A VOYAGE TO Mount Libanus, Wherein is An Account of the Customs, Manners, etc. of the TURKS.  
Also a Description of 

Candia,  
Nicosia,  
Tripoli,  
Alexandretta, etc.    
WITH Curious Remarks upon several Passages re●ating to the Turks & Maronites.  
Written originally in Italian, by the R. F. Jerome Dandini.  
Printed by J. Orme, for A. Roper at the Black Boy, and R. Basset at the Mitre within Temple-bar, in Fleetstreet. 1698.   

TO William Aglionby, Esq;  
SIR,  
A Person of no small Character, who has left England, to make a Tour in France, was pleased to favour me with this Translation. I thought myself obliged, both in Justice and Honour, to that Worthy Gentleman, not to confine it any longer to Manuscript, presuming it may reasonably deserve no worse a Reception, than most of our Modern Travels. Nevertheless, being jealous of my own Opinion in things of this nature, I resolved to prefix a Name that might shelter it from the Cavils of Some, who contemn every thing that bears the Title of a Voyage; not considering the great Advantages extracted therefrom, especially those of the Levant, which are very useful, to unravel the Difficulties that occur in Ancient Histories. Whose can be so proper as that of the Judicious Aglionby? A sufficient Passport for a less correct Piece than what is here offered.  
Under Your Patronage, Worthy Sir, we may securely despise the Frivolous Censures of the Over-captious, if any there are so maliciously ill-natured, as to attack what You are pleased to protect.  
Your large Experience in these Affairs, and Your profound Judgement in matters of State, which has on many accounts so eminently appeared, does indeed wholly deter me from this Presumption: but then the Extraordinary Candour and Goodness of your Temper, of which I have received such Substantial Proofs, encourages me to indulge the Ambition I always entertained of demonstrating how very much I am,  
Honoured Sir, Your Obliged and most Devoted Humble Servant, T. C.   

THE HEADS OF THE CHAPTERS.  

Chap. I. THE Occasion of the Voyage, and what passed at Rome with the Pope. Page 1  
Chap. II. Journey from Rome to Venice, and from thence to Candia. 6  
Chap. III. Of the Isle and City of Candia. 9  
Chap. iv Passage to Cyprus and Nicosia, with an account of the City of Nicosia and its Churches. 13  
Chap. V Of the Isle of Cyprus. 21  
Chap. VI Our passage into Syria: of the City of Tripoli. 25  
Chap. VII. The fashion of the Turks Habits. 29  
Chap. VIII. Of the Belief of the Turks. 33  
Chap. IX. My arrival at Mount Libanus, and how I was received by the Patriarch, etc. 36  
Chap. X. Of the Cedars of Libanus, and the holy River, and of the nature of the Ground of Mount Libanus. 41  
Chap. XI. Of the Customs of the Maronites, and their manner of living. 44  
Chap. XII. Of their Sciences and Books, and of their Money they pay to the Turks. 48  
Chap. XIII. Of their ecclesiastics and Religions. 52  
Chap. XIV. Of the Errors that have been imposed upon them. 57  
Chap. XV. Of the assembling of a Synod, and of the Profession of Faith that was made there. 59  
Chap. XVI. Of the Maronites that were to be sent to Rome; and of those that should return from thence into their own Country. 64  
Chap. XVII. Of the Death of the Patriarch, and of the Election of another. 67  
Chap. XVIII. My Return from Jerusalem to Tripoli, and thence to Alexandretta, with an account of Alexandretta. 71  
Chap. XIX. Of what happened to us in Cyprus. 74  
Chap. XX. Voyage from Cyprus to Venice. 78  
Remarks on the 4th Chapter. 82  
Remarks on the 8th Chapter. 88  
Remarks on the 9th Chapter. 110  
Remarks on the 11th Chapter. 112  
Remarks on the 12th Chapter. 117  
Remarks on the 13th Chapter. 125  
Remarks on the 14th Chapter. 128  
Remarks on the 17th Chapter. 132    

A VOYAGE TO Mount Libanus.  

CHAP. I. The Occasion of the Voyage, and of what passed at Rome with the Pope.  
AS I taught Philosophy at Peruge, the Capital City of Vmbria, the F. Claudus Aquavira, our General, writ unto me, that according to the resolution his Holiness had had to send a faithful Person to the Patriarch of the Maronites, living in Mount Libanus in Syria, now called Sorry, I had been chosen for that purpose; and if I found no repugnance within myself to undertake that Voyage, I should set forward as soon as possibly I could. I was gone then from Peruge to take the Air, and give some relaxation to my spirits, being resolved to go visit our Lady of Agnes, and some other Religious places adjacent to Peruge.  
At my return I was presented with our General's Letter, and when I had finished the reading of it, I rendered God thanks for his favour towards me in the undertaking of this Voyage, and for the opportunity offered me to go render my devoirs in Person to the glorious Sepulchre of his Son, and to other Sacred Places of Palestine, since they were not far distant from the Place I was to be sent unto.  
Whereupon I returned answer, That notwithstanding I found some difficulty in the undertaking of this Voyage, principally by reason of a long and dangerous Navigation, as being not well accustomed to the Sea, yet I would pursue, with all diligence, that which was desired of me, and put myself upon the Road as soon as possibly, in order to be at Rome the 15th of May, for to wait upon his Holiness, and receive his Commands; which I punctually executed. For after having taken my leave of my Friends at Peruge I took Horse, and by the way of Boligni, rendered myself at Rome the day I had appointed, about two hours before Sunset; insomuch, that I had nothing to hinder my setting forwards on my Journey but to see his Holiness, for to receive of him the necessary Instructions, and his Benediction.  
But as the Feast of Pentecost approached, and that his Holiness was wholly taken up with thoughts of the creation of some Cardinals, I was retarded some days at Rome, till a business so important to the Church was finished. In the mean time, I failed not to confer with the Cardinal Paleose, Protector of the Maronites, and with our Father-General, who informed me of the intentions of his Holiness.  
The Maronites had now, for a long time past, been ill represented to the Pope and Cardinals; they were also accused of divers Errors, and considerable Heresies: and those of that Nation, which were then at Rome, used all their Efforts for to justify them. But as some denied that which others affirmed, the verity of their circumstance could not be known with any certainty; however, they have been at the expense of founding of a College for them in this City, where they are instructed with much Pains and Industry. They have also sent, not long since, for a considerable number of young Maronites, out of their own Country, the major part of whom were not yet of Age to Study; which has been very expensive, not reckoning the hazards they run, in respect of the Turks, and displeasure they conceived to understand, that some of the young Maronites, sent back last year, were yet without Employments, although they had run through all their Philosophy, and Theology, and that the Inhabitants stood in great need of the like Artists for the establishing of Religion, in a Country where they spared no Industry to effect it.  
All which considerations together, moved his Holiness to send into those Parts a Person, who at his return would make him a faithful Report of the Belief of those People; who should treat fairly with them, and put their Affairs into that posture he judged convenient, conformable to the end proposed unto him. Who should regulate also the Age and Capacity of those that should be sent, for the time to come, to the College at Rome; who should give Orders for their coming by safe ways; who should find profitable and proportionable Employments for them who were already returned, and to others that should return for the future; and for that purpose he should establish, if it were necessary here, Parishes, wherein he might assign them Churches, to which they should apply their Cares.  
The sacred College being augmented with six Cardinals, by the last Promotion, I presented myself on the eleventh of June before his Holiness, who received me kindly: After he had given me an account of that which he would have me undertake, I promised to serve him with all Fidelity in every thing he was pleased to order me, and prayed him to tell me if he would add any further Instructions. Moreover, as great difficulty must be rencountred with in the execution of what he had communicated unto me, particularly, for to assign Employments unto them that were already returned, and that these difficulties would not be removed but by his Holiness, I spoke to him hereof, to the end, that these being surmounted, the way might remain free and facile, for to render the rest of the design successful. I demanded of him likewise, what power he was pleased to give me amongst the Levantines, as well to discharge Cases and Censures, which his Holiness reserved for himself, as to dispense with the irregularities I should rencontre with; and as I was to go into a Country adjacent to that of the Land of Palestine, I entreated, with a profound respect, that his Holiness would grant me leave to go render my devoirs to the Sepulchre of my Saviour. He gave me favourable Audience, and when I had done speaking he made me answer: As for the Journey you design to make to Jerusalem, we can no less than bear you envy, and if it were in our Power we would undertake it with all our heart! Go then, pursue it with the Grace of God, and pray for us. After I had rendered him thanks, I put him in mind of my first request, wherein I received satisfaction; however, he found some difficulty touching a kind of irregularity to be dispensed with, and gave me Orders to treat about it with the Cardinal St. Severine Grand Penitenciary, who made him afterwards a report thereof, that he might determine it himself, whereupon I had also granted me a very large Power, and without Reservations as to the matter of Irregularities. Finally, his Holiness had the goodness to grant me all that I desired, in order to facilitate this Enterprise; whereupon I took my leave of him.   

CHAP. II. Journey from Rome to Venice, and from thence to Candia.  
THE Pope's Brief, whereof I had occasion, being dispatched, I departed from Rome on the fifteenth of June for Peruge, where I arrived the seventeenth about Noon; the Father Fabio Bruno, who was to accompany me in this Voyage, joined me next day. On the 19th we took the way for Florence, and from thence Journeying along the Mountains, we discovered Bolonia the 23d, Ferrara the 24th, and Venice the 26th. After we had Traveled almost four hundred Miles, I saw our design in a manner overthrown, for that having imprudently informed a Friend of this departure from Rome, who was to go to the Levant, my design was not only divulged at Venice, but came also to be known by 54 Jews; as much as to say, So many Spies, sworn Enemies to Christians, who were also bound for Smyrna, in a new Ship named Mosta. Besides, our Father's believing that it was dangerous for an Envoy, of the Pope, to pass at such a juncture of time into those Places, where the War was so violent between the Turks and Christians, writ to our General about that matter; he returned them answer, That he seriously deliberated upon it, and that if there was any danger in it, we should advance no further. The fruit of my Mission being no ways augmented since our arrival, I eagerly demanded Permission to continue my Voyage, and to change my Ship, to the end I might perform the thing more exactly, and with as much secrecy as I could; all which I had granted unto me, and received Information, with all diligence, of what was necessary for that Voyage. I changed my habit of Jesuit into that of a Pilgrim, and made no scruple to take the Name of Rene Bucy, a Frenchman, upon me, my Companion changing his for that of Fabio Daverto, a Venetian. I took along with me a young Maronite named Joseph Eliam, for my Domestic and Interpreter; nevertheless, as our Ship protracted her departure, we resolved to go for Milan, to pay a Visit to some of our good Friends there, and to divert ourselves with their company for two or three days.  
At our return from Milan, we passed to the Port of Malomocco, which is 18 Miles distant from Venice; it was there we embarked merrily on the 14th of July, in a Ship called the Torniell, or Augustina. It was a Vessel of 900 Tun, well Manned, and had a brave Commander; it seemed probable we had no occasion to fear any damage from the Sea or Corsairs. Nevertheless, we could not sail before the 17th, for that the Wether was not auspicious unto us. The Seamen carried us that same day out of Port, by the means of Shallops, wherein they Rowed us; but as there is nothing so unconstant as the Wind, it failed us forthwith, and as we were solicitous to repose ourselves, after all the fatigue we had had in a season so hot, there happened so great a Calm that we could not possibly advance any more than 100 Miles in four days time. We had afterwards a back Wind, which helped us in a short space to finish our Voyage: We discovered many Islands and Rocks on either side, which we left behind in a moment; and which rendered our passage very delightful.  
We discovered Istria forthwith upon the Left, which is under the Dominion of the States of Venice, and on the Right the high Mountain of Arcona, which is on that side the Boundary of the Ecclesiastical Estate. A little further we perceived on the Left two inhabited Rocks, the one called Pomo, and the other St. Madre; the first is subject to none, the other is under the Venetians. There is also on the same hand Buzo and Elisa, which are inhabited by Christians, and belong to the same Venetians. We discovered afterwards on the same side Gaza, Arista, Meleda, which belong to the Republic of Ragusa; Casaro and Budua, subject to the Venetians. And we saw also, at a great distance, the famous City of Ragusa; further are Cluticari, Deleigno, Durazzo, Sasamo, Vallona and Cimarra, governed and inhabited by the Turks. A little further is also a Rock called Fano, uninhabited, belonging to the Signiory of Venice; as well as Corfu, Ce●alonia, Zant, Strivalli: All these places are inhabited by Christian Greeks. A little further we discovered Navarino, Sapienza, Cavogallo and Camatapano, which are subject to the Turks: And further again, upon the Left is Cerigo, and on the Right Cerigoso, depending upon the Venetians. Finally, as we continued to look on that side, we discovered the Island of Candia, which we had longed to see, and where we arrived safe a little while after.   

CHAP. III. Of the Isle and City of Candia.  
IN all the course of our Sailing, we cast Anchor no where but here, and that we were obliged to do, because our Ship carried 60 Venetian Soldiers which were to be put there on shore; leaving therefore the Cape St. John, or Cape Lion, to the South, and following the Cape Spada, which is to the North, sometime called Cimario, we Anchored at Frashia on the 13th of the same Month, half an hour after Sunset, being 8 Miles distant from the City of Candia, and as we were obliged to sojourn there for some time, we went ashore next day in a Galley that came to fetch the Soldiers.  
This Isle, called by the Ancients Crect, is much samed for its bigness, for it is 560 Miles in circumference, 250 long, and 60 Miles over where 'tis broadest; it is much celebrated by the Ancients, who believed, as did their Poets, that it was the Country of the Gods, and that Jupiter was Nursed up there on Mount Ida, not to mention its famous Labyrinth, which they hold to have been near to the ancient City of Cortina, and of the excellent Laws of Rodamanthus and Minos, who governed the People after Jupiter, and founded the Republic of Crect.  
This Island had once an hundred Cities, altho' Homer in his Odyssees allows it but 90; there remains not at this day but four, which are Canea, Retimo, Candia to the West, and Sittia to the East: Candea and Canea are the best; besides that, there are in it two Ports, called Spina Longa, and Sued, not to speak of other Places fit for Anchorage.  
The City of Candia stands in the middle of the Island, a dozen Miles distant from the Grot of Minos, and very near to Mount Ida; it is, indeed, a very great and spacious City, but much ruined by Earthquakes. The Houses are almost all built with Gravel, yet the Buildings are not unhandsome; they have no Tiles, but there, and in all the Levant, except at Antioch, have Terraces of Lime, or of some other Matter well made, with Spouts on the sides for to let the Water run out. Probably they use such sort of Buildings, because they are not so Curious and Industrious as we; however, I believe they cover their Houses in that manner out of frugality, to the end they may as well spread Cloth and Linen there for to be whitened, as to sleep in Summer Nights thereon, for the coolness of the Air, when the excessive heat hinders them to remain in their Houses. When they would repose themselves upon the Terrace, they spread thereon a Mat, and sometimes over that a Carpet, and sleep in that manner exposed to the Air, which is very sweet in those Parts, and no ways injurious to health. The use also of their Terraces, might proceed in that they have seldom any Rain, for there falls not oftentimes a drop of Water for six Months together; and I understood that they had had no Rain since the second day of February, neither did they expect any till November. The Streets of that City are straight, but very nasty; the Republic of Venice kept a Garrison of 2000 Soldiers about it, part of which were Posted in a Citadel upon the Seaside, and the rest disposed in other Places. There is also some Garrison in Canea. The rest of the Inhabitants are almost all Greeks, amongst whom there remains yet some noble Venetians, for that Boniface, Marquis of Montferat, having sold them that Island in the Year 1194. they transported thither some Families of the Nobility, and Citizens, for to inhabit the Place. It was afterwards retaken in 1349. after a Revolt, and since that time they have enjoyed it peaceably. The Country is very Mountainous, and almost Barren; one can see there also but few Trees and Herbs, but yet it follows not but that it hath Plains of many Miles extent, fertile in Grain, Trees, Olives, Oranges, Lemons, and all other sort of Commodities: Moreover, there grow Berries for to dry Cloth withal, much Wax there is, and Honey, Cheese, and Medicinal Herbs; so that 'tis very good Living there. There is also a great quantity of excellent Wines, whereof the most estimable is Muscadine, insomuch that those that know it not take it for Malmsey, but they are mistaken, for it comes from a little Island that bears the Name of it. The goodness of the Wines of Candia renders the Natives great Drunkards; and it happens sometimes, that two or three great Drinkers will set themselves at the head of a Tun of Wine, from whence they will not stir till they have emptied it. There is no venomous Animal to be found in that Country, so that they are not afraid of Scorpions, Serpents, Toads; neither can you see there a Wolf, Tiger, nor any other the like Beast, so that they live there in great repose both Night and Day. Persons of approved Faith have told me a remarkable thing there, which hath also been written of by good Authors; to wit, That there is growing upon Mount Ida, which hath been showed me at a distance, an Herb whose Virtue was to gild the Teeth of those Animals that eat of it: one may believe, and with good reason, that that proceeds from the golden Mines which are in that ground. There grows also a certain Herb called Alincos, which being bitter, preventeth one's being hungry for a whole day; but that which is wonderfully surprising, and beyond the force of Nature, are certain pieces of Money which they call St. Helen's, that are found up and down the Fields, where there is also Brass, and other Silver. They pretend that that Saint happening to be in that Country without Money, made some of Brass, which in passing of them changed into Silver; this Money, they say, hath the virtue to this day, to cure the Falling-Sickness in them that hold it to their Hand, or apply it to their Flesh.  
The Custom of the Women of this Island, is not to go out of their Houses in the day time; no, not to go hear Mass or Sermon: nevertheless they run in great Troops along the Streets all Night, and for the most part with Men, enter into the Churches which they leave open on purpose for them. This Custom is blame-worthy, not only because these Women perform not their Duties towards God, but also, because it is against Modesty and good Manners; for it would be a far more laudable thing for them to go civilly by Day to Church, than tumultuously in the Night Season.  
I should have work to do to reckon up all the Impurities of the Prelates, Priests, and other ecclesiastics of this Nation; their Separation from the Latin Church, their Maledictions and Excommunications they fulminate upon the most sanctified Days against it, when we pray for their Welfare. I shall also say nothing of their Right, Pride, Obstinacy, Defection of Faith, of the difficulty to Treat with them, of their Enchantments, Superstitions, horrible and continual Blasphemies, which cannot be heard without horror. Finally, St. Paul had reason to say according to one of their own Poets, Those of Crect are always Liars; they are wicked Beasts, Gluttons, and Lazy. The 8 days I stayed in this Town would have been very wearisome unto me, because of the excessive and continual heats, if we had not received some relaxation from the Charity and agreeable Conversation of the Fathers Benedelto Benedetto, and Francisco Paroschetti, of our Society, who resided there at that time.   

CHAP. iv Passage to Cyprus and Nicosia, with an Account of the City of Nicosia and its Churches.  
WE parted from Candia the 8th of August, two hours before day, in a little Frigate, for to go on board our Ship, into which we entered at Sunrising; some time after we weighed Anchor and sailed. The Wind was favourable unto us in passing by the Isle, which we left to the Right; then we entered into the Gulf of Settalias, a dangerous place for sailing, and so continuing our course through that Gulf, we discovered on the Left Casso and Scarpanto, which are Inhabited by Greeks and Turks, and depending upon the last. We left also on the same hand Rhodes, and all Caramania, without yet being able to see them, for we were too far wide; that was also the reason, that after we had run for three Days and three Nights without the sight of Land, that we arrived on the 12th of August at Cyprus. We Anchored in the Evening at Lemiso, where the Inhabitants, particularly the Turks, made a visit to our Ship; we were there 3 days on board, for that there was nothing in that place worth the seeing, and no Church for to do our Devotion in.  
We parted about Twelve on the 16th for Selina, whither a good Wind brought us in a short time, and we arrived there two hours before Sunsetting; from thence to Candia is about 600 Miles. Next day, very early, we went ashore, and on directly to Arnique, which is not past a Mile distant; 'tis a Monastery of Religious Franciscans, who live there in a small number for the conveniency of some Italian Merchants. Our Ship continued its course for Alexandretta, the which obliged us to see for another Vessel to pass for Tripoli in Syria, and as we could not obtain that presently, we sojourned some days in that Isle. That I might lose no time I left my Companion, who had been constantly indisposed since we came from Candia, in the hands of these good Religious; and the Maronite that we brought along with us, and I, accompanied an honest Venetian Merchant who lived in those Parts, and were going to Nicosia, anciently called Lettra, since Lencolto, and which was sometime the Archbishopric and Metropolis of this Kingdom; 'tis 24 Miles distant from Arnique. I undertook this Journey for to inform myself, as well as possibly I could, of the Spiritual Concerns of the Maronites, which are there in great numbers.  
There are none but Turks that have liberty to enter thereunto on Horseback, and to all other strong Places: As for the Christians, and others, they are obliged to alight at the Gate, and when they are within, they have power to re-mount their Horses, and ride to their Lodgings. The Turks have made this Order out of mere vanity: I entered then into the Town, and that Venetian Merchant did me the favour to conduct me with him into his Lodging; having refreshed myself a little after the fatigues of the Road, I went to see that which was worth viewing, and particularly the Churches.  
Nicosia is a large and very fair City, built after the Eastern fashion, but it is ruined in divers places, because of the late Wars, for the Turks have taken it by force of Arms from the Venetians, together with the rest of the Isle. Some years ago it was so, that God, by his Justice, was willing to punish the Sins and Schism of the Greeks in those places. They adored there formerly, with much veneration, the Holy Trinity, but now, to the great regret of all good Christians, you can hear but the impious Invocation of the false Prophet Mahomet. They had sometime there Churches and Altars raised to the honour of good Saints, but instead of them there is nothing now but Mosques, amongst which stands still that grand and magnificent Temple of St. sophy. There is no sound of Bells to be heard in all the Levant, for to give notice of Divine Worship, according to ancient Custom, and of the hours of the Day, for the Steeples are either ruined, or without Bells; the Turks have taken them for Warlike Uses, and made Pieces of Artillery of them. Instead then of the confused and inanimate sound of Bells, they are served with the distinct and animate Voices of Men, who at certain appointed hours mount up to the tops of the Steeples, for to give the Inhabitants notice. This manner of observing their hours, is in use in all the Levant.  
There is at Nicosia 4 sort of Churches, which I have seen all in particular. The Turkish Mosques are the most considerable, as well for number, as for the beauties and grandeur of their Buildings; altho' Christians are not suffered to enter into them, yet I failed not to see through the Iron Grates, that that which hath been made of the Temple of St. Sophia was the principal and most magnificent of them all; 'tis a large and spacious Fabric, which has many Pillars in it, as may be seen in most of our Churches; it had no Altars, Images, nor Paintings, the Walls were only whited. There is at the Door of this Temple a delicate Fountain, which was not there in the time of the Christians; the Turks wash therein the crowns of their Heads, Hands and Feet, before they enter into the Mosque, at the ordinary hours, and particularly in the Afternoon, at which time these Villains invoke their false Prophet, and cry without measure, Holla, Holla, Chibir, Mehemme Sur Holla; that is to say, God is a great God, Mahomet is the Companion of God; with many other Fooleries and Blasphemies. Those who assist not with the rest at these Public Prayers, pray in particular in their Houses, if they be of Quality, or in other places where they are. They roll themselves at Noon-tide upon a Mat or Carpet. There are also other hours wherein they are called to Prayers, i. e. at 3 a Clock, an hour before Sunset, an hour before Day, at Sunrising; and, in short, 7 times Day. Observe their manner of praying, as I myself have oftentimes seen them in their private Houses: As soon as ever they come upon the Mat or Carpet, they turn themselves round, then incline their Bodies, touching with their Thumbs that part of the Head which is behind the Ears, and they rise themselves sometimes all of a sudden, touching the Earth with their Hands; they fall sometimes upon their knees, or rather sland upon their heels, and beat the ground lightly with their Forehead, and having got up again upon their feet, they hold their hands modestly upon their Breast, repeating their Prayers with cast-down Looks, and speak between their Teeth. They recite them all along, inclining their Bodies interchangeably towards the Earth, and touching it with their Forehead; then they rise up, and falling down anew, they continue to rest for some time upon their heels, with their Legs .  
The Greeks have another sort of Church, of which I shall observe only; That if a Latin Priest should celebrate Mass therein, they could not believe that all the Water in the Ocean was sufficient to cleanse it, so much they wash the Altar, and all the Church also, from a belief they have that a Latin Service renders it impure and profane. Their usage in the Consecration of the Bread, and their other Rights, are very well known; they are generally as great enemies to the Latins as the Turks. That honest Merchant, with whom I Lodged, told me, That they refused Absolution to one of his Domestics, a Greek by Nation, because he served a Frank, for so they call all those that follow the Latin Rights. It will not be besides my purpose, to render here an Account of another of their Superstitions, the matter happening to the same Man, who being confessed for an ordinary and common sin, was by his Confessor refused Absolution, telling him, He could not do it without the consent of 7 other Priests; this business being effected with a little Money, they stretched the Penitent upon the ground as if he had been dead, and at length granted him Absolution in reciting of certain Prayers over him, they made use of to that purpose. They are wont to demand Money for Absolution, and will refuse it when they cannot obtain the Sum, for they pretend they have 5 or 6 Crowns due to them for absolving common and ordinary sins. The Penance which they enjoin for very great sins, is to forbid 'em to communicate for 4 or 5 years; perhaps they may do this out of a contempt and aversion they may have for the Latin Church, which orders it once a year: the which is so much the more easily credited, seeing they make certain Plays, wherein is introduced a Latin Personage, to whom are offered an hundred injuries, as dashing him on the face, and several other the like outrages.  
The Latins have their but a small Church, or rather Chapel, which is well maintained, and has a Priest of Age and Wealth for a Pastor, but very ignorant. The Italian Merchants who live there supply 'em with Food and Raiment, and furnish 'em also with Sacred Ornaments. Finally, The Maron●tes have their Church there also, which is in so poor a condition, that I really pitied them. In order to know what was their Right, as that of other Places of the Isle, where they were dispersed, I addressed myself indifferently to the Italians, Greeks, and Maronites; I learned they had all one and the same Right common to all their Nation, that they all lived under the same Patriarch. Moreover, that the Places where they lived consisted in 19 Villages, which are Motosic, Fludi, Santa-Marina, Osomates, Gansili, Carpasia, Cormachiti, Primisia, Casapifani, Veno, Cibo, Jeri near Cittria, Crensada, Attala, Cleipirio, Piscopia, Gasbria, Cefalanriseo, and Sotto Cruscida; that in every one of these Places they have at least one Parish, and in some 2 or 3, with one Priest, or more. And I was assured that they had eight Churches at Metosic, and that the Priests were very assiduous in their Duty, being not much occupied with their own particular Concerns. That Nation hath also ordinarily a Bishop in that place, but he was then dead, and they had not yet elected another.  
There is in the Kingdom a Greek Bishop, who is the General-Receiver of the Tributes which the others are obliged to pay to the Turks; they drain each every Year of 70 Asper's. The Janissaries will not spare to bestow the Bastinado on those that pay not; and the Bishop is no more exempt than the rest, pursuant to the information of the Receiver. He requires besides, 15 or 20 Ducats of every Priest that is put into Orders. See the miserable Estate the Christians are reduced to who are subject to the Turks, altho' there be less Turks there than Christians; for of 30000 Inhabitants that are in Nicosia, and upwards, scarce is there 4 or 5000 of them that are Turks, and there is not above 12 or 13000 in all the Island, the greatest part of whom are Renegades, who turn Mahometans for to render their Lives more easy and supportable; so that it seems an easy matter to recover this Isle from under the Tyranny of the Turks, and re-establish it in the Christian Faith, for the Renegades could no sooner see the Christian Soldiers, but they would throw off their Turbans and put on Hats instead, and turn their Arms against the Tur●s. But we will leave this, and return to our subject.  
The Christians, whether Greeks or Franks, do not wear a Turban, nor shave their Heads, but they cut their hair genteel as we do, and wear upon their Heads an Hat, or black Bonnet. They cloth themselves, nevertheless, according to the manner of the Levantines, with a Rest without a Collar, which reaches down to the Knees, with large Sleeves reaching to the Elbows. They gird themselves with a Linen Cloth, or some other the like Girdle, which comes 3 or 4 turns about. Under this Vest they have another Garment over a first, reaching from their Necks down to their Legs; and above all, another Vest without a Girdle, and cut almost after the same fashion as the first: they wear them ordinarily of a black, or violet colour, or else of some other colour which pleaseth them best. We will speak hereafter more particularly of the Habits of the Turks and Maronites, and of their Customs, but now it remains we should describe the nature of the Country.   

CHAP. V Of the Isle of Cyprus.  
THis Isle is at least 480 Miles about, 80 Miles broad, and 200 in length, and hath two Capes; that on the West comprehends the Cape of St. Epiphany, which the Ancients called Acamante, and the Cape of Srapano, or la Pointemeconta, or the Cape Zephiro; the other is called St. Andrew, from whence you pass into the East, it has no other Port on the East-side but Famagusta, it is a famous Town which hath been built by Ptolemy Philadelphus. The great Ships are safe, nevertheless on the Coasts of Raffo, Simiso, Salines, Crasoco, and Cerines'. There are in divers places more Capes, which are somewhat advanced into the Sea, the most considerable of which is the Cape of Cats, so called from a great number of Cats which they bred there in the Monastery of St. Nicholas, where live the Religious Order of St. Basil; they have put in these Cats, for to destroy a great number of Serpents which breed there, and there is a considerable Revenue left for that purpose.  
This Island had once very many fair Cities, but has none now, saving Nicosia and Famagusta, who retain somewhat of that ancient Grandeur; all the rest are Villages, there is none of them inhabited by the ancient Nobility, for they are either entirely extinct, or are retired elsewhere since the Turks have made themselves Masters of it; the famous Mountain of Olympus is almost in the midst, very near to Nicosia, it is very high, and 54 Miles in circumference, and at every 4 Miles end there is a Monastery of those Monks of whom we shall speak hereafter, with delicate Springs, and Fruit in abundance: The Air there is very agreeable, and is never so cold, in the extremity of Winter, that one has need of warming, but the heat is so incommodious, both night and day, that 'tis impossible to travel in the day time.  
There is every where in this Isle fine Fields filled with Fruits, as well on the Mountains as on the Plains, which renders the Country fertile and plentiful; wherefore it has been called Macaria, from a Greek word which signifies Happy. The Ancients had reason to say it was the Country of Venus, and to give Venus the name of Cypriana, and to the Isle that of Cytherca; for 'tis not only said that she was born at Aphroditium, and brought up at Cytherca, but that she reigned at Idalium, called at this day Dalli, 12 Miles from Nicosia Southwards: Hence it comes that they Sacrificed naked Men and Women to Venus at Paffo, which was sometime built by Agapenor General to the Army of Agament King of Mycenae's. This abuse ceased, when the Temple was demolished at the request of the Apostle St. Barnabas. There is near unto the Cape of St. Epiphany two famous Fountains, one of which is called the Amorous Fountain, because that those who drink of its Water grow passionately in Love; and the other quite contrary, because it extinguisheth this passion in a moment.  
This Isle abounds in Wheat as well as Wine, and other excellent Viands, and supplieth other Countries; the Sun and Soil render the Wines very strong and agreeable, but after they are put into pitched Vessels, they receive such a gust as is not pleasing to those that are not accustomed thereto, nevertheless all agree they are good for the stomach. You will find there all manner of Pulse in abundance, Barley, Dates, Mulberries, Oranges, Lemons, Citrons, and all other Fruits, except Cherries, Chestnuts, and Sorb-Apples. There is no want of Sugar, Saffron, Coriander, Sesamum, Lintell-seed, Honey, and sometimes Manna; the Egyptian Bean, the Herb whose ashes serves to make Sous, and that with which they wash Camlets, and other . There may be had Rubard, Turpentine, and Scamony, and other things that are valuable: There are also Veins of Gold, Copper, Marcasite, Latin, and of Iron, Roach-Allom, Pitch, Rosin, Sulphur, and Salt-Petre; and besides, you may have there the Berry wherewith they Dye Scarlet; as also Coral, the Emerald, Crystal Diamonds, and other precious stones.  
There are no great Rivers in all the Island, but only Brooks and Rivulets. There is a little River runs very near unto Nicosia, wherein are a great quantity of jasper's, which have the virtue, as is known, to stop blood. Besides, there is so great a quantity of Cotton, that the Inhabitants not only  themselves, and make all sorts of  therewith, but they furnish also Italy, and other Parts; 'tis that which makes their principal Revenues. They also gain considerable profit by white Salt, which they get from a fair Salt-Pit of sweet Water and Rain. This Salt-Pit is at least ten Miles about, and 'tis an admirable thing to view all that vast Campaign, which appears as covered with Snow; there is in the midst a Pit that never freezeth, altho' all the Salt-Pit is congealed. There may be seen also whole Fields, which Nature hath enriched with Capers without the labour of cultivating, and every one has the liberty to take as many as he pleases. Their Mutton is very good Meat, their Sheep are large and fat, and have a prodigious Tail, which yet is no longer than those of our Country, but is at least half a foot broad, and so thick, that it appears round; it hangs behind, and beats always their sides as they go along. Their Goats have Ears hanging downwards, and 3 fingers in breath, their Horns are a little more elevated than ours, and their Forehead more short, which gives them a greater grace and hardiness; they have also a tuft of hair in the midst of their Forehead. It will be hard to believe a thing I have experimented, which is, That I have not seen in this Kingdom, nor any part of the Levant, any Animal, whether Horse, Mule, or Ass, which trotting joulted his Rider; they all go lightly and easy, and Men are accustomed to ride their Horses there without Bridle, Saddle, Stirrup, or Spurs, an Halter sufficeth them, with a little Clout spread upon the back of the Beast. Finally, we may say, That this Isle aboundeth with all delicacies: Before they became subject to the Turks, they lived splendidly, and in freedom, but sensual. It produced formerly divers illustrious Persons, performing great Services to their Country, and who have been very commendable for their Knowledge and Piety, viz. Asclebiades the Historian, Solon one of the 7 Sages of Greece, Evagoras, Celobuia, Kenon of Cittia, Author of the Sect of the Stoics, Apollonias the Physician, Xenophon the Historian; and besides these, the Apostle St. Barnabas, and Mark his Cousin, Epapheroditus, Paul Sergius, Titus, Nicanor, Epyphanus, and divers others.  
This Kingdom hath been from time to time subject to several Masters; it were too tedious to make a repetition of its Changes and Revolutions. Selim, Sultan of the Turks, took it by force in the Year 1570. with an Army of 200000 Men: But enough of Cyprus, we pass now into Syria.   

CHAP. VI Our passage into Syria: Of the City of Tripoli.  
I Lost all the time I had employed in this Isle, to search for a conveniency to pass into Syria, insomuch that I was constrained to go for Famagusta, in order to be transported hither. We parted from Saline on the 27th of August, and having a good Wind we made ready by Noon, and steered our course for Tripoli, where we arrived two days after very early, for this traverse is not above 150 Miles, but it was more incommodious unto us than all the rest of the Vovage, because we were on board a very small Vessel. We might have gone off sooner, had it not been for the neglect of our Seamen, who retarded our departure, insomuch that we were forced to cast Anchor the second day, 7 or 8 Miles from Port, being harrassed all night with a Tempest, and yet we durst not sail for fear of falling upon some Rock, as we would unavoidably have done, if we had weighed Anchor in the night; 'tis certain it was a dangerous night, but having got a Wind on break of day, we arrived in a short time at the Port of Tripoli, which is fortified with 5 fair Towers ranged on the shore. Although I was much indisposed, and cruel Sea-sick, having eat little or nothing for ten days, I found myself much recovered as soon 〈◊〉 ever I set foot on Land. Having caused my Companion to be mounted on a little Ass, I was willing to go on foot to Tripoli, which was two Miles distant from the place we were at; the Sun was already far advanced in the Horizon, when I began to set forward on my way, and its beams were exceeding violent in that Country, where 'tis also hot all the night, however I failed not to divert myself to see 50 or 60 Camels pass along conducted by the Arabs, who are a black and cruel Nation. These Camels carry Ashes, which they make of a certain Herb that is burnt in those Parts. They lay them in great heaps in certain Pits, wherein they are hardened, and furnish hereby Venice, and most part of Europe, with a great quantity of Matter to make very fine Glasses. I took also much pleasure to view a green Field, which might have been taken for a great and spacious Garden, so well was it filled with Mulberry and Orange-Trees, of an agreeable smell, not to speak of many other Fruit-Trees, which are as common there as Elms, Poplars, Chesnut and Wallnut-Trees, with us.  
Tripoli is situated at the foot of a Mountain in sight of the Sea; there is about it a Fortress upon a Rock, that commands it entirely. This City abounds in many things, and is full of Traffic; it's principal Commodity is Silk, Spungius Cotton, Raisins, Soap, Tallow Candles, which are there made very good. There is at least 500 Jews in that Town, for the most part Spaniards and Portuguese, crafty in the way of Trade, always ready to cheat the Christians, particularly the Italian Merchants, who are there but a few, since the Venetians quitted those Parts, and fail for Scandaroon. They have no other Church there but a little Chapel, which is in one of their Houses, and for the most part have no Priest to officiate therein. There you may find abundance of Greeks and Maronites, the first of which live in the Town, the other Lodge without in a small Village that is above it; the Turks are there in greater numbers than any other Nation, and wear a white Turban; the Jews have ordinarily a red Bonnet half a foot high, flat and round; the Italian Christians and Greeks wear an Hat, or black Bonnet; the Maronites a streaked Turban, or Bonnet, of a different form, that of the Jews. They all wore formerly a Turban with this sole difference, That the Turks had a white, the Jews a yellow, and Christians a striped one; but the abuse crept amongst the Jews, who began to wear such great ones, as if they seemed willing to cope in grandeur with the great Ottoman Signors, wherefore it has been so ordered, that none but Turks should wear the Turban. The Jews, by reason hereof, have discontinued it entirely; the Christians have not the right one, but content themselves to have upon their Bonnets some turns of a striped cloth, in form of a Turban. There are also many Turks and Arabs of mean condition, who do the same thing with white Stuff. We Lodged with a Venetian Merchant, who was a rich Man, and knew our company in a more particular manner; he received us with much charity and civility, he put my companion, who was sick, upon a Bed forthwith, and caused him to be served with every thing necessary for him. I went into the Customhouse for to take out that which I had brought from Italy, part whereof was to be presented to the Patriarch of the Maronites on behalf of the Pope, and the rest to be distributed amongst their Churches; the whole consisted of some Cases, one whereof was filled with Church Ornaments, and a Patriarchal Vest made all of Cloth of Gold and Silver of great value. I did all that ever I could to hasten my Journey to Mount Libanus, for there was but 20 Miles from Tripoli to the place where the Patriarch made his residence, but I was obliged to sojourn there for three days, in which time I observed that Oxen carried burdens upon their backs like Camels, Mules and Asses, as Wood, or any other necessary Commodity; insomuch, that Saying seemed to me no longer true, Optat Ephippia bos piger, Optat arare caballus. However I know full well, that they Till their ground with Horses in a great part of France, the which they practised also then in Syria, because of a certain distemper that had almost destroyed all their Oxen. I was obliged to shut myself in the House for most part of the day, not daring to be known in that Country, nevertheless I was very desirous to inform myself of their Customs, and Manner of Living. I mounted in the evening up the Terrace for to take the Air, and view the Town as well as I could; I perceived the Jewish Women upon the Terraces of the Neighbouring Houses, and easily comprehended by that, that the place where David saw Bersheba was but a Terrace of the same fashion as that on the top of the House, and there is much appearance that these sort of Terraces were in use at that time. I will speak no more of the other particulars I observed in that City, both at this time, and the other I was obliged to return back this way, for that I am unwilling to interrupt my History of the Maronites, which ought speedily to follow, but I will first exhibit somewhat I have seen and learned of the manner of the Living of the Turks in that Country.   

CHAP. VII. The Fashion of the Turks Habits.  
THE Turks shave all their hair, yet there are many of them who leave some growing on the crown of their heads, which makes a kind of a Tuft; they do not shave their Beards at all, but cast off the ends only of that on the upper Lip: long Beards are much in esteem amongst them, and the longer and larger they be, the more estimable are they. Wherefore 'tis one of the greatest Menaces that can be made to any one, to threaten him with the cutting off of his Beard, altho' this threat is ordinary enough amongst them. They wear upon their head a Bonnet, which they call Takia, and which is made of cloth or silk intermixed with cotton, and place very neatly at the top a long and fine cloth of white cotton, which they call Sesta; whereof they make a great or small Turban, according to the quality of the Person. Those who are above others, in respect of Birth or Dignity, carry a great one; and there are some who have them of an excessive bigness. Their Sifts, as well as other Vests, are made without Collars, and for the most part of white cotton; there are some who wear blue ones, with very wide sleeves, insomuch that all the Arm seems almost naked. The lower part of their Sifts is not at all wide, at least they seem as sowed together at the end when they wear no Drawers, and for that purpose they make them large. Their Vests ordinarily are a little longer, and hang almost down to the ground. The Vulgars' wear commonly white, or of some other colour, but seldom black and green, perhaps because the Francs wear ordinarily black, and that green is the colour of them of the Race of Mahomet, who they say was used to be dressed in that colour. Hence it comes, that none but those of his Race wear a green Turban, or a small piece of that colour fastened to the white. The Christians dare not have their , Bonnet, or any other thing, about them of that colour; they have two Vests, the nethermost has a Girdle to tie about it, and the uppermost is the Spain or Abb: they call it the Spain when the cloth is made of fine Wool, and well wrought, as with us in Italy, for they are not so industrious as we in those Countries. The Abb is more slightly woven, and consists of courser Wool, 'tis striped, and divided with long and broad black and white streaks. The Girdle of the nether Vest is made of thick narrow Linen cloth, about three fingers broad, and long enough to come two or three turns about, or of a leathern string; one may see some of these Girdles made of very fine silk, and curiously wrought. They cover their Legs with large Drawers, which are made of fine Linen cloth or stuff, and descend down to the Feet, which are naked, in Shoes of black Leather, or Spanish Goats leather of another colour, particularly red, blue, and yellow, to the end they may wash themselves with greater facility before their Prayers. The form of their Shoes differ not from ours, but that they are not so neat and handsome, and have an higher instep; there is a little piece of Leather, two or three fingers long, that serves for a string, fastened on each side to the ears of the Shoes, with a button in the middle. But their Slippers are much unlike to ours, they wear them with Shoes and without; you cannot know them to be Slippers they are so much like unto Shoes, unless they cover less of the feet before, for they do no more but hid the Toes, and turn upwards very much; moreover their sides are not so high as those of the Shoes, and under the Sole they place, instead of a Heel a little piece of Iron in form of a crescent, which serves instead of leather, and makes much noise in going. They wear no Hats to defend themselves from the Rain, but have a piece of stuff extended over their Turban, which is done so handsomely, that when 'tis gathered at the top, and enlarged below, you would take it for a Monk's Hood; nevertheless they make use, against the Rain, of a long Cloak slightly made in the Country, which keeps out the water very well; it hangs down as far as the middle of their Leg, and together with their Hood upon the Turban, serves them not only in travelling, but also in the Town. Those which have none of this sort, wear a good thick Cloth, which hath long and large sleeves; others are content with their Abb, which also keeps out the Rain.  
The Women wear also Sifts, Vests, Drawers, Shoes and Slippers, saving that instead of the Spain, or Abb, they have a Vest somewhat shorter than that of the Men. They wear upon their head a toque of cloth or silk, ordinarily red or blue, which they adorn with work of gold and silver; their hair being gathered into Tresses, hang beind their shoulders, bound with Ribbon, or some other stuff; you cannot see it curled at top with them, nor any the like vanity; their Countenance appears natural, and without painting; they wear Rings, Pendants in their Ears, Bracelets, wherein there is some Medley or other, as polished Iron, or Pewter, or Latin, or a good quantity of Gold and Silver, according to the quality of the Woman and her condition. These Bracelets are 3 or 4 fingers broad, and are not composed of divers Rings, as ours, but of one Plate of Metal with but little form; and they not only wear them about their Arms, but also Legs, near to their feet, not that they can be seen in the Streets dressed in this manner, for when they go out of their Houses, they wrap themselves so close up in a linen or cotton Cloth, that those that look upon them cannot see as much as their hands, altho' they are allowed the liberty of their Arm and Hand. Yet their faces are no more seen, for they are so careful to hid them with a black or white Cloth, that there remains only but a little cleft before their eyes for them to see through. Sometimes they cover their faces with black Crape very transparent, through which they can see others, without being seen themselves. This is the manner of the women's going abroad, be they Jews, Greeks, Syrians, or Turks, that they may the more conveniently go along the Streets. When they be wet or dirty, they wear Buskins of Spanish Goats-leather, which reach up as far as the knee, and so tucking up their  on each side, they pass through without being at all wet, or bedaubed with dirt. The Maronites have other Customs, of which we shall speak hereafter.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the Belief of the Turks.  
ONE need not doubt but that those Hearts, which have not the true Worship of God, nor the Knowledge of his Faith, have expelled Virtue for to replenish themselves with all manner of Vice; 'tis this which I have manifestly known amongst these Nations, who indeed confess that our Lord was an Holy Man, and a great Prophet, which makes them honour the place of his Birth, and burn Lamps there, as may be seen still at Bethlehem, but they believe not that he was God, nor the Son of God, neither will they believe he died upon the Cross, for they say he substituted another in his place, and for that purpose withdrew himself from the hands of the Jews, passing through a hole, or large cranny, which was above the place where he was retired that night for to pray, and that he appeared not since that time. They worship no other but Mahomet, whom they pretend to be a greater Prophet, and it were scarce credible with what devotion and magnificence they guard his Tomb at Meccha, what expense they are at to receive 'em that come to visit it, and in what degree of Sanctity they are held who perform this Pilgrimage, particularly those who are born by the way. They bear all the name of Scerif, which signifies great Saint; they also, as all other Nations, have Priests, which they call Santons, taking for that purpose the most zealous observers of their Law, altho' the best of them are no less vicious than the rest. This is the ceremony they observe at the creation of their Priests; They cause them to come into the presence of the People, and extolling their Zeal and Virtue, they add, That they have regard thereunto, and so make them Santons. Then all the company presently run to kiss their hands, and so after this ceremony they become Priests. Their Office is to apply their Cares to the Mosques, and there is none but respects them, even to the Sultan himself. Besides these Santons, they have also amongst them other inconsiderable Persons, who appear all slashed, hacked, and half naked, carrying for the most part a stick in their hands, to which are fastened Rags.  
The Turks have Beads which they tell over, they carry them in their hantis, or hung at their girdle, but they are much different from ours, for each Bead of theirs is of the same bigness, and have none of that distinction we have of the tenth in ten Beads, altho' they are composed of six Ten. They have moreover another kind of Beads, which are divided into three parts with small threads, because this sort is greater than others, consisting of an hundred grains, yet they employ no more time than we in telling them over, but, on the contrary, have sooner done, because they say not at each Bead for a whole Prayer, but these words, Stafurla, i. e. Praise be to God; or else, Essebh L'allah, Elmayd L'allah; which signifies, Praise to God, Glory to God. They are not suffered to eat Pork, nor to drink Wine. See the reason why Mahomet forbade them the use of Pork: When he had hidden under ground some Vessels full of Water, for to perform a Miracle like unto that of Moses, to show thereby that he was a great Prophet, it happened that this Animal, which digs always in the earth, spoiled all this Mystery. As for the Wine he forbade it; for that being entered into a Village, accompanied with some Soldiers, they pressed him to pay for their drink, and being drunk, they would have compelled him to grant them the use of the Women of that place, and having refused it, whether that he could not, or would not grant it, they thereupon abused him; in consideration therefore of these two accidents, he forbade, Pork and Wine to his Followeas: nevertheless, there are but a few Persons of Quality that observe this forbiddance, the rest of the People covet it with eagerness, and drink it without Water, which is the reason that you may meet all day long with drunken folks, but they are not punished. They have strange liberty to sin, from whence proceeds infinity of Villainies, for that they believe, in washing of their feet, they cleanse also their Souls of all pollution. They acknowledge no other Confession, but a small Pitcher of water, which they preserve to that purpose; and they imagine they can be saved by so easy a means. They believe also, that we, who are Christians, can be saved by our Law, but they condemn all other Religions. They have for that effect a pleasant Story, saying, That at the highest part of the Wall of Jerusalem, opposite to Mount Olivet, there is a piece of Pillar that stands a little out of the Wall, where there will be a little Gate for an entrance into the said Column, that Mahomet and Jesus Christ will come to Universal Judgement, that the first will stand upon that Pillar, and the other opposite against him on Mount Olivet, that both of them will hold in their hand a Cord, which will be extended over the Valley of Jehosaphat, that all must walk upon that Cord, and that we and they shall go safely thereon into Paradise, each being essisted by his Prophet, but with this difference, That in Paradise, where floweth Rivers of Honey, they shall enjoy all forts of pleasure, as well in eating and drinking, as in the use of beautiful Women; and instead of that, we shall serve them with Horses and Mules to ride upon. And finally, That the Jews, and all other Sects, shall fall under the Cord into Hell, where they shall suffer eternal punishment.   

CHAP. IX. My arrival to Mount Libanus, and how I was received by the Patriarch, and of the difficulties I found in my first Conference with him.  
I Must now return to my Voyage, from whence I have somewhat digressed. Finding myself out of the danger of Tripoli, I departed from thence on the last day of August, three hours before Sunsetting, and being accompanied with divers Persons of that Country I was going to, I mounted on a little Ass which went rarely well, and taking our way towards the Mountain, we traveled as long as day lasted; but as soon as night approached, we rested ourselves in a Village appertaining to the Maronites, where after having made an ordinary Repast, we lay upon Mats extended over a Terrace, and rested ourselves there for the space of six hours; then Journeying through rough, steep, and uneven ways, we arrived in nine hours to a place called Eden, which in the Hebrew signifies a Place of pleasure and delight, there we refreshed our Beasts, which were wearied. We performed the rest of our Journey after the heat of the day was over, and arrived on the first of September, at Sun setting, at the Monastery of Caunubin, where resides the Patriarch of the Maronites, towards which place his Holiness had sent me. My arrival was as unawares, yet there were divers Priests, and some other Persons, that came pretty far to meet me on behalf of the Patriarch, who was obliged to keep his Bed for a whole Year past, because of his Age and Infirmity. I was conducted to the Monastery, where I was received with great demonstrations of joy, and with the sound of three considerable Bells, which they have there by a particular Privilege. I went first to the Church, and afterwards to the Patriarches House; I found the Church pretty enough, but a little dark, and ill ordered. As to the Patriarch, I accosted him in a little Chamber which had no Hang, because he made Profession of a Monastic Life, and that the insatiable Avarice of the Turks suffered him not to be better accommodated; I found him sitting upon his Bed with his Patriarchal Turban in his hand, and after I had made him my obeisance, I presented him with his Holiness Brief, which he very devoutly kissed, and placed afterwards upon his head, which is a mark of respect in that Country. He observed the same ceremony when I gave him the Cardinal Protectors, and our General's Letters; he enquired after their health, with demonstrations of a grand affection, and I entertained him with the good intention of his Holiness, and the great care he took both of his Person and the whole Nation. After I had spent some time with him, I was conducted to Supper; next day believing that Father Fabio, whom I had left sick at Tripoli, was somewhat recovered, and could sit on Horseback, I sent a good Mule for to carry him very easily to the place where I was; in effect, he arrived there three days after, but he was so weak still, that he was obliged to keep his Bed, wherein he remained 15 days, and indeed he never was well since that time.  
I began, after the second day of my arrival, to discourse of my Affairs with the Patriarch: I explained unto him the design of my Voyage, with which he testified himself to be well satisfied, however he could not forbear to inform me of two things which much troubled him; the first, That his Holiness had sent him only but a simple Brief, instead of addressing to him a large and solemn Bull, which might authentically set forth the Antiquity of their Belief, and their reunion with the Holy See, as the Popes his Predecessors had done; that it would have been great consolation to the Bishops, and all the People, that should see it; and that he had so much the more reason to expect it, because he had employed the precedent Year a Person to his Holiness, to prostrate himself at his feet, and to render him in his own Name, as well as in the Name of all the Nation, the submissions that were due unto him, as being all his good and faithful Children. He complained also that his Holiness had made him no answer to his entreaty of being confirmed in his ancient Title of Patriarch of Antioch.  
After I had heard these complaints with attention, I made him answer as I judged most proper; after which he seemed very pleasant. I proposed unto him afterwards an Overture of a Synod, to the end we might know what was then the true Estate of Religion in those Parts. I added, That for that purpose he needed only but convocate the Bishops, which might, without danger, render themselves at the place where we than were. This Proposition gave him occasion to make far greater complaints than before; he set forth the Reasons he had of an heavy complaining against a Synod, that had been held some years before, where had been presented unto him, and to the Bishops, a blank Paper to sign, with assurance that it should be filled up with nothing but what should be good and profitable for the Nation, and that having signed it with much facility, they had been abused, for that those who required this signed blank were no sooner returned to Tripoli, than that they filled it up with a great number of Errors, and considerable Heresies, and without giving information hereof to any one of the Synod, or leaving any Copy behind; they had most maliciously defamed them to the Pope and his Cardinals, that out of the fear he had of the like inconvenience, he vigorously opposed my request unto him. The foundation of this complaint appeared so strange to me, that I could scarce believe it, but the Matter of Fact being reported by so considerable a Person that affirmed it, and being also confirmed by all his Assistants, I durst not deny it; I endeavoured to excuse it as well as I could, and promised to use my Efforts to recall this Writing, to the end I might appease his much irritated spirits. I assured him also, on my own part, that I would undertake nothing without his participation and consent. At last he presented another great difficulty, or part, of the War that raged extremely between the Turks and Christians; for the Sultan was in the Field in Person, with a puissant Army, which rendered the execution of a Synod exceeding difficult, for it was dangerous to assemble the principal Persons of a Nation for to treat at that conjuncture with an Envoy of the Pope. But I satisfied also the Patriarch in that point, telling him that means might be found out to assemble them under other pretences. This good Old Man then consented to my entreaty, and writ to the Bishops to invite them to a Synod, but as we could get together but two, I thought it inconvenient to remit that Assembly till another time. In the mean while, I made use of this opportunity to go visit the Deacons, they are but two in number, and perform the Office of Secular Magistrates, to govern the People, Judging their differences, and Treating with the Turks about all Matters that regard the Tributes, and about every other affair that occurs. The principal of these two is a Man of great Experience, and penetrating Judgement, who is expert in War, and well inclined to Religion; he approved forthwith of my design, and was willing to take the care upon him to assemble the Bishops, and all others whomsoever I pleased, altho' he was then sick of a Fever, under which he had laboured all the day. He assured me, he would render himself there, with the other Deacon his companion, and that he would endeavour I should receive satisfaction in whatever I proposed, but I judged it better to deser the Meeting till such time as he was recovered, and that in the mean while I might inform myself more particularly of all things.   

CHAP. X. Of the Cedars of Libanus and the holy River; and of the nature of the ground of Mount Libanus.  
I Went to see, during that space of time, the Cedar Trees which were not very far off; they stand upon an high and craggy Mountain, and are called Saints, because of their Antiquity. And the Natives believe they are still the same as those that were in Solomon's time, which is the reason they go visit them with great devotion, especially on the day of the Transfiguration of our Lord; at which time they say Mass most solemnly at the foot of a Cedar, upon an homely Altar of Stone. Moreover, as these Trees are but a few in number, they esteem it a Miracle that they cannot be reckoned exactly; I counted 23, and another of my Companions but 21; and there is a great deal of appearance, that the same root sends forth in some of them two branches, which are sometimes reckoned for one, sometimes for two. They never fell them to make boards, but there is an infinite number of other Trees for common uses, growing upon two other Mountains, which are situated in such a manner, that being joined to the former, form a kind of a Cross. That which they call the Mountain of Saints, forms the top, and the other two the sides. They affirm that certain Turks, who fed their Flocks thereabouts, having been so impious and hardy, as to cut down some of these Trees they call Saints, were punished forthwith with the utter loss of their Beasts. One may also see there the Spring of a Rivulet, which the Inhabitants call the holy River, for that it takes its source from the Mountain, whereon grow the Cedar-Saints in a very hidden and delicious place, and from it descends along the Valley, running with little murmuring streams amongst flint stones.  
I was very much satisfied to have seen the foresaid place, and in my return to the Monastery, where resided the Patriarch, I informed myself of the goodness of the Soil, of the Customs and Ways of living in that Country, as also of their Belief; and I endeavoured to observe them as exactly as possibly I could.  
All the Country consists of stony and high Mountains, which extend from North to South; 'tis a good days Journey in breadth, and four or five long; so that in circumference it may be 6 or 700 Miles. Yet these Mountains, by the Industry and Labour of Men, seem for the most part like a Plain, for they gather the stones together in some low places, which are dispersed here and there, and raise up high Walls therewith, and so proceeding on daily erect others therewith; insomuch, that by the force of levelling Mountains, and filling up of the Valleys, they make of a barren Mountain a pleasant Campaign, which may be easily cultivated, and such as is very pleasant and agreeable. This Country abounds in Corn, excellent Wines, in O●●, Cotton, Silk, Honey, Wax, Wood, savage and tame Animals, and especially in Goats: As for small Animals, there are but a few, because the Winter there is very sharp, and that they have Snow continually. They have a great number of Sheep; big and fat as those of Cyprus. As soon as you pass Cyprus, there are no more Hogs to be seen, because the Turks eat none, but in recompense to that, you shall find a great number of wild Boars in their Forests, as well as Bears, Tigers, and other the like Animals.  
The rest of the Country is filled with Partridges, which are as big as Hens; no Dove-Houses to be seen there nor in all the Levant, but there are abundance of Pigeons, Turtle-Doves, Blackbirds, Gnat-snappers, and all sort of Birds. There are also Eagles, and many Squirrels to be seen. They never use Spades to their Vineyards, but they cultivate them with their Oxen, for they are planted with straight rows of Trees far enough one from another. They use no props for to support the Trees, but let them creep along the earth; the Wine that is produced therefrom is delicate and exceeding pleasant; it's a very surprising thing to see the bigness of the Grape, which is equal to a Prune, and I easily comprehended in seeing of them, why the Hebrews had so great a desire to taste them, and that they pushed forwards with so much passion the Conquest of the Land of Promise, after they had seen the Grape which the Spies of Joshua brought back from the neighbouring Countries.  
These Mountains abound therefore not only in stones, but in all other things necessary to support Life; and I doubt not but that they are emboweled with rich Mines. There is a certain place a little above the Monastery of Caunubin, where is found stones which give light like unto Flambeaux, which apparently discovers, that they are composed of Matter full of Sulphur and Bitumen. There may also be seen, in other places, ground fit for the production of Iron. As I continued on my Journey, the Deacon Joseph Cater, who was with me, assured me, That it was but very lately, at the eating of a Goat, he found all her Teeth of a silver colour. This confirms that which I observed in Candia; to wit, That the Animals, that live on Mount Ida, eat a certain Herb which renders their Teeth of a golden colour, which, according to my judgement, cannot otherwise proceed than from the Mines which are under ground.   

CHAP. XI. Of the Customs of the Maronites, and of their Manner of Living.  
THE Maronites will not suffer the Turks to live amongst them, altho' they be in all the rest of Syria, so that you cannot see one there; they are beholding for it to the great care of their Deacons, who spare neither their Purses nor their Lives to that purpose. Their lives therefore upon their Mountains no other than the Christians, which they call Maronites, who have taken their name from a certain Abbot called Maron, whom they sent to Rome to the Pope in the time that all the East was separated from the Holy See, and divided into divers Sects. This Abbot returned from thence with the Title of Patriarch over 'em, who lived firm and constant in their Faith. This same Person lead a Religious Life, so that they invoke him as such in their Masses. They do not inhabit great Cities, and magnificent Palaces, but little Villages, whereof there is a great number, and in divers places. Their Houses are mean and little worth, not but that they have noble and rich Persons amongst them, but they are tyrannised so over by the Turks, that they are constrained to shun all manner of grandeur and ostentation; they make themselves poor that they may shun ill treatments, and they affect also to go meanly clad. Their habit differs not from that of the other Levantines, which consists of a Turban and little Vest that descends down to the knees, or to the middle of the leg, and sometime they wear the Spain or Abb to cover it; they go ordinarily with their legs naked, altho' there be some who have Drawers on, according to the Turkish manner, with Shoes. The Arms they use are the Bow, Harquebus, Cimitar and Dagger; they are very tall Men, of a natural sweetness, docible to Arms, and resemble the Italians more than any other Nations. They use no Tables, nor Stools to sit on, but instead thereof sit down crosslegged upon Mats or Carpets spread upon the ground, and there eat and drink; instead of a Tablecloth they lay a round piece of leather, and cover it about with Bread, tho' there be but two or three to eat. They sit round, and put the Victuals in the middle; they eat just as the Turks do, making no use of Napkins, Knives, nor as much as Forks, but have only very pretty wooden Spoons; and when they drink the Glass goes round. If any one eats in another's House, 'tis the Master of the House that waits, and serving every one with his Glass, so that he has no manner of repose at the Table. They drink often, however their Glasses are but small; the more they drink, the more honour they think they do to their Host; and altho' the leather, that serves for a Tablecloth, be taken up, yet they cease not to drink as long as there is any Wine in the Vessel. These leathern Table-cloths are neatly folded up with the drawing of a small cord that is round about them. If any one comes in after they are set at Table, when he has saluted the company he sits down, eats and drinks without any more ado, and 'twere a great incivility to do otherwise. They use no Sheets to their Beds they sleep in, btt only cotton Coverlets; each fastens a string to the Coverlet, and so lies under it.  
When they make any bargain they use great simplicity, for they have no Scriveners to draw Writings, but they take one another's words, or a simple piece of Paper, or else trust to the good Faith of some Witness, and use the same manner at the making of their Wills. They content not themselves to weep only for the Dead, but make hideous cries and lamentations, and cease not furiously to agitate their Bodies here and there. They dress no Victuals, for some time, in the House of the deceased, but their Relations and Friends supply them; wherefore at the usual times of Repast, you shall see many Women enter with Baskets on their Heads full of Victuals, and the Men come soon after for to comfort the Relations of the deceased, and to eat with them.  
These People let their Beards grow, and shave their Heads, which is the reason that they never uncover them no more than the other Nations of the Levant. They highly respect their Priests, and when they meet them they kiss their hand, and the Priest gives them the Benediction, forming the sign of the Cross, accompanied with certain words over them. If they have a Priest at their Table they make him drink first; besides he drinks also last, in reciting certain Orisons, and no body is suffered to drink after him. If they mount on Horseback to go some Journey, they present themselves civilly to a Priest, praying him to grant them the Benediction, and recite over 'em some Prayers before they set forth on their Journey. The use of Incense is very common amongst them, for they are not only served therewith in the Churches, but also at the beginning and ending of their Repasts, when they crave a blessing upon their Victuals, and return God thanks for the same. If at any time a Person of Quality comes amongst them, or one of principal Degree in the Church, a Priest goes before to receive him with Incense.  
The Maronite Women are civil and modest, their manner of Dress differs not much from the Italian, their Apparel descends to the ground, and covers their breasts and shoulders entirely; 'tis very plain, being but Cloth of white Cotton, or at best but of a violet or blue colour, and sometimes a little wrought. They wear upon their Heads a kind of Linen Veil, which covers all their hair both before and behind. If they meet by chance with a Man they know not, they eat him, or cover their faces with their Veil. There are many of them, who like the Turkish Women wear certain Bracelets upon their Arms and Legs, and others of the form of a Fillet at the Forehead, with small pieces of silver. They use not to curl their hair, nor to paint their faces, neither can you see any other the like vanity amongst them; which is so much the more commendable in them, as the contrary is blame-worthy in our European Dames.  
When they come to Church, they place not themselves amongst the Men, nor yet where they may see their faces, for all the Men sit at the upper part of the Church, and they stay near to the door for to get first out as soon as Service is done, to the end they may not be seen of any. There is no Man stirs from his place till they be all gone forth. The Country is altogether free from Debauched and Common Women, so that you can hear there no manner of discourse of Adulteries, or other the like Vices, which is a particular favour of God.   

CHAP. XII. Of their Sciences and Books, and of their Money they pay to the Turks.  
THeir Priests are as ignorant as the Common People, for they can but only read and write. Those amongst them are esteemed most Learned, who besides the Arabic Language, which is the Mother-Tongue, have some knowledge in the Caldee, which is regarded by them as the Latin is by us. There is not above three or four, who being returned from Rome, that throughly understand Philosophy and Theology, but we hope by the help of God, that there shall be for the time to come a greater number of them, of whom there is great care taken to have them instructed in the College that has been founded for them at Rome, which is very necessary for those Parts. They have no convenience nor advantage of Printing no more than in all the rest of the Levant, which might have been of great use to publish and multiply their Books; however, I think it a great happiness to this Nation, and also to all Christianity, for that not having amongst them any knowing Persons, the rest of the Levant being filled with Jews, Turks, Armenians, Nestorians, Jacobites, Dioscarians, Eutychians, Cophts, Abissins', Greeks, Georgians, Melhites, and other Sects, their wicked Books would multiply too fast by the help of Printing; and besides, their good Books would have been easily corrupted, and stuffed up with falsities and errors.  
They writ therefore their Books in Manuscripts, altho' that is not totally exempt from danger, for that the Transcribers can add thereto, and change at their pleasure; however, that requires pains and much time, and there being but a few Scribes in all those Parts there is not much reason to fear it, and they may always easily remedy it. They make use of certain Canes to write with, not knowing the use of Goose Quills, and other Birds. They do not read as we do, from the Left to the Right, but quite contrary, from the Right to the Left, after the manner of the Jews. They begin also their Books as they do, that is to say, where we end; yet they observe not altogether the manner of the Jews writing, to wit, From Right to Left, but turning their Paper side-ways write .  
One cannot imagine what vast Sums the Christians of Mount L●banus pay to the Turks, besides the Carriage, which is an ordinary Tribute; they make daily new Arrange, and continual Extortions. The Carriage is great for every one pays separately for his Goods, Person, and his Religion. The second Tribute amounts to seventeen Crowns a Head, as well for Children of 9 or 10 years of Age, as for Men. The first is a Crown for every eight Foot of Land one possesseth. The Emir Elias, the Governor of the Country for the Sultan, sends to gather these Tributes; and altho' the Grand Senior hath fixed the Sum he is to collect for all the Year, yet he ceaseth not to demand more. And the Receiver comes not hither simply to take the Air, if they do not pay forthwith, comes another Receiver, who augments the Sum; the which they call the Carriage, or Tribute of Solicitation, and the longer they retard the Payment, the more the Sum increaseth. Wherefore it comes to pass, that if any one has not his Money ready, he is obliged to take it from the Turks upon very great Interest; and if he finds himself unwilling to accept of it upon the conditions, he is constrained to sell his Land forthwith for as much as he can get for it, insomuch that it happens oftentimes, that one loseth a great Inheritance, or a Tenement of 4 or 5000 Crowns value, for a very small matter; nay, sometimes for a Crown. The Dead pay their Garage as well as the Living, for as the Grand Signior esteems himself Absolute Master of the Country, and of all the Estates of the Inhabitants, to whom he grants only the use of them, he believes, that in case of Mortality, all their Possessions ought to return to him, and by consequence the right Heirs, or Testators, if they have a mind to enjoy them peaceably, aught to pay him a certain Sum proportionable to the Estates they inherit. Some pay ten or a dozen Crowns, others forty or fifty; and it amounts sometimes to an hundred or two of Crowns, or more. There is a Person who rangeth the Country up and down continually, for to learn who are dead, to the end he may raise the Tribute. If any one has been lately Interred, he soon perceives it, and causeth them also oftentimes to open Graves for to see if there be any newly dead.  
Moreover, if any one has business necessary to be treated about with the Emir, be it to demand a Favour, or Justice, he concludes nothing but by the force of Money. No Person durst appear before this Judge without large Sums and Presents, he that carries most receives most profit; and 'tis almost incredible how much Money he squeezeth from these poor People in a Year, nay every Day, so insupportable is the Tyranny of the Turks, and so Miserable is the condition of them who live under their Dominion; the violence is too great, and I cannot believe it can be endured any long time, many of them are already withdrawn, and have abandoned their Lands an Houses, others depart daily, and go into other Countries, being no longer able to endure the grand Impositions wherewith they are surcharged, they choose rather to live in the Poverty and Afflictions of a voluntary banishment, than to remain with their Estates in their own Country, under so insupportable a Tyranny. Although these are withdrawn, the Emir pretends he will lose upon that consideration none of the ordinary Tribute; he is paid Yearly by the two Deacons, two thousand Crowns for these abandoned Estates, part of which they pay out of their own Pockets, and the rest is paid by the People, to the end he send not any Turks into those Places for to possess them; but I shall no longer detain the Reader with the relation of a thing so sad and deplorable.   

CHAP. XIII. Of their ecclesiastics and Religious.  
WE must now begin to speak of the Belief and Religion of these People; and for your better understanding you must know, they have, as all others, Laics, ecclesiastics, and Religious; but as we have sufficiently spoken already of the Laics, we are now to say something of the ecclesiastics and Religious.  
The Clergy have their Degrees, as well Sacred as not Sacred: This pretty Hierarchy, which hath been established in the Church, is perfectly represented in the Person of the Patriarch, who is subject to the Pope, and that of divers Bishops, and of a good number of Priests, who are governed by the Bishops. The Patriarch and the Bishops keep a perpetual Celibat, and there are none but the Monks that are admitted to this Dignity, for there are none but these that live unmarried. If they take any one that has broken this Order, they lock him up forthwith in a Monastery, and he eats no more Bread.  
There are two sorts of Bishops amongstthem, one of which are but mere Abbots of Monasteries, and have no care of Souls upon them; they have neither the Mark nor Episcopal Habit, but are dressed as other Monks are, and have only this Privilege, That they carry the Mitre and Cross in singing of Mass. The other have under their Governments the greatest Churches, and wear a Vest nethermost altogether, according to the Mode of the Country, and over that a Spain, or Violet coloured Cloth, which descends down to the ground, with a very great blue Turban. The Patriarch is clad in the same manner as the Bishops, and 'tis he alone that hath the particular Jurisdiction of all Mount Libanus, excepting some places too remote from him, where he placeth some Bishop for that end; but as he cannot always in Person visit so great an extent of Land, which is very difficult, he keeps by him two or three Bishops, one of which applies himself particularly to the Administration of Cannubin, where the Patriarch resideth, and to collect the Taxes and Revenues of the Country, which amount to three or four thousand Crowns. He sends the other here and there into different Places, for to visit the Churches, and supply their Necessities. There are moreover three other Bishops without these Mountains, which have also their Jurisdiction apart, but yet with a dependence upon the same Patriarch; one of which resides at Damas', the other at Aleppo, and the third in the Isle of Cyprus, every one has the care of the Maronites, which have a dependence on him.  
The other Priests, and with much more reason the Deacons and Subdeacons, can at leastwise, if they be not Mon●●, marry before they receive holy Orders, which they are the rather constrained to do, because the People look not favourably upon them if they be not married, especially such as are young; and the Bishops do with great difficulty admit them into Orders, if they confine not themselves into the Monasteries, or not marry. The Deacons, Subdeacons, and the other inferior Clerks, have no other habit but such as the Laics wear. The Priests are not distinguished but by a blue Turban, which they wear a little less than that of the Bishops; and as to the rest, they do no ways differ from others.  
The Religious have none of that distinction of Order and Profession that is used elsewhere, they are all alike: I am persuaded that these Monks are the remnants of those ancient Hermit's which lived separate from Mankind, and dwelled in great numbers in the Deserts of Syria and Valestine; there are excellent Authors that have treated of them, and I believe I have myself good proofs for to support that Opinion.  
The first are the Places of their Abode, for their Residence is not in delicious Plains, or on pleasant little Hills accommodated with agreeable Prospects, nor in well-peopled Cities and Places, frequented by Men, but they are retired to the most abstruse Parts of these Mountains, separated from all Commerce, and living under great Rocks, so that they seem to dwell in Grots and Caverns, fit rather for wild Beasts than Habitations for Men.  
Their poor and ordinary Apparel serves for a second Proof: They wear but a pitiful, unvaluable, ill-shaped Coat, wherein they wrap themselves, with a black Cowl upon their heads; and this Vestment descends only from the shoulders to the girdle, without any thing to cover their shoulders withal; neither is there any other Habit cut according to the fashion of these, that are used amongst all the Community of their Religious.  
Their manner of Living furnisheth us with a third Proof: They live only upon that which the Earth itself produceth, and never eat any Flesh, tho' they be sick and in danger of death. As for Wine they very rarely drink any. They have no particular Rules, nor written Constitutions, for to be observed by every one, as may be seen in all other Religious Houses, who are established to live in Community. They make no express Profession of the three Vows of Religion; to wit, Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience; but when they are received into the Monastery where they make Profession, one holds a Book in his Hand, and reads only something that belongs to them, advertising them, That they ought to live in Continence, and adds many the like things. These Advertisements are sufficient to make them keep a perfect Chastity: You shall never hear any scandalous or ill report of them, altho' they continually go alone up and down, and stay oftentimes many days together out of their Monastery. They have Goods and Money of their own, and can dispose thereof at their death. If they have no longer a Mind to stay in the Monastery, they go into another, without the leave of their Superiors.  
In the fourth place, They are never permitted to Exercise any Ecclesiastical Function; they have no Spiritual Exercise in common for the good of their Neighbour, and have no Power either to Preach or Confess, so that they are only for themselves.  
In the fifth place, They give to their Superiors and Chiefs the Name of Abbot, as the Hermits did of Old.  
Finally, I shall take for the sixth and last Proof, the name they bear of the Monks of St. Anthor●y; and 'tis this that aught to make some impressions upon the spirits of those who would search out the cause why these Religious are so called.  
Has this good Man ever founded any Religious House for to live in Community? Did he not live a Solitary and Hermitical Life, in the Deserts of Egypt, exercising the Function of Abbot, in regard to those that lead the same Life of himself? There is therefore reason to believe, that this was the true Original of the Monks, which are at this day in Mount Libanus, and which are called the Monks of St. Anthony. Many have imagined that they were reduced to that poverty they live in, through the continual Oppression of the Turks, who obliged them to Labour and Cultivate the Earth, but I do not doubt but that was the end of their Constitution, for so much as the holy Hermits and Servants of God, for to shun Idleness, and gain their Living by the Industry of their own hands, accustomed themselves to Labour for a good part of the day; these same had many Persons under them, whom they employed to the hardest Labours, and they contented themselves to carry on the same, and render it less painful. As to their Hospitality, the use whereof, perhaps, they have preserved since their Foundation; they highly exercise it, especially in the Monastery of Cannubin, where there is kept an open Table for all the Year round, admittance being never forbidden, not only to the Maronites, and other Christians, but also to the Turks, and all Comers, who are welcome to eat what they please, which is the cause of vast expense unto them; for as 'tis the ordinary Residence of the Patriarch, 'tis incredible what multitudes are drawn thither daily, either through Necessity, Curiosity, Business, or some other Matter.   

CHAP. XIV. Of the Errors that have been imposed upon them.  
I Discovered, with much evidence, the Abuses whereof I am about to speak, and some others of the same nature; which made me open my eyes, and apply myself with all Industry to every thing that might regard their Belief, not only because these matters were of very great importance, being the foundation of all Religion, but also because I had learned, that some years past, they had been attributed unto them amongst other Errors.  
1. That there was in Jesus Christ but one Nature, to wit, The Divine.  
2. That the Holy Ghost proceeded only from the Father.  
3. That all the Trinity was Incarnated, died on the Cross, and risen again. And those that attributed these errors unto them, said, That that was the reason why they added to the Trisagion, which is Sung by the Angels, Qui natus es pro nobis, qui Crucifixus es pro nobis, qui surrexisti, & ascendisti in coelum pro nobis miserere nobis; as if they retained the ancient Errors condemned in the fifth Council of Constantinople.  
4. That an Husband might put away his Wife, and take another, if she committed Adultery, or far other reasons.  
5. That there is no Original Sin.  
6. That the Souls that departed from their Bodies saw not Heaven for to be there rewarded, nor Hell for to be there punished, but that they attended for that till the Universal Judgement: And that in the mean time, they remained in a place where there was neither grief nor joy.  
7. That 'tis Lawful to deny one's Belief outwardly, and also by Words, provided it be treasured up in the heart.  
8. That the Sacrament of Confirmation was not distinct from Baptism.  
9 That they gave the Eucharist to young Children.  
Although I used all my own Industry to be informed of these Errors, and employed others for that purpose, yet I could never discover but two of them, to wit, The repudiation of their Wives, and the Communion which they gave to Children. I am very well satisfied, that the first is not an error whereof the whole Nation ought to be accused, as if it approved of this Divorcement, but an accident that happened two or three times, which had been fomented through the violence and tyranny of the Turks, who favoured the designs of some Profligates, who had put away their Wives for to marry others of whom they were enamoured. Those sort of People being not able to obtain the consent of the Patriarch for to marry them, had recourse to the Emir, who gave them, for their Money, permission to do it, giving them his Letters to the Patriarch for to excuse them, who dissembled his resentments thereof upon just considerations. 'Tis certain, that the like case happening at the time of my being there, the Patriarch would not ways consent thereto, but not being able to remedy it, he was obliged to pass it by. In regard to the second Error, 'tis common to all, neither can it be esteemed for an Error nor Heresy, since the Church hath heretofore practised the same thing for a long time. As for the other Errors, I understood very well that they had been falsely charged with them; however, having read in one of their Books, I know not what concerning one Will and one Operation in Jesus Christ, and some other impure things, I resolved to put all these Articles separately into writing, and to propose each in particular to the Synod, when it should be assembled, before it came to the reformation of Abuses.   

CHAP. XV. Of the assembling of a Synod, and of the Profession of Faith that was made there.  
AFter I had informed myself of all things as well as possibly I could, I applied all my cares to give notice forthwith of the Synod, for which I had such a desire, to the Bishops, two Deacons, and to the most understanding Clergy. They assembled the 28th of December, which is the 18th according to the supputation of the Maronites, who have not received the reformation of the Calendar of Gregory XIII. The Patriarch then, and those which were summoned, finding themselves together, read publicly the Pope's Brief, which contained my Mission, and the Authority I had from his Holiness; and as every one remained silent, I exposed unto them at large, the Reasons that had moved me to convocate this Assembly. I represented unto them the importance of it, entertained them at the same time with the great care and affection his Holiness had towards them; then I spoke a few words to the Bishops in particular, touching their Duty, and the Charge they had of the Church.  
I divided the Matters to be treated of into three Heads; the first whereof regarded to their Belief; the second to the young Maronites that were to be sent from that Country to Rome; and thirdly, To those that would be sent back again from Rome unto them. As I was ready to open the Synod, with the Matters that regarded the Belief and Conformity of their Religion to the Church of Rome, I was interrupted by the Patriarch, who testified his having received much displeasure about a Synod that had been held some years ago from Rome, protesting that neither he, nor his Predecessor, had done, nor approved of what was transacted; whereupon he detested, and anathamized, the Errors which had been imposed upon them and the Nation. He anathamized all those that held them, or had ever held them, assuring us, That he had always followed, and would still for the future, the Church of Rome; to which words the prime Deacon being transported with zeal, added these, Yes, we will follow, and never separate in any part from it, whatever misery may befall us. Indeed, I conceived much joy to see that the beginning was accompanied with so firm a resolution, and such great steadfastness of spirit, so that it encouraged me in such a manner, that I believed I had no further search to make, for to render me certain of my Inquiries. However, for to be more assured, and also to justify them, I applied myself to examine all the Errors, one after another, and that every one in particular should declare his Belief; all, with one consent agreed, without any dispute or controversy, and made Profession together of the following Articles.  
I. That there is in Jesus Christ but one Person which is Divine, with two Natures, two Wills, two Operations; one of which is Divine, the other Humane. It was a great comfort to me, to see in all their Books very ample testimonies of this truth; I found also particular Works composed upon this subject, which was well handled, and filled with a great number of Authorities drawn from the Old and New Testament, as well as from the Latin an● Greek Fathers.  
II. That the Holy Ghost proceeded from the Father and Son, as from the only Principle; that which is read not only by them in divers places of their Books, but also such as is rehearsed by them in the Creed, Qui est, patre & filio procedit.  
III. That the Son alone was Incarnated, and not the whole Trinity; as also who was born, died, who risen again, and who ascended into Heaven; and for that reason they took the word Trisagion two manner of ways, applying it sometimes to the whole Trinity, sometimes to the second Person only; but when they took it for the first, they added it not at all, but when for the second, they added it by coherence to the Incarnation, Birth, Death, and other the like things, which truly agreed with Jesus Christ.  
iv That it might be judged by their Actions, that they acknowledged a place of Purgatory, and Original Sin; that the first was sufficiently set forth by their Alms and Prayers.  
V That the second proved itself plainly by the Baptism they gave to little Infants, to the end that being washed and cleansed of their sins, they might obtain eternal Life, altho' they had committed no Actual Sin that required their being washed and cleansed by that Sacrament, knowing that St. Augustin made often use of that argument, to prove that same truth against the Pelagians of his time.  
VI That Souls, generally speaking, when they depart from the Body, go strait to Heaven for to enjoy Blessedness, or to Hell, for to be there eternally punished, or for a time to Purgatory.  
VII. That 'tis never Lawful for to deny one's Faith in words, as Jesus Christ himself manifestly declared; He that denies me before men, him will I also deny before my father which is in heaven.  
VIII. Finally, That in Marriage they permitted sometimes a Separation of Living, but that nothing but Death was able to dissolve the Bond of Matrimony, in such a manner as that it was lawful for the Husband to Espouse another, conformable to those words of Jesus Christ, which are so express; Whosoever puts away his Wife, and marries another, commits Adultery.  
I failed not to object, and lay before them, those Books wherein I found some Errors: They made answer, That they were not their true Books, but that they had been maliciously contrived by the Jacobins, and dispersed amongst their Nation; that as to the rest, their Books were very different, and that the Pope had received false information of them; which satisfied me so much the more, because in their Actions I discovered that it was so in effect. I saw in their Books, which they acknowledged for true, nothing but what was Catholic; and as others have not made that distinction with exactness enough, one ought not to be astonished if they returned to Rome with such contrary Informations: Wherefore having received, by what is here demonstrated, and by many other Inquiries and Circumstances transacted in this Synod, plenary satisfaction of the firmness of their Belief, we made several Canons for to reform the Abuses amongst them, and to confirm the Profession they made here of their Faith, and added what other things we thought necessary for to oblige them to a firm constancy therein.   

CHAP. XVI. Of the Maronites that were to be sent to Rome; and of those that should return from thence into their own Country.  
I Had yet said nothing of two Points, that bebelonged to my Commission; the first had regard to the young Maronites, that they should be sent to the College at Rome, to be instructed there: and the second, to those who had finished their Studies there, and should be sent back to them, for to labour, and assist their Brethren in all Spiritual Concerns. As to the first, we encountered no Difficulty in it; for so soon as we declared our Desires, it was unanimously consented to. See what was proposed; That all those that should be sent to Rome should not be dull and stupid, and that they should at least be able to read and write, and have some knowledge in the Rudiments of Grammar, to the end that they might be sooner serviceable to their Country; wherefore it was necessary they should send them of the age of fourteen, that they should not put them on the way to Rome before that they had given information hereof a Year before; that those whom they should choose in one or many Places, according to the conveniency they found, should be accompanied in their Voyage with prudent and faithful Persons; that they should not go ashore in the Isle of Cyprus, but pass directly for Venice, from whence they might come to Rome.  
As to the second Article, we employed much more time and words; the Difficulties proceeded as well from the Poverty of the Churches, which had no Revenues to entertain the Priests, as from the Oppression of the Turks; wherefore I first conferred in particular, then publicly with the two Deacons: I proposed unto them, that in respect of those who were already come from the College at Rome, or who should return for the future for the cure of Souls, that they should be supplied from the Temporalities, and besides, that they should be exempt from the Tribute which every one pays for his Head to the Grand Signior. They returned me a very civil and Christian Answer, and promised to do what I proposed unto them, and at the same time entreated me, that I would obtain from his Holiness a small Pension for the subsistence of these Labourers: I assured them I would use my endeavour, and with so much the more confidence to succeed, for that having foreseen their demand, I had already entertained his Holiness therewith, who had in a manner given me his Word for it.  
I made known unto them, on the part of the Pope, what Displeasure he had conceived, to see at this present time amongst them a small number of excellent Labourers, recommendable for their Doctrine and Piety, unemployed: I then proposed Employments for them, and for such as for the future should return from Rome; in the mean time, as it was necessary they should be provided with good and faithful Pastors, which should have a perfect knowledge of the Church of Rome, with which they were willing to keep an Union, I added, that these Persons might very usefully be employed there, in making the most capable of them Bishops, who should govern the People; which was so much the more necessary, seeing they had then three or four Bishoprics vacant, to the great prejudice of Souls; and that of others they might make Priests, Curates, and Preachers. They had already employed some of them to catechise Children and the Ignorant, to read Lessons of Cases of Conscience to the Priests, to correct their suspected and heretical Books, and to compose others which should be proper and necessary for the Nation. They might also keep some of 'em near the Patriarch and Bishops, for to satisfy any Difficulties they might rencontre, to accompany them in their Visits, and also to visit some Churches, or for to go sometimes one way, sometimes another, according to the occasions th●● had for them. Not to speak of other Necessities that might daily occur, I let them understand, that they ought to have recourse to Prayer, for to render God Thanks for sending of such Labourers amongst them, endowed with the necessary Qualifications.  
My Discourse was so evident, that they all answered with one accord, that it should be done for the future; the Patriarches promised it very freely: And as there was now no matter of importance undone, and that it was to be feared, lest they rendered themselves suspicious to the Turks if the Synod lasted any longer, particularly because of a great concourse of People that flocked thither daily, amongst whom were also found Turks, the Assembly was dismissed, and every one had the liberty to retire to his own Habitation.   

CHAP. XVII. Of the Death of the Patriarch, and of the Election of another.  
AS soon as the Synod was dissolved, and the Affairs that I treated with the Patriarch were terminated, I took my Leave of him, seeing nothing that might hinder and stop my return to Italy; my design nevertheless was not to go thither speedily, but first to visit some of the principal Monasteries, and give the Bishops some satisfaction, who lived there, and entreated my company. I had resolved to go from thence as far as Damas', for to see the Bishops and Maronites of those parts, for I judged it very dangerous to go to Aleppo. From Damas' I was to return to Cannubin, to see in what manner they observed the Orders that had been made, and to part from thence for Jerusalem, before my return to Rome. I went therefore directly with my Companion and some others to the Monasteries of Chsaia and St. Anthony; these two Monasteries are so near one to another, that they seem almost to be in the same place: there was in one of them two Nephews of the Patriarch, one of whom was Archbishop and Abbot of the Monastery, and Suffragan to the same Patriarch: in the other he had three Brothers, which were all three Archbishops. We went from thence to Eden, which is the most considerable place of these Mountains; we were received there very honourably, and with great demonstrations of Joy.  
From Eden we went to the Monastery of St. Sergius, which is not above a mile distant from thence. We were always accompanied with the better sort of People, who walked on foot before our Mules, and out of the respect they bore to the Pope, and in honour to us, they would sing certain Songs and Spiritual Airs, which they usually sung as they marched before the Patriarch and other persons of Quality. Being arrived at the Monastery, we went to salute the Abbot, who was an Archbishop, exceeding aged: We were no sooner entered into the Church, but there came a man with all speed, being sent on purpose from Cannubin, that brought us the News, that the Patriarch lay a dying, and if I were minded to see him alive, I should lose no time: wherefore, without any further delay, we took our leave of this good old man, and returned with all speed to Cannubin, but it was impossible for us to arrive there till two hours after his death: it was on the fifth of October, according to our Calendar, and on the twenty-fifth of September, by their supputation, we found him in the Church, sitting in a Chair, clad in his sacred Habits, having the Mitre on his Head, and Patriarchal Cross in his Hand: there were abundance of his Relations, both Men and Women about him, who wept and beat their Breasts, making hideous Cries all night. Next day came a multitude of People thither, and among the rest a great number of Priests, who assembled for to inter him. The two Deacons rendered themselves there likewise. They carried him at Noon to the usual Buryingplace of the Patriarches, which was not above a Musquet-shot from thence, and then laid him in that Grott, fitting in a Wooden Chair, according to their custom.  
The Election of the Patriarch that ought to succeed and govern all the Nation in Spiritual matters, was to be done by the people, and there is a time appointed for that, which is the Nineteenth day after the death of the other; the Chiefs of that Assembly were very urgent with me to stay and assist at that Election, assuring me they would choose that person I should name; but I thought it more convenient to withdraw, and leave the Election entirely free to themselves. I confess indeed I had regard to the Complaints that were made of the former Patriarches, for having rendered that Dignity as hereditary in their Family: as they had already two Brethren that had been Patriarches, the matter was reduced to such a point, that the Archbishop and Abbot of Chsaia must infallibly succeed his Uncle, because of the great places he enjoyed, and also of the spiritual relation he had to him; who had added to the Family of the Patriarch all the Nobles and Persons of Quality of that Country, by holding of their Children to Baptism: Moreover the Archbishopric and Abbey of Chsaia must have been given to his Brother, who would also be Patriarch in his turn, and then the Nephews would tread in the same Steps. I failed not therefore that day to entertain the Deacon Joseph Cater herewith, who was a prudent and understanding man, as I conferred with him about some other matters. He had indeed nothing to object against the Person of that Abbot, saving that having always been confined to a Monastery, where he had lead an hermetical life, it was plain he had but little Experience, especially in things belonging to a Pastor. I departed the day following for Tripoli, with a design to stay there during the Election of a new Patriarch, and to return again as soon as I should hear of his being elected.  
The People flocked thither from all parts far and near, insomuch that they amounted to above the number of Two thousand on the day of the Election, to wit, the 13th of October, according to our Calendar: The Archbishop Joseph Risi, of whom we have already spoken, was chosen by the plurality of Voices; he elected for his Suffragan, and for to visit all the Churches in that Country, Moses Anisio, who was already of the Order of Priesthood, and who was recommended unto him by some Persons of Quality; he consecrated him Archbishop, and took for his Archpriest, to the end he might take care of the Land of Esdron, his Country, John Bareck, who had been educated at the College in Rome, and whom the preceding Patriarch had made Priest, according to the right of the Nation. The new Patriarch gave me notice of the Election, and desired me to return, and sent Men and Mules for to conduct me. I agreed with his Request, and went with speed: He testified at the sight of me, that he was exceeding joyful for my return. I treated with him about no particular affairs, but was much satisfied to hear him declare in generous terms the Goodwill he had for to acquit his Charge with Fidelity, and the great Care he would take of the Souls under his Conduct. I exhorted him to continue and put in execution such laudable Designs, and so took my leave of him, in order to finish the Resolutions I had formed to go to Jerusalem.   

CHAP. XVIII. My return from Jerusalem to Tripoli, and thence to Alexandretta; with an account of Alexandretta.  
AFter I had satisfied the Intentions of his Holiness, and had seen in Person the Holy Places of the Birth, Life, Death, and Resurrection of of our Lord, I returned to Tripoli, in order to be Transported for Italy; my return was very incommodious because of the Season, and of my being Embarked in the Month of December, in a small Ship which let in Water on all sides, so that there was a Man always employed to Pump it out. This traverse is at least 200 Miles, but, thanks be to God, we arrived safely at Tripoli before Christmas, for our Consolation, and that of some Christian Merchants who lived there, and who wanted extremely some Spiritual Succour for the Duties of that day.  
After we had spent that Feast as devoutly as we could, we had a conveniency to go for Italy and for Rome. There was in the Port of Tripoli three French Barks, one of which was bound for Malta, and another for Sicily, whence it would have been easy for us to go to Naples, and from thence to Rome; the desire we had to see these Islands, enticed us extremely to embark in one of these two Vessels, but by good fortune we could not agree with the Masters. I say by good fortune, for that when we had arrived afterwards at Istria, we understood that one of their Barks had been Castaway, and the other made a Prize by the English; and thus we had been either lost in the Sea, or carried Prisoners into England, but God preserved us from both. We resolved therefore to return to Venice, and understanding that the Ship, wherein we had passed the Year before, was still at Alexandretta, from whence it would part on the first fair weather, we were exceeding glad of it, because it was a great and safe Vessel; the only difficulty was to come at it, which we surmounted by the conveniency of the third French Bark, whereof we have spoken, which tho' but small, was good, and well rigged, having also an able Pilot. We then changed our Pilgrim's Habit, and clad us like Merchants, having a furred Vest on as they wear them in the Levant, and a toque on our heads, at the top of which was a Band of striped Cloth, which represented the form of a Turban, according to the Turkish manner. Having embarked on this Vessel, with Provisions, and necessary Refreshments, we sailed on the third of January about Midnight; the weather was very fair, but it changed suddenly, and we were furiously tossed with the Waters for three days and three nights together. But finally, approaching near Alexandretta, with the help of God, through the Gulf of Ghiaccia, we met with our Ship on the 12th of the same month, three hours before Sunsetting; we found no great difficulty to agree for our passage with the Master, who knew us.  
Alexandretta, which is also called Scandaroon, is a very little place, wherein there is not above twenty or thirty Houses, which serve for shelter to some Merchants who come to that Port, or rather thither to Traffic to Aleppo, which is not far off. The Houses are built of Wood, and thatched with Straw, for there live none there but a few Merchants, who are entirely employed to Trade, and voluntarily suffer all sorts of hardships, through a desire they have to gain wealth. We saw there Oxen and Bufflers carry burdens upon their backs as Mules and Horses do in Italy. There are Camels that continually carry Merchandise to and from Aleppo; and that which surprised me most, was to see these Animals go to the Seaside for to drink the salt water, as we see other Beasts drink fresh They say this was anciently the Country of the Amazons. We found there two Religious Franciscans, who lived in great poverty, for they had no other Habitation save a little Church built of Wood, which was filled with Water when it reigned, where there was a Plank for these wretches to eat their Victuals upon, who lay upon the Board's, without any other conveniency. As we were forced to stay there many days, we conversed much with them.   

CHAP. XIX. Of what happened to us in Cyprus.  
AFter we had stayed with much inconveniency in that place till the 26th of March, our Ship hoist Sail at Midnight, and having made all things ready, we steered our course for Cyprus; we successfully approached Salines on the 29th of the same Month. Having slept all night in the Ship, we went ashore next day very eaily, and went to the Monastery of the Religious at Arnique, where we had already been received the preceding year with much charity: These good Religious redoubled their kindness in that place, where an accident befell us; for I being retired into a little Garden to ease Nature, at a time when one of the Religious was saying of Mass, it was no sooner ended, but a Venetian Merchant, who came to salute me, demanded forthwith if I had received his Letter at Tripoli, and as I informed him I had not, he changed colour, and remained quite silent. His action made me judge there was some mischief in the case, and having pressed him to tell me why he asked me such a question, he freely answered, If you had received my Letter, I would have been much surprised to have seen you here, for I gave you information to go another way to Italy, because of a certain Italian Runagado that is here, who hath been with the Sangiac, Governor of this Isle, and entertained him with these words, Are not you Governor here? Why therefore do you suffer the Pope to send hither his Spies from Rome, for to go treat about Affairs with the Christians of Mount Libanus, who have assembled the People there, created new Bishops, and done other the like things, which prejudice your Government. This Runagado hath been charged by the Sangiac to find you out and Imprison you, to the end you might be brought before him and so sent forthwith to Constantinople to the Grand Signior, who, without doubt, would cause you to be Impaled.  
I thanked this Friend, as I ought, for the care he had taken of my Life, in giving me such good Information, which I should not have failed to make use of if I had received it, for I would have gone another way. I than took my leave of my Merchant, and after I had made a small Repast with these good Religious, I was resolved to go on board for to conceal myself as well as I could in the Ship; but when I came to the Seaside, I found it so tempestuous, that there was neither Man nor Shallop to be seen for to put me on board the Vessel, so that I was obliged to return to the Monastery to attend the appeasing of the Sea, and placing all my trust and hopes in God. These good Fathers had given us the use of a little Chamber near the Gate, with a Bed for us to lie in; for my part, I lay in a Chest in my , my sleep was not long, but was much interrupted with the apprehensions I had least the Runagado, who was at Nicosia, but a days Journey from us, knowing that the Torniella was arrived, should come to inquire if we were to pass in it into Italy. In effect, the thing happened as I imagined, for he came to knock at the Gate of the Monastery an hour before day, which when I had heard, and at the same time the noise of the Religious running to open the door, I quickly got up, and coming forth boldly, demanded who was there? He made me this answer, 'Tis an honest Man, who is come to be informed whether you are come from the Ship which is in the Road; and having told him no, he had the curiosity to know who was in that Chamber where we lay; they answered him that they were two Venetian Merchants; whereupon he retired to a Chamber near to that for to repose himself. These good Religious did not belly themselves, for we were clad like Merchants. So soon as I heard these words, as I saw myself exposed to the Turks and Greeks, and in a Country so remote, and such an enemy to the Christians, I waked my Companion, and made him forthwith get up.  
There was in that place a Venetian Merchant, who, as I had learned, often assisted other Persons, and charitably delivered them from the hands of the Turks. He was then employed about loading a Vessel with Goods to be sent for Venice; as we went out of the Monastery we met him coming to Divine Service, and I believed that God had sent him on purpose to relieve us. After I had saluted him, I said, I know, Sir, that there are many Persons obliged to you for the good Offices you have rendered them, finding themselves in the same condition as we are; that is it which makes me believe that God has sent you hither. I set forth unto him the posture of our Affairs, and entreated his assistance; he offered forthwith to use all possible means to that end, and returning, conducted us to his Lodging. Then going out, and coming in again, he said, You are not safe here, and there is no other remedy but to put you aboard, and there to stay in your Ship without coming ashore, but wait for a Wind; wherefore come along with me, and I'll conduct you to your Vessel. We went forthwith to the Waterside, but the Sea was still so agitated, that we could see neither Man nor Boat.  
After we had walked for some time upon the shore, there posted by a great number of Turks and Greeks of the Country, and made us much afraid; for when they came near, they looked upon us with much earnestness. The Skiff of our Merchant's Ship came a little after to Land with two lusty Seamen, for to load and carry Goods aboard; wherefore we approached near the Water, and the Seamen having already come on shore, this good Merchant told them, Make haste, and carry these two Gentlemen forthwith to the Torniella. We had no sooner thanked him, as we were obliged, but that these two Seamen took and carried us in their Boat, and Rowing with all their strength, notwithstanding the Waves, which were very high, they brought us in a short time to our Ship, but it was not without much danger. We got into the Vessel, being very joyful, and acquainted the Captain with the posture of our Affairs; and putting ourselves under his protection, he received us very civilly, and gave us assurance thereof. He gave us also his own , with Orders we should not stir out of it all the day, nor to show ourselves to those that should come on board for to bargain for Goods. He assured us likewise, upon his word, that we had nothing to do but to repose ourselves, and that if we should be searched for, he would sooner deliver them all the Fraight than us. This Commander was indeed a Man of the World, and loved to divert himself; but withal, faithful and just to his Word. We remained so penned up in that little Chamber, as in a Prison, for three days, for the Ship was in the Road all that time for to take in her Lading.   

CHAP. XX. Voyage from Cyprus to Venice.  
AFter we had thanked God for his Deliverance of us from so great a danger, we sailed upon break of day on the 12th of April, and made the Cape at Sunset. The fair weather, and the calmness of the Sea, made us hope for an happy Voyage, but on St. Mark's Day the Waters were so much agitated, when we passed the Cape of St. Epiphany, because of the great Winds that stood contrary, that we were very hard put to it. The 27th of the same month we lowered all the Sails, and guiding the Ship only at the Helm with a great deal of address and pains, we left it to the pleasure and mercy of the Winds, so much was the Sea agitated at that time; then, without stopping, we passed by Caramania, Rhodes, Scarpanto, the Isle of Candia, the Cape of St. John, Cerigo, Matapano, and the Morea, and drew near Venetique, to take in Refreshments, and particularly Water, whereof we had great need. From thence we sailed for Zant, where the Ship stayed the 19th of May, because of a difference that arose between the Captain and Gunner. I believed, for to avoid scandal, we ought to change our Ship. In effect, after we had paid the Captain of the Torniella what was due to him for our passage, we agreed with the Master of another Vessel called the Stork, which was in the Port ready to sail: We went on board it with all we had, and getting out of Port at Midnight, we sailed on the 23d of the same Month, leaving Cefalonia on the Right. There was great likelihood of fair weather, but on the day after there happened such a great blast of Wind, that tore off the great Sail of the Foremast, but that was remedied forthwith, and continuing our course, we left as well upon the Right as Left, Corfu, the Cape of Otranto, Cimara, or Linguetta, Saseno, which is the Cape of the Gulf Durazzo, Castlenovo, which belonged some time to the Spaniards, Raguso, all Dalmatia, Carnero, and divers other Places. At last we arrived in Istria on the 8th of June, two hours after Dinner time, and went ashore at Rovigno, where we saw, upon an high Hill, the Church of St. Euphenny, with five or six Rocks about it. Our Ship was to stay for some time there, and as we had but an hundred Miles to Venice, and that we thought it troublesome to stay there so long, we resolved, with two other Merchants, to hire a little Bark for to finish the rest of our Voyage. This pitiful Bark had but a Mat for all its Sails; we run more danger in this our last passage, than we had done in all our course, for as we had got half way, there arose such a furious Tempest, and the Wind stood so contrary, that out of the fear that possessed us, we could find no better expedient than to pull down the Sail, or rather Mat, which being forced by the violence of the Wind, carried us sometimes on one side, sometimes on another, and put us in danger of perishing. At last it pleased God to appease the Wind, and give us fair Wether, wherefore pursuing our course, we passed by Piara, Jesole, which was some time destroyed by Attila, Marzoba, Burano, Torcello, and on the 10th of the same Month arrived happily at Venice, three hours before Sunset; but as we were come from the Levant, suspected to be infected with the Plague, we were not permitted to go ashore. They sent us in our Bark to make the customary Quarantine, into a Channel far remote from the City.  
There were some of our Friends that came to visit us, and make merry with us, for our happy Return, and sent us Evening and Morning every thing we stood in need of: They rested not till they obtained of the Gentlemen Intendants in Matters of Health, permission for us to go to our Lodgings, insomuch that we made but six days of our Quarantine, and being joyful for our Discharge, we laid aside our Merchant's Habit, and took that of our Order again. After which, we sojourned for some time in Venice for to refresh ourselves, after the tedious fatigues of our Navigation.  
We parted from Venice the 23d of June for to go for Milan, and there I saw again, with delight, the ancient Schools where I had sometimes read Public Lectures. We parted from thence the 7th of July for Mantua, and arrived there the 8th, at Parma the 11th, Bolonia the 17th, Immola the 21th, Forli the 22th, Cesene, my Birth-place, the 27th, and at Rimini the first of August; as it was my companions Country, he tarried there for some days, to give some consolation to his aged Father, whom he had not seen for a long time, which was the reason we could not get to Loretta till the 12th of the same Month. We stayed there for a few days, and on the 16th set forth for Peruge, where we had many Acquaintance, and we made what haste we could for to get thither the 18th; we stayed there for the rest of the month, for our own consolation and that of our Friends. We parted from thence the first of September, and partly out of Devotion, partly out of Curiosity, we went to Mount Corano, where there is a Religious House, in which place they live in great austerity; thence to Alvernia and Camaldoli. We employed seven days in that Progress with much satisfaction, then returned to Peruge, in order to go for Rome, where we at last arrived on the 17th of the same month; whether I had no sooner got, but I made it my business to gain admittance for to prostrate myself at his Holiness feet, which I soon effected, who welcomed me kindly, and to whom I gave a particular Account of my Negotiation, wherewith he expressed himself to be extremely satisfied.   

Remarks upon the 〈◊〉 Chapter.  
THE Author of this Relation is not exact enough in his Report of the Turks; first of all, there is but little appearance that they have taken all the Clocks of the Levant to make Artillery with them; for that Metal whereof they are composed is not at all proper to make Cannon. If they then deprived the Christians of their Obedience, it was rather an Effect of their Policy than Oeconomy, for that the sound of these Clocks might serve for a Signal for the execution of Revolts, and to give the Alarm to all in a short time. Neither is it true, that the Men get up to the tops of the Minaretts or Steeples of the Turks, for to supply the want of Clocks, in crying, 'tis such an hour, or such an hour of the day: but the Author hath heard say, that the Turks, instead of Clocks, are served with the Voices of Men, for to give notice of Prayers, from the top of the Mosches; in effect this Officer cries with all his force three times from the top of the Minarett, Allah Ecber, that is, God is Great; then he continues to say for three times, Esched en allah illah allah, I testify there is no other God, but God: then he says again three times, Eschen en Mohammed resoul allah, I witness that Mahomet is his Prophet. He adds some other Articles, as, Hai allassalat, God live by Prayer; Hai alaphaleh, Live to Salvation; Allah Ecber, God is Great; L'allah illa, allah, There is no other God but God. He says also at Noon, and in the Evening, and about an hour and a quarter after Sunsetting, En allah ou Malaikto falouna ala el Nabi, That God and his Angels bless the Prophet.  
In the third place, the Turks come but five times a day to Prayers, as every-body knows; 'tis true, that there be two other Prayers, but they are voluntary, the first of which we may call that of Supererogation, since they are free to be at it or no, is performed an hour and an half before Morning-prayer; the other is done every Friday, at Nine of the Clock, but there are none but the Officers of the Mosch and some other Zealots that assist thereat.  
In the fourth place, the Author does not well use the Arabic words which the Turks pronounce aloud in their Mosches; 'tis easy to correct them by what I am about to say, for they do not give to Mahomet the Quality of Companion of God, but that of Resoul allah, that is, the Envoy of God. Mahomet affects to take the Names which God gave Moses in the Old Testament, and to our Lord in the New.  
As to the Fashion the Turks observe at their Prayers, I believe that they have taken them from the Jews, for they wag their Heads very much in the reading of the Law in their Synagogues; but the Mahometans go beyond them. 'Tis a pleasant thing to see the Turkish Children, when they repeat in their Schools some Verses of the Alcoran, especially when they pronounce the word Allah, how they throw their Heads backwards and forwards: I do not question but that all these Motions have their Reasons, I believe they make use of 'em at least to hinder their sleeping during their Prayers, which happens too often amongst us. They say immediately in putting their Hands to their Ear, Allah Ecber, God is great; and afterwards laying them across their Breast, Rabbena lac Elmegd, Lord, to thee the Glory: after that they prostrate themselves, saying, Allah Ecber, God is great. This last Action is doubtless an Adoration, for that is the manner of adoring amongst the Eastern Nations; and we have divers Examples hereof in the Old Testament: 'tis also the way of saluting Persons of great quality, 'tis used in respect to the Pope. The three Estates harangue the King upon their Knees; but as to Cardinals and Bishops, they only kiss the Border of their Robes in doing of them reverence; they are marks of a profound Respect, which have been introduced into the Ceremonies of Religion, wherefore we ought not to ridicule these Prostrations which the Turks use at their Prayers, for we cannot be too humble in the presence of God. I remember to have heard a Jew say, that it was to be read in one of their Authors, that the Reason which moved them to agitate their Heads at Prayers was, for that Prayer is like unto a Flambeau, that burns the Flames off which is in continual agitation, and seems always to fly up; but the more learned Jews say, that this Custom is founded upon those words of David, All my bones shall say, Lord, who is like unto thee?  
As to the Greeks, whom the Author speaks of in this Chapter, it seems that they have been, forced to use these sort of Movements for to divert the Jealousy of the Turks, who would not be well satisfied to see them so well united with us. As the Greeks are nourished up in that aversion for the Roman Church, one ought not to be astonished if they contemn its Ceremonies, and look upon them as Profanations; besides that, the long and continual Disputes that have been between both Churches hath not a little contributed to entertain this Aversion: in the mean time, we ought not to attribute to all the Nation a Vice that regards none but a few false Zealots; one need but consult for this purpose the oriental right, bearing the Title of the Answers of the Patriarches; the matters in question are there proposed, and very judiciously decided.  
The Author continues to render the Greeks odious, in aggravating their ill conduct in the administration of Penance, as if they deferred not to grant Absolution to the Penitent for the space of four or five-Years, but through a Contempt they had of the Roman Church, which obligeth every one in particular to communicate at least once a Year: but we must render the Greeks Justice, for they follow herein for the most part the usage of their Church, which is very ancient. If a new Right hath introduced a new Discipline into the Church of Rome, ought we for that reason to condemn all those Churches which conform not themselves to this Discipline; for that which is neither against the Faith nor good Manners ought to be indifferent. It is the Duty also of an honest man and a good Christian, to become conformable to the Manners and Discipline of them amongst whom he lives; but 'tis certain that the Greeks, which are not latinized, follow yet to this day a good part of the ancient Discipline in the administration of Penance: They have their penitential Books which regulate them, and it is not their Caprice which makes them impose one Penance sooner than another, but they follow their Canons herein. There is nothing this day more common amongst them than to separate their Penitent from the Communion for a Year or two, and sometimes more. I see also no reason why the Author should charge the Greeks of Ignorance and Superstition, because a Confessor refuseth Absolution to a Penitent before he calls seven other Priests for to have their Consent in the absolving of him. I confess, this manner of acting may seem strange to them who consult no other than the present Custom; but if any takes the pains to look back towards the first Ages of the Church, he shall observe, that this Custom was also in use at Rome. Did not the Pope Cornelius assemble the Priests and Bishops which were then at Rome to deliberate about a Penance that he ought to inflict upon some Schismatics which re-entered into the Church? 'Tis therefore no very surprising thing to see a Papas or Greek Priest deliberate with his fellow-brethrens touching a Penance he ought to impose upon a man, who being engaged in the Service of a Romanist, had every day near occasions to offend against the Ceremonies of his own Religion, whether in performing Abstinence on a Saturday, or in eating of Blood, or in not observing some other Article of the Greek Discipline. I confess nevertheless, that when the Papasses assemble about matters that require not their meeting, and with a design only to exact Money, that that Abuse aught to be condemned, and not the thing in itself.  
It seems also, that the Author would ridicule the Greeks under pretence that they cause the Penitent to lie upon the Ground, and in that posture recite over him certain Prayers in form of an Absolution, not knowing that the Greeks confess ordinarily sitting, and that they are content to prostrate themselves twice, to wit, at the beginning, when they demand the Benediction of the Priest, who for that purpose invokes upon them the Grace of the Holy Spirit; and at the end, when the same Priest prays also, that God would enable them to accomplish the Penance imposed upon them. Moreover, if the Greek Priests take Money for granting Absolutions, they are the more excusable, by reason of the Misery they are in at present. They have no Benefices, as our Clergy; and they are obliged to pay certain Sums to their Bishops, as their Bishops also do the same to the Patriarch, and finally, the Patriarch to the Grand Signior. In a word, it may be reckoned amongst their Misfortunes; and if you find it not strange, that the most part of the Latin Priests since the introduction of the new Rights, subsist upon their Masses and Confessions, why is that blamable in the Papases, who have much more reason, as being reduced to a far greater necessity?   

Remarks upon the 〈◊〉 Chapter.  
THere are many things in this Chapter touching the Belief the Turks, that stand in need of Reformation, or further clearing. First, They do not give the name of Scerif, but that of Hadgi, to those who make the Journey to Meccha; besides, the word Scerif signifies Illustrious, and not Saint. As Meccha is to the Turks, the same as the Holy Land and Jerusalem were formerly to the Jews, so the Mahometans use divers things which are conformable to the ceremonies of the Jews, for the word Hadgi is taken from the Hebrew word Hagag, which signifies to celebrate a Feast; insomuch that Hadgi, amongst the Turks, is he who makes a Journey into Meccha, for to perform there the Feast of Feasts, as they said amongst the Jews, to go to Jerusalem to keep their Passover. In effect, the Mahometans call the Temple of Meccha, Beit allah, the House of God, which is the name the Jews gave to their Temple. There is no other place also where the Turks offer Sacrifice but there, as there was amongst the Jews but Jerusalem, where it was permitted them to Sacrifice; they give moreover the name of Corban to that Sacrifice: and, in effect, they kill a great number of Sheep, which are afterwards distributed among the Poor. They make at Constantinople, at the same time, a kind of commemorating Corban, for to represent the Sacrifice that is performed at Meccha; nevertheless, the Sacrifice of Constantinople hath this reality in it, That they offer also there true Victims, as tho' it be but a Memorial of that which is done in the Territory of Meccha, which is a place consecrated for that use. This same place was frequented before Mahomet's time, for the Arabs Journied thither in honour of the Progress of Abraham, whom they believe to be Author of part of the Ceremonies that are used at Meccha.  
Their Priests are called Imams, not Santons, for Santon is taken for a kind of Religious Order. Those Priests who apply their Cares to the Mosches, aught to be knowing in the Alcoran; there are amongst them others that may be called Chaplains, or Almoners, for they attend on Persons of Quality, who not being able to go daily to the Mosch, cause the Alcoran to be read unto them by these sort of Almoners or Chaplains. One may add also to these another kind of Beneficiars, who much resemble our Canons, and other ecclesiastics, of Collegiate Churches; these last have the Alcoran divided into divers parcels, and read one Paragraph every day, insomuch that it might be truly said of them, Beneficium est propter Officium, for the Revenues of their Prebendaries consist mostly in these sort of Lectures, for which they are paid. There are also lesser Benefices, which are as Chapels or Hospitals, which Princes or particular Persons have founded, to the end they might there be prayed for after their deaths, and that they performed certain Charities set forth in the Title of the Foundation. I shall say nothing of the Khat●b of the Mosch, which is properly that which we call the Curate of the Parish; this Person placeth himself on an advanced ground, and reads what Surate or Chapter he pleaseth. He reserves the largest Chapters for Fridays, for that the Duty of that day is longer, and that they use much more Adorations or Prostrations than on all the other days of the Week. Besides these Curates, they have Scheics, or Preachers, which hold the Alcoran open before them, and read some Verse thereof for a Text to their Sermon: They set forth the different Interpretations of the Mahometan Doctors upon that Text, and for to confirm their Assertions, they have recourse to certain Narrations, which resemble rather Fables than true Histories. They enlarge also much upon the Moral part, and preach vigorously against Vices. As to the Religious Turks, whom the Author calls inconsiderable Persons, there are divers sorts of them; they are distinguished ordinarily by the difference of their Habits, manner of Living, and various Rules and Constitutions, for you shall find some that make Profession of Poverty, others of Chastity, others of perpetual Fasting: Others again apply themselves entirely to a contemplative Life, and every one carries about him the marks of his Profession. Those which have feathers on their Heads, pretend to discover thereby, that they are Men of Meditation, and receive Revelations. Those whose Habits are made up with pieces of divers colours, believe by that to expose their Poverty to view. There are some also who carry somewhat at the Ear, to set forth their Obedience and Submission to the Spirit, which transports them to ecstasies. The Chains that some of them have at their Necks or Arms, are demonstrations of the vehemency of the Spirit which agitates them. They have also a sort of Monks which live in Community, and Hermits that inhabit the Deserts. Besides these, there are amongst them also Mendicants, who live upon Alms. There are others who employ themselves altogether to Works of Charity, and the good of their Neighbour; as they esteem themselves for the most part to be infinitely above others, so they say with the Pharisee in the Gospel, I am not as other men. Every one of them believes he is in the true state of Perfection, but in the mean time they differ extremely in their Sentiments; for one Sect is persuaded that there is nothing but the Grace and Mercy of God that can save Men; others, on the contrary, pretend they cannot be saved without good Works; and that our Salvation depends entirely upon the use we make of our Liberty. These last pray much more to God than the others, and they rise up in the night for to sing together L'alla illa allah.— Every one supports his opinion with Visions and Miracles, and they have the History of their Saints, which they endeavour to imitate. These Religious can never agree with the Imams or Priests of the Mosques, they bear them envy, and pretend that they lead a better Life; and that their Prayers also are more efficacious, and for that reason the Alms of the People ought rather to belong to them than to the Priests. But the Priests make answer to that, That the Alms are only due to them, upon the account of their Benefices, which oblige them to take care of the People; and that it belongs properly to them, and not to the Religious, to teach the Law of the Prophet. They hold that there has been a great dispute had about this subject under Sultan Amurath the Second, who was obliged to support the Religious, under the pretence of a Miracle which befell in their favour, altho' reason and good sense made him incline to the part of the Priests and Officers of the Mosques. It was the same Amurath, who seeing himself in great danger in the Battle of Varne, against the Hungarians and Poles, made a Vow, if he escaped, he would confine himself into a Monastery, and do Penance there the remainder of his days. In effect, the Mahometans make also Vows, and the Religions entertain them in that Custom as much as they can, for they are benefitted thereby; and they have likewise, to that end, certain days of Devotion set apart, when they go to visit the Sepulchers of their most famous Saints, for to obtain fair Wether or Rain. In a word, to recommend unto them all their Affairs; and if one would believe them, they want neither Histories nor Miracles for to give Authority to their Devotions.  
As Mahometanism is a Communion of the Jewish and Christian Religion, we ought not to be surprised to see amongst the Turks divers things which are observed amongst us; those which have a perfect cognizance of these two Religious, may easily show the Original of most part of the Mahometan Ceremonies, and if I were not afraid lest that would detain me too long, I would produce divers Examples hereof, but I will simply confine myself to that which my Brother hath treated of; wherefore I pass on to their Chaplets.  
'Tis true as our Author has observed, that the grains of their Chaplets are not unequal according to the fashion of the Christians; they do not recite also past two different Prayers, and by consequence have no need of divers grains for to keep them in mind. They have, nevertheless, some distinction in their Chaplets, that consist of an hundred Beads, for they divide them into three parts, and say at one of thee parts, 33 times, Souban lallah; that is, God is praiseworthy. Upon the other, Elhamel allah; Glory to God. And lastly, upon the third, Allah Lober, God is great. These three times 33, making no more than fourscore and nineteen, they have therefore added another Prayer at the head of the Chaplet, for to make up the number an hundred; 'tis in that their Beads are a little like unto ours, for besides the crown, or the round of their Chaplet, there is another thing about, which makes up the place of that in ours, which is called the cross of the Chaplet. That Chaplet, according to my judgement, hath taken its original from Mea Beracot, or the hundred Benedictions which the Jews are obliged to recite daily. The Jews and Mahometans have this common, that they almost do nothing without pronouncing some praise or benediction; but as the Mahometans have reduced these hundred Benedictions into three sorts of Thanksgivings, that hath obliged them to divide that Chaplet into three parts, as the Christians have divided theirs into ten, for to observe the manner of their Pater's and Aves; besides their reciting of that Chaplet in particular, they have Singing-men for to sing them aloud in their Mosques.  
When Mahomet forbade the eating of Pork, he had no other design than that he might not separate the Jews too far from his Religion, which is the reason that the Mahometans, who are half Jews, take a great deal of precaution that they eat no other Animals whom they esteem unclean; the reason which our Author produceth is a merry Tale only. As to Wine, it is not directly forbidden, and it seems that it was rather Council than Precept. Perhaps Mahomet was desirous that his Religion should have that in common with the Nazareans of the Old Testament, for to discover its perfection; and besides, there is nothing that brings greater order and utility to the State than his Prohibition. As the Turks are more sober than we, they submit themselves without difficulty to this Rule; they bring other Reasons for this injunction than that which our Author produceth, but one ought not to rely upon all the Histories which the Turks set forth, for to illuminate and support the difficulties that are found in their Religion, for they make no scruple to invent them at their pleasure, wherein they have imitated the Jews, who stuff their Books with infinity of Fables. This Vice is also common to all the Christians of the Levant, as may be seen in their Books, wherefore we ought to be cautious of them.  
'Tis certain that the Turks have taken their ablutions from the Jews, for they retain their Ceremonies touching the Fashion and Manner of washing; they have also imitated them in their Praises and Benedictions which they recite, when they wash either their Hands, Face, or any other part of their body, but nevertheless, it seems that they have no set form of Benedictions as the Jews have, for I have read differences upon that subject. They purify themselves always before Prayers, and 'tis for that reason that they then wash their hands for three times, and at the same conjuncture recite a Praise to God; they observe the same thing at the washing of their faces, and other parts of their bodies. I'll say nothing here of their Baths, for that would detain me too long, I'll only observe that they retain so great a veneration for these sort of Purifying, that they seem not to have retained Circumcisions but through coherency with these Ablutions, for they pretend with the Jews, that if the least part of their bodies remained unw●shed, the bathing would be worth nothing; so that it was for that reason principally that they established Circumcision, to the end that the skin being not the part which was hidden of that skin before the Circumcision, might remain all open, and that so it might be washed; therefore they place Circumcision amongst the different kinds of purity and cleanness, which they are obliged to observe. 'Tis for that reason that they take care to circumcise those that are Naturalised as little as they can, and 'tis no ordinary thing to see persons thus used from their birth, since the Jews have a Law which provides in that case, that 'tis sufficient to draw blood, and afterwards they are to be esteemed Jews without any other form of Circumcision. The Jews do also affirm that Adam, Seth, Noah, and divers others of the ancient Patriarches, were circumcised from their birth, and they ground it upon this, That it was impossible for them to enter into Paradise without being circumcised. The Mahometan Doctors affirm also, That their Prophet Mahomet was circumcised; which they have assuredly taken from the Jewish Books.  
The Author does not exactly relate the History of the Cord that traverseth the Valley of Jehosaphat, and upon which all the World must pass for to present themselves to Judgement: That which gave occasion to this Fable is, That the Mahometans believed, that at the last day of Judgement, all the World shall pass upon a thread as small as a hair, which will be extended from one end of Hell to another, and that the Just shall pass quicker than Lightning over this Bridge, whereas those that will be loaden with a great number of sins, shall crawl along with much difficulty, and fall at last into Hell. 'Tis easy to see that they have taken this Fable from the words of the Evangelist, where 'tis said, That the way which leads to Salvation is very narrow. But as I have already said, the People of the Levant please themselves much with these sort of imaginations which Men of Sense will regard as Parables, and they are but Simpletons that take them for true Histories.  
I shall touch somewhat here of the Theology of the Mahometans, for a supply to that which is wanting in the description which our Author made of their Belief. He very well observed, that the Turks honour indeed the memory of Jesus Christ, but that they will not acknowledge him for God, nor for the Son of God. In effect, one of the first Instructions which they give to their Children in their Catechism, is, That God hath no Wife, that he is neither Male nor Female, and that consequently he is uncapable of Generation. Which is conformable to the words of Mahomet in his Alcoran, where he expressly saith, That God hath no Children, for he hath no Wife; and the most able Mahometans expound these words of the eternal God to his Son, This day have I begotten thee, by these, have I brought up and nourished thee. Thus you may see how they fortify themselves against the Mystery of the Trinity.  
The first Axiom of their Theology is taken from these words of Deuteronomy, which the Jews repeat so often, Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God is one; for they substitute in place thereof, L'allah illa allah, There is no other God but God: Insomuch that it may be said, that their L'allah is the Prayer Scema of the Jews, they differ however from them, in that they add to their L'allah these other words, En Mahommed resoul allah, And Mahomet is the Envoy of God; and that, without doubt, in imitation of that which our Lord hath said in St. John, This is life eternal, that thou shouldst know the true God, and Jesus Christ whom he hath sent. There is nothing more often repeated in the Alcoran than these words, La illah how; There is no other God but he. I have an ancient Copy thereof, where they are always written in Capital Letters, for to distinguish them from the rest of the Text, as also many other expressions like unto 'em. As for Example: Va illakcom illah vahhid; And your God is God alone. Ana illah lafoy illah illa ana, I am God, and there is no other God but me. La illah illa ant, There is no other God but thou. Mahomet hath affected this so frequent a repetition of the same thing, for to conform himself to the Jews, who affect it yet more; and that which plainly proves that the Mahometans imitated the Jews, is because they retain it even to their gestures. For when the Santons say, Lafoy illah illa how, There is no other God but him, you would say they are mad, so much they agitate and wag their heads from one side to another, crying as Men possessed with the Devil. The Jews do the same thing when they recite the Prayer or Benediction Scema, Israel— which is la illah— of the Turks, for they turn their heads towards the four Parts of the World, for to notify that God is every where, and Lord of the Universe. These Santons moreover, in singing the word how, him, which is the last of the Praise, lafoy illah— prolong the singing thereof as long as they have breath to draw, and when they are at the end, they make an effort for to pronounce it louder, as if they breathed their last sigh. The Jews observe the same thing at the last word of their Scoma, which is, Had, one, for they rest sometimes a whole hour upon that word; and when they are at the last letter, they throw their heads here and there, and you would take them for mad. And so the Santons and Turks, which imitate them, are in that but Representatives of the Jews, as in the most part of their other Ceremonies.  
The second Axiom of their Theology is comprehended in these words, Ou Mohammed resoul allah, And Mahomet is the Envoy of God. Of all the qualities that Mahomet takes in his Alcoran, this same is the principal, 'tis writ in great Characters in the Manuscript I have already spoken of; and when any one embraceth the Turkish Belief, they are content to have him only pronounce these words, La illah illallah, ou Mohammed resoul, allah, There is no other God but God, and Mahomet is the Envoy of God. 'Tis in this sense that our Author ought to be understood, when he saith. They worship no other God but Mahomet, for that they look upon him to be a true Prophet, whom God hath sent to reform Religion. And 'tis upon that Mission that their Belief is grounded, insomuch that it is necessary they should make mention of it in their Profession of Faith: Not but that they have regard to Moses, our Lord, and the other Prophets, but as our Author observes, Mahomet, according to their sentiments, is a greater Prophet than they, for they hold him for the Envoy of God by way of Excellency, and for the Comforter that is spoken of in the Gospel. They believe that God hath sent from Heaven Sacred Books to divers Prophets, and that he made use for that purpose of the Ministry of the Angel Gabriel; that Moses received the Law in that manner, David the Psalms, Jesus, the Son of Mary, the Gospel, and other Prophets other Books, to the number of 104, but that since the descent of the Alcoran, which was in coming down no less than 23 years, these Books are no longer Authentic, and so ought not to be followed as infallible Rules.  
Besides the quality of Prophet, which the Mahometans give to our Lord, the Alcoran styles him also Kalmet allah, The word of God; which, nevertheless, must not be understood as if they believed him to be that Word which is in God from all eternity, but after the manner that the Jews call the Prophets, the Word of God. And 'tis in that Sense that the Socinians expound the Gospel of St. John, where our Lord is called the Word, which they have assuredly taken from the Jews. There is nevertheless a certain Sect of Mahometans, which, according to the Report of Abraham Ecchelensis, a Maronite, believe that Jesus Christ being the Word he ought to be God, for that the Word is uncreated; but there is a great deal of appearance, that that uncreated Being which they attribute to our Lord in quality of the Word, is no other thing but that same uncreated eternal Being which is attributed to their Alcoran, in imitation of the Jews, who say also that their Law was before the creation of the World, which ought to be understood of the Ideas of God. The Word of God is no other in that place, according to the sense of the Mahometan Doctors, but his Commandment, and as our Lord was born without a Father in an extraordinary manner; thus, say they, that he is the Word by way of excellency, having no other Parent but that same Commandment of God, who created the World out of nothing. For the Mahometans believe also, as well as we, that Jesus Christ was born of a Virgin, which nevertheless is no great Miracle in their eyes, for they pretend to have amongst them divers Persons born in a Supernatural manner; and as the Arabs are less knowing in Physic than Metaphysic, they easily believe the Miraculous Births of these donatives of Heaven.  
They have two sorts of Theology, to wit, Positive and Scholastic: The Positive Theology is supported by the Alcoran and Tradition: Instead of that, the Scholastic Theology is grounded upon Reason. There are amongst them Doctors that reject the last as new, and invented by Man, and pretend that it destroys the true Theology, which ought to have no other Principle than the Word of God; that is, The Alcoran and Tradition, but the wiser sort believe that the Scholastic Theology was produced with time as a necessary Evil, and that 'tis very useful for to refute new Heresies; they call it Alum alcalam, which signifies a Science of Words or Reasoning. Thus Pocoke, in the translating of Abul fagarius, interprets Alum alcalam no otherwise than Scholastic Theology. In effect, their Theology is like unto that they learn in our Schools, and draws its Original from the Arabs, who have translated the Books of Aristotle into their Language, and apply themselves solely to the Metaphysics, insomuch that the Latins are beholding to them at this day for all their more subtle Parts in their Philosophy and Scholastic Theology, for the first Latin Translations of the Books of Aristotle, came from the Book of Averro, which hath been translated into Latin, and we have been also for some time, without reading Aristotle in the Greek. One ought not to be surprised, that the Latins and Arabs handle their Theology in the same manner, since they have extracted their method from the same Fountain; there are nevertheless some Arabs, who rather follow the method of Plato than Aristotle, for that this last seems to them base and unworthy the Majesty of God. For your better understanding, you must know that there are two ways of speaking of the Attributes of God, the one is drawn from Plato, and the other from Aristotle; the first is all divine, and regards God but in himself; the other all humane, and considers God in respect to his Creatures. St. Augustin hath followed the first manner of speaking of God, St. Thomas on the contrary followed the second. The Arabs are divided amongst themselves upon that point; for the one will have the Essence of God to be so simple in itself, that we cannot attribute unto him an Understanding, a Will, a Power, nor any other Perfections and Attributes that are ordinarily given him; 'tis not that they say, God knows not, sees not, and hath no Power; but they believe that God doth all this by his Essence; which is so simple, that we ought not to observe any thing that may diminish the Idea of that Simplicity which comes to pass, say they, in giving Attributes to God; for this word Attribute supposeth something upon which it falleth, and whereof it may be affirmed. Add moreover to this, that they deny these Attributes, to separate as far as possibly they can the Persons from the Trinity which the Christians place in God: Others on the contrary pretend that these sort of Attributes are no way incompatible with the Divine Essence. In a word, they fall into the same Disputes as we do in regard to the Attributes and Perfections of God: for there are some who distinguish these Attributes, and also the Essence, as do the Scotists and others who reject that distinction, and support themselves with Reasons like unto them we read in the Books of the Thomists.  
Moreover, we acknowledge two sorts of Theologies, one of which is called Negative, for that, in regard to many things we may conceive, it denies they may be said of God: and the other Affirmative, for that it affirms of God all those things that include no Imperfections. So the Arabs have both the one and the other Theology; for there are some of them who say, that God is not a Substance, but that He is above Substance; that He is not Power, but that He is above Power: In a word, they place God above all that we can conceive or express by our Words. This sort of Theology hath been in use since the first Ages of Christianity, and is yet to this day much in esteem. As to the Affirmative Theology, there are amongst them a number of Sects, which yet do not altogether accord, and speak not all in the same manner of the Perfections of God: The Mahometan Doctors glory also they are divided into many Sects.  
You must nevertheless observe, that this diversity of Opinion is no ways hurtful to the State; for they all agree in the fundamental Articles of Religion; and as the fundamental Articles are very few in number, they have an entire liberty to dispute of an Infinity of important points, and judge of 'em as they please, without being reputed Heretics or Schismatics for it. This great Division passeth amongst them for a War of Metaphysics, where one has one Sentiment, another another, as amongst the Scotists and Thomists; they say, that all that aught to be believed is contained in the Alcoran and Assona or Tradition; but that there are certain difficult points therein, about which the Doctors ought to be consulted, and whose Decision they ought to stand to; however, they do not believe that the Decisions of their Doctors are infallible, for Probability alone sufficeth to put their Consciences in repose; and altho' they might be false, they do not sin in crediting of them, For, say they, God hath commanded those that are not knowing in the Law to follow the Doctors that instruct them, and not to examine too scrupulously if their Decisions be true: Besides, 'tis a great point of their policy not to insist, but upon a few fundamental and necessary points of Salvation; for it were impossible but that of such great Philosophers they should produce a great number of Heresies, if their Religion had consisted of many Articles of Faith, and of difficult Belief. This great Liberty therefore which they have to speak at their pleasure of all matters of Religion, that are not included in the Fundamental Articles, hath produced an infinity of Sects, who all endeavour to destroy one-another, for that every Sect believes its own Principles contestable: They handle with much Subtlety the same Questions which we do in the Schools; for example, in regard to the Attributes of God. Besides that which I have already remarked, they examine all the Divine Power if such a thing is possible or impossible, if God can do Evil, and if also he can do what he will; how many sorts of Wills there be in God; whether it be that Will which is from all Eternity, or that same Will within the time: They dispute of Predestination, of the Liberty of Man, if he produceth his Actions himself, or is it God alone who is the Author, and that Man serves but for a passive Instrument, who hath not in himself the Principle of Action.  
One Sect attributes all to God, as being the Cause of all things: others on the contrary give all to the Creatures, and will have, that God reposeth himself without having need to be occupied about our Affairs. There are some of them who pretend that God is not the Cause of our Faith, but that it comes of itself, and from our own good dispositions: Others are of a contrary Opinion, who go so far as to destroy all the Liberty of Man, from whom they remove all sorts of Indifference, and say, that God considers not our Merits, but his own Will alone; and 'tis He that hardens the Hearts of whom He pleaseth, and is no less the Author of Evil than of Good. This Opinion, which is very common amongst the Turks, is founded upon the Idea which they have of all the Divine power, to whom they attribute all things, as if the Creatures were but mere Instruments. They believe, for example, that it is God that produceth heat in the Hand, and not the Fire. That the Victuals which we eat doth not nourish us, but that it is God alone that doth that in us; For, say they, there is no other Mover but Herald there are some who keep in the medium of these, and place neither Constraint nor absolute Necessity in the Will, but yet do not attribute so great and absolute an Indifference thereto. Finally, they hold great Disputes touching the Liberty of the Blessed: some believe that the Liberty of the Blessed is a true Liberty; others pretend that it merits rather the Name of Necessity than Liberty, having no Indifference. The nature of Habit which hath been produced long since in our Schools is not unknown to them, for they there dispute of Faith, if it be an Habit; if that Habit be simple or no; if it be acquired all at once, or by degrees. Calvin might have found Masters amongst the Mahometans, who might have read him Lectures of Faith and Good Works; for there are some of them who have writ before him, that the Faithful can never lose the Faith; that neither Murder, nor Adultery, nor the other great Sins, can hinder him from being always of the number of true Believers, unless he say the Sins that he committed were with permission, for than he sins out of pure malice. Likewise they cannot agree amongst themselves about the distinction of Faith, if it comprehends in it Works or no; and they search out with much subtlety, if it's possible to be saved without Faith, and that being such as they ought to believe of them who are in the utmost parts of the Earth, and have never heard speak of Mahomet; many believe that in that case Faith is not so absolutely necessary, and that then they may be saved by the mere Light of Reason, as 'tis to be feared some have in the same manner been saved under the Old Testament. They have also very great Disputes touching explicit and implicit Faith. There are some who teach 'tis sufficient to have an explicit Belief of God and Mahomet; that as to other Articles of Faith, 'tis enough to believe them implicitly and in gross; and they found this upon a Principle that is very common to the Turks, to wit, that to believe a Truth there is no need to know nor comprehend it; that God punisheth not the Faithful for not taking greater care to be instructed in their Belief: nevertheless, they are never permitted to use Equivocations when they are questioned about their Faith, for than they are obliged to answer without hesitation, whether they are Mussulmans or true Believers.  
Although the Mahometans are great Mathematicians, yet that hinders not their having amongst them Sects which attribute all to Sense, and who believe that God is a Body, and that what is written of him is to be taken literally. In a word, those have the same Opinion of God as the ancient Anthropomorphites. There are some also who are so far from considering God in himself, according to the method of the Platonists, and to acknowledge in him all the Perfections that may be conceived, that they pursue on the contrary the Principles of Aristotle, who regarded not the Ideas in themselves, for that he believed them to be Chimeras, but form Ideas after the induction of particular things. These sort of People pretend that God knows not things but after they are come to pass; that that which is ordinarily called the future Contingent cannot be known of God by the Principles of Aristotle; That that which is not cannot be known. The Socinians, who make profession of so refined a Philosophy, and according to which they regulate all Religion, are but the Disciples of these Mahometan Doctors.  
They are moreover divided amongst themselves about the Alcoran. I will not touch upon the ancient Disputes touching the reading of that Book, which was very different, and which obliged them to rest contented at last with the Limitation of certain Pricks which serve for Vowels, as the Jews have done with the Hebrew Text of the Bible, and who have also composed their Grammar according to that of the Arabic, I shall speak only of certain Sects which Abraham Ecchelensis reports to be unwilling to receive all the Surates or Chapters of the Alcoran as canonical, pretending that the Surate of Joseph, which contains the History of that Patriarch, is in their esteem Apocryphal. And the Persians receive not for authentic certain Verses of the Alcoran, which are received by the Turks.  
Besides their Alcoran, they depend much upon Tradition, and they have an Assonna, which is the same thing as the Misna of the Jews: however, you may find a sort of Puritans amongst them who take the Alcoran alone for their Rule, not believing that the Words of Men can oblige them to any thing in Conscience, and under pain of Sin. As to their manner of expounding the Alcoran, some conform themselves entirely to the Letter, others fall upon Allegories, believing it cannot be literally understood, but that there are divers meanings concealed under the Letter; which they do in imitation of the Jews, who say, that the Scripture hath seventy-two Panims or Faces. In short, some follow the literal sense, others the moral, and others confine themselves principally to the mystical sense; they add moreover, that Religion cannot subsist without some Author authenticly to decide all the Difficulties that occur; others finally are of that opinion, that without their Sect there is no Salvation.  
They have moreover a kind of Canon-Law wherein they distinguish a Divine Right from that which is but a positive Right. They have also a great number of Casuists of all sorts of Sects, but the most judicious Turks have no esteem for all these Casuists, from an Opinion they hold, that they ought to have recourse to the Ancients. They prefer, amongst others, a certain Doctor, whom they call Abuhasine, for that they pretend, that that same person hath followed more exactly than others the Text of the Alcoran and Tradition, whereas the greatest part of the new Doctors separate themselves from it, through too much reasoning.  
I might have here many things to say touching their Morals, but I perceive I have already too far digressed: one may see more at large a part of that which I have related touching the Theology of the Mahometans, in a Book of Abraham Ecchelensis, entitled, De Origine nominis Papae, and in the Notes which Pocock hath joined to that which he caused to be printed of Abel Fararius. I have taken the other part from the Books of the Mahometan Doctors, from whence one may easily judge that the Followers of Mahomet are not so ignorant in their Religion, as is ordinarily imagined. 'Tis true, that they are beholden to the Arabians for all the Subtlety of their knowledge in Theology, but they have now very learned Books written in the Turkish and Persian Languages. The Catechisms also which they teach their Children at Constantinople speak of God in a very sublime manner; and to the end the Reader may judge hereof, I will relate here the Words of the first Chapter of a Catechism composed in Turkish by Mahomet Ben pir Ali; That Worship is due to God alone, who hath no Companion, nor any like unto him; that He hath no need of eating, drinking, nor sleeping; and that 'tis altogether impossible he can be subject to these sorts of Infirmities and Imperfections; that he is neither in Heaven nor in the Earth, nor on the right nor on the left, nor above nor below, nor behind nor before, for he takes up no place; that he hath also neither form nor manner of being, neither Head nor Ear, nor Tongue nor Mouth, nor Hand nor Foot; that his Essence hath neither beginning nor ending; that he exists of himself; and that his Being is always in the same estate: Moreover, That God hath created the World out of nothing; that he can annihilate it in a moment by his only Will; that nothing is hard for him to do; that it is as easy for him also to create seven Heavens, and seven Earth's, as the least Crumb of the World; that the Creatures bring him neither Loss nor Profit. In the two following Chapters the Author speaks extraordinarily well of the Life of God, of his knowledge of his Will, in what manner those places are to be explained wherein it is said, He speaks and understands. The Persians also expound in the same manner all that regard the Divine Perfections; they speak very exactly of the Unity of God, of his Eternity, Independance, Knowledge, Power, Life, Will; how he sees all things without Eyes; how he understands without Ears; that he always was, is, and always will be; that he is neither Body nor Substance. In a word, most part of the Mahometans, whether Turks or Persians, treat of these matters almost in the same manner as we see them treated of by the learned R. Moyse, and others.   

Remarks upon the Ninth Chapter.  
THE Patriarch of the Maronites complained, that the Pope had sent him but a simple Brief instead of a solemn Bull, and gave him not the Title of Patriarch of Antioch, as the other Popes his Predecessors had done. I know not why Clement the Eighth followed not in this the Example of his Predecessors, for the Court of Rome seldom differs from its usage, and when they have once conferred a Title, they are not afterwards accustomed to refuse it, for they do nothing there but upon good deliberation: It might happen that Pope Clement acted thus with that Patriarch out of the Uncertainty he was of his Belief, founded upon the relation that had been lately made him at Rome. Paul the Second writing, in the Year 1468, to Peter Patriarch of the Maronites, gave him the Quality of Reverend Brother Peter, Patriarch of the Maronites entitled of Antioch. The Jacobites assume also the same Title of Patriarch of Antioch; and it is at this day no extraordinary thing to see in the Levant divers Patriarches of the same Church, for since the Eastern Nations have been divided into so many Sects, every Sect would have its own Patriarch; the Patriarch of the Maronites takes ordinarily the Name of Peter, for that Saint Peter was Bishop of Antioch, and perhaps they affect that Name the more, since they have been united to the Church of Rome.  
As to the two Deacons mentioned by our Author, these apply themselves solely to the Temporalities; and it seems the Patriarches of the Maronites would imitate the Apostles when they said to their Disciples, 'Tis not good to leave the Word of God to serve at Tables: wherefore they discharged themselves of all Temporal Affairs, and left them to the management of the Deacons they chose for that purpose. This was the occasion of the establishment of the Deacons, and the Maronites seem to have retained this Apostolic Discipline; for their Patriarch applies himself solely to Spiritual things. They give to these two Deacons the Quality of Lords, for to distinguish them from the ordinary Deacons that officiate at the Altars, and we ought rather to call the former Governors, or Administrators of the Temporalities, than Deacons.  
I believe the Author has made use of the word Deacon, for that the Syriack and Arabic words which the Maronites make use of to express the Name of that Charge, signify Deacons and Administrators. However it be, certain it is, that these Deacons have had formerly the administration of the Temporalities, and that that Charge rendered them very considerable; but they grew insolent, so that the Church was obliged to make Canons to moderate them. There is no such thing to be seen in the Deacons of Mount Libanus, although they have more Authority than the Deacons of the Church formerly had.   

Remarks upon the Eleventh Chapter.  
I Have somewhat to say concerning the Original of the Maronites, which the Abbot would have to be derived from the Abbot Maron; he follows in that the common Opinion of the Maronites, for in the Preface they have prefixed to their Caldeck Mass printed at Rome, they pretend they have had their Name from St. Maron, whose Life Theodoret has written, and for to confirm it they cite an Epistle of St. Chrysostom to the same Maron, which he wrote unto him during his Exile: and they add, that the Monastery which bore afterwards the Name of St. Maron, was very considerable at the beginning of the Sixth Century, since Alexander Abbot of St. Maron was the first that subscribed the Letter which the Archimandrites or Abbots of Syria wrote to Pope Hormisdas. Gabriel Sconita, and John Hestonita, Maronites, in a little Treatise they composed, touching the Manners and Religion of the Levantines, are also of the same Opinion, yet without rejecting the Sentiments of them who believe that the Name of Maronite came of a certain Country in Mount Libanus, called Maronia; but they cannot endure to be made descended from the heretical Maron, and do maintain, that there was never any such of that Name. I will add to their Sentiments that which Abraham Ecchelensis saith, to wit, that St. Maron gave first the Name to all the Monks of the second Syria, and that after the Council of Chalcedon all the Syrians, who defended the Decrees of that Council against the Eutichians, Dioscorians, and Aciphales', were called Maronites; but this hinders not F. Morin, to whom he writ, to follow a contrary Opinion, which is supported with the Testimony of William de Sir, who reports but what he hath seen himself, and what passed in his time.  
The Maronites then, according to that History extract their Original from a certain Heretic named Maron: After they had been separated from the Roman Church about Five hundred Years, they made an Abjuration of their Heresy in the hands of Aimeriek Patriarch of Antioch, who lived in the time of William de Sir, and was the third Latin Patriarch of that Church: They were before Monothelites, and acknowledged but one Will and one Operation in Jesus Christ. James de Vitris Bishop of Accon in Syria, and Marin Sanat, are also of the same opinion touching the Maronites. We may add to these Proofs the Authority of Eutychius Patriarch of Alexandria, who spoke in his Annals of a certain Monk called Maron, who lived in the time of the Emperor Maurice, and who admitted in Jesus Christ but one Will, and one Operation, altho' he acknowledged in him two Natures: Then he said, that this Monk infected many persons with his Heresy, and that those who followed his Opinion were called Maronites. The same Author speaks often afterwards hereof in his Annals, and makes mention of those who followed that Sect: He affirms, that the Emperor Heraclius was a Maronite, and that he did many Kindnesses to those of that Belief. He attributes moreover the Heresy of the Maronites to many Patriarches of Constantinople, Antioch, and Alexandria, and also to Pope Honorius. Philip Mazerius, in the Life he hath writ of Peter Thomas, the Apostolic Nuncio in the Levant, who died at Famagusta in 1366, treats of the Schisms of the Maronites of that Country; the Author takes the Quality of Chancellor of the Kingdom of Cyprus upon him, and he lived at the same time as he whose Life he wrote, having accompanied him in part of his Travels. Those Maronites of Cyprus persisted in the Errors of the Monothelites, even to the Popedom of Eugenius the Fourth, in 1445. Their Biship, named Elie, made Abjuration of them, together with all the Nation between the Hands of Andrew Bishop of Coloss, and sent a Person also to Rome, who did the same in his name; as F. Raynald reports at large in his Annals.  
It remains now that we distinguish the Heresy of the Maronites from that of the Jacobites, for that, as an Italian Author observes, they are a Sprout of the Jacobites. In effect there is much appearance that the Monk Maron quitted the part of the Jacobites, or Eutichaus, for to render himself Chief of a Sect; for we see that the Jacobites and Maronites have some Books common to both, which however hinders not, but that the Maronites having separated from the Jacobites, have written divers Books against them, for to prove that there are two Natures in Jesus Christ. 'Tis no good Proof to say, that the Maronites have not been Heretics, for that John Maron and others of their Writers have composed Books against the Jacobites, Menophysites, Acephales', and Severians; for they might have been Monothelites, and condemn those Heresies whereof we have spoken: Besides, they have added many things to their Books since they have been totally united to the Church of Rome, and it may be they have not only inserted therein the Condemnation of the Eutichyans, but that also of the Monothelites, and that conformable to the Orders of the Pope's Envoys to Mount Libanus, who established Persons to review the Books of the Maronites, and to retrench in them all that might come near unto Heresy.  
Notwithstanding all these Proofs, I will willingly suspend my Judgement upon this Subject, until I shall see in what manner Monsieur Fauste Nairon, a learned Maronite, Nephew to Abraham Ecchelensis, and his Successor in the College of Sapience at Rome, hath defended his Nation from the Heresies whereof they have been accused. This learned Maronite hath composed a Book in Italian, wherein he hath treated of the Original of the Maronites, and related all that might contain their History. I cannot imagine what hinders the publication of that Work, since it hath been finished three Years ago: I know that divers Latin Authors, whose Testimonies it were useless to rehearse, pretend that the Maronites derive really their Original from that Abbot Maron, of whom we have spoken: but we may say, that they too easily follow the Opinion of the Maronites, without being willing to take pains to examine the thing in itself. 'Tis long since the Maronites have promised us the History of the pretended St. Maron, whose Memory they so much celebrate; it were to be wished that some learned Person amongst them would plainly exhibit that History whereof we have but little knowledge; for perhaps they have added to the number of Saints the Heretical Saint Maron, as the Nestorians and most part of other Sects honour to this day their Patriarches. The Nestorians honour Nestorius with the Title of Saint in their Prayers and Liturgies, and make Imprecations against the Memory of Saint Cyril, whom they consider as an Heretic: The Jacobites do also the same thing in respect to divers of their Sectaries. There is some appearance that it will not be long before we have the Works which the Maronites of Mount Libanus promise to publish in one of their Attestations, which is printed at the end of the third Tome of the Perpetuity. I wish nevertheless that before they writ of their Liturgies, that they first divest themselves of an Infinity of false Prejudices, wherewith they are cumbered, and which hinder them to treat of that matter with exactness enough. Moreover, 'tis to be observed, that he that hath printed that Attestation of the Maronites hath done it under the name of the Maronites of Antioch, altho' it hath been writ by them who inhabit Mount Libanus. That which deceived him was, that the Patriarch which resides in the Monastery of Cannubin in Mount Libanus takes upon him the Quality of Patriarch of Antioch, but he does not live at Antioch; and I believe also that there is not at this time in that City any Church of Maronites.   

Remarks upon the Twelfth Chapter.  
'TIS no extraordinary wonder to see that most part of the Maronite Priests can but only read and write; there are but a very few knowing Persons in all the Levant, for they have not the conveniency of Colleges as we have, yet there are some of them skilled in the Italian. Besides, the Jesuits have Schools in the Levant, and particularly at Constantinople, where they instruct Youth. Cyrilli Lucar, in a Letter which he writ from Constantinople to Witemberg, pretends that that Ignorance is advantageous to the Levantines, for, says he, they retain always their ancient Belief without Innovation: Nevertheless, the same Author, in another Letter, hugely reproves the Ignorance of the Priests and Bishops of the Eastern Churches, out of a fear he testifies to have, lest the Establishment of the Jesuits at Constantinople introduce some Novelty in the East; but however it be, the Church of Rome is obliged to these Jesuits herein, for that they have by that means prevented Calvinism to over spread the Levant.  
Before that the Ma●onites had a College at 〈◊〉, they were much more ignorant than they are at this juncture; we have seen of them, since that time, three very knowing Persons at Paris, who came out of this Seminary. Although they have at this time amongst them divers Persons capable to Instruct the People, yet they fail not to send them still Religious Missionaries to entertain them more in their Duty; but the ecclesiastics of the Country bear them envy, and often quarrel with them, believing themselves to be more capable to preach, and exercise other Functions, than those sent unto them. In effect, it were to be wished there were no other that preached but the Natives, for that 'tis very difficult for the Europeans to speak and pronounce the Arabic Tongue well, which is the reason that the People cannot forbear laughing when they hear these Preachers speak; so far are they from giving them Audience. And I have heard not long since, that a Deacon of Nount Libanus should say, That these Missionaries did them much harm, for that they accused them, at their return, of divers Errors, whereof they had no foundation, and that only for to be continued in their Mission.  
As to the Caldean Tongue, 'tis true that 'tis the same amongst them at this day, as the Latin is amongst us. Since Omar rendered himself Master of Syria, at the beginning of the seventh Century, the Arabic Language introduced itself by little and little into the Country; and as the Arabs commanded and held the principal Offices there, they obliged the People to conform themselves to their Language. However, the Caldee hath always been conserved in the Church, and the most knowing writ still in that Language, after Omar, for a long time; nevertheless you must observe, that the Language which the Ancients calls Caldee, is ordinarily called Syriack, which most part of Grammarians distinguish from the Arabic Caldee, as two different Dialects; but the Maronites, whom our Author has followed, call sometimes their Language the Caldee. In effect, that which we call Syriack, differs not almost from the Caldee but the Characters; 'tis true that it hath many Dialects, but all these Dialects make but one Language. 'Tis very ancient, and some pretend that it was the Language of our first Parents. That which might support this Opinion is, That there is no other Language that appears so simple in its expressions; nevertheless there is greater appearance that 'tis a corruption of the Hebrew, as the Italian is of the Latin, and that in process of time it appropriated to itself divers Greek words, and the words also of other Languages. It has a particular Character, which is but a corruption of the Hebrew Character; wherefore 'tis needless to search as many have done, who it was that first invented the Syriack Letters. They differ also from one another in their Characters, as the French vary from the Italians in the manner of writing their Letters. The Jacobites and the Maronites have the same Letters, and they are such as we see in their printed Books. The Nestorian Chaldeans, which are dispersed in many places of the Levant, have different Characters from those of the Maronites, and 'tis by that we may easily know the Manuscripts of the different Caldean Sects, altho' these Characters differ no more one from another than the writing of a French Man and an Italian.  
We have no room here to speak of all the Books which are written in Caldee, we will observe only such as are in use at this day amongst the Maronites, that we may not digress too far from the design of our Author. They have in the first place two sorts of Syriack Translations of the Old Testament, one of which is done out of the Hebrew, and the other out of the Greek of the Septuagint; however, we must not give credit to what some say of that Version out of the Hebrew, which they call simple, for to distinguish it from the other, for they falsely believe that that Translation hath been done in the time of Solomon, and Hiram King of Tyre; 'tis an History which hath no more foundation than that of the Syriack Letters, for Authors attribute these same also to Solomon. Gregory Abulfarius makes mention of these two Versions, and affirms that the Eastern Syrians make use of the first, and the Western Syrians of both. Hebed Jesus, in his Catalogue of Caldee Books, speaks of one Mar Aba, who hath translated the Old Testament out of the Greek into Syriack; but as the Syriack Church was in being long before this Mar Aba, it had a Translation of the Bible into Syriack taken out of the Greek Translation of the Septuagint, for the Church, in the first Ages, knew no other Bible but that of the Septuagint, which seemed to have been alone esteemed Authentic in the Decrees of Counsels, and I know not why the Eastern Tyrians made use of a Version made different from the Hebrew Text, since the Apostles themselves used the Septuagints; and that the first Translations from the Hebrew, different from that of the Seventy, were rather for the use of particular Persons than any Church. Moreover, James of Nibise and St. Ephraim, who preceded Mar Aba, followed the Bible of the Septuagint; besides, that Version which they call simple, for to distinguish it from that of the Seventy, which doth not always follow the Text, differs sometimes from the Hebrew for to accord with the Greek. However, it may be well seen, that at first it was entirely conformable to the Hebrew, but that with time it has been corrupted by Transcribers, and particular Persons, who have reform it in some places by the Septuagint, insomuch that that Version hath lost somewhat of its ancient simplicity, through the different commixtures that hath been introduced thereunto. There is also some appearance, that the Hebrew Text, from which that Syriack Translation hath been made, was not altogether the same as that we have at this day; as for the Syriack New Testament, I do not doubt but that it may be very ancient, yet the dialect wherein it is written is a sufficient proof, according to my judgement, for to show that it is not an Original. The Caldee that was spoken in Jerusalem, in the time of our Saviour, was not the Caldee Language of the New Testament; and if St. Matthew writ his Gospel in that Language, which they called also then the Hebrew, as is very probable, it cannot be said that 'tis the same Syriack Gospel as we have at this day, because of the difference of the Dialects.  
Pope Gregory XIII. caused a little Prayer-Book to be printed at Rome, in the year 1585. for their use, written in Arabic and Syriack Characters; that Book contained some Prayers, which bore the Title of Salutation, and addressed to the Virgin Mary, the Archangels Gabriel and Michael, with some other things of the like nature; whereunto were added the Penitential Psalms, with the Litanies of the Saints. But these Litanies, that are in use in the Church of Rome, have not been received by the Maronites of Mount Libanus, unless it be very lately, for that Gabriel Sionita hath left them out of his Copy which I have in my hands, and 'tis apparent that that fashion of Praying to Saints is not ordinary in the Eastern Churches.  
They have also their particular Editions of Counsels, their Constitutions, their Fathers, and divers other Books; nevertheless you must observe, that they acknowledge but the first four General Counsels that preceded their Schism. I question also, whether the Maronites have at any time had any particular Constitutions, altho' they procure some that bear that Name; it may be that they have added that Title to a Book, which they call at this day the Ecclesiastical Constitutions, which a Learned Man of that Nation pretends to have been written before the Califf Omar rendered himself Master of Syria. I cannot tell what foundation he has for to believe them to be so ancient, if it be not that they are written in Syriack, and that that Language, according to his Sentiment, began to grow out of use from the time of Omar. They have been Translated into Arabic in 1059. by a Maronite Archbishop, according to the relation of Abraham Ecchelensis, and they treat of divers Matters in Theology, principally of the Sacraments. Proper Baptism is there distinguished from the Metaphorical, or Confirmation is considered as the perfection of Baptism; frequent Communion much recommended. There is a long Treatise about the Ordination of Chantres, Exorcists, Readers, Subdeacons, Deacons, Priests, and Bishops, to whom it is prescribed to assemble before their Patriarch. Moreover, one may see there Rules for the Administration of the Temporalities of the Church, for Tithes, for Pious Legacies, for Civil Affairs; to wit, for all things that regard Wills, things in Trust, Inheritances, Donations, Loans, Restitutions, and Purchases. The same Constitutions regulate also the Services that ought to be performed towards the Dead, their Burial, and the Banquets they make for them; therein besides, are particular Statutes for Monks, for the Schools, and for the Books that were to be received into the Church. Finally, you may have Rules there for to make a distinction of Sins; Murder, Apostasy, and Fornication, are reckoned as the greatest.  
The Author pretends in this Chapter, that 'tis a great happiness to the Christians of the Levant, that they have not the use of printing, because that prevents the errors of so many Sects to be commixed with the Orthodox; one may say as much of the impressions of Europe, which have their commodities and incommodities, for that aught to facilitate great changes both in Church and State. If the Levantines lay aside the use of printing for these Reasons, they are wiser than we in following that Maxim of Policy, Non prosit potius siquid Obesse potest: However, the Turks permit the Jews to print at Constantinople, Salonica, and elsewhere, but 'tis upon condition that they print none but their own Books, which is of no consequence.  
He adds moreover, that Manuscripts are more subject to changes than printed Books; in effect, that happens but too often, and without having occasion to search elsewhere for examples, the Maronites alone furnish us with enough, for one can almost see no Manuscript-Books amongst them, for Divine Service, that are altogether alike and conformable to those printed at Rome for their use, but some are larger, other again contain less. 'Tis also worthy of observation, that Morin, who believed he had given us the Ordinations of the Maronites entirely, hath printed but the lesser part, which regards the Ministry of the Bishops; for they are used to have two distinct Books, one of which serves the Bishop, who Ordains, and the other the Minister, who Answers him. The first is properly the Book of Ordinations, the other is cailed the Clerk's Book; in the mean time F. Morin, who had but the last, hath given it us as an entire Copy of the Ordination of the Maronites, and I am surprised that Abraham Ecchelensis, a Maronite, who hath perused the Copy of Morin, hath not advertised him hereof, that must have escaped them both; but an omission is no change, and it were easy, with little precaution, to shun the like mistakes, which cannot be done when Transcribers can add to, and retrench, as they please, in their Manuscripts, for they ought to have divers Persons for to compare them together, and to examine throughly the Contents of the Book, to see if they can discover therein any Innovation; they need but use this Rule about the Books of the Maronites, and it shall be found they are not for the most part such as they are represented to be. For example; If you examine those that have been written in Syriack, under the Name of John Maron, it will be easy to discover they have not all the Antiquity which the Maronites attribute unto them; or if they be so ancient, divers things have been added thereunto, which could not be written since that time.   

Remarks upon the Thirteenth Chapter.  
I Cannot tell whether it was Necessity or Ambition, that introduced into the Church of the Maronites the use of those Bishops which have no Jurisdiction, and which they ordinarily call Episcopi sine Clero & Populo; this Custom, nevertheless, might have its advantages, for that they found sometimes occasion to make use of Priests that were Bishops, and then they were Coadjutors. It seems also, that in the time of the Apostles, the Priesthood was not separate from the Episcopacy, altho' they exercised not entirely the Function of the Bishop. It cannot be said that the Abbots of Mount Libanus take the quality of Bishops upon them, for to be exempted from the ordinary Jurisdiction, as many of our Abbots have done, for they know not in that Country what it is to be without these sorts of Exemptions, they have only pretended thereby, that they could promote themselves to the Episcopacy without the leave of their Patriarch, which was the cause of great trouble amongst them, and which Gregory XIII. remedied. As to the Marriage of Priests, there is no body knows not but that the Discipline of the Eastern Church differs in that from the Western Churches, insomuch that it may be said, that the usage that is received in all the Levant, is a dispensing with the Canons. I know that the Greeks, at this day, affirm that they follow the ancient Canons, and rely upon those which are called the Canons of the Apostles; the 13th Canon of the sixth Council, which they call in Trullo, made use of the foresaid Canons for a Rule, and they were afterwards condemned in a Council of the Church of Rome, as if they contradicted the ancient Rules. But St. Epiphany, who lived long before, declares, That the Marriage of Priests was a transgressing of the Canons which enjoined their Celibacy; and added, that that was dispensed with, because they had often occasion for Priests, and that it was difficult to find them, if obliged perpetually to a single life. The words he makes use of, discover plainly that this usage is very ancient in the Eastern Church. Moreover, we do not see that the Counsels of Nice, Ancyra, Neocesarea, and Laodicia, have made any Rules for to oblige Priests to Continence, but on the contrary, the History of Panuche reported by Socrates, demonstrates, that the Fathers of Nice regarded that Discipline which is now observed in the Church of Rome, as an hard, severe, and unnatural Law, to which they ought in no wise to compel the Priests to submit. Indeed, as the Church is the Mistress of such Laws, it may lawfully dispense with them; and 'tis an effect of its great prudence to accord with the weakness of Men when it sees occasion, the right of rigour and compulsion is not always, if ever, in season. Thus it is certain, the Emperor Charles V consented to the marriage of Priests in that famous interim, which was done for the preservation of peace, till the General Council had determined somewhat upon that point, which was then in dispute. Nay, Pope Paul III. himself, gave his Nuncio's in Germany power to accord with the Emperor, in his demands touching the marriage of Priests.  
You must nevertheless observe, that the Discipline at this day, in regard to the marriage of Priests, and other ecclesiastics that are in holy Orders, is not the same as in ancient times, for the Priesthood was not then such an impediment as to disannul the marriage as it has been since. The first Canon of the Council of Neocesarea ordered, That a Priest that should marry should be deprived from the exercise of his Charge, but it touched not at all upon the marriage itself, which was supposed to be legitimate. And it appears by the same Canon, That Fornication and Adultery were punished in Priests, much more severely than marriage after Ordination; and so, consequently, it was a far greater crime. They had also this difference between the Deacons and Priests; That the Deacons might marry after their Ordination, if they had before protested that they could not live Continent, which was not permitted by them to the Priests; but if it happened that a Deacon married after his Ordination, without first making his protestations, his marriage ceased not to be good, but they suffered him not to exercise the Function of his Office.   

Remarks upon the Fourteenth Chapter.  
THE Reflections which our Author makes in this Chapter upon the Life and Manners of the Religious Maronites are very judicious: St. Hilarion, the Disciple of St. Anthony, was the Father of the Monks of Syria and Palestine, as his Master had been of those of Egypt. We might have many things here to say touching the Original and Establishment of these Monks, who are the Source and Foundation of all Monachism, but as there are many Authors who have written hereof, we need not repeat here that which they have said; and all the World knows, that the establishment of a Religious Life hath nothing divine in it: The number of the ancient Solitaries increased in a moment, for they had no need then of Bulls, Letters Patents, no more than the permission of Ordinaries, for to establish Religious Houses; there was no more demanded, if in the Title of their Foundation they had a sufficient Revenue for to maintain them, to the end they might not be any charge to the Public; for these first Monks were very different from those we see at this day, those forsook the Cities for to retire themselves into the Mountains, built them there very small Lodgings, and every one laboured at his Calling, insomuch that their Solitude became Villages in a short time. Likewise they gave them the Name of Laura, which is a Greek word, which they use in Egypt, principally for to signify divers Houses joined together: and Agapius, a Religious of Mount Athos, hath inserted in a Book of his called The Salvation of Sinners, a particular Chapter touching the St. Laura of Mount Athos, for 'tis so he calls his Monastery: They had therefore nothing at those beginnings of particular places to live upon in Community. Eutychius reports, That the Religious that inhabited Mount Sinai were dispersed here and there in the Mountains and Valleys, about the Bush where God spoke unto Moses, until that the Emperor Justinian caused a Monastery to be built for to shelter them against the Incursions of the Arabs.  
Those by whom they were governed took the Names of Abbots or Archimandrites upon them; and I believe that these two terms came originally from the Syriac. As to the first, which is that of Abbot, which signifies Father, there is no doubt of it; and for the secon●, there is much likelihood that the Word Mandra, which in the Greek signifies a Stable, or place to put up Beasts, hath been taken from the word Dour, which the Chaldeans use to set forth the Habitation that Travellers have in pitiful Huts, and very often in Stables: In effect the Syrians use the word Dairo for to signify these sort of Mansions, and a Monastery. The Arabs have also imitated in that the Syrians, insomuch that a Mandrite is no other thing than a solitary retirement into a small Mansion or Cell, which our Author compares to the Caverns of Beasts. He that was the Chief, and as it were the Dean of all these Solitaries, took upon him the Name of Archimandrite, that is, Head and Master of the Solitaries. Moreover, these sort of People, who retired from the Towns to lead a private Life in Solitude, could not subsist without some Rules; wherefore they enacted certain Laws, unto which they would submit: and altho' we do not know whether they made then Vows of Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience, they failed not to practise them all; for, as to that of Poverty, they saw it was set forth in the Gospel as a state of Perfection; in regard to Obedience, 'tis supposed they could not live in a body without Superiors, whom they were obliged to obey; finally, as they had entirely quitted the Commerce of the World, it seems their Condition engaged them to live separated from Women. Thus, when they received any one into their Society, it was sufficient to represent unto him once, without any worship, what manner they lived; if, after that, he embraced their sort of living, he was obliged to conform himself to the rest, without having occasion to make any Vows. And our Author observes, that altho' the Religious Maronites made none, yet they lived in perfect Continence, and that they went alone up and down, and absented themselves many days from their Monastery, without having the least ill spoken of them.  
Their Habit also was very mean and conformable to their Profession, for they clad themselves after the manner of Peasants and Labourers. The Author attributes to the Religious Maronites only a Bonnet and a pitiful Coat, that descends down only to the Girdle, but it is supposed that they wear besides that a Drawers, according to the Arabic Fashion, which cover also their Legs; he explains himself well when he saith those Monks have not a long Vest, like unto that of the Religious Europeans. In effect, these long Habits would be incommodious for these People to labour in: One may consult what Cassien and others have writ touching the Habits of the Ancient Monks. As it hath always been the Custom in the Levant for to learn some Trade, and that Persons of Quality also are not exempted hereof, so ought not we to be astonished that these Solitaries, who had no Employs in the Towns, laboured with their Hands for to get their Livelihood: but I cannot approve, that a Man who might be profitable to the Public in some considerable matter, should remain all day shut up in Solitude, for to make Lanterns and Sabots. In the mean time, altho' Hand labour hath not been so in use amongst the Monks of Europe, because the greatest part of their Monasteries have been endowed with Yearly Revenues, yet they have not totally neglected it; for, to give them their due, some have employed themselves in a Labour much more profitable, to wit, to write Books, and make several Transcriptions of them, so that we are beholden to them for a great part of those we have extant amongst us.   

Remarks upon the Seventeenth Chapter.  
WE shall make no further Observations, than to explain that which regards the Election of the Patriarch of the Maronites, to wit, if it depends really upon the People, and how. 'Tis certain that the Election of Bishops, and also Priests, was done formerly by the People; but as there happened sometimes great Disorders at these sorts of Elections, they were obliged to change that Discipline; the Thirtieth Canon of the Council of Laodicea forbids them; but if good heed be given to the Words of the Canon, it seems, that that Prohibition regards but the inferior sort. In effect the People have assisted still at this Election long after the Ordinance of that Council. As to the Election of the Patriarch of the Maronites, the People have a great share therein, for it depends upon the Body of the Republic, who ought to acknowledge him that hath been elected, otherwise the Election were null: But as the ecclesiastics hold the first rank in the State, so they contribute much to the Election; their manner is thus. Twelve of the principal Priests, who in some fashion represent the sacred College of the Apostles, assemble in the Monastery of Cannubin, where they proceed to the Election of a new Patriarch, by way of Scrutiny, and when they are all agreed, than the Republic which is assembled, that is the ecclesiastics and the People, give their Consent to that Election.  
This sort of Election is much like unto that which was sometimes observed at the Election of the Patriarch of Alexandria, which is spoken of in the Annals of Eutychius; nevertheless, as 'tis impossible all the Voices should concur together in the Scrutiny, they have a second manner of proceeding, which is a kind of Compromise, that is, that these dozen Priests chose three by Lot, and that these three make a Patriarch, which is also elected by two Voices, and afterwards the People confirm that Election by their Consent. But besides this, since the Maronites have been united to the Church of Rome, the Patriarch is obliged to receive the Pope's Bulls of Confirmation, conformable to the Rules of the New Right of that Church.    
FINIS.  

BOOKS printed for Abel Roper, at the Black Boy in Fleetstreet.  
THE ancient and present state of Muscovy; containing a Geographical, Historical and Political account of all those Nations and Territories under the Jurisdiction of the present Czar; with Sculptures and a new Map; by J. C. M. D. Fellow of the Royal Society, and a Member of the College of Physicians.  
The History of Poland, in several Letters to Persons of Quality: giving an account of the ancient and present state of that Kingdom, Historical, Geographical, Physical, Political, and Ecclesiastical, viz. it's origin and extent, with a description of its Towns and Provinces, etc. Religion, Learning, Language, Customs, Habits, Manners, Riches, Trade, and Military affairs, etc. Vol. I. By Bern. Connor, M. D. Fellow of the Royal Society, and Member of the College of Physicians, who in his Travels in that Country collected these Memoirs from the best Authors and his own Observations. Published by the care and assistance of Mr. Savage.  
A true History of the several Designs and Conspiracies against his Majesty's sacred Person and Government, as they were continually carried on from 1688 to 1697: containing matters extracted from original Papers on depositions of Witnesses, etc. By R. K.  
Marriage-Ceremonies; or the Ceremonies used in Marriages in all parts of the world: Very diverting, especially to the Ladies. By Signior Gaya. Translated from the Italian. The second Edition; to which is added some Remarks upon Marriage, written by Mr. Tho. Brown.   

Books printed for R. Basset, at the Mitre within Temple-bar in Fleetstreet.  
THe Life of the learned Sir Thomas Smith, Doctor of the Civil Laws, principal Secretary of State to King Edward the Sixth, and Queen Elizabeth; wherein are discovered many singular matters relating to the state of Learning, the Reformation of Religion, and the Transactions of the Kingdom during his time, in all which he had a great and happy influence.  
The Innocent Mistress; a Comedy, as it is now acted at the new Theatre in Little Lincolns-Inn-Fields.  
The Deceiver deceived; a Comedy, as it is acted by His Majesty's Servants at the New Theatre. Both written by Mrs. Pix.  
Love's Reward, or the Unnatural Mother; a Tragicomedy, acted at the Theatre in Lincolns-Inn-Fields: written by Madam—