THE history OF Episcopacy. The second Part. From the Death of St. JOHN the Apostle, to the beginning of the Empire of CONSTANTINE.  
BY THEOPHILUS CHURCHMAN.  iron. lib. III. Cap. III. 
Habemus annumerare eos, qui ab apostles instituti sunt EPISCOPI in Ecclesiis,& Successores eorum, usque ad nos.  
LONDON Printed by Richard Hodgkinsonne, 1642.   

THE history OF Episcopacy.  

PART. II.  

CHAP. I. What doth occur concerning Bishops, and the government of the Church by them, during the first half of the second Century.  
I. Of the Condition of the Church of Corinth, when Clemens wrote unto them his Epistle.  
II. What that Epistle doth contain in reference to this point in hand.  
III. That by Episcopi, he meaneth Bishops truly and properly so called, proved by the scope of the Epistle.  
IV. And by a text of Scripture therein cited.  
V. Of the episcopal succession in the Church of Corinth.  
VI. The Canons of the Apostles ascribed to Clemens, what they say of Bishops.  
VII. A Bishop not to be ordained under three or two at least of the same order.  
VIII. Bishops not barred by these Canons from any secular affairs, as concern their families.  
IX. How far by them restrained from the employments of the Common Wealth.  
X. The jurisdiction over Presbyters, given to the Bishops by those Canons.  
XI. Rome first divided into Parishes, or tituli, by Pope evaristus.  
XII. The reasons why Presbyteries or Colleges of Presbyters were planted at the first in Cities.  
XIII. Touching the superiority over all the flock given to the Bishop by Ignatius.  
XIV. As also of the Jurisdiction by him, allowed them.  
XV. The same exemplified in the works of Justin Martyr.  
FROM the Apostles we proceed unto their Disciples, such as conversed with them, and lived nearest to them. And first of all we meet with Clemens, once one of Pauls Disciples, and by him 
Phi●ip. 4.3.  remembered; afterwards Deacon to Saint Peter, as 
Epist. ad Trallianos.  Ignatius tells us: and finally successor to them both in the administration of the Church of Rome, as 
chapped. 3. N. 8.  before was shewed. Amongst the several monuments of piety which he left behind him, the most renowned is his Epistle to the Church of Corinth; of which Eusebius 
Euseb. Hist. Ecc. 1. 3 c. 12.16  gives this testimony, that it was {αβγδ}, famous and very much admired: adding withall that as well anciently, as in his times, it used to be red publicly in the Congregation. The occasion which induced him to writ the same, was a sedition, or a faction rather, raised in the Church, which from the first Preaching of the gospel there, had been too much addicted to 
1 Cor. 3.  Divisions. But what this faction was about, or what occasion was then taken for the production of new broils, or the reviving of the old; we shall best see by looking on this piece of Clemens; recovered from the ruins of Antiquity by the care and industry of Patr. young, Library-keeper to his majesty. There find we the good man complaining 
Clemen. Epist. ad Corinth. p. 62  that the Church of Corinth, so ancient and well grounded in the faith of Christ {αβγδ}, should for the sake of one or two contentious persons tumultuate against their Presbyters: and that the scandal of their functions should come unto the ears of Infidels, to the dishonour of the Lord. Nor did the faction rest in the people onely, though it proceeded to that height as 
Ibid. p. 58.  the ejecting of those Presbyters whom they had distasted: but it had taken too deep footing amongst the Presbyters themselves, encroaching with too high an hand on the Bishops office, or wilfully neglecting his authority. For whereas in those times, 
Part. 1. ch 5.  as before was shown, the blessed Eucharist, regularly and according to the Churches Orders, could not be celebrated but by the Bishop, by his leave at least, and that it did pertain to him to appoint the Presbyters what turns and courses they should have in that ministration; these men perverting all good order, neither observed the time and place appointed for that sacred action, nor kept themselves unto those turns and courses, in the performance of the same, which were assigned them by their Bishop. Certain I am that the discourse of Clemens in the said Epistle doth militate as well against the one, as against the other: blaming as well the Presbyters for their irregular proceeding in their ministration; as censuring the People for their insolency, in the ejecting of their Presbyters. So that we have two factions, at this time in the Church of Corinth: one of some inconformable Presbyters, so far averse from being regulated by their Bishop, as they ought to be, that they opposed the 
Clem. p. 57.  very calling, raising contentions and disputes about the Name and Office of Episcopacy: another of the people against the Presbyters, and that pursued with no less acrimony and despite, then the former was.  
For the repressing of these factions at this present time, and the preventing of the like in the times to come, the good old man doth thus proceed. Beginning with the Presbyters, he first presents unto them 
Id. p. 48.  the obedience that Souldiers yield to their Commanders, showing them {αβγδ}, how orderly, how readily and with what subjection they execute the several Commands imposed upon them by their Leaders: that since all of them are not Generals, colonels, Captains, or in other office; every one {αβγδ} in his rank or station is to obey the charge imposed upon him, by the King or Emperour, and his Commanders in the field. Then represents he to them the 
Id. 49.  condition of the natural body, in which the head can do but little without the ministry of the feet, the feet as little( out of question) without direction from the head; that even the least parts of the body are not only profitable, but also necessary, concurring all of them together to the preservation of the whole. Which ground so laid, he thus proceeds in his disourse: {αβγδ}, &c. 
Id. p. 52, &c.  These things being thus declared and manifested, looking into the depth of heavenly knowledge, we ought to do those things in their proper order, the People in the tendering of their oblations, the Presbyters in the celebrating of the Liturgy, according to the times and seasons by the Lord appointed, who would not have these sacred matters done either rashly or disorderly, but at appointed times and houres, and by such persons as he hath thereunto designed by his supreme will, that being done devoutly and Religiously they might be the more grateful to him. They therefore who upon the times prefixed make their Oblations to the Lord, are blessed, and very welcome unto him from whose commands they do not vary. {αβγδ}, &c. For to the High-Priests was assigned his particular function, the Priest had his peculiar ministry prescribed unto him, and the Levites theirs: the Laymen being left unto lay employments. Therefore let every one of you my brethren, in his rank and Station, offer to God the blessed Eucharist, with a good Conscience; keeping within the bounds of his ministration, appointed to him 
{αβγδ}. p. 53.  by the Canon.( For so I take it is his meaning) For not in every place was it permitted to the Jews to offer up the daily and perpetual Sacrifices; whether they were sin offerings, or eucharistical oblations, but at jerusalem alone, nor there in any place indifferently, but only in the Court of the Temple, at the Altar: the Sacrifice being first viewed and approved of, both by the High Priest, and the foresaid Ministers. They that did any thing herein, otherwise then agreeable to his will and pleasure, were to die the Death: you see, my brethren, that as we are endowed with a greater knowledge, so are we made obnoxious to the greater danger. The Apostles have Preached the gospel unto us from Christ; JESUS Christ from God: Christ being sent by God, as the Apostles were by Christ; and both proceeding orderly therein, according to his holy will. For having received his Commands, and being strengthened by the Resurrection of our Lord JESUS Christ, and confirmed by the word of God, they spread themselves abroad, in full assurance of the holy Ghost, publishing the coming of the kingdom of God: and having Preached the word throughout many Regions, and several Cities, they Constituted and ordained the first fruits of their labours, such whom in spirit they approved of, to be 
{αβγδ}, &c. p. 54, 55.  Bishops and Deacons, unto those that afterwards were to believe. 
{αβγδ}. p. 55.  Nor was this any new device, it being written many ages since in the book of God; Esay 60. {αβγδ}, i. e. I will appoint them Bishops in righteousness, and Deacons in Faith. Afterwards laying down the History of Aarons rod budding, and thereby the miraculous confirmation of his Election, he adds 
Id. p. 57.  that the Apostles knowing by our Lord JESUS Christ the contention that would arise {αβγδ}, about the name or function of Episcopacy;( take it which you will) and being for this very cause endowed with a perfect foresight of that which afterwards should happen; ordained the aforesaid Ministers, and left to every one their appointed offices, that when soever they should die, other approved men should succeed in their several places, and execute their several parts in the Ministration. Those therefore which were either ordained by them, or by those famous and renowned men that followed after them, with the consent and approbation of the Church, and have accordingly served unblameablely in the fold of Christ, with all humility and meekness, and kept themselves from baseness and corruption,& have a long time carried a good testimony from all men: those we conceive cannot without much injury be deprived of their place and service: it being no small sin to reject those men, who holily and without reproof have undergone the office of Episcopacy, or done the duty of a Bishop.  
So far the Father hath proceeded, as to the Vindication of Episcopacy, or the episcopal function, which you will, from the attempts and practices of such Presbyters, who went about to undermine it, and raise contentions in the Church about it. That which comes after, doth relate to the other Faction, the Faction raised against the Presbyters by some of the unruly people; and that he doth pursue from pa. 58. beginning with Beati sunt Presbyteri, &c. following the same till pag. 70. where he persuades the Presbyters that were so distasted, by several examples both profane and sacred, rather to quit the place for the Churches peace, then by their tarrying there to increase the rapture. Now that by Bishops or Episcopi, in the words before, he meaneth Bishops, truly and properly so called; and doth not use the word in so large a sense, as also to include the Presbyters, as some 
Vindication of the Answ. pa. 136, 137.  men conceive: doth seem most evident to me, by these reasons following. First, from the 
Clem. p. 53.  parallel here made between the several degrees and offices in the Jewish Church, and those established in the Christian: which had been v●ry imperfect and inconsequent, if there had not been those several and distinct degrees of Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons in the one, as of the High-priests, Priests, and Levites in the other Church. And that the Bishops in the Christian Church are called many times {αβγδ}, or High-priests in the ancient writers, is no new learning unto those that have red the Fathers. And unto this interpretation of the word Episcopi in that place of Clemens, I am the more inclined to stand, as to the true and proper meaning of the Father; because I find the self same parallel produced by jerome, none of the greatest Patrons of Episcopacy. Who tells us first, that many of the apostolical Traditions did take their ground or hint from the old Testament, and gives us next this instance of it; or if you will, this resolution in the case: 
jerome ad Euagrium.  Quod Aaron,& filii ejus atque Levitae in Templo fuerunt, hoc sibi Episcopi, Presbyteri atque D●aconi vendicant in Ecclesia; that such as Aaron, and his sons, and the Tribe of Levi, were in the Temple; the same were B●shops, Presbyters and Deacons in the Church of GOD. Where plainly that pre-eminence which Aaron had over and above the Priests and Levites; the same is given by jerome to the Bishops, over their Presbyters and Deacons respectively. And this is that which is affirmed in the words of Clemens, if we mark it well, the parallel being brought in both, for the self same end. And this to me appears yet further to be clear and evident, by the contentions raised by these Corinthian Presbyters 
Clem. p. 57.  {αβγδ}, about the name or dignity of Episcopacy; the power and privileges appertaining to that sacred calling; and the discourse thereon occasioned, touching the limiting and restraining of these busy Presbyters, unto their proper Rank and Station. For had the heat been only raised upon the deposition of their godly Presbyters, as by 
Vindic p. 137  some is said: that had not any way concerned either the name or dignity of Episcopacy,( taking Episcopacy in that sense as themselves would have it:) that quarrel not being taken up( as they make the case) against the dignity or calling, but the persons only of those Presbyters, whom they had deposed.  
But I am most of all confirmed herein by the citation of that text of the Prophet 
Clem. p. 55.  Esay, though of a very different reading from those now in use: the application of it being so conform to that of other ancient writers. St. jerome following the translation of the Septuagint, 
Hierom. Comment. in Esa. 6.60.  doth thus red the text, Dabo Principes tuos in place,& Episcopos tuos in justitia: observes that in the Hebrew it is written thus, Ponam visitationem tuam pacem,& Praepositos tuos in justitiam. And thence infers the admirable Majesty of holy Scripture, quod principes futuros Ecclesiae, Episcopos nominavit, in that the future Governours( or Princes) of the Church are there, before-hand, called Bishops; whose Visitation is in peace, and the name or Appellation of their office, doth denote their justice. 
cyril Alexan. in Esai. l. 5. c. 60.  Saint cyril also, although he differ from our Author in the translation of the text, following therein the Septuagint, as Saint jerome did; yet he agreeth with him in his application. For making a comparison between the Religion of the Jews and Christians; likening the one to gold and silver, the other unto brass and iron, according to the tenor of the words foregoing: he addeth that the Jewish Ministers, the Scribes and Pharisees, whom before he spake of, being once removed, {αβγδ}, Christ the Redeemer of all people did raise up other Governours and Bishops for them, such as did every way excel in Peace and righteousness. And then he makes this use thereof, for our instruction, 
Id. in Esaian Tom. 5. c. 60.  That since the Princes or Rulers of the Church do excel in Peace, and the Bishops of the same in righteousness: it ought so far to work upon the people, {αβγδ}, as that they should endeavour to led their lives in Christian Piety and godliness. Here then we have two of the learnedest of the Ancients writing upon the text alleged by Clemens; and both expounding it of Bishops truly and properly so called, according to the nature of that word in the times they lived: and therefore questionless Clemens must needs be understood of such Bishops also: And herewith you shall have the reason, why Bishops and Deacons are here joined together, and that there is no mention made of Presbyters; not that the Presbyters were not ordained by the Apostles, as well as either of the other; but because the Deacons in this common broil did constantly adhere unto their Bishop, when as so many of the Presbyters were in opposition: or else as 
Epiphan. adv. haeres. 75.  Epiphanius tells us, because that Bishops at the first had more use of Deacons, then they had of Presbyters: for where the Congregation was but small,( as that of 
Basil de Sp. sand. c. 29.  gregory Thaumaturgus is said to be, consisting of no more then 17 persons) a Bishop onely was sufficient: {αβγδ}, But being a Bishop could not be, or at the least not do his office, without help of Deacons; that Bishops and Deacons are remembered only. And yet perhaps the meaning of the Author may bee best conceived, certain I am, the doubt or difficulty would be best removed, did we translate {αβγδ}, by the English Minister, as in that place I think we may; according to the general meaning of that word in its native sense: the Presbyters and Deacons, both being but subservient Ministers unto the Bishop who did allot them out their turns and stations in the officiating of Gods divine service; the Presbyters not having yet assigned them their particular bounds, wherewith to execute the same, as in the time succeeding it is plain they had: of which more hereafter.  
In the mean time we must examine whether the Church of Corinth, to which Clemens writ, had not been settled by the Apostle in that form of government, which had been every where established in the neighbour Cities. And certainly I can see no reason, why Corinth should not have a Bishop, as well as Athens, or Philippi, or the Thessalonians, 
Hieron in Titum cap. 1.& in Epist ad evagr.  or any other Church of Greece or Macedon. I see much reason why it should. For if that Bishops were first instituted in Schismatis remedium; for remedy of schism, as Saint Hierom saith: assuredly the Church of Corinth being first pestered with that foul disease, should first of all, in all congruity, be fitted with the remedy so proper and peculiar to it. A B●shop then they were to have by Saint Hieromes rule, and that as soon as any other Church what ever: but who this Bishop was, is not yet so evident. By Dorotheus in Synopsi, Silas, Saint Pauls most individual companion, is said to be the Bishop of this Church, Corinthiorum constitutus est Episcopus, as his words there are: wherein 
Baron in Rom. Martyrol. Julii 13.  hippolytus conccurring with him, doth make the matter the more probable. And though I will not take upon me to justify the reports of Dorotheus, where there is any reason to desert him, as there is too often: yet when the point by him delivered doth neither cross the holy Scripture, nor any of the ancient writers, as in this he doth not; I know not why his word may not pass for currant. Nay if we please to search the scripture, we may find some hint, for the defence of Dorotheus in this one particular. For whereas we find often mention that Silas did accompany Saint Paul in many of his peregrinations: the last time that we find him spoken of, is in the 18. of the Acts; 
v. 5.  which time he came unto Saint Paul, to Corinth. After, there is no mention of him in the book of God: And possibly the reason of it may be this, in brief, that he was left there by Saint Paul to look unto the government of that mighty City. Which when he could not do by the word and doctrine, Saint Paul reserving for a time the jurisdiction to himself, 
V. chap. 4. n 5  as before was said; and that the factions there did increase and multiply, for want of Ordinary power to suppress the same: Saint Paul might then invest him with authoty, making him Bishop of the place, both in power and title. This if it may be counted probable, I desire no more. And then as we have found the first Bishop in the Church of Corinth, we shall with greater ease and certainty find out a second, though his name were Primus: for proof of whose being Bishop here, we have the testimony of Egisippus, 
Ap. Euseb Hist. Eccl. l. 4. c. 21. x 6.  who took him, in his journey towards Rome and abode long with him; giving him special commendation both for his orthodoxie and humanity. After succeeded 
Ibid. c. 24. x 5.  Dionysius, next to him 
Id. lib. 5. c. 21. x 6.  Bachyllus; of both which we shall speak hereafter in convenient place.  
From the Epistle of this Clemens unto those of Corinth, which is his undoubtedly, proceed we next unto the Canons commonly called the Apostles Canons, 
Bellarm. Baron. alii.  supposed to be collected by him: but so supposed, that still there is a question of it, whether his or not. That they are very ancient is unquestionable, as being mentioned by 
tertul. adver. Praxeam.  Tertullian, and cited in some of the ancientest councils, whereof the acts and monuments are now remaining on record. But being it is confessed on all hands, 
Binius in notis ad Can. Apo.  quosdam ab haereticis corruptos, that some of them have been corrupted by the heretics of old, the better to advance their cause by so great a Patronage: we must be very wary how we build upon them. And howsoever Bellarmine 
Lib. De Scriptor. Eccl. in clement.  be exceeding confident, that the first 50. are most true and genuine; and probably it may so be: yet I conceive it safe to admit them on those sober cautions, which are commended to us by Baronius: 
Annal. An. 102. n. 17.  who on a full debate of the point in question, doth resolve it thus: Illi tantum nobis ex Apostolicis fontibus, &c. Those Canons only seem to us, saith he, to be derived from the apostolical fountains, which have either been admitted and incorporated by the Fathers into the Canons of succeeding councils, or confirmed by the authority of the Bishops of Rome, aut in communem usum Ecclesiasticae disciplinae, or otherwise have been continually practised in the Churches discipline. The first and last of these three cautions, I conceive to be exceeding sound, and should not stumble at the second, had the decrees and ordinances of the ancient Popes come incorrupted to out hands. Which ground thus laid, we will now see what the Apostles Canons have delivered in the present business: and that we shall distribute as it doth relate to Bishops, either in point of their Admission, how and by whom they are to be Ordained; or of their carriage and behaviour being once admitted, how far to disoblige themselves from the employments of the world; or of their Jurisdiction over the inferior clergy, whom they are to govern. These are the points which are most clearly offered us to be considered of, in the aforesaid Canons, and these we shall present, and then consider of them accordingly.  
And first in way of their Admission to that sacred function, it seemeth to be the first care of the Collector, that it he done according to the mind and meaning of the holy Apostles: and therefore it is put in the very front; viz. that a B●shop is not to be ordained, but by three B●shops, or by two at the least. {αβγδ}, 
Canon. Apost. 1  as the Canon hath it. A Canon which hath all the rules and cautions required by Baronius, for proof of its antiquity, and apostolical institution: as being confirmed by many of the decretals, in case they were of any credit; incorporated first into the Canons of the Councell●f 
Conc●●. Arelat. Can. 21.  Councell●f Arles, a● afterwards in those p of Nice; 
Nicen Ca. 4.  and generally continued in the constant practise and perpetual usage of the Church. Onely the difference is, that the old Canon doth admit of ordinations made by two Bishops, if a third may not conveniently be had; wherea● the later councils stand on three precisely: whereof perhaps this was the reason, because in later times there was a greater number of Bishops in the Church of God, then had been before; and so the number of three Bishops to concur together, not so hard to meet with. Now they that search into the first occasion of the present Canon 
Philodox. ap. Masonum de Minist. Anglic. l. 1. c. 5.  fetch it from a tradition on record in Clemens: viz. that James the Proto-Bishop, the first that ever had a fixed episcopal Sea, was ordained Bishop of jerusalem, by Peter, James and John the sons of Zebedee. Peter, saith he, 
Clem. Alex. ap. Euseb. l. 2. c. 1.  and James, and John being by our Redeemer most esteemed of, contended not amongst themselves after his ascension, for the highest place, {αβγδ}, but rather made choice of James the Just, to be the Bishop of jerusalem. But this, if looked on well, was no ordination, for James being one of the Apostles needed no such Ceremony: but onely an agreement made by that goodly fellowship amongst themselves, that whilst the rest did Preach the gospel in the world abroad, Saint James should take the charge of the mother City. The Ordination of Saint Paul and Barnabas 
Objected by Philodox. ap. Masonum. l. 1. cap. 7.  unto the Apostleship, by the hands of Lucius, Simeon and Manaen, is indeed more pertinent; but that being an extraordinary case, it can make no precedent. But what need any further pedigree be sought, to raise the reputation of this Canon? It is antiquity enough that it stands in front and leads on all the residue of the Canons, ascribed of old to the Apostles. And yet we must observe withall, that as there is no general Rule, but hath some exception: so the necessities of the Church have many times dispensed with these ancient Canons: the Ordination of 
Anastas. in vita Pelagii.  Pelagius the first, once a Pope of Rome, and of 
Synodal. Ep. Episcoporum Ponti, ap. Binium p 173. Tom. 2.  Dioscorus Patriarch of Alexandria, being performed by two Bishops only, contrary to the councils or Nice and Arles; that of P. Evagrius 
Theodo. Hist. lib. 5. c▪ 23.  Patriarch of Antiochia, but by one alone, contrary to the old apostolic Canon. But then we must observe withall, that these exceptions being in extraordinary cases and occasions, are rather a confirmation of the Canons, then any diminution to them: according to the good old Rule, Exceptio firmat regulam in non exceptis.  
The Bishop being thus admitted to his charge and function, by a peculiar Ordination; we must next see what is prescribed him in these Canons touching his behaviour, whether domestic in his family, or public in the Commonwealth. For his domestic carriage, it is ordered thus, 
Canon. 5.  {αβγδ}, that he do not put away his wife, on pain of Excommunication, on any shadow or pretence of Piety what ever. I know my Masters in the Church of Rome would fain shift this off, by saying that there is nothing else required by the present Canon, 
Binius in Annot▪ in Con. 5.  but that they ought to have a care of them, ipsisque de omnibus quae ad vitam honestè degendam requiruntur, provideant, and to provide them all things necessary for this present life. But surely Zonaras 
Zonar. come. in an. Apo.  gives a fairer and more likely gloss; by whom it is affirmed, that if a Bishop, or any other person in holy orders,( for the Canon doth extend to all particularly) should under colour of Religion put away his wife; he was to be excluded from the Church by this present Canon, till he admitted her again: Admitted her again? to what? Assuredly unto his bed, to cohabitation: Should he do otherwise,( saith he) it would redound to the reproach of Marriage, {αβγδ}, as if that conjugal society did beget uncleanes, whereas the Scripture saith, that Marriage is honourable, and the bed undefiled: adding with all {αβγδ}, &c. that lawful wedlock in those times was left free to Bishops, and that it was restrained first by the Synod in Trullo, many hundreds after. An. 692. Which being, so the following Canon must admit of some qualification, 
Can. Apost 6.  by which it is decreed, {αβγδ} {αβγδ}, that he do not take upon him any worldly cares, or secular affairs, be it which it will. For if he was allowed to have wife and children, and consequently was necessitated to maintain a family; it could not be, but he must needs be subject to some worldly cares, in making fit provision for them: Saint Paul determining that, 
1 Tim. 5.8.  If any man provide not for his own, especially for those of his own house, he hath denied the faith, and is worse then an infidel. So that these being not the worldly cares which are intended, as they relate to his domestic carriage in his private family; we must next see how far it doth extend to those worldly cares, or rather secular affairs, if any shall so choose to red it, which do concern him in the public.  
And here we must first know whether that all intermeddling in secular affairs, or worldly matters, be interdicted by this Canon, merely quà tales for themselves; or as they were an avocation from the work of the holy ministry. Not of themselves, quà tales, there's no doubt of that; for then their private and domestic cares must also undergo the same probition. It seems then only as an avocation, as they diverted Bishops and the rest in orders from doing the work of their vocation. 
Zon. Comment. in Apost. Can.  Zonaras doth conceive it so. {αβγδ}, the purpose of the Canon is, that they should attend the holy ministry, keeping themselves from all disturbances and the tumultuousnesse of business. But then withall we must observe that Zonaras alloweth them to take care of Orphans, and to administer their estate to the best advantage, which is one secular employment, and no mean one neither. In this the council of Chalcedon, Can 3. doth agree with Zonaras, allowing Clergymen to be Guardians( as we call it) unto those in Wardship. Can. 3. Though the providing for the fatherless be a work of mercy; yet the administration of their estates {αβγδ}, as it is there called is a work of business: And this allowance is affirmed by Zonaras, to be consistent with the Canon, which is one thing more; and such a one as will make way for many others. The arbitrating of emergent differences between man and man, for the advancement both of peace and justice, is a worldly work, a secular employment, past all question. May not the Canon be persuaded to admit of this, and not to have it laid in bar against the Bishop, that he hath left his holy calling and made himself a Judge amongst his neighbours? Out of doubt it will: And which is somewhat more, out of doubt it must. Those Canons which are only fathered on the Apostles, will else run cross with those which are theirs indeed. When Saint Paul 
1 Cor. 6.  lessoned those of Corinth, that rather then they should profane the Gospel with contentious suits, they should refer their differences to their Brethren: think you it was his purpose either to exclude the Clergy then, or their Bishop after, when they had one? No saith Saint Ambrose,( if the work be his) 
Ambros. come. in 1 ad Cor. c. 6.  Melius dicit apud dei ministros causam agere, no better way then to refer the business to Gods Ministers, who being guided by the fear of God, will determine rightly in the s●me. Or is the Bishop only to be barred this Office? Not so, saith he. For if Saint Paul adviseth them to submit themselves unto the judgement of their Brethren, it was upon this reason principally, quia adhuc Rector in eorum Ecclesia non esset ordinatus, because, as then, there was no Bishop in that Church. Saint Austin gives it more exactly, makes it a charge imposed upon the Bishop by Saint Pauls command. For speaking of the pains he took in the determining of such causes as were brought before him, 
August. de Opere Monarch. c. 29.  he tells us, that he underwent the same, in obedience only to Saint Pauls injunction, quibus nos molestiis idem affixit Apostolus, as his words there are; and that Saint Paul imposed it not by his own authority, said ejus qui in eo loquebatur, but by the authority of the Holy Ghost which did dictate to him: adding withall, that howsoever it was irksome and laborious to him, yet he did patiently discharge his duty in it prospe aeternae vitae, only upon the hope of life eternal. And it is worth the observation, that venerable Beda, making a Comment upon Saint Pauls Epistle, collected out of several passages of Saint Austins writings; he putteth down this place at large, as the most full and proper exposition of the Apostles words, Secularia judicia si habueritis, &c. 1 Cor. 6.4. If then ye have judgements of things partayning to this life, &c. Here then we have the Bishop interested in the determining of suits and differences, a secular employment surely: and yet no violence offered to the sacred Canon. May he not go a little further, and intermeddle, if occasion be, in matters of the Common wealth? 
Synesius in Ep. 57.  {αβγδ}. I do not blame those Bishops, saith Synesius, that are so employed: such as are fitted with abilities for the undertaking, being by him( a strict and rigorous man) permitted to employ the same. And more then so, {αβγδ}, it maketh for Gods praise and glory that it should be so: that men, on whom he hath bestowed abilities to perform both Offices, should do accordingly. But these I put down here, as opinions only: the practise of them we shall see in a place more proper. If then it be demanded what those {αβγδ}, those Worldly cares, and Secular employments are, which the Canon speaks off: 
Zonar. Comment. in Conc. Chalced. Can. 3  Zonaras will imforme us in another place, that the Canon aimeth at the mingling of the Roman Magistracies {αβγδ}, with the episcopal or Priestly function, which at that time were, questionless, incompatible. And then the meaning of the Canon will in fine be this, that Bishops or inferior Clergymen, might not be Consuls, Praetors, Generalls, or undergo such public Offices in the State of Rome, as were most sought for and esteemed by the Gentiles there.  
As for their Jurisdiction over the inferior clergy, as far as it is warranted by these apostolic canons; it doth consist especially in these particulars. First, there is granted and annexed unto them, the power of Ordination, and to them alone. The second Canon tells us so, 
Can. Apost. 2.  {αβγδ}, the Presbyter and Deacon, and all other Clerks must be ordained by one Bishop. And if a Bishop be required, though but one in all, the Presbyters have no authority at all, of conferring Orders. But of this before: Being ordained, they were accountable in the next place to their Bishop, in all things which concerned their Ministration: without whose special leave and liking, there were not onely many things which they might not do; but there was nothing in a manner to be done, 
Can. 38.  {αβγδ}, let them do nothing, saith the Canon, without the knowledge of the Bishop; neither Baptize, nor celebrate the Eucharist, as 
Ig●at. ad Smyrnens.  Ignatius hath it, of whom more anon; {αβγδ} not repel any man from the Communion, as it is in Zonaras. But hear the Canons speaking in another place, they will tell you more particularly, that if a Presbyter neglecting or contemning his own Bishop, 
Can. 31.  shall gather the people into a Conventicle, {αβγδ}, and erect another Altar for divine worship, not being able to convict his Bishop of any impiety or injustice; he is to be deposed, {αβγδ}, as an ambitions person, seeking a pre-eminence that belonged not to him. Finally so obnoxious were the Presbyters to the command and pleasure of their Bishop, that they could not be admitted into any other City 
Can. 12.  {αβγδ}, without his letters testimonial; and this on pain of Excommunica-aswell unto the Presbyter that should so depart, as to the party that received him. If any Presbyter 
Can. 15.  or Deacon, leaving the charge appointed to him; shall go into another diocese( for so I think {αβγδ} must be red in this place and time) and there abide, without the allowance of his Bishop, {αβγδ} he is to be suspended ab officio, especially if he return not presently on the Bishops summons. More of this kind there is in those ancient Canons, touching the Presbyters dependence on, and plain subjection to their Bishop. But I have instanced in such only, as may be clearly justified by succeeding practise: And so much of the Apostles Canons, ascribed to Clemens.  
From Clemens, on to Evaristus, his next successor in the government of the Church of Rome. I know the Antiquaries of that Church have interloped an Anacletus between these two; and let them take him for their labour. But when I find in Irenaeus 
iron. l. 3. cap 3. , who lived so near the times we speak of as to converse with those which were then alive, when both these Bishops sate in the Church of Rome; and when I find it in Eusebius 
Euseb. hist. Ec. l. 3. c. 28. {αβγδ}. , who with such care and diligence collected the successions of the Prelates in the greater Churches; that Evaristus did immediately succeed this Clemens: I shall desire to be excused if I prefer their testimony in this case, before that of Anastasius, or the pontifical, or Platina, or any whosoever of the later daies. Now of this Evaristus it is said by 
In vita Evarist.  Damasus in the pontifical, and from him by Platina, 
In vita Evarist.  titulos in urbe Romae Prebyteris divisisse, that he did first assign the Presbyters in Rome their particular charges: which also is affirmed by 
De vitis Pont. Rom. in Evaristo.  Rob. barns, one of the great Agents in our Reformation; which words of the Historians being short and dark, we will expound in the expressions of judicious Hooker thus, as followeth. 
Hooker Eccles. Polit. l 5. n. 80.  For more convenient discharge of ecclesiastical duties, as the body of people must needs be severed by divers precincts so were the clergy likewise accordingly distributed. Whereas therefore Religion did first take place in Cities, and in that respect was a cause why the name of Pagans, which properly signifieth country people, came to be used in common speech for the same that Infidels and unbelievers were, it followed thereupon that all such Cities had their ecclesiastical Colleges consisting of Presbyters and Deacons, whom first the Apostles or their Delegates the Evangelists, did both ordain and govern: such were the Colleges of jerusalem, Antioch, Ephesus, Rome, Corinth, and the rest, where the Apostles are known to have planted our Faith and Religion. Now because Religion and the Cure of souls was their general charge in common over all that were near about them, neither had any one Presbyter his several Curea part, till Evaristus Bishop in the See of Rome about the year 112. began to assign Precincts unto every Church, or Title, which the Christians held, and to appoint unto each Presbyter a certain compass, whereof himself should take charge alone; the commodiousness of which invention caused all parts of christendom to follow it: So he. And he saith well that Evaristus first began it; but it was shortly after followed by Higinus also, who added more divisions to the former number; if I do understand my 
Pl●●ina in vit▪ Hi●in●.  author rightly. As for the following of this pattern by other Churches, tis most true indeed, that this invention of his was after followed in the Churches of Antioch and Alexandria: whereof see Socrates Hist. Eccles. l. 5.3. for that of Antioch; and for the other Epiphanius, who reckoneth nominatim those several Churches, which were before the time of Constantine in that famous City. And doubtless in all other Cities as the number of Christians did increase, so were the like divisions made, and several Presbyters appointed for those divisions; though we have no such pregnant evidence thereof, as for those before. But then we must observe withall, that such divisions were not in the Country till a long time after; as we shall let you see in due place and time.  
As for those Colleges of Presbyters and Deacons whereof Hooker speaketh, founded by the Apostles and Evangelists in all the Cities wherein they planted the gospel of Christ; and by them conjoined into one Church under and with the Bishop: it was a very excellent and useful institution, as the times then were. 
Bilfon. perpet. governm. ca. 14.  For first it did exceedingly promote the conversion of the world to Christ our Saviour: it being a work too great for one or two to undertake in a populous City; and would require more time to effect the same, then such a weighty business could afford. The harvest being great, it was most expedient, that the labourers should also bee many: that so the truth of Christ might disperse itself not onely throughout their Cities, but even unto those Country towns and Villages, which bordered near them. A second use, was to continue those whom they had converted, in the Faith of Christ, instructing and encouraging the faithful from house to house, and from man to man, to stand fast to the Doctrine which they had received, and not to shrink under the bloody storms of persecution, which were then so frequent. A work that of necessity required many hands; the more, because the faithful in those dangerous times, had not their public places of assembly; or if they had, durst not frequent the same as in times of peace: and so the labour must be great, and the persons many, in Preaching, Teaching, and exhorting in their private houses, or in those secret places where they met by stealth▪ for the receiving of the Sacrament. A third use was, that from these Presbyteries, or Colleges of Presbyters and Deacons, as from a sacred spring or fountain, there might bee a continual supply of fit and able men, by whom as well the Cities themselves might bee continually furnished for their own occasions; and also that from thence, the smaller Towns and Villages within the circuit of those Cities, which for the slenderness of their estate, and paucity of believers, could not maintain a Presbyter at their proper charge, might be provided of industrious teachers for their spiritual necessities. For in these times whereof wee speak, and a long time after, the Villages and Country towns as they were converted to the Faith, and did desire a Minister of the Word and Sacraments to reside amongst them; so they repaired unto the Bishop of the City, within whose {αβγδ} or bounds they were, of him desiring a fit man for that business: which course continued in the Church for a long time after, until Churches were endowed with Tithes, and Glebe, and Mansion houses, which drew the Patronage or Presentation, as we call it, into hands of such their Founders, and liberal Benefactors to the same. The last, but not the least, was the advising and assisting of the Bishop of the Church or City in all doubts and dangers: as well in making Rules and ordinances for the better government of the place; as for the censuring and correcting of such faulty persons, whether of the clergy or Laity, as were thought fit to be convented, for an example to the rest. In which regard 
Ignatius in Ep. ad Trallign.  I●natius calleth the presbytery, or College of Presbyters( and not the Priesthood, Sacerdotium▪ as it is rendered by Vedelius) {αβγδ}, an holy Corporation Counsellors and Assessors to the Bishop. A perfect Image of the which, we have remaining in our deans and Chapters of Cathedrall Churches: though not so frequently consulted with in the Churches business, as I could hearty desire they were; and as our Canons now in force in some sort require.  
The mention which I made so lately of Ignatius, leads me on to him; who yielded up his pious soul, by martyrdom, to the hands of God, in the City of Rome, whilst evaristus was there Bishop: And in him I shall onely touch upon those Epistles, which I find mentioned in 
Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l.  Eusebius; and which 
In Apolog. pro Ignatio.  Vedelius doth confess, and defend to boot, to be truly his: But by the way I must first tell you, that Vedelius in this business deals for all the world like the naughty Cow, that gives a good meales milk and kicketh it down with her heel. For having shewed some pains and learning in his apology for Ignatius, in vindicating these Epistles from all those who except against them: yet in the body of the text, when ever he doth meet with any thing, which runneth cross unto his fancies; that he excepts against himself, as suppositious and adulterate; or else destroyeth a good text with a faulty Comment. But let us take the Author as he gives him to us. 
Ignat. ad Tral.  {αβγδ}. Be subject to the Bishop( saith the good Father) as unto the Lord: and to the Presbyters as to Christs Apostles. Vedelius 
Vedel. Annotat in Ep. ad Trallian. c. 3.  hereupon observes, that the Presbyters are the proper successors of the Apostles, contrary unto that of Bellarmine, who makes them,( as he saith) to succeed the seventy. In which Vedelius doth the Bishops a far greater courtesy, then I believe he did intend them: making the disproportion more considerable between the Bishop and his Presbyters, then any Champion of the Prelacy had done before him. For if Vedelius may infer from our Authors words, that the Presbyters are successors unto the Apostles; we may as well infer from the self same grounds, that Bishops are the successors of Christ our Saviour. The like obedience to the Bishop, 
Ignat. ibid.  he presseth in another place of the same Epistle. {αβγδ}. Reverence your Bishop, as you would do Christ, as the Apostles have commanded. And then he gives this reason of it, {αβγδ}; for what else is the Bishop, but one superior unto all in place& power? what else the presbytery, but an holy company, the counsellors and Assessors of the Bishop? In which we have as great a difference betwixt a Bishop and his Presbyters; as is between a Prince and his Privy counsel. In that to the Magnesians 
Id. ad Magn.  thus; {αβγδ}, &c. It becomes you to obey your Bishop, not being refractory against him in any thing: for a most terrible thing it is to contradict him and oppose him, in that the contumely or reproach doth redound to God. In his third Epistle, that to the Philadelphians, 
Id. ad Philad.  he writeth thus. {αβγδ} {αβγδ} the Priests are good, and so are the Deacons, as being Ministers of the word; but better, or more excellent is the chief Priest, as being onely trusted with the holy of holies, and the secrets of God. The like occurs in that to those of 
Id ad Smyrn.  Smyrna; {αβγδ}, &c. Honour God as the Author and Lord of all things, and your Bishop as the chief Priest, bearing the image of God; that is to say, of God as he is chief, and of Christ as Priest. And though Vedelius brands 
Vedel. in marg. Epl. ad Philad.  this last as suppositious, and in the former by chief Priest 
Id. in Excercit. n Ep. ad Smyr. nens cap. 18.  will have our Saviour meant, and not th● Bishop: yet he that looks upon the place without prejudice, will easily discern the contrary; the comparison which there Ignatius maketh, being between the Ministers of the Church with one another, and not between the Ministers and the Master, betwixt them and Christ, with whom it were b●th impious and absurd to make comparisons. It wer● an endless piece of work to instance in all those several places, wherein the superiority of Bishops over all the flock, is pleaded and declared by this blessed Martyr. I therefore shut up all with this Conclusion, {αβγδ}, 
Ignat. Ep ad Smyrnen.  Let the lay people be subject to the Deacons, the Deacons to the Presbyters, the Presbyters unto the Bishop, and the Bishop unto Christ, as he to his Father: An heavenly and divine subordination. Not one of all the ancient Fathers, that speaks more clearly and distinctly of the Degrees and Orders in the Hierarchy, then thi● blessed Martyr; assigning unto every one his due place and station. If in one place, he calls the Presbyters by the name of B●shops, as writing unto Hero, one of the Deacons of the Church of Antioch it is plain he doth: it was at such tim● and on such occ●sion, when he himself being the Bishop of that place was ravished from them; and the chief government thereof was to them committed,( as in the times of vacancy or absence it hath since been done) which gave them the authority of Bishops, though not the order.  
For point of Jurisdiction next, he gives us first this charge in general. It is expedient, saith he, that whatsoever things you do, {αβγδ}, do it not without your Bishop: that is to say, as he expounds himself in another place, 
Id ad Smyrn.  {αβγδ}, nothing that appertains unto the Church, or concerns Religion. And this he grounds on the obedience of our Saviour 
Id. ad Magne●.  Christ, {αβγδ}, who doth not any thing without his Father: resolving finally, that they who give unto their governor the name of Bishop, 
Id. ibid.  {αβγδ}, and yet do what they list without him; do in effect, as those did unto Christ our Saviour, who said unto him Lord, Lord, and yet did nothing which he said. As for particulars, he would have those which mary, or are given in marriage, 
Id. ●n Epist. ad Policar.  {αβγδ}, to take the Bishop along with them; that so their marriage may be made according unto Gods commandement, and not for wantonness. The Eucharist he would not have performed but by the Bishop; either by him in person, or by his authority; nor baptism to bee administered without his licence and permission. This last expressly in his 4. Epistle, being that unto the Church of 
Id ad Smyrn.  Smyrna. It is not lawful without the Bishop, {αβγδ}, either to Baptize, or present Oblations, or celebrate the sacrifice of the blessed Eucharist, or solemnize the love feasts; but all things to be done agreeably unto his direction, according to the will and pleasure of Almighty God. In which as to the Sacrament of baptism, 
tertul. lib. de Baptismo.  Tertullian also doth concur; as we shall see hereafter in its proper place: And for the celebrating of the Eucharist by himself in person, and the assembling of the people upon his appointment, the same good Father gives it 
Ignat. Ep. ad Smyrnens.  thus. {αβγδ}. Let that administration of the Eucharist be held good and valid, which is done by the Bishop, or such as as he permits to do it. And where the Bishop shall appear, there let the Congregation be assembled; as where Christ is, there all the hosts of Heaven do stand round about him. Those that assemble otherwise then thus, and do not take the Bishop with them in these sacred actions, are by him said, 
Id. ibid. paulo post.  to break the concord of the Church, and destroy her order; and consequently are worthy of a greater punishment, then he {αβγδ}, which doth rebel against his King. Never did advocate for his fee plead a cause more thoroughly. So thoroughly, that I dare take up the Conclusion of that blessed 
Id. ad Tars●ns.  Martyr: {αβγδ}. My soul for theirs who carefully observe this order, and keep themselves unto the Rules which are here prescribed.  
Now that which by Ignatius is laid down before us, as to the ministration of the Sacrament, by the Bishop, in way of observation or direction; the same we find in Justin Martyr, who lived about the middle of this second Century; exemplified and represented in the way of practise. 
Justin Mart. in Apolog. 2.  For showing how a Convert was to be admitted in the Congregation, and that he was received with Common Prayers both for himself, and for the holy catholic Church, he doth thus proceed. {αβγδ}, Prayers being done, we salute one another with an holy kiss. Then do we offer Bread and Wine mixed with Water, {αβγδ} to the President or Ruler of the brethren; which he receiving, presenteth to the Father of all, by the name of the Son and holy Ghost, the sacrifice of prayle and glory, rendering immortal thanks unto him in that he hath vouchsafed those his gifts unto us: who having offered this oblation of prayer and thanksgiving, the Congregation present say Amen. The President or {αβγδ} having done his part, in celebrating of the Eucharist, and the people crowning his performance with their best devotions, {αβγδ}, those who by us are called Ministers or Deacons( for both these words the latin useth) distribute unto every one there present a portion of the blessed bread and wine mixed with water, that he may communicate thereof; and also carry part thereof unto such as are absent. Which aliment( being thus consecrated and received) we call the Eucharist, and is delivered unto none, but such as do believe our doctrine,& have been washed in the laver of Regeneration. And not long after, making a description of their assemblies on the Sunday, he first relates that the Commentaries of the Apostles and writings of the Prophets, as much as the time will suffer, are red before them. Then addeth, that the Reader having done, {αβγδ}, &c. the President or {αβγδ} makes a Sermon, wherein he doth instruct the people in the performance of those excellent things, which are contained in the same. Which done we all arise, and m●ke our prayers unto the Lord, and then the bread and wine and water, as before, is offered: the {αβγδ} proceeding to the Eucharist, according to the manner formerly described. Here then we have the celebration of the Eucharist, and the Preaching of Gods holy word, performed ordinarily by the {αβγδ} or President of the Congregation: but what this {αβγδ} should be, is the point in question. For resolution of which doubt, it is clear and evident, that by {αβγδ} anciently was meant the Bishop, as may appear by that of Eusebius, calling Publius bishop of Athens 
Euseb. hist. Ec. l. 4. c. 22. {αβγδ}.  by this name {αβγδ}, as he stiles him there; and so in other places and in other Writers. Nor do I find that it was any way applied to inferior Presbyters, till after the division of the Church into several Parishes, not in some Cities onely, but in all parts else: after which times the Presbyters or Ministers of parochial Churches having cure of souls, by and from the Bishop, and having got the name of Rectors; came to be called in some writers {αβγδ} also, as wee shall see hereafter in its proper place. But what need any of the ancients come in for evidence, when as the matter is confessed by those, who were the greatest adversaries of Episcopacy? For Beza making Timothy, whom we have proved sufficiently to have been a Bishop, to be the President or {αβγδ} of the Ephesine presbytery; and such a President or {αβγδ}, 
Beza Annot. in Tim. 5.19.  ut Justinus vocat, as Justin Martyr speaks of in the present place: it must needs be, that Justin Martyrs President or {αβγδ} was a Bishop also, as Timothy is proved to be. Which if it be not clear enough, we have a second that speaks plainer, and he the greatest Chapion of the adverse party, which had the honour to be bread in the Church of England; Cartwright I mean, 
Cited by B. Downham in his defence, l. 4. c. 1. sect. 17.  who tells us, with great grief no question, that even in Justins time there began to peep out something, which went from the simplicity of the Gospel, as that the name of {αβγδ}, which was common to ●he Elders with the Ministers of the word, was it seemeth appropriated unto one. So that by the confession of the Adversaries to episcopal government we have gained thus much, that the administration of the Sacrament of the blessed Eucharist, did properly and in chief belong unto the Bishop, as was affirmed by Ignatius, and proved in point of practise out of Justin Martyr. And so much for the first half of the second Century; what is presented to us in the other half, we are next to see.   

CHAP. II. The settling of episcopacy together with the gospel, in the Isle of britain, by Pope Eleutherius.  
I. What Bishops Egesippus met with in his Peregrination; and what he testifieth of them.  
II. Of Dionysius B. of Corinth; and of the Bishops by him mentioned.  
III. How Bishops came to be ordained, where none were left by the Apostles.  
IV. The settling of the gospel in the Isle of britain by Pope Eleutherius.  
V. Of the Condition of the Church of Britain from the first preaching of the gospel there, till the time of Lucius.  
VI. That Lucius was a King in those parts of britain which we now call England.  
VII. Of the episcopal Sees here founded by King Lucius at that time.  
VIII. Touching the Flamines and arch-flamens, which those stories speak of.  
IX. What is most like to be the reason of the number of the archbishoprics and bishoprics here, of old established.  
X. Of the Successors, which the Bishops of this Ordination are found to have on true record.  
XI. Which of the British Metropolitans was anciently the Primate of that Nation.  
AMongst those several writers of the Primitive times, out of whose works Eusebius collected his materials, for the composing of the ecclesiastical History, which we still enjoy: one of the ancientest was Egesippus, one that took great pains in the self same kind. Five books he writ, as both 
Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. 4.21. χ6.  Eusebius and Saint 
De scriptor. Eccles.  jerome tell us, touching the Acts and Monuments of the Church of God: this last affirming of the work, that it contained many things, ad utilitatem legentium pertinentia, exceeding profitable to the Reader; though written in a plain and familiar style. Some fragments of his cited by Eusebius, we have seen before; the body of his works being eaten by the teeth of time: and one we are to look on now, being the remainder of a most accurate and full confession of his Faith, which he left behind him. 
Euseb. ut supra.  There he relates, {αβγδ}, that in a journey towards Rome, he did confer with many Bishops; and that he found amongst them all the same form of Doctrine: there being no City where he came, no episcopal succession, wherein he found not all things so confirmed and settled, as they were prescribed by the word, taught by the Prophets, and Preached by our Lord and Saviour. Particularly he tells us of the Church of Corinth, {αβγδ}, that it continued constantly in the Orthodox Faith, till the time that Primus was there Bishop: with whom he had much conference, as he sailed towards Rome, staying with him many dayes at Corinth, and being much delighted with his conversation. Of Rome he only doth inform us, that he abode there till the time of Anicetus, whose Deacon Eleutherus at that time was; who not long after did succeed in his Pastours chair: Soter succeeding Anicetus; Eleutherus succeeding Soter. Where by the way, I wonder how Saint 
De viris ill. in Egesip.  Hierom came to place the coming of Egesippus unto Rome, sub Aniceto, when Anicetus was there Bishop; considering that Egesippus tells us he was there before; and that he there continued {αβγδ}, until the time of Anicetus, as before was said. Discoursing of the errors of the Jews his Countrymen, he sheweth that after James the Just was martyred in defence of Christs truth and gospel; Simeon the son of Cleophas and Uncle to our Saviour, was erected Bishop: all the Disciples giving their voices unto him, as being of their Masters kindred: He addeth that jerusalem( whereof he speaketh) was called for long time, the Virgin Church; as being undefiled with the filth of Heresies: and that Thebulis was the first who broached strange Doctrine in the same; the man being discontented, as it seemed, {αβγδ}, because he was not made a Bishop. So far the pieces of this journal, or Itinerarie direct us in this present sea●ch, as to discern how strong a bulwark the episcopal succession hath been, and been accounted also, of Gods sacred truths; how strong a pillar for support of that blessed building.  
At the same time with Egesippus lived Dionysius, the learned and renowned Bishop of the Church of Corinth, successor to that Primus whom before we spake of. A man, as both 
Euseb. eccles. hist. l. 4. c. 22. {αβγδ}  Eusebius and Saint 
De scriptor. ecc.  Hierom say, of such both industry and eloquence, ut non solum suae Civitatis& Provinciae populos, that he instructed not alone by his Epistles the people of his own City and Province, but also those of other Churches. One writ he, saith Eusebius, to the Lacedemonians, at once confirming them in faith and love: another unto the Athenians, about the time that Publius, their Bishop, suffered martyrdom; exhorting them to live according to the prescript of Christs holy gospel. In that Epistle he makes mention of Quadratus also, who succeeded Publius in that charge; declaring also, that Dionysius the Areopagite being converted by S. Paul, was made the first Bishop of that City. Of which three Bishops of Athens, Quaedratus is much celebrated by 
Euseb. l. 4 c. 3.  Eusebius for an apology by him written, and tendered unto Adrian the Emperour, in the behalf of Christians; being the first piece of that kind that was ever written in the world: and written, as it seems, with such power and efficacy, 
Id ibid. c. 9.  that shortly after Adrian desisted from his persecuting of the Church of God, making a law or edict for their future safety. But to go on with Dionysius. A third he writ unto the Nicomedians, opposing in the same the heresies of martion: a fourth unto the Gortinaeans, in which he much commended their Bishop Philip, in that the Church committed to his care and governance {αβγδ}, had been made famous by so many trials both for faith and constancy. He writ unto the Church of Amastris also, and the rest in Pontus; speaking by name of Palma, the Bishop there: as also to the Church of Gnossus, in the Isle of Crete; in which he did persuade Pintus, Bishop of the same, {αβγδ}, not to impose that grievous yoke of chastity upon his brethren, as a matter necessary; but to consult rather the infirmity and weakness of them. Finally, there was extant in Eusebius time another Epistle of this Dionysius, to the Church of Rome; wherein he magnifieth their abundant charity towards all the Brethren which were in want or persecution, not onely of their own, but of other Cities: highly commending Soter, who was then their Bishop, who did not onely study to preserve them in so good a way, {αβγδ}, but also did encourage them to improve their bounties. So much remaines of Dionysius and his public Acts: by which we may perceive, that though the Bishops of those times( as since) had their particular Sees and Cities, yet did their care extend unto others also; maintaining a continual intercourse betwixt one another, not onely for their mutual comfort in those dangerous times, but also for the better government of the Church itself; the unity whereof was then best preserved by that correspondence which the Bishops, in the name of their several Churches, had with one another. For other Bishops of those times, not to say any thing of Melito or Polycarpus, whom before we spake of; nor of the Bishops of the four patriarchal Sees, which we shall have occasion to remember shortly: those of most famed were 
Euseb. hist. l. 3. c. 23. {αβγδ}.  Papias and Apollinarius, Bishops successively of Hierapolis a City of Phrygia; 
Id. l. 4. c. 25. {αβγδ}  Pothinus Bishop of lions in France; 
Id. l. 5. c. 6. ε.  Theophilus Bishop of Caesarea; 
Id c. 21. χ6  Cassius Bishop of Tyre; 
Id c 25 {αβγδ}.  Clarius Bishop of Ptolomais, all three in Palestine; 
Ibid. c. ●8 {αβγδ}  Publius Julius Bishop of Debelto a Colony in Thrace with many others of great eminency; whereof consult Euseb. Hist Eccles. 5. c. 18. {αβγδ}. & cap. 21. χ6.  
By this that hath been said of Dionysius, and other Bishops of his time, it is clear and evident, that Bishops had been settled( even in those early dayes) in many Cities, wherein we do not find that any had been formerly ordained by the Apostles. But how they were so settled, and by whose authority, hath in these later daies been made a question. Our Masters in the Church of Rome, appropriate the power of instituting and erecting new episcopal Sees, to their Bishop only, as being the only, universal and supreme Pastor of the Church. 
Bellarm de Rom. point. l. 2. c. 12.  Bellarmine hath resolved it so, in terms express. Apostolorum proprium erat, It properly appertained( saith he) to the Apostles to constitute Churches, and propagate the gospel in those Churches wherein it never had been Preached. So far unquestionably true, but what followeth after? Et hoc ad Romanum Pontificem pertinere,& ratio& experientia ipsa nos docet, And that this doth belong to the Popes of Rome, both reason and experience teach us. Belong it doth indeed to the Popes of Rome, so far we dare join issue with him: but that it doth belong to the Pope alone, and not to any other Bishops but by his sufferance and authority, which is the matter to be proved, that there is neither reason nor example for. No reason certainly, for if this did belong to all the Apostles, as Bellarmine affirms it did, then other Bishops which derive their pedigree from Andrew, James, John, Paul, or any other of the Apostles, have as much interest herein as the Popes of Rome, who challenge their descent from Peter. And for examples, if they go by that, they have a very desperate cause to manage. Tis true indeed, that Clemens, one of the first Bishops of the Church of Rome 
into Carnotens. in Chron. MS. citat. a Patr. Junio. , did ordain several Bishops in his time, and placed them in the chief Cities of those parts of Gallia which lay near unto him, as viz. Photinus at lions, Paul at Narbon, Gratian at Tours, others in other places also, as into Carnotensis hath reported of him. But then it is as true withall, that other Bishops did the like in their times and places. Christianity and episcopacy had not else in so short a time been propagated over all the world; if those which dwelled far off and remote from Rome, could not have settled and ordained Bishops in convenient places, without running thither, or having a Commission thence. And though we have no precedent hereof, in the present age, yet we may see by the continual practise in the ages following, that Bishops were first propagated over all the Churches, by the assistance of such neighbour Churches in whom there had ●een Bishops instituted either by the Apostles and Evangelists themselves, or by their Successors. Frumentius being in some hope of gaining the Indians beyond Ganges to the Faith of Christ, 
Socrat. eccles. hist. lib. 1. c. 15.  was made a Bishop for that purpose, {αβγδ}, as the story hath it: not by the Pope of Rome, nor with his privity or consent that we can hear of, but by Athanasius the great and famous Patriarch of Alexandria. And when Eusebius 
Theodoret. hist. eccles. l. 5. c 4.  Samosatanus had a mind, for the suppressing of the growth of arianism, to erect Dolicha {αβγδ}, as my author calls it, a small City, but greatly pestered with that heresy, into an episcopal See: we find not that he sent to Rome for a Commission, but actually ordained Maris, Bishop of the place; and went himself to see him inthronized in the same. So in like manner Saint Basil ordained Gregory Nazianzen Bishop of Sasima, making that Town a Bishops See, which before was none: and thereupon 
Gregor. Presb. in vita Nazian.  Gregorius Presbyter writing the life of Nazianzen, calls it very properly {αβγδ}, a bishopric or episcopal See of a new foundation. And thus Saint Austin also in the age succeeding erected an episcopal See in Fussata, a City or walled Town in his own diocese of Hippo, 
August. Epist.  making one Antonius the first Bishop there; the Primate of Numidia returning with him in the ordination. Nor did they this, as fain the cardinal 
Bellarm. de ecc. lib. 4. c. 8.  would have it, à seed Apostolica facultatem habentes, by force of any faculty procured from Rome; which is gratis dictum: but by their own proper and innate authority, as they were trusted with the government of the Church of Christ.  
So then the Bishops onely of the Church of Rome had not the sole authority of instituting Bishops, where none were before. That's a dream onely of the Pontifician. Authority they had to do it, as had others also; and hereof doth occur a notable and signal evidence in this present Age: viz. the settling of the Church of britain, and planting Bishops in the same by Pope Eleutherius 
Damas. in vita Eleuther. apud been in council. Tom. 1. . Of him it is affirmed in the Pontifical, ascribed to Damasus,( who lived about the year 370.) accepisse Epistolam a Lucio Britannico Rege, ut Christianus efficeretur per ejus mandatum; that he received an Epistle from Lucius a British King, desiring that by his authority he might be made a Christian: Our venerable Bede, a right ancient writer, thus reports the story. Anno ab incarnatione Domini 156. &c. 
Beda hist. eccl. lib. 1. c. 4.  In the 156. year after Christs nativity, Marcus Antonius Verus together with Aurelius Commodus his brother, did in the fourteenth place from Augustus Caesar, undertake the government of the Empire. In whose times, when as Eleutherius a godly man was Bishop of the Church of Rome, Lucius King of the Britains sent unto him, obsecrans ut per ejus mandatum Christianus efficeretur, entreating treating by his means to be made a Christian; whose virtuous desire herein was granted; and the faith of Christ being thus received by the Britans, was by them kept inviolate and undefiled until the times of Dioclesian. Wherein as I submit to Beda, as to the substance of the story, so I crave leave to differ from him as to the matter of chronology. For by this reckoning Eleutherius must attain the popedom An. 167. as Beda 
Beda in histor. epitome.  elsewhere doth compute it; which is ten yeeres at least before the time assigned him by most other writers. And therefore I shall rather choose to follow the commonly received account, by which the said two Emperours are brought upon the government of the Roman Empire, Anno 161. and the attaining of the popedom by this Eleutherius is placed in the 17●h. year of Marcus, Anno 177. Lucius Aurelius Commodus being dead before. But in this controversy, as it belongeth to Chronology, I shall not meddle at the present. It is enough, that the planting of the gospel amongst the Britans, was, as the greatest, so the first action of this Pope, done by him, as we red in Platina 
Platina in vita Eleutherii. , inito pontificatu, at his first entrance on the place: wherein Philippus Bergomensis in Supplemento Chronicorum, l. 8. and Coce. Sabellicus, Ennead. 7. l. 5. do either follow him, or concur with him. How Lucius came to be inflamed with this holy zeal, is related diversely. 
Harpsfeild in aec. hist. Angl. c. 3.  Nicolas Harpsfield doth conceive it to be on occasion of the great miracle then lately done by the Christian legion, obtaining ra●ne from heaven by their fervent prayers, on the imperial Army much distressed with drought: by means whereof the Emperours dealt very favourably with the Christians, 
tertul. Apol. cap. 5.  adjecta etiam accusatoribus damnatione, even to the condemnation of their false Accusers. Others conceive, that being in himself of a sweet and gracious disposition, he was much taken with the reports that had come unto him 
Chron. Gis●bur cit. ap Armaca●. de Prim●rdus.  de miraculis Christi,& praedicatione Apostolorum, touching the miracles of Christ, and the preaching of his holy Apostles. And possibly it might be both, one adding help and strength unto the other. But which soever it was, it seemeth he was not very forward at the first to embrace the gospel; being retarded from the same by the obscure and poor condition of the Christians 
Balaeus de scrip. Brit. ●ent. 1. . But when he had been well informed by Pertinax and Trebellius, Lieutenants in this iceland for the Roman Emperours, Romanorum illustres aliquot illam admisisse, that many men of mark amongst the Romans had received the faith: he then resolved to go through with his good intentions. 
Lib. de primo statu Landanen. eccl. citat. apud Armacan. c. 4.  And being so resolved, he dispatched away Eluanus and Meduinus, Britans both, and both initiated in the faith, to Pope Eleutherius: who giving thankes to God for so great a blessing, did first of all baptize the Legates or ambassadors; and having consecrated Eluanus Bishop, and fitted Meduinus for a Doctor or an instructor of the people, or made him Presbyter, as I conceive the meaning of the place to be; he sent them back again to Lucius. The issue of the business was, eorum praedicatione Lucius, & totius Britanniae primates baptismum susceperunt, that by their preaching, both Lucius and all the Noblemen of britain received the sacrament of baptism; and that according to the order of the said Eleutherius, the State ecclesiastical was established, Bishops ordained, and the rules of godly living shewed unto the people. Nor did he trust this work to those two alone, but he sent with them others also 
Platina in ●ita Eleuther. alii. , Faganus, and Deruvianus( or Damianus, as some call him) to assist the work, and contribute their best endeavours to so great a business, as most of our Historians witness.  
This though it were a notable and signal work, and that we stand indebted for it unto the piety and zeal of that holy Pope; yet was not this the planting of the gospel here, but the watering of it. The planting of it was before, perhaps before it had been planted even in Rome itself. Gildas 
Gildas de excid●o Brit. ininitio , one of the notedst Antiquaries of the British Nation, doth affirm expressly, Tempore, ut scimus, summo Tiberii Caesaris, that in the latter dayes of Tiberius Caesar, our Saviour Christ the Sun of righteousness, had with his beams enlightened this frozen iceland, and that his gospel was here propagated without let or hindrance. Now Christ our Saviour suffered in the 18 year of this Tiberius; and he again deceased in the 39 of our Saviour: so that the faith of Christ was at the furthest preached unto the Britaines within 5 yeeres after the bitter passion of our Lord Christ JESUS. Whether at Rome so soon, or not, let them prove that can. That it was here so early, we have shewed a proof above all exception: and yet we have one more to come, as little liable to exception, in the opinion of the Romanists, as that before. It is a passage extant in Baronius 
Baron. in Annal. an 25. n 5. , and by him borrowed from the Acts or history of Mary Magdalen and her associates; which tells us this, that after the dispersion of the Disciples on the death of Steven; Lazarus, Mary Magdalen, Martha, and Marcella, in quos Judaei majori odio exardescebant, against whom the Jews were more incensed then against any of the rest, were not onely thrust out of jerusalem, but together with one Maximinus, one of the Disciples, put into a boat without oars, and so committed unto the mercy, or the fury rather, of the Sea, but were at last by Gods great providence brought unto Marseilles in safety, together with Joseph of Arimathea, who made himself a partner in the danger with them, and after went from gall to britain, illicque post praedicatum Evangelium, diem clausit extremum, where having preached the gospel, he did end his dayes. With this, as for the time of Josephs coming into Britain, agreeth the argument made by the English ambassadors at the council of Constance 
Citat ap. Armacan. de Primordiis Brit. eccles. c 2 , upon occasion of a controversy, therein agitated, touching the dignity and greatness of the kingdoms of England and France. In which it was thus pleaded by the English Advocates, statim post passionen Christi, that presently on the passion of Christ, Joseph of Arimathea that noble counselor, who took our Saviour from the cross, that he might early, in the morning, apply himself unto the dressing of the Lords Vineyard, came with his twelve Associates into England,( i.e. that part of Britain which was then called England) and converted the people of it to the Faith. And this I take, building upon the words of Gildas, to be more consonant to the truth of Story, then to put off his coming hither unto the 63. year after Christs nativity, or the 20. after his Ascension 
Malmesbur. in hist. Monast. Glaston. Job. Capgrave: alii. , as some of our historians do, on far less authority. But being come, and having preached the gospel here, as it is generally delivered by our ancient writers, he retired himself unto the Isle of Avalonia 
Polyd. Vire. hist. Ang. l. 2. alii malii. , which we now call Gassenbury, and there applied himself unto his devotions: leaving the work by him, begun to receive a further measure of perfection, both from St. Peter who was here in person, and from 
Vide c. 3.& 4.  Aristobulus whom Saint Paul sent hither, as before was said. And though we do not find any evident footstep, that either Aristobulus being ordained Bishop of the Britains, or that those Bishops who are said to have been ordained by Saint Peter, left any to succeed them in that sacred office; or that Religion had gained much upon the people of this island, being then hardly civilized, and almost continually in warres and troubles: yet did the skeleton or carcase of it continue still from this time forward, even to the dayes of Diocletian; sure I am Gildas doth expressly say it 
Gildas de excidio Brit. in initio. , that howsoever the gospel was received here but very coldly, at the first, apud quosdam tamen integrè, apud alios minus, usque ad persecutionem Diocletiani tyranni novennem, yet it continued amongst some in greater, with others in a less perfection, until the nine years persecution raised by Diocletian. And questionless from this old brood of Christians Eluanus and Medwinus before remembered( whereof the one is called Avalonus 
Balaeus de scriptor. Cent. 1. c. 27. 28. Antiq. Brit. alii. , the other Belga, this being the old name of that sept or nation, to which the Isle of Avalonia in those times belonged) receive their first affections to the Faith of Christ.  
But of this, little question hath been raised amongst our Antiquaries. The greatest scruple is concerning Lucius, and the number of episcopal Sees by him erected: whom the opposers of this story, allow not to be King of Britain, which was reduced at that time to a Roman Province; and so by consequence of no ability to build so many Christian Churches and endow the same, for the advancement of a Religion not publicly allowed of in the Roman Empire. But this, as I conceive, is no such objection, but what may easily be answered; considering what was vouchsafe out of Bede, before, the ancientest writer of the English nation, and no great friend unto the British. For they that know the customs of the Roman Empire, know this well enough, 
Tacit. de vit. Agric.  that nothing was more usual with them, quam habere instrumenta servitutis,& Reges, then to permit Kings in the conquered Countries, making them to be helps and instruments for bringing the people into bondage. And they that know the passages of the present times, cannot choose but tell, that Lucius Verus, living in the times whereof we speak, having put an end unto the war against the Parthians, 
Capitolinus in Vero.  regna Regibus, provincias vero Comitibus suis regendas dedisse; did give those kingdoms which he had subdued, to be ruled by Kings; the Provinces to bee ruled by earls or Counties. So that our Lucius might bee very well a King in Britain, notwithstanding the reduction of it to a Roman Province; especially considering that besides his birth-right 
Balaeus de scrip Brit. Cen. 1. c. 29 , he was confirmed in the same. M. Antonini Veri tum benovolentiâ, cum authoritate, both by the power and favour of M. Antoninus Verus, then the Roman Emperour. A King then Lucius was, and a King in Britain; in Britain as a King of some part thereof, such as 
Tacit. Annal. l. 14.& l de Vit. Agr●c.  Pratusagus, and Cordigunus 
Tacit. Annal. l. 14.& l de Vit. Agr●c. , of whom Tacitus speaketh, had been before: but not a King of Britain, as of all the island; it being probable that there were other petty Kings and Roytelets as well as he. But as it happened after in the Saxon heptarchy, that he which was more eminent then the rest for power and pvissance, was called commonly Rex Gentis Anglorum, the King or Monarch of the English nation: so I conceive, that of these tributary Kings in Britain, such as were in their several times of more power then others, assumed unto themselves the style or title of Reges Britannorum, the Kings of the Britains; by which name of Rex Britannorum, and not Rex Britanniae, Lucius is called in Beda, as before was said: And thus then the seeming difficulty may be better solved, then by running out, I know not whither, beyond the territories of the Romans, to look for Lucius in the North parts of the Isle, which we now call Scotland: only because it is affirmed by Tertullian 
Tertul. li. adv. Judaeos cap. 7. , Britannorum inacccessa romans loca, Christo esse subdita, that those remoter parts of Britain, which never had been Conquered by the Romans, were subdued to Christ: which might well be after the gospel had been first received in the Southern Countries. In which as I can no way blame the Scots for seeking to appropriate this honour to their own part of the island: so can I not but wonder at our learned cambden 
cambden in Bri. descript. , that without seeing better cards, he should so easily give up such an hopeful game. As for the name of Lucius, it is merely latin, and that derived upon him either from the British Llos( fashioned on the Roman anvil) as in that language he is called; or taken up from Lucius Verus, one of the partners in the Empire at that very time, unto which family he stood indebted for his crown and dignity; or given him else upon the post-fact, after the glorious light of truth had shined on him, in which regard the Britans call him Lever Maur 
Addit. in Nin. ap. Armacan. de Primordiis. c. 3. , a man of great splendour and renown, propter fidem quae in ejus tempore venit, by reason of the faith which in his time was brought into this island.  
But to go forward with our story: Lucius and his Nobles being thus baptized, Faganus and Deruvianus return to Rome, giving to Eleutherius an account of their great success: of whom being joyfully received, and their Acts applauded, they returned back again to britain, accompanied with many others 
Matth. Westm. hist. in an. 186. , quorum doctrina gens Britonum in fide Christi in brevi fundata refulsit, by whose assiduous preaching the whole British nation became in very little time to be well settled and confirmed in the faith of Christ. Now at this time of their repair unto the Pope, I conceive it was, that they received instructions from him, for dealing with that godly King to found episcopal Sees in the most convenient places of his Dominions: themselves receiving at that time, in all probability, the episcopal Character. For after this I find them honoured with the name of Bishops, being by 
Citat. ap. Ar. l. de Primor. c. 6.  Rodburne in his Chronicle called Antistites, and by the 
Citat. ap. Ar. l. de Primor. c. 6.  Author of the book entitled De Antiquitatibus Ecclesiae Wintoniensis, in plain terms Episcopi: Faganus being further said by some 
Id ibid. cap. 5. , to have been made the first Arch-Bishop of the See of York. Being returned into britain, and the King thoroughly established in the faith of Christ, it was no difficult matter to persuade him to turn the temples of the Idols into Christian Churches; and to appropriate the revenues of them to more pious uses. And this he did, as Matthew of Westminster observes 
Matth. Westmon. hist. in An. 187. , although he differ from us in his calculation, the very next year after their return from Rome. Gloriosus Rex Britonum Lucius, &c. Lucius the glorious King of the Britans, when he had seen the faith of Christ dispersed and propagated over his dominions, possessiones& territoria Ecclesiis& viris Ecclesiasticis abundanter conferens, bestowing with a liberal hand possessions and revenues both on Church and Churchmen, did ratify the said donations by his public Charters. And this he saith on the authority of Gildas, who in a book of his entitled De victoria Aurelii Ambrosii, not now extant, had affirmed the same. Radulphus de Diceto speaks more fully to the point in hand 
Citat. ap. Armachan. lib. de Primord. c. 4. ; Eleutherus, saith he, sent into britain, Faganus and Diwanus( for so he calls him) who having baptized Lucius the King, templa etiam quae in honorem plurimorum deorum fundata erant, did dedicate unto the one and onely God, those temples which had been built in former times to the honour of Idols. More fully, yet in fewer words, Gervase of Tilbury doth relate it thus 
Ap. eund. c. 6. : Hic Lucius omnia territoria, templis pridem collata, contulit Ecclesiis,& ampliavit: This Lucius, saith he, bestowed upon the Churches those lands and territories which had been formerly conferred on the Pagan temples; and enlarged them also. So that we find the Church endowed, and Bishops instituted in the time of Lucius; and that I hold to be above all exception, as will appear more evidently by the episcopal succession, reckoned from this time: but whether in so large a number, and upon that occasion, as it is laid before us in our common Chroniclers, that is the point to be considered. Now our Historians old and new, very few excepted, report that in those times in britain there were no less then 28 Cities of name and eminency, whereof 25 had anciently been the seats of the heathen Flamines; the three remaining, viz. york, London, and Caer-Leon upon Uske, of the Archiflamines: and that upon the introduction of the gospel hither, the temples of the Idols being turned into Christian Churches, in stead of Flamines they placed Bishops; Archbishops in the place of the Archi-Flamines. All our own writers, which speak of the foundation of these bishoprics, from Geofry of Monmouth down to Polydore Virgil, do report it thus. And so do many foreign also, beginning with Martinus Polonus, who first took it up; and so descending down to Platina, and since to other later Authors, both ours and theirs. 
Martin. Polonus in Chron.  Erant tunc in Britannia viginti octo Pontifices Idolorum, quos Flamines vocabant; inter quos trees Archiflamines erant. said praedicti Sancti( that is, Faganus and Deruvianus) de mandato Apostolici, ubi erant Flamines, instituerunt Episcopos; ubi Archiflamines, Archiepiscopos. We had the same before in English, save that the Popes appointment ( mandatum Apostolici) doth here occur, which there we had not. And how far this may stand with probability, or with truth of story, is in the next place to be looked on.  
And for the number of them first, it cannot be denied but that of old there were no less then 28 Cities in these parts of britain which we now call England. 
Beda Hist Ecc. Angl. l. 1. cap. 1.  Beda affirms it so expressly, Erat& viginti octo Civitatibus quondam nobilissimis insignita, that britain anciently was ennobled with 28. signal and noted Cities, besides Towns and Castles. Henry of Huntingdon 
Huntingdonen. hist. l. 1. in init.  doth not onely declare as much, but lets us know the several names whereby they had been called in the Britaines time; and by the which the most of them were known in the later ages, when he lived. And possibly there might be Bishops in them all, according as the gospel did enlarge its borders, and Provinces were gained to the Faith of Christ: though neither all so early as the daies of Lucius, nor all of his foundation and endowment, as it is supposed. It was a work too mighty for a petty Prince to spread his arms at once over all the island; especially so many Provinces therof, being none of his. What might be done in times succeeding, and by his example, is not now the question: nor whether that which was done after, might in some sort be ascribed to him, as being the first that gave the onset,& shewed the way to others, how to do the like: as Rome is said to have built been by Romulus b●●●use he began it, the greatest part thereof being built along time after. And this seems probable to me, as to the number of the Sees episcopal, that there were so many: 
ap. Bedan. hist. Eccl. l. 1. c. 29.  because that Gregory the great by his constitution, appointed twelve Bishops for the Province of Canterbury, and twelve also unto that of York: which with the four in Wales, which are still remaining, will make up eight and twenty in the total. But for the Flamines and arch-flamens, I must confess I am not so well satisfied in the probability and truth of that. That by the name of Flamines the Gentiles used to call the Priests of their several Gods, I know well enough. Sacerdotes Gentilium Flamines dicebantur 
Isidor. Origin. l. 7. c. 12. , as it is in Isidore. But being that one and the same City, had not onely many Flamines, but also many Colleges of Flamines, according to the number of the Gods they worshipped, some for Mars, others for Jupiter, and some for Romulus; and that there is no ancient writer of the Roman stories which mentioneth either Archiflamines or Protoflamines, as is objected very well by B. Godwin 
Godwin. Landavens. tract. de converse. Brit. : I must confess I am not so well satisfied in this point, as to deliver it for a certain and undoubted truth. He that desires to see what may be answered unto those objections, let him consult the learned and laborious work of Francis Mason late Archdeacon of Norfolk, De Ministerio Anglicano 
Mason de Min●st. Ang. l. 2. c. 3. , the sum whereof in brief is this, Licet in una urbe multi Flamines, that though there were many Flamines in one City, yet was there only one which was called Pontifex, or Primus Flaminum; the Pope or principal of the Flamine; of which kind, one for every City, were those whom our historians speak of; And for the Archiflamines, or Proto-Flamines, though the name occur not, yet were there some in power and authority above the rest, who were entitled primi Pontificum,( as indeed Coifi 
Beda hist. eccl. Angl. l. 2. c. 13. , by that name is called in Beda) which is the same in sense with Archiflamines, although not in sound. This if it satisfy the Reader, shall not thwart with me; who am no enemy unto the story, or any part thereof which may well be justified. If not, but that it rather be accounted a device of Monkish ignorance, I shall desire them, who are so opinionated to consider this, that few of the records of those elder daies, have come entire unto our hands; and that it is no marvel if such an ancient story as this is,( considering through whose hands it passed) hath in so long a tract of time, contracted somewhat of that rust and rubbish wherewith the middle ages of the Church did so much abound.  
Yet if mine own opinion were demanded in it, though I agree unto the story, both for the number of the Bishops and the Metropolitans, I must needs think there was some other reason for it then the relation of the number of the Flamines and Archiflamines, which is there pretended: and that this was not done at once, but in a longer tract of time then the reign of Lucius, as was in part affirmed before. That Lucius did convert the Temples of the Idols into Christian Churches, settled the revenues of the same upon the Churches by him founded, I shall easily grant; so far forth as the bounds of his dominions will give way unto it; but being there were but 28. Cities in all that part of britain which we now call England, as both from Huntingdon and Beda was before delivered; and that King Lucius was but a Tributary Prince of those Regions only, which were inhabited by the Trinobantes and Cattieuchlani, as I do verily conceive he was: I believe rather that the number of the Bishops and Archbishops which our stories speak of, related to the form of government as it was afterwards established in the Roman Empire, and not to any other cause whatever. Now they which have delivered to us the state of the Roman Empire, inform us this, That for the easier government and administration of the same, 
Notitia Provinc. in div. cap.  it was divided into fourteen Dioceses( for so they called those greater portions into the which it was divided:) every Diocese being subdivided into several Provinces, and every Province in the same containing many several Cities. And they which have delivered to us the estate of the Christian Church, have informed us this, that in each City of the Empire, wherein the Romans had a 
Notitia Prov.& dignitat. c.  Defensor Civitatis( as they called that Magistrate) the Christians when they gained that City to the holy faith, did ordain a Bishop; that over every Province in which the Romans had their Presidents, they did place an Archbishop, whose seat being commonly in the Metropolis of the Province, gave him the name of Metropolitan: and finally that in every Diocese in which the Romans had their Vicarius, or Lieutenant general, the Christians also had their Primate, and seated him in the same City also where the other was. This ground thus laid, it will appear upon examination, that britain in the time of the Roman Empire was a full Diocese 
Ib. in Provinc. Occident. sup. c. 3.  of itself, no way depending upon any other portion of that mighty state, as any way subordinate thereunto. And being a Diocese in itself, it was divided in those times into these three Provinces, viz. 
Cambd de divisione britain.  Britannia prima, containing all the Countries on the South of the River Thames, and those inhabited by the Trinobantes, Cattieuchlani, and Iceni: 2. Britannia secunda, comprising all the Nations within the Severne: and 3. Maxima Caesariensis, which comprehended all the residue to the Northern border. In the which Provinces there were no less then 28 Cities, as before is said; of which york was the chief in Maxima Caesariensis; London the principal in Britannia prima; Caer-Leon upon Usk, being the Metropolis in Britannia secunda. And so we have a plain and apparent reason, not only of the 28 episcopal Sees, erected anciently in the British Church; but why three of them, and three only, should be Metropolitans. For howsoever after this there were two other Provinces taken out of the former three, viz. Valentia and 
Id. ibid.  Flavia Caesariensis, which added to the former, made up five in all: yet this being after the conclusion of the Nicene council, the Metropolitan dignity in the Church remained as before it did, without division or abatement, according to the 
council. Nicen. C●n. 6.  Canon of that famous Synod. And herewithal we have a pregnant and infallible Argument, that britain being in itself a whole and complete Diocese of the Roman Empire, no way subordinate unto the Praefect of the City of Rome, but under the command of its own Vicarius or Lieutenant general; the British Church was also absolute and independent, owing nor suite nor service, as we use to say, unto the Patriarch or Primate of the Church of Rome, but onely to its own peculiar and immediate Primate; as it was elsewhere in the Churches of the other Dioceses of the Roman Empire. This I conceive to be the true condition of the British Church, and the most likely reason for the number of Bishops and Archbishops here established, according to the truth of Story, abstracted from those errors and mistakes, which in the middle Ages of the Church, have by the Monkish writers of those times been made up with them.  
But for the substance of the story, as by them delivered, which is the planting of the Church with Bishops in eminent places, that appears evidently true by such remainders of antiquity as have escaped the tyranny and wrack of time. For in the council held at Arles in France, an. 314. we find three h British Bishops at once subscribing, 
Tom. 1. Concilior. Ga●●à Sirmundo edit.  viz. Eborius B. of York, Restitutus B. of London, and Adelsus B. of Colchester, there called Colonia Londinensium. Gennadius also, in his Tract, de viris illustribus, mentioneth one Fastidius, 
Gennad. in cattle.  by the name of Fastidius Britanniarum Episcopus, amongst the famous writers of old time, placing him an. 420. or thereabouts; whom B. Godwin 
Godwin in cattle. Episc. Londinens.  I cannot tell upon what reasons, reckoneth amongst the Bishops of the See of London. Particularly for the Bishops or Archbishops of the British Church, we have a Catalogue of the Metropolitans of London collected or made up by Joceline 
Cit. ap. Armachan. de Primor. c. 5. , a monk of Fournest, an ancient Monastery 
cambden in Brigant.  in the North, being 14. in all: which, howsoever the validity therof may perhaps be questioned by more curious wits, yet I shall lay down as I find it: taking their names from him; that little story which concerns them, out of other writers. First then we have Theon or Theonus: 2 Eluanus, one of the two ambassadors sent by K. Lucius to the Pope. 3 Cadar or Cadocus: 4 Obinus or Owinus: 5 Conanus: 6 Palladius: 7 Stephanus: 8 Iltutus: 9 Theodwinus: 10 Theodredus: 11 Hilarius: 12 Guitelinus 
Geofr. Monmouth, hist. britain.  sent as ambassador to Aldrocnus King of Armorica or Little britain, to crave his aid against the Scots and Picts, who then plagued the Britaines: 13 Vodius or Vodinus, slain by Hengist( but some say by 
Speed in des●r. britain.  Vortiger) at the first entrance of the Saxons into this Isle: 14 And last of all Theonus who had been sometimes Bishop of Gloucester, but was after translated hither, and was the last Bishop of London, of this line or Series. Of some of these, viz. the second, and the three last, there is good canstat in Antiquity: whether there be the like of all the residue, I am not able to determine. So for the Bishops or Archbishops of York, of the British line, besides Faganus the first Archbishop of this See, as before was said; and besides Eborius formerly remembered amongst the Subscribers to the council of Arles: our stories tell us of one samson 
Godw. in Archiep. Eboracen.  said to be made the Bishop of the place in the time of Lucius; of one 
Galfrid. Monumet. hist. l. 9. c. 8. Math. Westmon.  Pyramus preferred unto this honour by King Arthur, whose domestic Chapleine he then was: and finally of Tadiacus 
Matth. Florilegus in Ao. 586. , who together with Theonus the last Bishop of London of this line or race, fled into Wales, the better to avoid the tyranny of the Saxons, who then made havoc of the Church. And for the Bishops or Arch-Bishops of Caerleon upon Usk, which was the third metropolitical City in the account and estimate of those times, we have assurance of Dubritius 
Liber Eccles. Landavens.  a right godly man, ordained Bishop of the same by Germanus& Lupus, two French Prelates, at such time as they came to britain for the suppressing of the Pelagian heresy; whose successors we have upon record, under the title of Llandaffe to this very day. That Gloucester also in those times was a Bishops See, besides what did appear before, is affirmed by Cambden 
Cambden in descript Brit. in Dobunis. , who tells us that the Bishops of the same occur in the subscriptions to some ancient councils, under the name of Cluvienses; for by the name of C●evum or Caer-glowy was it called of old. But not to wander into more particulars, either Sees or Bishops; we find in Athanasius 
Athanas. Apol. 2 in initio. , that in the council of Sardica, holden in An. 358. some of the British Bishops were assembled amongst the rest, concurring with them in the condemnation of the Arian heresies. As also, that in the council of Ariminum, held the next year after, the British Bishops were there present: 
Sulpit ●●overus in hist. sacr. l. 2.  three of the which were so necessitous and poor, that they were fain to be maintained at the public charge, Sanctius putantes fiscum granare quàm singulos, thinking it far more commmendably honest to be defrayed out of the Exchequer, then to be burdensome unto their friends. And when Pope Gregory sent Austin hither for the conversion of the Saxons, he found no fewer then seven 
Beda Ecc. hist. l. 2. cap. 2.  Bishops in the British Churches; viz. Herefordensis, Tavensis, Paternensis, Banchorensis, Elwiensis, Wiccensis, and Morganensis( or rather Meneuensis) as 
Balaeus C●nt. 1. c. 70.  Bala●us counts them. All of which, that of Paternensis excepted onely, do still remain amongst us under other names.  
Now if I should be asked, whom I conceive to have been the Pr●mate of the British Church during the time it flourished, and stood upright, neither oppressed by the tyranny of Dioclesian, nor in a sort exterminated by the Saxons fury; I answer, that it is most likely to be the Metropolitan or Archbishop of York: And this I do upon these reasons. For first, however it appears by 
Tacit. Annal. lib. 14.  Tacitus, that London was a town of the greatest trade, copia negotiorum et commeatuum maxim celebris, as that Author hath it: yet neither was it ever made a Roman 
Id. ibid.  Colony, nor made the seat at any time of the Roman Emperours. But on the other side, York was a Colony of the Romans, even of long continuince, as appears not onely by the testimony of ptolemy and Antoninus; but by this ancient inscription vouchsafe by Mr. Cambden, 
cambden in Brit. descript.  and by an old coin of Severus the Roman Emperour, bearing this inscription, COL. EBORA CUM LEG. VI. VICTRIX. And as it was a Colony of the Roman people, so was it also for a time the seat of the Roman Emperours: For here the Emperour Severus 
Id. ibid.  before remembered, yielded up his soul: and here Constantius Chlorus deceased also, having both kept their seat there a good time before: here Constantine 
Id. ibid.  the great advancer of the faith& gospel, was first brought forth into the world; and here did he first take upon him, together with the name of Caesar, the government of that part of the Roman Empire, which had belonged unto his Father. So that Eboracum or York, being the ancient seat of the Roman Emperours, what time they pleased to be resident in the Isle of britain, was questionless the seat of their Vicarii or Lieutenants general, when they were absent from the same: and so by consequence, the seat of the British Primate, according to the rules and platform before laid down. add here that for the time the Romans held this island in their possession, they settled their Praetorium for the administration of Justice, in the City of York, drawing thither the resort of all the subjects which had any business of that kind, 
Spartian. in vita Severi.  for dispatch thereof: in which regard it is called by Spartianus {αβγδ}, the City, as by way of excellence. Veniens in Civitatem, primùm in templum Bellonae ductus est, speaking of the entrance which Severus made into the City of York. But that which most of all confirms me, is the subscription of the British Bishops to the council of Arles, as it is published amongst the gallic councils by Sirmundus, thus: Eborius, Episcopus de Civitate Eboracensi, Provincia Britannia. Restitutus Episcopus de civitate Londinensi, Provincia supradicta. Adelsius Episcopus de civitate Colonia Londinensium; exinde Sacerdos Presbyter, Arminius Diaconus. By which subscription it is plain, that the Bishop or Archbishop of York, having place of London, was Primate of the British Church: there being otherwise no reason why he should have precedence in the subscription. And so much for the settling of Episcopacy in the Church of britain, at this reception of the gospel from the See of Rome: being the first time that the Faith of Christ was publicly received and countenanced, not in this island onely, but any other part of the world whatever. All which I have laid down together, that I might keep myself the closer to my other businesses; to which now I hasten.   

CHAP. III. The Testimony given unto episcopal authority, in the last part of this second Century.  
I. The difference betwixt Pope Victor and the Asian Bishops, about the feast of Easter.  
II. The interpleading of Polycrates and Irenaeus, two renowned Prelates, in the aforesaid cause.  
III. several councils called about it, by the Bishops of the Church then being; with observations on the same.  
IV. Of the episcopal succession in the four prime Sees, for this second Century.  
V. An answer to some objections made against the same.  
VI. The great authority and esteem of the said four Sees, in those early dayes.  
VII. The use made of this episcopal succession by Saint Irenaeus.  
VIII. As also by Tertullian and some other Ancients.  
IX. Of the authority enjoyed by Bishops in Tertullians time, in the administration of the Sacraments.  
X. As also in enjoining fasts, and the disposing of the Churches treasury.  
XI. And in the dispensation of the keys.  
XII. Tertullian misalledged in maintenance of the Lay presbytery.  
XIII. The great extent of Christianity and episcopacy, in Tertullians time, concludes this Century.  
HAving thus settled the affairs of the Church of britain, we will look back again towards Rome, where wee find Victor sitting as successor unto Eleutherius; and the whole Church though free from persecutions, yet terribly embroiled with schisms and Heresies. For in the later end of Eleutherius, Blastus and Florinus two notorious heretics had broached this doctrine, 
Euseb. aec hist. l 5. c. 19.  {αβγδ}, that God was the author of sin: and possibly might have spread the venom of their Heresy exceeding far, if Irenaeus that great and learned Bishop of lions, being then at Rome, had not prescribed a speedy and a sovereign Antidote, in several tractates and discourses against the same. But Eleutherius being dead, and Victor in his place, there happened such a schism in the Church of Christ, by his precipitance and perverseness, that all the water, which Irenaeus and many other godly men 
Id. l. 5. c. 23& 24.  could power into it, was hardly sufficient to quench the flamme. The business which occasioned it, was the feast of Easter: or indeed not the feast itself, upon the keeping of the which all Christians had agreed from the first beginnings; but for the day in which it was to be observed, wherein the Churches of Asia had an old tradition, differing from the rest of christendom. For whereas generally that festival had been solemnized in the Church of Christ, on the Lords day next after the Jewish passover, as being the day which our Redeemer honoured with his Resurrection: the Christians of the Asian Churches kept it, upon the 14. day of the month precisely, being the very day prescribed for the Jewish passover. A business of no great importance, more then for a general conformity in the Church of Christ; yet such as long had exercised the patience of it, even from the time of pus Pope of Rome, who first decreed it to be kept on the Lords day, Die Dominico Pascha celebrari, 
Pl●tina in vita Pii Po●t.  as it is in Platina; but followed with most heat and violence by this Victor, perhaps upon the Omen of his name. Of whom Eusebius thus 
Euseb. Ec. hist. l. 5 c. 24.  reporteth, {αβγδ}, &c. that he attempted to cut off the whole Church of Asia, together with the Churches adjacent, from the Communion of the catholic. {αβγδ}, as if they had maintained some heterodox or dangerous Doctrine contrary to the Faith of Christ. A matter taken very tenderly not onely by the Asian Bishops whom it most concerned; but also by some other of the western parts, who more endeavoured the preservation of the Churches peace, then the advancement and authority of the See of Rome: those of chief note which interested themselves therein, being Irenaeus, Polycrates; the one Bishop of the Metropolitan Church of lions in France; the other of the Church of Ephesus, the Queen of Asia; both honourable in their times and places.  
And first Polycrates begins 
Id. Ibid.  deriving the occasion and discent of their observation, from Philip {αβγδ} one of the twelve Apostles( not of the seven Deacons, as our Christopherson most ridiculously and falsely doth translate it) who dyed at Hierapolis a City of Phrygia; and from Saint John {αβγδ}, who restend on the bosom of our Lord and Saviour; as also from Polycarpus, and Thracias, Bishops of Smyrna, and both martyrs; Sagaris B. of Laodicea, Papyrus and Melito and many others, who kept the feast of Easter as the Asians did. As for himself, he certifieth, that following the traditions of his Elders he had done the like; that seven of his kindred had been Bishops, {αβγδ}, himself being the eighth, and all which did so observe the feast of Easter, when the Jews did prepare the Passeover; that having served God 65. years, diligently canvased over the holy Scriptures, and held both intercourse and correspondence with many of the brethren over all the world, {αβγδ}, he was the least disturbed at those bruta fulmina. Adding withall, that he might here commemorate those several Bishops that were assembled at his call to debate the point; {αβγδ}, but that this bare recital of their names was too great a trouble: who tho they could not but be sensible of his imperfections, yet thinking that he bare not those gray hairs for nought did willingly subscribe unto his epistle. So far, and to this purpose he. And on the other side, Irenaeus 
Id. ibid. c. 24. {αβγδ}.  writing unto Victor, utterly dislikes that his severe and riged manner of proceeding, in cutting off so many Churches from the Communion of our Lord, {αβγδ}, onely because they did adhere to the tradition of their ancestors in a point of Ceremony: showing how much he differed in this business from the temper and moderation of his predecessors, Soter, Anicetus, pus, Higinus, Sixtus and Telesphorus, who though they held the same opinions that he did did notwithstanding entertain the Asian Bishops, when they came unto them, with great affection and humanity; sending to those who lived far distant, the most blessed Eucharist, in testimony of their fellowship and Communion with them. Nor did he writ thus unto Victor onely, {αβγδ}, but to the Governours or Bishops of many other Churches also. And certainly it was but need that such a moderator should be raised to atone the difference: the billows beating very highly, and Victor being beset on ●very side for his stiff perverseness, by the Prelates of the adverse party, {αβγδ}, sharply assaulting him both with words and writings.  
For the composing of this business, before it gr●w to such a heat, there could no better means be thought of, then that the Bishops of the Church in their several quarters should meet together to debate and determine of it. And so accordingly they did. 
Euseb. hist eccl. l. 5. c 22. {αβγδ}.  {αβγδ} {αβγδ}, and many Synods and assemblies of the Bishops, were held about it: viz. one in Caesarea of Palestine, wherein Theophilus B. of the place, and Narcissus B. of jerusalem did sit as Presidents: another at Rome: a third of all the Bishops of Pontus, in the which Palmas, {αβγδ}, as the chief amongst them of that order, did then pre●de: A fourth there was of the French or gallic Churches, in the which Irenaeus sat as chief: a fifth of all the Churches about Osroena and th● parts adjoining. Bachyllus Bishop of Corinth, {αβγδ}, and many other Bishops of particular Churches, held their Synod also apart and separate; which all with one consent determined, that the feast of Easter was to be observed on no other day then that upon the which our Saviour rose: contrary to the usage of the Asian Churches. In agitation of which business, I observe these things. First, that Episcopacy in so short a time was settled and confirmed over all the world, or so much of it at the least, as had received the Faith and gospel. Secondly, that on all emergent controversies, that did engage the Church of Christ, the Bishops, as men most concerned in the Churches Peace, were still most forward also to compose the same. Thirdly, that on the practices of the Popes of Rome to enlarge their border, the Bishops of the Church of what part soever, have always been most ready to oppose the same; and keep that proud and swelling See within the compass of its proper and peculiar bounds. So far were those most godly and Religious men, from 
Smectym. p. 30  making a stirrup for Antichrist to get into his Saddle, though some have so given out in these later dayes to the dishonour of those glorious lights in the house of Christ, and the profane reproach not only of the wisdom of that Church, but also of the holy Spirit of almighty God. Fourthly, that on the rising of such differences, as did disturb the Churches Peace, the Bishops of the Church 
Bellarm de Con. l. 1.12.  have an innate and proper power, of convocating and assembling councils both national and provincial for the appeasing of the same; wherein the greatest Champions of the popedom, do consent also: Which power as they made use of, as their own peculiar, when as there were no Christian Princes to have a care unto the main: so since there have been Christian Princes, that power is not extinguished but directed onely. Fifthly, that in those councils or synodical meetings, the Bishops and their Clergy had authority both to debate and to determine of all such matters, as did concern the Church of Christ, either in point of Faith or Ceremony; not seeking any confirmation of their Acts and Ordinances, from that Christian people, who were to yield obedience to them. And last of all, that such things as by them were then determined, did presently oblige all people under the governance and direction of the said Prelates and Clergy, so met together& assembled, as before is said: as appears partly by that calm which followed over all the Church, upon the holding of these Synods; but principally by that end, which afterwards was put unto this controversy, by the council of Nice.  
But to proceed with Irenaeus that Religious Prelate, from what he did as Bishop in the Churches service, for the atoning of her differences and the advancement of her peace; to that which he hath left behind him concerning Bishops, as a learned writer, the light and glory of this age. Which evidence of his, because it doth relate to the episcopal succ ssion in the Church of Christ as a foundation on the which he doth build his structures; we will first look on the succession of the four prime Sees, by which we may conjecture at the state and quality of all the rest. And this we cannot do at a better time, then where now we are, the time when Victor sate in the Ch● e of Rome: which being in the close of the●r sent Century, gives us opportunity, ●o look as well upon his Predecessors, as his and their Cotemporaries in the same. And first for 
Euseb. in Chro.  Rome, from Clemens where we first began, to Victor which is now the subject of our History, we find the names and actions of nine intermediate Bishops: Clemens being the fourth, and Victor the 14. in that Catalogue; most of the which had suffered death for the sake of Christ, whose honour they preferred before worldly glories. For Antioch next, I find that from Ignatius who began this Century, unto Serapion who sate Bishop there in the conclusion of the same, were five Bishops onely: and that in Alexandria, from Cerdo to Demetrius inclusively, were no more then seven. By which it is most clear and evident that the Bishops in neither of these Churches, held the chair by turns 
Beza de divers. grad.  from week to week, or from month to month as some men suppose, but were invested with a constant and fixed pre-eminence, such as the Bishops now enjoy in the Church of Christ: some of them, in the two last specially, holding out ten yeeres, some twenty, others more then that; as by the tables of succession published by Eusebius, doth at full appear. As for jerusalem, the Bishops thereof indeed held not out so long, there being no fewer then thirteen from Simeon unto Marcus the first Bishop of that Church, which was not of the circumcision; and thirteen more betwixt this Marcus and Narcissus, who closed this century. So that within one hundred years there sat nine and twenty Bishops in this Church: which sheweth, as 
Bar. in Annal. an. 113.  Baronius well observeth, Ecclesiam Hierosolymitanam dira fuisse persecutione vexatam, that this poor Church was terribly afflicted with persecutions. And so it is most like to be: For standing as it did betwixt Jew and gentle, and equally hated of them both; how could it choose but suffer under a double tyranny; each of the adversaries striving who should most afflict her? Nor hath Eusebius onely given a bare and naked list of names, but calculated punctually and precisely, the time and years, which all the Bishops of the three first Sees did possess the government of those Churches: which he professeth that he could not find in the last exactly, by reason of the shortness of their lives, 
Euseb. eccl. hist. lib. 4. cap. 5.  {αβγδ}, as his words there are. But what we fail of there, we find performed after by Nicephorus 
Niceph. Chron. ; who hath assigned to every one of them his own term and time: in the which whether he be rather censured then rectified by Petavius a, I mean not to examine in this place and time. 
Animadvers. in Epiph. haeres. 66.  For howsoever at the first jerusalem was not reckoned for a patriarchal Church, as the others were: yet in regard of the opinion which was held of the place itself, as being honoured with the passion of our Lord and Saviour, and with the Preaching of the holy Apostles, and consequently reckoned for the mother City of the Christian Church; the Bishops of that Church were in great esteem, and the episcopal succession there preserved on exact record, as in the three great patriarchal Sees before remembered.  
But here I meet with an Objection that must first be answered, before we see what use is made of this episcopal succession by the ancient writers. For if that those who thus succeeded one another in these several Churches, were no more then Presbyters, as some please to say; then must we quit the cause, and let fall the action. And though I cannot think that men of wit and learning, whatsoever they say, do or can possibly conceive them to be other then Bishops, Bishops distinct from Presbyters both in power and title: yet we are  told, and we shall see how truly 
Smectym. p. 23. , that Anicetus, pus, Higinus, Telesphorus, and Sixtus, whom the Papists call Bishops, and the Popes predecessors, are by Eusebius termed Presbyters; and therefore( for what else must be the inference?) that Bishops and Presbyters are the same. A passage in the which there are almost as many fallacies and mistakes, as words: which I shall briefly represent, and so pass them by. For first, Eusebius, whom they city, doth not call them Presbyters 
Euseb. eccl. hist. l. 1. c. 24. {αβγδ}. , but Irenaeus in Eusebius; which so great critics should have seen. The difference of the Age or time when these Authors lived, maketh a great difference in the use and acceptation in the word: And I believe it cannot easily be found, whatever may be said of Irenaeus, that Bishops are called Presbyters by Eusebius, or any writer of his time. 2. It is not evident by the Authors words, that {αβγδ} is there used to denote the Office, but the Age or rather Seniority of those holy men, which preceded Victor in the Church of Rome. Or if it were, yet 3ly. it is past all question, that simply Presbyters they were not, though by him so called: but {αβγδ}▪ such as had had the government of that famous Church; and so were Bish●ps at the least both in name and office. 4. The calling of them by the name of Presbyters doth no more conclude that Presbyters and Bishops were the same, then if a man discoursing of the state of London, should say, that my Lord mayor was a wealthy Citizen; and thereupon a slander by should make this conclusion, that every Citizen is Lord mayor of London, and hath as much to do In the government thereof, as he. 5. The Papists do not call Higinus, pus, Sixtus, and the rest there mentioned, by the name of Bishops; or if they do, they do not call them so quà Papists; or if so too, and that none call them so but Papists, there is almost no Father in the Church of Christ who may not presently be indited and condemned of Popery, because there is almost no Father, nor any other ancient writer, who doth not call them by that name. 6. and lastly, it is no Popery, nor the language of a Papist neither, to say that pus, Sixtus, and the rest there name, were the Popes Predecessors: for Predecessors of the Popes they were, in their See and government, though neither in their ●yranny nor superstition Nor doth this Argument strike only at the Popes of Rome, though they onely name; but at all the Bishops of the Primitive Church, whether of the greater patriarchal Sees, or of any other; who, if the observation of these men be good and valid, were no more but Presbyters. The bhst way to refel which fancy, is to behold the latitude and extent of that jurisdiction which the Bishops of these Churches did enjoy at this present time: which when we have laid down sincerely, according as it stood in the times we speak of, it shall be left to be considered of by any soberminded m●n, whosoever he be, whether the men that held such ample jurisdiction were no more then Presbyters, or whether such Bishops were the same with Presbyters, whieh comes both to one.  
Now that the latitude of jurisdiction belonging to these four prime Sees, especially to those of Antioch, Rome, and Alexandria, was as ancient as the times whereof we speak, appeareth plainly by the Canon of the Nicene council. For whereas it was ordered by the aforesaid council 
council. Nicen. Can. 6. , {αβγδ}, that ancient customs should prevail, viz. the Churches of Alexandria, Rome, and Antioch should enjoy those privileges which before they had: those privileges or customs, call them which you will, could not of right be counted ancient, unless we place them at the latest in this second Century, the close thereof being not much above an hundred yeeres before that Synod. Now for those privileges what they were, we are in part informed by the self same Canon; where it is said, 
Id. ibid.  that the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Alexandria did extend over all Egypt, Lybia, and Pentapolis: To which though Epiphanius addeth Thebais Moraeotica, and Ammoniaca, yet he adds nothing in effect; 
Epiphan. adv. haer. 68.  the two first being Provinces of Egypt, and the last of Lybia: So that his jurisdiction reached from Gaza in the parts of Syria, unto the western border of Cyrenaica,( for that was the Pentapolis mentioned in the Canon) where it conterminated on that of afric. The Canon having thus laid out the bounds of the command and jurisdiction belonging unto him of Alexandria, proceedeth unto that of Rome, who had his mos parili●, or {αβγδ}, an answerable latitude and extent of power. But for the certainty of this extent we must refer ourselves unto 
Ignat. in epist. ad Roman●s.  Ignatius, directing his Epistle to the Romans, with this superscription, {αβγδ}, to the sanctified and illuminated Church of God, presiding in the place of the Region of the Romans. If 
Bellar. d● Rom. Pont. l. 2. c. 15.  Bellarmine can out of this extract an Argument for the Popes supremacy, as he pretendeth to have done, he is a better chemist then I took him for. And therefore I must turn him over to be better tutored by Vedelius, who howsoever in his notes upon that Father he lean too much on his own affections and opinions, doth in this very well declare the good Fathers meaning, agreeably unto the tendries of antiquity. And by him 
Vedel. exercit. in epi. ad Ro. c. 2.  we are  told, that nothing here is meant by the place or Region of the Romans, nisi quicquid in Italia terrarum Praefecti urbis administrationi suberat; but onely those parts of Italy, which were directly under the civill government of the Provost of Rome, that is to say, Latium, Tuscia, and Picenum: to which perhaps were added in the following Ages the whole East part of Italy, which we now call Naples, together with the Isles of Corsica, Sardinia, and Sicilia, all which made up the proper Patriarchate of the Bishop of Rome. In which regard, as anciently the Bishop of Rome was called Urbicus, as doth appear plainly by Optatus 
Optat de. schis. Donatist. l. 1. , calling Pope Zepherinus by the name of Zepherinus Urbicus, the City-Bishop: so the said Provinces or Regions unto him belonging, were called by Ruffinus 
ruffian. hist. eccl. lib. 1. cap. 6. , an Italian writer, Suburbicariae Regiones, or the City-Provinces. As for the Church of Antiochia, it spread its bounds and jurisdiction over those goodly Countries of the Roman Empire, from the Mediterranean on the West, unto the furthest border of that large dominion, where it confined upon the Persian, or the Parthian kingdom; together with Cilicia and Isauria in the lesser Asia: but whether at this time it was so extended, I am not able to determine. certain I am that in the very first beginning of this Age, all Syria at the least was under the jurisdiction of this Bishop: Ignatius, in his said Epistle to those of Rome 
Ignat. ad Rom. , styling himself {αβγδ},( not a Bishop in Syria, but) the B●shop of Syria: which sheweth, that there being many Bishops in that large Province, he had a power and superiority over all the rest. Indeed the Bishops of jerusalem were hedged within a narrower compass; being both now and long time after subject unto the Metropolitan of Caesarea l, as appears plainly by the Nicene Canon: though after they enlarged their border, and gained the title of a Patriarch, as we may see hereafter in convenient time. Only I add, that howsoever other of the greater Metropolitan Churches, such as were absolute and independent, as Carthage, Cyprus, milan, 
council. Ni. C. 7.  the Church of britain, and the rest, had and enjoyed all manner of patriarchal rights which these three enjoyed: yet onely the three B●shops of Rome, Antioch, and Alexandria, had in the Primitive times the names of patriarchs, by reason of the greatness of the Cities themselves, being the principal both for power and riches in the Roman Empire, the one for Europe, the other for Asia, and the third for afric.  
This ground thus laid we will behold what use is made of this episcopal succession by the ancient writers. And first Saint Irenaeus, a Bishop and a Martyr both, derives an argument from hence to convince those heretics, which broached strange Doctrines in the Church. 
iron. contr. haer lib. 3. cap. 3.  Habemus annumerari eos qui ab apostles instituti sunt Episcopi in Ecclesiis, &c. we are able to pr●duce those men which were ordained Bishops by the Apostles in their several Churches, and their successors till our times; qui nihil tale docuerunt neque cognoverunt, quale ab hiis deliratur, who neither knew nor taught any such absurdities as these men dream of. Which said in general, he instanceth in the particular Churches of Rome, Ephesus and Smyrna, being all founded by the Apostles: and all of them, hac ordinatione& successione, by this episcopal ordination and succession, deriving from the Apostles, the Preaching and tradition of Gods holy truth till those very times. The like we find also in another place, where speaking of those Pres●yteri,( so he calleth the Bishops) which claimed a succession from the Apostles▪ he tells us this, quod cum Episcopatus successi●ne charisma veritatis certum, 
〈◇〉. ad c. ●ae●es. l. 4. c●p 4●.  se●undum placitum Patris acceperunt, that together with the episcopal succession, they h●d received a certain pledge of truth, according to the good pleasure of the Father. See to this purpose also cap. 63. where the same point is pressed most fully, and indeed much unto the honour of this episcopal succession. Where because Irenaeus called Bishops in the former place by the name of Presbyters, I would have no man gather, as some men 
Smectym. p. 23.  have done, that he doth use the name of Bishops and Presbyters, {αβγδ} inta promiscuous sense; much less conclude, that therefore Presbyters and Bishops were then the same. For although Irenaeus doth here call the Bishops, either by reason of their age, or of that common ordination which they once received, by the name of Presbyters, yet he doth no where call the Presbyters by the name of Bishops: as he must needs have done, if he did use the names {αβγδ} in a promiscuous sense, as it is s●pposed. And besides Irenaeu●, being at this time Bishop, if not Archbishop of the Church of lions, could not but know that he was otherwise advanced both in power and title, as well in Dignity as Jurisdiction, then when he was a Presbyter of that very Church, under Pothinus his predecessor in that See: and therefore not the same man merely which he was before. But to let pass as well the observation as the inference, certain I am that by this argument the holy Father did conceive himself to be armed sufficiently against the heretics of his time, and so much he expresseth plainly, saying, that by this weapon he was able to confounded all those, qui quoquo modo vel per sui placentiam malam, vel vanam gloriam, vel per coecitatem& malam sententiam, praeter quam oportet, colligunt: 
Ire. adv. haeres. l. 3. c. 3.  who any way, either out of an evil self-complacency, or vain glorious humour, or blindness of the mind, or a depraved understanding, did raise such Doctrines as they ought not. So much for blessed Irenaeus, a man of peace as well in disposition and affection, as he was in name.  
Next let us look upon Tertullian, who lived in the same time with Irenaeus, beginning first to be of credit about the latter end of this second Century, as Baronius 
Baron. ann. eccl. anno 196.  calculates it; and being at the height of reputation, an. 210. as Pamelius 
Pamel in vita tertul.  noteth, about which time Saint Irenaeus suffered martydome. And if we look upon him well, we find him pressing the same point, with greater efficacy, then Irenaeus did before him. For undertaking to convince the heretics of his time, as well of falsehood as of novelties, and to make known the new upstartednesse of their Assemblies( which they called the Church) 
tertul. de praes. adv. haeres. c. 32.  he doth thus proceed. Edant ergo origines ecclesiarum suarum, evoluant ordinem Episcoporum svorum, &c. Let them, saith he, declare the original of their Churches, let them unfold the course or order of their B●shops, succeeding so to one another from the first beginning, that their first Bishop( whosoever he was) had some of the Apostles or of the apostolical men at least who did converse with the Apostles, to be their founder and predecessor. For thus the apostolical Churches do derive their pedigree. Thus doth the Church of Smyrna show their Poly carpus placed there amongst them by Saint John; and Rome her Clement consecrated or ordained by Peter: even as all other Churches also do exhibit to us the names of those, who being ordained B●shops by the Apostles did sow the apostolical seed in the field of God. This was the challenge that he made; And this he had not done assuredly, had he not thought that the episcopal succession in the Church of Christ, had been an evident demonstration of the truth thereof: which since the heretics could not show in their Congregations or Assemblies, it was a very pregnant evidence, that they had neither verity nor antiquity, to defend their doctrines; nor could with any show of Justice challenge to themselves the name and honour of a Church. And such, and none but such, were those other Churches which he after speaketh of, viz. 
Id. ibid. ca. 36.  of Corinth, Philippi, Thessalonica, Ephesus and the rest planted by the Apostles, apud quas ipsae Cathedrae Apostolorum suis locis praesidentur, in which the chairs of the Apostles to that time were sate in, being possessed, not by themselves, but by their Successors. By the same argument Optatus first, and after him St. Austin did confounded the Donatists, that mighty faction in the Church. St. Austin thus: numerate Sacerdotes vel ab ipsa seed Petri, 
August. contr. Petil. l. 2.  & in illo ordine quis cvi successerit videte. Number the Bishops which have sate but in Peters Chair; and mark who have succeeded one another in the same. A Catalogue of which he gives 
Id. Epist. 165.  us in another place, lest else he might be thought to prescribe that to others, on which he would not trust himself. Nay so far he relied on the authority of this episcopal succession in the Church of Christ, as that he makes it one of the special motives 
Id. contr. Epist. Manichaei. c. 4. , quae eum in gremio Ecclesiae justissimè teneant, which did continue him in the bosom of the catholic Church. As for Optatus, having laid down a catalogue of the Bishops in the Church of Rome, till his own times: he makes a challenge to the Donatists to present the like, 
Optat. de schis. Donat. l. 2.  Vestrae Cathedrae originem edite; show us, saith he, the first original of your Bishops, and then you have done somewhat to advance your cause: In which it is to be observed, that though the instance be made onely in the episcopal succession of the Church of Rome, the argument holds good in all others also: it being too troublesone a labour, as Irenaeus 
Ire. adv. haere. lib. 3. cap. 3.  well observed, omnium Ecclesiarum enumerare successiones, to run through the succession of all particular Churches; and therefore that made choice of, as the chief or principal.  
But to return again unto Tertullian, whom I account amongst the writers of this age; though he lived partly in the other; besides the use he made of this episcopal succession, to convince the heretic, he shows us also what authority the Bishops of the church did severally enjoy and exercise in their successions: which we will take according to the proper and most natural course of Christianity. First for the Sacrament of baptism, which is the door or entrance into the Church, 
tertul. lib. de Baptism. c. 17.  Dandi quidem jus habet summus sacerdos. i. e. Episcopus. The right, saith he, of giving baptism hath the high Priest, which is the Bishop, and then the Presbyters and D●acons; non tamen sine Episcopi autoritate, yet not without the Bishops licence and authority, for the Churches honour; which if it be preserved, then is peace maintained. Nay so far he appropriates it unto the Bishop, as that he calleth it dictatum Episcopi, offi●ium Episcopatus, a work most proper to the Bishop, in regard of his Epis●opacie, or particular office: Which howsoever it may seem to ascribe too much unto the B●shop in the administration of this Sacr●ment, is no more verily then what was after ●ffirmed by Hierom 
Hieron. adver. Lucifer. , showing that in his time sine Episcopi jussione, without the warrant of the Bishop, neither the Presbyters nor the Deacons had any authority to Baptize: not that I think, that in the dayes of Hierom, before whose time Parishes were assigned to Presbyters throughout the Church, the Bs. special consent& warrant was requi te to the baptizing of each several infant; but that the Presbyters& Deacons did receive from him some general faculty, for their enabling in and to those ministrations. Next for the Sacrament of the blessed Eucharist, that which is a chief part of that heavenly nou●ishment by which a Christian is brought up in the assured hopes of eternal life, he tells us in another place, 
tertul. de Corona Militis.  non de aliorum manu quam Praesidentium sumimus, that they received it only from their Bishops hand; the {αβγδ} or President of the Presbytery, as Justin Martyr, second●d by Beza, did before call him. Which exposition or construction lest it should be quarreled as being injurious to the Presbyters, who are thereby excluded from the honour and name of Presidents: I shall desire the Reader to consult those other places of Tertullian, in which the word 
Praescriptio Apostoli, digamos non sinit praesidere. tart ad uxor.  President is used, as viz. lib. ad uxorem and lib. de Monogamia, in both of which the man that had a second wife is said to be disabled from Presiding in the Church of God; and on consideration to determine of it, whether it be more probable that Presbyters or Bishops be here meant by Presidents. Besides the Church not being yet divided generally into Parishes, but only in some greater Cities, the Presbyter had not got the style of Rector, and therefore much less might be called a President, that being a word of power and government, which at that time the Presbyters enjoyed not in the Congregation. And here Pope lo will come in to help us, if occasion be, assuring us that in his time 
lo Epist. 88.  it was not lawful for the Presbyter in the Bishops presence, nisi illo jubente, unless it were by his appointment, conficere Sacramentum corporis& sanguinis Christi, to consecrate the Sacrament of Christs body and blood. The author of the Tract ascribed to jerome, entitled de Septem Ecclesiae ordinibus, doth affirm as much: but being the author of it is uncertain, though it be placed by Erasmus amongst the {αβγδ} docta, we will pass it by.  
From the Administration of the Sacraments, which do belong ad potestatem ordinis, to the power of order; proceed we on to those which do appertain ad potestatem jurisdictionis, unto the power of Jurisdiction. And the first thing we meet with, is the appointing of the public Fasts, used often in the Church, as occasion was. A privilege not granted to the common Presbyter,& much less to the common people; but in those times, wherein the Supreme Magistrate was notwithin the pale or bosom of the Church, entrusted to the Bishop onely. This noted also by Tertullian, in his book entitled de jejuniis; which though he writ after his falling from the Church, and so not to be trusted in a point of doctrine, may very well be credited in a point of custom: Quod& Episcopi universae plebi mandare jejun●a assolent, non dico de industria stipium conferendarum, said ex aliqua sollicitudinis ecclesiae causa; 
tertul. lib. de jejuniis c. 13.  That Bishops use to impose fasts upon the people, is not done of purpose for lucre, or the alms then given, but out of a regard of the Churches welfare, or the sollicitousnesse which they have thereof. Wherein as he removes a cavil, which as it seems was cast upon the Church, about the calling of those fasts: so, plainly he ascribes the calling of them to the Bishop onely; according unto whose appointment, in unum omnes {αβγδ} agitabant, they met together for the humbling of themselves before God the Lord. So for disposing of the Churches treasure( for 
Id. in Apol. c.  Menstrua quaque die modicam quisque stipem vel quam velit, every month the people used to bring their offerings, as we call them now, every man as he would and could) that also appertained unto the Bishop. Which as it was distributed most commonly amongst the Clergy, for their present maintenance; so was it in the Bishops power to bestow part thereof upon other uses, as in relief of widows and poor Virgins: which appears plainly in that place and passage of Tertullian 
Tertul. de Virg. veland. cap. 9. , in his book de Virginibus velandis: where speaking of a Virgin which contrary to the custom of the Church had been admitted into the rank of widows, he adds, cvi si quid refrigerii debuerat Episcopus, that if the Bishop did intend to allow her any thing towards her relief and maintenance, he might have done it without trespassing on the Churches discipline, and setting up so strange a monster as a Virgin-widow. And this is that which after was confirmed in the council of Antioch 
Conc. Antioch. Can. 25. , where it is said, {αβγδ}, that the Bishop ought to have authority in the disposing of the things( or goods) that appertained unto the Church; {αβγδ}, that so he might dispose them unto such as stood in need, in the fear of God.  
Finally, for the reconciling of a Penitent to the Church of God, in the remitting of his sins, and bringing of him back to the fold again; that in Tertullians 
tertul. de pudicitia, cap. 18.  time was a Peculiar of the Bishop also. For, speaking of repentance after faith received( de poenitentia post fidem, as he calls it) he is content to give this efficacy thereunto, though otherwise he held, being then a Montanist, that heinous sinners after Grace received were not to be admitted to repentance; I say he is content to give this efficacy thereunto, that for smaller sins it may obtain pardon or remission from the Bishop; for greater and unpardonable, from God alone. But take his own words with you for the greater surety, and his words are these; viz. Salva illa poenitentiae specie post fidem, quae aut levioribus delictis veniam ab Episcopo consequi potest, aut majoribus& irremissibilibus à Deo solo. In which Pamelius 
Pamel. Annot. predict. lib. 159  seems to wonder at his moderation, as being of a better temper in this point, then was Montanus, into whose sect he now was fallen: who would have no man to make confession of his sins to any other then to God, and seek for reconciliation from no hands but from his alone. And in another place 
Tertul. lib. de Pudieit. cap. 1.  of the same book also, although he seem to jeer and deride the usage, he granteth that the Bishops of the Christian Church did usually remit even the greatest sins, upon the performance of the Penance formerly enjoined: For thus he bringeth in the B shop, whom in the way of scorn he calleth Pontifex Maximus, and Episcopus Epis oporum, proclaiming as it were a general pardon to su h as had performed their Penance; Ego& moechiae& fornicationis delicta poetenitenti functis dimitto, that he remitted to all such even the sins of Fornication and Adultery. Which words of his, declare not more his error, then the B shops power in this particular. What interest the Presbyters of the Church did either challenge or enjoy in this weighty business of reconciling Penitents to the Lord their God, we shall see hereafter, when as the same began to be in practise, and was by them put in execution. Mean time I take it for a manifest and undoubted truth, that properly, originally, and in chief, it did belong unto the Bishop both to enjoin penance, and admit the penitent; and not to the inferior Presbyters, but as they had authority by and under him. Which lest I may be thought to affirm at random, let us behold the manner of this reconciliation, as laid down by Sozomen 
Sozomen. Ecc. hist. l 7. c. 16. , not as relating to his own times, but to the times whereof we speak: {αβγδ}, &c. They stand, saith he, in an appointed place, sorrowful and lamented, and when the Eucharist is ended, whereof they are not suffered to be partakers, they cast themselves with grief and lamentation flat upon the ground. {αβγδ}, The Bishop then approaching towards him, kneeleth also by him on the ground, and all the multitude also do the like, with great grief and ejulation. {αβγδ}, This done, the Bishop riseth first, and gently raiseth up the prostrate penitent, and having prayed for those that are thus in the state of penance, as much as he thinks fit and requisite, they are dismissed for the present: And being thus dismissed, every man privately, at home, doth afflict himself, either by fasting, or by abstinence from meats and baths for a certain time, {αβγδ}, as long as by the Bishop is enjoined him. Which time appointed being come, and his Penance in this sort performed, he is absolved from his sins, {αβγδ}, and joined again unto the residue of the Congregation. And this, saith he, hath been the custom of the western Church, and especially of the Church of Rome, {αβγδ}, from the very first beginning, to this present time. So that both in the city of Rome, in which Tertullian sometimes lived, and in the western Church, whereof he was a member, being a Presbyter of Carthage; and in the times in which he flourished, for thus it was from the beginning: the Bishop regularly had the power both of ejoyning penance,& reconciling of the Penitent a● it still continueth: Nor doth that passage in tertul. any way cross the point delivered, where speaking of the several acts of humiliation 
tertul. lib. de penitent. c. 9.  which were to be performed by the Penitent, before he could bee reconciled to the Church of God, he reckoneth these amongst the rest, Presbyteris advolvi, aris, or caris Dei adgeniculari,( for whether of the two it is adhuc sub Judice) omnibus fratribus legationes deprecationis suae injungero; to cast themselves before the Presbyters, to kneel before the Altars, or the Saints of God, to entreat the prayers of all the brethren. Where clearly, there is nothing ascribed unto the Presbyters as in the way of reconciliation, but only in the way of intercession, as unto other of the brethren: the main work being still reserved unto the Bishop.  
I know indeed Tertullian is alleged by some, as if there were a government of the Church at that time in use, in the which neither the Bishop nor the Presbyters did bear the greatest stroke; but a society of lay-elders, or( if we may admit of such a Monster both in sense and Grammar) a lay Presbytery. The place or passage commonly alleged to make good the same, is that in his apologetic for the christian Church 
Id. in Apol. c 39 , where having shewed the manner of the Christian meetings in their Congregations, for prayer and hearing of Gods word, he addeth, that there a●e also exhortations, chaistisements, and divine censures, judgement being executed with great advice. Then followeth, president probati quique seniores, honorem istum non pretio, said testimonio adepti; the Presidents of our meetings are approved Seniors, or Elders( call them which you will) who have obtained this honour not by money, but by good report. So he: And those whom he calls seniores, elders, they will needs ●ave to be such Elders as they dream of, men of the Laity, taken in to day, and put out to morrow. A thing which better might become the Conventicles of the heretic and Sectary, then the Church of Christ. And as it seems amongst the heretics and Sectaries such a course there was, 
Id. de Praescr. haeret. l. 41.  hody Presbyter qui cras Laicus, that he which was to day an Elder, was on the next day to revert to his occupation; this day an Elder in the Consistory, the next a Botcher on the stall. The Christian Church had no such custom, what ever might be found amongst the Marcionites; if then it be demanded who these Seniors were, which are here said to have presided in their Congregations; I answer that they were the Bishops: those at whose hands, de manu Praesidentium, the people used in those times to receive the Sacrament. Lay-men they could not bee, though called simply Elders, because they did administer the blessed Eucharist: and simply Presbyters they were not, and they could not be, because it is there said that they did preside, and had the power of Censure and Correction; which are the works and badges of authority. It then remains they were the Bishops, the Presidents or {αβγδ} of the Church of Christ, such as we find described before by Justin Martyr, and are affirmed by Beza, to be such as Timothy whom we have proved to be a Bishop. And this appears to me yet further by the words themselves, in which we find that those who did attain that honour got it by good report, and not by money. And this may very well be, might the Gentiles say, had it been spoken of the Presbyters, for who would give money for so poor an office, wherein there was but little to be gotten, more then ones labour for his pains; or at the best some bare allowance from the sportula, and that too on the Bishops courtesy? When we can hear you say the like of Bishops, through whose hands the money went, who had the keeping and disposing of the common Treasury, and might enrich themselves by the spoil thereof; you then say somewhat to the purpose. Till then it makes but little to the praise of your integrity and candour, that such poor men whose places were not worth the having, should pay nothing for them. This makes it evident to me that the Elders mentioned here, were not simply Presbyters: but such whose places were esteemed to be bo●h of Means and Credit; and therefore doubtless they were Bishops, that did so preside. Nor is it any prejudice to the truth thereof, that they are called Seniores in the plural number: Tertullian speaking not in the behalf of a particular Church or City, wherein could be one B●shop only; but pleading in the behalf of the universal, wherein there were as many Presidents, or Bishops, or Presiding Elders, call them which you will, as there were Cities gained to the Faith of Christ.  
Now if we please to take a view of the extent of Christianity, according as it stood in the present Century, we cannot better do it, then by a place and passage of Tertullian, who very fully hath described the same in his apologetic; presented to the Magistrates of the Roman Empire, in the last year thereof, or the next year after, as is affirmed both by Pamelius 
Pamel. in vita tertul  and Baronius 
Bar. in Annal.  out of ancient writers: For having shown that Christians were not to avenge themselves upon their persecutors, or to take Arms for the repelling of those injuries which were offered to them, he doth thus proceed: 
Tertullian in Apologet. c. 37.  Si enim& hostes exertos, &c. For should we show ourselves, saith he, to be open enemies unto the State, should we want either strength or numbers? Behold what mischief is done daily to you by the Moores, Marcomannians, and those of Parthia, Masters of a few Countries onely; whereas the Christians are diffused over all the world; you count us Aliens or strangers to you, & vestra omnia implevimus, yet we have filled all places that are yours, Cities, Isles, Castles, burrows, your places of Assembly, Camps, Tribes, Palaces, the very Senate, and the Market place, with our numerous troops. Onely your Temples are your own, &c. Nay, should we onely go away from you, and retire into some remote corner of the world, and carry all our families with us, Suffudisset utique dominationem vestram tot qualiumcunque am●ssio civium, the loss of so many of your people, how ill soever you conceive of them, would be so shrewd a weakening unto your dominions, that you would tremble at that strange desertion, and be astonished at the solitude and silence of your emptied Cities, quiter destitute of men to be commanded; there being more enemies then Citizens remaining in them. Whereas now, God be thanked, you have the fewer enemies amongst you, in that you have so many Christians, pene omnes cives Christianos habendo, most of your people being of that Religion. Which as it shows the great extent of Christianity in Tertullians time, so doth it show a like extent also of Episcopacy; there being no place where Christianity had been received, wherein Episcopa●y was not planted also. Which lest it might be taken for a bold assertion, without ground or truth, I shall crave leave to step a little out of this present Century, and borrow a testimony from S. Cyprian, who is next to follow; and if he may be credited, will affirm no less: For by him we are  told of a certain truth, 
Cyprian E. 52.  per omnes Provincias& per urbes singulas ordinates esse Episcopos, that in all Provinces and in every City Bishops had long since been ordained, reverend for their age, for their faith sincere, tried in affliction, and proscribed in time of persecution. Nor doth he speak this of his own time onely, which was somewhat after, but as a matter of some standing, cum jam pridem per omnes provincias, that so it had been long ago: and therefore must needs be so doubtless in this present Age being not long before his own. And this extent of Christianity I do observe the rather in this place and time, because that in the Age which followeth( the multitudes of Christians being so increased) we may perhaps behold a new face of things: the times becoming quicker and more full of action; Parishes or parochial Churches set out in Country-villages and towns, and several Presbyters allotted to them; with an addition also both of trust and power unto the Presbyters themselves in the Cure of souls, committed to them by their Bishops; with many other things which concern this business. And therefore here we will conclude this present Century, proceeding forward to the next in the name of God.   

CHAP. IV. Of the authority in the government of the Church of Carthage, enjoyed and exercised by S. Cyprian and other Bishops of the same.  
I. Of the Foundation and pre-eminences of the Church of Carthage.  
II. Of Agrippinus and Donatus two of S. Cyprian's Predecessors.  
III. The troublesone condition of that Church, at Cyprian's first being Bishop there.  
IV. Necessitated him to permit some things to the discretion of his Presbyters, and consent of the People.  
V. Of the authority ascribed by Cyprian to the people, in the Election of their Bishop.  
VI What power the people had de facto, in the said Elections.  
VII. How far the testimony of the people was required in the Ordination of their Presbyters.  
VIII. The power of Excommunication reserved by S. Cyprian, to the Bishop only.  
IX. No Reconciliation of a Penitent allowed by Cyprian without the Bishops leave and licence.  
X. The Bishop's power as well in the encouragement, as in the punishment, and censure of his Clergy.  
XI. The memorable case of Geminius Faustinus, one of the Presbyters of Carthage.  
XII. The Bishop's power in regulating and declaring Martyrs.  
XIII. The Divine right, and eminent authority of Bishops fully asserted by S. Cyprian.  
SAint jerome 
Hieron. de Scriptor. Eccl. in tertul.  tells us of S. Cyprian, that he esteemed so highly of Tertullian's writings, that he never suffered any day to pass over his head, without reading somewhat in the same; and that he did oft use to say, when he demanded for his works, Da mihi magistrum, reach me my Tutor or Preceptor. So that considering the good opinion which S. Cyprian, had harboured of the man, for his wit and learning, and the nearness of the time in which they lived; being both also members of the same Church, the one a Presbyter, the other Bishop of the Church of Carthage: We will pass on unto S. Cyprian, and to those monuments of piety and learning, which he left behind him. And this we shal the rather do, because there is no author of the Primitive times, out of whose works we have such ample treasures of ecclesiastical antiquities, as we have in his; none who can gave us better light, for the discovery of the truth in the present search, than that blessed Martyr? But first, before wee come to the man himself, wee will a little look upon his charge, on the Church of Carthage; as well before, as at his coming to be Bishop of it: the knowledge of the which will give special light to our following business. And first for the foundation of the Church of Carthage, 
Cited by Baronius in Annal. Eccl. Anno 51.  if Metaphrastes may be credited, it was the action of Saint Peter, who leaving Rome, at such time as the Jews were banished thence by the Decree of Claudius Caesar, in Africam navigasse& Carthaginensem erexisse Ecclesiam, is by him said to sail to Africa, and there to found the Church of Carthage, leaving behind him Crescens one of his Disciples, to be the Bishop of the same: But whether this be so or nor, it is out of question, that the Church of Carthage was not only of great Antiquity; but that it also was of great power and credit; as being the Metropolitan Church of afric, the Bishop of the same being the Primate of all Africa, properly so called, together with Numidia, and both the Mauritanias, as well Caesariensis as Sitisensis: So witnesseth S. Cyprian himself, 
Cypri: Ep. 45  Latius fusa est nostra Provincia; habet enim Numidiam& Mauritanias duas sibi cohaerentes, as his own words are. And this appeareth also by the subscription of the Bishops to the council of Carthage, 
council. Tom. p. 149. Edit. Binii.  convented ex Provincia Africa, Numidia, Mauritania, as is most clear on the record. For whereas anciently the Roman Empire was divided into fourteen Dioceses, reckoning the Prefecture of the City of Rome for one; every Diocese being subdivided into several Provinces, as was said before, 
Notitia ●rovinciarum.  the Diocese of Africa was not of the meanest, containing in it six large Provinces, and reaching from the greater Syrtis Eastward, where it confined upon the Patriarchat of Alexandria to Mauritania Tingitana, on the West, which did belong unto the Diocese of spain. Now Carthage standing in that Province, which was called Zeugitana, or Proconsularis, and being the seat or Residence of the Vicarius, or Lieutenant general of the Roman Empire for that Diocese: the Bishop of it was not only the Metropolitan of his own Province; but the Primate also, in regard of the other five, which were Tripolitana, Byzacena, Num●dia, and the two Mauritanias before remembered. Nor was he only the supreme Bishop in regard of them, but also absolute and independent in regard of others: as being neither subject or subordinate to the patriarches of Alexandria, though the prime City of all Africa, nor to the Popes of Rome, the Queen and Empresse of the world; against whose machinations 
council. carthaginiens. 6.  and attempts, the Church of Carthage for a long time did maintain her liberty.  
Such being the authority and power of the Church of Carthage, we must next look upon the Bishops of the same; who though they had not got the name of patriarches, as those of Antioch, Rome, and Alexandria now had; and they of Constantinople and jerusalem, shall bee found have in the times succeeding; yet had they all manner of patriarchal jurisdiction. Of these the first I meet withall was Agrippinus, who flourished in the beginning of this century, bonae memoriae vir, a man of blessed memory, as S. Cyprian, 
Cyprian. Epist. 71.  Venerabilis memoriae, of venerable memory, as 
Vincent. Lerinen. adv. haeres cap. 9.  Vincentius Lerinensis calls him. S. Austin also mentioneth him in one of his discourses 
Aug. de Bap. lib. 2. cap. 7.8.  against the Donatists, as a predecessor of S. Cyprians: and all of them agree in this, that he held those which were baptized by heretics, were to be rebaptized by the catholic Ministers: for agitation of which business, he caused a council to be called of all the Bishops 
Cypr. Epi. 71.  Qui illo tempore in Provoncia africa& Numidiae Ecclesiam Dei gubernabant, which at that time did govern the Church of God in the Provinces of afric and Numidia: in which rebaptisation of men so baptized, was decreed as necessary. Which howsoever it doth show that Agrippinus, as a man, had his personal errors: yet shows it also, that as a Bishop of Carthage, he had a power and jurisdiction over all the other Bishops of the Diocese of afric, and all the Provinces thereof; who on his summons, met in council, as by those words of Cyprian plainly doth appear. So that we find the holy Hierarchy so settled from the first beginners▪ that as the Presbyters were subordinate unto their Bishops, so it was there a subordination amongst the Bishops themselves; according as it still continueth in those parts of christendom, in which episcopal Government doth remain in force. But Agrippinus being dead, his error or opinion died also with him, though it revived again not long after: and his Successor, by name Donatus, looking more carefully unto his charge, endeavoured what he could to free the same from erroneous doctrines. And to that purpose called a council of 90. Bishops in Labesitum, a colony in Africa, in which Privatus, an old heretic was by their joint consent condemned; nonaginta Episcoporum sententiâ condemnatus, as 
Cypr. Epi. 55.  S. Cyprian hath it. By which we may conjecture at the great spreading of episcopacy; over all this Province, I mean that of Africa: so great, that at this time, being An. 242. as Baronius 
Baron. in Annal.  calculateth it, there could assemble 90. Bishops, at the command or summons of their Metropolitan: especially if we consider that these were but a part of a greater number. 
Augustin. Epist. 48.  S. Austin telling us of a council held in Carthage, by the Donatists( placed by Baronius Anno 308) in which there met together no fewer than 270. Bishops of that one faction. But least it may be said, as perhaps it was, that the Donatists increased the number of Bishops the better to support their party, if ever the business should come to be examined in a synodical meeting: we find a council held in Carthage under Aurelius, who was Bishop there in S. Austins time, Anno 398. in which assembled to the number 
council. Tom. 1. Edit. been. p. 587.  of 214. Bishops, all of them Orthodox Professors. With such a strange increase did God bless this calling. For certainly the Church had never brought forth such a large increase, if God even our own God had not given bis blessing.  
Donatus being dead, Anno 250. Cecilius Cyprianus a right godly man, being then one of the Presbyters of the Church, is chosen bishop of the same; and that not only by the joint consent of the clergy, their 
Cypr. Ep. 55.  said populi universi suffragio, but by the general suffrage of the people, according to the general custom of that Church and time. And being so chosen and ordained, did for four yeares enjoy himself in peace and quiet. But a fierce persecution being raised against the Church, by the command of Decius then the Roman Emperour; being proscribed and threatened death, he retired 
Idem Epi. 10.  himself; expecting a return of better times, wherein he might do service to the Lord his God: professing that in this retreat, he followed the direction of the Lord, qui ut secederet jussit, who had commanded him so to do. In this recess of his, some of his adversaries,( as who liveth without them) which had opposed him in the time of his election, taking an opportunity to ensnare the people and draw them into factions against their Bishops: had made a very strong party on their side, calumniating his recess as a deserting of the flock of Christ committed to him; which more afflicted the good Father, than the proscription of his goods, or any trial of his patience which had been laid upon him by the persecutors. Of this conspiracy he certifieth the people of Carthage by way of letter, wherein he giveth them to understand how the matter stood. 
Idem Epi. 40.  Quorundam Presbyterorum malignitas& perfidia perficit &c. That I could not come to you before Easter, the malice and perfidiousness of some of the Presbyters hath brought to pass: whilst mindful of their own conspiracy, and retaining their former rancour against my being Bishop, or indeed rather against your suffrages in my election, and against the judgement of God approving the same: they begin again to set on foot their former opposition, renewing their sacrilegious machinations, and lying treacherously in wait for my destruction. And after, in the same Epistle, Non suffecerat exilium jam biennii,& à vultibus& oculis vestris lugubris separatio. &c. It doth not seem sufficient to them, that I have been now two yeares banished from your presence, and to my great affliction separated from your sight; that I am overwhelmed with grief and sorrow, vexing myself with my continual complaints, and day and night washing my cheeks with tears; because it hath not been as yet my good fortune to embrace or salute you, whom you had chosen for your Bishop with such expressions of your love and zeal. Accessit huic tabescenti animo nostro mayor dolor. And yet a greater grief afflicteth my fainting soul, that in so great distress and need I cannot come myself unto you, fearing lest at my coming, if I should so do, some greater tumult should arise through the threats and secret practices of perfidious persons: and that considering, as a Bishop, I am to take care for the peace and quiet of the Church, ipse materiam seditioni dedisse, I might seem to be or give occasion of some sedition likely to be raised, and so renew the persecution which is now well slaked. Nay as it seemeth, some of the Presbyters of his Church which were not otherwise engaged in the faction, or carried any ill affections towards him; out of an inclination natural to man, to enlarge their power, and get as much authority into their hands, as the times would give to the advantage of his absence also, and began sensibly to encroach upon his office, and undertake such things as appertained to his jurisdiction. Thus he complains of his clergy, that such as yet stood faire in their respects, and firm in their obedience to him might be confirmed in the same: and that the rest, being made acquainted with their error, might in fine desist Tacere ultra non oportet, &c. 
Idem Ep. 10.  It is no time, saith he, to be longer silent, when as the danger is so imminent both on myself and on my people. For what extremity of danger may we not justly fear from Gods displeasure, when some of the Presbyters, neither mindful of the Gospel, or their own duty, or the day of judgement, nor thinking that they have a Bishop set over them, cum contemptu& contumelia praeposititotum sibi vendicent, with the contempt and reproach of him that is their Bishop, shall arrogate all power unto themselves. Which their behaviour he calls also contumelias Episcopatus nostri, the reproach and slander of his government; in having such affronts put on him, as never had been offered to any of his Predecessors. The like complaint to which he doth also make, but with more resolution and contempt of their wicked practices, in an Epistle to Cornelius, being the 55. in number, according to the Edition of Pamelius.  
I have the more at large laid down the storms and troubles raised against this godly Bishop, at his first coming to the place; because it gives great light unto many passages, which concern his time; especially in that extraordinary power which he ascribes sometimes, both to the People and the Presbyters, in the administration of the Church: as if they had been Partners with him in the public government. Which certainly he did not, as his case then stood, without special reason. For being so vehemently opposed from his first election to the episcopal office; all opportunities espied to draw away the peoples hearts and alienate their affections from him; every advantage took against him during his absence from the City, to vex and cross him in his doings: what better way could he device to secure himself in the affections of the people, and the obedience of his Presbyters, then to profess that in all his acts and enterprises whatsoever, he did and would depend upon the counsel of the one, and consent of the other. And this is that which he professeth in a letter to the Presbyters and Deacons of 
Idem Epist. 6  Carthage, quod a primordio Episcopatus mei statuerim, nihil sine consilio vestro& consensu plebis meae, privatâ sententiâ gerere; that he resolved from his first entrance on that bishopric, to do nothing of his own head, as we use to say, without the counsel of his Clergy and the consent of his People: and that on his return,( for he was then in exile when he wrote this letter) he would communicate his affairs with them, Et in commune tractabimus, and manage them in common with their assistance. And certainly this was a prudent resolution, as the world went with him: For by this means he stood assured, that whatsoever schism or Faction should be raised against him, it would be never able to prevail, or get ground upon him, as long as he had both the People and the Presbyters so obliged unto him, for the support of his authority. But this being but a private case, and grounded on particular reasons makes no general Rule: no Bishop being bound unto the like, by this example, but where all circumstances do concur, which we meet with here; and then not bound neither, except he will himself, but as it doth conduce to his own security. So that it is to me a wonder, why the example of S. Cyprian should be pressed so often, and all those passages so hotly urged, wherein the Presbyters or People seem to be concerned in matters of the Churches Government; as if both he and all other Bishops had been bound by the Law of God, not to do any thing at all in their holy function, but what the Presbyters should direct, and the People yield their suffrage and consent unto. For being but a resolution taken up by him, the better to support himself against his Adversaries; it obligeth no man to the like, as before I said. And he himself did not conceive himself so obliged thereby, but that he could and did dispense with that resolution, as often as he thought it necessary, or but expedient so to do: performing many actions of importance, in the whole course and Series of his episcopal Government, wherein he neither craved the advice of the one, nor the good liking of the other; and which is more, doing some things not only without their knowledge, but against their wils, as we shall make appear in that which followeth. Now whereas the points of most importance in the Government and Administration of the Church, are the Election of Bishops, the Ordination of Ministers, the Excommunicating of the Sinner, and the Reconciling of the Penitent: it will not be amiss to see, what and how much in each of these S. Cyprian did permit, as occasion was, either unto the People or the Presbyters; and what he did in all and every one of these, as often as he saw occasion also, without their knowledge and consent.  
First for Election of their Bishops, it is conceived and so delivered 
Smectymn. p. 33. Sect. 7.  that all their elections were ordered by the privity, consent and approbation of the people, where the Bishop was to serve: and for the proof of this S. Cyprian is alleged, as one sufficient in himself to make good the point. The place most commonly alleged is in his 68. Epistle touching the Case of Basilides and Martialis, two Spanish Bishops, who had defiled themselves with Idols and many other grievous crimes: concerning whom, the People of those parts repaired unto him for his resolution. But he remitting the cause back to them, tells them how much it did concern them, A peccatore Praeposito se separare, to separate themselves from such sinful Prelates, and not to participate with them in the Sacrifice, 
Cypr. ●p. 68.  giving this reason for the same, quando ipsa maxim habeat potestatem, vel eligendi dignos Sacerdotes, vel indignos recusandi: because the People specially have power either of choosing worthy Prelates, or of rejecting the unworthy. For that by Sacerdotes, here the Father understandeth Bishops, 
Smectymn. p. 33.  is confessed on all hands. Nor doth the Father only say it, but he goeth forward to make good the same by Divine Authority, ut Sacerdos plebe present, that the Bishop should be chosen in the presence of the People, under all mens eyes: that so he may be proved to be fit and worthy by their public testimony. And for the proof of this, is urged a text from Moses in the book of Numbers, where God is said to speak thus to Moses, apprehend Aaron fratrem tuum, Take Aaron thy brother and Eleazar his son, and thou shalt bring them to the Mount before all the Assembly, and put off Aarons garments, and put them on Fleazar his son. By which it is apparent that God willeth the Priest to be made before all the multitude, showing thereby that the Priest should not bee ordained but in the presence of the People, that so the People being present, the offences of the evil may bee detected, and the merits of the good made known, and consequently the Election, or rather Ordination may be good and lawful, being discussed by the opinion and voice of all. The like he also proves by the electing of mathias Bishop, in the place of Judas, which was performed in medio Discentium, in the midst of the Disciples; and in the choosing of the seven, done in the face of all the People. This is the sum of what is there delivered by S. Cyprian: and out of this I find three Corollaries or Conclusions gathered. 
Smectym. p. 34.  First, that the special power of judging of the worthiness and unworthiness of a man for the Prelacy, was in the breast of the People.  
Secondly, the special power of choosing or rejecting to his place, according as they judged him worthy or unworthy, resided in the People.  
Thirdly, that this power did descend upon the People, de Divina Autoritate, by Divine authority. These are the points collected from S. Cyprians words; which with the words themselves out of the which they are collected, are to be taken into consideration, because the weight of all this business doth rest upon them.  
And first as for S. Cyprians words, there is no such command of God touching Eleazar, in any Bibles now remaining, as is there laid down, which thing Pamelius 
Pamel. Annot. in Cypr. fol. 68.  well observed. And more than so, the text of Scripture now remaining, is contrary to that which is there alleged: God willing or commanding Moses, to bring Aaron and Eleazar his son, up into Mount hoar, whither the People neither did nor might ascend, as it is well observed by our learned 
government of the Church, c. 15  Bilson. So that Eleazar not being chosen by the People, but by God immediately; and his Ordination solemnized on the top of the Mount, 
Numb. 20 27, & ●.  Moses and Aaron being only at the doing of it: this can be no good Argument, that the Election of the Prelate doth specially pertain unto the People. And therefore it is very probable that Cyprian met with some corrupted Copy of the Book of God; or else that we have none but corrupted Copies of the books of Cyprian. As for the Election of mathias, though it was done 
Acts 1.15.  in medio Discentium, in the presence of the Disciples, as the Scripture tells us; yet surely the Disciples had no hand in the Election: the calling of an Apostle being too high a work for any of the sons of men to aspire unto, peculiar only to the Lord our God, to whom the choice is also 
Ibid. ver. 24.  attributed in holy Scripture. As for the Seven, being they were to be the Stewards of the People, in the disposing of their goods for the common benefit of the Church, as before was noted: good reason that the Election should be made by them, whose goods and fortunes were to be disposed of. So that there is no Law of God, no Divine Ordinance of his, expressed in Scripture, by which the People are entitled either unto a special power of choosing their Bishops, or to a necessary presence of the action; though there be many good and weighty reasons, which might induce the Fathers in the Primitive times, not only to require their presence, but sometimes also to crave their approbation and consent in the Elections of the Prelate. Now for the presence of the People, that seemeth to be required on this reason chiefly, that their testimony should be had touching the life and behaviour of the party that was to be Ordained, lest a wicked and unworthy person should get by stealth into the function of a Bishop; it being required of a Bishop, by S. Paul, amongst other things, that 
1 Tim 3.  he must have a good report. And who more able to make this report, than the People are, quae[ plebs viz] singulorum vitam plenissime novit, 
Cypr. Epi. 68.  who being naturally inquisitive, know each mans life, and hath had experience of his conversation. And as for their consent there wanted not some reasons why it was required, especially before the Church was settled in a constant maintenance, and under the protection and defence of a Christian Magistrate. For certainly, as our Reverend Bilson well observeth, the People did 
Bilson perpetual government. c. 15.  more willingly maintain, more quietly receive, more diligently hear and more hearty love their Bishops, when their desires were satisfied in the choice,( though merely formal) of the man; than when he was imposed upon them, or that their fancies and affections had been crossed therein. But yet I cannot find upon good authority, that the special power of choosing or rejecting, did reside in them: though indeed somewhat did depend upon their approbation of the party; and this no otherwise than according to the custom of particular Churches. In Africke as it seems the use was this 
Cypr. Ep. 68.  that on the death or deposition of a Bishop: Episcopi ejusdem Provinciae quique proximi conveniant, the neighbouring Bishops of the Province did meet together, and repair unto that People, who were to be provided of a Pastor, that so he might be chosen present Plebe, the People being present at the doing of it, and certifying what they knew of his conversation. And this appears to be the general usage, per Provincias fear Universas, through almost all parts of christendom: Where plainly the Election of the new Prelate resided in the Bishops of the same Province so convened together: and if upon examination of his life and actions, there was no just exception laid against him, manus ei imponebatur, he was forthwith ordained Bishop, and put into possession of his place and office. But it was otherwise, for a long while together, in the great patriarchal Church of Alexandria: in which the Presbyters had the Election of their Bishop, 
Hieron. ad Euagrium.  Presbyteri unum ex se Electum, as S. Hierom noteth, the Presbyters of that Church did choose their Bishop from amongst themselves: no care being had, for ought appeareth in the Father, either unto the Peoples consent or presence. And this continued till the time of Heraclas and Dionysius, as he there informeth us, of whom wee shall speak more hereafter. But whatsoever interest, either the Clergy in the one Church, or the People challenged in the other; there is remaining still a possession of it in the Church of England: the Chapter of the Cathedrall or mother Church making the Election in the name of the clergy; the King, as Caput Reipublicae, the head and heart also of his people, designing or commending a man unto them; and freedo●e left unto the people, to be present if they will at his Election, and to except against the man, as also at his confirmation, if there be any legal and just exception to be laid against him.  
Next for the Ordination of the Presbyters, it was S. Cyprians usual custom to take the approbation of the people along with him; as he himself doth inform us in an Epistle of his, to his charge at Carthage, inscribed unto the Presbyters and D●acons, and the whole body of the people. 
Cypr. Ep. 33. vel l. 2. ep. 5.  In ordinandis clericis, fratres charissimi, solemus vos ante consulere,& mores& merita singulorum, communi consilio ponderare, which is full and large. What ever he saith elsewhere to the same effect, is in effect no more than what here is said; and therefore we shall save the labour of a further search. Nor was this Cyprians custom only. It had prevailed as it seems in most parts of christendom; and was so universally received, that even the Roman Emperours took notice of it. For Alexander Severus, one of the hopefullest young Princes in the declining times of the Roman Empire, noting this custom of the Christians, 
Lamp●id. in vita Alex. Severi.  was wont when he promoted any unto the government of Provinces, to post up, as it were, the names of the persons, inviting the people to come in against them, if they could charge them on just proof, with any crimes: And used to say it were a shane not to observe that care in choosing of the Rulers of Provinces, to whom mens lives and fortunes were to be committed; cum id Christiani& Judaei facerent in praedicandis sacerdotibus, qui sunt ordinandi, when as the Jews and Christians did it in publishing the merit of those Priests which were to be ordained by them. Which kind of publication of the life and merits of the party, that was to be ordained, may possibly relate as well unto the the popular manner of electing Bishops, at that time in use. But as there is no general observation, but doth and must give way unto particular occasions: so neither was this rule so generally observed, but that sometimes it was neglected. Even Cyprian himself how much soever it concerned him to continue in the peoples favour, would many times make use of his own authority, in choosing and ordaining men to functions and employments in the Church, without consulting with the people, or making them acquainted with his mind therein. For minding to advance 
Cypr. Ep. 33.  Aurelius unto the office of a Reader( an office, but no Order, in the Church of God) he tarried not the peoples liking and consent: but did it first, and after gave them notice of it: not doubting of their taking it in good part, ( quod vos scio& libenter amplecti) and so commends him to their prayers. The like we find 
Id. Epi. 34.  of Celerinus, a man highly prized, admitted first into the clergy by him and his Colleagues then present with him in his exile, and then acquainteth the people that he had so done, non humana suffragatione, said divina dignatione, not being guided in it by any human suffrage, but by Gods appointment. And although Celerinus and Aurelius being known unto the people by their former merits, the matter might be taken with the less resentment; yet this no way can be affirmed of Numidicus: who being before a Presbyter in some other Church, 
Baron. in Annal. Anno 253. n: 94  as Baronius very well observeth, and in all likelihood utterly unknown de fancy, to those of Carthage, was by Saint Cyprian 
Cypr. Ep. 35.  of his sole authority, without consulting either with Presbyters or people,( for ought which doth appear) taken into the number of the Presbyters of that Church, ut nobiscum sedeat in Clero, and so to have a place, together with the Bishop himself, amongst the clergy of the same, and that we do not find as yet in S. Cyprians writings, that the people had any special power either in the Election or Ordination of their Presbyters, more than to give testimony of their weldeservings, or to object against them if they were delinquent. And more then that is still remaining to them in the Church of England: in which the People are required at all Ordinations, 
book of Ordination.  that if they know any notable crime in any of them which are to be Ordained, for which he ought not to be received into the ministery, to declare the same, and on the declaration of the same, the Bishop must desist from proceeding further. This is as much as was permitted to them in the Primitive times, for ought I perceive; and yet the Church of England gives them more than this: the Presbyter who is to serve the Cure in particular Churches, being elected by the Patrons of them, for and in the name of the rest of the people.  
As for the power of Excommunication, I do not find but that S. Cyprian reckoned of it, as his own prerogative; a point peculiar to the Bishop: in which he neither did advice either with the Presbyters or People. When as the wickedness of Felicissimus the leader of the faction raised against him was grown unto the height, the Father of his own authority denounced him excommunicant 
Cypr. Ep. 38 vel l. 5. Ep. 1.  abstentum se a nobis sciat, as the phrase then was; as he did also on Augendus, and divers others of that desperate party: committing the execution of his sentence to Herculanus and Caldonius two of his Suffragan Bishops, and to Rogatianus and Numidicus, two of the Presbyters of his charge; whom as for other matters, so for that he had made his Substitutes, or Commissaries if you will, Cum ego vos pro me Vicarios miserim, as the words are. And they accordingly being thus authorised proceed in execution of the same, and that in a formality of words, which being they present unto us the ancient form of the letters of Excommunication used of old, I will here lay down, 
apud Cypr. Epist. 39.  Abstinuimus communicatione Felicissimum,& Augendum, item Repostum de extorribus,& Irenem, Rutilorum, & Paulam Sarcinatricem; quod ex annotatione mea scire debuistis. In which we may observe that this Excommunication was so published, that all the residue of the clergy, to whom the publication of it was committed, might take notice of it: quod ex An●otatione mea( or nostra rather, as Pamelius very probably conjectureth) Scire debuistis. So that the process of the whole is this, that those Incendiaries were denounced excommunicate by S. Cyprian himself, the execution of it left to those above remembered, whom he had authorised in that behalf; and they accordingly proceeding made certificate of it unto the clergy of Carthage, that publication might be made thereof unto the People. Which differs very little in effect from what is now in use amongst us. Nor did S. Cyprian do thus only of himself, de facto; but he adviseth Rogatianus, one of his neighbouring Bishops, to exercise the like authority, as properly belonging to his place de jure. Rogatianus had complained 
Cypr. Ep. 65.  as it seems, of some indignities and affronts which had been offered to him by his Deacon: which his respect, in making his complaint unto him, as Cyprian took exceeding kindly; so he informeth him withall, that he had the Law in his own hands; and that pro Episcopatus vigore& Cathedrae authoritate haberet potestatem qua posset de illo statim vindicari; by vigour of his episcopal function and the Authority of his chair, he had power enough, to be straightway avenged of him for the same. Yet being the matter was referred unto him, he declares his thoughts, that if the Deacon, whom he writ of, would repent his folly, and give some humble satisfaction to the offended Bishop, he might not do amiss, to remit the fault. But if he did provoke him further by his perverse and petulant behaviour; fungêris circa eum potestate honoris tui, ut eum vel deponas vel abstineas; he should exercise the authority of his place, or honour, and either degrade or excommunicate him, as he saw occasion. Here was no sending to the clergy to have their advice, no offering of the matter unto their better consideration, but all referred unto the Bishop, to do therein as unto him seemed best, of his own authority. So that both Cyprian, and other Bishops, both might, and did, and durst do many things without advising with the clergy; 
Smectym. Sect. 9. 9. 38.  contrary to what some have  told us: And this they might do well enough, without dread or fear, that any of their Sentences 
Ibid.  might be made irrita, or void by the fourth council of Carthage; which was not held until 130 yeares and upwards, after Cyprian's death. And for the interest of the People in these public censures, I find them not at all considered, but where the crime was heinous, and the Church scandalised by the sins and lewdness of the party punished. In which case there was such regard had of them, that the sentence was published in fancy Ecclesiae, in the full Congregation of Gods people: And that as well that they might the more hearty detest such scandalous and sinful courses▪ as that they might eschew his company, and conversation, as they would do the company of an Heathen or of a Publican: 
Aug. cont. Ep. Parmen. lib. 3. cap. 2.  Tunc se ab ejus conjunctione salubriter continet, ut nec cibum quisquam cum ea sumat; not one of them so much as eating with the man, who is so accursed. Which as they are S. Austins words, so by the tenor of the place, they seem to intimate S. Cyprians practise. So that if Excommunications had not passed in former times, without 
Smectymn. p. 40.  the knowledge and approbation of the body of the Church, to which the delinquent did belong; as some men suppose, it was upon this reason only, as themselves affirm, because the people were to forbear communion with such. And being that in the Church of England, the Excommunication of notorious sinners, is publicly presented unto the knowledge of the People, for that very reason, because they should avoid the company of Excommunicated persons: I see not any thing in this particular,( I mean as to the Publication of the Sentence) in which the Church of England differs from the Primitive and ancient practise. And did our Bishops keep the power of Excommunicating to themselves alone, and not devolve it upon others: they did not any thing herein, but what was practised by S. Cyprian.  
For Reconciling of the Penitent, which naturally and of course is to come after Excommunication, I find indeed that many times S. Cyprian took along with him, the counsel and consent both of his Presbyters and People. And certainly it stood with reason that it should so be, that as the whole Church had been scandalised at the heinousness of the offence; so the whole Church also should have satisfaction in the sincerity of the Repentance. Many and several are the passages in this Fathers writings, which do clearly prove it: none more exactly than that in his Epistle to Cornelius, 
Cypr. Ep. 55.  where wishing that he were in presence when perverse persons did return from their sins and follies, Videres quis mihi labour sit persuadere patientiam fratribus nostris, you would then see, saith he, what pains I take to persuade our brethren, that suppressing their just grief of heart, recipiendis malis curandisque consentiant, they would consent to the receiving& the curing consequently of such evil members. Yet did he not so tie himself to this observance, but that sometimes, according as he saw occasion, unus atque alius obnitente plebe& contradicente, mea tamen facilitate suscepti sunt, some, though not many, had been Reconciled and reimbosomed with the Church, not only without the Peoples knowledge, but against their wils. So that the interest which the People had in these relaxations of ecclesiastical censures, were not belonging to them as in point of right, but only in the way of contentation. The leading voice was always in the Bishop, and so the negative voice was also when it came to that: He was to give his fiat first, before the Clergy had any thing to do therein: S. Cyprian telling of himself, 
Id. Ibid.  quam prompta& plena dilectione, that he received such Penitents as came unto him, with such affection and facility, that by his over-much indulgence to them, pene ipse delinquo, he was even capable himself. And if it were no otherwise in his time with the Church of Carthage in this case, there it appears to be in the third council there assembled: the Bishop had not only the leading voice, but the directing and disposing power, a negative voice into the bargain. For there it is ordained, 
council. Car. III. cap. 32.  Ut Presbyter Ep●scopo inconsulto, non reconciliet Poenitentem, that the Presbyters were not to Reconcile a Penitent, unless it were in the Bishops absence, or in a case of urgent and extreme necessity:( as in point of death) it being there declared withall, that it belonged unto the Bishop, 
Ibid. c. 31.  poenitentiae tempora designare, to appoint the time, and the continuance of the penance, as he saw occasion. And this to be the practise of S. Cyprians time, is most clear and evident, by the displeasure he conceived against some Presbyters, who had admitted men( which before were lapsed) without leave from him, to the blessed Sacrament. A matter which he aggravates to the very height, 
Cypr. Ep. 10.  charging them, that neither mindful of the gospel, nor their own place and station, nor of the future day of Iudgement, nor of the authority of him their Bishop; they had admitted such as fell in time of persecution to the Churches Sacraments, not being by him authorised so to do. And this he saith, was sure an insolency, quod nunquam omnino sub Antecessoribus factum, which never had been done in any of his Predecessors times: and being now done, cum contumelia& contemptu Praepositi, was done in manifest contempt and reproach of their Bishop, threatening withall, that if they did persist in these wilful courses, he would make use of that authority, qua me uti Dominus jubet, which God had given him for that purpose; viz. suspend them from their ministry, and bring them to a public trial for their misdemeanours, before himself and all the People. 'tis true indeed, that in the outward action and formality of this great work of reconciliation, the Clergy did impose hands with the Bishop, upon the head of him that was reconciled: for we find often in S. Cyprian 
Epist. 10.11, &c.  Manus ab Episcopo& Clero imposita; but this was only, as I said before, in the outward action; the power of admitting him unto that estate, and giving way to his desires in making of him capable of so great a favour, belonging only to the Bishop, as before appears.  
Thus have we seen how and in what particulars, as also upon what considerations, S. Cyprian communicated some part of his episcopal Authority, either unto the Presbyters, or to the People; or to both together. Wee will next look on those particulars, which he reserved wholly and solely to himself: and they concern his clergy chiefly; in his behaviour towards whom, in matters of reward and punishment, he was as absolute, and supreme, as ever any Bishop since his time. And first in matter of reward, the greatest honour whereof the clergy, in his time, were capable, was their place of sitting, distinct& separate from the people. A place by Sozomon 
Sozom. l. 5. c. 14.  called {αβγδ} as it were, the Sacrarie; by the council of Laodicea, 
council. Laodi. Can. 55.  entitled {αβγδ}, by reason it was higher than the rest, that all the people might behold it; by others, Presbyterium 
Canon Sacerdot distinct. 2.  the place for Presbyters: but by what names soever called, a place it was appointed for the Bishop and his clergy only. Into this place S. Cyprian admits Numidicus, 
Cypr. Ep. 35.  a stranger to the Church of Carthage, as before was noted from Baronius: but by him added to the number of the Presbyters there, adscriptus Presbyterorum Carthaginiensium numero, as his own phrase is, that so he might enjoy the honour of that place, with the less distaste.  
And so for point of maintenance, which was another part of the reward, that did belong to the Laborious and painful Presbyter: the distribution of the same was wholly in the Bishops power. So wholly in his power, that howsoever it belonged unto none of right, but unto the Presbyters: yet, he, having bestowed on Celerinus, and Aurelius, the place of Readers in the Church; did also give unto them or assign the same full maintenance, which was allowed to any of the Presbyters. 
Id. Epi 34.  Presbyterii honorem designasse nos illis jam Sciatis, ut& sportulis ijsdem cum Presbyteris honorentur,& divisiones mensurnas aequatis portionibus partiantur. Know you( saith he) in an Epistle to the whole Church of Carthage, that we have assigned them the full honour of Presbyters, appointing that they should receive the same proportion of allowance, and have as great a share in the monthly dividends, as any of the Presbyters had. Where, by the way, this portion or allowance had the name of Sportula, from the reward or fees which anciently were allowed to Iudges, and by that name are mentioned in the Civill Laws: which being assigned to the Presbyters, pro singulorum meritis, according to the merits of the persons, to some more, some less, at the discretion of the Bishop, gave them the name of Fratres sportulantes, whereof we red in Cyprian Ep. 66. And they were called divisiones mensurnae, the monthly Dividends, because that as the contribubutions of the people were made once every month, menstrua quaque die, as Tertullian 
Tertul. in Apolog c. 36.  a Presbyter of this Church, hath  told us: so, as it seems, the Dividend was made accordingly, assoon as the money had been brought to the Bishops hands. So also in the way of punishment, when any of the clergy had offended, the Bishop had authority to withdraw his maintenance, and withhold his stipend. For when complaint was made to Cyprian 
Cypr. Ep. 28  of Philumenus, and Fortunatus two of his Subdeacons, and of Favorinus an Acolythite, qui medio tempore recesserunt, who formerly had forsook their calling, and now desired to be restored again unto it: although he neither would nor could determine in it, before he had consulted with his Colleagues, and the whole body of his people,( the matter being great and weighty) yet in the mean time he suspends them from their monthly pay, interim se à divisione mensurna tantum contineant, as he there resolves it; leaving the cause to be determined of at better leisure. This was a plain suspension a Beneficio, and could he not suspend ab Officio also? Assuredly he both could and did, as appears evidently by his proceeding with these Presbyters, who had entrenched upon his Jurisdiction, as before was said. Whose great offence though he reserved unto the hearing both of the confessors themselves, and the whole body of the people, for a final end: 
Idem Ep. 10.  yet in the mean time, prohibeantur interim offer, it was his pleasure to suspend them for the ministry, from their attendance at the Altar. Suspend them then he might, there's no doubt of that; but might he not if he saw cause, deprive them also. He might assuredly, or otherwise he had never given that counsel to Rogatianus, that if the Deacon formerly remembered, did not repent him of his faults, 
Idem Ep. 65.  eum vel deponat vel abstineat, he either might deprive or excommunicate him, which he would himself. He were a very greedy Bishop, who would not be content with that allowance of authority, which S. Cyprian had.  
The like authority he used towards the people also, not suffering them to be remembered in the Churches Prayers, if they had broken or infringed the Churches Canons, And this appeareth by the so celebrated case of Geminius Victor, 
Idem Ep. 66.  who at his death had made Geminius Faustinus, one of the Presbyters of Carthage, tutorem testamento suo, the executor of his last Will and Testament? which being like to be a means, whereby Faustinus might be taken off from his employment in the ministry: the displeased Bishop doth declare, ne deprecatio aliqua nomine ejus in Ecclesia frequentetur, that he should neither be remembered in the offertory, nor any prayer be made in his name in the Church. And this he did upon this reason, ne quis Sacerdotes& Ministros Dei, Altari ejus& Ecclesiae vacantes, ad seculares molestias devocet, that none hereafter should presume, to withdraw the Priest and Ministers of God, from their attendance at the Altar in the Churches service, unto the cares& troubles of the world. Which passage as it shows expressly, the great tie which the Bishops of those times had upon the Conscience of the people; whom they could punish thus after death itself: so is it frequently alleged, to show that neither Presbyters nor Bishops 
Smectym. p. 46▪  were to be molested with handling of worldly affairs. And so far I agree with them, that Presbyters and Bishops are to be restrained from these worldly matters, so far forth as they are a molestation to them, whereby they are disabled from the executing of their holy function, as this Faustinus seems to be, 
Cypr. Ep. 66.  ab Altari avocatus, quiter taken off from the attendance of his place; so far forth as the ancient Cannons on the which Cyprian grounds himself, they are and ought to be restrained. But we have shown before, 
V. par. 2. c. 1.  that many secular affairs were not inconsistent with the true meaning of those Canons; as neither possibly might this of Faustinus, had it happened at some other time, been reputed by him. But at this time, partly by reason of the persecution, and partly on occasion of the factious, the Church was almost 
Desolata Presbytern nostri copia. ep. 35  destitute and unprovided. This as he intimates in his 35. Epistle, touching the admission of Numidicus into the number of their Presbyters; so he affirms the same at large in another place: where he declareth, 
Cypr. Ep. 24.  plurimos nostros absentes esse, paucos vero qui illic sunt vix ad ministerium quotidiani operis sufficere, that many of the Presbyters did absent themselves, and that those which did remain upon their Charge, could not suffice for the performance of the daily offices. So that the Church being in that necessity, and such a manifest need or want of Presbyters, as then appearing in the Church; Faustinus could the less be spared from the attendance on the ministry, and consequently Geminius Victor the more unadvised, in putting him on such a business by which he was ab administratione Diuina avocatus 
Cypr. Ep. 66.  quiter taken off from the employment of his calling in Gods holy Service. And this I rather take to be the true condition of the business, and that which gave S. Cyprian so great cause of Anger, then with Saravia, 
De honore Praesul. debito. c. 16.  to affirm that the Decree or Canon whereof Cyprian speaketh, was but particular and provincial, illi tempori& loco serviens, calculated for the Meridian only of the Church of Carthage, and fitted to the present time; the Canon being ancient and universal, as before was shown.  
Another point, in which S. Cyprian exercised the height of his episcopal authority,( and an high point it was indeed, as the times then were) was in restraining of those Indulgences, which usually the Martyrs, or such as were prepared for Martyrdom, did too promiscuously bestow on collapsed Christians. For in the Primitive times, the Discipline of the Church being very rigid and severe, such as in time of persecution had denied the Faith, either by offering unto Idols, or by some formal abnegation under their hand-writing, whom they called Libellatici, were doomed unto 
Albaspin. de Eccl. ritibus.  perpetual penance; no restitution being to be hoped for to the Churches favour, and to the benefits and comforts of it, until the very moment of their last departure. Yet such was the regard which was born to those, who did already suffer duresse and imprisonment, and were resolved to suffer death, for the sake of Christ; that such to whom they gave their letters of recommendation, 
Cypr. Ep. 11.13, 14, 15.  were by the Bishops readmitted into the bosom of the Church. And this at first was done without any sensible inconvenience following thereupon, the Martyrs or Confessors rather being very wary, on whom they did bestow those favours, and very sparing of th●m also. But when that it was grown so general, that either they did pacem lapsis dare, receive such men into their favours, and the Churches peace, promiscuously 
Id. Ep. 17.19, 20, 21, 22.  without care and difference; or that the Presbyt. taking their warrant for sufficient, without the leave and liking of their Bi. admitted them to the Communion: then did the Father manifest his dislike thereof, whereof consult, Ep. 11.13, 14, 15. For when it once was come to this, he first addressed himself unto the Confessors or Martyrs, to be more sparing of the like Indulgences; and after to the Presbyters and People severally, for the repressing of this soul disorder. And when that would not serve the turn, he resolved at last, that for the time to come, 
Cypr. Ep. 15.  Quamvis libello à Martyribus accepto, such bills or Letters, notwithstanding as they had received from those Martyrs, they should stay his leisure, and the whole business concerning them be respited, until his return. Which check thus given, and certain of the Presbyters rebuked and threatened hy him, for their officiousness in this kind, as before we saw: it came to pass, that in a very little time, as well the Discipline of the Church, as the authority of the Bishops, reverted to its former rigor, especially after that on the sight of this inconvenience; the Lapsi, or Collapsed Christians, were by the general consent of holy Church, admitted unto penance, like to other sinners; which as it happened chiefly by S. Cypr. means, so was it brought to pass in S. Cyprians time. But here take notice by the way, that though these Indulgences had been granted by these Confessors, whilst they were Martyrs, but in voto; they were not yet to take effect, as the late learned B●shop of Orleans 
Albasp●mae. de rit. Eccl. li. 1. observe. 2.  very well observed, till that they had received the crown of martyrdom: which he proves very evidently out of certain places of S. Cyprian compared together; for which I leave you to that Author. It is enough, that the first check that had been given to that promiscuous liberty, which the Martyrs took, of doing what they pleased with the Churches keys; was given by Cyprian. Whose foot-steps, one of his Successors following, after brought to pass, that none should have the honour of being counted Martyrs, 
Baro. in Annal. Eccl. Anno 302. n. 12●.  after their decease, but such whose life and sufferings, and the occasion of those sufferings, were first reported by the Bishop of the place in which he lived, to his Metropolitan or Primate, and by the Metropolitan to the chief Primate, who was he of Carthage: who on deliberation, was to decree, Cuinam Martyris cultus deberet impendi, who ought to have the honour and repute of Martyrs, as Baronius noteth. And this he proveth out of a passage in S. Austin, 
Brevic. Coll. die 3. c. 5.  wherein Mensurius Bishop of Carthage, writing unto Secundus Primate of Numidia,( for all the Metropolitans of Africa were called Primates) is said to have disliked of those, which without cause or questioning, exposed themselves to open danger; Et ab iis honorandis prohibuisse Christianos, and that he did prohibit the Christian People to give them that regard and honour, which was due to Martyrs. And indeed Optatus 
Optat. de Schism. lib. 1.  speaks of one who was reputed for a Martyr, said nondum vindicatus, but not asserted to that honour, not established in it. So great was the authority of Bishops over that of Martyrs, whether dead or living.  
But to return unto S. Cyprian, whom we have found so stout a Champion in the defence of his episcopal authority, that though there was a kind of necessity of complying( as the world went with him) both with his Presbyters and People, yet notwithstanding he knew how to resume his power, and neither take their counsel nor consent, but on some occasions. Had he done otherwise, he had indeed betrayed the honour of his calling; which in the point of practise; which he so often doth extol, both for Divinity of institution, and excellency of jurisdiction, in the way of Theory. For if we look into his writings, we shall soon find what his opinion was touching the institution of Episcopacy; which he maintaineth in several places to be Jure Divino, no ecclesiastical device, no human ordinance. For grounding the authority of his calling on those words of Christ, Tibi dabo Claves, 
Cypr. Ep. 27.  he sheweth that ever since that time, the Church hath been constituted upon Bishops, and every Act thereof by them administered. Then adds, Cum hoc itaque Divina lege fundatum sit, that since it is so ordered by the Law of God, or by Divine Law, which you will; he marveileth much that any one should writ such letters to him, as he had formerly received from some of the collapsed Christians. In his Epistle to 
Id. Ep. 55.  Cornelius, he calleth the Office of a Bishop in governing the Church of God, Sublimem& Divinam potestatem, an high and Divine authority, and tells us of the same, de Divina dignatione firmatur, that it is founded and confirmed by Divine Providence or favour; In that unto 
Idem Ep. 65  Rogatianus, Apostelos, i.e. Episcopos& Praepositos Dominus elegit, the Lord saith he, did choose Apostles, that is, the Bishops and Governors of the Church: therefore if we that are the Bishops ought to do nothing against God, qui Episcopos facit, who made us Bishops; so neither ought the Deacons to do any thing in despite of us, who made them Deacons. Finally in that unto Florentius Pupianus, 
Idem Ep. 69.  who had charged him, as it seems, with some filthy crimes, he affirmeth often, that the Bishop is appointed by God himself, Sacerdotes per Deum in Ecclesia constitui, that they are placed in the Church by God, Deum Sacerdotes facere, that God makes Bishops; and in a word, apostles Vicaria ordinatione succedere, they that succeeded the Apostles, as their proper Substitutes. As for the excellency of the episcopal power, take this once for all, where he affirmeth to 
Idem Ep. 55.  Cornelius, non aliunde haereses abortas esse, that schisms and Heresies do proceed from no other fountain, than this, that there is no obedience yielded to the Bishop or Priest of God( for in the ancient style of many of the Fathers, Sacerdos and Bishop is the same) Vel unus in Ecclesia ad tempus Sacerdos,& ad tempus Judex 'vice Christi cogitatur; and that men do not think that there is one Bishop only for the time in a Christian Church, one for the time that judgeth in the place of Christ. Which words since many of the Advocates 
Pamel. An not. in Cypr. Ep. 55.  for the Popes Supremacy have drawn against all right and reason from their proper purpose, to the advancement of the dignity of the See of Rome; S. Cyprian writing this unto Cornelius, then the Bishop there: we may hear him speaking the same words almost, in his own behalf: ind enim Schismata, &c. 
Cypr Ep. 69.  From hence, saith he, do schisms and Heresies arise, whilst the Bishop being but one in every Church, is slighted by the proud presumption of some men; and he by man is judged unworthy, whom God makes worthy of his favours. And because possibly it may bee thought that Cyprian might be partial in the heightening of his own authority; I shall crave leave to back him with Saint Hierome's 
Hieron. adu. Luciferian.  words, none of the greatest fautors of Episcopacy, who affirms as much; who tells us plainly, that the safety of the Church depends on the chief Priest or Bishop, cvi si non exors& ab omnibus eminens detur potestas, to whom, in case there be not given an eminent and transcendent power, there will be shortly as many Schisms in the Church, as Priests. But it is time to leave S. Cyprian, who went unto the Lord his God through the door of martyrdom, Anno 261, proceeding from the Church of Carthage, to that of Alexandria, the next neighbour to it.   

CHAP. V. Of the condition and affairs of the two patriarchal Churches of Alexandria and Antiochia.  
I. Of the foundation and first Professors of the Divinity school in Alexandria.  
II. What is affirmed by Clemens, one of those Professors concerning Bishops.  
III. Origen the Divinity Reader there, permitted to expound the Scriptures, in the presence of the Bishop of Caesarea.  
IV. Contrary to the custom of the Alexandrian and western Churches.  
V. Origen ordained Presbyter by the Bishops of jerusalem and Caesarea, and excommunicated by the Bishop of Alexandria.  
VI. What doth occur touching the superiority and power of Bishops in the Works of Origen.  
VII. The custom of the Church of Alexandria, altered in the election of their Bishops.  
VIII. of Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria, and his great care and travails for the Churches peace.  
IX. The government of the Church in the former times, by letters of intercourse and correspondence amongst the Bishops of the same.  
X. The same continued also in the present Century.  
XI. The speedy course took by the prelates of the Church, for the suppressing of the Heresies of Samosatenus:  
XII. The Civill jurisdiction, train and thrones of Bishops, things not unusual in this Age.  
XIII. The Bishops of Italy and Rome, made Judges in a point of title and possession, by the Roman Emperour.  
XIV. The Bishops of Italy and Rome, why reckoned as distinct in that Delegation.  
ANd being come to Alexandria, the first thing presents itself to our observation, is the Divinity-Schoole there being: which wee must first take notice of, before we look into the Church, which in this Age was furnished hence both with Religious Bishops, and learned Presbyters. A school, as it appeareth by Eusebius, of no small Antiquity; who 
Eu. hist. Eccl. lib. 5. c. 10.  speaking of the times of Commodus, saith, {αβγδ}, that of an ancient custom there had been a school, for teaching of Divinity, and other parts of Literature, which had been very much frequented in the former times, and so continued till his dayes. According to which platform, first schools, and after Universities had their consideration in the Church: from whence, as from a fruitful Seminary, she hath been stored ever since with the choicest wits, for the advancement of her public service. But for this school of Alexandria, the first professor there, which occurs by name, is said to be Pantaenus, 
Jd. ibid.  {αβγδ}, a man renowned in all parts of Learning; first a Philosopher of the Sect of Stoiks, and afterwards a famous Christian Doctor. A man so zealously affencted to the gospel of Christ, that for the propagating of the same he made a journey to the Indies: and after his return, he took upon him the Professour-ship in the school aforesaid, {αβγδ}, opening the treasures of Salvation, both by word and writing. And I the rather instance in him, because that under him 
Jd. l. 5. c. 11.  Clemens of Alexandria learned his first Principles of Religion; and after him succeeded in his chair or Office: who being by birth of Athens, and of the same family with the former Clemens, the fourth Bishop of Rome; upon his coming, and abode at Alexandria, gained the surname or additament of Alexandrinus. Now that Clemens, was Divinity Reader in the school of Alexandria, is said expressly by Eusebius; 
Id l. 6. c. 5.  where he affirmeth also, {αβγδ}, that Orig. was one of his Disciples: Who after coming to the place himself, was followed in the same 
Id. li. 6. cap. 12. {αβγδ}.  by H●raclas, and Dionysius successively: both of them Schollers in the school of Origen, both severally and successively Readers or Doctors in the same, and both, first Heraclas, Dionysius next, Bishops or patriarches of Alexandria. So that within the space of half an hundred yeares, this school thus founded, or at the lest advanced in reputation by Pantaenus, brought forth the said four famous Doctors. Clemens and Origen, Heraclas and Dionysius, all of them in their times men of great renown, and the lights and glory of their age. And though I might relate the names of many others men of famed and credit, who had their breeding in these schools; did it concern the business which I have in hand: yet I shall instance in no more but these, and these it did concern me to make instance of, because their Acts and Writings are the special subject of all that is to come in this present Chapter; and were indeed the greatest business of that Age.  
And first for Clemens, not to take notice of those many Books which were written by him, a Catalogue whereof 
Eus: hist. Ec. l. 6. c. 11. {αβγδ}:  Eusebius gives us, and from him S. jerome: those which concern us most, were his eight books inscribed {αβγδ}, which are now not extant, and those entitled {αβγδ}, which are still remaining. In the first eight, he tells us in the way of story, that 
Id. l. 2. c. 2.  Peter, James and John, after Christs Ascension, how high soever in the favour of their Lord and Master, contended not amongst themselves for the place and honour; {αβγδ}, but made choice of James surnamed the Just, to be the Bishop of jerusalem: 
Id. Ib. c. 14.  that Peter, on perusal of the gospel, writ by Mark, {αβγδ} {αβγδ}, confirmed the same by his authority, for the advancement of the Church that 
Id. Jbid. cap: 22 {αβγδ}.  James {αβγδ}, to whom the bishopric of jerusalem had been comm●tted by the Apostles, was by the malice of the jews done to a cruel death: that 
Id. l. 3. c. 17. {αβγδ}.  John the Apostle, after Domitian's death, returned to Ephesus from Patmos, and going at the entreaty of his friends to the neighbour nations, {αβγδ}, in some parts he ordained Bishops, in others planted or established Churches, in others, by the guidance of the holy Spirit, electing fit men for the clergy; telling withall the story of a certain Bishop, to whom the said Apostle did commit a young man to be trained up. All which he might affirm with the greater confidence, 
Id. l. 6. cap. 11. {αβγδ}:  because he tells us of himself, {αβγδ}, that he lived very near the Apostles times, and so might have the better light to discern their actions. And for the other eight remaining, although there is but little in them, which concerns this Subject, the Argument of which he writeth not having any thing to do therewith: yet in that little we have mention of the several Orders, of Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons in the Church of God. And first for Bishops, speaking of the domestic ministries that belong to marriage, he shows that by the Apostles Rule, 
Clemens Alexand. Stroma. lib: 3.  such Bishops are to be appointed for the Church of God, {αβγδ}, as by the orderly government of their private families, may be conceived most fit and likely to have a care unto the Church. Where clearly, by his {αβγδ} he means not Presbyters, as the Apostle is conceived to mean in his Epistle to Timothy. For howsoever the Presbyters might bee trusted with the charge of a particular Congregation; yet had they never the inspection, the care or governance, {αβγδ}, of a whole Church, or many Churches joined together, as the word {αβγδ} may be rendered. That was the privilege and power of Bishops. So for the two inferior Orders, we find them in another place, 
Id. ibid. li. 7.  where he divides such things as concern this life, into {αβγδ}, matters of improvement and advantage, and {αβγδ}, subservient only thereunto; then adds, that in the Church of God, the Deacons exercise the subservient offices; {αβγδ}, but that the Presbyters attend those others, which conduce to our amendment or improvement in the way of godliness. Out of which words if any man can gather 
Smectymn. p. 38.  that judging of the conversation or crimes of any members of the Church, that discipline, which worketh emendation in men, is in the power of the Elders, as I see some do, he must needs have a better faculty of extraction, then the best chemist that I know of. In all that place of Clemens not a word of Judging; nor so much as a syllable of Discipline. A power of bettering and amending our sinful lives, he gives indeed unto the Presbyters: but that I hope both is and may be done by the ministry of the Word and Sacraments, with which the Presbyters are and have been trusted. This is the {αβγδ}, the bettering and improving power which belongs to them; and not the dispensation of the Keys, which have been always put into other hands, or if at any time into theirs, it hath been only in a second and inferior place, not in the way of judging, in the course of Discipline.  
Next let us look on Origen, a man of most prodigious parts both for Wit and Learning; 
Hieron. de Script. Eccl. in Origine  who at the Age of eighteen yeares was made a Catechist, in the Church, and afterward a public Reader in the schools of Alexandria, a man in whom there was nothing ordinary, either good or ill: for when he did well, none could do it better; and when he erred or did amiss, none could do it worse. The course and method of his studies, the many Martyrs which he trained up in the school of Piety, the several countries which he traveled, either for informing of himself or others, belong not unto this discourse. Suffice it, that his eminence in all parts of learning, and his great pains in his profession, 
Euseb. hist. Eccl. l. 6. c. 7. ●.  made him most grateful, for a time, unto Demetrius the Patriarch of Alexandria, though after upon envy at the mans renown, he did endeavour to diminish his reputation. For on occasion of the warres in Egypt, 
Id. ib. c. 13. χ  seeing he could not stay in safety there, he went unto Caesarea, the Metropolitan See of Palestine: where, though not yet in holy Orders, he was requested by the Bishop, not only to dispute in public, as his custom was, {αβγδ}, but also to expound the Scriptures; and that too {αβγδ} in the open Church. Which when it came unto the knowledge of Demetrius, he forthwith signified by letters his dislike thereof: affirming it to be an unaccustomed and unheard of thing, {αβγδ}, that any Lay-man should presume to preach, or expound Scripture in the Bishops presence.  
But hereunto it was replied by Theoctistus Bishop of Caesarea, and Alexander Bishop of jerusalem who was also there, that he had quiter mistook the matter: it being lawful for such men as were fit and eminent, to speak a word of exhortation to the people, or to preach unto them, {αβγδ}, if they were thereunto required by the Bishop; instancing in Euelpis, Paulinus, and Theodorus, godly brethren all, who on the like authority had so done before; and they, for their parts, being of opinion, that others besides them had done so too. In agitation of which business, there are these two things presented to us, first the regard and reverence, which was had, in those Pious times, unto the person of a Bishop; and then the power and authority that was vested in them. For first it seems that men of whatsoever parts, though of great Spirit and abilities, did notwithstanding think it an unfitting thing, to meddle with expounding Scripture, or edifying of the people, in case the Bishop was in place. And yet as strange and uncouth as it was, or was thought to be, the Licence of the Bishop made it lawful. But then withall we must conceive of preaching in this place and story, not as a ministerial office, but only as an academical or scholastical exercise: according as it is still used in our Universities, where many not in holy Orders, preach their turns and courses.  
And yet indeed Demetrius was not so much out as they thought he was, but had good ground to go upon, though possibly there was some intermixture of envy in it. For whatsoever had been done in the eastern Churches; the use was otherwise in Alexandria, and in the Churches of the West: in which it was so far unusual for lay-men to expound, or preach in the Bishops presence, that it was not lawful for the Presbyters. For in the neighbour Church of Carthage it was thus of old, in these times at least. For when Valerius Bishop of Hippo, a Diocese within that Province, being by birth a graecian, 
Possidon. in vit. Aug c. 5.  and not so well instructed in the pronunciation of the latin Tongue, perceived his Preaching not to be so profitable to the common people for remedy thereof, having then lately ordained Augustin Presbyter, eidem potestatem dedit coram se in Ecclesia, Evangelium praedicandi, he gave him leave to preach the gospel in the Church, though himself were present. And this saith Possidonius, who relates the story, was contra usum& consuetudinem Ecclesiarum Africanarum, against the use and custom of the African Churches; and many Bishops thereabouts did object as much. But the old man, bearing himself upon the custom of the eastern Church, where it was permitted, would not change his course. By means whereof it came to pass, that by this example, some Presbyters in other places, acceptâ ab Episcopis potestate, being thereto licensed by the Bishop, did preach before them in the Church, without control. For Austin being afterwards Bishop of Hippo in the place of Valerius, applauds Aurelius the Metropolitan of Carthage, 
Aug. Ep. 77  for giving way unto the same: commending him for the great care he took in his Ordinations, but specially, de sermone Presbyterorum qui te present populo infunditur, for the good sermons preached by the Presbyters unto the people in his presence. But this permission or allowance was only in some places, in some Churches only; perhaps in none but those of Africke. For Hierom writing to Nepotian,( being himself a Presbyter in the Church of Rome) complains thereof 
Hieron. ad Nepotianum  ut turpissimae consuetudinis, as of a very evil custom, that in some Churches the Presbyters were not to preach if the Bishop were by. And though he was a man of great authority with Damasus and others his successors, Popes of Rome; yet got he little by complaining, the custom still continuing as before it was. And this is clear by the Epistle of 
Leon. Ep. 88.  Pope lo, in which as it is declared unlawful, to perform divers other Sacred offices in the Bishops presence, without his special precept and command; so also is there a non licet in this point of Preaching, which was not to be done [ nec populum docere, nec plebem exhortari] if the Bishop were then present in the Congregation. So that this being then an ancient and received custom, must needs be now in force when Demetrius lived: and, as it seems by his expostulation in the case of Origen, had been no less observed in Alexandria, than in Rome, or Africke. There was indeed a time and that shortly after, in which the Presbyters of Alexandria might not preach at all, 
Socrat. hist. Eccl. l. 5. c. 21.  {αβγδ}, as it is in Socrates. Which general restraint as it was occasioned by reason of the factions raised by Arius, or other troubles of that Church, in the beginning of the Age next following: so it continued till the times of Socrates, and 
Sozom hist: Eccl. l. 7. c. 19  Sozomen, who lived about the middle of the sixth century, and take notice of it. So that as it appeared before in the case of Austin, that the Bishops have a power to licence; so it appears by that of Arius, that they also have a power to silence.  
But to return again to Origen, the Bishops of Caesarea and jerusalem finding how profitable a servant he might prove in the Church of God, did at another time, as he passed through Palestine to go towards Greece, ordain him Presbyter. And this was done 
Euseb. hist. Eccl. l. 6. c. 17. {αβγδ}. &c. 7.  {αβγδ} saith Eusebius, by the Bishops there, by the two Bishops formerly remembered: no Presbyter concurring in it for ought there we find. Yet when Demetrius moved with his wonted envy, did not only what he could to disgrace the man, but also sought to frame an accusation against those 
Id. l. 6. c. 7. η  {αβγδ}, which had advanced him to the order of a Presbyter: we do not find that he objected any thing against them, as to the Act of Ordination; but only as unto the irregularity of the person, by reason of a corporal defect of his own procuring. And on the other side, when as Demetrius saw his time, and found that some few passages in his many writings, either by him or in his name at lest set forth and published; had made him liable unto danger, obnoxious to the censures of the Church: he did not only excommunicate him, which had been enough, either to right the Church, or revenge himself, but he prevailed with many other Churches also, to confirm the sentence. 
Hier. in Apo cont Ruffinum.  Ab eodem Demetrio Episcopo Alexandrino fuisse excommunicatione damnatum, prolatamque in eum sententiam a caeteris quoque Ecclesiis ratam habitam, as S. jerome hath it. Where as before we had his Ordination performed only by the two Bishops of Caesarea and jerusalem, without the hands of any of the Presbyters; and yet the Ordination good and valid, the whole Church after reckoning him for a Presbyter, without doubt or scruple: so here we find him excommunicated by one Bishop only, without the votes or suffrages of the Presbyters, or any show or colour of it; and yet the Church concurring with that Bishop, though his ancient enemy, in confirmation of that censure. So fully was the Church persuaded in the former times, that these were parts of the episcopal jurisdiction and authority: that there was no objection made against this last, though Origen had many friends, and those great ones too: nor nullity or invalidity in the first, although Demetrius who by reason of his great place and power, had made him many enemies, did except against it.  
From that which doth occur concerning Origen in the books and works of other writers, proceed we unto that which doth occur concerning Bishops in the works of Origen. And there we find in the first place the several Orders of Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons. For speaking of those words of the Apostle, he that desireth the office of a Bishop, desireth a good work, 
Origen in Mat cap. 15.  he tells us this, Talis igitur Episcopus non desiderat bonum opus, that such a Bishop desireth not a good work, who desireth the Office, either to get glory amongst men, or be flattered and courted by them, or for the hope of gain from those which believe the gospel, and give large gifts in testimony of their Piety. Then adds, Idem vero& de Presbyteris& de Diaconis dices, that the same is to be said of Presbyters and Deacons also. Nor doth he only show us, though that were sufficient, the several ranks and Orders in the hierarchy, but also the ascent or griefs from the one to the other, 
Orig. tract. 24. in Mat. c. 23  In Ecclesia Christi inveniuntur, In the Church of Christ, saith he, there are some men who do not only follow feasts and them that make them, but also love the chiefest places, and labour much, primùm ut Diaconi fiant, first to be made Deacons, not such as the Scripture describeth, but such as under pretence of long prayers devour widows houses. And having thus been made Deacons, cathedras eorum qui vocantur Presbyteri praeripere ambiunt, they very greedily aspire to the chairs of those who are called Presbyters; And some not therewithal content, practise many ways, ut Episcopi vocentur ab hominibus, to have the place or name of Bishops, which is as much to say as Rabbi. And shortly after, having endeavoured to depress this ambitious humour, he gives this caveat, that he who exalts himself shall be humbled; which he desireth all men to take notice of, but specially the Deacons, Presbyters, and Bishops, which do not think those words to be spoken of them. Here have we three degrees of Ministers in the Church of God, one being a step unto the other, whereof the Bishop is supreme, in the highest place. And not in place only, but in power also, and authority, as being the men unto whose hands the keys were trusted by our Saviour. For in another place he 
Jd Tract. 1 in Matth.  discourseth thus. Quoniam ij qui Episcoporum locum sibi vindicant &c. When they which challenge to themselves the place of Bishops, do make the same confession that Peter did, and have received from our Saviour the Keys of the kingdom of Heaven, teaching that what they bind on Earth is bound in Heaven, and what they loose in Earth is loosed in Heaven; we must aclowledge that what they said is true, if withall they have those things for which it was so said to Peter. For if he be bound with the chains of his own sins, frustra vel ligat vel solvit, in vain he takes upon him to bind or loose. In the which words( not taking notice of his error, seeming to make the efficacy of the ministry to depend upon the merit of the Minister) wee find that in the time of Origen the dispensation of the keys was the Bishops office.  
This if it should not be sufficient to declare their power, we may hear him in another place calling them Principes populi Christiani, 
Id in Mat. 19. Tractat. 12.  the Princes of the Christian People, blaming them, such especially as lived in the greatest Cities( in which he secretly upbraides the proud behaviour of Demetrius towards him) for want of affability and due respect to their inferiors: And writing on these words of our Saviour Christ, who is that faithful and wise servant, &c. he applies them thus: Peccat in Deum 
Id. in Matth. 14. Tractat. 31  quicunque Episcopus, qui non quasi conservis servus ministrat, said quasi Dominus. That Bishop whosoever he bee, doth offend against God, which doth not minister as a servant to his fellow servants, but rather as a Lord amongst them: yea and too often as a sharp and bitter Master, domineering over them by violence( remember how Demetrius used him) like the taskmasters in the land of Egypt, afflicting the poor Israelites by force. Finally as he doth acquaint us with their power and eminency; so doth he tells us also of their care and service: 
Id. Homil. 6. in Esaiam.  assuring us, that he who is called unto the office of a Bishop, non vocatur ad principatum, said ad servitutem totius Ecclesiae, is not invited to an Empire or a Principality, but to the service of the whole Church. And this he keeps himself to constantly in that whole discourse( being the sixth Homily on the Prophet Esay) in which although he afterwards doth call the Bishop, Ecclesiae Princeps, yet he affirms that he is called ad servitutem, to a place of service; and that by looking to his service well, ad solium coeleste ire posset, he may attain an Heavenly throne. And so much shall suffice for Origen, a learned, but unfortunate man, with whom the Church had never peace, either dead or living.  
From him then we proceed unto his Successor, Heraclas, an Auditor, at first of Clemens, then of Origen, 
Euseb. hist. l. 6. c. 12. {αβγδ}.  who being marvelously affencted with the great learning of the man, {αβγδ}, made him his Partner in the chair; which after Origen was laid by, 
Id. c. 20. {αβγδ}.  he managed wholly by himself, with great applause. A man that had the happiness to succeed the two greatest enemies in the world, Origen and Demetrius; the one in the schools, the other in the Church of Alexandria; unto which honour he was called on Demetrius death, who had sate Bishop there three and forty yeares. On this preferment of Heraclas unto the Patriarchale, the Regency of the Alexandrian schools, was forthwith given to Dionysius, another of Origens disciples, who after fourteen yeares or thereabout, succeeded also in the bishopric. And here began that alteration, in the election of the Bishops of this Church, which S. jerome speaks of. 
Hieron. ad Euagrium.  The Presbyters before this time, used to elect their Bishop from amon● themselves. Alexandriae à Marco Euangelista usque ad Heraclam& Dionysium Episcopos, Presbyteri unum ex se electum, in excelsiori gradu collocatum, Episcopum nominabant, as the Father hath it. But here we find that course was altered; though what the alteration was, in what it did consist, whether in the Electors, or the condition of the party to bee Elected, is not so clearly evident in S. Hieromes words. For my part, I conceive it might be in both, both in the unum ex se, and the collocabant. For first the Presbyters of that Church had used to choose their Bishop from amongst themselves, Electing always one of their own body. But in the choice of these two Bishops that course was altered: these two, not being Presbyters of the Church, but Readers in the schools of Alexandria, and so not chosen from amongst themselves. And secondly, I take it that the course was altered, as to the Electors, to the Collocabant. For whereas heretofore the Presbyters had the sole power of the Election, to choose whom they listed, and having chosen to inthrone him without expecting what the People were pleased to do: the People seeing what was done in other Churches, begun to put in for a share; not only ruling, but finally over-ruling the Election. What else should further the Election of these two I can hardly tell; but that their diligence and assiduity in the discharge of the employment they had took upon them; the great abilities they shewed therein, and the great satisfaction given thereby unto the People, who carefully frequented those public Readings, had so endeered them to the multitude, that no other Bishops could content them, had not these been chosen. And this I am the rather induced to think, because that in a short time after, the interest of the People in the Election of their Bishop was improved so high; that the want of their consent and suffrage was thought by Athanasius 
Atha. in Epi. ad Orthodoxos.  a sufficient bar against the right of the Elected, affirming it to bee against the Churches Canons, {αβγδ}, and to the precept of the Apostles. But which of these soever it was, an alteration here was made of the ancient custom; which is as much as is intended by S. jerome in the words alleged. How others have abused this place, to prove that the imparity of Bishops is not of Divine authority, but only brought in by the Presbyters, we have shown before. Part. I. Cha. 3.  
But to go on with Dionysius( for of Heraclas and his acts there is little mention) wee find the time in which he sate to be full of troubles; both in regard of persecutions which were raised against the Church without, and heresies which assaulted her within. Novatus had begun a faction in the Church of Rome, grounding the same upon a false and dangerous doctrine; 
Eus: hist. Ec. lib. 7. cap. 7:  the sum whereof we find in an Epistle of this Dionysius, unto another Dionysius Pope of Rome. And whereas Fabius Bishop of Antiochia, was thought to bee a fautor of that schism, 
Id. l. 6. c. 36. {αβγδ}.  he writes to him about it also. So when Sabellius had begun to disperse his heresies, he presently gives notice of it to Sixtus, 
Id. l. 7. c. 5. ζ  or Xystus Bishop of the Church of Rome; as also unto 
Id. l. 7. c: 21. {αβγδ}.  Ammon Bishop of Bernice, and Basilides the Metropolitan of Cyrenica or Pentapolis, and to divers others. And when that Paulus Samosatenus began to broach strange doctrines in the Church of Christ, 
Id. l. 7. c. 22. {αβγδ}.  although he could not go in person to suppress the same, yet writ he an Epistle to the Bishops assembled there, {αβγδ}, declaring his opinion of the point in question. And on the other side, when as the Persecutors made foul havoc in the Church, and threatened utterly to destroy the professors of it: he by his letters certifieth his 
Id. l. 6, c. 34. {αβγδ}.  neighbouring Bishops, in what estate Gods Church stood with him, with what heroic resolutions the Christians in his charge did abide the fury, and conquered their tormenters by their patient sufferings: so giving honour to the dead, and breathing courage in the living. Indeed what Bishops almost were there in those parts of christendom, with whom he held not correspondence, with whom he had not mutual and continual intercourse, by the way of letters, from whom he did not carefully receive in the self same way, both advice and comfort? witness his several Epistles besides those formerly remembered, 
Id. li. 6. c. 38  unto Cornelius Pope of Rome, commending him for an Epistle by him written against Novatus; and giving notice to him, of the death of Fabius, and how Demetrianus did succeed him in the See of Antioch: and also to the Church of Rome, discoursing of the public ministries in the Christian Church. witness that also unto Stephanus, the Predecessor of Cornelius 
Id. l. 7. c. 2.  entitled De Baptismate; a second to the aforesaid Stephanus, 
Jd. l. 7. c. 4.  about the faction of Novatus. To Dionysius Bishop of Rome, besides that before remembered from Eusebius, a second extant in the works of 
Athanas. opera graec. lat. Tom. 1 p. 558.  Athanasius. And one to Paulus Samosatenus, the wretched patriarch of Antiochia, of which though there is no mention in Eusebius 
Euse. l. 7 c. 24  who tells us that he would not vouchsafe to writ unto him, yet is it intimated in Nicephorus, 
Nicephor. Ec. hist. l 6. c. 27  who affirms the contrary, and extant in 
Biblio. Patr. T. 3 edit. Col.  the Bibliotheca Patrum, and in 
Bar. An. 265  the Annals of Baronius. It were an infinite and endless labour, to recite all those, which besides these inscribed unto the Bishops of the greater Churches, he writ and sent to others of less note and quality, as viz. 
Euseb hist. l. 6. cap. ult.  to Conon Bishop of Hierapolis, the Churches of Laodicea and armoniac, {αβγδ}, and to whom not all most either Priest or Bishop, that was of any merit and consideration in the Church of Christ?  
If you demand to what end serves this general m●sler of the Epistles of this Prelate, why I have brought them thus into the field in their ranks and files, I answer that it was to let you see, what was the Ancient form of government in the Church of Christ, before they had the happiness to live under Christian Princes, and thereby opportunity of meeting in their general councils. For all the Apostles being furnished by our Lord and Saviour, with an equality of power and honour; pari consortio praediti potestatis& honoris, as 
Cyprian de Ecclesia unitate  S. Cyprian hath it: by consequence all Bishops also, were founded in the like equality. So that the government of the Church as to the outward form and polity thereof, was aristocratical. And being so, there was in manner a necessity imposed upon the Prelates of the Church, to maintain mutual intercourse and correspondence betwixt one another by letters, messages, and Agents, for the communicating of their counsels, and imparting their advice, as occasion was in all emergent dangers of the Church. For howsoever that the Church had followed in some things, the pattern of the Roman Empire, and in each diocese thereof( taking the Word according to the civill sense) had instituted and ordained a Primate, to whom the final resolution of all businesses did appertain, that fell within the compass of that diocese: yet all these Primates being of equal power and authority, each of them absolute& independent with the bounds and limits of his own jurisdiction; there was no other way to compose such differences as were either indeterminable at home, or otherwise concerned the public, but this of mutual intercourse and correspondence. And this, what ever is opined unto the contrary both by the masters and the Schollers in the Church of Rome, who have advanced the Pope into the sovereign or supreme direction in all points of doubt: will prove to be the practise of the Christian Church in all times and Ages, till the Authority of all other Churches in the worst and darkest times of Christianity, came to be swallowed up in the gulf of Rome. For presently upon the death of the Apostles, who questionless had the frequent resort, the final ending of al businesses which concerned the Church, a full and plenary authority to direct the same: we find that Clemens 
Euseb. hist. Ec. l. 3. c. 12 {αβγδ}  one of their Disciples, sends his Epistle to the Church of Corinth for the composing of some schisms which were raised amongst them, and that 
Id. c. 30. {αβγδ}  Ignatius Bishop of Antioch, another of their Schollers sends the like to Rome, for their confirming in the faith. Besides which, as he traveled towards Rome, or rather was haled thither to his execution, he dispatched others of his Epistles unto other Churches,& one amongst the rest unto Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna, commending unto him the good estate of the Church of Antioch. The like we find of Dionysius Bishop 
Id. l. 4. c. 22, {αβγδ}.  of Corinth a right godly man, of whose Epistles to the Lacedemonians, Athenians, Nicomedians, and those of Crete; as also to the Churches in Pontus, nay to that of Rome, conducing either to the beating down of heresies, or to the preservation of peace and unity, or to the confirmation of the faith, or rectifying of what was amiss in the Churches discipline, there is full mention in Eusebius.  
Thus when Pope Victor by his rash perverseness, had almost plunged the Church in an endless broil: the Bishops of these times bestirred themselves 
Id. l. 5. c. 23. 24. vel, {αβγδ}.  by public writings, to compose the quarrel▪ particularly Irenaeus and Polycrates, the one the Metropolitan of the gallic, the other of the Asian Churches. And when that many of the Bishops severally had convocated 
Ib. c. 22. {αβγδ}.  Councils, and synodical meetings to make up this breach: upon the rising of the same they sent out their letters, signifying what they had Decreed, advising what they would have done by all Christian People. For though Eusebius 
Ib. c. 25. {αβγδ}  instanceth in none but the Bishops of Caesarea and jerusalem,( in the records of which in two Churches, he had been most versed) which sent out these synodical Epistles: yet being so many other Metropolitans, had called Synods also to the same intent; I doubt not but they took the same course as the others did, in manifesting their Decrees and counsels. Nay so exact and punctual they were in the continuance of this mutual amity and correspondence, that there was almost no occurrence of any moment or consideration, not so much as the death of some eminent Prelate, 
Jd. l. 6. 38. {αβγδ}.  and the succession of a new; but they gave notice of it unto one another, ending 
Jd. l 6. c. 10. 16.& Cyprian: Epist. 42:  their letters of congratulation unto the party so advanced: Examples of the which in Eccle. Histories, are both infinite and obvious. By means of which continual intercourse there was maintained, not only an Association of the several Churches, for their greater strength, nor a Communication only of their counsels, for the public safety, but a Communion also with each other, as members of the mystical body of our Saviour Christ. And this is that Optatus 
Opta. de Schi. Donat. l. 2.  speaks of, when having made a Catalogue of the Bishops of Rome, from S. Peter down unto Siricius, who then held that place; or, as his words there are, Qui noster est Socius, who was his Partner or Associate in the common Government of the Church: he adds, Cum quo nobis totus orbis commercio formatarum in una communionis societate concordant; with whom the whole world doth agree with us, in one communion or society, by Letters of intercourse and correspondence. For Literae formatae, or communicatoriae, were these Letters called, as in the 163. Epistle of S. Austin, where both names occur.  
This as it was the usage of the former times, so was there never more need to uphold the same, than in the latter part of this present Age. So mighty a distemper had possessed the Church, that no part almost of it was in a tolerable constitution: and therefore it concerned the Bishops to be quick and active, before the maladies thereof became incurable. In that of Carthage, besides the faction raised by Felicissimus, which had no countenance from the Church; there was an erroneous doctrine publicly received about the baptism of heretics. The Church of Alexandria, besides the heat she fell into concerning Origen, was much disquieted by the heresy of Sabellius, broached within the same. And that no sooner was suppressed, or at lest quieted for the present, but a great flamme broke out in the Church of Antioch, which beginning in the house of Paulus Samosatenus before remembered, had like to have put all the Church into combustion. Rome in the mean time was afflicted more than all the rest, by the schism raised, and the false doctrines preached therein, by Novatianus: and that not for a fit only and no more but so, but in a constant kind of sickness, which disturbed her long. In this distemper of the Church, the Bishops had no way to consult her health; but by having recourse to their old way of mutual commerce and conference: which being it could not be performed in person, must be done by Letters. And so accordingly it was. witness those several Letters written by S. Cyprian to the Bishops of Rome: viz. from him to Stephanus, Epist. 71. to Lucius, Epist. 58. and to Cornelius, Epist. 42, 43, 47, 54, 55, 57. to the Church there, Epist. 23, 29. and from the Church of Rome and the Bishops of it, unto him again, Epist. 31.46, 48, 79. In all of which they mutually both give and take advice, as the necessities of their affairs, and the condition of the Church required: Nor was the business of the Church of Carthage, in agitation between Cyprian only and the Roman Prelates; but taken also into the care and consideration of Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria, 
Eus: hist. Ec. lib. 7. cap. 2.  who writ his judgement in it, and advice about it, to Stephanus then Pope of Rome, who held against S. Cyprian, or indeed rather for the truth, in the point in question. What the same Dionysius did, for the suppressing of the faction of Novatus, raised in Rome at first, but after spreading further over all the Church, wee have in part beholded already, by his Epistle unto Fabius of Antiochia who was suspected to incline that way; and that inscribed unto Cornelius, written about that business also, which before we spake of. And we may see what S. Cyprian did in recompense of that advice and comfort which he had from Rome, in his own afflictions, by the great care he took for the composing of her schisms and troubles when shee fell into them; by his Epistles to that only purpose: as viz. those unto Cornelius, entitled 
Cypr. Ep. 41.  Quod ordinationem Novatiani non receperit, 
Id: Ep. 42:  De ordinatione ejus à se comprobata, 
Id: Ep. 43.  Quod ad Confessores à Novatiano seductos literas fecerit: 
Id Ep. 50, 51  The letters of those seduced Confessors to him, and his congratulation unto them upon their return to their obedience to the Church; Cornelius 
Id. Ep. 48, 49.  writing unto him touching the faction of Novatian, and their wicked practices, with his reply unto Cornelius. Thus also when Sabellius began to broach his heresies within the jurisdiction of Alexandria; he did not only signify the same to the Bishop of Rome, which by the 
Baro: in Annal. Eccl: Anno 260. n: 62.  cardinal is used I know not how, for a prime Argument, to prove the Popes Supremacy: but unto divers other Bishops, as before was shown, to whom assuredly he owed no obedience. This as he did, according to the usage of the Church, at that time in force: so took he other courses also for the suppression of that heresy, both by power and pen. For finding upon certain information 
Atha: de sentent: Dionys.  {αβγδ}, that divers Bishops of Pentapolis, being within the Patriarchat of Alexandria, began to countenance and embrace the said desperate doctrines, and had so far prevailed therein, that there was hardly any mention in their Churches of the son of God; he knowing that the care and oversight of the said Churches did belong to him, first laboured by his Messengers and Commissioners to dissuade them from those lewd opinions; and when that would not do the dead, he was constrained to writ unto them an Epistle, in which he thoroughly confuted their erroneous tenets. By which as we may see the care and piety of this famous Prelate, triumphing in the fall of heresy; so we may see the power and eminency of that famous See, having the governance and superintendency of so many Churches.  
But that which was indeed the greatest business of his time, and which the Church was most concerned in, was that 
Euseb. Eccl. hist: l. 7: c. 22. {αβγδ}  of Paulus Samosatenus, the sixteenth Bishop of the Church of Antioch, great in relation to the man, one of the three prime Bishops in the Christian Church; and great inference to the danger which was like to follow. When one of the main Pillars of a Church is foundered, the whole edisice is in danger of a present ruin. And therefore presently upon the apprehension of the mischief likely to ensue, in case there was no speedy course taken to prevent the same, the Bishops of all parts repaired to Antioch, not only those which were within the jurisdiction of that Patriarchate, but such as lived far off; and in all possibility, might have kept their Churches from the infection of the heresy, being so remote. For thither came 
Jd. ibid.  Firmilianus Bishop of Caesarea, in Cappadocia, Gregory surnamed Thaumaturgus, Bishop of Neo-Caesarea in Pontus, and Athenodorus his brother, another Bishop of that Province, Helenus Bishop of Tarsus, Nicomas Bishop of Iconium, Hymenaeus Bishop of jerusalem, Maximus Bishop of Bostra, Theoctecnus Bishop of Caesarea the Metropolis of Palestine; and so many others, {αβγδ}, that the number of them was innumerable. Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria was required also to bee there, 
●d. ibid.  {αβγδ}, but he excused himself by reason of his age and weakness. And well indeed he might so do, being then very ill at ease, and dying 
Id: ibid:  whilst the Synod was in preparation. But what he could not do in person, he performed by his pen: writing not only to the Fathers, who were there assembled, which Eusebius speaks of; but to the heretic himself, a Copy of the which we have both in Baronius and the Bibliotheca, as before was said.  
As for the other Dionysius the then Pope of Rome, I find not any thing that he did, to quench this flamme. For though Baronius 
Baron. Annal. Eccl. Anno 1272. ●8.  being sensible how much it might redound to the Popes disgrace, that he alone should bee a looker on in so great a business, wherein the honour of our Lord and SAVIOUR was so much concerned; hath feigned a council to bee held at Rome, at the same time, and for the same intent, and purpose; yet there is no such thing in Athanasius whom he cites to prove it; neither doth Binius, though in other things he takes up much of his commodities on the Cardinals word, speak the lest word of such a council. It may be that the Popes then being, had so much work cut out at home by the Novatian faction there; that they had little leisure to attend a business so remote and distant: which is the best excuse I can see for them. And yet well fare the cardinal and his Binius too. For though the Pope was neither there, nor had so much as sent his Letters for ought wee can find; and that the synodical Epistle written by the Fathers, was inscribed 
Euseb. hist. Ec. l. 7, c 24 λ  to this Dionysius Maximus Bishop of Alexandria, {αβγδ}, and to all other their Colleagues, the Bishops, over all the World, and to the Presbyters and Deacons, and the whole catholic Church, as the title runneth: yet they will needs inscribe it to the Pope, none else; Ad Dionysium Romanum Pontificem scripserunt, so saith 
been. Annot. in council. Tom. 1. p. 161.  Binius, Synodicam ad Dionysium Papam scriptam: So 
Baron. in Annal. An. 272. 17  Baronius hath it; and both ridiculously false.  
But to return again unto the council, the issue of the whole was this, that Paulus was deposed from his place and dignity; Domnus succeeding in the seat. And 
Euseb. hist. Ec. l. 7. c. 24. λ  whereas Paulus notwithstanding his abdication, still kept possession of his House, {αβγδ}, the House belonging to his bishopric, as the story hath it: the Emperour Aurelian, being made acquainted with it, did determine thus, that it should bee delivered unto them, {αβγδ}, to whom the Bishops of Italy and Rome should adjudge the same.  
Now in this business there are these two things to be considered; the man thus sentenced, and those to whom the last part of the Sentence was to be put in execution: both of them yielding matter worthy of our observation, for the present business. For Paulus first, the Fathers of the council laying down the course and passages of his behaviour, do describe him thus: 
Jd. ibid.  that being born of mean and ordinary parentage, he had amassed great summmes of money, and full heaps of treasure: which he had gotten by bribery and corruption, from those that were in suits and differences, {αβγδ} and had repaired to him to bee righted in their several causes: next, that he never went abroad in public, but that he was attended by a guard; some of them going before him, others following after, to the great scandal of the gospel: And last of all, that he had caused a Throne or seat to bee erected for him, not such as did become one of CHRISTS Disciples, but high and lofty, such as the Princes of the world( or rather secular Princes) did use to sit in. Which passages( for I omit the rest that follow, as not conducing to the story which I have in hand) as they do manifestly set forth unto us the extreme pride, and base corruptions of the man: so do they also give us no obscure light, whereby wee may discern the customs of the Church in these particulars.  
For first, I find it not objected against Paulus, that he did deal some times in such suits and differences,( matters of secular business out of question) as were brought before him: but that he took bribes, 
Id. ibid.  {αβγδ}, and received money of such men as came for Justice, and yet abused them too, and did nothing for them. So that it is not faulted by the Fathers, for ought I can see, that he made himself a Judge amongst his brethren, or took upon him to compose such differences, as were brought before him( which certainly was no new matter in these times:) but that he was corrupt and base, not ministering, but selling Justice to the People; perhaps not selling Justice neither, but making them pay dearly for an unjust Sentence.  
The next thing I observe is this, that Paulus is not charged by the Synod for being well attended, or having many followers waiting on him; according to the greatness of his place and quality. Their words a in Eusebius they are laid before me, wills bear no such meaning: though some indeed, 
Smectymn. p. 55.  to raise an Odium on the prelacy, do expound it so, as if a great part of his pride and insolency consisted in that numerous train which attended on him in the streets. 
Id. ib.  {αβγδ}, he did not stir abroad without a Guard, saith the original, Magna satellitum stipatus turba, saith the Translator of Eusebius, Cum satellitio publicitus ingrediens, 
Nicep. Ec●l. hist. l. 6. c: 30:  as the Translator of Nicephorus hath it. Now whether wee look upon this passage in the Greek, as given us in the word {αβγδ}, or in the latin Satellitium, or Satellitum turba: I must profess my ignorance to bee such in both the Languages, that though I find it charged on Paulus, that he was guarded when he went abroad with a band of Speare-men; I find it not objected that he was Attended by a train of servants.  
Last of all for his Throne, the charge consists not as I take it, in the thing itself, for Bishops were allowed their Thrones in the Primitive times; but in the raising of it to a greater height than had been accustomend. Cassiodore, 
Cassiodor: hist. Tripart. l: 7:  I am sure doth expound it so: Intra Ecclesiam vero tribunal in alto altius quam fuerat extrui,& thronum in excelsioribus collocari jubet, secretarium quoque sterni& parari, sicut judicibus seculi solet. he caused his tribunal in the Church to bee built much higher than it had been formerly, and his Throne to be placed more aloft than before it was, and a Closet also to be trimmed and furnished, as secular Judges used to have. By which it seemeth, taking the Authors words as they lie together, that it was not the Throne 
Euseb. hist. Eccl. l. 7. c. 24. λ  but {αβγδ} the state and exaltation of the Throne, that gave the scandal. A Throne he might have had, {αβγδ}, as other Bishops Christs Disciples used to have before. But he would have his Throne exalted, adorned and furnished like a Closet, {αβγδ}, after the manner of Kings and Princes: Or if the seat or Throne here spoken of, were a tribunal, as is said by Cassiodore; we must not look upon him in the Church, but in the Consistory: in which he would have nothing ordinary like to other Bishops, but all things suited and adorned like the Bench or judgement seat of a Civill Magistrate.  
As for the men to whom the execution of the sentence was committed, which is the next thing here to be considered, Eusebius tells us that they were the Bishops of Rome and Italy. And possibly the Emperour might commit the judgement of the cause to them, because being strangers to the place, and by reason of their absence not engaged in the business, or known to either of the two Pretenders; they might with greater equity and indifference, determine in it. This is more like to be the reason, then that the Emperour should take such notice of the Popes authority, as to conceive the judgments and decrees of other Bishops to be no further good and valid, 
Baron. in Annal. Anno. 272. n. 18.  quam eas authoritas Romani Pontificis confirmasset, then as they were confirmed by the Bishop of Rome, as fain the cardinal would have it. If so, what needed the Italian Bishops to be joined with him? The Pope might do it of himself without their advice, indeed without the Emperours Authority. This was not then the matter, whatsoever was; and what was like to be the matter we have said already. And more than that I need not say, as to the reason of the reference, why the Emperour made choice rather of the western than the eastern Bishops to cognisans the cause, and give possession on the same accordingly. But there is something else to be considered, as to the matter of the reference to the point referred; as also to the persons who by this sovereign authority were enabled to determine in the cause proposed.  
And first as for the point referred, whereas there were two things considerable in the whole proceedings against Paulus; viz. his dangerous and heretical doctrine, and next his violent and unjust possession: the first had been adjudged before in the council, and he deposed for the same. With that the Bishops either of Rome or Italy had no more to do, then to subscribe unto the judgement of the Synod: or being a matter merely of spiritual cognizance, might in a like synodical meeting, without the Emperours Authority as their case then stood, have censured and condemned the heresy, though with his person possibly they could not meddle, as being of another Patriarchas. But that which here I find referred unto them, was a mere Lay-fee, a point of title and possession, and it was left unto them to determine in it, whether the plaintiff or Defendant had the better right, to the house in question. This was the point in issue between the parties; and they upon the hearing of the cause, gave sentence in behalf of Do●●●●: who presently upon the said award or sentence, was put into possession of the house, and the force removed, by the appointment of the Emperour. And it is worth our notice also, that as they did not thrust themselves into the employment, being a matter merely of a secular nature: so when the Emperour required their advice therein, or if you will make them his Delegates and High Commissioners; they neither did delay, or dispute the matter, nor pleaded any ancient Canons, by which they might pretend to bee disabled from intermeddling in the same. A thing which questionless some one or other of them would have done, there being so many Godly and Religious Prelates interested therein: had they conceived that the employment had been inconsistent with their holy calling.  
A second thing to bee considered in this delegation, concerns the parties unto whom it was committed, which were as hath been said before, the Bishops of italy, and of the City of Rome. In which it will not bee impertinent to examine briefly, why the Bishops of italy and the Bishops of Rome, {αβγδ}, as by 
Niceph. hist. Eccl. l. 6. c. 29.  Nicephorus it is given us in the plural number, should be here reckoned as distinct: since both the City of Rome, was within the limits and bounds of Italy, and italy subordinate or rather subject to the City of Rome, the queen and Empresse of the World. 
242.  For resolution of which Quaere, wee may please to know that in the distribution of the Roman Empire, the continent of Italy, together with the Isles adjoining was divided into two parts, viz. the Prefecture of the City of Rome, containing Latium, Tuscia, and Picenum, the realm of Naples, and the three Islands of Sicily, Corsica, and Sardinia, 
Vide chap. 3 of this 2 Part.  as before was said, the head City or Metropolis of the which was the City of Rome.  
And secondly, the Diocese of Italy, containing all the western and broader part thereof, from the River Magra, to the Alpes, in which were comprehended seven other Provinces, and of the which the Metropolis, or Prime City was that of milan, {αβγδ}, as in 
Athanas. in Epist. ad solitar. vitam agentes.  Athanasius. So that that Church being in the Common-wealth, according to that maxim 
Optat. de Schis Dona. l. 2  of Optatus, and following the pattern of the same, in the proportion and fabric of her public government, the Bishops of the Diocese of Italy, were no way under the command of the Patriarch or Primate of the Church of Rome, but of their own Primate only, which was he of milan. And this dlvision seems to bee of force in the times wee speak of, because that in the subscriptions to the 
Conc. Tom. 1  council of Arles, being about 40 yeares after that of Antioch; the Bishops of Italy stand divided into two rank●s or Provinces, that is to say, Provincia Italiae, and Provincia Romana, the Province of italy, of which Orosius the Metropolitan of milan subscribeth only, and then the Province of the City of Rome, for which Gregorius Bishop of P●rto subscribeth first. In after Ages the distinction is both clear and frequent, as in the Epistle of the council of Sardica extant 
In Athanas. Apolog. 2.  in Athanasius, and an Epistle of the said 
Atha: ad solitar: vitam agentes.  Athanasius written unto others. So that according to the premises, this Conclusion followeth, that the Popes or patriarches of Rome, had no authority in the Church more than other Primates, no not in italy itself, more than the Metropolitan of milan: as may appear, should all proofs else bee wanting, by this place and passage, by which the Bishops of the Diocese of Italy( taking the word Diocese in its Civill sense) were put into a joyn● commission, with the Bishops of the patriarchal of Rome with the Pope himself. Which tending so expressly to the overthrow of the Popes supremacy, as well Christopherson in his Translation of Eusebius; as the great cardinal Baronius in his Application of the place, are fain to falsify their Author. For whereas in the text we have, that he of the pretenders was to have possession, {αβγδ}, to whom the Bishops of Italy, and the City of Rome 
Euseb. hist. Eccl. l. 7. c. 24. λ.  should adjudge the same: Christopherson translates it thus, Quibus Christiani Italia& Urbis Roma Episcopi tribuenda praescriberent; Baronius 
Baron. in Annal. an. 272. ●. 18.  with less ambiguity, cvi Italiae Christiani,& Urbis Romana Episcopi dandam praescriberent; to whom the Christians of Italy and the Bishops of the City of Rome, should think fit to give it. And for a further testimony of this equality betwixt Rome and milan, wee may note also on the by, that each Church had its proper and peculiar customs: Rome neither giving law to milan, nor shee to Rome. witness that signal difference betwixt them in the Saturdayes fast, which in those times was kept at Rome, but not at milan: according to that memorable saying of Saint Ambrose, 
in Aug. Ep. ●6. in ●●●t  quando Roma s●●, jejuno Sabbato; quando hic sum, non jejuno Sabbato: Indeed the Church of milan might well stand on her own prerogatives, as being little inferior unto that of Rome, either in the condition of her founder, or the Antiquity of her foundation: 
Bar●: A●●●t. in Martyr. Rom: Junii 11.  S. Barnabas the Apostle, being generally reported for the first Bishop here; to whom Anathalon succeeded, Caius after him, and so successively Bishop after Bishop, 
Martyr. ●o●. ●ept. 25.27.  till these very times. Thus having prosecuted the affairs of this second Century from the Church of Carthage, unto that of Alexandria, from thence to Antioch: and on occasion of Samosatenus Bishop of this last, being forced to take a journey over unto Rome and italy; wee will next look on the condition of these western Churches, and the estate wherein Episcopacy stood amongst them for this present Age.   

CHAP. VI. Of the estate wherein episcopacy stood in the western Churches, during the whole third century.  
I. Of Zepherinus Pope of Rome, and the decrees ascribed unto him concerning Bishops.  
II. Of the condition of that Church, when Cornelius was chosen Bishop thereof.  
III. The schism raised in Rome by Novatianus; with the proceedings of the Church therein.  
IV. Considerable observations on the former story.  
V. Parishes set forth in country Villages, by Pope Dionysius.  
VI. What the words {αβγδ} and {αβγδ} do signify most properly in Ancient Writers.  
VII. The great authority which did accrue unto the Presbyters, by the setting forth of Parishes.  
VIII. The rite of Confirmation, reserved by Bishops to themselves, as their own Prerogative.  
IX. Touching the ancient Chorepiscopi, and the authority to them entrusted.  
X. The rising of the Manichean heresy, with the great care taken by the Bishops, for the crushing of it.  
XI. The lapse of Marcellinus Pope of Rome; with the proceedings of the Church in his Condemnation.  
XII. The council of Eliberis in spain, what it decreed in honour of episcopacy.  
XIII. Constantine comes unto the Empire; with a brief prospect of the great honours done to Bishops in the following Age.  
XIIII. A brief chronology of the estate of holy Church, in these two last Centuries.  
BEing thus returned at last to the western Churches, the first we meet withall, is Victor Bishop of the Church of Rome, who lived in the Conclusion of the second century, and the beginning of the third: to whom succeeded Zepherinus, 
Opt. l. de Schis●. Donat. l. 2.  who by Optatus is entitled Vrbicus, or the city Bishop; the style of ecumenical or V●iversall, being then unknown. Of him it is affirmed by Platina, 
Platina in ●●ta ●●●h●rmi.  Mandasse ne Episcopus vel a Putriarcha vel Primate, vel a Metropolitan● suo in jud●cium vocatus, sine authoritate Apostolica damnaretur; how he decreed that no Bishop, being called in question, either by Patriarch, Primate or Metropolitan, should be condemned without the leave and liking of the See apostolic; that is to say, the Bishop of Rome, as the Author means it. A matter fit enough indeed for an ecumenical, but of too high a nature for a Citie-Bishop, to attempt or think of. And therefore I desire to be excused of Platina, if I believe neither his report, nor the Epistles 
Con●il. Tom. 1. a Binio ●dit.  decretal ascribed unto Zepherinus, on which the said report was founded. Sure I am Damasus, 
Apud Bi●●● in council. Tom. 1.  in the Pontifical tells us no such matter. And no less sure I am, that the practise of the Church was contrary, for a long time after: Saint Chrysostome being then patriarch of Constantinople, deposing thirteen Bishops 
Sozom. Eccl. hist. l. 8. c. 6.  in one visitation, whom he had found unworthy of so high a calling, without consulting with the Church of Rome, or fearing that his acts might have been repealed by the Popes thereof. Nor can that strange report of Platina consist, if looked on with indifferent eyes; either with the condition of the times of which he writeth, in which the Popes had hardly meditated on their future greatness; or with the Constitutions of the Church, by which the Primate in each diocese had the dermer resort, as the Lawyers phrase it, there being regularly no appeal from him, but onely to a general council. Which Constitution of the Church, as it was afterwards confirmed by the great council of 
Con. Calcedon. Can. 9.  Chalcedon; so was it finally established by the laws imperial, whereof consult Novel. Constitut. 123. c. 22. More likely is that other Ordinance or Decree ascribed to Zepherinus by this Author, 
Platina in Zepherino.  ut astantibus Clericis& Laicis fidelibus,& levita& sacerdos ordinaretur, that Priests and Deacons should be ordained in the presence of the clergy, and other of Gods faithful people: in which, as he is backed by Damasus, who affirms the same: so is the truth or probability thereof, at least confirmed by the following practise. Where note, that in the Ordination of these Priests and Deacons, there is not any thing required, but the peoples presence, adstantibus Laicis, as that Author hath it: the Church being never so obliged unto the votes and suffrage of the people; but that the Bishop might ordain fit Ministers, without requiring their consent; though on the reasons formerly delivered, it was thought fit that ordinations should be made in public, as well the people as the clergy being present at them.  
The seventh from Zepherinus was Cornelius, by birth a roman, elected to that place and ministery, 
Cypr. Epist. 52.  Coepiscoporum testimonio, by the consent and suffrage of his Com-Provincials; as also by the voices of the clergy,& Plebis quae tunc adfuit suffragio, and with the liking of the people, or as many of them as did attend at the election: the number of the Bishops there assembled, being 
Id. ibid.  sixteen in all, as by S. Cyprian is recorded. Which as it was the manner of electing, not onely of the Bishops of Rome, but of most Bishops else, in the times wee speak of: so it continued long in use: the voices of the clergy in the point and substance, the 
Le●. ● Epist. 89.  presence and approbation of the people, for the form and ceremony, electio Clericorum, and testimonia populorum, being joined together by Pope lo. Now the condition of the Church of Rome under this Cornelius, besides the schism raised in it by Novatianus, of which more anon, is to be seen most fully in a letter of his, to Fabius 
Extat. ap. Euseb. hist. l. 6. c. 35. {αβγδ}  Patriarch of Antiochia: in which he certifieth him that besides the Bishop, {αβγδ}, who was but one in every Church, and could not be more, there were forty six Presbyters, seven Deacons, and Sub-Deacons seven; forty two Acolythites, Exorcists, Readers, Sextens;( Ostiarij) Fifty two in all; widows, and other poor people, pressed with want and sickness, fifteen hundred. {αβγδ}: All which, saith he, are maintained at the public charge, by the grace and bounty of the Lord. Out of which place and passage of my Author, there are these several points to be considered, in reference to our present business. First; the exceeding large revenue of the Church of Rome, in these early daies; so great as to maintain the numbers before specified, according to the rank and quality of each particular; the distribution of the which did ordinarily, and of common course belong unto the Bishop onely, or such to whom he pleased to entrust the same. And secondly we may observe the singularity of succession, wherein the Bishop differed from the other clergy: he being but one, they many in their ranks and stations, sometimes more, sometimes fewer, according to the greatness of the Church, in which they served, and the emergent necessities and occasions of it. Here in the Church of Rome to one onely Bishop, we find a clergy of inferior Ministers consisting of 154, Persons: which doubtless was exceedingly increased in the following times 
Hierom in epist. ad Evagr.  Herome complaining in his time, Presbyteros turbam contemptibiles facere, that the great number of them made them be the less regarded. And last of all, wee may observe, that though Cornelius mentioneth Acolythites, Readers, Sub-Deacons, Exorcists and Sextens; these are not to be reckoned as distinct orders in the Church, although now so accounted in the Church of Rome; but onely several services and employments, which were required in the same. Concerning which, take here the learned resolution of judicious Hooker. 
Hooker Eccl. polity. l. 5. n. 78.  There is an error, saith he, which beguileth many, who much entangle both themselves, and others, by not distinguishing, Services, Offices, and Orders ecclesiastical; the first of which three, and in part the second, may be executed by the laity, whereas none have or can have the third, but the clergy. Catechists, Exorcists, Readers, Singers, and the rest of like sort, if the nature onely of their labour and pains be considered, may in that respect seem clergymen, even as the Fathers for that cause term them usually Clerks; as also in regard of the end whereunto they were trained up, which was to be ordered or ordained, when yeers and experience should make them able. Notwithstanding, in as much, as they no way differed from others of the laity, longer than during that work of Service, which at any time they might give over, being thereunto but admitted, not tied by irrevocable Ordination; wee find them always exactly severed from that body, whereof those three before rehearsed Orders of Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons onely, are the natural parts. So the Judicious Divine indeed 
Holy Table.  as one truly calls him. I add this further of Cornelius, having thus fallen upon the Orders in the state ecclesiastic, that he had passed through all inferior Offices, per omnia Ecclesiastica officia promotus, 
Cypr. Ep. 52.  as Saint Cyprian hath it, and exercised each several ministery in the Church of God, before he mounted to this height, ad Sacerdotij sublime fastigium, are the Fathers words: which sheweth that the estate of Bishops was as a different office, so an higher dignity, than any other in the Church.  
Now as the speech of heaven doth many times put us in mind of hell: so this relation of Cornelius, an holy Bishop and a Martyr, occasioneth me to speak of Novatianus, in whom it is not easy to determine, whether the heretic or the schismatic had the most predominancy. certain it is, he proved in both respects one of the cunningest instruments of Satan, for the disturbance of the Church, who suffered most extreemly by him, both in peace and truth: the schism or heresy by him raised at this very time, being both more sudden in the growth, and permanent in the duration of it, than ever had been set on foot before in the Church of Christ. Now this Novatianus was a Presbyter of the Church of Rome; and being much offended, as well at the election of Cornelius, as that himself was pntermitted in the choice, associates himself with one Novatus, an African Bishop, as near unto him in conditions, as he was in name, whom Cyprian, 
Cypr. Epist. 49.  omnium sacerdotum voice, by the consent and suffrages of all his comprovincial Bishops had before condemned. By them it was agreed that Novatianus should take upon himself the name and title of the Bishop of Rome. And being there could be no show nor colour for it, did he not first receive episcopal Consecration from some hands or other, they sent unto the obscurest parts of Italy 
Euseb. hist. Eccl. lib. 6 c. 35. {αβγδ}  {αβγδ}, as my Author hath it, to find out three poor country Bishops, that had not been acquainted with the like affairs. Who being come to Rome, and circumvented by the Acts of these wicked men, and partly also forced by their threats and menaces, {αβγδ}, they ordained him Bishop; if at the least an Act so void, and null from the beginning, may be called an Ordination. And this being done, because they found that people naturally are inclined to embrace new fancies, especially where pretence of piety seems to bear a stroke; they took upon them to be very strict in their conversation, precise in their opinions, and wondrously devout in all their carriage: raising withall this doctrine suitable thereto, That such as fell in time of persecution, though they repented never so truly, and did what ever was thought necessary to testify their grief and sorrow for their great offence, 
Id. ibid.  yet {αβγδ}, there was no hope of their salvation, no mercy to be looked for at the hands of God. By means whereof they drew unto their side some Confessors, as they called them then, who being well persuaded of their own safe-standing; and perhaps having suffered much in testimony of their perseverance, became the worse-opinionated of those, who had not been endowed with an equal constancy. So that upon a sudden, unawares, the Church of Rome was in a very great distemper; the neighbouring Churches also suffering with it, either in regard of their own peace, which presently began to be endangered by this plausible and popular faction; or out of commiseration unto the distresses of so great a number in the body mystical. Nor was Cornelius wanting to the Church, or the Church to him. For presently upon the breaking out of the flamme, he gives notice of it to his dear Brother and Colleague, 
Inter. Epistolas Cypr. Ep. 46.48.  S. Cyprian, the Metropolitan of Carthage; to Fabius, 
Euseb. hist. Eccl. l. 6. c. 35. n. {αβγδ}.  Patriarch of the Church of Antioch; acquainting them with the whole story of the business: assembling also {αβγδ}, a great and famous Synod in the city of Rome, consisting of sixty Bishops, and as many Presbyters or more, besides Deacons. For being a provincial council, and not general, the Presbyters, and others of the inferior clergy had their votes therein, according as they still enjoy on the like occasions. And on the other side, the Orthodox and catholic Bishops made the cause their own: neither repelling of his Agents, who came to justify his ordination, 
Cypr. Epist. 41.  as S. Cyprian did; or writing in behalf of the Church against him, 
Euseb. hist. Eccl. lib. 6 c. 36. {αβγδ}  as did Dionysius, the learned and renowned Bishop of Alexandria. The like no doubt did other Bishops. And more than so, they caused several Councells be called about it, {αβγδ} 
Id. c. 35. {αβγδ}.  in their several Provinces and charges, as well in italy, as afric: in each of which, the faction was condemned, and the Arch-Schismatick, with all his Fautors, deprived of the communion of the Church.  
I have the rather been more copious in the description of this schism, and the Authors of it, than otherwise I would have been, not onely because of that great power and influence which it had after in the Church, which wee shall find hereafter in the prosecution of this present story, if it pl●ase God to give me means and opportunity, to go thorough with it: but also for those many observations which any one that would be curious in collecting them, might raise or gather from the same. For first of all it must be noted, that though Novatianus had a great desire to be made a Bishop, and that he could not get it by a faire orderly election, as he should have done: yet he could find no other entrance thereunto, than by the door of Ordination; and therein he would be canonical, though in nothing else. For being a Presbyter before, as Cornelius tells us in his Epistle unto Fabius 
Id. Ibid.  {αβγδ} saith that holy Prelate:) he thought that did not qualify him enough for the place and office of a Bishop, unless he might receive episcopal Ordination also. And when he was resolved on that, he would not be ordained but by three Bishops, at the least, according to the Ancient Canon, and the present practise of the Church, and therefore {αβγδ}, he procures three Bishops to be drawn together for the purpose. And being thus ordained, he sends abroad his Agents into foreign Churches, as viz. 
Cypr. Ep. 41.  Maximus a Presbyter, and Augendus a Deacon, Macheus and Longinus, and perhaps some others to the See of Carthage; to have his ordination ratified, and himself acknowledged for a Bishop, according to the commendable usage of those watchful times. In which, who would not but observe, that Bishops had a different Ordination from the Presbyters, and therefore do not differ from them only in degree, or potestate jurisdictionis, but in the power of Order also: and that this power of Order cannot be conferred, regularly I mean, and when there is no urgent& unavoidable necessity unto the contrary, but by the joint assistance of three Bishops. For how can any give that power of Order unto others, with which they never were endowed themselves? Secondly, it might be observed( not to take notice of his seeking for the approbation of his neighbouring Prelates) that the first schism, which did disturb the peace of these western Churches, was made by those, who by the rigidness of their Profession, were in that very instant termed Catharists, 
Euseb. hist. Eccl. l. 6. c. 35. {αβγδ}.  {αβγδ}, as that Author hath it; and that not to be Englished in a fuller Word, than that of Puritans. And thirdly, that however in these later times, the Scene be changed, and that the greatest stirs that have been raised in the Church, have been for pulling down of Bishops; yet in the former times, the course was otherwise: most of their troubles and commotions, being for setting up of Bishops, when certain factious and unquiet spirits, not willing to submit to the Churches government, would have a Bishop of their own. certain I am, that thus it was with the Novatians; who though they stood divided from the catholic Church a long time together, yet they desired to be accounted for a Church: and that they might be so accounted, maintained an episcopal Succession from the first Apostle of their sect; the names of many of their Bishops, 
Socrat. hist. Eccl. i. 5. c. 21.  Agellius, Sisinnius, Marcianus, others being to bee found upon good record.  
But from these counterfeit and schismatical Bishops, proceed wee forward unto those, who were acknowledged by the Church for true and real: and amongst those, keeping myself to the succession of the Church of Rome, the fourth in order from Cornelius, was Dionysius, who entred on that weighty charge, 
Baron. Annal. Eccl. An. 261.  An. 261. Of him we find in the 
Ap. Binium, council. Tom. 1.  pontifical, Presbyteris ecclesias divisisse,& coemeteria, Parochiasque& dioceses constituisse; that he divided to the Presbyters their several Churches, and Church-yards, and that he first did set out Parishes, and apportioned dioceses. Which as they were two several Actions, so Platina 
Platina in vita Dionys.  assigns each action to its proper place: making the first, which was the distributing of the Presbyters into their several Churches, and Churchyards, then common places of Assembly, to relate only to the city of Rome. In urbe Roma statim divisit, as his words there are. Which being it had been done before by Pope evaristus, as hath been formerly observed, we must resolve it with Baronius, 
Baron. in Annal. Eccl. An. 270. n. ult.  that this was a reviver only of the former Act: and that the Presbyters, being ravished from their Churches, and the Church-yardes taken from the Presbyters, during the persecution of Valerian; were afterwards restored again to their former state by the authority of Dionysius. In other places, and perhaps here also, this was not done by the authority, but in the time of Dionysius; the Order, or authority proceeding from an higher hand, even from the Emperor Gallienus: who did not onely prohibit the persecution raised by his Father Valerianus, but also 
Nicephorus Callist. Eccl. hist. l. 6. ●. 12.  did permit by his public Edict, ut Christiani loca coemeteriorum svorum reciperent, as by Nicephorus it is related. And for the other part of the relation, viz. the setting out of Parishes, and the apportioning of dioceses, that Platina refers unto the country, unto the parts and Provinces abroad, 
Platina in vita Dionys.  Parochias& dioceses foris distribuit; so he tells us there: adding withall, quo quisque finibus suis, limitibusque contentus esset, that this was done, that every Bishop might contain himself within the limits of his diocese, and every Presbyter be confined to his proper Parish. And this as Dionysius did within the limits and precincts of his jurisdiction, viz. that is to say, the Patriarchat of Rome;( for it were vain to think that he could do the like over all the world, being beyond the sphere of his activity:) so other Primates, seeing the conveniency and ease which redounded by it to the Church, might and did also do the like within their commands. Concerning which, it is to be remembered, that as the romans in each city had a Civill Magistrate, called a Defensor Civitatis, who was to do justice for, and in the name of the Commonwealth, not onely in the city itself, but also unto all the towns and Villages within the territory of the same: so in each city, there had been placed a Bishop in the former times, who was not onely to take care of the Church of God, within the walls and circuit of that city, but also of the parts adjoining, accordingly, as they were gained to the faith of Christ. And then the substance of the Institution, will be briefly this, that when the faith had spread itself in the country Villages, and that it was too cumbersome a work for the city Presbyters, to repair thither upon all occasions: it was thought fit by Dionysius, and afterwards by other Primates following the Example, that every country town and Village which had received the faith of Christ, should be furnished with its proper Presbyter; and that the Presbyters so settled and dispersed in the country Villages, should be responsal to the Bishop of that city, within the Territory of the which, the said Village stood. Which distribution of the Church into those smaller portions, and particular congregations, as wee now call Parishes; so the Collection of these Parishes into one united body, under one Pastor or chief governor, which was the Bishop of the city, wee do call a diocese: borrowing the names of both from the Ancient Writers, in whom the same are very frequent; and frequent also in the sense, in which now wee use them, specially in those Authors, and synodical Acts, which did succeed the times we speak of.  
Tis true, the words being used otherwise in the Ancient Writers, such of them chiefly, as relate unto us the occurrences of the former times, have given some men occasion to conceive, that there was never any Bishop in the Primitive Church, but a parish Bishop, viz. the Rector of each several Congregation, to whom the cure of souls is trusted; because they find that in Eusebius, the Churches of jerusalem, Antioch, and Alexandria, are called Paroeciae: and that there were no dioceses, nor Diocesan Bishops in the purest times, because they find them not so called in those Ancient Writers. For satisfying of which doubt, it is first confessed, that by Eusebius, the Churches of jerusalem, Antioch,& Alexandria, as also of 
Vide Euseb. hist. Eccl. l. 3. c. 2. l. 4. c. 1. 4. 5. 11. 15. 19. 23. 31. & l. 5. c. 5, 22. 23. 27, &c.  Corinth, Ephesus, lions, Carthage, and many other famous Cities, are called {αβγδ} or Paroeciae: There is no doubt at all of that. But then it is to be confessed, that {αβγδ}, in that author, is never used to signify a country Parish, or a sole Congregation onely, which wee call a Parish: but for the whole city, with the Suburbs and adjoining Villages, within the circuit of the which, were many Congregations, and material Churches. The very composition of the word doth import no less, the {αβγδ}, of a city, containing not alone the Citizens, but all such Borderers and Strangers as dwelled near, or repaired to any chief Church or city, for Gods public Worship; as our learned Bilson 
Perpet. Govern. of Ch. Ch. cap. 11.  doth observe; comprising not the city onely, but the towns and Villages near the city, as Master Brerewood 
M. S. Discourse of the Ancient Gover.  also noteth. And this may be made good even from Eusebius himself, so often cited to the contrary, 
Euseb. hist. Eccl. l. 6. c. 2. α.  who having said that Laetus was President of Alexandria, and the rest of Egypt, adds next, {αβγδ}, but the inspection, or contingency of the Paroecia, or Churches there, Demetrius, had of late received: So that Demetrius, being Bishop of the Church of Alexandria, {αβγδ}, as he after 
Id. l. 6. c. 20. {αβγδ}.  calls him, was not the Bishop of a Parish onely, or of the congregations in the city onely; but {αβγδ} of all the Churches throughout Alexandria, and those parts of Egypt, which were under the command of Laetus, for their Civill government.  
And lest it may be thought, that the word being {αβγδ}, in the plural number, may bear a different construction, from what it doth, being used in the singular: the same Eusebius 
Id. l. 6. c. 7. 11.  tells us of the same Demetrius, that he was {αβγδ}, the Bishop of the Paroecia, or Church of Alexandria, whereas at that time there were many Parish Churches, as we now call Parishes, within the circuit of that city; as doth appear by Epiphanius, 
Epiphan. advers. haeres. 69.  who doth not onely show the names of many of them, but tells us also who officiated in the same, as Presbyters. So that the word Paroecia, in its first and primitive acception, signified not a Parish, but a diocese; nor onely the Cathedrall, but all other Churches, how near or far soever situated, within the rule and government of a Bishop. But for the sense in which we use it in our Age, it gained it not but by degrees, after this division made by Dionysius,& that the country Churches grew to be considerable for their means and numbers. And in this sense, we find it used in the Fourth council 
council. Carthag. IV. can. 102.  of Carthage, where we find mention of these Presbyters which did Paroecijs praeesse, and were the Rectors, as we call them, of particular Churches, and in the fourth council of Toledo, 
council. Tole-Can IV. can. 25.26.  where we read of Presbyters ordained in paroecijs& per paroecias, for the use and service of particular parishes. And in this sense, but specially indeed for a country parish, the word is taken in an Epistle of Pope 
Innocent. l. ad Decentium. c. 5.  Innocentius, in which, Ecclesia intra Civitatem constitutae, the Churches situated in the city, are distinguished plainly from Paroecias, the Churches scattered in the country, Other examples of this nature, in the later Ages, being almost infinite, and obvious to the eye of every Reader; I forbear to add. So for the word {αβγδ}, which wee English diocese, it signified at first, that part or portion of the Roman Empire( there being thirteen of them in all, besides the Prefecture of the city of Rome, as before was noted) which was immediately under the command of the Vicarius or Lieutenant general of those parts. And was so called of {αβγδ}, which signifieth to govern or administer, as 
Isocrat. ad Nicoclen.  {αβγδ}, in Isocrates, {αβγδ}, in Demosthenes: a diocese, being that part or portion of the Empire, which was committed to the government and Administration of some principal Officer. In which regard, the word {αβγδ}, or diocoesis, when it was first borrowed by the Church from the civill State, was used to signify that part or portion of the Church, which was within the jurisdiction of a Primate, containing all the circuit of the civill diocese, as was shewed before: the Primate being styled ordinarily {αβγδ} 
council. chalcedon. can. 9.17.  as in the council of Chalcedon; the Patriarch of the diocese, 
N●vel. const: 123. c. 22.  in the laws imperial. But after, as the former {αβγδ}, began to lose its former latitude, in which it signified the whole command or jurisdiction of a Bishop, which we call a diocese,& grew to be restrained to so narrow a compass, as the poor limits of a Parish: so did {αβγδ}, grow less also, than at first it was, and from a patriarchal diocese, fell by degrees, custom and use prevailing in it( quem 
Horat. de A●te.  penes arbitrium est,& vis& norma loquendi, as the Poet hath it) to signify no more than what Paroecia had done formerly, a diocese, as now wee call it: Whereof see council. Antioch, cap. 9. Con. Sardicens. cap. 18. Constantinop. Ca. 2. Chalcedon. ca. 17. Carthag. III. can. 20.& IV. can. 36. So then the just result of all is this, that the Bishops of the Primitive times were Diocesan Bishops, though they are called {αβγδ}, by some ancient Writers: and that in the succeeding Ages, as the Church increased, and the Gospel of our Saviour did enlarge its borders, so did the country Villages obtain the name of Parishes, or {αβγδ}, having to each of them a Presbyter, for the administration of the Sacraments, for their instruction both in Faith and piety, whom at this day we call the Rector of the Church or Parish.  
And with this Presbyter or Rector, call him as you will, must we now proceed, who by this institution, I mean the setting out of Parishes, in the country Villages, did grow exceedingly both in authority and reputation. For whereas upon the setting out of Parishes, the Presbyters became divided into 
council. Neo-Caesar. ca. 13.  {αβγδ}, and {αβγδ}, the city and the country Presbyters: each of them had their several privileges: the city Presbyters continuing, as before, the great council of Estate unto the Bishop, and doing many things, which were not suffered 
council. Neo: ca. 13.  to be done by the country Presbyters; and on the other side, the {αβγδ}, or country Presbyters, being more remote, did many ministerial Acts of their own authority, which in the presence of their Bishop, it was not lawful for them to have done. And therefore I conceive the resolution of Bishop Downham 
Defence of the Sermon. l. 1. cap. 2.  in this case, to bee sound and good, who telleth us, that since the first distinguishing of Parishes, and allotting of several Presbyters to them, there hath been ever granted to them both potestas Ordinis, the Power of Orders, as they are Ministers, Et potestas jurisdictionis spiritualis seu internae, a power of spiritual and inward jurisdiction, to rule their flock after a private manner, as it were in foro Conscientiae, in the Court of Conscience, as they are Pastors of that flock. But because this allowance of a Jurisdiction in foro Conscientiae, in the Court of Conscience, seems not sufficient unto some; 
Vindication of the Answ. §. 9.  who reckon the distinction of a jurisdiction in foro externo,& in foro interno, to be like that of Reflexius and Archipodialiter: they do in this not onely put the schoolmen unto school again, in whom the like distinctions frequently occur; but cross the best Divines in the Church of England, who do adhere unto, and approve the said distinctions. And because many of both sorts may be found in one, and that one publicks declared to be both Orthodox in doctrine, and consonant in discipline to the Church of England, by great authority; I will use his words 
Holy Table. Ch. 3. . A single Priest, qua talis, in that formality and capacity onely as he is a Priest, hath no key given him by God or man, to open the doors of any external jurisdiction. he hath a consistory within in foro poenitentia, in the Conscience of his Parishioners, and a key given him upon his Institution, to enter into it. But he hath no consistory without, in foro causae, in meddling with ecclesiastical causes, unless he borrow a key from his Ordinary. For although they be the same keys, yet one of them will not open all these wards: the consistory of outward jurisdiction, not being to be opened by a key alone, but as you may observe in some great mens gates, by a key and a staff, which they usually call a Crosier. This( saith he) I have ever conceivd to be the ancient doctrine in this kind, opposed by none but professed Puritans; affirming further, that all learned men in the Church of England, do adhere unto it: allowing the Schoole-mens double power, that of Order, and that of jurisdiction; and the subdivision of this jurisdiction, into the internal and external, appropriating this last to the Bishop onely. So he, judiciously indeed; and for the Authors by him cited, both Protestant and Schoole-Divines, I refer you to him. So then upon this setting out of Parishes, the Presbyters, which attended in the same, had potestatem jurisdictionis, a power of jurisdiction granted to them, in the Court of Conscience: which needed not to have been granted before this time, when as Gods people, which were scattered up and down the country, did either come unto the Cities, there to be made partakers of the Word and Sacraments, in which the Bishop was at hand to attend all businesses; or that the Presbyters were by the Bishop sent into the country, with more or less authority entrusted to them, as the business was. And for the other power, the power of Order, although it was no other than before it was, as to the power and faculty conferred upon the Presbyters in their Ordination: yet did they find a great enlargement and extension of it, in the free execution of the same. For whereas formerly, as was observed both from 
Vide Chap. i.& Chap. 3. of this 2. part.  Ignatius, and Tertullian, and some other Ancients, the Presbyter neither could baptize, nor celebrate the blessed Eucharist, sine Episcopi authoritate, without the leave and liking of the Bishop; who then was near at hand to be asked the question: after this time, the Presbyters became more absolute in their ministration, baptizing, celebrating, preaching, and indeed what not, which potestate ordinis, did belong unto him onely by virtue of that general faculty, which had been granted by the Bishop, at his Institution, I mean his special designation to that place or Cure.  
And yet the Bishops did not so absolutely invest the Presbyters, with a power of Order, in the administration of the Sacraments, as not to keep unto themselves a superior power, whereby the execution of that power of Order, together with a confirmation of such acts as had been done by virtue of the same, might generally be observed to proceed from them. And of this kind especially was that rite or ceremony, which now we call by the particular name of Confirmation; being called anciently, impositio manuum, the laying on of hands. For howsoever the original institution of it, be far more ancient, and apostolical, as most think: yet I conceive it neither was so frequent, nor so necessary in the former times, as in those that followed. For when the Sacrament of baptism, either was administered to men grown in yeeres, or by the Bishop himself in person, or in his presence at the least; he giving his Fatherly and episcopal blessing to the work in hand: the subsequent laying on of hands, which we call Confirmation, might not seem so necessary. Or if it did, yet commonly, it was administered with baptism, as a Concomitant thereof, to 
Hooker Eccl. Pol. l. 5. n. 66.  confirm and perfect that which the Grace of the Spirit had already began in baptism. And so we are to understand 
Tertul de baptism. c 7.  Tertullian, where having spake before of baptism, he addeth next, Dehinc manus imponitur, per benedictionem advocans& invitans Spiritum sanctum, &c. Then, saith he, followeth imposition of hands, with invocation, and invitation of the holy Ghost, which willingly cometh down from the Father, to rest upon the purified and blessed bodies, acknowledging, as it were, the Waters of baptism for a fit seat. And so long as they went together, and were both commonly performed by the same Minister, that is, the Bishop, there was the less notice taken of it, and possibly the less efficacy ascribed unto it. But when they came once to be severed, as in the necessary absence of the Bishop they had been before, and on this setting out of Parishes, were likely for the most part to be after: the Bishops, out of their abundant care of the Churches welfare, permitted that which was most necessary to the common Presbyter; reserving that which was more honourarie to themselves alone. Thus was it, in the first case, in Saint Cyprians time, who lived, as was before 
V. Cap. 4. of this 2. part.  observed, in a kind of voluntary exile, as did also divers other Bishops in the heat and violence of persecutions: during whose absence from their Cities, and their much distance from the country, there is no question to be made, but that the Presbyters performed their office in administration of that Sacrament, and after which there is little question, but that the Children so baptized, were at some time or other brought for Confirmation. certain I am, that to him they were brought to be Confirmed, and that he grounds the institution of that rite on the example of Peter and John, in the Eight Chap. 
Cypr. Epist. 73.  of the Acts. Illi qui in Samaria crediderant, &c. The faithful in Samaria, saith he, had already received baptism. Onely that which was wanting, Peter and John supplied, by Prayer, and imposition of hands, to the end the holy Ghost might be powred on them. Then adds, Quod nunc quoque apud nos geritur, which also is done amongst ourselves, when they which be already baptized, are brought unto the Prelates of the Church ( Praepositis Ecclesiae offeruntur,) that by our Prayer and Imposition of our hands, they may receive the holy Ghost, and be strengthened by the seal of the Lord. And in the second case, it is whereof jerome speaketh, 
Hier. advers. Luciferianos.  where he observeth it to be the custom of the Church, ut ad eos, qui longè in minoribus urbibus per Presbyt.& Diaconos baptizati sunt, Episcopus ad invocationem Spiritus Sancti manum impositurus excurrat; that the Bishop should go abroad, as in Visitation, and imposing hands, pray for the gift of the holy Ghost, on them, who far off in the lesser Cities( as also in Viculis& Castellis, in small towns and Villages) had by the Presbyters and Deacons been baptized. But note withal that jerome tells us, that this imposition of hands was reserved only to the Bishop, ad honorem potius sacerdotij quam ad legis necessitatem, not that the Sacrament of baptism was not perfect and complete without it, but rather out of a certain congruity and fitness to honour prelacy with such worthies; the safety of the Church depending upon the dignity of the chief Priest or Bishop. By which, it doth appear to be Saint Hieromes opinion, as Hooker excellently 
Hooker. Eccl. Pol. l. 5. n. 66.  collects, That the holy Ghost is received in baptism; that Confirmation is onely a sacramental compliment; that the reason why Bishops alone did ordinarily confirm, was not because the benefit, grace, and dignity thereof was greater than of baptism, but rather for that by the Sacrament of baptism, men being admitted into Gods Church, it was both reasonable and convenient, that if he baptize them not, unto whom the chiefest authority and charge of their souls belongeth, yet for honours sake, and in token of his spiritual superiority over them, because to bless, is an act of authority, the performance of this annexed ceremony should be sought for at his hands. What other reasons there are for it, in reference to the parties that receive the same, I forbear to specify, as not conducing unto the History of episcopacy, which I have in hand: to which estate the honour of giving Confirmation, hath always been reserved to this very day.  
Another thing which followed upon this setting forth of Parishes by Dionysius, was the institution of a new Order in the Church, betwixt the Bishop and the Presbyter, being neither of the two, but both. Those they called {αβγδ}, or rural Bishops; Of which, being that there were two sorts, according to the times and Ages, when they were employed; we must distinguish them accordingly. Now of these Chorepiscopi, or country Bishops, some in the point and power of Order, were no more than Presbyters, having received no higher Ordination, than to that function in the ministery: but were enabled by the Bishop under whom they served, to exercise some parts of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as much as was thought fit to commit unto them, for the better reiglement of the Church. And these I take it, were more ancient than the present times, appointed as the Bishops visitors, to go abroad into the country, to parts more remote, to oversee such Presbyters as had been sent forth for the instruction of the people in small towns and Villages; and to perform such further Offices, which the Ordinary Presbyter, for want of the like latitude of jurisdiction was defective in. These I conceive to bee of the same nature with our rural deans in some parts of England; And these are they which in the 
Con. Neo-Caesariens. Can. 13.  council of Neo-Caesarea, are said to bee ordained {αβγδ}, after the manner of the seventy: and if no more than so, then but simply Presbyters in the power of Order; though ranked above them in regard of their jurisdiction. To which Pope Damasus agreeth also, 
Damas. Ep. 5. ap. been. council. T. 1.  affirming quod ipsi ijdem sunt qui& Presbyteri, that they are the very same with Presbyters, being first ordained, ad exemplum Septuaginta, after the example of the seventy. Others there were, whom we find furnished with a further power, 
Bellarm. de Clericis. l. 1. c. 17.  qui verè Episcopalem consecrationem acceperant, which really and truly had received episcopal Consecration, and yet were called Chorepiscopi, because they had no Church nor diocese of their own, said in aliena Ecclesia ministrabant, but executed their authority in anothers charge. And these, saith Bellarmine, are such as we now call Titular or Suffragan Bishops: such as those heretofore admitted in the Church of England: whereof consult the Act of Parliament. 26. H. 8. cap. 14. Now that they had episcopal consecration, appeareth evidently by the council of Antioch, where it is said expressly of them, {αβγδ}, 
Conc. Anti. cap. 10.  that they had received the Ordination of Bishops: and so by virtue of their Ordination, might execute all manner of episcopal Acts, which the Bishop of the city might perform. And to this power, they were admitted on two special reasons whereof the first was to supply the absence of the Bishop, who being intent upon the business of the city, where his charge was greatest; could not so well attend the business of the country, or see how well the Presbyters behaved themselves in their several Parishes, to which, upon the late division, they were sent abroad. And this is called in the said council of 
Id. ibid.  Antioch, {αβγδ}, the looking to the Administration of the Churches under their authority. The other was to content such of the Novatian Bishops, who rather would continue in their schism and faction, than return unto the catholic Church, with the loss of the honour and calling which they had before: whom they thought fit, if they were willing to return to the Church again, to suffer in the state of a Chorepiscopus. And this is that which was so prudently resolved on in the council of 
Conc. Nicen. can. 8.  Nice( in which fifteen of those which assembled there, were of this Order or Estate) viz. That if any of them did return to the catholic Church, either in city or Village, wherein there was a Bishop, or a Presbyter before provided, {αβγδ}, he should enjoy the place and honour of a Presbyter: but if that pleased him not, {αβγδ}, he should be fitted with the Office of a Chorepiscopus. Which being the true condition of those Chorepiscopi, it seems to me a plain and evident mistake, that the 
Smectymn. pag. 36.  Chorepiscopus, who was but a Presbyter, should be affirmed to have power to impose hands, and to ordain within his precincts, with the Bishops licence. For certainly, it is apparent by the council of Antioch, that the Chorepiscopi, which had power of conferring Orders, had to that end received episcopal consecration, and consequently, could not but be more than Presbyters: though at the first indeed they meddled not therewith, without the leave and licence of the Bishop, whose Suffragans and Substitutes they were. But when they had forgot their ancient modesty, and did not keep themselves within the bounds and limits appointed to them; which was, to make two Bishops in one diocese, contrary to the ancient Canons; the Church thought fitting to reduce them to their first condition. And thereupon it was decreed in the council of Ancyra, 
Conc. Ancyran. Can. 13.  {αβγδ}, that it should no more be lawful for them to ordain either Presbyters or Deacons: that is to say, as it was afterwards explained in the council of Antioch 
Conc. Antio. 'gan. 10.  {αβγδ}, without the liking of the Bishop under whom he served. Howsoever, that they might have somewhat of the Bishop in them, they were permitted by that Canon, to ordain Sub-Deacons, Exorcists, and Readers; with which they were required to rest contented: as also {αβγδ}, 
Ibid. Can. 8.  to sand abroad their letters unto other Bishops, which they called Literas Formatas,& Communicatorias( as before was noted) as those that had the full authority and power of Bishops, did use of old to do at their Ordinations. A point of honour, denied unto the ordinary Presbyters, in that very Canon.  
Now to proceed. 
Ibid. Sept. 18.  The next Successor unto Dionysius, in the See of Rome, is called Felix; but no more happy in some things, than his predecessor: the heresy of Paulus Samosatenus, taking beginning in the time or government in the one; that of the Manichees, commencing almost with the other. Huius tempore Manes quidam gente Persa, vita& moribus barbarus, &c. 
Platina in vita Felicis.  During his time, saith Platina, arose one Manes, by birth a Persian, in life and manners a Barbarian, who took upon him to bee Christ, gathering unto him Twelve Disciples, for the dispersing of his frenzies. In this he differed amongst many things from Samosatenus: he making Christ to be no better than a man; and Manes making a vile sinful man to be the Christ. I know Baronius doth place the rising of this Manichean heresy, 
Baron. Ann. Eccl. in An. 277,  under Eutychianus, his next Successor; and let them reconcile the difference that list, for me. Suffice it that the heresy, being risen up, and being so directly contrary both to Faith and piety: the Bishops of the Church bestirred themselves both then and after, for the suppressing of the same, according to their wonted care of Her peace and safety. Not as before, in the case of Paulus Samosatenus, by synodical meetings, which was the only way could be taken by them, for the deposing of him from his bishopric, which followed as a part of his condemnation: but by discourse and Argument in public Writings, which might effectually suppress the heresy, although the person of the heretic was out of distance, and to say truth, beyond their reach. The 
Epiph. advers. haeres. 66. n. 12.  Persian King had eased them of that labour, who ceazing on that wretched miscreant, {αβγδ}, commanded him to bee flayed alive, and thereby put him to a death, as full of ignominy, as of pain. But for the confutation of the heresy, which survived the Author, that was the business of the Bishops; by whom, as Epiphanius noteth, 
Id. Ibid. n. 21.  {αβγδ}, many most admirable disputations had been made in confutation of his errors. Particularly, he instanceth in Archelaus, B●shop of the Caschari, a nation of Mesopotamia, Titus Bishop of Bostra; Diodorus, one of the Bishops of Cilicia; Serapion, Bishop of Thmua; Eusebius the Historian Bishop of Caesarea, Eusebius Emesenus, Georgius and Apollinaris, Bishops successively of Laodicea, Athanasius Patriarch of Alexandria, with many other Prelates of the eastern Churches. Not that the Bishops of the West did nothing in it, though not here name by Epiphanius, who being of another language, could not so well take notice of their Works and Writings. For after this, Saint Austin, Bishop of Hippo, wrote so much against them; and did so fully satisfy and confute them both, that he might justly say with the Apostle, that he laboured more abundantly than they all. So careful were the Bishops of the Churches safety, that never any heretic did arise, but presently they set a watch upon him, and having found what heresies or dangerous doctrines he dispersed abroad, endeavoured with all speed to prevent the mischief.  
This, as they did in other cases, so was their care the more remarkable, by how much greater was the person whom they were to censure. Which as we have before demonstrated, in the case of Paulus, Patriarch of the Church of Antioch; so we may see the like in their proceedings against Marcellinus, one of the Popes of Rome, the third from Felix, who though he broached no heresy, as the other did; yet gave as great a scandal to the Church as he, if not greater far. The times were hot and fiery, in the which he sate: so fierce a persecution being raised against the Church by Dioclesian, and his Associates in the Empire, as never had been before: A persecution which extended not onely to the demolishing of Churches, 
The●d. Eccl. hist. l. 5. c. 28.  the Temples of almighty God; but to the extirpation of the Scriptures, 
Arnob. cont. gent. l. 4. in fine.  the Books and Oracles of the almighty. And for the bodies of his servants, some of the which were living Libraries, and all lively Temples, even Temples of the holy Ghost; it raged so terribly amongst them, 
Damas. in vita Marcellini.  that within Thirty dayes, Seventeen thousand Persons of both sexes, in the several parts and Provinces of the roman Empire, were crwoned with martyrdom. The Tyrants so extremely raging, Marcellinus comes at last unto his trial: where being wrought upon either by flattery, or fear, or both, he yielded unto flesh and blood, and to preserve his life, he betrayed his Master. 
Id. ibid.  Ad sacrificium ductus est ut thurificaret; quod& fecit, saith Damasus in the pontifical; he was conducted to the Temple, to offer incense to the roman Idols, which he did accordingly. And this I urge not to the scandal and reproach of the Church of Rome. Indeed 'tis no reproach unto her, that one amongst so many godly Bishops, most of them being Martyrs also, should waver in the constancy of his resolutions, and for a season, yield unto those persuasions, which flesh and blood, and the predominant love of life did suggest unto him. That which I urge it for is, for the declaration of the Course which was took against him, the manner how the Church proceeded in so great a cause, and in the which so great a person was concerned. For though the crime were great and scandalous, tending to the destruction of the flock of Christ, which being much guided by the example of so prime a Pastor, might possibly have been seduced to the like idolatry; and that great numbers of them ran into the Temple, and were spectators of that horrid action: yet find wee not that any of them did revile him in word or dead, or pronounced hasty judgement on him; but left the cognizance of the cause to them, to whom of right it did belong. Nor is it an hard matter to discern who these Iudges were. Lay-men they could not be, that's sure. Quando 
Amb. Epist. l. 5. ep. 32.  audîsti in causa fidei Laicos de Episcopis judicasse? When did you ever hear, saith Ambrose, speaking of the times before him, that Lay-men in a point of Faith, did judge of Bishops? And Presbyters they were not neither, they had no authority to judge the person of a Bishop. That Bishops had authority to censure and depose their Presbyters, wee have shown already: that ever any Presbyters did take upon them to judge their Bishop, is no where to be found, I dare boldly say it, in all the practise of antiquity. For being neither 
Id. ibid.  munere pares, nor jure similes, equal in function, nor alike in law, they were disabled now in point of reason, from such bold attempts, as afterwards disabled by imperial Edict. A simplo Bishop might as little intermeddle in it as a simplo Presbyter; for Bishops severally and apart, were not to judge their Metropolitan; no nor one another. Being of equal Order and authority; and seeing that Par in parem non habet potestatem, that men of equal rank, qua tales, are of equal power, one of them cannot be the others judge, for want of some transcendent power to pass sentence on him. Which as it was of force in all other cases wherein a Bishop was concerned; so most especially in this, wherein the party criminal was a Metropolitan, and more than so, the Primate or Patriarch of the diocese. So that all circumstances laid together, there was no other way conceivable, in these ancient times, than to call a council, the greatest ecclesiastical tribunal of Christ on earth; there to debate the business, and upon proof of the offence, to proceed to judgement. This had been done before in the case of Paulus; and this is now resolved on in the present too. Accordingly the Bishops of those Churches, and as many other as could be drawn together in that dangerous time, 
Platina in vita Marcel.  assembled at Sinuessa( now called Suessa) a city of Campania; 180. in the total, as it is in Platina. Where though they had sufficient proof of that fowl offence; yet because Marcellinus stood upon the Negative, 
Acta Conc. Sinu●ssani ap. been. To. 1.  negabat se thurificâsse, as the Acts declare, they thought it fit not to proceed unto the sentence, till they had brought him to confession. Ex ore tuo justificaberis,& ex ore tuo condemnaberis, as Petrus, one of the Bishops then assembled, did press it on him. Not that being met Synodically, they did want authority to proceed against him, 
Bellarm. de Pont. Rom. l. 2. c. 26.  as the Pontifician Doctors vainly say; but that it was more consonant to the roman laws, that to the testimony of the witnesses, the confession of the party should be added also. Which when they had procured from him, 
Act. council. Sinuessani.  Subscripserunt in ejus damnationem,& damnaverunt eum extra Civitatem, they all condemned him, say the Acts, and all subscribed unto the Condemnation: Helchiades one of the Bishops there assembled, being the first that lead the way. And therefore that which followeth after, Prima seeds non judicabitur a quoquam, that the Bishop of the first See shall be judged of none, which 
Bellar. ut ●up. a.  Bellarmine so much insists on; was either foisted in by some later hand, the better to advance the Popes supremacy; or else must be interpnted, as it fairly may, non judicabitur a quoquam, that no particular person, of what rank soever, had any power to judge his Primate.  
So great a person as Marcellinus, being fallen so fowlely( though after he recovered footing 
Damas. Platina. Alij.  and died a Martyr for the Gospel) it is the less to be admired, If many of inferior quality did betray the cause, and fell into the like Idolatries. The persecution was both fierce and long, though never at the height till the last yeeres of Dioclesian, and more than ever were the Lapsi, who had for saving of their lives, denied their Saviour. Who when they came unto themselves, and having made their way unto it, by some appearance of contrition, desired to be admitted to the blessed Sacrament; the Bishops were much troubled with their importunity: those godly Prelates, being as well careful of the Churches Discipline, as the unfortunate estate of those wretched men. Besides the quality of their offence, appearing in some greater, in some less than others; it put them unto no small trouble, how to proportion the intended penance unto the nature of the crime. For remedy whereof, Petrus the godly Patriarch of Alexandria, diversa adhibens pro conditione cujusque medicamenta vulneribus, fitting each several wound with a proper plaster, 
Id. ibid. n. 20.  as Baronius hath it, published certain Canons, and instructions, for their direction in the same. A copy of the which wee have both in Baronius, and the Bibliotheca. This, as it gave great ease unto the Prelates, in the eastern parts, where the authority of the man was great and prevalent: so in the West, the Bishops of particular Churches, spared no pains nor labour, for the upholding of that Discipline which they received from the hands of their Predecessors. In spain particularly, where both the number and condition of these Lapsi, seemed more considerable, 
Id. ibid. n. 39.  the Bishops of the Province of Betica, called a council at Eliberis, then a prime city of those parts( near to the ruins of the which, the city of Granada standeth;) Osius, that famous Confessor, being there amongst them: where they established divers Canons, 81. in all, for confirmation of the public discipline, and holding up of that severity, by which the same had been maintained. Of all which number, those which concern our business, are these five especially. 
Conc. Eliberit. Can. 19.  First, it is ordered, that neither Bishops, Presbyters, nor Deacons should leave the place in which they served, to follow Merchandise, de locis suis negociandi causa non discedant, nor wander up and down the country after gainful Markets. In which it was provided notwithstanding, that ad victum sibi conquirendum, that for their necessary maintenance, they might sand abroad on those employments, their sons, or freedmen, or servants, or any other: and for their own parts, if they would needs take that course, intra Provinciam negotientur, they were required to contain themselves within the compass of the Province, in the which they ministered. It seems the Fathers of the council were not so severe, though otherwise tenacious enough of the Ancient Canons; as to conceive that merchandizing, a secular employment doubtless, was utterly inconsistent with holy Orders: especially, if either it conduced unto the maintenance of their selves and Families, or that it did not take them off from the attendance on those places, in which their ministery was required. This for the maintenance; the next was for the honor of episcopacy. For in the 32. it is ordained, that those who on some grievous Lapse, be in danger of eternal death, 
Ibid. can. 32.  apud Presbyterum poenitentiam agere non debere, said potius apud Episcopum, ought not to make confession to, or be enjoined penance by a Presbyter, but to or by the Bishop only: unless it be in urgent and extreme necessity, in the which case, a Presbyter might admit him unto the Communion; as might a Deacon also by the appointment of the Presbyter. Of this sort also th●s that followeth, by which it is decreed, 
Ibid. can. 53.  ut ab eo Episcopo quis accipiat Communionem, that sinners be admitted to the Sacrament by that Bishop only, by whom for their offences they had been formerly excommunicated: and that if any other Bishop presumed to admit him thereto, the Bishop who had excommunicat●d him, neither being made acquainted with it, nor consenting to it, he was to render an Account of it unto his Colleagues, Cum status sui periculo, even with the danger of his place. Of the same temper is a fourth, 
Ibid. Can. ●7.  wherein it is enacted, That if any Deacon, having a cure or charge committed to him, shall baptize any of that cure, without a Presbyter or Bishop, Episcopus eos per benedictionem perficere debebit; the Bishop is required to confirm the party, by his episcopal benediction. With this Proviso notwithstanding; that if the party do decease before Confirmation, Sub fide qua quis credidit, poterit esse justus, it is to be conceived, that by the Sacrament of baptism, he had received all things necessary to salvation. Nor did the Fathers in in this council, take order only for the Bishops in point of honour; but they provided also for the whole Clergy in point of safety: decreeing 
Ibid. 75.  by a full consent, that if any person whatsoever should accuse either Bishop Presbyter or Deacon falsely, and could not make just proof the Accusation, nec in fine dandam ei commu- of nionem, that he should not be admitted to the blessed Sacrament, no not upon his death-bed, in his last extremity. So tender were they in that Age, of the good name, and reputation of their clergy.  
And now me thinks I see a blessed sunshine, a time of rest and quiet after all these troubles; a gentle gale breathing upon the Church, after so many tedious storms of persecution. For Dioclesian, and Maximianus his Colleague, either afflicted with the guilt of Conscience, or tired with the effusion of so much innocent blood, as had by them been  shed in this Persecution; did of their own accord resign the Empire, Anno 304. as 
Baron. Anna●. Eccl. An. 304. n. 1.  Baronius calculates it: leaving the same unto Constantius, and Galerius, whom they had long before created Caesars. Of these Constantius, taking to himself the western parts, lived not full two yeeres; leaving his own part of the Empire, and a faire ground for all the rest, to Constantine his son: not onely born of Helena, a British Woman; but born at york, the mother city, or Metropolis of the British nation. A Prince whom God raised up of purpose, not onely to give end to the persecutions, wherewith the Innocent Spouse of Christ, had been so tortured and tormented; but to become the greatest nursing Father thereunto, that ever was before him in the Church of Israel, or since him in the Israel of the Church. So that if heretofore you find the clergy reckoned as the filth of men, neglected, slighted, or disgraced; esteemed unworthy either of public trust, or favour, in the employments of the State: it is to be imputed unto this, that they were h●ld a dangerous and suspected party to the Common-wealth; maintaining a Religion contrary unto that which was allowed in the Empire. Hereafter you shall find it otherwise. Hereafter you shall fi●de an Edict made by Constantine, 
Sozom. hist. Eccl. l. 1. c. 9.  enabling such as would decline the sentence of the Secular Iudges, {αβγδ}, lawfully to appeal unto the judgement of their Bishops: whose judgement he commanded to be put in execution by all his Officers, with as much punctualitie and effect, as if himself in person had pronounced the same. Hereafter wee shall find Saint Ambrose, a right godly Bishop, so taken up 
Aug. confess. l. 6. c. 3.  with hearing and determining mens suits and causes, that he had very little leisure either for corporal repast, or private study: Saint Austin, who relates the former, saying also this, that he had long waited an opportunity to have conference with him, and had as long been hindered from access unto him; secludentibus me ab ejus aure atque ore catervis negotios●rum hominum, quorum infirmitatibus serviebat, his access to him being barred by multitudes of suitors▪ whose businesses he was pleased to undertake. Hereafter wee shall find the same Saint Austin, no such lazy Prelate, but that he hath transmitted to us as many monuments both of his piety and learning, as any other whosoever; so busied on the like occasions, that he could hardly save the mornings for his meditations: 
Aug. Epi●t. 210.  post meridiem occupationibus hominum teneri, the afternoons being wholly taken up in the dispatch or hearing of mens private controversies. Nay, when the Councells of Carthage and Numidia had imposed a certain task upon him, propter curam Scripturarum, in some things that concerned the holy Scriptures; and that he asked but Five dayes respite from the affairs and business of the people, for the performance of the same: the people would not have the patience to forbear so long, said violentur irruptum est, but violently broke in upon him. And this, lest the Good Father may be thought to speak it, in commendation of his own abilities, wee find related also by Possidonius, 
Possidon in vita. Aug. c. 19.  in the narration of his life: where wear told, aliquando usque ad horam refectionis, aliquando tota die jejunans, that sometimes he gave hearing to mens causes till the hour of repast, and sometimes fasted all the day for dispatch thereof, but always bringing them unto some end or other, pro arbitrata aequitate, according to the rules of equity, and a well grounded Conscience. Hereafter wee shall find the Prelates honoured with the titles of {αβγδ}, 
Athanas. in apol. 2. Nazianz. Epist. ad Nyssen. Theod. l. 1. c. 4. 5.& others passim.  most honourable Lords; and that not once or twice, but of common course. Hereafter( not to wander through more particulars) wee shall find Saint Ambrose, employed in the most weighty matters of the Common-wealth, and sent 
Ambros. Epist. 33. l. 5.  ambassador from the young Emperor Valentinian, to the Tyrant Maximus, who had usurped on his Dominions, and much endangered the whole Empire: which he performed to so good purpose, that he preserved Italy from an imminent ruin: the Tyrant afterwards confessing, se legationis ejus objectu ad Italiam non potuisse transire, that he was hindered by the same, from passing forward into italy, with his conquering army. So little was it either thought or found in those blessed times, that holy Orders did superinduce a disability for civill Prudence.  
But these things wee do here behold but at a distance, as Moses from 
Deuter. ult.  Mount Nebo, saw the Land of Canaan. They appertain of right to the following Age; and they which had the happiness to live till then, could not but easily discern the great alteration, which was between a Church under persecution,& a Church in peace; between a Church oppressed by Tyrants, and a Church cherished and supported by a Christian Prince. And in this flourishing estate, I should gladly show her, but that my wearied pen doth desire some rest; and that I would fain see with what acceptation my present pains will be received in the world, before I give the second onset. In the mean time, I will lay down a brief chronology, of such of the remarkable occurrences, which have been represented in these two last Centuries; it being the office of an upright Judge, and onely such I do desire should peruse these Papers, ut res, ita tempora rerum noscere, to know as well the times and circumstance of business, as the things themselves.  

A brief CHRONOLOGY Of the Estate of HOLY CHURCH, In these Two last CENTURIES.  

An. Christ. 102 CLemens Bishop of Rome, the true author of the Epistle to the Church of Corinth, and the supposed Author of the Apostles Canons, departeth this life.  
An. Christ. 103 Evaristus succeedeth Clemens in the See of Rome, in the which Church he afterwards ordained Parishes.  
An. Christ. 109 Simeon B of Jerusalem martyred; Justus succeeded in his place. 

Ignatius lead a Prisoner towards Rome, writes his Epistles to the Churches.    
An. Christ. 110 Ignatius martyred, designing Hero his successor in the Church of Antioch. 

Onesimus B. of Ephesus, mentioned in the former century, is made a Martyr.    
An. Christ. 118 Papias B. of Hierapolis, in Phrygia, at this time flourisheth.  
An. Christ. 128 Quadratus B. of Athens publisheth an apology in behalf of Christians.  
An. Christ. 138 Marcus made B. of jerusalem, the first that ever had that place, of the uncircumcision.  
An. Christ. 150 Justin Martyr writeth his apology.  
An. Christ. 160 Hegesippus beginneth his travels towards Rome, conferring with the Bishops, as he past along.  
An. Christ. 169 Polycarpus, the famous B. of Smyrna, martyred.  
An. Christ. 172 Melito B. of Sardis publisheth an apology.  
An. Christ. 175 Dionysius B. of Corinth flourished, and writeth many of his Epistles. 

Theophilus B. of Antioch, writes in defence of christianity.    
An. Christ. 177 Eleutherius succeedeth Soter in the Church of Rome. 

Lucius, a British King, sendeth an embassage unto Eleutherius, desiring to be made a Christian.    
An. Christ. 178 several episcopal Sees erected in the Isle of Britane.  
An. Christ. 180 The holy Father Irenaeus made B. of lions.  
An. Christ. 190 Demetrius succeedeth Julianus in the See of Alexandria, being the Twelfth Bishop of that Church.  
An. Christ. 191 Serapion succeedeth Maximinus in the Church of Antioch, the Ninth Bishop of that See.  
An. Christ. 198 Victor the Sucessor of Eleutherius, excommunicates the Asian Churches, about their observation of the Feast of Easter. 

Irenaeus B. of lions, and Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus, writ against him for it.  
several Councells called about it, by the Metropolitans, and other Bishops of this time.    
An. Christ. 199 Theophilus Bishop of Caesarea, at this time flourished; as did Narcissus also, the Thirtieth Bishop of jerusalem.  
An. Christ. 200 Tertullian, Who began to be in estimation, Anno 196. doth this year publish his apology.  
An. Christ. 203 Zepherinus succeedeth Victor in the Church of Rome.  
An. Christ. 204 Clemens of Alexandria flourisheth in the public schools of that famous city.  
An. Christ. 205 Origen, one of his Disciples, beginneth at this time, to bee of Credit. Irenaeus B. of lions crwoned with martyrdom.  
An. Christ. 217 Agrippinus Bishop of Carthage lived about this time. 

Origen preacheth in Caesarea. Demetrius Bishop of Alexandria, and Theoctistus of Caesarea disagree about it.    
An. Christ. 230 Origen made a Presbyter by Theoctistus, B. of Caesarea, and Alexander, B. of jerusalem.  
An. Christ. 232 Origen Excommunicated by Demetrius.  
An. Christ. 233 Heraclas, Origens Successor in the schools of Alexandria, is made the Bishop of that city.  
An. Christ. 240 Donatus successor of Agrippinus in the See of Carthage.  
An. Christ. 248▪ Dionysius, who before succeeded Heraclas in the Professorship of Alexandria, doth now succeed him in his See.  
An. Christ. 250 Cyprian a right godly man, succeeds Donatus in the Church of Carthage.  
An. Christ. 253 Cyprian, by reason of the persecution, retires while. 

Fabius succeedeth Babilas in the See of Antioch.    
An. Christ. 254 A faction raised against Saint Cyprian by Felicissimus, and his Associates. 

Cornelius chosen Pope of Rome, in the place of Fabian.  
Novatianus makes a schism in the Church of Rome, causing himself to bee ordained B. of the same.  
Cyprian returns again to Carthage.    
An. Christ. 255. several Councells held against the schism and heresy of the Novatians.  
An. Christ. 256 The death of Origen.  
An. Christ. 257 The memorable case of Geminius Faustinus, one of the Presbyters of the Church of Carthage.  
An. Christ. 261 Cyprian, and divers other Bishops, Martyred: Lucian succeeding Cyprian in the S●e of Carthage: Dionysius chosen Pope of Rome, who caused Parishes to be set forth in country Villages.  
An. Christ. 266 The first council of Antioch against Samosatenus.  
An. Christ. 272 Paulus Samosatenus, the Sixteenth Bishop of Antioch, deposed for his heresy by the council there; and Doninus chosen in his place. 

Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria death, and Maximus succeedeth in that See,  
The Bishops of italy and Rome made Judges in the case of Paulus, by the Emperor Aurelianus.    
An. Christ. 277 The Manichean heresy now first made known; and the impiety thereof confuted by several Bishops. 

Felix succeedeth Dionysius in the See of Rome.  
Doninus Bishop of Antioch death, and Timaeus succeedeth in that charge.    
An. Christ. 283 Cyrillus successor unto Timaeus.  
An. Christ. 285 Theonus succeedeth Maximus in the Church of Alexandria.  
An. Christ. 296 Zamdas succeedeth Hymenaeus in jerusalem. 

Marcellinus, the third from Felix, succeeds Eutychianus in the See of Rome.    
An. Christ. 298 Tyrannus succeedeth cyril in the Church of Antioch; being the Twentieth Bishop of this See; and the last of this Age.  
An. Christ. 299 H●●mon succeedeth Zamdas in the Church of jerusalem, the Thirty Ninth B●shop of the same, and the last of this century.  
An. Christ. 300 Petrus succeeds Theonus in the See of Alexandria; the Seventeenth Bishop of that Church.  
An. Christ. 302 The persecution raised by Dioclesian grows unto the height.  
The grievous lapse of Marcellinus, Pope of Rome.  
An. Christ. 303 The council held at Sinuessa by the western Bishops, for the condemnation of Marcellinus. 

Mensurius Bishop of Carthage, the Successor of Lucianus, at this time flourisheth.    
An. Christ. 304 Marcellinus honoured with the crown of martyrdom, leaveth Marcellus his Successor, who was the Twenty Ninth Bishop of this Church, reckoning from S. Peter.  
An. Christ. 305 The council of Eliberis assembled by the Spanish Prelates.  
An. Christ. 306 Constantine, most worthily surnamed the Great, attaineth the Empire, settleth the Church of Christ in Peace, safety, and honour on the clergy.     
The end of the second Part.   
FINIS.