henry's children should have died, whiles Lady Frances had been yet a live? who should have possessed the kingdom before her, seeing her Line was next? and yet by this testament she could not pretend herself to obtain 
Adrian Stokes.  it. But rather having married Adrain Stokes her horskeper, she must have suffered her son by him (if she had any) to enjoy the Crown: and so Adrian of a serving-man and master of horses, should have become the Great Master & Protector of England. Of like absurdity is that other clause also, wherein the king bindeth his own daughters to marry, by consent & direction of his counsel, or otherwise to lose the benefit of their succession: but yet bindeth not his neipces' daughters, to wit, the daughters of Francis and Elinor (if that they had any) to any such condition.  
thirdly there may be divers causes and arguments 
The third reason. The presupposed will is not Authentical.  alleged in law, why this pretended will is not authentical: if otherwise, it were certain that king Henry had meant it: First, for that it is not agreeable to the mind and meaning of the Parliament, which intended only to give authority, for declaration and explication of the true title: & not for donation or intricating of the same, to the ruin of the Realm. Secondly, for that there is no lawful & Authentical Copy extant thereof, but only a bare enrolment in the Chancery, which is not sufficient in so weighty an affair: no witness of the Privy Council or of Nobility to the same: which had been convenient in so great a case (for the best of the witnesses therein named, is Sir john Gates, whose miserable death is well known:) no public Notary: no Probation of the will before any Bishop, or any lawful Court for that purpose: no examination of the witnesses, or other thing orderly done, for lawful authorizing of the matter. 
The disproving of the will by witnesses. The Lord Pagett.   
But of all other things this is most of importance: that the king never set his own hand to the foresaid will, but his stamp was put thereunto by others, either after his death, or when he was passed remembrance: as the late L. Paget in the beginning of Queen Mary's days, being of the privy Council, first of all other discovered the same, of his own accord, and upon mere motion of conscience, confessing before the whole Council, and afterwards also before the whole parliament, how that himself was privy thereunto, and partly also culpable, (being drawn thereunto, by the instigation and forcible authority of others:) but yet afterwards upon other more godly motions detested the device: and so of his own free will, very honourably went and offered the discovery thereof to 
Sir Edw. Montague  the Council. As also did Sir Edward Montague, Lord chief justice, that had been privy and present 
Willm. Clarcke.  at the said doings, and one Willm. Clark, that was the man who put the stamp unto the paper, and is ascribed among the other pretenced witnesses, confessed the whole premises to be true, & purchased his pardon for his offence therein. Where upon Q. Marie and her Council, caused presently the said enrolment, lying in the Chancery, to be canceled, defaced and abolished,  
And since that time in her Ma. days that now liveth about the 11. or 12. year of her reign, (if I count not amiss) by occasion of a certain little book spread abroad at that time, very secretly, for advancing of the house of Suffolk, by pretence of 
A meeting together about this matter of the nobility.  this testament: I remember well the place where the late Duke of Norfolk, the Marquis of Winchester (which then was Treasurer) the old Earls of Arundel and Pembroke that now are dead, with my L. of Pembroke that yet liveth, (as also my L. of Leicester himself if I be not deceived) with divers others, met together upon this matter: & after long conference about the foresaid pretenced will, & many proofs & reasons laid down, why it could not be true or authentical: the old Earl of Pembroke protesting that he was with the K. in his Chambet from the first day of his sickness unto his last hour, & thereby could well assure the falsification thereof: at length it was moved, that from that place they should go, with the rest of the nobility, and proclaim the Q of Scotland heir apparent in Cheapside. 
My L. of Leycester again playeth double.  Wherein my L. of Leycester (as I take it) was then as forward as any man else: how be it, now, for his profit, he be turned aside, and would turn back again tomorrow next, for a greater commodity.  
And albeit, for some causes to themselves best known, they proceeded not in the open publishing of their determination at that time: yet my Lord of Penbrook now living, can bear witness that thus much is true: and that his father the old Earl 
The old Earl of Pembroke's admonition, to the Earl his son yet living.  at that time, told him openly before the other noble men, that he had brought him to that assembly and place, to instruct him in that truth, and to charge him, to witness the same, and to defend it also, with his sword (if need required) after his death. And I know that his Lordship is of that honour and nobility, as he can not leave of easily the remembrance or due regard of so worthy an admonition. And this shall suffice for the second impediment, imagined to proceed of this supposed testament of king Henry the eight.  
As for the third impediment, of religion, it is not 
The third impediment of Religion.  general to all: for that only one person (if I be not deceived) of all the Competitors in K. Hērys line, can be touched with suspicion of different religion, from the present state of England. Which person notwithstanding (as is well known) while she was in government in her own Realm of Scotland, permitted all liberty of conscience, & free excercise of religion, to those of the contrary profession and opinion, without restraint. And if she had not: yet do I not see, either by prescript of la, or practise of thes our times, that diversity of religion, may stay just inheritors from enjoying their due possessions, in any state or degree of private men: and much less in the claim of a kingdom: which always in this behalf (as hath been said before) is preferred in privilege.  
This we see by experience, in divers countries 
Princes of Germanye.  and parts of the world at this day: as in Germany, where among so many Princes, and so the in religion as they be: yet every one succeedeth to the state, whereto he hath right, without resistance for his religion. The examples also of her Ma. that now is, and of her sister before, is evident: 
Q▪ Mary. Q Elizabeth.  who being known to be of two different inclinations in religion, and the whole Realm divided in opinion for the same cause: yet both of them at their several times with general consent of all, were admitted to their lawful inheritance: excepting only a few 
* The Dudley's. Monsieur.  traitors against the former, who wythstood her right as also in her, the right of her Ma. that is present, & that not for religion (as appeared by their own confession after) but for ambition and desire of reign. Monsieur, the king's brother and heir of France, as all the world knoweth▪ is well accepted, favoured and admitted for successor of that Crown, by all the protestants at this day of that Country, notwithstabding his opinion in religion known to be diffeferent. And I doubt not, but the king of Navarre or Prince of Condie, in the contrary part, would 
King of Navarre▪ Prince of Condye.  think themselves greatly injuried by the state of France, which is different from them in religion at this day, if after the death of the king that now is & his brother without issue, (if God so dispose) they should be barred from inheriting the Crown, under pretence only of their religion. My Lord of Huntingdon himself also, is he not known to be of 
My L. of Huntington's religion.  a different religion from the present state of England? and that, if he were king to morrow next, he would alter the whole government, order, condition, & state of religion, now used & estblished, within the Realm?  
But as I said in the beginning, if one of a whole family, or of divers families▪ be culpable, or to be 
The title of those which ensue the Q. of Scots.  touched herein: what have the rest offended thereby? will you exclude all, for the mislike of one? And to descend in order: if the first in K. Henry's line, after her Ma. may be touched in this point, yet, why should the rest be damnified thereby? The king of Scotland her son, that next ensueth (to speak in equity) why should he be shut out for his religion? And are not all the other in like manner protestants, whose descent is consequent, by nature, order and degree?  
SCHOL.  
For the young king of Scotland (quoth I) the truth is, that always for mine own part, I have had great hope and expectation of him, not only 
The young k●ng of Scotland  for the conceit which commonly men have of such Orient youths, borne to kingdoms: but especially for that I understood from time to time, that his education was in allearning, princely exercises & instruction of true religion, under rare and virtuous men for that purpose. Whereby I conceived hope, that he might not only become in time, an honourable and profitable neighbour unto us, for assurance of the gospel in thes parts of the world: but also (if God should deprive us of her Majesty without issue) might be a mean by his suc●ssion to unite in Concord and Government, the two Realms together, which heretofore hath been sought, by the price of many a thousand men's blood, and not obtained.  
Marry yet now of late (I know not by what means) there is begun in men's hearts a certain mislike or grudge against him, for that it is given ou● every where, that he is inclined to be a Papist, & an enemy to her Ma. proceedings. Which argueth him verily, of singular ingratitude, if it be true, considering the great helps and protection which he hath received from her highness ever sithence he was borne.   

GENTLEMAN.  
And are you so simple (quoth the Gentleman) as to believe every report that you hear of this matter? know you not, that it is expedient for my L. of Leycester and his faction, that this youth, above all other, be held in perpetual disgrace with her Ma. and with this Realm? You know, that Richard 
The device to set out her Ma with the young king of Scotland.  of Gloucester had never been able to have usurped as he did, if he had not first persuaded king Edward the fourth to hate his own brother the Duke of Clarence, which Duke stood in the way, between Richard and the thing, which he most of all things coveted. That is, the possibility to the Crown, and so in this case is there the like device to be observed.  
For truly, for the young king of Scotland's religion, it is evident to as many as have reason, that it can be no other of itself but inclined to the best: both in respect of his education, instruction, & conversation, with those of true religion: as also by hi● former Actions, Edicts, Government, and private behaviour, he hath declared. Marry thes men whos profit is nothing less, then that he or any other of that race should do well: do not cease daily by all secret ways, drifts, and molestations possible, to drive him either to mislke of our religion, or else to incur the suspicion thereof, with such of our Realm, as otherwise would be his best friends: or if not this: yet for very need & fear of his own life, to make recourse to such other Princes abroad, as may most offend or mislik this state.  
And for this cause, they suborn certain busy fellows of their own crew and faction, pertaining to the ministery of Scotland, (but unworthy of so worthy a caling) to use such insolency towards 
The intolerable procedings of certain Ministers in Scotland against they● king. by subornation of his ●●ymyes in England.  their king and Prince, as is not only undecent, but intolerable. For he may do no thing, but they will examine and discuss the same in pulpit. If he go but on hunting, when it pleaseth them to call him to their preaching: if he make but a dinner or supper, when, or where, or with whom they like not: if he receive but a couple of horses or other present from his friends or kinsmen beyond the seas: if he salute or use courteously any man or messiger which cometh from them▪ (as you know Princes of their nobility & courtesy are accustomed, though they come from their enemies, as often hath been seen & highly commended in her Ma. of England:) if he deal familiarly with any Ambassador which liketh not them: or finally if he do say, or signify, any one thing whatsoever, that pleaseth not their humour: they will presently, as seditious tribunes of the people, exclaim in public, and stepping to the pulpit where the word of the Lord only ought to be preached: will excite the commonalty to discontentation, inveighing against their sovereign with such bitterness of speech, unreverend terms, and insolent controlmentes, as is not to be spoken, Now imagine what her Ma. & her grave council would do in England, if such procedings should be used▪ by the clergy against them.  
STHOL.  
No doubt (quoth I) but that such unquiet spirits should be punished in our Realm. And so I said of late to their most Reverend and worthy Prelate & Primate the archbishop of S. Andrewes, with whom it was my Luck to come acquainted 
Sir Patrick Adamson Archbishop of S. Andrewes.  in London, whether he was come by his king's appointment (as he said) to treat certain affairs with our Queen and Council. And talking with him of this disorder of his ministery, he confessed the same with much grief of mind, & told me, that he had preached thereof before the king himself, detesting and accusing divers heads thereof, for which cause, he was become very odious to them and other of their faction, both in Scotland & England. But he said, that as he had given the reasons of his doings unto our Queen: so meaneth he shortly to do the same unto Monsieur Beza and to the whole church of Geneva, by sending thither the articles of his and their doings, Protesting unto me that the procedings and attempts of those factious and corrupt men, was most scandalous, seditious and perilous, both to the kings person, and to the Realm: being sufficient indeed, to alienate wholly the young Prince from all affection to our religion, when he shall see the chief professors thereof, to behave themselves so unduetifulie towards him.  
GENTLEMAN.  
That is the thing which thes men, his competitors, most desire (quoth the Gentleman) hoping thereby, to procure him most evil will & danger, 
Treasons Plotted Against the K. of Scots.  both at home & from England. For which cause also, they have practised so many plotes & treacheries with his own subjects against him: hoping by that means, to bring the one in distrust and hatred of the other, and consequently the king in danger of destruction by his own. And in this machination, they have behaved themselves so dexterously, so covertly used the manage and contriving hereof, and so cunningly conveyed the execution of many things: as it might, indeed, seem apparent unto the young king, that the whole plot of treasons against his Realm & person, doth come from England, thereby to drive him into jealousy of our state, & our state of him: and all this for their own profit.  
Neither is this any new device of my Lord of Leycester, to draw men for his own gain, into danger & hatred with the state, under other pretences. For I could tell you divers stories and stratagems of his cunning in this kind, and the one far different from the other in device: but yet all to one end. I have a friend yet living, that was towards the old Earl of Arundel, in good credit, and by that means had occasion to deal with the late Duke of Norfolk in his chiefest affairs before his troubles. This man is wont to report strange things from the Dukes own mouth, of my Lord 
Leycester cunning device for overthrowing the Duke of Norforke.  of Leicester's most treacherous dealing towards him for gaining of his blood, as after appeared: albeit the Duke when he reported the same, mistrusted not so much my lords malice therein. But the sum of all, is this in effect: that Leycester having a secret desire, to pull down the said Duke, to the end that he might have no man above himself, to hinder him in that which he most desireth: by a thousand cunning devices drew in the Duke to the cogitation of that marriage with the Q. of Scotland, which afterwards was the cause or occasion of his ruin. And he behaved himself so dexterously in this drift, by setting on the Duke on the 
The impudency of judas.  one side, and entrapping him on the other: as judas himself never played his part more cunningly, when he supped with his master, and set himself so near, as he dipped his spoon in the same dish, & durst before others ask, who should betray him? meaning that night, to do it himself, as he showed soon after supper, when he came as a Captain with a band of conspirators, and with a courteous kiss delivered his person, into the hands of them, who he well knew to thirst after his blood  
The very like did the Earl of Leycester with the Duke of Norfolk for the art of treason, though in the parties betrayed there were great difference of innocency. Namely at one time, when her Ma. was at Basing in Hampshire, & the Duke attended their lo have audience, with great indifferency in himself, to follow or leave of, his suit for marriage: (for 
The speeches of Leices to the D. of Norfolk.  that now he began to suspect, her Ma. liked not greatly thereof:) my Lord of Leicester came to him, and counseled him in any case to persevere & not to relent, assuring him with many oaths and protestations, that her Ma. must & should be brought to allow thereof, whether she would or no, and that himself would scale that purpose with his blood. Neither was it to be suffered that her Ma. should have her will herein: with many other like speeches to this purpose: which the Duke repeated again then presently to my said friend: with often laying his hand upon his bosom and saying: I have here which assureth me sufficiently of the fidelity of my L. of Leycester: meaning not only the foresaid speeches, but also divers letters which he had written to the Duke of that effect, 
Ley. cousinage of the Queen.  as likewise he had done to some other person of more importance in the Realm: which matter coming afterwards to light, he cousyned most notably her Ma. by showing her a reformed copy of the said letter, for the letter itself.  
But now how well he performed his promise, in dealing with her Ma. for the Duke, or against the Duke in this matter, her highness can best tell, and the event itself showed. For the Duke being admitted soon after to her Ma. speech, at an other place, and receiving a far other answer than he had in hope conceived upon Leycester promises: retired himself to London, where the same night following he received letters both from Leycester, 
The Duke of Norfolk's flying into Norfolk.  and Sir Nicholas Throgmarton, upon Leicester's instigation (for they were at that time both friends and of a faction,) that he should presently flee into Norfolk as he did, which was the last and final complement of all Leicester's former devices, whereby to plunge his friend over the ears in suspicion and disgrace, in such sort, as he should never be able to draw himself out of the ditch again, as indeed he was not, but died in the same.  
And herein you see also the same subbtile & Machavilian 
Machavellian sleights  sleight, which Imentioned before, of driving men to attempt somewhat, whereby they may incur danger or remain in perpetual suspicion or disgrace. And this practise he hath long used, and doth daily, against such as he hath will to destroy. As for example: What say you to the 
Leycester devices for the overthrew of Sir Christopher Hatton.  device he had, of late, to entrap his well deserving friend Sir Christopher Hatton, in the matter of Hall his Priest, whom he would have had Sir Christopher to send away & hide, being touched and detected in the case of Ardent, thereby to have drawn in Sir Christopher himself, as Sir Charles Candis he can well declare, if it please him, being accessary to this plot, for the overthrow of Sir Christopher. To which intent & most devilish drift pertained (I doubt not) if the matter were duly examined, the late interception of letters in Paris from one Aldred of Lions then in Rome, to Henry umpton, servant to Sir Christopher, in which letters, Sir Christopher is reported to be of such credit and special favour in Rome, as if he were the greatest Papist in England.  
What meaneth also thes pernicious late dealings 
Leycester devices against the Earl of Shrewsbury.  against the Earl of Shrewsbury, a man of the most ancient and worthiest nobility of our Realm? what mean the practises with his nearest both in bed and blood against him? what mean thes most false and slanderous rumours cast abroad of late of his disloyal demeanour towards her Ma. and his country, with the great prisoner committed to his charge? Is all this to any other end, but only to drive him to some impatience, and thereby to commit or say some thing which may open the gate unto his ruin? divers other things could I recite of his behaviour towards other noble men of the Realm, who live abroad in their countries much injuried & malcontented by his insolency: albeit in respect of his present power they dare not complain. And surely it is strange to see, how little account he maketh 
Ley contempt of the ancient Nobility of England  of all the ancient nobility of our Realm: how he contemneth, derideth & debaseth them: which is the fashion of all such as mean to usurp, to the end they may have none who shall not acknowledge their first beginning & advancement from themselves.  
LAW.  
Not only usurpers (quoth the lawyer) but all others who rise and mount aloft from base lineage, be ordinarily most contemptuous contumelious, and insolent against others of more antiquity. And this was evident in this man's father, who being a 
New men most contemptuous.  Buck of the first head (as you know) was intolerable in contempt of others: as appeareth, by those whom he trod down of the nobility in his time: as also by his ordinary jests against the Duke of Somerset and others. But among other times, sitting one day at his own table (as a Councillor told me that was present,) he took occasion to talk of the Earl of Arundel whom he then had 
D. dudley's jest at the Erl. of Arundel  not only removed from the Council, but also put into the Tower of London, being (as is well known) the first and chiefest Earl of the Realm. And for that the said Earl, showed himself somewhat sad and afflicted with his present state (as I marvel not, seeing himself in prison and within the compass of so fierce a Bear's paws) it pleased this goodly Duke, to vaunt upon this Earls misery, at his own table (as I have said,) and asked the noble men and Gentlemen there present, what Crest or Cognizaunce my Lord of Arundel did give? and when every one answered that he gave the white horse: I thought so (quoth the Duke,) and not without great cause: for as the white Paulfrey when he standeth in the stable, & is well provendred, is proud and fierce, and ready to leap upon every other horses back, still neighing and praunsing, and troubling all that stand about him: but when he is once out of his hot stable, and deprived a little of his ease and fat feeding, every boy may ride and master him, at his pleasure: so is it (quoth he) with my Lord of Arundel: Whereat many marveled that were present, to hear so insolent speech pass from a man of judgement, against a Peer of the Realm, cast into calamity.  
GENTLEMAN.  
But you would more have marveled (quoth the Gentleman,) if you had seen that, which I did afterwards, which was the most base and abject behaviour, of the same Duke, to the same Earl of 
The most abject behaviour of Duke Dudley in adverse fortune  Arundel at Cambrige, and upon the way towards London: when this Earl was sent to apprehend and bring him up, as prisoner. If I should tell you how he fell down on his knees, how he wept, how he besought the said Earl, to be good Lord unto him, whom a little before, he had so much contemned and reproached: you would have said, that himself might as well be compared to this his white Paulfrey, as the other. Albeit in this, I will excuse neither of them both, neither almost any other of thes great men, who are so proud and insolent in their prosperous fortune, as they are easily led to contemn any man, albeit themselves be most contemptible of all others, when soever their fortune beginneth to change: & so will my L. of Leycester be also, no doubt at that day, though now in his wealth, he triumph over all, & careth not whom or how many he offend and injury.  
STHOL.  
Sir therein I believe you (quoth I) for we have had sufficient trial already of my Lord's fortitude in adversity. His base and abject behaviour in 
Leycester base behaviour in adversity.  his last disgrace about his marriage, well declared what he would do, in a matter of more importance. His fawning & flattering of them, whom he hated most: his servile speeches, his feigned & dissembled tears, are all very well known: Then Sir Christopher Hatton, must needs be enforced, to receive at his hands the honourable and great office of Chamberlanship of Chester, for that he 
Leycester deceiving of Sir Christopher Hatton.  would by any means resign the same unto him, whether he would or no: and made him provide (not without his charge) to receive the same, though his Lordship never meant it, as after well appeared. For that the present pang being past, it liked my Lord to fulfil the Italian proverb, of such as in dangers make vows to saints: Scampato il pericolo, gabbato il Santo, the danger escaped, the saint is deceived.  
Then, and in that necessity, no men of the Realm were so much honoured, commended and served by him, as the noble Chamberlain deceased, and the good L. Treasurer yet living: to whom, at a certain time, he written a letter, in all fraud and base dissimulation, and caused the same, to be delivered 
A pretty shift of my Lord of Leyc.  with great cunning in the sight of her Ma. & yet so, as to show a purpose that it should not be seen: to the end, her highness might the rather take occasion to call for the same and read it, as she did. For Mistress Frances Haward (to whom the stratagem was committed) playing her part dexterously, offered to deliver the same to the L. Treasurer, near the door of the withdrawing chamber, he then coming from her Ma. And to draw the eye and attention of her highness, the more unto it, she let fall the paper, before it touched the Treasurer's hand, and by that occasion, brought her Majesty to call for the same: Which after she had red and considered the style together with the metal and constitution of him that written it, & to whom it was sent: her highness could not but break for●h in laughter▪ wy●h detestation of such absurd and abject dissimulation: saying unto my L. Treasurer, there present: my L. believe 
Her Ma speech of Leyce. to the Treasurer.  him not, for if he had you in like case he would play the Bear with you, though, at this present he fawn upon you never so fast.  
But now, Sir, I pray you go forward in your speech of Scotland, for there, I remember you left of, when by occasion we fell into thes digressions.  
Well then, (quoth the Gentleman) to return again to Scotland, (as you move) from whence we have digressed: most certain and evident it is to all the world, that all the broils, troubles, & dangers 
The danger of her Ma by oppression of the favourers of the Scottish title.  procured to the Prince in that country, as also the vexations of them, who any way are thought to favour that title in our own Realm, do proceed from the drift and complot of thes conspirarours. Which besides the great dangers mentioned before, both domestical and foreign, temporal and of religion, must needs infer great jeopardy also to her Ma. person and present reign, that now governeth▪ through the hope and heat of the aspirors' ambition, inflamed and increased so much the more, by the nearnes of their desired prey.  
For as soldiers entered into hope of a rich and well furnished City, are more fierce & furious, 
A Similitude.  when they have gotten and beaten down the Bulwarks round about: and as the greedy Burglarer that hath pierced and broken d●wn many wales to come to a treasure, is less patiented of stay, stop and delay, when he cometh in sight of that which he desireth, or perceiveth only some partition of waneskot or the like, betwixt his fingers and the coffers or money bags: so thes men, when they shall see the succession of Scotland extinguished, together with all friends and favourers thereof, (which now are to her Majesty as Bulwarks and Wales, and great obstacles to the aspirours) and when they shall see only her Ma. life and person, to stand betwixt them and their fiery desires, (for they make little account of all other comperitours by K. Henry's line:) no doubt, but it will be to them a great prick & spur, to dispatch her Ma. also: the nature of both Earls being well considered, whereof the one killed his own wife (as hath been showed before) only upon a little vain 
Earl of Leicester  hope of marriage with a Queen & the other being so far blinded and borne away, with the same furious 
Earl of Huntingt.  fume, and most impotent itching humour of ambition: as his own mother, when she was a live, seemed greatly to fear his fingers, if once the matter should come so near, as her life had only stood in his way. For which cause, the good old Countess, was wont to pray god, (as I have heard 
The old Countess. of Huntington's speech of her son  divers say) that she might die before her Majesty, (which happily was granted unto her) to the end that by standing in her sons way (who she saw to her grief, furiously bend to wear a Crown:) their might not some dangerous extremity grow to her, by that nearnes: And if his own mother feared this mischance, what may her Ma. doubt, at his and his companions hands, when she only shallbe the obstacle of all their unbridled and impatient desires?  
LAW.  
Clear it is (quoth the Lawyer) that the nearnes of aspirours to the Crown, endaungereth greatly the present possessors, as you have well proved 
Nearnes in competitors doth incite them to adventure.  by reason, & I could show by divers examples, if it were need. For when Henry Bollingbrook Duke of Lancaster saw, not only Richard the second to be without issue, but also Roger Mortymer Earl of March, that should have succeeded in the Crown, to be slain in Ireland: though before (as is 
henry Bolingbrooke after K. Henry the fourth.  thought) he meant not to usurp, yet seeing the possibility and near cut that he had: was invited therewith, to lay hands of his sovereign's blood & dignity, as he did. The like is thought of Richard Duke of Gloucester, that he never meant the murder 
Richard Duke of Glocest. after K. Richard the third.  of his nephews, until he saw their father dead, & themselves in his own hands: his brother also Duke of Clarence dispatched, & his only son & heir Earl of Warwick, within his own power.  
Wherefore, seeing, it hath not pleased almighty God, for causes to himself best known, to leave unto this noble Realm, any issue by her most excellent 
The great wisdom of her Ma. in conserving the next heirs of Scotland.  Ma. it hath been a point of great wisdom in mine opinion, and of great safety to her highness person, state, and dignity: to preserve hitherto, the line of the next inheritors by the house of Scolad (I mean both the mother and the son,) whose deaths hath been so diligengly sought, by the other competitors, and had been long ere this achieved, if her Ma. own wisdom and Royal clemency (as is thought,) had not placed special eye upon the conservation thereof, from time to tyme. Which Princely providence, so long as it shall endure, must needs be a great safety and fortress to her Ma. not only against the claims, aids, or annoyance of foreign Princes, who will not be so forward to advance strange titles, while so manifest heirs remain at home, nor yet so willing (in respect of policy) to help that line to possession of the whole Island: but also against ptactises of domestical aspirours (as you have showed,) in whoes affairs no doubt but thes two braunshes of Scotland are great blocks, as also special Bulwarks to her Ma. life and person: seeing (as you say) thes comparteners, make so little account of all the other of that Line, who should ensue by order of succession. 
The K. of Scotland's destruction of more importance to the conspirators, than his mothers.   
Marry yet of the two, I think the youth of Scotland be of much more importance, for their purpose, to be made away, both for that he may have issue, and is like in time to be of more ability, for defence of his own inheritance: as also for that he being once dispatched, his mother should soon ensue, by one sleight or other, which they would devise unwitting to her Ma. albeit, I must needs confess, that her highness hath used most singular prudence for prevention thereof: in placing her restraint 
The Earl of Shreusburie disgraced by the competitoures.  with so Noble, stroung, and worthy a Peer of our Realm, as the Earl of Shrewsbury is: whose fidelity and constancy being nothing pliable to the others faction, giveth them little contentation. And for that cause, the world seethe, how many sundry and divers devices they have used, and do use daily to slander and disgrace him, and thereby to pull from him his charge committed.  
To this the Gentleman answered nothing at all, but stood still musing with himself, as though he had conceived some deep matter in his head: and after a little pause he began to say as followeth.  
GENTLEMAN.  
I cannot truly but much marvel, when I do compare some things of this time & government, with the doings of former Prince's progenitors 
The vigilant eye that her Ma. ancestors had to the collaterallyne  to her Ma. Namely of Henry the seventh & Henry the eight: who had so vigilant an eye to the lateral line of K. Edward the fourth by his brother of Clarence, as they thought it necessary, not only to prevent all evident dangers, that might ensue that way, but even the possibilities of all peril: as may well appear by the execution of Edward Earl of VVarwike before named, son and heir to the said Duke of Clarence, and of Margaret his sister Countess of Salisbury, with the Lord Henry Montague her son, by whos daughter the Earl 
Persons executed of the house of Clarence.  of Huntingdon now claimeth. All which were executed for avoiding of inconveniences, and that at such times, when no imminent danger could be much doubted, by that Line▪ especially by the later. And yet now when one of the same house and line, of more ability and ambition, than ever any of his ancestors were, maketh open title and claim to the Crown, with plotes, packs, and preparations to most manifest usurpation, against all order, all la, and all rightful succession: & against a special statute provided in that behalf: yet is he permitted, borne out, favoured, and friended therein: and no man so hardy, as in defence of her Ma. and Realm, to control him for the same.  
It may be, that her Ma. is brought into the same opinion of my L. of Huntington's fidelity, as julius 
The example of julius Caesar's destruction.  Caesar was of Marcus Brutus, his dearest obliged friend: of whos ambitious practices, and aspiring, when Caesar was advertised, by his careful friends: he answered, that he well knew Brutus to be ambitious, but I am sure (quoth he) that my Brutus will never attempt any thing for the Empire, while Caesar liveth: and after my death, let him shift for the same among others, as he can. But what ensued? Surely I am loath to tell the event, for ominations sake, but yet all the world knoweth, that ere many months passed, this most Noble and Clement Emperor, was pitifulie murdered by the same Brutus and his partners, in the public Senate, when least of all he expected such treason. So dangerous a thing it is, to be secure in a matter of so great sequel, or to trust them with a man's life, who may pretend preferment or interest, by his death.  
Wherefore, would God her Ma. in this case, might be induced, to have such due care & regard of her own estate & Royal person, as the weighty moment of the matter requireth: which containeth the bliss and calamity of so Noble and worthy a kingdom, as this is.  
I know right well, that most excellent natures 
To much confidence very perilous in a Prince.  are always furthest of, from diffidence in such people, as profess love, and are most bounden by duty: and so it is evident in her Ma. But yet surely, this confidence so commendable in other men, is scarce allowable often times in the person of a Prince: for that it goeth accompanied with so great peril, as is inevitable to him that will not suspect: principally when dangers are foretold or presaged, (as commonly by God's appointment they are, for the special hand he holdeth over Prince's affairs,) or when there is probable conjecture, or just surmise of the same.  
We know that the forenamed Emperor Caesar, had not only the watning given him of the inclination and intent of Brutus to usurpation, but even the very day when he was going towards the place of his appointed destiny, there was given up into his hands a detection of the whole treason, with request to read the same presently, which he upon confidence omitted to do. We read also of Alexander the great, how he was not 
The example of Alexander the great how he was for told his danger.  only forbidden by a learned man, to enter into Babylon (whether he was then going) for that there was treason meant against him, in the place: but also that he was foretold of Antipater's mischievous meaning against him, in particular. But the young Prince having so well deserved of Antipater, could not be brought to mistrust the man that was so dear unto him: & by that means was poisoned in a banquet, by three sons of Antipater, which were of most credit & confidence in the kings Chamber.  
SCHOL.  
Here, truly, my heart did somewhat tremble with fear, horror, and detestation of such events. And I said unto the Gentleman. I beseech you, Sir, to talk no more of thes matters, for I cannot well abide to hear them named: hoping in the Lord, that there is no cause, nor ever shallbe, to doubt the like in Endland: specially from thes men who are so much bounden to her Ma. and 
Late execution.  so forward in seeking out and pursueing all such, as may be thought to be dangerous to her Ma. person, as by the sundry late executions we have seen, and by the punishments every way of Papists, we may perceive.  
GENTLEMAN.  
Truth it is (quoth the Gentleman) that justice hath been done upon divers of late, which contenteth me greatly, for the terror and restraint of others, of what sect or religion so ever they be: And it is most necessary (doubtless) for the compressing of parties, that great vigilance be used in that behalf. But when I consider, that only one kind of men are touched herein: and that all speech, regard, doubt, distrust, and watch, is of them alone, without reflection of eye upon any other men's doings or designments: when I see the double diligence, & vehemency of certain instruments, which I like not, bent wholly to raise wonder and admiration of the people: fear, terror, and attention, to the doings, sayings, and meanings 
Fraud to be feared in putsueing one part o● faction only.  of one part or faction alone, and of that namely and only, which thes conspirators esteem for most dangerous and opposite to themselves: I am (believe me) often tempted to suspect fraud and false measure: and that thes men deal, as wolves by nature in other countries are wont to do: Which going together in great numbers to assail a flock of sheep by night, do set some one or two of their company upon the wind side of the fold a far of, who partly by their scent & other bruteling▪ which of purpose they make, may draw the dogs and shepherds to pursue them alone, whiles the 
The comparison of wolves & Rebels.  other do enter and slay the whole flock. Or as rebels that meaning to surprise a town, to turn away the inhabitants from consideration of the danger, & from defence of that place, where they intent to enter: do set on fire some other parts of the town further of, and do sound a false alarm at some gate, where is meant least danger.  
Which art, was used cunningly by Richard 
Richard Duke of York.  Duke of York in the time of K. Henry the sixth, when he to cover his own intent, brought all the Realm in doubt of the doings of Edmond Duke of Sometset, his enemy. But john of Northumberland, father to my Lord of Leycester, used the same 
Duke Dudley.  art much more skilfulie, when he put all England in a maze and musing of the Protector and of his friends: as though nothing could be safe about the young king, until they were suppressed: and consequently, all brought into his own authority, without obstacle. I speak not this, to excuse Papists, or to wish them any way spared wherein they offend: but only to signify that in a country, 
A good rule of policy.  where so potent factions be, it is not safe, to suffer the one to make itself so puissant by pursuit of the other: as afterwards the Prince must remain at the devotion of the stronger: but rather as in a body molested and troubled with contrary humours, if all cannot be purged, the best Physic is, without all doubt, to reduce and hold them at such an equality: as destruction may not be feared of the predominant.  
LAW.  
To this said the Lawyer laughing, yea Marry Sir, I would to God, your opinion might prevail in this matter: for than should we be in other terms, than now we are. I was not long since, in company of a certain honourable Lady of the Court, who, after some speech passed by Gentlemen that were present, of some aprehended, and some executed, and such like affairs: brak into a great complaint of the present time, and therewith (I assure you) moved all the hearers to grief (as women you know are potent in stirring of affections,) and caused them all to wish that her Majesty, had been nigh to have heard her words.  
I do well remember (quoth she) the first dozen 
The speech of a certain Lady of the Court.  years of her highness reign, how happy, pleasant and quiet they were, with all manner of comfort and consolation. There was no mention then of factions in religion, neither was any man much noted or rejected for that cause: so other wise his conversation were civil and courteous. No suspicion of treason, no talk of bloodshed, no complaint of troubles, miseries or vexations. All was peace, all was love, all was joy, all was delight. Her Ma. (I am sure) took more recreation at that time, in one day, than she doth now in a whole week: and we that served her highness, enjoyed more contentation in a week, than we can now in divers years. For now, there are so many suspicions, every where, for this thing and for that: as we cannot tell whom to trust. So many melancholic in the Court, that seem malcontented: so many complaining or sueing for their friends that are in trouble: other slip over the sea, or retire them selves upon the sudden: so many tales brought us of this or that danger, of this man suspected, of that man sent for up, and such like unpleasant and unsavoury stuff: as we can never almost be merry one whole day together.  
Wherefore (quoth this Lady) we that are of her Ma. train and special service, and do not only feel thes things in ourselves, but much more in the grief of her most excellent Ma. whom we see daily molested herewith (being one of the best natures, I am sure, that ever noble Princess was endued with all:) we cannot but moan, to behold 
More moderation wished in matters of faction.  contentions advanced so far forth as they are: and we could wish most heartily that for the time to come, thes matters might pass with such peace, friendship & tranquillity, as they do in other countries: where difference in religion breaketh not the band of good fellowship or fidelity. And with this in a similing manner, she broke of: ask pardon of the company, if she had spoken her opinion, over boldly, like a woman.  
To whom, answered a Courtier, that sat next 
The speech of a Courtier.  her: Madam, your Ladyship hath said nothing in this behalf, that is not daily debated among us, in our common speech in Court, as you know. Your desire also herein is a public desire, if it might be brought to pass: for there is no man so simple, that seethe not, how perilous thes contentions and divisions among us, may be in the end. And I have heard divers Gentlemen, that be learned, discourse at large upon this argument: alleging old examples of the Athenians, Lacedæmonians, Carthagenians, and Romans, who received notable damages, and destruction also, in the end, by their divisions and factions among themselves: and specially from them of their own Cities and Countries, who upon 
The peril of divisions & factions in a common wealth.  factions lived abroad with foreigners: and thereby were always as firebrands to carry home the flame of war, upon their country.  
The like, they also showed by the long experience of all the great Cities and states of Italy: which by their factious and foruscites, were in continual garboil, bloodshed and misery. Whereof our own country hath tasted also her part, by the odious contention between the houses of Lancaster and York: wherein it is marvelous to consider, what trouble a few men often times, departing out of the Realm, were able to work, by the part of their faction remaining at home (which commonly increaseth towards them that are absent,) & by the readiness of foreign Princes, to receive always, and comfort such, as are discontented in an other state: to the end, that by their means, they might hold an ore in their neighbour's boat: Which, Princes that are nigh borderers, do always above all other things most covet and desire.  
This was that courtiers speech & reason, whereby I perceived, that as well among them in Court, as among us in the Realm and country abroad, the 
The dangerous sequel of dissension in our Realm.  present inconvenience & dangerous sequel of this our home dissension, is espied: and consequently most English hearts inclined to wish the remedy or prevention thereof, by some reasonable moderation, or reunion among ourselves. For that the prosecution of thes differences to extremity, can not but after many wounds & exulcerations bring matters finally to rage, fury and most deadly desperation.  
whereas on the other side, if any sweet qualification or small toleration among us, were admitted: there is no doubt, but ●hat affairs would pass in our Realm, with more quietness, safety & public weal of the same, than it is like it will do long: and men would easily be brought, that have English bowels, to join in the preservation of their country, from ruing, bloodshed, and foreign oppression, which desperation of factions is wont to procure.  
GENTLEMAN.  
I am of your opinion (quoth the Gentleman) in that, for I have seen the experience thereof, and all the world beholdeth the same at this day, in all the 
Examples of toleration in matters of Reliligion.  countries of Germany, Polonia, Boemland, and Hungary: where a little bearing of th'one with th'other, hath wrought them much ease, & continued them a peace, whereof all Europe beside, hath admiration and envy. The first dozen years 
Germany  also of her Ma. reign, whereof your Lady of the Court discoursed before, can well be a witness of the same: Wherein the commiseration and lenity that was used towards those of the weaker sort, with a certain sweat diligence for their gaining, by good means: was the cause of much peace, contentation, and other benefit to the whole body,  
We see in France, that by over much pressing 
The breach & reunion again in France.  of one part only, a fire was in kindled not many years since, like to have consumed and destroyed the whole: had not a necessary mollification been thought upon, by the wisest of that kings Council, full contrary to the will & inclination of some great personages, who meant perhaps to have gained more by the other. And since that time, we see what peace, wealth and reunion, hath ensued in that country, that was so broken, dissevered & wasted before. And all this, by yielding a little in that thing, which no force can master, but exculcerat rather, and make worse: I mean the conscience and judgement of men in matters of religion.  
The like also I could name you in Flaunders, where 
Flaunders.  after all thes broils and miseries, of so many years wars (caused principally by to much straining in such affairs at the beginning) albeit, the king be never so strycte-laced, in yielding to public liberty, and free exercise on both parts: yet is he descended to this at length, (and that upon force of reason,) to abstain from the pursuit and search of men's consciences, not only in the towns which upon composition he receiveth, but also where he hath recovered by force, as in Tornay, & other places: where I am informed that no man is searched, demanded, or molested for his opinion or conscience, nor any act of Papistry or contrary religion required at their hands: but are permitted to live quietly to God & themselves, at home in their own houses: so they perform otherwise, their outward obedience & duties to their Prince & country. Which only qualification, tolerance, & moderation in our Realm (if I be not deceived, with many more that be of my opinion) would content all divisions, factions, & parties among us, for their continuance in peace: be they Papists, Puritans, Familians, or of what soever nice difference or section beside, and would be sufficient to retain all parties, within a temperate obedience to the magistrate and government, for conservation of their country: which were of no small importance to the contentation of her Ma. and weal public of the whole kingdom  
But what should I talk of this thing, which 
Moderation impugned bythe conspirators. Cicero. Catiline.  is so contrary to the desires and designments of our puissant conspirators? What should Cicero the Senator use persuasions to Captain Catiline & his crew, that quietness and order, were better than hurleburlies? Is it possible that our aspirours, will ever permit any such thing, cause, or matter, to be treated in our state, as may tend to the stability of her Ma. present government. No surely: it standeth nothing with their wisdom or policy: especially at this instant, when they have such opportunity of following their own actions in her majesties name, under the vizard and pretext, of her defence 
The conspirarors' opportunity.  and safety: having sowed in every man's head, so many imaginations of the dangers present, both abroad and at home: from Scotland, Flaunders, Spain, & Ireland: so many conspiracies, so many intended murders, & others so many contrived or conceived mishyeves: as my L. of Leycester assureth himself, that the troubled water cannot be cleared again, in short space, not his baits and lines laid therein, easily espied: but rather, that hereby ere long, he will catch the fish he gapeth so greedily after: and in the mean time, for the pursuit of thes crimes, and other that daily he will find out, himself must remain perpetual dictator.  
But what meaneth this so much inculcating of troubles, treasons, murders and invasions? I like not surely thes omnious speeches. And as I am out of doubt, that Leycester the caster of thes shadows, doth look to play his part first in thes troublesome affairs: so do I heartily fear that unless the tyranny of this Leycestriane fury be speedily stopped, that such misery to Prince, & people (which the Lord for his mercy's sake turn from us) as never greater fell before to our miserable country: is far nearer hand than is expected or suspected.  
And therefore, for prevention of thes calamities, to tell you plainly mine opinion (good Sirs) and therewith to draw to an end of this our conference (for it waxeth late:) I would think it the most necessary point of all for her Ma. to call his Lordship to account among other, and to see what other 
Leycester to be called to account.  men could say against him, at length, after so many years of his sole accusing and pursueing of others. I know & am very well assured, that no one act which her Ma. hath done since her coming to the Crown (as she hath done right many most highly to be commended.) nor any, that lightly her Ma. may do her after, can be of more utility to herself, and to the Realm, or more grateful unto her faithful & zealous subjects: then this noble act of justice would be, for trial of this man's deserts towards his country.  
I say it would be profitable to her Ma. and to the Realm, not only in respect of the many dangers before mentioned, hereby to be avoided, which are like to ensue most certainly, if his courses be still permitted: but also, for that her Majesty shall by this, deliver herself, from that general grudge and grief of mind, with great dislike, which many subjects, otherwise most faithful, have conceived against the excessive favour showed to this man, so many years, without desert or reason. Which favour, he having used to the hurt annoyance and oppression both of infinite several persons, and the whole common wealth (as hath been said:) the grief & resentiment thereof, doth redound commonly in such cases, not only upon the person delinquent alone, but also upon the sovereign, by whos favour & authority he offereth such injuries, though never so much against the others intent, will, desire, or meaning.  
And hereof we have examples of sundry Princes, in all ages and countries: whose exorbitant favour to some wicked subject that abused the same: hath been the cause of great danger and ruin: the sins of the favourite, being returned, and revenged, upon the favourer. As in the history of the Grecians is declared, by occasion of the pitiful 
The death of K. Philip of Macedon & cause thereof.  murder of that wise and victorious Prince Philip of Macedon, who albeit, that he were well assured to have given no offence of himself to any of his subjects, and consequently feared nothing, but conversed openly and confidently among them: yet, for that he had favoured to much one Duke Attalus a proud and insolent courtier, and had borne him out in certain of his wickedness, or at least, not punished the same after it was detected and complained upon: the parties grieved, accounting the crime more proper and heinous on the part of him, who by office should do justice, and protect other, then of the perpetrator, who followeth but his own passion and sensuality: let pass Attalus, and made their revenge upon the blood and life of the king himself, by one Pausanias, 
Pausanias.  suborned for that purpose, in the marriage day of the kings own daughter.  
Great store of like examples might be repeated, out of the stories of other countries, nothing being more usual or frequent among all nations, than the afflictions of Realms and kingdoms, and the overthrow of Princes and great potentates themselves, by their to much affection, towards some unworthy particular persons: a thing indeed so common and ordinary, as it may well seem to be the specialest rock of all other, wherat kings and Princes do make their shipwrecks.  
For if we look into the states and Monarchies of all Christendom, and consider, the ruins that have been of any Prince or ruler within the same: we shall find this point, to have been a great and principal part of the cause thereof: and in our own state & country, the matter is toto evident. For whereas, 
Kings of England over thrown by to much favouring of some particular men.  since the conquest, we number principally, three just and lawful kings, to have come to confusion, by alienation of their subjects: that is, Edward the second, Richard the second, and Henry the sixth, this only point of to much favour towards wicked persons, was the chiefest cause of destruction, in all three. As in the first, the excessive favour towards Peter Gavesten and two of the Spencers. In the second, the like extraordinary, and indiscrete affection 
K. Edward. 2.  towards Robert Vere Earl of Oxeford, and Marquis of Dubline, and Thomas Mowbray, two 
K. Richard. 2.  most turbulent and wicked men, that set the king against his own uncles and the nobility.  
In the third, (being a simple and holy man) albeit, no great exorbitant affection was seen towards 
K. Henry. 6.  any, yet his wife Queen Margaret's to much favour and credit (by him not controlled) towards the Marquis of Suffolk, that after was made Duke, by whos instinct and wicked Counsel, she made away first the noble Duke of Gloucester, and afterwards committed other things in great prejudice of the Realm, and suffered the said most impious & sinful Duke, to range & make havoc of all sort of subjects, at his pleasure, (much after the fashion of the Earl of Leycester now, though yet not in so high and extreme a degree:) this I say was the principal and original cause, both before God and man, (as Polidore well noteth) of all the 
Pol. lib. 23. hist. Angl.  calamity and extreme desolation, which after ensued both to the king, Queen, and their only child, with the utter extirpation of their family.  
And so likewise now to speak in our particular case, if there be any grudge or grief at this day, any mislike, repining, complaint or murmur, against her Ma. government, in the hearts of her true and faithful subjects, who wish amendment of that which is amiss, and not the overthrow of that which is well: (as I trow it were no wisdom to imagine there were none at all:) I dare avouch upon conscience, that either all, or the greatest part thereof, proceedeth from this man: who by the favour of her Ma. so afflicteth her people, as never did before him, either Gaueston, or Spencer, or Vere, or Mowbray, or any other mischievous Tyrant, that abused most his Prince's favour within our Realm of England. Whereby it is evident how profitable a thing it should be to the whole Realm, how honourable to her Ma. and how grateful to all her subjects, if this man at length might be called to his account.  
LAW.  
Sir (quoth the Lawyer) you allege great reason, and verily I am of opinion, that if her Ma. knew but the tenth part of this, which you have here spoken, as also her good subjects desires and complaint in this behalf: she would well show, that her highness feareth not to permit justice to pass upon Leycester, or any other within her Realm, for satisfaction of her people, what soever some men may think and report to the contrary, or how soever otherwise of her own mild disposition, or good affection towards the person, she have borne with him hitherto. For so we see, that wise Princes can do at times convenient, for peace, tranquility, and public weal: though contrary to their own particular and peculiar inclination.  
As to go no further, then to the last example named and alleged by yourself before: though Queen Margaret the wife of K. Henry the sixth, 
The punishment of William Duke of Suffolk.  had favoured most unfortunately many years together Willm. Duke of Suffolk, (as hath been said) whereby he committed manifold outrages, & afflicted the Realm by sundry means: yet she being a woman of great prudence, when she saw the whole commonalty demand justice upon him for his demerits, albeit she liked and loved the man still: yet for satisfaction of the people, upon so general a complaint: she was content, 
An. 30. of King's Henry. 6.  first to commit him to prison, and afterwards to banish him the Realm: but the providence of God would not permit him so to escape: for that he being encountered, and taken upon the sea in his passage, he was beheaded in the ship, and so received some part of condign punishment for his most wicked, lose, and licentious life.  
And to seek no more examples in this case, we know into what favour and special grace Sir Edmond Dudley my Lord of Leicester's good Grandfather was crept, with king Henry the seventh, in the later end of his reign: and what intolerable wickedness & mischief he wrought against the whole Realm, and against infinite particular persons of the same, by the poolinges & oppressions which he practised: whereby though the king received great temporal commodity at that time, (as her Ma. doth nothing at all, by the present extortions of his nephew:) yet for justice sake, & for mere compassion towards 
The punishment of Edmond Dudley.  his afflicted subjects, that complained grievously of this iniquity: that most virtuous and wise Prince K. Henry, was content to put from him, this lewd instrument, and devilish suggestour of new exactions: whom his son Henry, that ensued in the Crown, caused presently before all other business, to be called publicly to account, and for his deserts to lose his head. So as where the interest of a whole Realm, or common cause of many, taketh place: the private favour of any one, cannot stay a wise and godly Prince, (such as all the world knoweth her Ma. to be) from permitting justice to have her free passage.  
GENTLEMAN.  
Truly it should not (quoth the Gentleman) for to that end were Prince's first elected, & upon that consideration do subjects pay them both tribute and obedience: to be defended by them 
The causes why Princes were chosen & do receive obedience.  from injuries and oppressions, and to see laws executed, & justice exercised, upon and towards all men, with indifferency. And as for our particular case of my Lord of Leycester, I do not see in right and equity, how her Ma. may deny this lawful desire and petition of her people. For if her highness do permit and command the laws daily to pass upon thieves and murderers, without exception, and that for one fact only, as by experience we see: how then can it be denied in this man, who in both kinds hath committed more enormous acts, then may be well recounted.  
As in the first, of theft, not only by spoiling 
Leycest. Thefts.  and oppressing almost infinite private men: but also whole towns, villages, corporations, and countries, by robbing the Realm with inordinate licences, by deceiving the Crown with racking, changing and imbezeling the lands, by abusing his Prince and sovereign in selling his favour both at home and abroad: with taking bribes for matter of justice, grace, request, supplication, or what soever suit else may depend upon the Court or of the Prince's authority: with setting at sail and making open market, of what soever her Ma. can give, do, or procure, be it spiritual or temporal. In which sort of traffic, he committeth more theft, often times in one day: then all the wayekeepers, cutpurses, cousiners, pirates, burglares, or other of that art in a whole year, within the Realm.  
And as for the second, which is murder, you 
Leycest. murders.  have heard before somewhat said and proved: but yet nothing, to that which is thought to have been in secret committed upon divers occasions at divers times, in sundry persons, of different calling in both sexes, by most variable means of killing, poisoning, charming, enchanting, conjuring and the like: according to the diversity of men, places, opportunities and instruments for the same. By all which means, I think, he hath more blood lying upon his head at this day, crying vengeance against him at Gods hands and her Ma. then ever had private man in our country before, were he never so wicked.  
Whereto now, if we add his other good behaviour, 
A heap of Leices. enormities that would be ready at the day of his trial  as his intolerable licentiousness in all filthy kind and manner of carnality, with all sort of wives, friends and kinswomen: if we add his injuries and does honours, done hereby to infinite: if we add his treasons, treacheries and conspiracies about the Crown: his disloyal behaviour and hatred against her Ma. his ordinary lying, and common perjuring himself, in all matters for his gain, both great and small: his rapes and most violent extortions upon the poor: his abusing of the Parliament and other places of justice, with the Nobility and whole commonalty beside: if we add also his open injuries which he offereth daily to religion, and the Ministers thereof, by tithing them, and turning all to his own gain: together with his manifest and known tyranny practised towards all estates abroad, throughout all Shires of the kingdom: his dispoylinge of both the universities, and discouraging of infinite notable wits there, from seeking perfection of knowledge and learning, (which otherwise were like to become notable) especially in God's word (which giveth life unto the soul,) by defrauding them of the price and reward proposed for their travail in that kind, through his insatiable Simoniacal contracts: if, I say, we should lay together all thes enormities before her Majesty, and thousands more in particular, which might and would be gathered, if his day of trial were but in hope to be granted. I d● not see in equity and reason, how her highness sitting in throne, and at the Royal Stern, as she doth, could deny her subjects this most lawful request: considering, that every one of thes crimes apart, requireth justice of his own nature: and much more all together ought to obtain the same, at the hands of any good and godly Magistrate in the world.  
SCHOL.  
No doubt (quoth I) but that thes considerations, must needs weigh much with any zealous Prince, and much more with her most excellent Majesty: whose tender hat towards her 
Her Ma. tender heart towards the Realm  Realm & subjects, is very well known of all men. It is not to be thought also but that her highness hath intelligence of divers of thes matters alleged, though not perhaps of al. But what would you have her Ma. to do? perhaps the consultation of this affair, is not, what were convenient, but what is expedient: not, what ought to be done in justice, but what may be done in safety. You have described my Lord before to be a great man, strongly furnished and fortified for all events. What if it be not secure to bark at the Bear that is so well I brytched? I speak unto you but that which I hear in Cambrige and other places, where I have passed: where every man's opinion is, that her Majesty standeth not in free choice to do what herself best liketh in that case, at this day.  
GENTLEMAN.  
I know (said the Gentleman) that Leicester's friends give it out every where, that her Ma. now, is their good Lords prisoner, and that she either will or must be directed by him for the time to 
Lei. desire that men should think her Ma. to stand in fear of him.  come, except she will do worse: Which thing his Lordship is well contented should be spread abroad, and believed, for two causes: the one to hold the people thereby more in awe of himself, then of their sovereign, and secondly to draw her Ma. in deed, by degrees to fear him. For considering with himself what he hath done: and that it is impossible in truth that ever her Majesty should love him again, or trust him after so many treacheries, as he well knoweth are come to her highness understanding: he thinketh that he hath no way of sure standing, but by terror, and opinion of his puissant greatness: whereby he would hold her Majesty, and the Realm in thraldom, as his father did in his time before him: And then for that he well remembreth the true saying, Malus custos 
Cicero in Officio.  diuturnitatis, metus: he must provide shortly that those which fear him, be not able to hurt him: and consequently you know, what 
A rule of Machivel observed by the Dudley's.  must follow, by the example of K. Edward, who feared Duke Dudley extremely, for that he had cut of his two uncles heads, and the Duke took order that he should never live to revenge the same: For it is a settled rule of Machivel, which the Dudley's do observe: That, where you have once done a great injury, there m●st you never forgive.  
But I will tell you (my friends) and I will tell 
Lei strong only by her Ma. favour.  you no untruth, for that I know what I speak herein, and am privy to the state of my Lord in this behalf, and of men's opinions and affections towards him within the Realm. Most certain it is, that he is strong by the present favour of the Prince, (as hath been showed before) in respect whereof, he is admitted also as chief patron of the Huntingdon faction, though neither loved nor greatly trusted of the same: but let her Majesty once turn her countenance a side from him, in good earnest, and speak but the word only, that justice shall take place against him: and I will undertake with gadging of both my life and little lands that God hath given me, that without stir or trouble, or any danger in the world, the Bear 
An offer made for taking & tyeig the Bear.  shallbe taken to her majesties hand, & fast chained to a stake, with mouzele cord, collar & ring, and all other things necessary: so that her Majesty shall bate him at her pleasure, without all danger of biting, breaking lose, or any other inconvenience what soever.  
For (Sirs) you must not think, that this man holdeth any thing abroad in the Realm, but by violence, and that only upon her majesties favour and countenance towards him. He hath not any thing of his own, either from his ancestoures, or of himself, to stay upon, in men's hearts or conceits: h● hath not ancient nobility, as other of our Realm have, whereby men's affections are 
Lei. what he receiveth from his ancestors.  greatly moved. His father john Dudley was the first noble of his line: who raised and made himself big by supplanting of other, and by setting debate among the nobility: as also his Grandfather Edmond, a most wicked promoter, and wretched petifogar, enriched himself by other men's ruins: both of them condemned traitors, though different in quality, the one being a Cousiner, and the other a Tyrant, & both of their vices conjoined, colected, and comprised (with many more additions) in this man (or beast rather) which is Robert, the third of their kin & kind. So that, from his ancestors, this Lord receiveth neither honour nor honesty, but only succession of treason and infamy.  
And yet in himself hath he much less of good, wherewith to procure himself love or credit among men, than thes ancestoures of his had: he being a man wholly abandoned of human virtue, and devoted to wickedness, which maketh men audible both to God and man. In his father (no doubt) there were to be seen many excellent good parts, if they had been joined with faith, honesty, 
The compary son of Leices. with his father.  moderation, & loyalty. For all the world knoweth, that he was very wise, valiant, magnammous, liberal, and assured friendly where he once promised: of all which virtues, my Lord his son, hath neither show nor shadow, but only a certain false representation of the first, being crafty and subtle to deceive, & ingenious to wickedness. For as for val●ur, he hath as much as hath a mouse: his magnanimity, is base sordiditi● his liberality, rapine: his friendship, plain fraud, holding only for his gain and no otherwise, though it were bound with a thousand oaths: of which he maketh as great account, as hens do of cackling, but only for his commodity: using them specially and in greatest number, when most he meaneth to deceive. Namely if he swear solemnly, by his George, or by the eternal God, then be sure it is a false lie: for thes are observations in the Court: & some times in his own lodging, in like case his manner is to take up and swear by the Bible, whereby a Gentleman of good account, & one that seemeth to follow him, (as many do that like him but a little) protested to me of his knowledge, that in a very short space, he observed him, wittingly & willingly, to be forsworn sixteen times. 
The weakness of Ley. if her Ma. turn but her countenance from him.   
This man therefore, so contemptible by his ancestors, so audible of himself, so plunged, overwhelmed, and defamed in all vice, so envied in the Court, so detested in the country, and not trusted of his own and dearest friends: nay, (which I am privy to) so misliked and hated of his own servants about him, for his beastly life, nigardye, and Atheism, (being never seen yet, to say one private prayer within his chamber in his life) as they desire nothing in this world so much as his ruin, and that they may be the first, to lay hands upon him, for revenge. This man (I say) so broken both within and without, is it possible that her Ma. and her wise Council should fear? I can never believe it: or if it be so: it is God's permission without all cause, for punishment of our sins: for that this man, if he once perceive indeed, that they fear him, will handle them accordingly and play the Bear indeed: which inconvenience I hope they will have care to prevent, and so I leave it to God and them: craving pardon of my Lord of Leycester for my boldness, if I have been to plain with him. And so I pray you let us go to supper, for I see my servant expecting, yonder, at the Gallery door, to call us down.  
LAW.  
To that, said the lawyer, I am content with 
The end & departure from the Gallery.  all my heart: and I would it had been sooner, for that I am a feared, lest any by chance have overheard us here since night. For my own part, I must say, that I have not been at such a conference this seven years, nor mean to be hereafter, if I may escape well with this: whereof I am sure I shall dream this foruthnight, and think oftener of my Lord of Leycester, then ever I had intended: God amend him and me both. But if ever I hear at other hands of thes matters hereafter, I shall surely be quake-britch, and think every bush a thief. And with that, came up the Mistress of the house, ro fetch us down to supper, and so all was whusht, saving that at supper a Gentlemanor two began again to speak of my Lord, and that so conformable to some of our former speech (as indeed it is the common talk at tables every where) that the old Lawyer began to shrink and be appalled, and to cast dry looks upon the Gentleman our friend: doubting lest something had been discovered of our conference. But in deed, it was not so.  
FINIS.   


PIA ET VTILIS MEDITATIO, DEsumpta ex libro jobi. CAP. 20.  
HOC scio a principio, ex quo positus est homo super terram, quòd laus impiorum, brevis sit ex gaudium hipocritae ad instar puncti. Si ascenderit usque ad coelum superbta eius, & caput cius nubes tetigerit: quasi sterquilinium in fine perdetur, & qui eum viderant, dicent, ubi est? velut somnium avolans non inventetur, transiet sicut visio noctur na. Oculus qui eu viderat, non videbit, neque ultra intuebitur eum locus suus. filii eius atterentur egestate, & manus illius reddent ei laborem suum. Ossa eius implebuntur vitijs adolescentiae eius, & cum eo in pulvere dermient. Panis eius in utero illius; vertetur in fel aspidum intrinsecus. Divitias quas devoravit, evomet, & de ventre illius extrahet eas Deus. Caput aspidum surget, & occidet eum linguam viperae, ●uet quae fecit omnia, nec tamen consumetur. luxta multitudinem adinuentionum suarum, sic & susiinebit. Quoniam confringens nudavit pauperes: domum rapuit, & non aedificavit cam: nec est satiatus venter eius, & cum habuerit quae concupierit, possidere non peterit. Non remansit de cibo eius, & propterea non permanebit de bonis eius. Cum satiatus fuerit, arctabitur, aestuabit, & omnis dolor irruet super eum. utinam impleatur venter eius, ut immittat in eum (Deus) ●ram furori● sui, & pluat super illum bellum suum. Fugiet arma ferrea, & irruet in arcum aereum. Gladius eductus & egrediens de vagina sua, & fulgurans in amaritudine sua: Omnes tenebrae absconditae sunt in occultis eius. Devorabit eum ignis qui non succenditur, affligetur relictus in tabernaculo suo. Apertum erit germen domus illtus, detrahetur in die furoris Dei. Haec est pars hominis impij, à Deo, & haereditas verborum eius à Domino.   

A GODLY AND PROfitable meditation taken out of the 20. Chapter of the Book of job.  
THIS I know from the first that man was 
The wicked man's pomp. His joy. His pride. His fall.  placed upon earth, that the praise (or applause) given to wicked men, endureth but a little, and the joy of an hypocrite, is but for a moment. Though his pride were so great as to mount to heaven, and his head should touch● the skies: yet in the end shall he come to perdition as a dunghill, & they who beheld him (in glory before) shall say, where is he? he shallbe found as a flying dream, & as a fantasy by night shall fade away. The eye that beheld him before, shall no more see him, nor yet shall his place (of honour) 
His children. His old age. His bread.  ever more behold him. His children shall be worn out with beggary and his own hands shall return upon him his sorrow. His (old) bones shall be replenished, with the vices of his youth, and they shall sleep with him in his grave. His bread in his belly, shallbe turned inwardly into the gall of serpents. The riches which he hath devoured, he shall vomit forth again, and god 
His restitution.  shall pull them forth of his belly. He shall suck the head of Cockatrices, & the (venomous) tongues of adders shall slay him. He shall sustain due punishment for all the wickedness 
His punishment  that he hath committed, nor yet shall he have end or consummation thereof. He shall suffer according to the multitude of all his wicked inventions. For that by violence 
His wickedness.  he hath spoiled the poor, made havoc of his house, and not builded the same. His womb is never satisfied, and yet when he hath that which he desired, he shall not be able to possess the same. There remaineth no part of his meat (for the poor:) and therefore there shall 
His grief  remain nothing of his goods. When his belly is full, then shall he begin to be straightened, then shall he swear, and all kind of sorrow shall rush upon him. I would his belly were once full, that God might send forth upon 
His affliction.  him the rage of his fury, and rain upon him his war. He shall fly away from y●on weapons, and run upon abowe of brass. A drawn sword coming out of his skabarde shall flash as lightning in his bitterness. All darkness 
His damnation.  lie hidden for him in secret: the fire that needeth no kindling shall devour him, & he shallbe tormented alone in his tabernacle. The offspring of his house 
His posterity.  shallbe made open and pulled down in the day of God's fury. This is the portion of a wicked man from God, and this is the inheritance of his substance from the Lord.