portrait of Armand John du Plessis 
THE TRUE EFFIGIES of ARMAND JOHN du PLESSIS carded:& DUKE of RICHLIEU.    

THE LIFE Of the Famous Cardinal-Duke De RICHLIEU, Principal Minister of State TO LEWIS XIII. King of France and Navarr. VOL. I.  
LONDON, Printed for M. Gillyflower, at the Black-Spread-Eagle in Westminster-Hall; W. Freeman, at the Bible against the Middle-Gate in Fleet-street; J. Walthoe, under the Cloisters in the Middle-Temple; and R. Parker, at the Unicorn under the Royal Exchange. 1695.   

TO ERASMUS SMITH, Of Weald-Hall in the County of Essex, Esq.  
I Have made bold to prefix Your NAME to The History of the Famous Cardinal de RICHLIEU, and hope the Dignity of the Subject will, in some manner, atone for all the Failures of the Translation. That Eminent Person, whose Principal Actions it relates, was One of the most Able Ministers which this Part of the World has produced for many Ages; and to his extraordinary Conduct France is indebted for the Formidable Grandeur it now enjoys; which all the United Forces of Europe, with so much Pains and expense, endeavour to depress. He first put a stop to all Her intestine Broils, which made Her incapable of looking abroad, by cutting off all those Sources which used to feed the Rebellious Humours before: He first laid the Foundation of Her Greatness at Sea, revived the Discipline of Her Armies, and secured as well as enlarged Her Frontiers on the Continent. And as for those Rival Nations about Her, which were in a Situation to dispute the sovereignty with Her, or to disturb Her Repose, He either humbled them by Force of Arms, or by his industrious Emissaries so embarass'd their Affairs at home, that they were not in a Condition to annoy Her. 'tis true indeed, the People were Gainers under his Ministry, whatever the Monarchy got by it, and that the Station he possessed was not agreeable to one of the ecclesiastic Character. It must likewise be acknowledged, that he helped to dissolve the ancient Constitution of his Country, in the room of which he introdued an Unlimited Power; that he ruined the Authority of the noblesse, by obliging them to a precarious dependence upon the Crown, and that he too often sacrificed to his Ambition and Revenge. However, such was his happy Fate or his Dexterity, that he weathered all the Storms that so often threatened him; and though he had a jealous Master to manage, whose dark and distrustful Temper gave him no small difficulty, yet he died in the greatest Reputation with him, that ever Subject did with his Prince. What particularly deserves to be remarked in him, is that amid a thousand other Cares and Distractions, he found leisure to encourage Learning, and to cultivate the French Language and Eloquence, with so much success, as to render them in a manner as Universal as he projected their Monarchy.  
As for this History, in part Translated by me, it comprehends the most remarkable Occurrences of Christendom, during the whole time of the Cardinal's sitting at the Helm; in all which he had a considerable share; and as he was infinitely superior to his contemporary Ministers, always managed to his Master's Advantage.  
I know 'tis a just Reflection upon most Translators, That they affect to be as partial to their Authors, as Lovers are to their Mistresses; that they not only bestow abundance of good Qualities upon them, which the rest of the World are not able to discover, and often over-value what is really commendable in them, but either conceal their Defects, or else labour to set them off for so many Beauties, with Strains of false rhetoric. However, I think I may safely affirm, without the least prepossession in favour of our Historian, That his Language is easy and Unaffected; his Narration is no where clogged with impertinent Digressions; nor swelled into a unwholesome Prolixity with nauseous Repetitions; nor does it languish under a tedious detail of idle Particulars. His Reflections all along are Solid, Just, and Instructive, and show him to be a Man of Honour and Sincerity, one that was well acquainted with the World, and passionately concerned for the ancient Liberties and welfare of France. For which Reason we find him frequently reproaching the Cardinal, with ruining the Power of Parliaments; which in all our neighbouring Kingdoms that were founded by the Northern People upon the ruins of the Roman Empire, had, according to the different Genius of the Climate, a greater or lesser Share in the public Administration; and yet, on the other Hand, he is not backward to aclowledge his Services, when they apparently tended to the Interest of his Country. Except where he touches upon our English Affairs, and unjustly represents King Charles the First as inclined to Popery, he is Impartial in every thing he says: But we may easily forgive this single Slip in a Foreigner, who might be misled as to that Particular, by some late Memoirs of our own Writers, who have treated the Memory of that unhappy Monarch with equal Insolence and Malice. He never expresses his Resentments at the expense of Truth; but as he describes the Vices of our Minister with great freedom, so he makes no difficulty to celebrate his virtues.  
Thus, Sir, I have presumed to lay before You the Design and Character of this Performance; and tho' the World will justly tax me for dwelling so long upon this Article; yet of Two Evils, I rather choose to trespass upon Your Patience, than to offend Your Modesty, by pretending, after the received custom of Dedications, to attempt Your panegyric: Unless that Consideration kept me back, here is a Temptation that is not easily overcome. Your Extraction from the Illustrious and ancient Family of the Heriz, a Name sufficiently known in our English Baronage; Your obliging Deportment and Generosity; Your early Acquaintance with the Belles Lettres; and, to crown all, so just a Knowledge of Mankind in so much Youth; by which you have already given the World an earnest of what Your Country and Your Friends may justly expect from Your maturer Years, are such fruitful topics, that 'tis almost as difficult to abstain from a pursuit of them, as 'tis to find them so happily joined in any single Person. But I am conscious to myself that I have sufficiently incurred Your Displeasure, by drawing You out of Your beloved Retirement with this public Address; and therefore shall take care not to inflame the Reckoning, by engaging in a Province, which after all, I am unfit to manage. All I pretend to, is to divert Your vacant Hours, when Your Friends and Affairs of greater Importance will permit You to take up with so sorry an Entertainment; and to declare to the World with what Zeal and Sincerity I am,  
SIR, Your most Humble, and most Devoted Servant, T. BROWN.   

THE AUTHOR's PREFACE.  
THE Generality of those Writers, whom I have hitherto seen, that have attempted the History of Cardinal Richlieu, only seem to have proposed one of these Two Ends to themselves; either they took Pen in Hand to render him odious, and blacken his Memory, or else writ with a design to make his Panegyric. Very few of them have observed the just Decorum, where the Evil and the Good is impartially related, without endeavouring to exaggerate, or extenuate one more than the other. I shall not here give myself the trouble to criticise upon the Panegyrists of this Prelate, nor to examine those Persons that have written Satyrs against him. Those that question my Sincerity, and doubt the truth of what I relate, may, for their greater Satisfaction, if they please, consult the Authors out of whom I have borrowed my Memoirs. However 'tis necessary I should acquaint the Reader, before I proceed any farther, what Design I proposed to myself in writing this History, and what Laws I intended religiously to observe in the whole course of it.  
As I was easily convinced that the better part of my Memoirs were only to be deduced from Sources, which generally speaking, were poisoned, or from the most abject Strains of Flattery, I thought myself obliged to take great care to distinguish Matters of Fact, barely considered in themselves, from the manner in which they were related. And this I endeavoured to do, by comparing several Historians together, to see in what Particulars they agree; which I look upon to be the Truth of History, at least as far as we are able at any distance to discover it. These Facts being once established, we may then proceed to judge of abundance of other particular things, without running any great danger of losing the Truth out of sight. There are some Actions which may be indifferent in themselves, or come from a Principle worthy of Commendation, if the Authors of them were animated by a Spirit of Justice and Equity; which on the other Hand are bad, when the Motive that produced them is of that nature. Upon this score I believed it necessary to form to myself a true Idea of the Cardinal's Genius, by a strict Examination of his principal Actions, and his constant Conduct, in which both those that blame and those that praise him equally concur. Upon the strength of this Idea I have judged of the Motives which seem to have influenced him on several occasions, where, without that help it would be a difficult matter to come to any positive determination. And this is the way followed by all the World, when they give themselves the trouble to find out the true Reasons of Actions, which, as has been already observed, may be either Good or Evil, according to the Principle from whence they come: Nor is this Conduct by any means to be censured, if Passion and Prejudice do not mingle with it. Thus, for instance, a Man who is universally known both by his Discourses as well as his Actions, to be vindicative in his Temper, if he happens to crush another that has injured him, ought not to complain if People say that he did it out of a Spirit of Revenge. The predominant Passion,( and Persons of great Souls are seldom without one) especially when it appears too strong for the rest; although a Man takes never so much care to conceal it, yet it tinctures the whole Scene of his Life; and when this is once discovered by evident Indications, the World is seldom deceived when they pass a judgement upon his Actions.  
This is the Rule which I have followed in the whole Series of this History, where I have given every thing that turn, which the constant and perpetual Character of the Cardinal required; though at the same time I have not prevaricated in any Events whatever, nor disguised the Truth upon any occasion. The Reader will soon find out what was the true Character of our Prelate, by reading his Life, but he may red the Abridgement of it at the end of this Work.  
I have made use of several Historians who flourished at the same time, whom I have generally cited all along in the Margin, when I borrowed any particular Passages from them, which are not to be met with in other Authors. But the Two principal Writers, out of whom I have extracted this History, are Lewis Aubery, who has writ the Cardinal's Life in French, and Vittorio Siri, who has made an Abridgement of it in Italian, in the Third Book of the Second Tome of his Mercurio, and who likewise has handled it more at large in his memory Recondite, where he recounts all the remarkable Occcurences that fell out yearly, so long as the Cardinal continued in the Ministry.  
The first is an insupportable fulsome Flatterer, who would fain shame the Cardinal upon the World for a Holy Pious Man, that possessed all the Episcopal Virtues in as eminent a Degree, as he did the several Talents of a Minister of State. He generally dissembles every thing that may in the least wound the Reputation of this Minister; and, on the other Hand, amplifies and exaggerates every Occasion that may tend to his Honour; or, to express myself more properly, he is his Advocate, and pleads the cause of Cardinal Richlieu, to persuade his Judges, that is to say, his Posterity, That he was a Bishop of an unblamable Life, and a Minister without fault. Every thing the Cardinal says or does, could neither be better said or done, if you will believe Aubery. He was a Man without Passion, and without Vices, who always acted upon Principles wholly divested of Interest, which only tended to the public advantage of the State, and the Glory of the King.  
The Abbot Siri, on the other hand, very freely describes both his virtues and Vices; he does not diminish from the Lustre of his good Actions; neither does he set a Veil before his bad ones. But as he only proposed to make a Collection of Memoirs, he is far from being uniform, for he enlarges more or less upon the several things he recounts, according as his Collections were of a greater or smaller bulk. To this we may add, that he slightly passes over many remarkable Actions, because others had given printed Relations of them before him, and he chiefly busies himself to lay open those Negotiations which had never appeared in public. He had red the Dispatches of several Nuncio's who resided in the Court of France, and of several Residents from the Princes of Italy in the same Court, which he cites every Moment, as well as the Letters of several Ambassadors from that Crown to the Princes of Italy, which never saw the Light. Thus we find in this Author abundance of particular Matters of Fact, which are not to be met with elsewhere. He likewise gives us several Negotiations of the Cardinal with the Ministers of the Pope, and other Princes of Italy, which discover the true Genius of this Minister infinitely better than a simplo Narration, which other Historians have made of them. 'tis indeed certain, that Siri is not methodical enough; but as his Design was to collect Memoirs, not only for the History of France, but also for that of all Europe besides, it was not easy for him wholly to avoid Confusion, and frequent Repetitions in so vast a Collection. We have likewise a just occasion to complain of him, for altering and disguising the greatest part of the Proper Names of Cities and Men, except only those of Italy, a 
If our Historian quarrels with the Italian Authors for altering the proper Names of Men and Places, I am sure we have as much, if not more, reason to tax the French with the same Fault, as any one may be satisfied that will red Moreri, Raguenet's Life of cronwell; or, in short, any of their Geographers and Historians that pretend to relate our Affairs.  defect which the best Authors of his Country, may be justly charged with, who writ those Names just as they pronounce them, that is, extremely ill.  
However, to do Justice to Siri, and not to be ungrateful to an Author to whom I have been so exceedingly indebted, 'tis certain, that as he was Master of many great Qualifications, so he was furnished with mighty Helps to writ his History; and I must ingenuously own, that I have drawn more Matters of Fact from him, than from any other Historian whom I have consulted. I have scarce consulted any of the Protestant Authors upon these Matters; because, as very few of that Party have writ concerning them, so it was not worth the while to red them all. They may reasonably enough be suspected to be prepossessed against the Cardinal, who ruined their Affairs in France. Therefore the Reader may observe that for the greatest part I city none but catholic Authors, though I do not join with them in the great eulogiums they bestow upon the Cardinal for having destroyed the Rights and Privileges of the Hugonots. As I never designed to engage myself in a controversial War, but only to recount Matters of State, I have wholly confined myself to the pure ideas of Policy, or, at least, to those Sentiments that are common to both Religions.  
By the Word Policy( to deliver my meaning once for all) I do not understand the Art of advancing ones own Affairs, or aggrandizing ones Prince, by any means whatever, whether agreeable to Equity or not; but the Art of rendering the Prince and People equally happy under a certain form of Government, by those steady Methods which Prudence and Justice prescribe to all Mankind. This is the just and true Idea which those great Men that first writ of politics have given us of this Science, which made up one part of their Morality, and which they had formed upon those Lights and Notices which all the Nations in the World possess in common. In these latter Ages indeed some Authors have defined it to be an Art to satisfy the Ambition, Revenge, and Avarice of Sovereign Princes, without having any regard to Justice, or the good of the People. As by introducing this new mysterious Science they have endeavoured to procure the Favour of those Persons who make use of it, and to have some share in those Advantages which they derive from it; so they have suited and accommodated all their Histories to these Maxims, only designing their own proper Advancement, by fitting themselves to the Gusto and Relish of those from whom they expect a Reward. As for myself, who had never any such design in my Thoughts, I have all along followed the ideas of the ancient Policy, without having any manner of recompense or advantage in my Eye. I have fairly delivered the Truth as far as I knew it, and have not imposed my own Inventions upon the World, as the Reader may easily satisfy himself, if he pleases to examine my Citations, and compare this History with others that have handled the same Argument before me. I have disguised nothing out of Passion, or to please any Faction or Party. I have extenuated nothing, or amplified contrary to the received Rules of History. In short, I do not find myself in the least guilty of any breach relating to that Sincerity and impartial Temper, which those that have laid down the everlasting Precepts of this Art, require in an Historian, when he sets himself to writ.  
All that can with any pretence be censured in my Conduct is, that I have not enlarged upon abundance of things which might have been related in a larger Compass, without being tiresome to the Reader, and that I have not set down every thing that might have been said in so fertile and copious a Subject, as the Life of this Cardinal really is. But to this I answer, That to satisfy Gentlemen of such a relish, instead of Two Volumes of the bigness of these which I have published, a Man ought at least to have composed Ten or Twelve. Out of a great multitude of Occurrences which might naturally enough enter into the Life of the Cardinal, I have selected and chosen only those that more particularly concern the Cardinal's Person: These have I related more at large; others, which seemed absolutely necessary, I referred to the end of this Narration. To conclude all in a Word, to have taken in all the particulars that relate to his Life, one must have made a complete History of France from the Year 1624, to the Year 1642; during which time the Cardinal governed that Kingdom much more than the Prince whose Minister he was. But the limits of a Life do not extend so far as those of a general History; and though both one and the other be red with Pleasure, yet I was resolved that this Work should fully answer the Title which I had given it.  
I thought it convenient at the end of this Preface to set down the Treaty of Madrid, concerning the Affairs of the Valteline: For though I have mentioned it more than once, yet I omitted to relate the particulars of it, because the Cardinal was not received into the Ministry at the time when it was concluded. Nevertheless, 'tis necessary for the better understanding several Passages of his Life.   

THE TREATY of MADRID, Drawn out of the embassy of the marshal de Bassompierre in Spain.  
TOwards the end of February, in the Year 1621. Francis de Bassompierre, Knight of the Holy Ghost, one of his Majesty's jailers, and Colonel-General of the Swisses, having been sent from the part of the King into Spain, in the Quality of his Ambassador Extraordinary, to treat with the catholic King concerning the restitution of the Valteline to its former Condition, by reason of the Interests which obliged his most Christian Majesty to preserve the Grisons in the possession of their Country, he found his catholic Majesty dangerously sick; so that he could not execute his Commission vivâ voice. Having given his Letters of Credence, and set down in writing the principal Heads of his Commission, the unexpected Death of his catholic Majesty was the reason why that Prince could not put in execution the good Intentions he had to restore the Valteline, according to the Demand of the most Christian King; and that the rather because his Holiness at the same time, by a particular Brief, made very urgent Instances to have it performed: But his catholic Majesty dying, left the following Article, among the other Clauses, annexed to his Will.  
Forasmuch as on the 27th. of March of this present Year, I received a Letter from the hand of his Holiness Gregory XV. wherein he exhorts me, That in consideration of himself, and out of a due regard to the public Welfare, I should think of accommodating the Affair of the Valteline: And to remove all occasion of Scandal which might thereupon happen, I order the most Serene Prince, and my most Dear Son, to follow herein the Paternal Advice of his Holiness, in the Form above-mentioned, since my chief Intention was only to act in behalf of the public Good, and for the Security of the catholics of that Valley, the care of which belongs to his Holiness, as Universal Father of the Church. My Pleasure is, That this Writing may be looked upon to be a special Clause of my Will, as if it had been actually comprehended in that Article, wherein I command that all the Papers that appear to be Signed in my Name, be judged and esteemed to be parts of my Will. Made at our Royal Palace at Madrid, the 30th. of March, 1621.  
Don Philip IV. immediately after his coming to the Crown, resolved fully to accomplish that which the King, his Lord and Father, ordered him to see performed, that which his Holiness desired for the common tranquillity, as likewise his most Christian Majesty demanded of him, conformable to what he was obliged by his Royal Word, given to the Lords of the three Leagues. Thus his catholic Majesty deputed with ample Power, as Commissioners, Jerome Caymo, President of his Supreme Council of Italy, and Juan de Cerica, Knight of the Order of St. James, the Commandeur de Riviere, councillor and Secretary of State, to treat about this Affair with the Counts de Bassompierre and Rochepot, Ambassadors Extraordinary and Ordinary from his most Christian Majesty in that Court, who, in the Name of their respective Masters, agreed upon the following ARTICLES.  
I. THat all Things shall be restored to their first Condition, as well on one side as the other, each drawing out their Forces and Garrisons lately established; and consequently that his catholic Majesty shall sand away all the Troops which he had upon the Confines of the State of Milan, adjoining to the Valteline, and the Valley of Chiavenne; so that no more Troops may be there, but those that were on foot before the last Commotions; and that, on the other side, the Grisons shall do the same in the Valteline, and in the Counties of Chiavenne and Bormio.  
II. That the Lords of the Leagues shall grant a general Pardon and Indemnity for all that has been committed in these late Disorders; so that their Subjects of the Valteline, and of the Counties of Chiavenne and Bormio, may never be disturbed or molested in their Persons, or in their Goods, for any thing that has been done upon this occasion.  
III. That as for what concerns Religion in the Valteline, and the Counties of Chiavenne and Bormio, all Innovations shall be removed and taken away, that shall be found prejudicial to the catholic Religion, which have been introduced since the beginning of 1617. to the present Year.  
IV. That the Grisons shall take the Oaths and requisite Promises according to the usual Custom, for the better observation of what has been agreed hereupon; and shall make these Oaths and Promises before the three Persons declared in the following Article; and that the most Christian King shall promise to see the same observed; as also the Thirteen Cantons, and the Inhabitants of the Valley, or the greatest part of them.  
V. That the catholic King shall immediately writ to the Archduke Albert his uncle, to sand the President of the Parliament of the County of Burgundy, or some other Person of the said County to Lucern, to repair thither with all possible hast; but to be at farthest there, on the last Day of May next ensuing; in which place he shall join with the Nuncio of his Holiness, and the Ambassador of his most Christian Majesty, to accommodate and to put every thing at present concerted in execution: Intending and declaring besides this, that the ancient Treaties made with the House of Austria, and in particular for the County of Tirol, shall still continue in force, and be observed.  
VI. That the Person whom the Archduke shall sand from the County of Burgundy, shall carry with him a Letter, dated before by his Highness, for the Duke of Feria, to give him information that the whole Affair is entirely adjusted; and that he forthwith execute the Orders which he shall receive from his catholic Majesty to restore and leave all things in the same Condition they were formerly: Which Letter he shall immediately dispatch to the Duke of Feria, after the execution of the Things mentioned in the Fourth Article above: And that for this end his catholic Majesty shall sand to the aforesaid Duke of Peria a positive and express Command to see all Things put in their ancient posture, so soon as he shall receive this Command.  
VII. That this Treaty shall be ratified by the most Christian King; and that the Ratification shall be delivered at Paris to the Marquis de Mirabel, councillor of War to his catholic Majesty, and his Ambassador in ordinary residing in the Court of France, immediately after the Count de Bassompierre shall arrive thither.  
VIII. That there shall be two Copies of this Treaty; one in the French Tongue, and the other in the Castilian, both signed by the French and Spanish Commissioners, to be delivered into the hands of each of the Parties; the French to Don John de Cerica, and the Spanish to Bassompierre.  
Concluded at Madrid, the 25th. of April, 1621. Signed 

Bassompierre.  
d'Angennes.  
Caymo, President.  
Juan de Cerica.     

ERRATA.  
Pag. 33. instead of Arnaud, red Arnoux.   

ADVERTISEMENT.  
Some BOOKS newly Published.  
THe Present State of Persia: With a faithful Account of the Manners, Religion, and Government of that People. By Monsieur Sanson, a Missionary from the French King. Adorned with Figures.  
The Present State of the Empire of Morocco: With a faithful Account of the Manners, Religion, and Government of that People. By Monsieur de St. Olon, Ambassador there in the Year 1693. adorned with Figures.  
Letters written by a French Gentleman: Giving a faithful and particular Account of the Transactions of the Court of France, relating to the public Interest of Europe. With Historical and Political Reflections on the ancient and present State of that Kingdom. Communicated by the famous Monsieur Vassor.  
The Roman History, from the Building of the City, to the perfect Settlement of the Empire by Augustus Caesar, containing the space of 727 Years. designed as well for the understanding of the Roman Authors, as the Roman Affairs. By laurence Echard, A. M. of Christ-College in Cambridge.  
Now in the Press, and will within few days be published,  
A New Voyage into Italy: With necessary Instructions to those who undertake the same. By highway-man Misson. Done out of French, and illustrated with Sculptures.   

THE HISTORY Of the Famous Cardinal de RICHLIEU. VOL. I.  

BOOK I.  
Containing the most remarkable Passages of his Life, from his Birth to the Year 1624. when he was the second time made a counselor of State.  
IF ever there was a public Minister who in his time furnished Matter for the most envenomed Satyrs, and yet from other Hands received the most extravagant Praises, 'tis assuredly Armand John Du Plessis, Cardinal of Richlieu, whose History I now attempt to writ. He is on one side accused of Ambition, of Cruelty, of Perfidiousness, and, in short, of all the Crimes by which Ambitious Statesmen use to support their Authority. 'tis said, that he either entirely ruined France himself, or put the Ministers that succeeded him in a condition to effect it. Others, on the contrary, look upon him to have been a skilful Pilot, whom the happy Genius of his Country bestowed upon the State, when it was dangerously tossed with violent Tempests, and to whom it was indebted for the Tranquillity it afterwards enjoyed. These People maintain, that he alone first made it appear how formidable the Forces of France were, if they were managed to the best advantage, and that he laid the most solid Foundations of its Greatness. After all, perhaps these Judgments, so opposite in appearance, are not so difficult to be reconciled, as one would imagine at first sight: Nay, I dare venture to affirm, that the Reader will find this Paradox so fully made out in the Series of this History, that what here seems a Contradiction, will become as evident as the plainest Truth whatever.  
His Father was Francis du Plessis, the fourth of that Name, Lord of Richlieu, Beçai, Chillou, and Vervoliere, descended from an ancient Family in Poitou; and his Mother's Name was Frances de la port. Francis du Plessis followed the Duke of Anjou into Poland, and came back with him from thence. He was made Great Provost of France in the Year 1575, and Eleven Years after, Knight of the Holy Ghost. He was also much esteemed by Henry IV. who in 1590. made him Captain of his Guards; but he never lived to take Possession of that Post, dying soon after. He left Three Sons and Two Daughters behind him. The eldest, name Henry, was in a fair way to raise his Fortune by the Sword, when he had the ill Fate to be killed in a Duel by the marquis de Themines, to whom the Queen-Mother had denied the Government of Angers, for which Richlieu, it seems, was his Competitor. The second, whose Name was Alphonsus, took upon him the ecclesiastic Profession, and was immediately made Bishop of Luçon. Armand John, the third Brother, was designed for a Military Life; but he too struck in with the Church, for Reasons which shall be mentioned hereafter, Frances, the eldest of his Sisters, was first married to John de B●au●●●u, Lord of Pimpean, and afterwards to Rene de W●gne●●d, Lord of Pont de Courlai; nichol, the youngest, was married to Urban de Maillé, marquis de Brezé, Captain of the Guards to the Queen-Mother, afterwards to the King, and last of all marshal of France,  
Armand John du Plessis was born at Paris, in the Year 1585. on the fifth of September. His Father dying Five Years after, he was educated under the Care of his Mother. The Prior of St. Florent instructed him in the first Rudiments of Learning: He was afterwards sent to the college of navarre; from whence he quickly removed to that of Lisieux, where he went through a Course of Philosophy. From this last place he passed to the Academy, to learn to ride the Great Horse, and perform the other Exercises proper for a young Gentleman who was designed for the War. At this time he wore a Sword, and assumed the Title of Lord de Chillou; but soon altered his Design. His Brother Alphonsus du Plessis, who had been nominated to the bishopric of Luçon, quitted it, and shut himself up in a cloister of Carthusians: But his Relations thinking it was their Interest to preserve that bishopric in the Family, procured the King's Mandamus in favour of Armand John, who upon this changed his Secular Habit for a Cassock, and began to study Divinity. His Family, which had no extraordinary Estate belonging to it, looked upon this bishopric as an advantageous Support. After he had spent some time in his Studies, he maintained his Theses in the Episcopal Habit, as being already a Bishop Elect, and received his Doctor of Divinity's Cap with the general Applause of those that heard him: But he did not sit down satisfied with these Formalities, which rather discover vivacity of Wit than any true Knowledge; for he resolved hearty to apply himself to all the Studies necessary for a Bishop. To accomplish this, he retired to a Country House near Paris, with a Doctor of louvain, who was to direct him in his Studies, where he spent Two entire Years, and employed Eight Hours a Day in reading. He particularly applied himself to Polemic Divinity; by which he saw Cardinal du Perron had acquired a mighty Reputation, and so hoped to advance his own Fortunes by the same way. However, by what one may judge of his Abilities in this kind, by a Treatise which goes under his Name, he was none of the fittest Persons to manage Controversial Points; and he was but slenderly acquainted with his own Talent, if he ever expected to raise his Fortune this way. So some of his best Friends dissuaded him from pursuing these Studies; by which, as it was not likely for him to raise his Credit, so they extremely prejudiced his Health. In the mean time he sent to the 
1606.  Pope to grant him a Dispensation for his Age; and the King recommended this Affair to Cardinal Perron, who was then at Rome, and to D' Alencourt his Ambassador.  
The Bishop of Luçon found it was his best way at last to go and solicit this Affair for himself; and being arrived at Rome▪ had Audience of Pope Paul V. who, as 'tis said, was strangely pleased with his Conversation, and complied with his Desires in dispensing with his Age.* Nevertheless the Report runs, That he assured the 
●iri Mercu●. T. ●. Lib. ● p. 148●.  Pope he was older than really he was; and that after his Consecration he desired him to give him Absolution for this lie. He was consecrated by Cardinal de Givry 
●607.  on the 17th of April, 1607. Nay, 'tis confidently pretended, that the Pope owned him to be a Man of Wit for the Trick he played him, and that he commended his Dexterity,  
At his return to Paris, finding he could not immediately introduce himself into Court, as his Friends had advised him, he betook himself to Preaching, in order to make himself better known. He preached Two Lents successively, with so great a Concourse and Applause, that this Reputation gained him the Favour of the Queen-Mother. Having by this means got some sort of an Entrance into Court, he particularly applied himself to Concino Concini, afterwards the marshal d' anchor, who governed the State during the Queen's Regence.  
After the Death of Henry IV. the Court was under a 
●610.  strange Disorder, by the Intrigues of those Persons who either were desirous to have their Share in the Government or such as would continue in the Posts they already enjoyed, and were minded to push their Fortune farther. Several Noble Persons who had been excluded from bearing any part in the public Affairs, under the Ministers of Henry IV. now endeavoured to get in, and employed all manner of Artifices to accomplish their Designs. The Duke of Sully, superintendent of the Finances, and Grand Master of the Artillery, in whom Henry reposed a mighty Confidence upon the account of his great Qualities, was envied by a world of People. Chancellor Sillery, Villeroy Secretary of State, and Jeannin the President, combined against him to establish their own Authority: Besides these, the Count de Soissons, for some private Grudge, Concino, because he eclipsed his growing Fortunes, the Prince of Conde, not only instigated by others, but because the Duke of Sully had advised Henry IV. to apprehended him before he could make his Escape into Flanders, and the marshal de bovillon, who envied him for the great Interest he had among the Hugonots, caball'd against him. All these Persons earnestly laboured to ruin his Reputation with the Queen, for his morose parsimonious Temper; in which last particular he was directly opposite to that Princess, who loved to be liberal even to Profuseness. And she on the other hand being desirous to secure her own Authority, on which Consideration the Pope's Favour was absolutely necessary to her, found she must never expect to gain it, so long as she entrusted a huguenot with the Adminstration of Affairs. For this Reason she turned him out of all his Places, and obliged him to leave the Court.  
At this time the marshal d' anchor having sole Possession of the Queen's Favour, and fearing least the Grandees should unite to ruin him, endeavoured to raise and foment Divisions between them. He dexterously managed the hatred which different Parties had one for another, and as far as in him lay balanc'd their Power, out of a consideration, that if one of these Factions destroyed the other, it would be his own Fate to fall under the same weight. This Project succeeded so well with him, that the Princes of the Blood, and those of the House of lorraine, besides their public Broils, had several other private ones which helped to keep them at a distance. As none of them were any longer concerned for the public Good, nor the Glory of France, and the Royal Dignity was despised under the King's Minority, they all agreed in nothing else but pursuing their own private Interests. Things were in this Condition, when the Queen, to strengthen her Regence, and secure her self of a Peace, concluded a Marriage between her Son Lewis XIII. and the Infanta of Spain, and between one of his Sisters and the catholic King.  
These Marriages gave the Grandees an Opportunity to set all in Confusion, under pretence that it was against the true Interest of the Kingdom. The Countess of Soissons, and the duchess of Nevers, could not without extreme regret behold how much the Princesses of Conty and Guise were in the Queen's Favour, and therefore engaged their Lovers and Relations to embrace the Party which opposed the Regence. Thus a Faction was formed, of which the Prince of Conde declared himself Chief, because the Queen had refused him the Government of the Castle of Trompette. The marshal de bovillon was the Man that caball'd the most, and yet was the least suspected by the Regent. He cunningly wrought upon the Prince of Conde, the Duke of Longueville and several others to leave the Court, but was himself the last that quitted it; and then he did it with the Queen's Consent. Immediately the whole Party broken out, Britany under the Duke of Vendome, Picardy under the Duke of Longueville, the Isle of France and the Cities of Soissons and Noyon under the Duke of Mayenne, Laon under the marquis de Caeuvres; and several other Cities and Provinces openly declared against the Regence; and this Faction was in a condition to act before the Queen knew that it was formed against her.  
Thus the malcontents meeting from all Parts, found themselves ready armed, before there were any Troops to oppose them; and their Design seemed to be so much the more plausible, because they spoken of nothing but the public Good, and only pretended to put a few Italians, who had intruded into the Administration of Affairs, out of a capacity of ruining the Kingdom. At this Juncture the Prince of Conde writ a Letter to the Queen, wherein he prayed her to assemble the States of the Kingdom, to obviate the growing Disorders; and that Princess being not able to bring together more than Ten thousand Foot and Three thousand Horse; and fearing least the Party of malcontents should daily increase, thought it the surest way to accommodate Matters with them as soon as she might. For this end, she impowered the Duke of Guise to enter into a Treaty with them in her Name, and to settle all Differences as he should see convenient: It was agreed, That Amboise should be given to the Prince, St. M●nehout to the Duke of Nevers, and a good sum of Money to the marshal de bovillon: So that the Principal Heads finding themselves satisfied as to their own particular, talked no more of the public Good.  
The King being out of his Minority, it was now thought expedient to convene the Estates of the Kingdom, to gain him the Affection of his Subjects, and prevent all manner of Troubles. The Prince of Condé used all his Interest to get such Deputies elected, as had a dependence upon him: However, the fear of being ill used at Court, and the hopes of a recompense, which are as it were the Two Poles upon which all Human Actions turn, retained the greatest part of them in their Duty; so that the Prince was obliged to give up Amboise, notwithstanding all the Cabals he maintained to hinder it. The Bishop of Luçon, who thought of nothing more than how to get himself in some Office, was one of the Representatives of the Clergy, and had a Commission to present a Paper to the King, at the breaking up of the Estates. At the delivery of it, he made a Speech of an hour and half long, which was harkened to with a great deal of Attention, and was afterwards printed. There are two things in this Harangue, which it was observed he mentioned rather for his own Advantage, than for the Good of the Kingdom: One was, That he desired the King to leave the Administration of Affairs to the Queen his Mother, hoping perhaps to get some share in them by her Favour. The other was a severe Complaint he made, That there were no Church-men in the King's Council; as if the State could not be managed without their Concurrence and Advice. 'tis true indeed, the Bishop of Luçon demanded nothing that was new in this, and that ecclesiastics have been frequently concerned in the Government; but, to the bottom, 'tis not of absolute necessity they should be there; and 'tis as plain a case, That a Man cannot at the same time discharge the Office of a good Bishop, and that of a Minister of State: Either of these Functions will take up a Man's whole Time; and in truth 'tis impossible to divide ones self honestly between so many Cares. But our Bishop was of the Opinion, no doubt on't, That a Prelate who is employed by the Government, might leave the Care of his Flock to a Vicar, that so himself might be more at leisure to attend the Affairs of the State. After all, the Question is, Whether the Gospel allows it; and whether those that look after the bishopric, ought not in equity to have the Name and the Revenues of that Employment which they manage for another? But 'tis a long while ago since it has been out of fashion to consult the Gospel, upon these Cases especially.  
Although the Grandees had no farther occasion now to complain, yet finding no means to satisfy their restless Ambition in times of Tranquillity, they sought an Opportunity to raise new Commotions. The marshal de bovillon once more made use of that Ascendant which he had over the Prince of Condé, to engage him in fresh Designs. Those Persons also that were not satisfied with what had passed in the Assembly of the Estates, complained in all Companies, That they had taken Measures directly contrary to the Welfare of the Kingdom: That it was not reasonable that the marshal d' anchor should be permitted to do what he pleased; and, That several of the Deputies had just Reasons to complain.  
The Parliament of Paris, which had frequently interested themselves in the Government of the State, published an Arrest, by which they invited the Grandees, and all that were well-affected to their own Country, to join with them to redress the Abuses and Grievances that daily increased: But the King, or rather the Council, put forth a Declaration, by which they annulled this Arrest of Parliament; and prohibited all Persons, under severe Penalties, to concern themselves with these Affairs. The Parliament nettled at this haughty Procedure, to which at that time they were not so well accustomed as since, dispatched a Remonstrance to the King, wherein they treated him with a great deal of freedom; and advis▪ d him, among other things, not to make use of* Absolute 
●●ri Mer. 〈…〉. P. ●. ●▪ 489  Commands, in the First Year of his Majority. At the same time the Prince of Condé dispersed some Manifesto's in the form of Letters; wherein he gave the People to understand, That those that complained of the present Government, had no other design than only to depress the too great Power of the marshal d' anchor; to remove Grievances; to hinder the Marriages the Queen had concluded with Spain; and to restore the King and the Crown to their ancient Splendour. He likewise got together a great Body of French and Germans, and provided them with Artillery from Sedan, to be in a condition to oppose the King's Army, which only consisted of Ten thousand Foot, and Fifteen hundred Horse. The Duke of Guise appeared at the Head of this last Army, and was to conduct the Queen of Spain to the Frontiers, and from thence to conduct the Queen of France to Paris.  
As he advanced towards Guienne with this Design, and the Two Armies were ready to come to a decisive battle, the Duke de Mayenne, and the M. de bovillon, who had the greatest Obligations to stick by the Prince of Condé, were gained over to the other Party, by some hopes that were given them of a Peace, where their own particular Interests should be so advantageously considered, that they should have no more occasion to complain. For this end, an Assembly was convened at Loudun, where those that were sent by the Court, forgot nothing that might set the malcontents at variance. The Prince, who was weary of the War before he had well begun it, abandoned the public Intetests, for which he pretended to have taken up Arms, and only took care of some particular Persons, and especially those of his own Family. He had promised to come to no Conclusion, till he saw the Duke of Vend me reinstated in the Castle of Nantes, the Duke of Longueville in the Citadel of Amiens; and till the Hugonots had a Promise, That the Edicts made in their Favour should be observed. Nevertheless, the Duke of Mayenne, and the marshal de bovillon, being satisfied, abandoned the rest: But they found the Party was better united than they imagined; so that the Treaty they made had come to nothing, if a dangerous Fit of Sickness had not seized the Prince of Condé, and so broken the Union of the malcontents, who were now afraid of seeing themselves suddenly without a Head. The marshal de bovillon endeavoured all he could to have this Treaty signed by the English ambassador; but the Court would not suffer it: So that at last the Peace was signed without it; and the Dukes of Longueville and Vendome were the Sacrifices that fell to it, as well as the Hugonots, for whom no manner of care was taken.  
This Peace, which ought to have produced a Calm at Court, caused nothing but Factions and Disorders there; which made the People conclude, That the Ministers had nothing less in their Consideration, than the Welfare of the Kingdom. Villeroy and Jeannin, whom Chancellor de Sillery had ill used upon certain occasions, that he alone might have the Management of all Affairs, now found means to get the Seals taken from him, and got them bestowed upon the President du Vair. Some time after, 
See the Mem, d' Aubery, T. 1. p. 6.  claud Mangot was joined, as an Assistant, to Villeroy, in the Office of Secretary of State, at the instance of the marshal d' anchor, who accused him with a Design to make him lose the Government of Amiens, that so it might fall into the hands of the malcontents. As soon as the Prince of Condé was recovered, he retired to his Government of Berry, which was given him in the room of that of Guienne. The Duke of Sully went to Poitou, and the Duke of Rohan to Rochel. There was only the marshal de bovillon, and the Duke of Mayenne, who went to Court to penetrate their Designs, and to receive the Reward that was promised them, if they abandoned the Party. The marshal, who had an extraordinary Ascendant over the Prince of Condé, endeavoured by that means to get himself respected as much as he could, and to have his share in the Administration of Affairs. But d' anchor, who had a design to model the Council anew, and admit none there, but those Persons that wholly depended upon himself, opposed bovillon underhand; who plainly perceiving that there was no likelihood for him to attain his Ends by sticking to the Court, thought it would be his best way to hinder the Prince of Condé from coming thither, that so he might make use of him upon occasion. The Princess of Condé, and the Countess of Soissons, although they were not Friends, yet they concurred in the same Resolution; because they were both desirous, in case the Prince return'd, that the Court should be only obliged to them for it.  
But all these Intrigues came to nothing; for the Prince considering his own proper Interest, soon found it would be for his advantage to be reconciled to the Queen; and so managed this Affair by the Archbishop of Bourges. Upon condition they would employ him in public Matters and declare him Chief of the Council of the Finances, he obliged himself to protect the marshal d' anchor; after which, he return'd to Paris. He was there received with so much Joy and Acclamation, that some of his Enemies endeavoured to render him suspected to the King for it. The marshal de bovillon very well saw, that the Prince now began to be governed by his Advice no longer; however, lest he should lose the remainder of his Credit with him, he dissembled his Disgust; and in order to form a new Cabal, he laboured to reconcile the Duke of Guise to his Brothers, and the Duke of Nevers to those of his Party.  
During these Disorders, the Bishop of Luçon left no ston unturned, to get himself into some Office: He daily made his Court to the marshal d' anchor, and contracted a Friendship with one Barbin, who was in his favour, and afterwards was made Comptroller-General of the Finances: These two procur▪ d for him the Place of Grand Almoner to the Queen, and of Austria. After he had taken possession of it, and had exercised it for some time, the marshal d' anchor gave him leave to put it again into the hands of M. Zamet, Bishop of Langres, of whom he had a considerable sum of Money, with which he paid some Debts of his Family, and put himself in a Condition to live with greater Splendour at Court.  
B●●●g thus discharged from the Attendance to which this Place obliged him, he endeavoured more than ever to settle himself in the Good Graces of the marshal, who was so great a Favourite of the Queen-Mother; and as he appeared to him to be a Man of great Sagacity, he soon gained his Friendship and Confidence; so that the marshal began to consult him upon the most important Affairs, and gave him hopes to expect a considerable Employment one day from him. The Queen made him a colour, and designed him shortly after to go into Spain, in Quality of ambassador. He received this Proposal with a great deal of Joy, whether it were that he was glad of an Opportunity to examine the Strength of Spain at a nearer View, or because he foresaw the Alterations that would soon happen at Court. But the Queen at last changed her Mind, and the Bishop of Luçon still continued near her Person.  
As 'tis natural for us to hate Strangers, when they arrive to too high a degree of Fortune, but especially when they govern the State, in exclusion of the Natives, the M. d'Ancre was so universally hated, that a Man without the Spirit of prophesy might predict that he would not enjoy his Power long. The M. de bovillon endeavoured to make the King jealous of him, by the means of Luines, who, by his assiduity, and the care he took to follow the King in all his Sports, now began to be extremely agreeable to him. The Duke of Longueville, an open Enemy of the marshal d' anchor, because he had hindered him from being restored to the Citadel of Amiens by the Peace of Loudun, surprised the City of Pernone by private Intelligence; and 'twas feared he would soon make himself Master of all Picardy, a Province of the last Consequence, by reason of its Neighbourhood to Paris on one side, and to the Spaniards on the other. The King being advised to enter into some sort of Accommodation with the Duke, rather than come to Blows, sent bovillon to negotiate with him, who made two journeys into Picardy, with Orders to content him; but acted quiter contrary, and employed all his Power to engage him in the Design to ruin Concino. At the same time, the Prince of Condé sent the Archbishop of Bourges to this Minister, to revoke the Promise he had made him to protect him against all his Enemies; and to let him know, that he could not abandon the Duke of Longueville. The marshal, who ought in Prudence, upon this News, to have retired to some Place of Security, with what he had gained in the Service of the Queen-Mother, resolved to stand it out, and try all means to support himself. He went to wait upon this Princess, and tells her, That the Prince mocked her; that bovillon deceived her; and, that the rest of that Party were daily contriving how to ruin her Authority: To obviate and prevent which Designs, there was no other remedy than to be before-hand with them, and secure their Persons; because when this Faction was once destitute of Heads to encourage them, it would not be in a capacity to attempt any great matters. The Queen thought this Advice was somewhat too bold for her to put in execution; but the Bishop of Luçon and Barbin so strongly represented to her the necessity of doing it, that she gave her Consent. Thus to preserve an Authority, which at the bottom could not last long, and to secure her Favourite, the Queen-Mother hazarded all; as, on the other side, nothing was left unattempted to gain the same Authority; and all this under the specious Pretence of the public Good; a Misfortune which usually happens under all Regences, and under Princes that don't govern by themselves, but depend too much upon their Ministers.  
The Queen cast her eyes upon the marquis de Themines to put this Project in execution; who having arrested the Prince in the Louvre, conducted him to the foreste of Vincennes, and received, as a Reward for so bold an Action, a Mareschal's Staff of France. But the Duke of Mayenne, and the marshal de bovillon, having by some means or other notice of this Design, escaped from those that were sent to apprehended them; and the Dukes of Vendome and Guise did the same. As soon as the News of the Prince of Conde's being imprisoned was spread in Paris, the People, instigated by his Mother, got together; and their Fury went so high in the Fauxburgs of St. Germans, that the Rabble ran to the marshal d'Ancre's House, and plundered it. The Queen Regent took no notice of this at first, for fear of provoking the Populace too much; but soon after, the marquis de Crequi master de Camp of the King's Guards, put an end to this Tumult. The marshal de bovillon, who had retired to Sedan, was continually pressing the Duke of Guise to go and set the Prince at liberty, and endeavour the Destruction of the Regent's Favourite. He offered to make him the Head of the whole Party, and counselled him to take up Arms without delay, and burn all the Mills about Paris, which would incense the Inhabitants the more against Concino, who was not at all beloved by them. But seeing that this Advice made no impression upon the Duke, who was thinking how to reconcile himself to the Court, that so he might have the Command of the King's Army bestowed upon him, he proposed to the Duke of Mayenne to seize him. Though this Proposal was extremely well-tim'd, and nothing could have done the Party greater Service; yet the Duke of Mayenne would not listen to it. But the Queen did not fail to make her Advantage of this Oversight, by gaining the Duke of Guise to her Side, and all those that had a dependence upon him.  
At this time the Queen made great Alterations in the Ministry, giving the Seals to Mangot, the 
Novemb. 30.  Office of Secretary of State to the Bishop of Luçon, and the Superintendance of the Finances to Barbin. It was specified in the Bishop's Patent, that he should have a salary of Seventeen thousand liures, without lessening that of Villeroy, who was still to continue in that Post jointly with the Bishop, although he was ordered to come no more to the Council-Table. This was in effect but a sorry recompense for a Service of Fifty Years, to force any other Partner upon him than Peter Bralard Sieur de Puisieux, for whom he had got a Grant of the Survivorship. Nor was this the only thing that troubled Villeroy; for 
Mem. d' Aub. T. 1. p. 7.  the King at the same time granted to the Bishop, by another Patent, the Precedence before all the other Secretaries of State; which must needs be an excessive Mortification to a Man already grown old in that Employment. But the Bishop of Luçon's Ambition, as it knew no bounds, so it never cared what Sacrifices fell to make the way clear for it. Soon after, the Queen published an Edict, authorized by the Parliament, wherein the King declares all those that had withdrawn themselves, to be guilty of High-Treason. At the same time she gave the Duke of Guise the Command of the Army, who made himself easily Master of all those Places which the Duke of Nevers had taken; and had certainly ruined the Affairs of the malcontents, if the Death of the marshal d'Ancre had not in some measure re-established them. A little before this happened, the Bishop of Luçon ●●d sent to the Duke of Neve●s, to know the Reason why such Preparations for War were made in the Reteleze: but instead of finding the Duke inclined to submit himself to the Regent's Ministers, he saw he was resolved to defend himself, however the Duke of Guise being in a better Posture to act than he was, obliged him to quit the Field. 'tis said, that he sent a Justification in writing, which was put into the Hands of the Bishop of Luçon, as being chief Secretary of State, but that the Bishop suppressed it. Whether this be true or no, 'tis certain the Court return'd him no Answer.  
The French, who have been always accustomed to be governed by their own Kings, or at least by those of their own Nation, were enraged to the highest degree, to see a Foreigner sit at the Head of the King's Counsel. Thus not only those that resided at Court combined against him, but even those that had been turned out of it, and were continually telling the King strange Stories of him, who was then not above Fifteen Years old. At last Luines persuaded him that this Minister thought of nothing else but how to preserve himself always in that usurped Station, to the great prejudice of his Majesty's Authority; and that the Queen-Mother, who was desirous to continue her Regence as long as she might, concerted Matters with him; so that the best Advice he could give him upon this occasion, was to rid his Hands of him with all speed, before he was too powerful for him. Luines knew so well how to influence the young King, by causing the same things to be perpetually buzzed into his Ears by others, that unexperienced as he was, he soon discovered their meaning, and cunningly dissembled this Resolution that was taken to kill the marshal d' anchor. Vitri, Captain of the Guards, was chosen to put it in execution; who being accompanied by some others, killed him upon the Bridge of the Louvre. 'tis 
Mem. de Bassompierre, T. 1. p. 420.  confidently reported that he had some ominous Presages of this Misfortune, and that he had proposed to his Wife to withdraw into Italy with his Effects, which amounted to above Two Millions of Gold; but that she who was wholly abandoned to Avarice and Ambition, obliged him to continue at Court. One time as he was freely opening his Mind to one of his Friends about this Matter, he expressed a great Concern, that he was not able to overcome the Opiniatreté of his Lady, to whom he owed his Fortune, and therefore durst never abandon her. In short, he managed himself in this Juncture, just as all those Persons do that have Sense enough to see what they ought to do, but are turned away from it by some unaccountable Passion, and can only accuse themselves for their own Destruction, since they do what they inwardly disapprove, and neglect to pursue those Methods which they know will be of the greatest advantage to them. The Blow being thus given, the King turned all his Creatures out of their Places, which he had given them; and the Bishop of Luçon was one of those that seemed particularly to be marked out for a Sacrifice: He was forbidden to stir out of his House all that Day, and Villeroy retook his place of Secretary of State, thinking he should now discharge this Office without dividing it with the Bishop. The other ancient Ministers and Counsellors of State did likewise reassume their Posts. The Queen saw her self at the same time deprived of her own Guards, and surrounded by those belonging to the King, without being able to speak a Word to any one. She was afterwards conducted to the Castle of Blois; where they kept her confined under a strict Guard. The Bishop of Luçon presented himself to the King, to justify his own Conduct; and Luines gave this Testimony of him, That he had faithfully served his Majesty. The King immediately ordered him to continue to serve him in his Council; but the Bishop finding some difficulty to get admission there from some of the ancient Ministers who were lately re-established, his Majesty commanded Vignoles to accompany him to the Council-Chamber. Vignoles gave them to understand that the King had ordered the Bishop of Luçon to serve him as before. Villeroy who had never been at the Council-Table since the Death of the marshal d' anchor, thought they designed to make him his Partner, so he desired Vignoles to go and inquire of the King, whether it was in that Quality that the Bishop of Luçon was readmitted into the Council. In the mean time, the Bishop being sensible that now the marshal d' anchor was gone, he had no more to do there, was resolved to give himself the Honour of this Affair: So calling the President Jeannin to him, he requested him to acquaint Villeroy, that he had not the least Pretensions to his Place. Soon after Vignoles return'd, and  told them his Majesty's meaning was, that the Bishop of Luçon should only serve him in Quality of colour. Upon this the Bishop withdrew, and the Secretaries of State representing to the King what an Injury they might hereafter sustain by that Order, which enabled the Bishop of Luçon to take place of them all, since other Bishops when they were admitted into the Council might draw a President from it, his Majesty was pleased to revoke it. There is this 
Memoirs d'Aubery, p. 8. T. 1.  remarkable Passage in this Revocation, That under a pretence of the Episcopal Character, the Bishop of Luçon, who at that time was one of the Secretaries of State, had the Precedence given him before all the other Secretaries, in all Meetings of the Council and public Assemblies, to the manifest prejudice of the Order which is observed among them, and indeed of all Equity.  
After this had passed, it was not much for the Bishop of Luçon's Credit to tarry at Court; and I believe no one in these Circumstances but would have immediately withdrawn; nay, perhaps any one but he would have return'd to his bishopric, to discharge those weighty Functions to which his Character obliged him. But as for him, who only considered the Episcopal Dignity as a fairer step to advance himself in the World, he went by the King's Permission to wait upon the Queen at Blois, in hopes of being re-established in his Fortune as soon as she was. He pretended to take upon him the care of her domestic Affairs, and assumed the Title of Steward of her household, without troubling his Head whether it was agreeable to the Profession of a Bishop. But Luines, who was apprehensive of the busy active Genius of this Prelate, least he should suggest some Advices to the Queen, whereby she might reconcile her self to the King, sent him Word Three or Four Weeks after, That it was his Majesty's Pleasure he should immediately retire to his Priory of Coussay in Anjou. After he had shut himself up in this place, People suspected, that instead of meddling with Theological Tracts, as he pretended, he was writing Memoirs and Dispatches concerning Affairs of State. From hence he writ a Letter of Justification to the King 
See Aubery's Hist. of carded. Rich. p. 14. , wherein he acquaints him, That some of those Persons who designed to destroy his Credit with the Queen, had endeavoured to insinuate into her Majesty, that she ought not to repose any Confidence in him, because he was too zealous for the Service of the King, and of those whom he most affencted: ( This was assuredly a most horrid Calumny; for our good Bishop minded nothing but his own Advancement:) That nevertheless the Queen, who had no other Intentions than to live peaceably in an entire Obedience to her Son, expressed the greater Kindness to him for it, and confided the more in his Advice: That by the like Artifices of the same Persons, divers Reports were spread abroad, That the King was not well pleased to see him near the Queen his Mother; That upon this he had begged her Permission to retire for some time, and inform himself more particularly of his Majesty's Pleasure: That he had lived privately ever since at his own House, searching among his Books, an Employment not unsuitable to his Profession: That nevertheless the Queen had signified to him the Satisfaction she took to hear that it was the King's Intention that he should in a short time return to her again: Lastly, That he prayed to God to show him no mercy, if ever in Thought or dead he had acted contrary to his Majesty's Service.  
This ambiguous Oath, which will admit of any meaning a Man is pleased to give it, wrought no wonderful Effects at Court: On the contrary, they suspected more than ever, that he endeavoured to get himself restored by the Queen's means, who could not always continue in Disgrace. To remove him the further from Blois, he was ordered to go and reside at Luçon; nay, thinking he was still too near her, they commanded him to depart the Kingdom, and expect the King's Orders at Avignon. During his Abode in this place, he composed or finished Two Books, one of which is entitled, The Instruction of a Christian, and contains the Principles of Christianity, according to the Order of the Apostles Creed, the Decalogue, the Lord's Prayer, &c. The other is a Controversial Treatise, with this Title, A Defence of the Principal Points of our Belief, against a Letter of Four Ministers of Charenton, presented to the King. There is nothing in both these Works, but is what extremely mean and indifferent; so that if they cost the Bishop of Luçon any great pains, all the World must own, that he was an abler Politician than a Divine.  
All this while Luines was absolute Master of the King's Inclinations, whom he amused with childish Pastimes, or with Exercises of Devotion, to which this Prince had naturally a great Propensity. He would suffer none to approach or talk with him in private, unless he knew what the matter was; and although he had few or no Friends in the Kingdom to support him; and besides, had but a very small insight into Affairs, yet he adventured to sit at the Helm, and after he had enriched himself with the Spoils of the marshal d' anchor, who in a Ministry of seven Years had heaped together a prodigious Wealth, he saw himself in a situation to be respected by the greatest Persons in the Kingdom. As the Prince of Conde had now for a long while been imprisoned in the Castle of Vincennes, and the Queen confined at Blois, it was high time to consider to set one of them at Liberty, because it was not possible to find a pretence for keeping both in Custody. Several Reasons hindered him from determining himself in favour of the Prince, who was equally covetous, to command and to acquire Riches. The French naturally have as great an Affection for the Princes of the Blood, as they have an Aversion to the Ministers; so that to take the Prince out of his Prison, was in effect the same thing, as to re-establish him in the Government of the State. As he was exceedingly beloved by the People, and of a bold daring Temper, it was not to be supposed that he would accept of Luines as his Equal in the Administration of Affairs, who could not endure to see the marshal d' anchor in that Post: Nay, though he should not concern himself in public Matters, yet he loved Money so excessively, that he would either have the possession or disposal of all Offices, when they were vacant. It seemed that Luines had not so much to apprehended from the Queen-Mother, who was at that time deprived of her most faithful Servants, and in whom the King in all probability would never repose any great Confidence, after he had treated her in so course a manner. But then she was so strongly incensed against Luines, who was the occasion of her Disgrace, that if ever she had an opportunity to express her Revenge, there was no question to be made but she would do it effectually.  
While Luines was thus perplexed what Side to take in this difficult Conjuncture, the Queen-Mother deprived him of the means to declare himself in favour of her. The marshal de bovillon had advised her to endeavour to make her escape out of the Castle of Blois, and to solicit the Duke of Espernon to assist her upon this occasion. He was a Person of great Authority, Courage, and Sagacity; and one that had performed great Services for Henry IV. The difficulty was how to gain him, because he was then at Court, with a design to reunite himself to the Royal Party. To accomplish this, the Queen's secret Friends employed all their Cunning to render the Duke suspected to Luines for his great Reputation, and his proud and haughty Temper, Qualities that were enough to give umbrage to a Minister. On the other hand, they endeavoured to provoke the Duke against Luines, representing to him, that if he did not daily make his Court to him, he must never expect to obtain any thing at his hands. It was a long while ago since they had promised to get a Cardinal's Cap for his Son the Archbishop of Toulouse, without giving themselves any trouble to make good their Promise; and to inflame him the more, Du Vair, Keeper of the Seals, having had some Contests with the Duke about their taking of Places at the Council-Table, the Keeper of the Seals had obtained a Decree in favour of himself. This disgusted the Duke exceedingly, who was also possessed with an Imagination, that there was a design to apprehended him; so that he resolved, without taking any farewell, to retire to Metz, of which Place he was governor, and performed it without any difficulty. Vincennes, who had been Secretary to the marshal d' anchor 
See the Relation of the Queen's departure by the Cardinal de la Valette, in Aubery, T. 1. p. 135. , went to visit him, from the part of the Queen in this City, and to propose to him the design of delivering her from Blois. The Duke, who was sufficiently provoked against Luines, promised to do whatever the Queen desired, provided she would engage him in nothing that was contrary to the service he owed his Majesty. He was to assign her Loches for her retirement, or any other place in his Government of Saintonges; but what was to have been executed in the Summer of the Year 1618, was not done till the beginning of the next Year, by reason of some Disappointments, which we shall here omit,  
The Duke of Espernon having traversed all France with Three Hundred Horse, arrived at Loches in the Month of January; and one Night the Queen got out of the Castle of Blois, through a Window, by the assistance of a certain Ladder, which an Exempt of the Guards had provided for her, at the foot of which were Four or Five Persons to receive her, with du Plessis, a Creature of the Duke of Espernon. The Queen walked with them along the Ditch, and got to the other end of the Bridge, where her Coach waited for her: She had none but one of the Women of the Bed-Chamber with her, and carried away nothing but her Jewels, and a lantern; for she durst not be all Night in the Coach without a Wax-Candle lighted. After this manner she was conducted to Montrichard, where she changed Horses, and found the Abbot Rucellai, with the Arch-Bishop of Toulouse, and some other Persons waited for her. With this Company she went to Loches, and made all the hast she could. The Duke of Espernon, who had arrived there the Evening before, came a League out of Town to meet her; but the Queen after she had stayed a day there to expect her Train, retired to Angoulême, where several that were disgusted at Luines's Ministry, came to offer their Service to her. 'tis affirmed, that this enterprise which had been a long while projecting, was communicated to abundance of People, but that Luines was so negligent, that he had not the least notice of it; which evidently shows that this Minister was not so well qualified for the Post he held.  
He was in a strange confusion when this News first arrived to him, and that the Queen owed her Liberty to others, by which he might have obliged her himself, if, as it was in his Power, he had procured it for her before. But it happily fell out for him that the Bishop of Luçon, who was weary of writing Theological Books in his Exile, sent his Brother-in-Law du Pont de Courlay to offer his Service to him, and to assure him that his greatest Ambition was to serve the King, and himself in particular. Luines accepted his Offer, believing he was the fittest Person to bring the Queen to an Accommodation, and to sow dissension between those of her Party; so to lose no time, he sent him a Pass-port from the King, with a Letter, wherein he desired him to make all the hast imaginable to go to the Queen-Mother. At the bottom of the Letter the King added these Words with his own Hand, I desire you to believe that what is written above is my Will, and that you cannot do me a greater Service than to see it performed. The Bishop departed as soon as ever he received this Letter, and taking Post, was stopped between valemce and Vienne, by the Captain of the Guards to the Marquis d▪ Alencourt, governor of lions, and conducted to that City; but upon showing his Orders from the King and Luines, he made his Excuse, and suffered him to continue his Journey. Being at last arrived at Angolême, after he had received necessary Instructions from Luines, he knew so well how to conceal the correspondence which he entertained with this Minister, that he persuaded her it was only his desire to serve her which had made him travail thro' the kingdom with so much danger to himself, to be near her Person. This Discourse made so sensible an Impression upon this Princess, that she looked upon him to be the most faithful Servant she had about her. In a few Days he so wrought upon her by his Insinuations, that the confidence she reposed in the Duke of Espernon and the Arch-Bishop of Toulouse, was exceedingly diminished. He prevailed so far as to have the Abbot Ruccellai turned away and made her jealous of the Marquis de Themines, and de Mosny; so that he was the only Person to whom the Queen discovered her most important Affairs, and whose Advice she relied upon. Thus he preserved at the same time the Favour of the Court, and that of the Queen, to put himself in a Capacity to make the best Advantage of an Accommodation, whatever it was▪ Soon after a Treaty was concluded at Angolême, by which some places of Security were put into the Queen's hands, that so she might have no scruple to come back to Court. One of these places was the Citadel of Angers, the government of which the Queen bestowed upon Richlieu, eldest Brother to the Bishop of Luçon, and after his Death to the Commandeur de la port, his uncle by the Mother's side. The Bishop placed such Governours as he saw fitting at Pont du Cé, and at Chinon: However finding no prospect as yet to get himself re-admitted into the Council of State, in case he came along with the Queen to Court, he dissuaded this Princess from going thither, tho' the King incessantly pressed her to come. At this time the King was at Tours, and was in hopes that his Mother would soon visit him there; but all that she promised him amounted only to this, that she would go to Angers, where she should be nearer to his Majesty. This Prince soon after writ her a very affectionate Letter, which was brought to her by the Duke de Montbason, Father-in-Law to Luines, wherein he assured her how desirous he was to live with her, as he had formerly done. But it was impossible to alter her Resolution; so that the Court began to suspect there was some Artifice in the Bishop of Luçon's Conduct, and that he had a mind to render himself more necessary to the King, by retarding this Accommodation which they so passionately desired.  
The Duke de Montbason at his 
In July.  return from Angoulême, informed the King that the Queen Mother stuck at some Difficulties of small importance, as among the rest, that pursuant to the Promise which the King had made her, to restore the Duke of Espernon, and all the rest that had followed her, to their former Offices; she required that two Captains of the King's Guards that had attended her, should be likewise re-established. But tho' the King had made this Promise in general terms, he did not judge it convenient to trust his Person in the hands of those People that had carried Arms against him. The Queen likewise made a difficulty to come directly to meet the King, and complained that he did not invite her to come and see him, but forced her. She said she would go to Angers, and that after she had taken possession of that place, she would come to Court. These studied Objections on the Queen's side seemed to argue not only a great Distrust, but a much greater Artifice 
See Vit. Siri Memor. Rec. p. 42. T. ●. ; so that it was no longer to be doubted but that the Bishop of Luçon was the occasion of all this. In fine, the Queen's obstinacy carried it, and Tormigeres and board were restored to their Regiment of the Guards; altho' when the Duke of Espernon retired to Metz, they followed him without leave, with the greatest part of their Soldiers. The King expressed a great unwillingness to consent to this re-establishment, but Luines at last prevailed with him to grant it, to let the Queen-Mother see he was ready to serve her in whatever lay in his power, and to support himself on this side against the Authority of the Prince of Conde, who was still in Prison, and had just occasion to complain that he was kept there so long. For the same reason the Queen was left at liberty, to come directly to Tours, or else to go to Angers before, that so she might not harbour any suspicion that there was a design to led her in Triumph to Paris, as she had pretended formerly. When they now expected that she was already on her Journey, she demanded to have the Duke of Mayenne put into her hands, for her Security that she should receive no ill Treatment; but as he had no inclination to serve for an Hostage, and besides, being a Subject of the King, if they had not thought fit to keep their Word, they would have made no account of that pretended Security, therefore the Queen was given to understand that it was to no purpose to demand it; so that at last she contented herself with Letters from the King, from Luines, and Father Arnaud his Majesty's Confessor.  
In the Month of August 
Aug. 24.  the King made two Mareschals of France, Pralin, and S. Geran, whom Luines by this favour brought over to his own Party, whereas they had no Kindness for him before. At the same time a Patent passed the Seals for him, by which the King declared him Duke and Peer of France, as soon as he purchased some Lands, which would enable him to carry that Title. One of his Brothers resigned the Earldom of Maillé to him, and so by joining some Estates in the Neighbourhood to it, he caused them to be erected into a duchy and Peerdom. There was some difficulty to get his Letters registered in the Parliament of Paris, because the marshal de l'Esdigueres, who had the like Patent some time before, had it not as yet registered, and it was not reasonable that another should pass before his. This he got his Son-in-Law the Marquis de Crequi to represent at Court, but the fortune of Luines carried it.  
At last the Queen 
Aug. 29.  partend from Angoulême, with a Train of Ten Coaches and Six Horses, and Five Hundred Persons on Horse-back. When she took her leave of the Duke of Espernon, she made him a Present of a very fine Diamond, not to repay the expense he had been at; for he had spent Two Hundred Thousand Crowns in her Service, but to keep it in Memory of her. As for himself, he accompanied her no farther than the Frontiers of his Province; but his Son the Arch-Bishop of Toulouse stayed with her still. Several other Persons of Quality accompanied her likewise, and among the rest the Bishop of Luçon, for whose Services she had too much occasion to sand him back to his diocese. She dispatched him to go before to inform his Majesty of her arrival, and he was received at Court with all Demonstrations of Kindness, particularly by the Duke of Luines, who was ravished to see the Accommodation with the Queen- Mother at last concluded. Next Morning the Bishop return'd to certify the Queen after what manner they had received this News at Court.  
As she 
Sept. 4.  drew near, the Cardinal of Rets, and Father Arnaud came to meet her; nay, the Duke of Luines advanced as far as Montbason, where he saluted her with all the Marks of an entire submission, and where he was likewise received with a great deal of Civility. The Queen conducted him herself to her Closet, where she tarried two Hours alone with him. 'tis commonly reported that he excused himself for all that was past, and made solemn Protestations to serve her for the future; so that the Queen appeared to be very well satisfied. The next Day the King came in Person to Cousieres, a House belonging to the Duke of Montbason, near Tours, where the Queen being first arrived, she went to receive him on foot in the Park. The Mother and Son embraced one another with all imaginable signs of Tenderness, and every thing that had passed seemed to be entirely forgotten. The Queen was promised all she demanded, but especially a sum of Money, for which she pretended to have present occasion. The King received those whom she presented to him, as the Arch-Bishop of Toulouse, and several others that had served her, with extraordinary Kindness. At last the whole Court took the way to Tours, and the King having partend first on Horse-back, the Queen followed him in her Coach. From Tours the Court went to Maillé, which the King with great Solemnity erected into a duchy and Peerdom, in honour of his Favourite, who gave a most magnificent Entertainment there.  
After the King had thus seen his Mother the second time, they lived to all appearance in perfect Amity; nor was the Duke of Luines backward to pay her all manner of Respects; so that she seemed to be disgusted at nothing. Nevertheless, as they failed to perform what they had promised her, when they talked of going to Paris, she began to say she was not in a Humour to be carried in Triumph thither; so that she partend for Angers, on September the 23d. after she had given her Promise to follow the King soon after. All People were surprised, that after she had obtained whatever she desired, and had concluded so advantageous a Treaty, she made any scruple to go to Paris: But besides that the Treaty was no● faithfully executed, she found she should have no share in the Government, any farther than the King would be pleased to allow her, whereas she reigned absolutely before; this made her imagine, that if she went with the King to Paris, it would be all one as if she followed his Triumphant Chariot. 'tis indeed very probable, that the Bishop of Luçon, who accompanied her evety-where, took care so to put this Idea into her Head; who was resolved neither to go to his bishopric, nor return to Paris, with the bare Title of Bishop of Luçon.  
Before the Queen-Mother partend for Angers, the Duke of Luines had endeavoured to sound her Inclinations, about setting the Prince of Condé at liberty: But she could not be brought to declare her Mind upon that Article. However, as the Duke was sensible that he could confine him no longer, without raising too great a number of malcontents; and that it was commonly said, That the Hugonots were preparing to demand his Liberty, he thought it would be a piece of good Policy to secure himself of the princes Friendship, by preventing them. Although the Queen-Mother had protested she was very well satisfied with him, yet he thought it not prudent to rely too much upon it; and the Authority of the Prince seemed to him very proper to counterbalance the Power of that Princess. With these Resolutions he arrived at Vincennes the 19th. of October, and presented to the Prince a Letter from the King, whereby he set him at liberty, after he had been a Prisoner three Years and two Months. He offered him his Service, and conjured him to take him into his Protection; which the Prince promised to do with abundance of Joy. The next day the Prince came to Paris, and begged the King's Pardon on his Knees, beseeching him to forgive what was past, and thanking him for the Liberty he had bestowed upon him. The King made him rise up after this Compliment, and received him very graciously.  
In the mean time, the Queen-Mother spoken not the least word of coming back to Court, and gave them fresh occasion to suspect her, by receiving a Deputation which the Hugonots assembled at Loudun had made her. They testified the great Joy they received at her coming, and at her abode in the Province of Anjou; and communicated to her the Demands they designed to present to the King. The Queen graciously thanked them, and assured them they should have a good Neighbour of her. It was the Opinion at Court, that she ought to have sent back that Deputation to the King, to prevent all suspicion of any new Quarrels. They were also displeased that she drew after her the Nobility of Anjou and the neighbouring Places, who made her frequenter Visits than the Court desired. The Duke of Luines never 
Vit. Siri T. 5. des Mem. Rec. p. 62.  mentioned her but with a world of Respect, although, on the other side, he did all that lay in his power to oblige the Prince of Conde, whom he got restored to his Government of Berry, and to his Pensions. He gained him admission into the Cabinet-Council, and seemed to pay a wonderful Deference to all his Opinions. Now the Prince and he were both agreed, that the sooner they prevailed with the Queen to come to Court, it would be so much the better, and hinder her from always fomenting a Party in the State. But the more they pressed her to come back, the more Pretences she found to defer her Journey.  
The Duke of Luines, in this interval 
Nov. 14. , took the usual Oath in Parlaiment, in Quality of Duke and Peer: The Marquis de Crequi came thither after him, to get the Patent of his Father-in-Law the marshal de l'Esdigueres, registered likewise, who was received after the same manner, and between whom and the Duke of Luines it was agreed, that the latter should give him the Precedence during his Life only. The Prince of Conde, to do the greater Honour to the Favourite, accompanied him to the Parliament, and brought him back. At the same time a Declaration of the King was printed and published, bearing Date the 9th. of November, concerning the Enlargement of the Prince of Conde; in the Preamble of which, it was said, That the past Disorders had sufficiently convinced the World to what a height the Boldness of some Persons was arrived, who because they had the Honour to be related to the King, and to have some Offices in the State, had so notoriously abused his Name and Authority, that if God Almighty had not given him Resolution and Courage enough to chastise them, the whole Kingdom had fallen into a miserable Confusion. Among the other Mischiefs which their ill Conduct had occasioned, the princes Imprisonment was reckoned as one, whom 'twas said they designed to destory, as well as France. The King declared him wholly innocent, and gave him this Testimony, that he had done nothing but what was for the Grandeur of his sovereign, and the good of the State. All this was directly contrary to what had hitherto been done, in relation to the Prince, and particularly to his Confinement, which the King had approved of long ago. At the bottom it was true, that neither the marshal d' anchor, nor the Prince, had any regard to the Welfare of the State, or the King's Glory, but only to enrich themselves, and support their own Authority: But then the Fault was infinitely more pardonable in the First Prince of the Blood, than in a valentine, as Concino Concini was; so that when once Resolutions were taken to re-establish the Prince of Conde, it was the best way to throw all the Accusation upon the marshal d' anchor, whom they had ordered to be slain.  
This Declaration being communicated to the Queen, extremely offended her for the manner wherein it was worded, because it openly reflected upon her Regency; although the Prince of Conde sent a Gentleman to compliment her, the very Morning he was set at liberty. The Bishop of Luçon, who had advised her to apprehended the Prince, could not red the beginning of the King's Declaration, without seeing himself condemned by it, and what he was to expect from a Man of that Quality, in whose Favour the King expressed himself in such emphatical Terms. However, he dissembled the matter, and laboured to fix himself in the good Graces of the Duke of Luines, though he still waited upon the Queen, who reposed Confidence in him. She refused to return to Court, unless they would allow her the same Number of Guards she used to have during her Regency. This at first occasioned abundance of Difficulties; but in the conclusion, Luines, who was apprehensive that the princes Interest would enerease too fast, prevailed to have it granted her.  
It was now believed that nothing more remained to bring the Queen to Court, and that she would set forward as soon as her Affairs would permit her, when the Negotiation began to slacken on the sudden, through the Intrigues of those that were about her, who desired to see her as great in the Government as formerly she had been, without which her return to Court would be of no Service to them, since she would not be in a capacity to reward them. But to propose so nice and ticklish a Point as this, was enough to break off all again. The Queen suspected the new Friendship between the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Luines; and as the latter was afraid of this Princess, he made a greater Interest every Day in the Prince. In the mean time the Duke and his Two Brothers had an absolute Sway at Court, and managed all things as they pleased, sticking at nothing that might do them any Advantage, and no Injury.  
The Queen-Mother, who had seemed to acquiesce in the Reasons which were sent to her, concerning the King's Declaration in favour of the Prince of Conde, began to raise new Complaints about it. She would have the King publish another to justify her Conduct, since she had not imprisoned the Prince without acquainting his Majesty before-hand without it. She gave out that she would receive the Duke of Rohan into Protection, altho' he was a huguenot, and hated by the Prince, because he was in the same Room with him in the Louvre when he was apprehended, and did not make the least offer to rescue him. This was sufficient to raise new Contests, which were not so easy to be determined. The King was too much vexed that he had published Two opposite Declarations, the one against, and the other for the Prince of Conde, to be ever persuaded to issue out a third: However they were afraid that the Queen would bring over the Hugonots to her Party. To accommodate these Differences, and bury these Suspicions, the King offered to writ his Mother a Letter, which should be the same in effect with a Declaration; and the Queen offered to certify the public in Writing, that she had made no secret Confederacy with the Hugonots. She likewise offered to make the Duke of Rohan leave Angers. But the Reasons of the Bishop of Luçon, and those that had served her, continued still in the same force; so that these and several other Proposals had no manner of Success, but came to nothing.  
While this Treaty was on Foot, the Duke of Mayenne, who was disgusted because the King had not paid him the Hundred and fifty thousand Crowns which had been promised him long ago, to defray the expenses he had been at, left the Court without taking leave of the King, and posted down by great Journeys to his Government 
* The 28th of March.  of Guienne. His unexpected Departure wholly confirmed the Court in their Suspicions, that a great Party of malcontents was already formed, and that the Queen-Mother would appear at the Head of them. The greatest Lords in the Kingdom seemed to be of that side; and after the Death of the marshal d' anchor, so little Satisfaction had been given them, that the Duke of Luines had reason to apprehended a Storm from every quarter. The King's Youth and Temper, which was naturally timorous and distrustful, gave him just occasion to be upon his Guard: And as his Majesty must of necessity be the Prey of the Victorious Party, and consequently approve their Conduct, and condemn the weaker side, there was no regard had to the Welfare of the Nation, but every one was finding out proper means to fortify the Faction he had espoused.. Upon this consideration the Duke of Luines, after a long Debate, came to this Resolution at last, to use all his Endeavours to bring the Queen to Court again. He designed to sand the Duke of Montbason to her; who at first refused to go thither, because, he said, the Queen would reproach him that nothing of what he had promised her by the King's Order had been performed, and that he had no Excuses to make for that Omission. To oblige him to undertake this Journey, and to remove all Difficulties which the Queen might raise, they gave him a Blank Paper, with a promise to ratify, without any hesitation, whatever she desired. He* partend with these Orders, 
The 6th of April.  and the King followed him a few Days after and advanced as far as Tours, in order to press the Queen's return with greater Vigour, a Solecism in politics, which abundance of People condemned, as being more likely to alarm than bring her home.  
The Duke of Montbason being soon arrived at Angers, found the Queen disposed, in all appearance▪ to come to Court; but she was willing to see part of what was promised her performed before-hand, and particularly what related to a certain sum of Money, which had not been paid her, notwithstanding all the fair Words they had given her, to oblige her in this Point. She likewise said there was no necessity of the King's coming as far as Tours, and that she could find the way well enough to Paris, without his giving himself the trouble of coming so far. After this conference, she dispatched Bouthillier her Secretary to Court, and the Duke of Montbason sent a Gentleman to inform the King of what had past. It was thought convenient that the King, who was already at Orleans, should return back; so he 
Ap. 15.  went to Fontainbleau, and from thence to Paris; which confirmed the Opinion of those Persons who had disapproved of his Voyage. The Duke of Montbason came back shortly after, and assured them there was no way so effectual to facilitate the Queen's return, as to give her satisfaction in all they had promised her, and particularly to remit her those sums of Money, which they had engaged to let her have. But the Duke of Luines, who could have been content with all his heart that none of these Promises should be observed, for fear of increasing the Forces of the Queen's Party, could not resolve to keep his Word with her; and the Prince of Conde encouraged him in this Humour, by making Advice be given him from all parts, that the Queen had formed a Design to get him Assassinated. The Queen for her part, had no great Inclinations to put herself again in the hands of the Duke of Luines, by coming back to Court, unless she were convinced by seeing the Treaty executed, that they designed to deal honourably with her. Nevertheless as it was a Matter of the highest importance to the Duke of Luines to disengage the Queen from the Party of the malcontents, he sent her the Money she demanded, and performed some other things, according to her desires.  
The Messenger that was dispatched upon this Occasion found the Scene somewhat altered, altho' the Queen made continual Protestations that she longed for nothing more than to see her Son. She plainly  told him that she could not trust herself with the Duke of Luines, and much less with the Prince of Conde, of whom she made very severe Complaints; that she could not come back to the Court with any Security, unless some foreign Prince, or the Parliaments of the Kingdom would intervene, to be Guarrantees of the Treaty; that if they would give her none of these Securities, she should be obliged to continue at Angers, where she would expect the performance of the other things they had promised her; that if they molested her, she would take all the measures she judged necessary to defend herself. Blainville, who was the Person that was sent to the Queen, having acquainted the Duke of Luines with what she had  told him; this Favourite began to fear that she sought an opportunity to embroil him with the Parliament, and deliver him into their hands. Blainville in endeavouring to insinuate himself into the Queen's good Affections, possessed her with new Apprehensions. He  told her the Duke of Luines would never give ear to several suggestions of her Majesty's Enemies, who had frequently intimated to him, that he might with more safety to himself have shut her up close in the Castle of Vincennes, or sent her back to Florence, or done something worse to her. This Discourse made the Queen recollect with herself, and thinking what a risk she had run while she was in the hands of the Duke of Luines, she considered in what new Dangers she should be involved if she return'd to Paris.  
In the mean time the Duke of Mayenne being sent for back to Court, excused himself from going thither, pretending he could do his Majesty greater Service in his Government than at Paris, but promised at the same time to continue inviolably firm to his Interests. Nevertheless it was known that he had sent several Gentlemen to the Queen-Mother, to the Duke of Espernon, and to the Duke of Montmorenci, and that he had been at Blaye to confer with the Count d' Aubeterre, governor of that important place, and one that was disaffected to the Court. The Countess of Soissons also entertained a strict Correspondence with the Queen, and it was feared that she would quit the Court, together with her Son, to join with the Duke of Longueville, her Son-in-Law.  
This inauspicious disposition of Affairs so far influenced the Duke of Luines, that, notwithstanding all the Artifices of the Prince of Conde, he tried all ways to accommodate matters with the Queen. He dispatched Blainville afresh to her, with a sum of Two Hundred Thousand Franks, and granted her several other things which she demanded; but as for what regarded the Securities she insisted upon, it was not possible for him to oblige her in that Point. To make amends for that, the King writ to her, and assured her that she might safely depend upon his Word; and that if the Duke of Luines did not treat her as she expected, he would give her leave to depart when she pleased. Upon this the Queen seemed willing enough to come to Court; but she demanded some time to prepare herself for her Journey, being not in a condition to depart immediately. The Bishop of Luçon and her other Counsellors talked after the same manner; but in answer to the Kings Letter, they replied, that his Word was not a sufficient Security to his Mother, because as the Duke of Luines had the entire disposal of his Will, so he would make him do whatever he pleased.  
Blainville return'd to Court with this Answer; but was soon* sent back to Angers, to acquaint the Queen 
June 19.  that his Majesty gave her Three Weeks to prepare for her Journey, which had been so long expected; and that in the mean time he conjured her not to be alarmed at those Preparations for War he was now making.  
As the Duke of Luines affencted to govern the State alone, and to be the only Channel by which the King distributed all his Favours to his Subjects, in exclusion of the greatest Lords in the Kingdom, the farther he went, the more Enemies he created to himself. The Duke of Nemours made his escape out of Paris by Night, and retired to Angers; the Duke of Vendome did the same, and the Queen's Party increased every Day. The Court* received information that the Countess of 
●●ne 29.  Soissons was ready to follow them, with her Son, and the Count de St. Aignan: But the Duke of Luines instead of resolving suddenly what Measures to take in this Critical Juncture, gave them an Opportunity to escape. Thus the Prince of Conde being left alone at Court, there was none to counterbalance his Authority but the Duke of Luines, who had no other Foundation to trust to but his Master's Favour, which might change. The King applied himself to nothing; and had neither Resolution enough to do any thing of his own head, nor Constancy to make himself be feared. He wanted an able Minister, that possessed the Royal Qualities of which he was destitute, to govern in his Name. All the Grandees who knew his Weakness, pretended to this Post, and were assured their Conduct would be approved, if they could by any means attain it. This caused all the Divisions that threw the State into such frequent Convulsions, and which lasted till a great Minister, who had an absolute Ascendant over the King's Spirit, was in a capacity to destroy all those that pretended to share the Supreme Authority with him.  
At this time the Queen's Party was in a formidable Posture. All the Maritime Provinces from deep as far as the Garonne, were in the hands of the malcontents, with abundance of places all over the Kingdom, and a considerable number of great Lords, and experienced Officers. The Duke of Longueville was Master of Normandy; the Count de Soissons possessed Dreux, Ferté-Bernard, perch, and a great part of main; the marshal Boisdausin held all about Santre and Mayenne, Château, Goutier, and Sablé; the Duke of Vendome was Master of a great part of the course of the River Loire, upon which the Queen had Angers and Pont de Cé; the Dukes de la Trimouille, and de Rets had under them, the first Poitou, and the other Britany; the Duke of Rohan was governor of St. John d' Angeli; the Duke of Espernon commanded in Angoumois, and in Saintonge; the Duke of Mayenne governed Bourdeaux and Guienne. In short, several others of the best Quality in the Kingdom, who were encouraged by the King's weakness to hope for every thing, held a great number of strong Places, and were ready to make the best Advantage they could of these public Commotions. But that which in all probability seemed to corroborated this Party, proved the occasion of its ruin: I mean, too many People were engaged in it, and their different Views and Interests hindered them from agreeing one with the other.  
The King, or rather the Duke of Luines, strangely preplex'd in this Conjuncture, sent a solemn Deputation to the Queen, composed of Du Perron, the Arch-Bishop of Sens, the Duke of Montbason, and the President Jeannin, who were followed by Father Berulle, who was charged with Secret Instructions. But the Queen who waited till her Party had taken secure Measures, spun out and protracted the Treaty, hoping not to come back to Court, but with the same Authority which she had enjoyed in her Son's Minority. But it was not so easy a matter for them to agree in their Proposals, and reduce such different Projects to any Uniformity, tho' all of them seemed to centre in the Duke of Luines's expulsion, and consequently the re-establishment of the Queen. In this Exigence the Prince of Conde gave the King very seasonable Advice, which was to take the Field as soon as was possible, to attack the principal malcontents before the rest could come up to relieve them. He declared that if this Conduct had been followed in the Tumults wherein he was concerned, he had not been in a Capacity to oppose the Court, whose irresolution gave him time to fortify himself. It was therefore resolved to march the Troops of Champagne on the side of charters, under the command of Bassompierre; whilst the King went in Person into Normandy, against the Duke of Longueville.  
But before his departure, the Duke of Luines judged it expedient for the King to 
July 4.  go to the Parliament, to justify his Conduct to them. He declared to them how much it troubled him to see himself constrained to act against the Queen his Mother, altho' he desired nothing more earnestly than to live with her like an obedient and respectful Son. He added, that since she had put herself at the head of these malcontents, he was oblige▪ d to take up Arms to dissipate that Party, and that being informed that rouen was in danger, he resolved to march that way. He concluded with recommending the repose of the City of Paris to their Care, and  told them he entirely depended upon their Fidelity and Diligence. The Chief President, and Advocate-General thanked him for the great Confidence he reposed in his Parliament, and promised to acquit themselves faithfully in what he had desired of them; but withal they humbly pray▪ d him to find out some means to conquer the malcontents by Clemency, rather than come to an open rapture with his Mother, and the greatest Lords of the Kingdom, and represented to him in a few Words the Calamities that attend a Civil War.  
After this the King nominated several Generals to oppose the malcontents in the several Provinces where they were cantoned; and to this end gave necessary Orders to the Governours of the neighbouring Provinces: The Prince of Conde was to command in the quality of Lieutenant-General the Army where the King was to be in Person: The Dukes of Guise and L'Esdigueres were appointed to oppose in Provence and Dauphiné the Designs of the marshal de Montmorenci, governor of Languedoc: The Prince de Joinville, and the marshal de Themines were to make Head against the Dukes of Mayenne and Espernon: The Duke of Nevers, and the marshal de Vitri had Orders to observe the Marquis de la Valette, governor of M●●●. colonel d'Ornano was commanded to oppose the Designs of the marshal de bovillon. The Count de Bassompierre 
〈◇〉. 1. o 〈…〉 m. p. 4●7.  was to command the Army of Champagne in quality of marshal de Camp. He arrived there in July got together the Troops that were there in a Body, and raised some new ones at his own expense, with such diligence, that in the beginning of August he joined the King's Army with Eight Thousand Foot, and Six Thousand Horse. He kept that Province in obedience, and hindered the Cardinal of Guise, who had quitted the King's Service, from causing any Disorders there.  
In the mean time the King 
July 7.  partend for Normandy, following the Prince of Conde's Advice; although it was generally believed the Duke of Longueville was very strong in those Parts, and therefore some of the most ancient Ministers endeavoured to dissuade him from it. He brought along with him his Brother the Duke of Orleans, and left the Queen with the Chancellor and some Counsellors of State at Paris. His Army consisted of no more than Eight thousand Foot, and Eight hundred Horse, reckoning his Guards in the number, and only carried with him Four Pieces of great Cannon, and Two Field-pieces. All this while the Duke of Longueville who was at rouen, was so little prepared to preserve that important City, that as soon as he received advice that the King's Army drew near, he went to the Parliament▪ protesting that he still preserved for his Majesty all that Fidelity which he as Subject owed his Prince; and that the only Reason of his withdrawing from Court, proceeded from the Favourites that abused the King's Goodness. After this he retired to deep, and the King was received at rouen with great Acclamations. The City of Caen immediately declared for his Majesty; and nothing but the Citadel, commanded by one Prudent, held out. The marshal de Pralin went to attack it in the usual Forms; and after he had made his Approaches pretty near it, he threatened the Captain to hang him and all his Men, if he did not immediately surrender it: But this Summons produced no effect; and they had been obliged to have lost several Days before it, if one Cailletau, Valet de chamber to the King, had not cried out to the Soldiers, that the King would give them Ten thousand Crowns if they would leap down the Walls. The Captain fearing lest his Soldiers should be tempted by this Promise, did not make any farther opposition, but delivered the Citadel into the hands of the Besiegers. At the same time the Count de Matignon, one of the malcontents, was gained over to the Royal Party by a Patent, to be a marshal of France, and the Marquis de Beuvron, and the Count de Montgomery, by Pensions which were promised them. Thus in a short time Normandy was entirely reduced, except deep, and some other places of small Importance.  
The King and his Brother were some Days before the Citadel of Caen, where they visited the Trenches more than once, while the Duke of Luines and others took such care of their persons as to keep at a distance. This made abundance of people talk sufpicious things of the Prince of Conde's Conduct, because it was not fit to expose the Lives of these Princes in such a place, since no body would have been a gainer by their Death, but himself alone. But after this good Success, which was the effect of his Advice, no one durst find fault with what he did. From that time he declared openly and without reserve, That the Queen-Mother ought to be made incapable of resisting the King's Pleasure for the future; although this was rather to revenge his own Imprisonment than to secure the Royal Authority. 
Siri Mem. Re. T. 5. p. 129.  He pretended there was no regard due to that Princess, although she was the King's Mother; and upon this occasion had some Contests with the Cardinal de Rets, who was of the contrary opinion.  
After the King had made himself Master of the 
July 18.  Citadel of Caen, it was debated whether he should return to Paris, or go on as he had begun. The Prince of Conde carried it in favour of this last Advice; and now they talked of going to deep, where the Duke of Longueville was, or to Alençon, a place belonging to the Queen-Mother. deep, they thought, was too strongly fortified, and manned by too numerous a Garrison to be attacked by so small an Army. By good fortune, while the matter was thus under deliberation, there came a Gentleman of the Duke of Longueville, with a Letter from his Master addressed to the King, wherein he declared, that he would act nothing against his Service, but that his Enemies were too powerful at Court for him to appear there, as he had been ordered. They took this occasion not to go to deep; and the King resolved to march streight into Anjou, where the Source of all these ill Humours lay. Alençon, Verneuil, and several other places surrendered without any resistance; and the King did not condescend to make his entry into them, because he would not retard to no purpose the Progress of his Army. He left the Duke of Elheuf in Normandy, lest the malcontents should raise any new Disturbances there, after the departure of the Royal Army. But as 'twas imagined that Normandy would have diverted the King's Forces much longer, they were surprised to see him march so suddenly by the side of Angérs, where they were not in a condition to defend themselves, though they pretended to be the first that should appear in the Field.  
A little before the Army marched into Normandy, the King, as we have already observed, made offers of an Accommodation with his Mother; but after several delays, she refused to come to a Treaty, unless all the Lords of her Party were present; which the King would by no means grant, because he would not seem to capitulate with his own Subjects. Nevertheless a Proposal was made to receive the Countess of Soissons into the Conference, where she should represent those that were absent; but when this Negotiation was on foot, the Queen received the News that the King's Army was marching into Normandy, which made her absolutely reject all manner of Propositions: Only she sent Blainville back to the King, to demand a Cessation of Arms for a Month, and that his Majesty would be pleased to return to Paris; thinking of nothing but how to act upon the defence, till she saw him at the Head of his Army.  
The King did not listen to this, but arrived at Mans on the 30th of July; after which he entered into Anjou. In the mean time the Queen-Mother assembled all the Forces she was able to raise, having already got together Eight thousand Foot, and Fifteen hundred Horse. She expected the Troops which the Count de St. Aignan had raised on the other side the Loire in the Name of the Count de Soissons, and those which the Duke of Rohan was to bring from Poitou. She had filled, not only the Citadel of Angers, but the City and all places thereabout with Soldiers. For all this it was not believed she was safe in this place, and the Duke of Mayenne proposed to her to retire into Guienne, where he was at the Head of Eighteen thousand Men. But the Duke of Espernon, who was afraid that he would over-top the other Heads of the Party, if he had the Queen once in his Power, hindered her from going thither, by representing to her Majesty, that the Duke of Mayenne only laboured to get her in his Hands, that so he might compound for himself more advantageously at Court at her expense; that if she abandoned Anjou at the approach of the Royal Army, the Party would lose its Reputation for ever, and that she would see all the Country between the Loire and the Garonne, which was entirely devoted to her, fall into the Enemies Hands without any one to oppose them; that it was better for her to continue still at Angers, and order the Troops of the Duke of Mayenne and his own to come thither; which being joined together, would form a Body of twenty five thousand Men, without reckoning those which her Majesty already had; because with such a numerous Army as this was, she would be in a condition to force the Duke of Luines to accept her own Terms. This was excellent Advice, and had succeeded in all probability if they had followed it; but the Bishop of Luçon hindered the Queen from embracing it. She consented, as he had counselled her, to tarry at Angers, but would not suffer the Dukes of Mayenne and Espernon to bring their Men thither, under a pretence that she would have them look after their own Governments, which in their absence would be in danger to be lost. But the true Reason of it, as 'tis supposed, was this, that the Bishop could by no means endure that Two Persons of their Quality and Experience should be near the Queen, where they would certainly ruin that Reputation he had with her. Though he understood nothing of warlike Affairs, yet so long as there was no General of any Note at Angers, he was sure to be the Arbitrator of all that was done; which he could not have pretended to in the least, if two Person● of that Capacity and Experience as the Duke of Mayenne and Espernon were there. He feared, above all things, the free and disinterested Humour of the last, who had, without question, sent him back to his Breviary, if he had presumed to concern himself with the Deliberations of War in his Presence. Besides he desired that none but himself should be employed by the Queen-Mother, for this Reason, as People have since believed, that if she accommodated Matters, she would not fail to take particular care of him; and that the Duke of Luines, who was obliged to him for weakening the Queen's Party after this manner, would perhaps make him some acknowledgements. However it was, 'tis certain that by this advice he equally ruined the Affairs of the Queen, and of all those Gentlemen that opposed the Favourites.  
From Mans the King advanced as far as La Fleche, where he stayed till the fifth of August, expecting the Duke of Bellegarde Master of the Horse, and some others, whom he had dispatched to Angers to treat with his Mother. All the difficulty now remaining turned upon this Article, that the King refused to comprehend in the Treaty all those that had espoused the Party of the Queen-Mother since the preceding Year 1619. except the Count de Soissons, because he was a Prince of the Blood. As for the rest, he expected they should throw themselves entirely upon his Generosity. This Clause principally affencted the Two Brothers of Vendome, against whom they had incensed the King in a most extraordinary manner. On the other hand the Queen-Mother absolutely persisted to have all those that had taken Arms for her be comprised in the Treaty, because if she abandoned any one single Person, she would have none to act in her favour upon another occasion, and that she could never have too many Friends at Court where she had such powerful Enemies.  
The King, weary of attending the conclusion of the Treaty at la Fleche, which every one thought to be as good as concluded, advanced on the Evening of the sixth of August as far as Verger, and appointed the Rendezvous of his Army in the Plain of Trelassas, not far from the Slate-Pits of Angers: It consisted of Sixteen thousand Foot, and Three thousand Horse. The Prince of Conde was Generalissimo, and the marshal de Pralin Lieutenant-General. He had under him Three Mareschals de Camp, the Marquis de Trainel, Crequi, Nerestan, and the Count de Bassompierre. The King had Advice that the Treaty was signed, and expected every Minute to have it brought to him: But those that had the Treaty in their hands did not think fit to leave Angers till they had waited upon the Queen the next Morning, being the seventh of August, to know if her Majesty had any fresh Instructions to give them.  
While the King was thus expecting it, he ordered Crequi and Bassompierre, by way of Diversion as it were, to advance with the Guards, and the Regiments of Champagne and Picardy, to a small Village called Sorges, which is in sight of Pont du Cé, and try some Skirmishes with the Queen's Army, to discover their Retrenchments. This discovery might have been useful, in case the Negotiation was broken, and it should be thought convenient to attack that Post. The Troops marched within sight of Pont du Cé, and fell upon Five thousand of the Queen's Men in their Retrenchments, put them in disorder, and entered into the Town along with them. 
See the Relation of this Fight in the Memoirs of Bassompierre, T. 1. p. 496.  There was nothing now left but the Castle, which held out a few Hours, and then surrendered to Crequi, while Bassompierre went to acquaint the King with the News of this Victory. The Grand Prior, the Dukes of Vendome and Rets, and the viscount de Belancourt were in the Castle; but as soon as they saw the Cannon turned against them, they fled towards Angers in great Precipitation.  
The fight still continued, when the Duke of Bellegarde arrived from Angers with the Treaty concluded and signed; and as he complained that they had attacked the Queen's Forces, after the Conclusion of the Treaty, he was answered, that 'twas his own fault, since he ought to have brought it without delay as soon as it was signed. The Royalists were glad that he did not come sooner, because this Defeat ruined the Queen's Party, and clearly dispirited them. Scarce any of their Heads shew'd either Bravery or Conduct upon this occasion: Among the rest the Duke of Rets was particularly blamed, who was the first that fled into the Castle; from whence he retired to Angers: And when they made a show of attacking that place, not thinking himself secure enough, he fled with Fifteen hundred Foot to Beaupreau, a small Dominion he had within some Leagues of that place. His Uncle, the Cardinal de Rets, went thither not long after to bring him to Court, where he was immediately received into favour, which induced people to believe, that the true Reason of this hasty flight, was because he knew the Agreement was made; and that he designed by this means to purchase the King's Favour.  
The next 
August 8.  Day the King entred into Pont du Cé, where he was surprised to find the Shops open, and every thing as quiet as if there had been no Soldiers in the place: This shew'd that the People did not much concern themselves in these Quarrels, which solely proceeded from the King's Weakness, who could not distinguish between good and bad Counsels, and whom all the Grandees thought they had a right to govern. In the mean time the Queen was so terribly alarmed at this defeat, that whereas before she would scarce accept of the most advantageous Conditions, now she thought it her Interest to comply with the King in whatever he desired. Nevertheless the King sent her Word, that she might ask for her self what she pleased, and that she should be received at Court with open Arms; but as for those that had taken up Arms for her, he pretended to make them know that he was their Master. Thus on the 9th. the Archbishop of Sens, the Master of the Horse, and Father Berulle, came to Pont du Ce, with the Cardinal de Sourdis, and the Bishop of Luçon, Deputies for the Queen, to know his Majesty's Pleasure. He granted an Amnesty to all such as laid down their Arms within eighty Days, and return'd to their Duty; but he would by no means restore those who had been of the Queen's Party to their Offices, which were taken from them during the War, and conferred upon others. He likewise confirmed the Treaty of Angouleme, which I have already mentioned, and set the Prisoners of War at liberty, in favour of his Mother who desired it. There were some secret Articles, one of which was, That the King should demand a Cardinal's Cap of the Pope for the Bishop of Luçon, after he had obtained one for the Archbishop of Toulouse. And now when People saw the whole Body of the malcontents ruined by the Advice of the former, the Queen obliged to return to Court, several Princes and Great Lords excluded out of the Treaty, or at least no Gainers by it, and only the Bishop of Luçon, who had tricked both Parties, distinguished from the rest of the Clergy, by the Promise of a Cardinal's Cap, they no longer doubted but that he had betrayed the Queen, who had been so wonderfully kind to him, to gain the Favour of the Duke of Luines. The King, the Prince of Conde, the Duke of Luines, and all the Court, received him with great Respect; because that if he had formerly hindered the Queen's return, yet he had afterwards made them amends, by reducing her to such Extremities, that she was forced to buy her Reconciliation at any rate. All this while the poor Queen was not in the least ware of his Treachery; she procured him a Cardinal's Cap, and admission into the Privy-Council, which were the Two things he chiefly aimed at, and looked upon him to be the best Friend she had, till he persecuted her after the most unworthy manner in the World. She expressed a great deal of Joy at the Marriage between the Daughter of the Sieur de Pont-Courlai, the Bishop's Niece, and the Marquis de Cambalet, Son to the Duke of Luines's Sister; which ought to have opened her eyes, and convinced her that this Prelate kept a stricter Correspondence with her Enemies than she imagined. Nay, she promised to give his Niece Two hundred thousand liures for her Portion. By this instance we find that Observation made good, That Princes are generally so blinded in regard of their Favourites, that they are the last that perceive they are betrayed by them, and commonly when 'tis too late to preserve themselves from the Effects of their Treachery.  
The Treaty being thus concluded, the King came to Brissac, and the Queen-Mother hastened thither from 
Aug 15.  Angers. His Majesty sent the marshal de Pralin to receive her about the mid-way between Pont du Cé and Brissac; and went himself, with the Prince of Conde and Luines, to meet her some five hundred paces from Brissac. As soon as he saw her Litter, he alighted from his Horse, and the Queen came out of her Litter: They embraced one another with a great deal of Tenderness in all appearance; and the King  told her in a jesting way, that she should never escape out of his hands any more. The Queen replied, That it had been no difficult matter for him to have had her always about him, could she have hoped to be treated after such a manner, as a Son ought to treat his Mother. After this, she received the Prince of Conde with great Civility, and the Prince on his part paid her all the Respect that was due to her Character. When these Formalities were over, the Queen went to Chinon, and the King towards Poitiers, where he arrived on the Twentieth of this Month.  
The Duke of Luines had earnestly desired this Agreement; because he began to fear, that if he any longer drew the Hatred of the most powerful and eminent Persons of the Kingdom upon him, they would find out a way of accommodating Matters with the King, by serving him as they had done the Marquis d' anchor, since he alone had occasioned all these Disorders, and was as crying a Grievance as the unfortunate Concini. The Prince of Condé had abundantly satisfied his Vengeance, by doing the Queen all the Mischief he could; and his Advices happened to have such good success, that the King reposed an extraordinary Confidence in him: But finding she was now to live with her Son afresh, he endeavoured as well as Luines to gain her Good-will, by persuading his Majesty to grant her all that she asked of him. Both of 'em seem to have joined the Bishop of Luçon in their Interests by the Promise which they had engaged the King to make him; and the Bishop had still so great a Reputation with the Queen, that they were in hopes they had nothing to fear from that Quarter.  
The Court sent the Duke of Bellegarde to the Duke of Espernon, as being his Cousin, to discourse him as from himself, and engage him to lay down his Arms. The Prince of Condé likewise prayed the Archbishop of Sens, who was a particular Friend of Espernon, to talk with him in his Name. Luines offered very advantageous Conditions to him, viz. to bestow one of his Nieces upon his Son the Marquis de la Valette, with a present of Two hundred thousand Crowns which the King would give her; to make him both a Duke and a Peer, by erecting la Valette into a duchy and Peerdom; to give the Son of Espernon the Survivorship of his Father's Offices, besides the Promise of a Cardinal's Cap to the Archbishop of Toulouse; to give a Gratuity in Money to the Captains of the Guards who had followed him to Metz, in consideration that their Companies were taken from them; and lastly, out of respect to him to grant several other remarkable Favours. As for the Duke of Mayenne, they promised him the Government of Bearn, which they designed to take away from the Count de la Force, a huguenot, who at that time enjoyed it. Nevertheless, he was still of the Opinion not to lay down Arms, till the Duke of Luines was ruined; and had certainly persisted in it, if after he had sent to the Duke of Espernon to know his Resolutions, he had not found them to be quiter different from his. The latter having only taken up Arms to serve the Queen-Mother, now she had concluded a Treaty with her Son, thought it his wisest course to make his Peace in time; and the Duke of Mayenne came at last to be persuaded, that it was his Interest so to do, and not pretend to oppose the King's Forces by himself, who would infallibly over-power him. Thus this formidable Tempest, which seemed to threaten the Duke of Luines so severely, and which one would have thought 'twas impossible to dissipate without shedding a world of Blood, was entirely dispersed, by the ill success of one inconsiderable Skirmish.  
Soon after this, the Queen and Bishop of Luçon sent an Express to Rome, to inform the Pope of what had past, and at the same time to demand a Cardinal's Cap: However, he durst not ask to have the First Promotion made in his Favour, because it had been expressly demanded for the Archbishop of Toulouse. In the mean time, those very Persons who in appearance had cheerfully promised to contribute all their Assistance towards the Bishop's Elevation, were now grown could in the Business. The Prince of Conde was not so hearty reconciled to the Queen-Mother, as to love her Creatures, and rejoice at their Preferment. The Chancellor, the Keeper of the Seals, and the Marquis de Puysieux, were far from wishing well to the Bishop; and besides, were afraid of his readmission into the Council, from whence he had been expelled by force: And as for the Duke of Luines, though he was shortly to be allied to him, yet he apprehended the preferring so intriguing and ambitious a Man as this Prelate was.  
This was the reason why the Court did not solicit at Rome to get a Cardinal's Cap for him with that vigour as they had formerly done. Nay, Luines made no scruple to acquaint Bentivoglio the Nuncio with the Mystery of this Secret, that so the Court of Rome might be undeceived, and not believe that the King did earnestly desire it. He assured him, That his Majesty had been obliged to name the Bishop of Luçon for a Cardinal, out of pure complaisance to the Queen his Mother, altho' he did not in the least desire the Pope to take any notice of it: That it was only for a show, that they had ordered the Marquis de Coeuvres, ambassador at Rome, to move in this Affair; and that the true reason why they did not communicate this Secret to him, was to carry on the shame the better: That the King had dispatched an Agent to oppose it in private, because he looked upon it to be a reflection on his Honour, to buy the Peace he had made with his Mother, of the Bishop of Luçon, by raising him to the Purple; besides, that he had several other Reasons not to love him. The Duke of Luines and Puysieux earnestly desired the Nuncio to hold his tongue upon this occasion, and to see that the matter should not take air at Rome; because if either the Queen or the Bishop of Luçon should ever arrive to the knowledge of it, it might occasion great Disorders, not only at Court, but all over the Kingdom, this Prelate being absolute Master of the Queen's Inclinations, and having been in a great measure the cause of all those Troubles that were so lately concluded. To this Puysieux added, That although his Majesty had a right to demand two Caps, yet at present he would be content with one; and that let the ambassador say what he would, they should not regard it: That the reason why they concealed all this from him, was, because his nearest Relations had been engaged in the Queen-Mother's Party. However, says Puysieux to the Nuncio, the King would not be so misunderstood, as if he designed to have his ambassador be ever the less ●● respected in the other Functions of his Place, since this was a particular Article by itself, to which the rest had no manner of relation.  
Not long after this happened, the Bishop of Luçon sent an ecclesiastic to Rome, and the Ministers, the better to impose upon this Prelate, gave him Letters of Recommendation to the ambassador. The Queen prest this Affair very warmly to the Nuncio; who answered her, That as France might pretend to one Cap with a great deal of probability of obtaining it; so he very much questioned whether the Pope would grant two; nevertheless, he promised to writ to Rome about it, as her Majesty desired him.  
The Reconciliation of the Duke of Espernon was as good as effected; and the Duke of Luines seemed extremely desirous of that Alliance which he had proposed to him: All the rest of the Faction was dispersed; nor indeed was there any tolerable Agreement between those who had appeared the most zealous for the support of that Party; only the Count of Soissons threatened to throw himself among the Hugonots, in case they pushed Matters too far; and the Duke of Mayenne, out of fear of losing his Government, talked after the same manner: But this was soon over, and they submitted themselves to his Majesty's Generosity. On the 27th of August a Declaration of his Majesty was confirmed in Parliament, by which the Queen-Mother was declared innocent.  
About this time the Nuncio used all his Interest to engage the Duke of Luines, to turn his Arms against the Hugonots; and though this Minister seemed to disapprove of it, yet there were so many Persons at Court that backed this Demand, that it was resolved from that very Year to begin to strike at the whole Body; which was accordingly executed, as we shall find in the Series of this History. Some fresh Conversation happened about the Promotion of the Bishop of Luçon, when Luines repeated the same things to the Nuncio; adding, That if this Prelate were once made a Cardinal, it was to be feared he would make no other use of this new Dignity, than to cabal more successfully for the Queen-Mother, and highly complained of his Ingratitude: He had delivered him, as he said, from danger of his Life, when the marshal d' anchor was killed; he had sent for him to wait upon the Queen; he had caused him to be re-call'd from Aeignon, and placed him the second time near the Person of that Princess; and yet all the return he made him for these Kindnesses, was to be one of the forwardest to conspire his Destruction. In short, he  told him that his Majesty resolved to see how he carried himself before he stirred for him: That as for himself, he should be glad to see the Fruits of the Alliance he was going to contract with him; and lastly, that several Years hence it would be soon enough to promote him to that Dignity.  
The King being at 
●●●tem ●.  Poitiers, and the Prince of Co●d. having return'd thither, a Council was held concerning the Re-establishment of the catholic Religion in B●a●n; and after some debate, it was carried in the Affirmative. Two days after, the Duke of May●●n● arrived there to pay his Obedience to the King, by whom he was received very coldly. At last the King 
〈…〉.  par●ed for G 〈…〉 upon the way the Duke of Es 〈…〉 was pr 〈…〉 d to him by the Duke of B●ll●ga●●e. and was much b●●●●r entertained by him than the Duke of 〈…〉 because he had shown a greater willingness to lay down his Arms, and had written to the former, That the shortest Follies are the best. The King likewise took away the Government of Blaye from the Count d' Aubeterre; but then to comfort him, he made him marshal of France.  
The Court dispatched a Messenger soon after to Bearn, to tell the governor of that Province, and the Parliament of Pau, That the King's Pleasure was, that the Roman catholic Religion should be set up again in Bearn, and that the Church-men should be restored to their ancient Possessions 
In Octob. . The King's Commissioners soon return'd with the News that his Majesty should be obeyed; which was confirmed by the Deputies of Bearn, who arrived a few days after at Bourdeaux. But the King  told them his meaning was, that his Declaration for the Re-establishment of the catholic Religion in Bearn, should be confirmed in the Parliament of Pau, and performed before his return to Paris. The Deputies, followed by the marquis de la Force, and the Chief President of Pau, made their appearance at Court; but did not bring with them the Confirmation which the King demanded. Upon this, his Majesty, without farther delay, ordered his Army to advance towards Bearn, and marched thither himself. He met no manner of resistance there; so that he caused his Declaration to be registered, and Mass to be said where he pleased. 'twas observable, that it was celebrated on the 19th. of October at Navarrin, which was the very same Day on which Queen Joan of Navarre had Fifty Years ago suppressed it. What was farther to be remarked, is, That there were no catholics to hear it, but only such as the King had brought along with him; because in so long an interval, that Race was quiter extinguished in this Country. So that it may truly be said, That the King established the catholic Religion for the use of the Church-Walls, and not the People of Bearn.  
The King return'd to Bourdeaux the 
Octob. 25.  same Month, and dispatched an Express into Spain, to give Advice at Madrid of what had happened, lest any Offence should be taken at their leaving some Troops upon the Frontier, to prevent the Disorders which the Re-establishment of the catholic Religion in Bearn might probably occasion, Another Express was sent to Rome, to acquaint the Pope with these Occurrences, but especially to press the Promotion which had been demanded of him. The Queen-Mother came first to Paris, where the King also arrived at the beginning of the following 
Noves  Month; but the News of his coming was not known, till he was at the Gates of the Louvre.  
The Bishop of Luçon sent for his Niece to come to Court, who was promised to Combalet, Nephew to the Duke of Luines, to conclude the Marriage there. The Duke of Luines, who did not think it was now his Interest to unite himself to the Bishop by this Alliance, went to the Queen to know whether she desired it, being resolved to break off the Match, in case her Majesty disapproved of it. But the Queen so positively assured him, that it was necessary for himself to be more closely linked with the Bishop of Luçon, that the Duke was sensible he could not start back from it. Thus, on the 26th. of November, the Cardinal de la Rochefoucaut married the marquis de Cambalet, to mademoiselle de Pont Courlay, in the Queen-Mother's Chamber, in presence of the King, Queen, Princes, Princesses, and several other Persons of the highest Quality at Court. Besides the Portion already mentioned, the Queen bestowed on the new-married Bride above the value of Twelve thousand Crowns in Jewels and other things; which Liberality the Bishop of Luçon and his Relations very sorrily requited afterwards.  
As soon as this Marriage was concluded, the Duke of Luines altered his Measures, and prest the Bishop of Luçon's Promotion at Rome, with as much earnestness as he had opposed it before. The Court of France now demanded two Caps; one for the Archbishop of Toulouse, and the other for the Bishop of Luçon: But for fear the Pope should make the First Promotion, and take no notice of the latter, the Queen dispatched a Courier expressly to Rome, with so much precipitation, that she would not stay for Letters of Recommendation from Bentivoglio the Nuncio, to Cardinal Borghese, though she had earnestly desired them. The Duke of Luines also to press this affair, writ to Marsillac the King's Agent, to act chiefly in favour of the Bishop of Luçon. As it was altogether necessary for the Duke to have the Queen-Mother his Friend, he every day united himself more strictly to her Favourite; who being supported by that Princess's Authority, solicited his own Elevation to the Purple, with that Zeal and Application, that one might very well see he would never be at ease, till he had received satisfaction in this point. The Queen-Mother spoken about it to the Nuncio as often as she saw him; and the Marquis de Coeuvres, who knew nothing of this alteration in the Duke of Luines's Opinion, but had all along solicited hearty for the Bishop, urged it now more than ever, thinking the Pope would certainly make a Promotion before Christmas: Which however did not fall out according to his expectation, because his Holiness found it convenient to defer this matter a few days longer. The more the Pope retarded it, the more did the Bishop's Hopes increase, because the Queen-Mother had more time to set all Wheels going, that might procure him this Cap he so passionately desired. However, the Ministers, but especially Puysieux, only served him by halves; and Father Arnoux endeavoured to possess the King with a Scruple upon this score, as if it were a sin to reward the Instrument of all the past Commotions. But the Authority of the Queen-Mother, and that of her Favourite, carried it in spite of the Confessor and all the Council.  
Thus the ambassador at Rome frequently received new Orders to recommend this Affair to the Pope and the Cardinal-Patron, who having in the interim been, as 'tis commonly reported, advertised by Bentivoglio, That his Majesty did only outwardly seem to countenance the matter, which was kept as a Secret from the ambassador, return'd him no positive Answer. The Pope pretended, that having no more than Ten Caps to bestow, he could not grant Two of them to France, as he would have done in case there had been Eighteen Vacancies, although he had a great Inclination to give all manner of Satisfaction to that Crown. Cardinal Borghese very well proposed to make a Promotion of Ten Cardinals, and to give one of the two next Caps that fell, to the Bishop of Luçon. But this Proposition was rejected by the Pope, and the Cardinal-Patron grew colder every day. The ambassador perceiving this, could not forbear to testify his Resentments, and openly protested, that his Master would use all the means he had in his hands to revenge this Refusal. However, before he came to a public rapture, he sent word to the Cardinal-Patron, That the King having for so long a time made so many repeated Instances to the Pope, to grant him what he demanded, he was engaged in Honour to obtain it; and that if he were denied, he would not fail to show his Displeasure, by something that should mortify the Court of Rome. The Marquis de Coeuvres demanded to have Audience of the Pope, to make his last Efforts upon his Holiness. Having 
Jan. 10.  obtained it, he began to sound the Pope's Inclinations, whom he found more resolute than ever to refuse him the Two Caps, and the Promotion of the Bishop of Luçon, without being able to bring him to any Temperament to satisfy the Crown of France. At last he thought himself obliged to leave in the hands of his Holiness a 
See it in Siri, Mem. Rec. T. ●. p. 243.  Writing, composed in the form of a Letter, wherein he had made an Abridgement of all that had happened during the course of this solicitation, what Answers he had received, and what Replies he had made to them. The Pope asked him whether there was any thing in it injurious to his Person: And the ambassador answered him, That without waiting for the permission of the King his Master, he would submit himself to the Justice of his Holiness, if he found the least offensive Term in it. Hereupon the Pope enquired of him how he came to speak with so much Concern for the Bishop of Luçon? Coeuvres frankly  told him, That he had express Orders for so doing; and for a proof of what he attested, took out of his Pocket a Letter from the Duke of Luines, wherein he informed him, that the Bishop of Luçon having contributed more than any one to the good Intelligence between the King and the Queen his Mother; and that having besides contracted an Alliance with him by the Marriage of his Niece, he found himself obliged to entreat him to employ all imaginable means to obtain a Cardinal's Cap for that Bishop; nay, to hinder the Archbishop of Toulouse from being promoted without him. To this the Pope replied, that he had a Letter under the King's own Hand, which directly opposed the preferment of this Prelate. At these Words the ambassador was struck dumb, and was enraged to the highest degree at this Usage, and at the little Confidence the King and his Favourite reposed in him. He could not forbear to discover part of his Resentments to his Holiness, because he did not acquaint him with this Mystery before, which had saved him a great deal of unnecessary trouble. He likewise complained mightily of the Court, and of the affront which had been put upon him; and desired the King to schismatical him from a place where he could not continue any longer with Honour. But outwardly he observed the same Conduct, and daily prest for the Bishop, though without any hopes; because this Prelate could not be promoted, without excluding Stephen Pignatelli, a great Favourite of Cardinal Borghese, for being the 
Siri, ibid. p. 243.  Minister of his unlawful Pleasures, as it was commonly said in Rome: In that Writing of this ambassador, he is represented as a Man extremely scandalous, even in a place where one must commit very great Disorders to make the People exclaim against him, who are accustomend to have a greater Indulgence to Churchmen, than in other places. However, the Pope held a Consistory* the next day, and 
Jan. 11.  filled the Ten vacant Places in favour of Cennino Bishop of Amelia, Nuncio in Spain, of Lewis de la Valette Archbishop of Toulouse, of Guy Bentivoglio Nuncio in France, of Peter Valliere Archbishop of Candia, of Frederick Count de Zolleren, Provost of the Chapter of Cologne, of Julius Roma governor of Rome, of Caesar Gherardo Referendary, of Didier Seuglia a Dominican of Cremona, of Stephen Pignatelli Apostolical Protonotary, and of Augustin Spinola, Son to the famous Ambrose Spinola. This Election being published, the ambassador of the most Christian King made no rejoicing, as is usual upon these occasions; and the Cardinals Farnese, Montalto, and Bellarmine, did the same, because Pignatelli was in the number of the promoted. Nay, 'tis said that the noise which this occasioned in Rome, coming to the Pope's ears, he took it so much to heart, that he died on the 28th. of January.  
The King having received the News of the above-mentioned Promotion, it was thought more convenient to make the best Advantage of the present Conjuncture, than to show too much Resentment, since at last the Pope had done nothing, but what was conformable to the first Orders of his Majesty. However, he took occasion to complain of this Procedure to Cardinal Bentivoglio, at the next Audience he gave him.  
Cardinal Ludovisio succeeded Paul V. having been elected twelve 
Feb. 9.  days after, and took the Name of Gregory XV. This caused some alteration in the Instances which the Court made for the Bishop of Luçon; however, this Disappointment did not much dishearten him, and he was promised to be considered in the first Promotion.  
Towards the beginning of April, the Duke of Luines was declared Constable of France, and the 
April  King performed the Ceremony with great Solemnity, without minding the Murmurs of the Court, who were disgusted to see the Constable's Sword in the hands of one who understood nothing at all of War. The Duke of Lesdigueres had been made to expect it, at the time when it was feared he would appear at the head of the Hugonots; but the Duke of Luines having begged it for himself, Lesdigueres was forced to sit down content with a Patent for being a marshal of France. Nevertheless, he was ordered to come to Paris, where he had the Title given him of Mestre de Camp General of the King's Armies; by virtue of which, he was as it were a Lieutenant to the Constable.  
About the same time the Court received Advice of the Insurrection of the People of Bearn, who were not able to suffer any longer the re-establishment of the catholic Religion in their Country, occasioned by the Indiscretion of the Missionaries, and the catholics that were left behind there. It was resolved to set all things in order with all possible speed; and pursuant to Bassompier's Counsel, this Commission was given to the Duke of Espernon, who had a natural Aversion to the Hugonots, and besides, was glad of so fair an Opportunity to signalise his Fidelity, which was suspected by reason of the Services he had done the Queen-Mother. As soon as ever he had received the King's Orders, he used so much diligence, that he had gotten a considerable body of Men together, whom he had raised at his own expense, or whom the respect they had for his Person, had engaged to follow him in this enterprise, before the Marquis de la Force was in a condition to defend himself. Having thus entred Bearn, instead of meeting any Opposition, he found that upon the Report of his coming thither, they had abandoned all their Towns and Villages, and fled to the Mountains. The City of orts, which was fortified by a good Castle, opened their Gates immediately to him, without so much as staying till the Cannon were brought against them. Oleron did the same; and the Marquis de la Force was obliged to quit the Province, lest he should fall into the Hands of the Duke of Espernon. Thus Bearn was reduced without any Effusion of Blood, and the Duke ordering his Army to observe an exact Discipline, those that had retired into the Woods and Mountains, came back again to their Houses.  
The Proceedings of the last Year, and this in Bearn, had extremely alarmed the Hugonots; and as their Churches had been burnt at Tours, Poitiers, and other places, by the Mob who were incensed against them, they began to understand that a Design was formed to divest them of those privileges which they enjoyed by the Edict of Nantes. In short, if such a Resolution as this was not taken; yet 'tis evident by what follows, that the Court did not think themselves at all obliged to keep their Word with them, and that the Declarations which were frequently published in their Favour, only proceeded from the Fears they were in of raising a Civil War, and not at all from any Principle of Equity. The King, who was extremely devout, rather through a weakness of Mind than solid Knowledge, had no more Religion than was just put into his Head, nor no more Justice and Clemency than those that were near his Person thought it requisite to let him have: Thus his Confessor and the ecclesiastics about him did easily persuade him to do what they would have him, but especially against the heretics. The Hugonots, who were soon sensible of this, thought themselves obliged to use all necessary Precautions that the Enemy might not surprise them at a disadvantage, when they were not upon their guard; and as all their Strength wholly consisted in their being united, they summoned a general Assembly to meet on the 20th of November 1620. to agree about what was to be done, in case they were attacked. The King condemned this Assembly, and ordered them to break up; but they did not think fit to obey the Royal Mandate. They made some other private regulations; but all their Measures, which only tended to preserve their own privileges, were interpnted to be Overt Acts of Rebellion; so that now 'twas openly attempted to ruin them, though at the same time they protested that they would religiously observe the Edict of Nantz. I will not enter into the particulars of these Broils, in which the Bishop of Luçon had no concern at that time, although a final stop was put to them under his Ministry: It will be sufficient to describe, in a few Words, the Progress which the Court made against the malcontents, because it was upon this Foundation that the Bishop of Luçon acted against the Hugonots, when he was chief Minister of State. The Edict of Nantz had granted to them a considerable number of Cities of Security, where they were tolerated to have Governours of their own Religion, and these Cities were as it were Pledges for the Promise that was made them, to observe the Edict inviolably. Now as they plainly saw that it was daily infringed; and that whatever the Court alleged to the contrary, that they were searching means to wrest these Places out of their Hands, in order to treat them afterwards at discretion, they resolved to defend themselves vigorously, and to retaliate upon the catholics for the Insolences they had sustained from them. The better to effect this, they were in readiness almost in all places to take up Arms, and did not fail to revenge themselves to the utmost for Injuries received.  
This was sufficient to put the Court upon a Resolution to employ open Force, to turn them out of these strong Holds, under pretence of Rebellion. After several Advances, which I shall not stay to mention here, the King being at Saumur, was informed that the Duke of Rohan, who was one of the principal Heads of the Hugonots, and who was afterwards declared General of all their Forces, caused some new Fortifications to be made at St. Jean d'Angely, a City of Saintonge, which was one of their places of Security. He immediately sent Orders to him to leave off, and to come to him, with Soubise his Brother. But the Duke of Rohan refused to obey this Command, considering what he had so lately done; so the King resolved to open the Campain with the Siege of this Place. The Duke of Rohan had put three thousand Men in Garrison, and left his Brother to command in the place, with the Advice of an experienced Soldier, whose Name was Haute fountain. He had sufficiently provided it with all manner of Stores, both of Provision and Ammunition; so that it held out longer than was expected. It was invested on the 18th of May, by some Troops which the King had left in Poitou, at his return from Bearn. The King appeared in Person before it, with his whole Army, commanded, under his Orders, by the marshal de Lesdigueres, and by the Duke of Espernon, who received his Orders from none but the King; his Son, the Marquis de la Valette, performing the Function of Colonel of the Frénch Infantry, that so his Father, to whom that Post belonged, might not be obliged to obey the Duke de Lesdigueres in that quality. However the place held out till the 16th of June, and then surrendered upon condition that the King should pardon all those that were in the place, leaving them at liberty, and in possession of their Estates and privileges, granted to the Hugonots by the Edict of Nantz. There was not a House left entire in the whole City, the Cannon having either destroyed or endamaged them all; and, to complete its Misfortunes, the King condemned the place to be dismantled.  
After this, the Royal Army reduced several small Places, either by Terror, as St. Foi, and Bergerac, or else by Force, as Clerac; while the Prince of Conde made the same Progress in Berry, and along the Loire; and the Duke of Mayenne acted the same in High Guienne. But the most memorable Siege was that of Montauban. This City was invested on the 17th of August, and the King appeared in Person before it the same day. The Constable de Luines commanded the Army, and had for his Lieutenant-Generals his Brothers, and the Dukes of Mayenne, Chevreuse, and Lesdigueres. The Count de Schomberg, superintendent of the Finances, was Grand Master of the Artillery, and besides performed the Office of a Lieutenant-General. Three Attacks were made, the first of which was that of the King, commanded by the Constable and his Brothers; the second that of the Duke of Mayenne; the third that of Chevreuse and Lesdigueres. The place was attacked with the greatest Vigour imaginable; but it was as well defended by the Marquis de la Force, and by the Count d'Orval, Son to the Duke of Sully, who commanded there with a good Garrison, assisted by the Burghers, who shew'd no less Bravery upon this occasion than the Soldiers. 
See the ●moirs of sompierre. Those of tis, T. 1. the Rebe● of Franc●  In fine, after the greatest part of the Outworks was taken, and a considerable Breach made in a Bastion, which was the weakest place, it was resolved to give an Assault, upon the Success of which depended the taking of the place. 
Pontis, ● p. 133.  But before-hand they judged it convenient to view it by an Officer, who mounting the Breach, saw on the other side of it a very large Retrenchment, wherein was a Battallion of about two thousand Men, ready to receive the Besiegers, in case they made an Assault. This News being brought them by the Officer, who escaped, as it were, by Miracle, through all their Firing, hindered them from pursuing their Design, wherein they most certainly had lost abundance of Men. The Duke of Rohan, who kept the Field with a small Body of Men, put some Relief into the place, under the Conduct of one Beaufort; and this, together with the frequent Sallies of the Enemy, and the continual Losses they sustained, made them resolve to raise the Siege, which they accordingly did on the first Day of November. Orders were given in all the Quarters, that at the first discharge of a Cannon they heard that Night, every one should put himself in Arms, to march where he was commanded, and that before they partend they should make great Fires on all sides. When this was put in Execution, the Besieged expected they would give a general Assault, so that they contented themselves to guard their respective Posts, while the King's Army dislodged, without falling upon their Rear.  
After this manner the Siege was raised, in which they lost a great number of brave Soldiers, and persons of Quality, among whom was the Duke of Mayenne, who was killed with a musket-shot which he received in his Eye. It is not known to what the ill Success of this Siege is to be attributed, where the King in Person was attended by the most experienced Generals, and the best appointed Troops of his Kingdom, that did not seem to want any thing. For although 'tis certain that the besieged behaved themselves with all the Gallantry imaginable, yet in all Appearance, since they did not spare their Men upon this occasion, they must unquestionably have carried the Place, which after all was not regularly fortified. Most People ascribe it to the Constable of Luines, who was not in truth fitted for Military Performances, but then had some of the most excellent Officers of that Age under his Command. He is accused of minding nothing else but how to enrich himself, and advance his Creatures, without doing any Service to the State. 
Mem. de Bassomp. T. 2. p. 117.  These Reproaches with which he was justly charged, and the concern he took for raising the Siege of Montauban, threw him into a Purple fever, of which he died on the 14th of December, three Days after the Royal Army had taken a small City of Guienne, called Monhurt, The King, who began to be disgusted with him, did not seem to be much concerned at his Death, and after he had given necessary Orders in the Province, to frustrate the Attempts of the Hugonots, he return'd to Paris.  
All the Winter was spent in thinking of Ways and Means to continue the War against the Hugonots, which all the bigoted catholics, or such as pretended to be so, advised the King to carry on, without giving himself any trouble for the Welfare of the State, that rather required a Peace than a continuation of the War, which carried off infinite numbers of Men, in almost all the Provinces of the Kingdom. The Prince of Conde was one of those that declaimed most zealously against the Hugonots, though it is hard to divine the true Motives of this Indignation. Hitherto he had not given Proofs of so great a Devotion, as to induce People to believe that it was his Zeal for Religion that put him upon it. Neither did his Experience, Courage, and Conduct in War, as 'tis imagined, engage him in this Affair, since he did not possess those Qualities in a very eminent Degree, considering what others he had to recommend him. And then as for the repose of the Kingdom, the frequent Commotions he raised will not suffer us to believe that he set that very much to Heart. 
Siri Mem Recond. T. p. 404.  A certain person, in whom he reposed an extraordinary confidence,  told a Prelate, that it was foretold to this Prince, That at the Age of Thirty four Years he should be King of France; and that being then Thirty three Years old, he was glad to see himself at the Head of an Army, to be in a better condition to support his Right, till the fatal time arrived of his being crowned. Upon a like Prediction, he had formerly taken up Arms, under the Regence of the Queen-Mother; and 'tis not improbable but that he relapsed into the same Weakness: Those that can suffer themselves to be possessed with such chimeras, being subject to commit the same Fault often. However it was, the Duke of Orleans, only Brother to the King, having been at Death's Door the Year before, which the King too did not pass without a Fit of Sickness, the Prince fancied he ought always to be in a readiness to take the Crown, if these Two Princes happened to die. Nay, 'tis said, that he designed to expose them in this War, that so the Crown might come the sooner to him.  
The Queen-Mother was not as yet readmitted into the Council since her return to Court; for the King was apprehensive, that if once he gave her footing there, he must share his Authority with her; which he firmly resolved to part with none but his Favourites that always managed him. Nevertheless, upon the Advice of his Ministers, he at last granted this Satisfaction to his Mother, lest she should underhand across the Designs of the Court, in case they continued to refuse her a thing which she so passionately desired. Besides this might serve to counterpoise the Authority of the Prince of Conde, who would become too powerful if the King continued without a Favourite that would concern himself with Affairs of State. Thus his Majesty consented that the Queen-Mother should have admission into the Council, but would not suffer the Bishop of Luçon to bear her Company thither, because he saw the Ministers were resolved to oppose the Pretensions of this Prelate, whose ambitious and meddling Humour they feared. The Queen seemed to be extremely satisfied with the Honour her Son had done her, hoping, that when once she had got admission into the Council, she might be able in time to introduce whom she pleased, and particularly the Bishop of Luçon; for whose Preferment she testified upon all occasions a most extraordinary Zeal. After the Death of the Constable de Luines, no body had pressed the Promotion of this Prelate at Rome, because neither the King, nor his Ministers desired it in the least, unless the Queen-Mother had taken care to importune all the World upon his Score. She writ several times to the Pope and his Nephew about it, and was continually speaking of it to the Nuncio, the King, and the Ministers. However, the King, who was naturally distrustful, and had long ago imbibed a deep Prejudice against the Bishop of Luçon, reassum'd his old Conduct, and  told the Nuncio Corfini, that although he still continued to demand the Promotion of this Prelate, yet he should not be sorry if they took no notice of this demand at Rome, provided the Pope did not bestow this Cap upon any Enemy of France. To the end that this Secret might not take vent, it was concluded, that the Commandeur de Sillery, who succeeded the Marquis de Caeuvres, as Ambassador at Rome, should know nothing of the matter; and that when the Promotion was over, out of which the Bishop was to be excluded, the King should pretend to be offended at it, and writ to his Ambassador to testify his Resentments of it to the Pope.  
But a few Days after, this Design being discovered by the Queen-Mother, in all appearance, through the means of one of Cardinal Ludovisio's domestics, the King was so highly incensed at it, that he dispatched a Courier to the Ambassador to tell him, That he must inform the Pope and Cardinal Patron, that what the Nuncio had lately written, as in the King's Name, was false, and to use all imaginable diligence to procure a Cap for the Bishop of Luçon. Thus that Affair, which in all probability would have destroyed the Pretensions of this Prelate, gave him greater hopes of the Purple now than ever.  
While the Bishop of Luçon thus busied himself with his own particular Interests, Proposals of Peace were made, which might, to the great advantage of the Kingdom, have put a stop to the Civil War, if the King had been pleased to listen to them. All that the other Party demanded, was inviolably to observe the Edict of Nantz, and to leave all things in the same Posture as they were in at the death of Henry the Fourth. But the Ministers could not suffer the King to stay at Paris, for fear lest some new Favourite should take the Government of the State out of their Hands. On the other side the Court-Flatterers were still buzzing it into the King's Ears, that he was not Master of his own Dominions, so long as any part of them was exempt from the Royal Jurisdiction; so they hoped to reduce the Hugonots to such a pass, as to depend absolutely upon the King's good Pleasure, or rather that of his Favourites, Enemies to all Equity and Laws, whose Caprices this mistaken Prince took for the Rule of his Conduct. The ecclesiastics, who have an implacable Aversion to all such as presume to touch their Authority or Revenues, earnestly solicited the King not to lose this opportunity of exterminating the heretics. What fell out unluckily for the Hugonots, some of the Nobility that were of their Religion, fearing to be overwhelmed under the Ruins of the Party, abandoned them at a time when they had the greatest occasion for them. Nor was this all the Mischief that befell them, for their Generals could not endure, that not only the Assemblies of their Noblemen, but what was more unpalatable, that their very Synods should pretend to concern themselves with the management of the War, though the Persons that composed them understood nothing of the Matter. To this may be added that there was little or no recompense to be hoped for from a sort of Anarchy, as in effect their Confederacy was; whereas the King was in a Capacity to give them the greatest Rewards, and yet they ran no risk to obtain them. This brought off the Dukes of Sully, bovillon, and Lesdigueres, the Count de Chatillon, and several more of eminent Note from their Party; some of whom turned catholics afterwards. These were the greatest Inconveniences the Hugonots had to fear, and the greatest Reason which occasioned them to have the worst in the course of this War, as will appear by what I am going to relate, though I do not design to stop at Particulars of small importance.  
As the King had no Revenues, during these intestine Broils, out of those places, where the Hugonots were strongest, it was necessary to think of some new Expedient to raise Money for the continuance of the War. He published several Edicts, for the creation of new Offices, and for an Imposition of some Taxes. These Edicts being sent to the Parliament of Paris to be ratified, the Parliament made a difficulty to ratify some of them, as being contrary to Justice and the Welfare of the Kingdom. But these Reasons were out of Doors, when the King* came in Person to the Parliament accompanied 
March 18.  by Monsieur his Brother, the Prince of Conde, and the Count de Soissons, Princes of the Blood. The Prince of Joinville, the Duke of Vendome, and other Lords and Officers of the Crown. The Chancellor having represented in the King's Name the pressing Necessities of the State, and commanded these Edicts to be red aloud, they fell to voting, and no one durst oppose the King's Pleasure in his Presence, so that these Edicts were enrolled and registered.  
After this the King resolved to go into Britany to stop the Progress of the Duke of Soubise, who had made himself Master of several Posts in Low Poitou, and now began to threaten that Province. He partend on the 20th of March, and arrived ot Nantz the 10th of April, where a general Rendezvous of the Army was made. The Prince of Conde was Lieutenant-General of it, and it consisted of about ten thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse. Soubise had got but a very inconsiderable Body of Men together, which was not half so numerous as that of the King; so that he thought it his safest way to retire to the Isle of Rhee. But as he was not comparable, either for Courage or Conduct, to his Brother the Duke of Rohan, 
See the Mem. of Bassomp. T. 2. p. 264.  he knew not how to post himself to the best advantage in this iceland, which he might easily have kept if he had taken his Measures, aright, and so was forced to quit it without coming to Blows.  
From thence the King came, before 〈…〉 a City of Saintonge, which the Duke of Esp●●non had begun to besiege, and was taken on the 〈…〉 of May, ●ine Days after the arrival of his Majesty. About the end of the same Month the Marquis de la Force, who commanded in Guienne for the Hugonots, made his Reconciliation, and 
May 27▪  received of the King a Mareschal's Staff of France, and a Sum of Money at St. Foi; the Gates of which Place he ordered to be opened to his Majesty, after he had concluded a very advantageous Capitulation for them.  
Negrepelisse, a small place in the same Province of Guienne, was attacked a 
June 8.  few Days after. It had been taken the Year before by the Duke of Angoulême, and the marshal de Themines without much resistance, who placed three hundred Men in Garrison there. But the Inhabitants afterwards in one Night cut the Throats of these troublesone Guests, by which Action▪ they had so pr 〈…〉 d the King's Fury, that he was resolved to 〈…〉 to a very severe reckoning for it. Thus having carried the place by Storm after three Days 〈…〉 ege, 〈…〉 put to the Sword all that they met in the Streets, 〈…〉 no●● escaped but a few Women, after they had 〈…〉' d all that the brutality of Soldiers use● to in 〈…〉 upon the like occasions. The Castle held out ●●●ewha● longer, ●●d surrendered upon discretion on the 〈…〉: but those 〈…〉 ere within received no better a 〈…〉 ment than t●e 〈…〉: the Men were all hanged, and only the Women set at Liberty. 
See the R●bellion of France, T. ● p. 323.  Thus it was that Lewis the Just, without giving himself the trouble to distinguish between the Innocent and the Guil 〈…〉 or sparing even the poor Infants, destroyed the unfortunate Inhabitants of Negrepelisse, and exposed their Wives and 〈…〉 aughters to Indignities and Torments that were worse 〈…〉 an Death itself.  
On the 13th of the same Month, the Town of 〈…〉 Antonin upon the River Aveirou, was besieged, which 〈…〉 r a very vigorous Resistance, wherein the Royal 〈…〉 y lost abundance of Men, was on the 22d obliged to surrender upon Discretion, when the French and Swiss Guards took Possession of it. From thence the Army marched to Languedoc, with a design to attack Montpellier; out of which place the Hugonots had turned all the catholics, and seized it for themselves. In the mean time his Majesty 
July 13.  received the News that the marshal de Lesdigueres had given his Word to turn catholic, provided they would make him Constable, and sand him the Order of the Holy Ghost. His great Experience in War, and the Authority he had among the Hugonots, but especially in dauphiné, had influenced the King to offer him the Constable's Sword, after the death of the Duke of Luines; and after he had made him an offer of that consequence, it was no difficult matter to grant him the Order of the Holy Ghost, as soon as they were informed, that he was disposed to renounce Calvinism. This was the efficacious Grace that converted the Constable de Lesdigueres to the Profession of the catholic Religion, though it could not disengage him from his Excesses in relation to Women, to which he wholly abandoned himself, as long as his Age would give him leave.  
The King's Army being in Languedoc, reduced several small Towns there, before they came to Montpellier, and among the rest Lunel, where the Capitulation was so ill observed, that in the fight of the marshal de Pra 〈…〉 the Royalists not only plundered the Garrison which marched out of it, but killed above four hundred of them. All the Justice that could be obtained, was to hang up eight Soldiers as they return'd from Lunel, laden with the Spoils of those whom they had killed, against the Faith given by the Generals. 
Aug. 2●.  Not long after the King entred into Alguemorts, which was put into his Hands by the Count de Chatillon, who by way of reward, received a considerable Sum of Money, and was made a marshal of France; which deprived the ●ugonots of an eminent Leader, of whom they compla●n'd a long time after, as of a 
M●m de Bassemp. T. 2. p. 233.  Man that was but indifferently affencted 
See the 2d To●. of the Rebellion of France.  to their Party.  
In the mean time all these Losses and Miscarriages inclined the Hugonots to sue for a Peace, and the Constable de Lesdigueres endeavoured to serve them in this Conjuncture, being now in the King's Camp, where he received the Constables Sword on the 29th of August; after which the Marquis de Bassompierre had the King's Word to be made marshal of France in his Place, which was not executed till six Weeks after. Since the Hugonots offered to lay down their Arms in all places, if the King would grant them an Amnesty for what was past, and Liberty of Conscience for the future, which they had till then enjoyed, it was imagined that a Peace would be immediately concluded; but an unexpected Obstacle intervened, which was as follows. The People of Montpellier offered to receive the 
Mem. Bassomp▪ p. 241.  Constable de Lesdigueres into the Town, with such Forces as he should think convenient, provided that the King would keep himself at ten Leagues distance from them. The reason of this was, because the Prince of Conde, an Enemy to the Peace which was then on foot, had given out in several Places, that if the King entred into Montpellier, he would see it should be pillaged, whatever care was taken to the contrary. The Hugonots being informed of this, stipulated, that the Constable might come and take Possession there in the King's Name, and that his Majesty would keep off. The greatest part of his Majesty's Council were of Opinion, that it would be the best way to grant their Demand, since at the bottom the King would be no less Master of the City; but the Advice of the Prince of Condé, supported by Bassompierre, carried it; who pretended, that it was incompatible with his Majesty's Honour to see himself resus'd entrance into a City which belonged to him, by his own Subjects. But at last, after a Siege of six Weeks, in which the Royal Army lost a world of Men, the Duke of Rohan prevailed with the Inhabitants of Montpellier to receive the King. What helped to facilitate this Capitulation was, that the Prince of Conde begged leave of the King to make a Voyage into Italy, pretending that the Constable de Lesdigueres was expected every moment in the Camp, and that he could not frame himself to be under his Orders: But after all, the true reason of it was, because he saw it was impossible for him to hinder the conclusion of the Peace. In effect the King having promised those of Montpellier what they demanded; they consented that he should come into the City, provided he left no Garrison behind him at his departure, so he made his entry into it on the 20th. of October. All the Articles were punctually observed but the last, the King leaving two Regiments in Garrison when he went. But the Hugonots were too weary of the War, to take up Arms again for the infraction of this Article.  
The King's Naval Forces, Commanded by the Duke of Guise, had likewise great advantages this Year over the Rochellers, whom they locked up by Land by Fort-Lewis, and several other Forts, which were the beginning of their Ruin, as we shall see hereafter. But the Peace concluded at Montpellier, put the Rochellers out of a condition of fearing any ill Effects from the Duke of Guise's Victory: Nay, it was promised the Rochellers to demolish Fort-Lewis; but it appeared by the effects, that the Court had no design to keep their Word.  
The Cardinal of Retz died, while the King was carrying on the War of Languedoc; so that now there were two vacant Places, which the Bishop of Luçon had a great desire to fill, one in the Sacred College, and the other in the King's Council. He enjoyed them both soon after, particularly his Cardinal's Cap, which Gregory XV. promised him at the first Promotion he made, when he saw the King desired it in good earnest. The instances which Sillery made to obtain it, were so much the more vigorous, because being uncle to Puysieux, who was no Friend of the Bishop, he was afraid that if he failed to obtain this Cap, it would be said that he solicited it but faintly, with an intention to be refused. In short, on the 5th. of September the Bishop of Luçon was created Cardinal, with the Nuncio of Poland of the House of Torres, Ridolfi a valentine, and de la Cueva a Spaniard. The King received the news of this Promotion in Languedoc, and writ a Billet to Cardinal Ludovisio to thank him for it. The Bishop was then at lions; and soon after came to Avignon, to give him thanks there in person for the great. Honour he had done him, after he had performed the same before in a Letter. The Court came at last to lions; and here it was that our Prelate, in the Archbishop's chapel, received his Cardinal's Cap from the King's Hand, to whom he made a Compliment in the presence of the whole Court. He particularly thanked the Queen-Mother, and made Protestations of being everlastingly her most devoted Servant; though his everlasting Gratitude and Acknowledgements coutinu'd no longer, than the Friendship of that Princess was advantageous to him. After this, she did all that lay in her power to procure his re-admission into the Council-Chamber; but she was not able to effect it, till about twenty Months after his Elevation to the Dignity of Cardinal. During this time, the Cardinal not only made his Court to her with the same assiduity as before; but still discharged the Office of Steward of her House.  
France being taken up with no War in the Year 1623. those restless Spirits of which the Court was composed, and the King's Weakness, occasioned some Alterations there, which one would not have suspected. 
See the Mem▪ of ●somp. T. 2 p. 291.  The Count de Schomberg, who was Grand Master of the Artillery, and superintendent of the Finances, had been for some time disgusted with the Chancellor, with his Son the Marquis de Puysieux, and the Marquis de Commartin, who had been Keeper of the Seals ever since the Year 1622. after the Death of de Vie. The Marquis de la Vievillê, Marêchal de Camp, was also his sworn Enemy, because Schomberg had gotten from him Two thousand Crowns a Year, upon the Revenues of the Province of Champagne, which the King gave him by way of recompense for the Government of Mesieres, which he had lost in the beginning of the Troubles. All these Persons combined together to ruin Schomberg, which they effectually performed, as we shall see hereafter. It will not be amiss to give some Instances now and then of these Revolutions at Court, because by this means the Reader will better know the Genius of Lewis XIII. and after what manner he was to be governed; which the Cardinal de Richlieu so perfectly possessed to the end of his Life, that when he was in the Ministry, the King made his Applications to him almost as much as the other Ministers were obliged to make their Applications to the King.  
This Prince 
Bass●mp ib● p. 292.  was of a Temper very susceptible to receive all manner of Impressions which People gave him, and seldom or never penetrated into the Motives which set them on, when they accused any one before him. He would listen to all that was  told him, especially if it were about a Money-Concern, being extremely parsimonious, and even covetous towards those whom he was not afraid of. He relied so strangely upon those that had once got an Ascendant over his Mind, that he entirely depended upon their Counsel, till such time as some one or other made him entertain an ill Opinion of them. He had been  told that Schomberg did not understand the Management of the Finances; that he was negligent, and suffered the Treasurers to cheat him, without ever calling them to an account; so that he designed to turn him out of his Place, and only suspended the execution of it, out of respect to the Prince of Condé, who appeared vigorously in his behalf. When the Prince was gone for Italy, the Marquis de la Vieville came to inform his Majesty, that Schomberg had already spent the Royal Revenue for the following Year; and that his Father-in-Law Beaumarchais, who was Treasurer of the Exchequer, being unable to exercise his Office that Year without ruining himself, had entreated his Majesty to give him his Discharge. This last Blow had like to have destroyed Schomberg's Reputation with him for ever; the King imagining that all was certainly true, if the marshal de Bassompierre had not turned it aside for some time, by suggesting a thing to the King, which ought to have come into his Head without any one's Advice, That it was but convenient to know whether what they accused the Count of Schomberg of was really true, and to hear his Justification.  
This Advice was too just to be absolutely neglected: But although Schomberg had declared, that he was ready to convince the King of the contrary, yet Beaumarchais having said since that, That several Millions must be advanced to defray the King's expenses; and that it would not be possible for him to do it, unless there was another superintendent, who would give him security for the reimbursement of the Money; the King then resolved to turn Schomberg out of this Place. Vieville begged it for himself, upon condition that if within two or three Months at farthest, he did not acquit himself in it to general Satisfaction, they should put another in his room; and as he was supported by the Chancellor, and de Puysieux, he soon obtained it.  
At first this new superintendent was not admitted into the Cabinet-Council, and took all imaginable care to acquire the Esteem of the People: But as soon as he was admitted into the Council, not being able to endure a longer dependence upon the Chancellor, he began to cabal against him and his Son, and was not unsuccessful in his Designs, as it appeared in the beginning of the following Year.  
All this while Cardinal Richlieu acted for the Queen-Mother, in all occasions she was pleased to employ him. After the death of the marshal d'Ancre the King having discovered that he had Money in the Bank of Florence, at the Solicitation of the Duke of Luines, he employed all his Interest to call it out from thence; but Cosmo the Great Duke, to whom the Crown of France was indebted, had kept back Two hundred thousand Crowns of it, under I don't know what Pretence. This Prince dying in the Year 1621. new Instances were made as from the King, to demand this Money of Ferdinand his Successor. At last the King declared, that it did not belong to him, but to the Queen his Mother, who began to stickle for it very earnestly, designing to restore it to Arrigo Concini, Son to the marshal d' anchor. Upon this occasion, Cardinal Richlieu had several Conferences with Condi, Agent to the Great Duke; and 'twas agreed between them, That the Grand Duke should immediately give the Queen-Mother a Hundred thousand Crowns, and that the King should pay the rest at several Payments, to discharge what he owed to the House of Medicis. While this Negotiation was on foot, the Grand Duke's Agent offered to give Fifty thousand Crowns to the marshal d' Ancre's Son: But the Cardinal answered, That the Queen would never consent to have it published, that she had given the King Two hundred thousand Crowns; which she now designed to restore to Concini, because it might offend his Majesty; but that she would have it owned that this Money belonged to her self. Thus the Cardinal, either out of Gratitude, or else out of Obedience to the Queen, was serviceable in this occasion to the Son of his First Benefactor.  
Towards the end of the Year 1623. the King talked of taking away the Seals from the chancellor de Sillery, under a pretence that being Fourscore Years old, and incommoded with the Gout, he was not able to follow the King in his Voyages. It unluckily happened at the same time, that the Marquis de Puysieux his Son fell sick of a Quartan Ague, which hindered him from being so often about the King as formerly, and put him out of a condition to ward those Blows which were given him in his absence. While he kept his bed, and the Father was detained at home by reason of his extreme old Age, la Vieville managed his Game so well, that he prevailed with the King to discard them both. He had insinuated himself into this princes Affection, by commending his Majesty's Conduct, who marched in Person with his Army; whereas the chancellor disapproved these Voyages; and by taking this liberty, had rendered himself disagreeable to the King. This, and other ill Offices which were done him, made his Majesty so resolutely bent to dismiss him, that all the Favour the chancellor could obtain, was, that in consideration of his old Age, it should appear that he threw it up of his own accord.  
Thus going to wish the King a happy New Year▪ ●he humbly desired him to take the Scals, and give him his Quietus from an Employment which he could not well acquit himself of by reason of his Age. He likewise entreated his Majesty, th●● he would be graciously pleased to bestow the Seals upon one that was neither an Enemy to himself, nor to his Son; and they were given to d' Aligre, after Puysieux had surrendered them; which he did on the 2d. of January. From that instant the Secretary began to be less assiduous at Court, which he never used to do before. Six days together his Majesty gave Audience to several ambassadors by himself, without having the Secretary for foreign. Affairs about him, as the custom is: However, the King looked pleasingly enough upon him, although he had resolved to cashier him as well as his Father.  
The principal Enemies he had at Court were the Queen-Mother, the Prince of Condé, the Counts of Soissons, Thoiras, the Duke of Bellegarde, and several others, who could not endure the great Authority and State he took upon him. The Queen-Mother was offended to see a Minister more powerful than her self near his Majesty; and besides, Cardinal Richlieu incensed her against him, because he had as much as in him lay opposed his Promotion. The Prince of Condé did not love him, because he had contributed to the Conclusion of a Peace with the Hugonots at Montpellier, by which he lost the Power he had in the King's Army while the War lasted. The Count de Soissons hated him, because for several Pretences he had retarded his Marriage with Madam the King's Sister. Thoiras was provoked against him, because Puysieux had endeavoured all manner of ways to turn him out of the King's Favour. And lastly, the Duke of Bellegarde was his Enemy, because he had opposed the laying down of his Office, which he was minded to leave in favour of one of his Relations. All of them alleged a very plausible reason to the King, which was, That it was by no means safe for his Majesty to employ a Man in his Service, who would always think himself injured, because the Seals were taken away fromhis Father.  
At last, on the 4th. of February, the King discharged him as well as the Chancellor, in this manner: He sent a Secretary of the Cabinet to them, with a Billet under his hand, that they might have no pretence to question the Order which he brought them by word of mouth. The Secretary  told them, That his Majesty being sensible they had acquitted themselves but ill in their respective Places, would make use of them no longet: That they were commanded to retire to one of their Houses out of Paris: That nevertheless the King, who never refused Justice to any of his Subjects, gave them full leave to justify themselves, if they were able, from an infinite number of Accusations; but it must be done at some distance from the Court: And, That they were to receive this as a recompense for the long Services their Family had done the Crown, and as a most particular Favour, since the King had enough in his hands to proceed against them with much more rigour and severity. The Chancellor received these Orders, as old Men are wont to do, he complained very much of his Misfortune; and said, that in regard of his Justification, he would obey. His Son answered with more Courage and Resolution, That their Enemies could advance nothing but downright Calumnies against them; and that he hoped to make it appear so, since his Majesty had granted him the favour to defend himself: That as for the rest, he would not fail to obey the King, as he had always done. Immediately after, they ordered the Gates of their House to be shut, Puysieux went the same day out of Paris, and the Chancellor the next morning. 'twas the general Opinion, That as the Son signed the King's Orders, and the Father was Master of the Seals, they had employed them to their own private advantage. Puysieux was accused in particular for dispatching Orders to the ambassadors abroad, of his own head, without acquainting the King with them; nay, that he had frequently made Alterations in those his Majesty had given him. But after a mighty noise and bustle, there were but very few Depositions against them, and even those came from their professed Enemies. Puysieux's Place, which related to the War, and to foreign Affairs, was divided between four Secretaries, who were to give an account of their Administration to the Cabinet-Council, where the Marquis de la Vieville had the greatest sway.  
To complete the ruin of the House of the Silleries, nothing now remained but to schismatical the Commandeur de Sillery, who was ambassador at Rome, which they contrived after this manner: To colour his Calling home with some plausible Pretence, since there w●● no occasion to complain of his Conduct there, the King sent word to Marquemont Archbishop of lions, ●●at having rightly considered the Difficulties that arose in the Affair of the Valteline, which we shall have occasion to speak of hereafter, he saw it was expedient to instruct himself in all the Circumstances, and the Sentiments of the Pope and Court of Rome about that Affair; which he could not better do, than from the mouth of the Commandeur de Sillery: That he had therefore determined to schismatical him: and that the more readily, because the time of his embassy was ready to expire: That he would sand the Count de Bethunes in his Place; but that in the interim, he ordered the Archbishop to look after his Affairs there.  
At this time James I. King of England, having broken off the Marriage of his Son the Prince of Wales, with the Infanta of Spain, began to treat of a Marriage between the aforesaid Prince, and Henrietta Maria, Sister to Lewis XIII. The business of the Valteline, which was thought to be as good as concluded, was perplexed with more Difficulties than ever; so that in all probability a rapture with Spain must soon ensue.  
The End of the First Book.   

THE HISTORY Of the Famous Cardinal de RICHLIEU. VOL. I. BOOK II:  
Containing the Principal Transactions under his Ministry, from his Admission into the Council, to the taking of rochel in 1628.  
THE Court, and the Affairs of the Crown, were in this Posture as I have related, when at last the Queen-Mother prevailed with the King, that the Cardinal of Richlieu should be received into the Council of State. At that time there was scarce any Person of great Experience, or sufficient Capacity at Court to manage the difficult Affairs, which the Crown was like to be engaged in; so that the Cardinal, who possessed these Qualities in an eminent Degree, was looked upon as a Man necessary to the State, and who might render it great Services.  
The Court was at Compiegne; and the King on the 25th of April in the Morning, being in the Queen's Chamber, where he was accustomed to go every Day at the same Hour, to consult with her about the most important Affairs, declared the Cardinal of Richlieu counselor of State, to the Queen's great Satisfaction. All the Kingdom took it now for granted, that the King was perfectly reconciled to her, and that she had considerably augmented her Authority by introducing her Principal Minister into the King's Council. In the mean time, those who were of the Council before, and could not behold without Grief, the advancement of the Cardinal, and who feared, with reason, lest he should raise himself above them, because of his Dignity, ordered things so, that the King declared, he only intended that this Prelate should give his Advice in matters which should be proposed there, but not to act in Affairs of State, as the King's Minister. His Dignity of Cardinal gave him a Seat over-against the Cardinal of Rochefoucaud, above that of the Constable; whereas, when he was Secretary of State, the other Secretaries thought it hard to give him the Precedence. Although he was extremely ambitious of the Honour to be admitted into the Council, 
See Siri Mem. Recond. T. 5. p. 59●.  yet he said to those who came to wish him Joy, That the King, purely of his own Motion, had opened the way, and had ordered him to obey him; but as for himself, he had rather have lived in 〈…〉 et at home, without undertaking the management of Affairs, which, for the most part, is recompensed with nothing but Hatred and Envy. He added, That since the King was resolved to load him with so honourable, but heavy a Burden, he had  told his Majesty, That, because of his want of Health, he would only attend at Council as often as that would permit him, to give his Opinion when it was asked; but as to negotiate at his own House, in any way whatsoever, he had absolutely refused, that he might not find Vexation and Trouble, where he only sought his Privacy and Rest; and that the King had exempted him from that Fatigue. But those who knew that he was not so sickly as he pretended, and who were acquainted with his stirring Humour, and greediness of Command, saw easily, that this was only a Copy of his Countenance; and those few people who suffered themselves to be cheated by his first Discourses, were in a little time disabused.  
The Earls of Holland and Carlisle, Ambassadors Extraordinary from England, arrived at 
In the Mont● of June.  Paris, to treat of a Marriage between the Prince of Wales and Henrietta Maria the King's Sister, and to offer to enter into League with France against Spain. They desired a joint Treaty about these two Affairs, and to examine their Propositions, Commissioners were appointed, viz. the Cardinal of Richlieu, the Keeper of the Seals, the Marquis de la Vieville, and la Ville aux-clers. The Ambassadors not knowing after what manner the Cardinal would receive them, desired him to inform them: He answered, That he would treat them as he treated the Ambassadors of the Emperor, and the King of Spain: That he could not give them the Right Hand, because he gave it not to those Ambassadors; but in conducting them back, he would go further than he had been accustomed, provided that he might be suffered to cover this condescension with a pretext, which might hinder others from drawing it into a Precedent. The Ambassadors disapproved of the Expedient, but begged of him to give them time to receive Orders concerning it from the King their Master, and not to take it ill, if whilst they stayed for them, they did not appear in the Queen's Chamber. They added nevertheless, That if he would feign himself to be sick, they would give him a Visit, and that this would take away all Difficulties.  
The Cardinal kept his Bed on the morrow, and the other Three Commissioners being come to his Chamber, the Ambassadors entered soon after, and explained the Intention of King James, and of the Prince of Wales, concerning the Marriage, and the League against Spain. Although they desired that these two Articles might be conjoined, they consented to begin with the first; upon which they represented, That the Proposition which they made of a Marriage between the Prince of Wales and a Daughter of France was no new thing, since it had been discoursed of many Years ago, to mary the same Prince with Madam Christina, who was afterwards married to the Prince of Piedmont; so that they had nothing to do but to reassume the Articles which were already made, and to continue on the same Foot. The French answered, That the Face of Affairs was changed since that time, and that they had at present other Thoughts; That it was the King of England's Interest to preserve the Reputation of the King in this Marriage between his Son and his Majesty's Sister; That they could not be contented now with what his britannic Majesty had formerly agreed to Madam Christina about Religion, after what had happened in Spain, when there was a Treaty of Marriage between the Prince of Wales and the Infanta. They spoken much about this; and the Ambassadors being pressed to give in writing, what they could agree to, presented an Article, by which their Master promised free Exercise of the catholic Religion to Madam and her Train. But the King's Commissioners said, It was necessary to begin, by laying the Eleven Articles on the Table, which his Majesty of Great Britain had agreed with Spain, when the Prince of Wales sought the Infanta. The Ambassadors immediately rejected this Proposition: To which De la Ville aux-clers answered, That he was surprised that they were not come with Power to make the same Concessions to the Most Christian King, which their King had granted to his catholic Majesty, since they might easily know, that France would not suffer any inequality in this Affair.  
Hereupon a Courier was dispatched to the Count de Teilleres Ambassador of France in England, that he should see the Prince and the Duke of Buckingham, to remonstrate to them, that the King could demand no less; and how much it imported the Crown of England that this Negotiation should not be broken off; that they knew for certain, that the Prince still hearkned to those Propositions which the Spaniards had made him, and which, in all appearance, would turn to his great disadvantage. But the King having discovered, that the Ambassadors of England had not written to their Master, another Courier was sent to Teillieres, to advertise him to take no notice of it. In effect, the Ambassadors of England soon consented to agree to all the Articles with Spain, except Three; of which, one was concerning Liberty of Conscience for the English catholics; another, for a public Church for the Re●i●u● of Madam; and the last related to the 〈…〉 of those Children who should be born in this Marriage, who were to be( until they arrived to twelve Ye●r● of Age) in the Hands of the Queen, to bring them up in her Religion. The French represented ●o the Ambassadors, That this would do great Service to his 〈…〉 Majesty, by uniting to his Party all the English catholics, who would oppose themselves to the ●●●i●●ns or Presbyterians, by whom the King was not b●l●●'d: But this Reason was too weak, because the number of Presbyterians was incomparably greater, and their Party more formidable than that of the Catholick●: 〈…〉 such that the Court of England had a great deal mo●● to do to manage the first, whose Favour, bowever, it was not difficult for the King to obtain, if he pleased. So the English Ambassadors would never consent to grant a Church to the catholics, for fear lest the People of London should mutiny; although they agreed to the Article concerning the Education of the Children. The Court of France insisted to have a Bishop sent with the Queen; which the Ambassadors rejected as useless. As to what respected the Dowry, they demanded Eight hundred thousand Crowns; of which half to be paid in London the Evening before the Marriage, Two hundred thousand a Year after, and the rest in six Months after that. They provided also, that if Madam should happen to die before the Prince, without Children, the Prince should be obliged to restore only the Moiety.  
This Negotiation being brought thus far, the Ambassadors declared, that they could proceed no farther; and they sent to London what was already agreed to. In the mean time the King of France was to procure a Dispensation of the Pope, who was Urban the Eighth, for his Sister, that she might be permitted to espouse an heretic Prince. Three Months slipped away in staying for the Pope's Dispensation. The Nuncio Spada was not wanting on this occasion to represent to the Queen-Mother, that she could not conclude the Marriage of her daughter, without first obtaining licence of the Pope; but the Ambassadors of England refused to stay for it. They apprehended at Rome, that this Alliance would engage Lewis XIII. to support the Interests of the Elector Palatine, a Calvinist, Brother-in-Law to the Prince of Wales, and to cause the Palatinate, which had been taken from him, and conferred on the catholic Branch of the House of Bavaria, to be restored to him: But at the bottom England did not interest itself much in this; and France had never done it, if other things had not happened afterwards. Nevertheless, the Pope fearing that this Crown would insensibly oblige itself to protect the heretics, wrote a Brief to the King, and another to the Queen-Mother, by which he endeavoured to divert them from it. The Nuncio, when he presented them, backed them with all the Reasons of Reputation and Conscience that he could think off: He  told them of the noise that was made of the King's joining with heretics, which brought great Prejudice to the catholic Religion in general; and more especially in Germany. 
See Siri Rec. p. 614.  The King answered, That the Pope should find him no less a good catholic than the Spaniards; and that this perhaps was the only Reason that retarded the Marriage of his Sister. The Queen also, amongst other things, said, That the Spaniards, who hindered the Marriage, and raised so many Scruples, offered at present a Blank to the King of England; but that her Daughter should not depart till they had taken all Assurances which could be required on the account of Religion. As for the League which the English proposed, it was said, That it was not concluded for that; and that the Marriage was to precede, as a thing which had no relation to the other.  
It was believed that the Queen-Mother longed passionately for this Marriage, to secure her self of a new Support, in case any disturbances should arise in France. The Nuncio was not contented with speaking to her before Matters were concluded with the English; he spoken also to Cardinal Richlieu, to whom he represented, that his Character, and his Dignity, obliged him to oppose the conclusion of the Marriage, without the Permission of his Holiness; and that if people saw he opposed it but coldly, the laic Counsellors of State would easily give their Hands to it.  
The principal Difficulty they insisted upon at Rome, and which the French could hardly resolve, was, that the Pope could not with Honour agree to a Dispensation, in favour of a Marriage between the Prince of Wales and a Daughter of France, on Conditions less advantageous to the catholic Religion, than those which had been made with the Insanta of Spain: It would be more honourable for France to come to a Conclusion on better Terms than the Spaniard. The French said truly, That the Prince of Wales had agreed to the Spaniards what they had demanded; but that then he was in their hands, and that as soon as he was departed from Spain, he revoked all. But to this it was replied, That since the Prince was willing to mary so great a Princess as the Daughter of France, he must needs come up to their Proposals, because he could not well renew with Spain. But as it was impossible to obtain from the Parliament a Church for the catholics in England, the French saw very well, that the Prince of Wales would rather quit his Pretensions to the King's Sister, than agree to a thing which he could not grant without hazarding all: So that they were resolved to pass over this Article. The Cardinal de Richlieu believed, 
Letters the carded to M. d'●bault, A● 22. 162.  that to obtain this Dispensation, it was sufficient that the King was assured of all the Conditions which were necessary for the Salvation of Madam and all her Family; and that there was just reason to hope it would turn to the general Benefit of the English catholics: For which reason, he hoped it would be approved by his Holiness; whom he would also have to understand, that if the Dispensation stayed too long, they would not wait for it.  
Several Casuists had already declared, 
Letter M●●quem● 〈…〉 162●.  that this Dispersation was not absolutely necessary; and that if it was a sin to conclude a Marriage without it, it could only be a venial one, in a Country where there was Liberty of Conscience, and where the catholics and the Hugonots lived together. One day 
Aug 2● 〈…〉.  when the Nuncio went to visit the Cardinal, the latter said, That B 〈…〉 s had sent him word, that the Pope had  told him he would give no Dispensation, unless England would agree to the same Conditions at Paris, which they had consented to at Madrid. The Nuncio answered, That he had no reason to wonder at it, since the King and the Cardina● had said, That the catholic Religion should obtain no less advantages by the means of France, than by the means of Spain. That is true, said the Cardinal; and we will keep all that we have promised, because the King of England will grant us all that he promised to the Spaniard, with a design to execute, and not what he promised only for Ceremony. This distinction, replied Spada, is very metaphysical; and if we should give place to such Considerations, the Exceptions would easily overthrow the Rule. He added, That the Cardinal had managed this Affair far differently from what it was, when it was in the hands of Monsieur de la Vieville. That would be a fine thing, said the Cardinal, if it should be said, That Vieville had made this M●●ch, but those who succeeded him have broken it. The Nuncio replied, That he would have more Honour by breaking it, than by concluding it, according to the Maxim of Vieville. The mischief is, answered the Cardinal, that we are not now in a condition to have any regard to what may be done with Honour. Spada replied, That the French could not possibly avoid the Censure of the World; and the rather, because the English boasted they had already gained the Point they desired, as well relating to the Marriage itself, as to the Circumstances of it. He meant the Pretensions of the English ambassadors, that they had outwitted the Cardinal. But the Cardinal said, That he never went to meet them, nor did he accompany them, but only stayed for them in the Chamber of the Assembly, sitting in the most honourable Place, or standing, until the Table was brought in: That he was the First who spake, and the First who seated himself; and that he never rendered them a Visit, for which the Earl of Carlisle was very angry.  
Some time before this Conversation, Father Berulle was sent to Rome to press on the Dispensation: He had 
See Siri, Mem. Rec. T. 5. p. 623.  Instructions given him, dated the 31st. of July, which contained amongst other things, That this Marriage might be of great advantage to the catholic Religion, because the Princess being well brought up, and firm in her Faith, might gain the Prince her Spouse, and put the English catholics in security, in respect of their Estates and Lives: That the King of England being by that means fixed to the Crown of France, would no more foment the Hatred which the Protestants had against the catholics; so that the Turks seeing the Unity of the Christians, would dare to attempt nothing against them: That his most Christian Majesty had declared to the English ambassadors, that he would do nothing that might derogate from the Respect due to his Holiness: That it was agreed, that the Ceremony of the Espousals should be performed according to the Usage of the Church of Rome, as the same was practised at the Marriage of Margarette de clois, and the King of Navarre: That it was moreover agreed, that she should have the free Exercise of the catholic Religion for her self and Family; so that in the Royal Houses where she should reside, there should be a chapel for hearing of Mass, and administering the Sacraments: That she should have a Bishop for her Grand Almoner, with sufficient power to proceed against the ecclesiastics who neglected their Duty: That there should be of them to the number of Twenty six, who when they officiated, should wear their Ecclesiastical Habits: That the King and the Prince should swear never to urge the Princess neither directly nor indirectly, to do any thing whatsoever contrary to the catholic Religion: That her domestics should be French catholics, chosen by the most Christian King; and when any died, they should substitute others of the same Religion in their places: That the Children born in this Marriage, should be brought up by their Mother until they arrived to the Age of Thirteen Years: That the King of England, in consideration of this Alliance, should hinder all molestation of his catholic Subjects; and that they should be compelled to take no Oath contrary to their Religion. It was on this foot that they demanded the Dispensation.  
But because the Pope might object, That the Articles with Spain were more advantageous to the catholic Religion than those of France, they charged Father Berulle to represent to him, That the Spaniards to gain time, and not to surrender the Palatinate, offered at present to be contented with less than the King of England had agreed to his Majesty; and that the Prince of Wales, to draw himself out of the hands of the Spaniards, had promised more than he had designed to make good: That, in fine, it was impossible to obtain more from the English.  
Father Berulle acquitted himself of his Commission so well, that the Pope was mollified, and promised the Dispensation, which he afterwards sent; whether he was afraid, that if he should refuse it obstinately, they would slight it; or else that he was convinced with the Reasons had been given him. There was yet in England some difficulty on the Articles which France supposed she might obtain, and upon which the Dispensation was grounded. But, in fine, the King of England consented to what was desired, and the Articles were signed the 20th. of November, 1624. by the Cardinal de Richlieu and the ambassadors. The King sent la Villeaux Clers to London, to take of the King of Great Britain, and the Prince of Wales, the Oaths which we have mentioned: They took them between his hands, and further swore to release all the catholic Prisoners, as soon as the Marriage was consummated; and to prohibit for the future their being ill treated for their Religion. They gave also 
Siri Mem. in Rec, T. 5. P. 695.  both of them a Promise in Writing, by which they bound themselves by no way or means whatsoever, to oblige the Princess to change her Religion.  
The Cardinal de Richlieu 
Au●●r● Vie du Cardinal, lib. 11. c. 1. , to prevent all Contests which might arise by means of this Alliance, between the English and the French, as at other times had happened, obliged Madam to renounce all Successions, both direct and collateral, which might accrue to her, for which there was to be given her in Marriage 800000 Crowns. He also took care that the Princess's House should be composed of as great a number of Officers, as any Queen of England ever had: That her Dowry should be Sixty thousand Crowns per Annum, which should be assigned her upon Lands, one of which should be a duchy or Earldom: That if she should become a Widow, she should have her choice to stay in England, or to come into France, whether she had Children or no; and that in case she return'd thither, the King of England should be obliged to cause her to be conducted at his Charges, with Honours agreeable to her Quality, as far as Calais.  
After this manner was this Marriage concluded, which afterwards proved fatal to Charles I. King of England. King James his Father, and this Prince, were both overseen in their politics, in seeking this Alliance with the Infanta, and a Daughter of France; as if there had been no other Women in the World, and as if the good of their Kingdom, and the Desire of their Subjects, did indispensably oblige them to look our for one that was a catholic. It was truly enough said, That by taking this course, they betrayed themselves to so great disadvantages, that to mary a Daughter of Spain or France, they must be forced to submit to the meanest and basest things imaginable; such were the Oaths which were exacted from them: The liberty which they gave the Princess, that the Prince of Wales should suffer his Children which he should have by her, to be brought up in her Religion; and before all this, the Voyage which the Prince made into Spain, without knowing whether he should obtain the Infanta. In the mean time, he drew no assistance from France in his greatest Necessities; nay, he was embroiled with her; and perhaps it had been yet worse, if he had espoused the Infanta. His Subjects were extremely averse to the Popish Party, no● enduring be should sell, as we may say, the Religion of his Children, and his own Conscience, he then making profession to be a Protestant. There were in G●●ma●y divers Protestant Princesses, with whom indeed he could not have had Eight hundred thousand Crowns; but who would have kept peace in his Estates, and procur▪ d the love of his Subjects. But as this Match was against all the Maxims of good Policy, so it drew upon himself those Mischiefs, which no King succeeding to an hereditary Crown perhaps ever fell into; and his Sons born of that Marriage, and seduced by their Mother's Persuasions, have been Most unfortunate since his Death. Several People indeed were of Opinion▪ that Cardinal de Richlieu, who was then contriving a War against the House of Austria, sent the Princess H●●●ietta M●ri● into England, as an Apple of dissension, which would create so much trouble in England, as would incapacitate them from meddling with their Neighbours Affairs.  
I would not interrupt the Series of this Negotiation, to speak of two other things which gave this Cardinal work enough at the beginning of his Ministry: The one was the Disgrace of the Marquis de la Vieville, and the other the Business of the Valteline, which employed the Court a long time; and the principal Transactions of which Affair I shall relate, as soon as I have given an account of the Fall of that new Minister.  
Without any Merit to distinguish him from the rest of the World, he had at a leap, by the easiness of the King, obtained so great a Power, that he governed not only the Treasury, but the State, though almost all the Court hated him. He made his Authority appear, by the manner of treating Colonel d▪ Ornano, monsieurs governor. It will not be amiss to give a short relation of this Aff●ir because, as this Prince had a great share in the Brouilleries of the Grandees in Cardinal Richlieu's Ministry, we shall better understand the Original of it, if we can come to know how he was educated.  
Gaston, in the Year 1615. going out of the hands of Madam de Montglas, 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 5. p. 6●8.  Governante of the Children of France, was committed to the Tuition of De Breves his governor, as being a virtuous Man, and well-seen in the World, by the many Embassies, in which he had acquitted himself very well. He took so much care in the Education of the Duke of Orleans, that that Prince, in a very little time, made a very great progress in all things which can be required in a Person of his Quality: His Wit was admired, his Discourse, and the obliging manner, with which he received all Persons who addressed themselves to him. But as Courtiers, who generally abardon themselves to Vices, dread the virtues of Princes, which they find opposite to their Designs, De Breves soon had the Grief to be removed from the Person of Monsieur, at the time when he was most necessary to him. He is  told he must retire, a little after the Death of the marshal d' anchor, in 1617. and to get such an Order from the King, they had taken care to make him jealous of the good Qualities of his Brother, who, some Persons affirmed, had more Wit, and better Education than he. In the interim, in a Council which was held at the Chancellor Sillery's, where were present du Vair, Villeroy, and the President Jeannin, it was concluded to find another governor for Monsieur: They called De Breves before them; and after they had given him abundance of Praises, for the great care he had taken in the Education of that Prince, they  told him, That his Majesty would have him take no further pains, without giving him any manner of reason. The Chancellor added, That he had Orders from the King to tell him, that he was perfectly satisfied with him; and for a proof of it, his Majesty made him a present of Fifty thousand Crowns, to be paid in three Years out of the Treasury, and gave him a Warrant for Six thousand liures Pension. Luines, willing to assure himself of the Person of Monsieur, gave him the Count de Lude for governor, who had been his own domestic. This new governor had, in a little time, rooted out all the Seeds of virtue, which de Breves had endeavoured to sow in the Mind of the Prince; and being addicted to Pleasure, left the care of the princes Education to his Sub-Governour, whose gross and brutish Manners entirely corrupted young Gaston, who so accustomed himself to Swearing under this Man, that he never could leave off that ill habit. The Count de Lude dying about the end of the Year 1619. they made Ornane, Colonel of the Guards of Corsi, and the King's Lieutenant-General in Normandy, governor to Monsieur: He was a Man of great Qualities, and did all he could to cure him of the ill habits which the Prince, drowned in Voluptuousness, had contracted, and had no ill success, which seemed now to be of the greatest importance; the King then having no Children, it might happen that Gaston should succeed to the Crown. In the sequel, Ornano suggested to him, to demand of the King to be admitted into the Privy-Council, that he might enter there himself by the favour of his Master. To gain the better on his Spirit, he began to be more indulgent to him, and to have a greater Complaisance for him. The Marquis de la Vieville, though in in the Declination of Favour, perceiving the Designs of the Colonel, worked so with the King, that he was apprehended, and sent Prisoner to Caen in Normandy, whatever Gaston could do to obtain his liberty. At the same time his Majesty ordained Despreaux to be his governor, who had been his own Sub-Governour whilst he was Dauphin, and depended wholly on his Majesty: But this was but for a small time; for after the Marquis de Vieville's disgrace, the King, induced by the entreaties of Monsieur, gave Ornano his liberty and readmission to his old Post. All the fault of his Imprisonment was thrown on the disgraced Minister, as if the King, who had given the Orders for his Arrest, had had no hand in it.  
La Vieville had yet Credit enough before he fell, to recall the Count of Tillieres, Ambassador in England, and Brother-in-Law to the marshal de Bassompierre his Enemy. 
Mem. de Bassomp. T. 2. P. 312.  He feigned to be at difference with the Ambassadors of his Majesty of Great Britain, and laboured for an Agreement between them, that Tillieres might be recalled, and D'Effiat, a great Friend of the Earl of Carlisle's, sent in his stead. It was said, That Tillieres was not fit for that Court, because he was too much a Friend to the Jesuits, who were hated in England; but the principal reason was, a Letter which he had written to the King; by which he gave him notice, that the Queen his Mother, without his knowledge, was treating in England, about the Marriage of Madam, by Persons intermediate; which so provoked the Queen-Mother, that she destroyed his Reputation with the King. D'Effiat arrived at London in July; and his principal Commission was, to discover if King James had really left off dealing with Spain, and meant the Marriage of his Son with Madam sincerely; for it was still doubted in France. His Instructions gave him the Title of Ambassador in Ordinary; but they afterwards gave him that of Extraordinary. In the mean time he was recalled whilst he was on his way; and as he had represented that he might better serve the King, if he were restored, they granted it to him again by a Letter of the 31st of July. These Alterations in a thing of so little Consequence, denoted a great inequalty in the Council, of which the Cardinal had not yet taken the entire management, as afterward he did.  
Although very few Persons 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 5. p. 628. Bassomp. T. 2. p. 315.  loved the marquis De la Vieville; yet it was believed that the Cardinal of Richlieu was his principal Enemy, who could not suffer a Person above him in the Council, and who perceived the Marquis opposed his Designs. The King dissembled less with this Minister than with others whom he had disgraced, and shew'd plainly that he was displeased with him; insomuch that he himself resigned his Charge of superintendant into the King's Hands, and the Place which he had in the Council, and desired his Permission to take leave. But at his going out the Marquis was apprehended by the Count de Thermes, Captain of the Guards, and the King's musketeers carried him in a Coach to the Castle of Amboise; out of which place he afterwards made his escape.  
The Reasons of his Disgrace, such I mean as were published, were, that he took too much Authority upon him; and that of his own Head he had determined Affairs of the greatest Importance; That he had sent Orders on the same account to the King's Ambassadors, and given Answers to those of other Princes, without consulting the King or his other Ministers; That he had changed the Orders given in the King's Presence, and charged the King of many Injustices, which himself had been guilty of to satisfy his own Passions: Beaumarchez his Father-in-Law, and Treasurer of the Exchequer, was suspended from his Office, and consigned to one of his Houses.  
The King afterwards gave Commission for their trials, and it was hoped they might draw in the good Man, Beaumarchez, who was very rich. But the marshal de Vitry, his other Son-in-Law, obtained that his Name might be taken out of the Commission, and that only La Vieville and his complices should be name. It was pretended, that it could be made out that he had cheated the King, because he had bought, since he was superintendent, Lands worth Fourteen thousand liures in Rent: But it was not difficult to prove, that he might make this Purchase out of his own Lands, and the Sale of some Offices which he had. He was accused to have given eight hundred thousand liures to his Father-in-Law: But Beaumarchez made it appear, that he had lent them to the King, after his Son became superintendent. Whatsoever they could do, they could not find any misapplications in the Treasury, to charge him with.  
It was reported, that while he was in favour he endeavoured to secure himself of the Support of the Queen-Mother, and become her Favourite as well as the King's; and seeing that the Cardinal enjoyed that place with the Queen which he desired, he had the boldness to represent to that Princess, that she might be absolute Master of the King and all the Court if she would rid her self of the Cardinal; who not being beloved by the King, was the reason why he did not place an entire Confidence in her. He offered to serve the Queen as well as the Cardinal could do: But she perceived it was more for his envying that she kept this Prelate in her Service than to augment her Authority. This was the beginning of his Ruin, which was daily endeavoured, when it was found that he designed to rule solely in the King's Favour and his Mother's. It happened that some of the Courtiers spoken much in praise of the Cardinal, in reporting to the King at his going to Bed, and when he was hunting, many things which this Prelate had done or said for his Service; of which a great part were Inventions. La Vieville, who perceived this Design of those who made use of this Artifice, said one day to the King, That the Cardinal indeed was a Person of great Parts, and very capable to serve his Majesty; but withal, so imperious and haughty, that if he should put the Administration of Affairs into his Hands, he must ask him leave to go a hunting. This passed before the Cardinal was received into the Council; and la Vieville was so imprudent as to assist to raise this Prelate to that Post, in a time when the manner of his exercising the Charge of superintendant, had rendered him odious to a great many People, whose Pensions he had retrenched.  
The King caused the King of England to be advertised of the Disgrace of the superintendant; which gave no small Alarm at that Court, because it was believed, that since he, who had first negotiated the Affair of the Marriage, was disgraced, it was a sign that France would break the Match. There were, besides, some other Circumstances which confirmed his Majesty of Great Britain in this Opinion; which was, That they would not approve of the Articles of the Marriage, as they had been ordered by Carlisle and Vieville. This later having said, That they demanded an Article in favour of the English catholics merely for Form, the Ambassadors omitted it; and Vieville having passed it over, without telling any Person, the King and the other Ministers refused to approve of this Retrenchment, and said, That Vieville had released this Article without Order. The King of England presently looked upon this as a denial, and for a Sign that they would break the Negotiation; but having after found the contrary, he renewed it, and agreed to all, as we have already said.  
To come now to the Affair of the Valteline, the Reader must be informed, that in the time of Henry IV. the Spaniards had endeavoured to obtain a free Passage from Italy into Germany, for the reciprocal Communication of the Estates of the House of Austria. For this they had built in the Valteline, the Fort of Fuentes, that the Grisons to whom the Valteline belonged, might not be capable to dispute their Passage when need required. France and Italy were very much alarmed on this occasion, fearing that the House of Austria was just on the point to execute some considerable enterprise. But the Spaniards declared, That they had built this Fort only to protect the catholic Religion in the Valteline, which they said was there oppressed by the Grison Protestants. It was soon after made visible, that this Discourse was only to lull the Princes of Italy asleep, since they built four other Forts; and having raised the catholic Grisons, made themselves absolute Masters of all the Valley. Then the Council of France believed that it was time to look about them in good earnest, having yet employed only the way of Treaties and Negotiations, wherein the Spaniards promised what they desired, but performed nothing. They had long Conferences with the Ambassadors of France at Rome; and the Holy See was taken up many Years to reconcile the two Crowns: But the Spaniards were resolved at any rate to preserve the Passage which they had opened; and the French were no less obstinate to hinder the Communication of the Estates of the House of Austria, by which it became too formidable both in Germany and Italy; and there was no way left to procure an Agreement. Upon this a League was made between the King of France, the republic of Venice, and the Duke of Savey, concluded at Paris the 7th of February, 1623. by which these three Powers obliged themselves to set on Foot( until the Valteline was wholly recovered) an Army of Thirty six thousand Foot, and Six thousand Horse. This League put the Spaniards into such a fright, that they thought it their best way to deposit the Forts of the Valteline in the Hands of the Pope. By this Artifice they rendered the League above-mentioned useless, they avoided the War with which they were threatened, and engaged his Holiness to their Party, and more easily persuaded him, that their Zeal for the catholic Religion had engaged them to build the Forts then in dispute. In the mean time they had the Passage open as they had desired, and hoped to withdraw those Forts out of the Hands of the Pope, as soon as the League made against them should be dissolved. Many things intervened while this Affair was on foot, which I shall pass by; 'tis sufficient to observe, that the Cardinal of Richlieu entering into his Ministry, found it in this Posture.  
As for him, he judged it requisite, that the King should do himself reason by the way of force, since the prolonging of Treaties made whatsoever was done ineffectual. 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 5. p. 635.  He did not hid his Sentiments from the Nuncio; to whom he said one Day, That the King and Council now resolved to see this Affair ended in a few Months; and that the Council would act more steadily, since it had a Head now that was not inconstant like the former. In effect, the Marquis of Coeuvres was sent into Switzerland in Quality of Ambassador Extraordinary, with 
In the Month of Jane.  Instructions which directed him, that if this Affair was not suddenly accommodated, to raise Three thousand Grisons, and Three thousand Swissers, and to make a Descent upon the Valteline. The Forces of the League were also to be ready to march by the 15th of September, to act before Winter. The Confederate Princes had many Reasons to make hast, since without that, the Swissers and the Grisons, who expected to be presently delivered from the Spanish yoke, would grow could when they found too much delay; and that the Arch-Duke Leopold, and the governor of Milan, would not sail in the Winter to seize on all the Passages, and fortify them well; so that it would be very difficult to force them. In the Interim, as the time was but short, Orders were given to the Count of Bethunes, to press the Pope and the Spaniards strongly, and to use sometimes Remonstrances, and sometimes Threats, to make the last to desist from maintaining the Passages of the Valteline.  
But these instances signified nothing; and the Marquis de Coeuvres had Orders to hasten his Levies, and get all things ready for execution. The Levies being made, a difficulty presented itself, which embarrass'd him for some time, which was, whether he should demand Passage at the Diet of Baden. For although by the Alliance of the Swissers with the Crown, they were obliged to give him free Passage, it was to be feared lest the Nuncio and the Ambassador of Spain, whom the catholic Cantons favoured, should prevail with them to oppose it, and that this refusal might spoil the Design. In fine, he resolved not to demand it of the catholics, but when he took it, and to speak then only to the Protestants, who would agree to it, only on condition that the King should assist them as occasion should require. The Nuncio and the Ambassador of Spain forgot not any Artifice to stop the design of Coeuvres; and to gain time, gave him hopes, that the Affair might be agreed at Rome. But he proceeded with the same vigour as before, and fixed the rising, as it was agreed with the Grisons, on the 26th of October.  
At the same time the Nuncio Spada 
Sept. 24  made sharp Remonstrances to the King upon this enterprise, which, he said, would  shed much catholic Blood in behalf of the Protestants; whereas he ought to consider how to destroy that Party in the Kingdom as he had happily begun. The King answered, That the Spaniards forced him to it, and that it should appear in all his Conduct, that he was as good a catholic as they. The same Nuncio being with the Cardinal of Richlieu, this latter said to him, 
Siri T. ●. Mem. Pa●●n. p. 66,  speaking of the Affair of the Valteline, That Vieville had spoiled all, in proposing Ways and Means to accommodate this difference; and that he was the Cause that the Spaniards had not been reduced to reason. The Nuncio replied, in the way of Raillery, that he and the Cardinal de Rochefoucaud could not but be much puzzled in the Council, when they deliberated about such Matters, since they must at the same time fight with the Spaniards, and yet avoid falling into such an irregularity, as it was to be a favourer of heretics; which was a thing ill of itself, and therefore could not obtain a Dispensation. The Cardinal answered, That there was the same reason to grant him a Dispensation for the Charge of councillor, as for that of Secretary; and as for what concerned the heretics, the difference of the Case, and the end which was proposed, changed the nature of things; and in this Affair he believed, he did not only the King, but God good Service, since he had studied, as he said, this Question, and found that the Case, as it was represented to the King, was such, that he would maintain, that nothing was done or thought of, which was not agreeable to the strictest Rules of Conscience; and that he would cause this Proposition to be subscribed by an hundred Doctors of the Sorbon.  
Whilst Coeuvres endeavoured 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 5. p: 669,& 704.  to levy six thousand Men, of which we have spoken, the Spaniards intercepted some Letters of his to the Count de Bethunes, and some others of Bethunes to him; by which they understood the designs of the latter. They shew'd them to the Pope, and thereupon made a great noise at Rome, but took no measures to hinder it: Whether they imagined that it was nothing but an airy Project only to terrify them; and that the French durst not put it in execution; or that they had not Sense enough to understand, that if they did not hasten their Succours, the Valteline would be taken from them in spite of the Pope's Garrisons.  
Whilst the Spaniards debated about this Affair at Rome, the Marquis de Coeuvres finished his Levies; and the Regiment of Vaubecourt being entered into switzerland, marched through it, in so much Order and Discipline, that they gave no occasion for Complaint. Being joined to the new Troops raised in the Valley, and on the Lands of the Ecclesiastical Cantons, this little Army took its way to the Valteline. In the mean time the catholic Cantons deliberated at Lucerne, whether they should permit the Passage or no, which without doubt they had refused, had the others demanded it, before they were ready, for fear they should draw upon themselves the Troops of the House of Austria. But the Army being on their march, the conclusion of all was, to sand an Envoy to the King to entreat him, that no more Troops might be sent into their Country, for Reasons they would declare. The Army took its march towards the middle of the Valteline, so that it kept in Alarm, Chiavenne, Bormio, Tirano, and the Fort de Valmonastero. Before it had advanced far, the Garrison of this last Fort, which was built in a Valley, and served for a Line of Communication between Tiron and the Valteline, abandod▪ d it, taking with them the Cannon and the Ammunitions. This Garrison was commanded by an Officer of the Arch-Duke's Troops, who by deserting this Post so cowardly, without staying for the coming up of an Army which had no Cannon with it, gave opportunity to the Marquis de Coeuvres to seize it, and entirely to shut up the Passage to the Austrian Troops, who could not advance that way. So happy a beginning filled the French General with Courage; but before he passed further, he caused the Passes which he left behind him to be fortified, that he might that way receive the Victuals which came out of switzerland. Afterwards he went to Maienfeld, and sent Haraucourt, marshal de Camp, to draw together the People of the Eight Rights, who were ready to throw off the yoke of the House of Austria. He convened a general Assembly of the Grisons at Coire, where he proposed four things which he obtained; the first was, the re-union of the three Leagues which had embroiled themselves, whom he easily persuaded to resume their ancient Liberty, and the Sovereignty of the Valteline, which they enjoyed before the last Wars. The second was, to renew the ancient Seats of the Leagues. The third was, a General Pardon,( which was to be granted to those of the Valteline, who had taken Arms) and the liberty of Religion. The fourth was, that they should make an Alliance with the King only, excepting the Hereditary Peace with the House of Austria, and the Alliance which the Swissers had with them.  
Being advanced a little farther, 
In the end of November.  he made himself Master of Casavio, Poschiavo, and Bormio, without using any Force. He found there that they had broken the Bridges which opened to him the way into the midst of the Valteline; and having repaired them, although, as I said, he had no Cannon, he made a show as if he would attack Pla●amalla, a Fort built on a Rock by Louis XII, with a design to stop the Incursions of the Grisons. The Garrison was so terrified at the sight only of their Enemies, that without attending a Summons, they abandoned the Fort, and retreated farther into the Valteline. The Army of the Marquis having taken Possession of it, marched on daily, notwithstanding the Letters of Nicholas Gui Marquis de Bagni, General for the Pope in the Valteline; by which he had vainly imagined that he might have stopped the Progress of Coeuvres, by putting him in mind of the Respect he owed to the Ensigns of his Holiness. There are no Persons who regard ecclesiastics less than those who know them to the bottom, as Coeuvres, who had been Ambassador at Rome for many Years. Thus he presently reduced the Pope's General to surrender 
Decemb. 11.  the Castle of Tirano, after he had taken the City by Composition. The timorous Bagni promised by the Capitulation, not to possess himself any more of any Fort of the Valteline, and to sand back the Garrison of Tirano into the Ecclesiastical State. Coeuvres going from thence to Sondrio, the City instantly yielded as Tirano had done; but the Castle held out about two Days, until they had spent about fifty Cannon Shot; 
Decemb. 11.  whose noise had so alarmed the Commandant, that he talked of capitulating: The Soldiers, who desired the same, presently left the Ramparts; and the French seized on them so briskly, that before they had come to Articles, the Castle was taken, and the Pope's Soldiers stripped. They gave them their Lives; and the French General, out of respect to the Pope, sent them back with their Ensigns to Bagni, although some of them had thrown themselves there after the Surrender of Tirano, contrary to the Capitulation. The French, by the Reduction of Sondrio, were in capacity to advance as far as the Fort of Fuentes, which was at the other end of the Valteline, to observe the motion of some Spanish Troops, who lay posted along the Lake of Côme, and whereof six Companies were entered into Riva and Nova. But the Weather was too could, and the Passages of the Mountains were too hard to be forced to make a new attempt. Thus the French found themselves Masters of almost all the Valteline, without shedding any Blood of their own or of the Popes Troops. The Duke of Feria, governor of Milan, whose assistance Bagni had desired, and who ought to have had Troops on the Frontiers, ready to march at the first notice, took no care to sand them until it was too late, according to the Custom of the Spaniards, who deliberate when they should be in action; and make a bustle when it is too late to do good. Bagni, a Man both without Courage and Experience, with the Troops raised in the Ecclesiastical State, where no body is advanced by Feats of Arms, and where the Profession of War is unknown, found himself uncapable to make the least resistance, and by his retreat made it appear, that he was mistaken in depending on himself or his Soldiers.  
In the interim, the Venetian Army was on the Frontiers of Tirol, to hinder the Arch-Duke from undertaking any thing, and to succour the French if occasion required; but many difficulties intervened, which rendered the Venetian Troops useless on this occasion. It was the same with Count Mansfield, who was to have brought an Army of twenty thousand Men into Germany, composed principally of English, with some Auxiliary Troops of France and the United Provinces, to reconquer the Palatinate, or at least to winter on the Lands of the House of Austria in Germany. Neither France nor England would declare themselves openly against Spain, so as to come to a breach with that Crown; although England was willing to make a rapture with the Emperour. There was yet more difficulties for the Passage and Payment of these Troops; the French would not let them pass through their Territories; and the King of England would not have them across the Spanish Netherlands. France had also made a Project, to sand the Constable of Lesdiguieres, to join with a Body of French Troops, and some Forces of the Duke of Savoy, to attack the Genoeses, to support the Pretensions which the Duke had upon Zuccarello, which the Genouese kept; and if it were possible, to take Genoa itself. The Duke of Savoy, and the Venetians, would fain have had the French to make an open Breach with the Spaniards, and to enter into the Milanese: But although the Cardinal, who was become the principal Minister, did think effectually to make War against Spaniards, yet he thought it not convenient to declare his Design as yet. This was the Action which passed this Year; and the French were contented to render themselves Masters of the greatest part of the Valteline, without enterprising any thing else, well-being the Instances of the Confederates.  
Yet in the mean time, the Design of the Cardinal was to make War on the House of Austria, whose Greatness seemed to over-shadow France; and he made no scruple to say, before those whom he could trust, That to make an assured Peace, Spain was to be brought to it, not by Treaties, but by Arms. Were it that he believed that the good of the State required it or not, it was his particular Interest quickly to do something remarkable, which might be for the Honour of his Ministry, and to take from the French the Opinion they had conceived, That when Affairs were in the hands of a Bishop and a Cardinal, the Council must necessary incline to Peace. The Marquis of Mirabel, ambassador of Spain, understood very well the Designs of this Principal Minister, who treated with the ambassadors of England, of Venice, of the United Provinces, and of Savoy, to induce these Powers to act against the House of Austria in several places at the same time; whilst he protested to the Envoy of Flanders, to the Agent of Bavaria, and to all those who were concerned in the Affairs of that House, in France, or with its Allies, that the King endeavoured nothing more than to entertain a Peace with her: That 
About the middle of Decemb. See Siri, Mem. Rec. T. 5. p. 741.  ambassador therefore resolved to complain to the Cardinal himself, whom he visited on that occasion: He gave him to understand, that he perfectly knew all that had passed; and grew so warm upon it, that he  told him, that it was a strange and scandalous thing, that by the Counsel of an ecclesiastic and a Cardinal, all the heretics of Europe should be succoured against the catholics, and above all on such occasions which in any manner regarded Religion: That this smelled of a Lutheran: That for his sake he had patience till then, in hopes the Cardinal would in time moderate himself; but finding that these Designs to assist the heretics were ready to be executed, he could no longer keep silence; that he thought himself at last obliged to discharge his Conscience; and the rather, since by being silent, he should injure the Affairs of his Master, in whose Name he protested before GOD, against all the Evil which might happen to Christendom. The Cardinal provoked with this Discourse, answered, That he knew very well the difference between an Affair of Religion, and an Affair of State: That as he was a Priest, Cardinal, and good catholic, born in France, where there are no mongrels, and moreover, Minister of the most Christian King, he ought not, nor could not propose to himself any other prospect, than the Conservation of his Majesty's Grandeur, and not the Interests of the King of Spain, which were known to tend to the Universal Monarchy, and to give no Bounds to his Desires: That he would no longer hid his Sentiments thereupon to the ambassador of his catholic Majesty, since, in sine, it was time to take off the Mask. Others give account of this Conversation something differently: Be it as it will, the Marquis de Mirabel perceiving that he was too much transported before he went from him, made Excuses to the Cardinal, which caused him to understand, that these Discourses had not been premeditated, but was purely the effect of the Ambassador's Choler.  
After the Conclusion of the Peace with the Huguenots, there was no care taken for the razing of Fort-Lewis, which was a thousand Paces from Rechelle, though they were engaged to do it by one of the Articles of the Treaty of Montpellier. The Rochellers got it to be represented to the King several times; but after he had heard their Complaints, there were nothing but fair Words given them. Instead of staying till the King was engaged in a War with Spain, as in all appearance he would suddenly be, and pressing him in that Conjuncture, when necessity would have obliged him to keep his Word with them, they would needs do themselves Justice 
In the ginning of January. : They therefore gave some Ships to Soubise, who went to Blavet to surprise seven Vessels of the King's which were in that Port. But as he thought to retire, the Wind changed, and gave them hopes that he might be taken himself. The Duke of Vendôme run thither, with all the Nobility of Britany; but the Wind changing again, disengaged Soubise, who retreated in spite of the Cannon of the Castle. Of seven great Ships, he carried away six, but left one of his own, which had embarass'd herself with the seventh, at the mouth of the Haven, where touching on a Bank, they both stuck fast. The Rochellers afterwards essayed to besiege the Fort, which incommoded them; but not having been able to take it readily, they gave over that enterprise, for fear of drawing the King's Army upon them. During this Action, which they thought would oblige the Court to raze the Fort, to retrieve the Ships which had been taken; but it succeeded not.  
At the beginning of the Year, the Pope sent Bernardin Nari, to complain on his behalf about the Business of the Valteline, with the Nuncio Spada: They did it with extraordinary Exaggerations, as if all had been lost, because the Pope had the Valteline no longer in deposit. The King, the Queen-Mother, and some of the Ministers  told them, That Coeuvres had done more than his Orders would bear; but that they were ready to dispose all things to his Holiness's satisfaction: Which was not true. But the Cardinal answered them with more resolution, 
January 15.  laughing at the heat and eagerness which the Nuncio had shown in this Affair. The conclusion of his Speech was, That all that the King could do, was either to deliver the Forts of the Valteline to the Pope, on condition that his Holiness should promise, by Writing, or by Word of mouth, That he would, in a short time to be prefixed, demolish them; or to agree a Neutrality to his Holiness; in which case they promised to make him such Propositions as should give him cause to be satisfied. The Ministers of the Pope were satisfied with neither of these Particulars; and the Cardinal  told them, That if the Transaction had been solely for the Pope's Interests, the King would not meddle, that he might have reason to be contented with him; but it was a Question which concerned the Interests of the Spaniards, who were ready to triumph at the least advantage they had over the Arms of the King. Upon this, Spada and Nari said, That they would of necessity reduce the Pope to do things disagreeable to France, if there was not satisfaction made him. The Cardinal who perfectly knew the Court of Rome, replied▪ smiling. He knew very well that the Pope never thought to let things come to extremity; and that if he saw it, he should not believe it: That he knew the contrary: and that the Spaniards were ready to remit their Pretensions into the hands of the Pope, and would give him a Million of Gold, provided he could but deliver them out of their present Perplexities. He added many things to this, to signify his Aversion to the Huguenots; and said, That he hoped in two Years wholly to ruin them: That the Spaniards entertained a secret Commerce with them, that they might, by such Artifices, divert France from other Designs; but they should never carry things so as to oblige them to make a disadvantageous Treaty.  
Many Councils were held on the Complaint of the Pope's Agents, to seek out ways for the Pope's satisfaction, although they were resolved to follow the Advice of the Cardinal, who would no way recede from what he had proposed. From this moment▪ this Prelate was Master of the Resolutions, the King being content to express himself in general terms, and to remit himself as for the rest to his Council, and no body resisted the Cardinal, supported by the Authority of the Queen-Mother. The Count de B●●●unes had advised Nari, to endeavour to get from the King's mouth some favourable Word for the Court of Rome, to the end that being obliged to give it satisfaction, it would then be impossible to go back: But the King avoided that Affair, only making general Protestations of the great Respect and Consideration he had for his Holiness; and the good Prince durst not answer afterward any things positively, without the Advice of the Council, that is to say, of the Cardinal.  
A few days after the Conversation 
January ● , the Nuncio being return'd to see the Cardinal, to endeavour to discover the Designs of the Court, he found this Prelate in the same Disposition as before. The Cardinal added moreover to what he had said, That if in six Months these Brouilleries between the Crowns of France and Spain were not accommodated, all Europe would be in a flamme; and what was the worst, Spain would be all embroiled; the King would be constrained to make Peace with the Hu●uenots, not being able to order so many Affairs at once: But if the Crowns were accommodated, the King would himself make a campaign against them, it not being possible to find a better occasion to declare War against them. As for him, he was surprised that N●●i had no Orders to make any Propositions to reconcile these Differences, and spoken of nothing but the restitution of Forts, which were the occasion of them. At last, speaking of bringing the War into Italy against the Spaniards, concerning which he had hinted some things in another Conversation with the same Ministers of the Pope, he said, That the King had great Designs on that side, and sufficient Forces to bring things to pass; and that they thought to bestow half the Kingdom of Naples on his Holiness. The Nuncio thereupon replied, That France might make a Present to the Pope, which would not cost her so dear, and which might perhaps save her a great deal of trouble; and that was, to give his Holiness the Valteline, which was then in dispute. We also will give it, replied the Cardinal, provided the Pope assist us in our Designs; otherwise it is not just that we should weaken our Allies, instead of helping them to what of right belongs to them, as we have promised. The Nuncio answered, That France wanted not the means to indemnisie them; and that by making this Present to the Pope, she would prevent several Inconveniencies: That the Cardinal would regain the good Opinion which they had already conceived of his Piety, and re-establish at the same time the Reputation of the Court of Rome: That the Guard of the Passage of the Valteline, could not be given to a Prince that had more Interest for the Repose of Italy than the Pope; and that it proceeded from his care to preserve that Repose; which had put the French in motion, as they said themselves. The Cardinal, instead of returning an Answer, took upon him to justify the Conduct of France, and passed to something else.  
About this time he took one Father Joseph, a Capucin, to be his Confessor, with a design to employ him more in the Affairs of State, than in what related to his Conscience; he began presently to intermeddle, as well as Father Jacynthe, who took care of the Affairs of the Elector of Bavaria. The Nuncio seeing it, wrote this judgement to the Cardinal-Patron: That he might make Father Joseph an honest Man; but he was sure at best, that he had a Gift in Negotiation, though he was full of Tricks. He was, as Spada judged, entirely the Cardinal's, and more proper to confirm abroad the Sentiments of this Prelate, than to draw him to his own, and change his Thoughts 
Hug. Grot. Ep. P. I. p. 375.& 380. . And the Ambassador of Sweden in France observed in one of his Letters, that the Cardinal made use of this Monk to hammer out Negotiations, and to sweeten the Discontents of those with whom he treated, and to ripen Affairs before this Prelate intervened. In this Post that Monk acquitted himself well enough; but observed ill the Rule of his Institution; so that he was reproached, that for the Glory of God, and the Good of the State, he forsook his Convent, and went ordinarily in a Coach. He was very serviceable to the Cardinal, in sending to the Nuncio from him, and bringing back what the Nuncio said. He was farther employed to form some Articles concerning the State and Religion of the Valteline, which were sent to Rome; and People talked of sending him thither in a Coach, to treat with his Holiness. But this Project, and many others, were stisted. It was only agreed, with a great deal of difficulty, on the part of France, that a suspension of Arms should be in the Valteline for two Months; but this suspension not being concluded till February, gave time to Coeuvres, on the 17th. of January, to take the Fort Bormio, and the Castle of Chiavenne the 9th. of March, before he had news of the suspension of Arms. The Council had a design, by this delay, to give time to the Marquis de Coeuvres, to gain, if it were possible, the rest of the Valteline; being persuaded that the more he got, the more advantageous would the Treaty then on foot be. As if it was not known what would be the issue of this Affair, the King gave Orders to Coeuvres, to suspend the Advantages he had gotten over the Spaniards; to fortify what he held, and to prepare Materials necessary for the fortification of what remained to be taken, in case, after the suspension, he should happen to become Master of them. Although the Pope's Ministers made tragical Complaints at Paris; yet Urban VIII. continued to treat at the ordinary rate with the French Ambassador; which made it be believed, that the Pontiff did not take the Affair of the Valteline much to heart. Besides, it was known in France, that if they seemed to fear the Complaints of the Nuncio, they would increase daily; and if one despise them, they cease of themselves. The Court of Rome always renders itself valuable to those who make too much of it, and participates the fear with those who resist it. It was this which spoiled the pathetic Remonstrances of Spada and Nari at the Court of France. In the mean time, the Second was re-call'd, and the Pope declared his Nephew, Cardinal Francis Barberini, Legate à later, to come thither and accommodate these Disputes, and endeavour to obtain a Peace to the republic of Genoua, which the Army of the Duke of Savoy, joined to that of the King, attacked at the beginning of the campaign, as we come now to declare.  
The Constable of Lesdiguieres, and the marshal de Crequi his Son-in-Law, appointing the Rendezvous at Susa in the Month of October, to confer there with the Duke Charles Emanuel, there agreed on divers Articles, some of which were formed in presence of the Ambassador of Venice, and concerned the League of which I have already spoken. These Articles were published; but besides these, two Papers were signed, which were kept secret: The one, which regarded Italy, was to divert and hinder the Spaniards to march with their Forces for the succour of the Valteline. Genoua was to be attacked under pretext, as hath been said, of Zuccarello, an Imperial Fief, on the confines of Liguria and Piedmont. The Duke pretended to have it, because the Carretti, who possessed that Marquisate, had done Homage to Lewis Duke of Savoy, unto the Year 1448. and because Charles Emanuel had purchased it of Scipio deal Carretto, in 1588. The Genouese, on the contrary, maintained, That that Marquisate had been re-united to the Empire, by a Decree of the Emperour, of the 10th. of December, in the Year 1622. as well because of the Alienation which Scipio deal Carretto would have made, as also because of the Excesses by him committed against the Authority of the Emperour, and consequently of that Decree; they had bought that Land, which they kept in their possession till that time.  
Upon this Foundation the Duke of Savoy believed he had right to make War upon the Genouese; and it was he who ought to declare it, the King of France only furnishing him with Succours which he stood in need of. They agreed together about the Number of Troops, Canon, Victuals, Vessels, and other things necessary to conquer the State of Genoua, which they looked upon as easy. This was what was contained in one of the Writings; and in the other, the Duke of Savoy, who is accused to have made many such Projects, already partend the Spoils of the Genouese. It was made after this manner:  
I. That Genoua being taken, it shall remain in the hands of Madam and the Prince of Piedmont, to hold it in deposit in the Name of the King and Duke, with a garrison of half French and half Savoyards.  
II. That nevertheless the City of Genoua, and all the State, should be remitted to his Majesty, as soon as he had consigned to his Highness Milan, and the best part of the Milanese; and that the King of France should possess Liguria, excepting the Marquisate of Zuccarello, and that which is in the great way of Ormce and Oriville, and all other Lands, from that way unto the County of Nice, which should remain unto his Highness.  
III. That in case Genoua remained to the King, with the Kingdom of Corsica, and the State of Genoua on the East-side, the Duke was to have that on the West.  
IV. But if the Kingdom of Corsica should be freely remitted to his Highness, and all the Riviera of Genoua towards the West; the City of Genoua, and all the Riviera to the East-side should belong to his Majesty.  
V. That if his Highness were put in possession of Montferrat, and the Riviera of Genoua toward the West; the City from Genoua, and all the Riviera towards the East, with the Kingom of Corsica, should remain to the King.  
VI. That if his Majesty shall think good to surrender to his Highness, all the Estates which he possessed before beyond the Mountains, and which his Majesty enjoyed, and to give to him the City of Geneva; Genoua and all its Dependencies, except the Marquisate of Zuccarello, and the Lands specified in the 2d. Article, are to remain to the King.  
VII. That whilst Genoua shall be in deposit, the Revenues shall be divided between his Majesty and his Highness, the Garrison being first paid.  
VIII. That the Booty shall be divided between them, equally between the Duke and the Constable, the Charges of the Armies being deducted.  
The King accepted those Articles, retrenching the 5th. and the 6th, and putting in, That the Lieutenants of the Garrison should be French, but named by the Duke of Savoy, and also making some other Alterations of little importance. This Writing was not communicated to the Ambassador of Venice; nor was the republic pressed to be concerned in this enterprise, because they would not discover it to them. They only said, that the King and the Duke would attack the Dominions of the Spaniards in Italy, to the end that the Venetians might not be jealous.  
As soon as the Treaty was made public, all those who had any cognizance of the Interests of the Duke of Savoy, were astonished that Ambition should so far blind Charles Emanuel, that for to aggrandise himself, he would consent to have France his Neighbour, as well beyond as on this side the Mountains, and so become totally dependent on that Monarch. By establishing the French in Italy, and delivering Genoua and her Ports to them, they put them in a condition to trouble Italy when they pleased; and he was obliged, in pure good Manners, to attend till the King had taken for him a moiety of the State of Genoua which should fall to him, as Lewis XII. had formerly taken half of the Lands of Cremona from the Venetians, after he had partend Stakes with them. Besides that, this was sufficiently clear of itself; Experience hath so well confirmed the truth of it, that it was not to be doubted but the Duke of Savoy committed an unpardonable Fault in matter of Policy: The Town of Pignerol only, which France afterwards took from the Duke of Savoy, as you will see in the sequel of this History hath put Piedmont in the same dependence as Savoy, which the King of France can conquer when he pleases.  
As they designed to besiege Genoua by Sea as well as by Land, a Fleet was necessary to be provided. They sent into England and Holland for a good number of Ships. In England they had nothing but Words and good Hopes; but the United Provinces agreed to sand Twenty Ships well armed and furnished for six Months, that should put to Sea by the end of March; and for their Payment, the Duke and Constable, who undertook this Conquest, engaged all their Fortunes; and the Contract imported, that the Fleet should remain at their Charges until the end of the Expedition.  
The marshal de Crequi brought the Articles to the King, and was with pleasure heard at Court on this Project, which the Council only did to fright the Spaniards, and hinder them from throwing themselves into the Valteline. But the Duke, pushed on with heat, promised himself to be soon Master of a great part of the Territory of Genoua, and perhaps of the duchy of Milan. He rejoiced to see a War break out, as he had for a long time earnestly desired, between the two Crowns. The Council sent the Duke of Crequi to his Father-in-Law, and agreed to all which in his Name was desired.  
Although the King was obliged by the Treaty, to sand no more than three or four thousand Men into Piedmont, he consented that the Constable and the marshal de Crequi should pass the Mountains with Six thousand Foot, and Five hundred Horse. The Duke of Savoy was to have, according to an Article of the League with the King of France, Eight thousand Foot, and Two thousand Horse; and by virtue of the Treaty with that King and the republic of Venice, Twelve thousand Foot and Six hundred Horse. All these Troops, joined to those of the Constable, formed an Army formidable to the republic of Genoua.  
Before he passed the Mountains, the Constable sent the Marquis d'Uxelles, marshal de Camp, to Turin, to assist at a Review of the Duke of Savoy's Army, and to see the Cannon and Ammunition designed for the Siege of Genoua. The Duke shew'd him his Army, composed of Sixteen thousand able Men: But the Artillery was not in a very good condition, and the Provision and Ammunition too little for an enterprise of that Consequence. The Marquis d'Uxelles easily perceived it; but the Duke assured him so positively that nothing should be wanting, that he believed it was not to be doubted. The Constable came to Turin on the 2d. of February, with Ten thousand Foot, and Two thousand Horse, which was more than the King had promised; but he remonstrated to his Majesty, that it was not honourable for a Constable of France to pass the Mountains with a less Army. The King ordered him to leave Six thousand Men in Bresse, instead of taking with him all his Forces, excepting two Regiments, of which one went to the Valteline, and the other into Dauphiné. The strict Alliance which was between the House of France and that of Savoy, caused the King to order the Constable to receive the Orders from the Duke, when he was in the Army, and to leave it to him to give the Word. The marshal de Crequi was to have the same Respect for the Prince of Piedmont, without suffering it to be drawn into a Precedent.  
All the Troops being assembled together, a Review was made of them at Asti, 
March 4.  where they were found to be but twenty four thousand Foot, and three thousand Horse effective, with twenty four Pieces of great Cannon, and fourteen Field-pieces. Whilst they consulted which way the Army should take, to enter into the State of Genoa, the Duke of Savoy proposed to make the Entry by the Milanese, or by Montferrat, and to secure to themselves one or two places for the passage of Victuals. But the French Generals, who had Orders from the King not to touch the duchy of Milan, were for the immediate Attack of Savona, a place that could make little resistance, and which would be of great advantage by reason of its Port, because that way they might have all things they should want, come by Sea, and there they might establish the Magazines of the Army. The Duke of Savoy stumbled at this; for as the Naval Army which was to favour the attack of Genoa, was not yet come, he feared that that of the Spaniards and Genoeses, would hinder any Relief to come from Provence to Savona: If that happened, then they must have their Victuals out of Piedmont by Land; and to secure that, it was necessary first to seize the Passages, and to put good Garrisons in them, for fear lest the Spaniards should cut off the Provisions from the Army, as soon as this should be brought into the State of Genoa. His opinion therefore was, that they should pass through Montferrat, and seize upon Alqui and Capriata. The French replied, That on that side the way was too long and too difficult, and that by that March they should give time to the Genoeses to put themselves in a posture of defence; whereas by marching on the side of Savona they should infallibly surprise them; and the Spaniards hindering them of Victuals was little to be feared, having but few Garrisons in the Milanese, and whose Incursions could not extend very far; That Piedmont, although very fruitful, would never furnish Victuals enough, and the Carriage that way was very difficult, because of the Rivers which were to be crossed, and which having no Bridges, would on the least Flood retard the Convoys; That by beginning on the side of Savona, they should come to attack Genoa, and have the Army fresh and entire for the Siege; whereas on the other side they must besiege divers Places, where they might lose abundance of Men, and where they must fatigue an Army, which would ruin the principal Design.  
Though the Constable supported these Reasons, strong in themselves, with all his Authority, the Duke of Savoy, whose Sentiments he had Orders to follow, continued firm in his Opinion, in hope to satisfy the Animosity which he had against the House of Mantua, and to endeavour to appropriate some part of Montferrat. He knew that whatsoever Discipline was kept in the Army, his March that way could not but create a great deal of disorder and grievance to the Duke of Mantua. The Constable could not hinder this Resolution from being taken, because of the Order we before spake of, which perhaps was given to destroy the enterprise; because it was well known that the Duke was a Prince excessively ambitious and passionate, and consequently incapable of acting with Moderation enough to make things prosper; otherwise he was a Prince no way to be compared to the Constable in matters of War: And this inequality gave him a jealousy of him from the beginning, with the thoughts, that if the Sentiments of this old Commander were followed, all the Honour of the enterprise would redound to him; which the Vanity and Passion of the Duke of Savoy rendered ineffectual, as shall be seen.  
There was a Rumour some time before, that there was a design against the Genoeses; but as the Secret was kept both in France and Savoy, the republic doubted of the truth of it, when they should have had an Army ready. The Senators, by whom republics are governed, being ordinarily better versed in the governing of their Houses than in the administration of Affairs of State, often imagine, that in the republic, as well as in a Family, good Husbandry, or Frugality, is the principal thing of which care is to be taken. By this Opinion they make it their utmost endeavours to hinder unnecessary expenses, and to augment the public Treasure. It is true, that with Money we may have Men, but there must be time for them also; nor are good Troops presently to be had, nor Generals capable to command them, or such as may without Scruple be trusted. In the interim, the Enemy is many times on his march, and makes great progress against those who have no Army to oppose him: This is just the condition the Genoese were in when they passed the Mountains; they had given Orders for the raising of five thousand Germans, which were to be commanded by the Prince de Bozzolo, with two hundred Horse, and Magazines of Ammunition and Provision very indifferent. They believed that this little Body of an Army, supported by the Militia of the Country, would be strong enough to make head against the French and the Savoyards, superior both for Number and Quality of Soldiers, without speaking of the French Generals, incomparably more experienced than theirs. They also trusted to the Situtation of their Country, mountainous and barren, so that great Armies could not subsist without having Victuals from other places, and that Horse are of little use; besides, the Spaniards are so much interested in the Conservation of Genoa, because of the conveniency of their Ports, and for the Communication of their States in Italy; That there was no appearance but they would hasten to their Succour whenever they should be attacked.  
The Dukes of Florence and Mantua took the Alarm when they saw the Constable in Italy, and incessantly sent Couriers into France, to endeavour to dive into the Designs of that Court. But it was  told them, that the King would declare in time and place; and that if he seized on any place in Montferrat, it was not to take it away from the Duke of Mantua, but to hinder the Enemy from making advantage by it, because that Prince was not in a condition to keep it.  
The Sentiment of the Duke of Savoy, having, as I said, prevailed, the Army marched 
March 9.  towards Montferrat, the Constable lead the Vanguard, and forced his Passage where they would not give it him quietly; Capriata, a little City which would not open its Gates, was taken and pillaged, as well as Montbarazzo: He also rendered himself Master of Aiqui, which was made the Magazine of the Army, leaving there a Regiment in Garrison, with promise to surrender it to the Duke when the Wars should be finished. The Constable farther demanded Nice de la Paille of the Duke of Mantua, and offered him Hostages: But that Prince refused it, saying, That he should himself take so much care of its Preservation, that the King's Army should have no reason to fear upon that account any Enemies on that side.  
After this the Army entered into the State of Genoa, and went to lodge at Novi, which is the Frontier of the Milanese. George Doria was in that place with five hundred Men; but having no Provision nor Cannon, he was necessitated on the approach of the Army to open the Gates. John Jerome Doria, Mestre de Camp, General to the republic, abandoned Oviedo for the same Reason; though he had put himself into it with a design to defend it, and retired himself to Rossiglione, which was well provided by James Spinola. At the same time the Duke of Savoy, with two Thirds of the Army, took the way of Cremolino, that he might come to Voltri, and march along the cost directly to Genoa; which was so terrified by the march of their Enemies, that it was all in disorder. In the mean time the Constable began to complain of the Duke of Savoy, who had given him the most part of the Work to manage, with but a third part of the Army, and two Pieces of Cannon; besides, he could have but what his Highness pleased to bestow on him: He also feared that the Duke would take Genoa before he could get thither, because he had the longest way to go; so that the Duke would get all the Honour of this enterprise, whilst the Constable underwent the greatest part of the Fatigue. This latter advanced nevertheless towards Gavi, which, he thought, ought to be attacked, that he might not leave a place behind him; where was, according to the loathness of it, a very considerable Garrison. Benedict Spinola, who had served a long time in the Wars of Flanders, was in the place with fifteen hundred Men; and the Town was supported by a Castle built on a Rock.  
The French, marching towards this Place, intercepted a Letter of Jerome Piementelli, General of the Cavalry of the State of Milan, by which he desired Spinola to sand him five Companies of Neapolitans, each to consist of two hundred Men, who were to be on the 24th at Serravalle, from thence to enter into Gavi. The Constable sent the Marquis d'Uxelles with two Regiments, and two Troops of Horse, to charge him in the Passage. The Count of Alets joined himself to them, with six Companies of light Horse. On the Day appointed, they perceived the Neapolitans in sight of Serravalle, on the other side of the River Scrivia, marching directly to Serravalle, whither the River guided them. Though they saw the French, yet they continued their March, thinking the French would not venture over the River to come at them: But the French passed it, and killed two hundred, and took fifty Prisoners; amongst whom was the Commander, and put the rest to flight. This Action was done just on the Territory of Milan, yet passed not for a rapture; and the Prisoners were sent back without paying any Ransom.  
During this, the Duke of Savoy advanced on the Right Hand of the Constable, and had seized on Gua, deserted by Nicholas Doria, who had one thousand Foot, and one hundred Genoese Gentlemen, with whom he went to Rossiglione with two thousand Foot more, to defend the Passages of the Mountains. The Duke having made himself Master of divers other little places, marched directly towards him, and on Maundy Thursday assaulted his Trenches, put him to the rout, and pursued him unto Campo, three Leagues from thence, and took that place by Composition.  
This so swift Progress, and the Cowardice of the Genoese Officers and Soldiers, put the City into so great a Terror, that if the Duke could have mounted his Artillery at Masone, Genoa would have been constrained to surrender, the old Spanish Troops not having yet entred the place; but the Mountain is too steep and craggy in this part, to pass any Artillery, without spending a great deal of pains and time. Mean time, on Good Friday, the Senate of Genoa composed of Persons not experienced in War, were possessed with so strange a fright, that it was resolved to abandon Savonne and Gavi, and all the other places, and to bring the Garrisons into the City. But it was to no purpose that they sent these Orders to some of the Commanders, who understood the business of War, and who knew it was impossible for the Duke to pass his Artillery to Masone; and that he must, in spite of his Teeth, take the way of Gavi: They refused to desert those places which were committed to their trust, which was that which occasioned the safety of Genoa, and made them take Courage, and gave them the means to wait for Succours. John Jerome Doria made them resolve to defend Gavi; because, should it be taken, the Enemies would march directly to Genoa, without any further Impediment. He shut up himself in it with Spinola, designing to sell it as dear as he could to the Enemies. Whilst Louis Guasco found means, by Order of the Duke of Feria, to conduct two thousand Foot and two hundred Horse to Genoa. There entered into it many Spanish and Italian Officers, who confirmed the Senate, and were the cause that they forbade, under severe Penalties, any to go out of the City, or to sand away any thing whatsoever, as a great number of people had begun to do.  
In the mean time, the Duke being stopped by the Mountain of Masone, went to confer with the Constable and marshal at St. Christophers, where they concluded of the Siege of Gavi, designing to make that a Magazine for Provisions, whilst they besieged Genoa. Caracciolo, Camp-master General to the Spaniards, beyond the Appennines, after his entrance into Genoa, had posted himself at Ottagio with five thousand Foot and some Cavalry, to hinder the Siege of Gavi, which is but three Miles distant, in case they should undertake it. At last Charles Emanuel caused his Army to march on that side, to join the Constable, and to block up the place on the side towards Genoa, as the French had already done on that of Montferrat and Milan. The Duke took his Quarters at Corrasio, which is a Village about two Miles distant from Ottagio; and seeing the Enemy so near him, he sent to view them on the 9th of April, without any design to attack them. But the Regiment of piedmont, which the Duke had sent for that end, no sooner appeared, but the Spanish and Genoese Troops left their Retrenchments, which were at the greatest distance. This Cowardice caused the Piemonteses to seize them, and the Duke to advance other Troops, to see what might be done. They assaulted two Forts which the Spaniards had erected at the end of a narrow Bridge, where the Fight lasted two Hours with equality, the Troops in the Action being supported by fresh ones on each side. By degrees the Armies came to a total Engagement: And the Duke of Savoy being advanced with his Cavalry a little beyond the Forts, where he perceived those of the Genoeses ranged in Battalia on a Plain. He presently marched up to them, charged them, broken them, and put them to flight: But the Infantry resisted bravely, and retreated not into the City of Ottagio, separated from the Suburbs by a Ditch, until they had lost a great many Men. They defended themselves still in this Post very vigorously, until the Duke, having sent two Regiments to the other side of the Town, they set fire to it, and retreated into the Castle. As they were pursued they sprung a Mine, which destroyed many of their Enemies: But as this Castle was too weak to resist a victorious Army, it was forced to surrender at Discretion. The Duke took Prisoner the General Caraceiolo, Louis Guasco, and Stephen Spinola, and above six hundred Soldiers. About twelve hundred of the Genoeses and Spaniards were killed, and the Conquerors got only a bloody Victory. The Duke sent seventeen Standards to the King, 
In a I dated A● 1625. w● may be in Siri ● Rec. T. ● p. 817.  and wrote to him the particulars of the Victory. The City of Ottagio was entirely pillaged; and they found plunder enough.  
After this second defeat, much more considerable than that of Rossiglione, the Genoeses fell into their former Frights, and believed they should suddenly see their Capital besieged. They deliberated still, whether it were not better to abandon Gavi, and all the rest of the places, to retire with all the rest of their Troops into Genoa. But as their safety depended solely on the Succours of the Duke of Feria, they sent to demand his Opinion, and ordered Meazza, a Milanese Captain who commanded in Gavi instead of Spinola, to put his Counsel in execution as soon as he had received it.  
Whilst the Duke of Savoy and the Constable formally besieged Gavi, and the Duke of Feria judged that i● was best to abandon the place, Meazza would have departed in the night, but found the Ways so bad, that he was forced to return; which he could not do so readily, as to hinder the Enemies from perceiving it, and falling upon him in his Retreat, even to the Walls of Gavi. So that to execute the Order of the Duke of Feria, Meazza surrendered the City on the same Day, on condition the Garrison should retire whither they pleased. Alexander Giustiniani, a Gentleman of Genoa, who commanded in the Castle, shew'd how much grieved he was to surrender, by discharging all the Artillery upon the Town; he answered very fiercely when they summoned him to surrender. But when he saw three Batteries raised against the Castle, he demanded leave of the Besiegers to sand a Messenger to Genoa, to give an account to the Senate of the condition of the place, and promised, that if he received not an Answer in three days, he would give up the Castle. This leave was given: But when the Courier return'd, by whom the Senate ordered him to hold the place as long as he could, the Duke of Savoy stopped him, 
April 22.  and Giustiniani, at the time prefixed, surrendered on honourable Terms. He brought out of the Castle one hundred and fifty Corsi, twenty Genoeses, and nineteen Swissers, which he lead to Genoa, where he was put in Prison; it not being known that the Courier which they sent back to him had been detained.  
The loss of Gavi, which Meazzo had promised to defend for ten days at the least; in which the republic flattered itself with receiving Succours from divers places, put the Genoeses in despair; which was the greater, because all things seemed to conspire their ruin: But what might have destroyed them, contributed to their Safety; for the taking of Gavi created a misunderstanding between the Duke and the French Generals. This Prince presently put some of his own Troops into the Castle, as if he had a design solely to reap the Fruits of the Victory; and the Constable and his Son-in-Law were so angry at it, and complained in so bitter Terms, that the Duke was obliged to withdraw his people, and to suffer a French Garrison to enter it. This Quarrel about the propriety of Gavi, raised a Discourse concerning what governor should be put into Genoa if it were taken. Charles Emanuel pretended, that the Princess of piedmont had the Right to name him, because the King of France had consented that the place should be deposited in the Hands of that Princess. But the King intended to name the governor; and the marshal de Crequi believed, that no other could be name but himself, without his manifest wrong. This increased the jealousy and Misunderstanding between the Duke and the French. Two other things happened which caused a greater disorder: One was, that the Duke had notice that Stephen Spinola his Prisoner, had wrote to claud de Marines his Kinsman, Ambassador to the King in piedmont, and to some French Officers, that if the Constable would retire out of the State of Genoa, the republic would make a perpetual Alliance with France. receive a Resident, and pay the King all the Charges of the War. Besides this, the Duke intercepted two Letters of the Count de Talard, who had Correspondents in Genoa. This extremely provo'kd that Prince, who began to make sharp complaints, that France should treat with the Genoeses without acquainting him with it. Notwithstanding the Count de Talard had entertained no faulty Correspondence; and Spinola had only written to Marines in general Terms, as having some advantageous Proposition to make to the Crown of France, and had demanded a Pass-port of the Constable. The Duke having instantly put a stop to this Pass-port, Spinola was in the interim taken at the Battle of Oneglia; and his Highness caused him to be kept more strictly than the other Prisoners of War, and would not permit him to be ransomed, though he was entreated to it by the King of France.  
The Constable advertised his Majesty of all that passed; and at the same time entreated him to sand him a Recruit, because the Army of the Duke of Savoy being stronger than his, he was necessitated to depend upon him absolutely, and had neither Cannon, Ammunition, nor Victuals, but what he pleased.  
The King wrote to the Duke to appease him, and forbid the Constable to harken to any Proposition of the Genoeses which might disoblige the Duke. He sent also six thousand Men, with the Marquis of Rotelon, to command the Artillery, and divers other Officers. He moreover ordered the Duke of Guise to put to Sea with the Gallies of Provence, to assist the enterprise of Genoa; nevertheless, not to put up the Standard of France, and without coming to an open Breach with the Spaniards. For the Vessels which were departed from Holland he had caused them to be stopped near rochel, to oppose the Rochellers Fleet.  
After the taking of Gavi, it was unanimously resolved in the Council of War, to attack Genoa with all the Forces they had. But as that was a great City, and well peopled, and which consequently could make great resistance, it was judged necessary to put the Artillery in a good condition, and to cause store of warlike Ammunition and Victuals to be brought, to subsist the Army in the barren Mountains of Liguria. The Duke of Savoy had charge of this business, he being obliged to furnish the Artillery and Victuals, and to repair the Ways. He promised to acquit himself of this Charge, with all the Diligence and Expedition which so pressing an Occasion required. But whether the Measures which he had taken were not right, or that he had not Money enough, the Army waited a long time without seeing any effect of this Promise.  
In the mean time, not to leave it wholly useless, the Duke went to attack Savignon, a Castle ten Miles from Ottagio, and set it on fire after he had taken it. He at the same time sent the Prince of piedmont to re-conquer Oneglia, which the Genoese had taken, and to subdue the other places on the West of the Riviera. This Expedition, which lasted to the 8th of June, was glorious for the Prince, who subdued all the places which he attacked, and beat the Army which the republic had sent to oppose his March: It was composed of six thousand Mercenaries, and one thousand five hundred of the Country Militia, commanded by John Jerome Doria. This General was surrounded by the princes Army at the attack of Pieve, and made Prisoner with all his Men, except seven or eight hundred who were killed on the Spot. The republic, discouraged by this Defeat, and finding themselves no way in condition to succour their Subjects, permitted them to submit to the Conqueror, to prevent pillaging; which was presently done by Ventimiglia, Albengo; St. R●mo, and Porto Mauritio, opened the Gates to their Prince as soon as he appeared. The Gallies of France, which at last put to Sea, favoured the Conquests, but they were quickly forced to retreat to the Ports of Provence, because the Marquis of St. Croix, appeared in sight of Genoa with sixty Spanish Gallies.  
Hitherto the Arms of the Duke and the Constable had been as fortunate as they could wish; and there remained nothing but the taking of Genoa and Savona, to render them Masters of all Liguria. But the disability of the Duke of Savoy, who had embarked himself in this Enterprise, without having wherewithal to support it with vigour, at such a time when it was most necessary, gave time to the republic of Genoa to draw Succours from Spain, and renew its Courage. It had written every way to get Money, which it wanted on this occasion: But almost all the Correspondents of the Genoeses, who believed them lost without retrieve, refused to furnish them. Nevertheless, there came 
In the Month April.  a Galley from Barcelona, which happily brought a Million of Gold; which put the Commonwealth in a State immediately to provide for the most urgent Necessities. After this the Marquis of St. Croix entred into the Haven with forty Gallies, laden with old Spanish Troops; and the Duke of Alcala conducted thither twelve Galleys more, with Soldiers and Money. It is certain, that in a short time, after the first Frights were over, there were brought to Genoa from the Territories of Spain, seven Millions of Gold, belonging to private Persons of that City, who in this Emergency lent them to the State. With this Money, distributed to the purpose, they procured Succour from all parts. They sent considerable Sums to the Duke of Feria, to cause the Troops of the Milaneses to advance, and to make new Levies in Germany. They purchased also from the Swissers liberty of passage through their Country, which they could not have obtained otherwise, whatsoever political Reasons had been alleged to them. These People, who are unacquainted with their Neighbours Interests of State, or who out of simplicity care not for it, who have almost always with extreme coldness heard those who have represented to them, That they ought to contribute to the Counterbalancing those Potentates which have made themselves too formidable, as that of France was at this Juncture. Whoever would gain them must give them Money, which relieving their present Poverty, makes them do what you please without troubling their Heads with the future.  
The Swissers then having consented that the Levies which were made should pass through their Country; and also given Permission to their Subjects to march under the Ensigns of Spain; the Duke of Feria disposed himself for a March, with the greatest Force he could make, towards the State of Genoa. This Motion of the governor of Milan, and the numerous Garrison which was in Genoa, made the Duke and the Constable forego their desire to attack it, but not to remain without motion: And to assure their Conquests of the Riviera to the West, they resolved upon the Siege of Savona, the taking whereof might terrify the Genoeses. The Army was 
June 13.  on their march, but was briskly charged in their Rear by the Milanese Cavalry, who yet were repulsed with loss. The Duke and the Constable return'd to Aiqui, where they stayed till the 22d of July, for the new Levies which were making in the Duke of Savoy's Country. It was here the good Fortune of this Prince stopped in its Career, who beholded himself as easily stripped of the State of Genoa as he had conquered it.  
The principal Potentates of Italy, who could neither endure the growing Greatness of the Duke of Savoy, nor the Establishment of the French in Italy, were not backward to show the concern they had for this enterprise. The Ambassador of Venice at the Court of France, received a Courier express, who brought him Letters, with Orders to make known, that That republic was so far from having any part in the War against Genoa; That she entirely disapproved of it, and never knew any thing of it, because she had been given to understand, that the Preparations which had been made, were to be against the Milanese, where they intended to make a considerable Diversion; and that it was to be feared, that without it the Duke of Feria would enter into the Valteline with thirty thousand Men, and drive the marquis de Coeuvres from thence. The Ambassador added, That this latter had also demanded Succours of the republic; which she could not furnish him withal, because she had occasion for all the Forces she could raise elsewhere. The Cardinal, in answer to these Discourses of the Venetian Ambassador, said, That the republic acted against its own Interests; because, if the King could make himself Master of Genoa, he would infallibly be so likewise of the Milanese; of which he would give one half to the Venetians, and the other to the Duke of Savoy. But the Ambassador, far from being taken in this Snare, visited all the Foreign Ministers which were at Paris, and declared to them, That tho' the republic had leagued itself with the King and the Duke of Savoy, to draw the Valteline out of the hands of the Spaniards, yet she knew nothing of the design which they had against Genoa. The Venetians did so much the more easily persuade the other Potentates of the truth of what they said, that it was visible it was contrary to their Interests that the republic of Genoa should be destroyed, since instead of a State which disquieted no body, nor caused any Jealousies to their neighbouring Princes, they pretended to introduce a formidable Power, which would trouble the quiet of all Italy, whenever he should think it for his Interest. Urban VIII, for the same Reason ordered his Galleys to join with the Spaniards, to hinder the Attack of the Genoeses by Sea.  
In the mean time, France was of Opinion, that the Design should be maintained until Genoa was taken; and all endeavours were to be used to reconcile the Duke to the Constable, and to prevent the Quarrels which might still happen between them. An Agreement was made as to a governor of Genoa when it should be taken; and they agreed the Person should be the marshal de Crequi, as very proper for that Employ. But whatever instance the Duke could make to have the Castle of Gavi, the Court adjudged it to the Constable, and approved of his Conduct in this Affair. The Duke still continued his Complaints, and accused him of detaining from the French Soldiers a great part of their Pay; by which means a good part were forced to desert for want of Subsistence. He also affirmed, That this General had made ● secret Treaty with the Genoeses, and had that way drawn a considerable Sum of Money from them. The Constable on his part complained, That the Duke daily spread Reports to defame him, and accused this Prince openly to have embarked himself in this Enterprise, without having Forces sufficient to execute it, and had broken his Promise. Their differences were carried to so great a height, that the Duke prayed the King to recall the Constable and the marshal de Crequi, and to sand the Duke of Guise in their place. The Prince of piedmont had entertained this last several times, when the French Galleys were at Villa Franca, and the Duke being return'd into Provence, endeavoured there to raise six thousand Men for the House of Savoy. The King would not consent to recall the Constable, perceiving plainly, that the Duke of Savoy intended to cast the ill Success of the Enterprise on the Constable; and for fear lest the Spaniards should enter into piedmont to revenge their Losses which they had received by the French, he gave Orders for eight thousand Foot and three thousand Horse, to pass the Mountains. Although there had yet been no design to break with the Spaniards openly, they believed that on this occasion a rapture might contribute to bring them to a Treaty more advantageous to France: This was the opinion of the Duke of Savoy, and the Venetians, who incessantly urged the Court to sand an Army into the Milanese; without which no satisfaction would be got from the Spaniards.  
In the mean time the Subjects of Genoa reassum'd their Courage, and contributed much to the driving out of the French and Savoyards. There is a Valley in the State of Genoa to the West of the City, and not far from it, called Pozzevera, whose Inhabitants discharged their Duty very well on this occasion. This Valley is extremely well peopled; and lies between the highest Crags of the apennine, so that the Inhabitants can easily defend it against the Incursions of their Enemies; besides, they are naturally fierce, and would be proper for War, were care taken to exercise them. These People being well provided of Arms and Ammunition, killed or took Prisoners as many French and Savoyards as they found straggling from the Body of the Army; so that not daring to march out, they were, as it were, besieged in their Camp. The Montferrins, on the other side, to revenge themselves of the Army for plundering, took their Convoys every moment; which did them great Mischief. The Famine coming into the Camp, and Maladies becoming frequent, together with the Desertions of Soldiers, were so continual, that the Army could not subsist in this barren Country. Those of Pozzevera, who knew all the ways and turnings of the Mountains, did at the same time make a bold Attempt to take away five hundred Beefs, which were in a Meadow in sight of the Camp, and which served to draw the Artillery.  
The Army being partend from Aiqui, took the way to Savona, and in their March rendered themselves Masters of Cairo by Composition. But the Duke of Feria, having discovered its design, departed from Alexandria, to endeavour the Preservation of Savona, with twenty two thousand Foot, and five thousand Horse. Resolving to have no regard for the French, though as yet there had been no breach, he put himself to march in their Ships to traverse their Enterprizes. He came before Aiqui, a few Days after the departure of the Duke and the Constable, and began to assail the place with so much vigour, that he took it by Capitulation, and constrained two thousand five hundred Foot to go out of it. The Spaniards found in this place the greatest part of the Munitions for War and Mouth of the French and Savoyards Army: And it was said, that part of the Duke of Savoy's Baggage was there also; in which were most magnificent Liveries, which he had caused to be made for his Entrance into Genoa, as in Triumph; so strangely was he assured of the Success of this enterprise.  
The Constable was at Spigno when he received the news that Aiqui was taken, and he presently sent to recall the Army, which marched to Savona under Conduct of of the Prince of piedmont and the marshal de Crequi. After this the Duke and the Constable resolved to retreat to Asti, passing by the side of the Spanish Army. This Resolution was founded upon Savona's being provided with a good Garrison, and the Marquis de St. Croix being expected daily with the Spanish Fleet; so that there was no probability of taking that place, if well defended, in the sight of the Spanish Army.  
The Spaniards on this occasion had great Advantages over their Enemies, had they known how to make use of them. The French and Savoyard Army was fatigued, weakened, loaded with Baggage, and hardly got forward its Artillery, which was in disorder, in a way full of Hills, and which they were often fain to level with the Spade and Mattock, to make way for their Cannon. Besides this, they were to pass over the Rivet Tanare, before they could come to Asti; and if the Duke of Feria had posted himself on the Pass, he would strangely have embarassed the Constable: The Spanish Army was wholly fresh, in good state, and also very numerous. Whilst it might have had the Front of the French and Savoyards, the Marquis of St. Croix might have charged them in the Rear; so that it would have been hard for them to have extricated themselves out of this difficulty without loss.  
The Constable, though Fourscore Years old, would have the Rear-guard in this Retreat, as he had the Vanguard at their entering into the States of Genoua. He stayed at Bestagne two days with the Cavalry, and caused the Prince of piedmont to depart the day before with the Artillery; the Constable followed him the day after, and marched with the Army in that manner, that he kept the Spaniards on his right hand, and the Baggage on his left. He advanced thus for three days unto Canelli, not being distant from the Enemy, who flanked him but few miles. In fine, all the Army arrived at Asti, with its Baggage and Artillery, without receiving any loss from the Enemy. This Retreat was more glorious to the Constable and the marshal de Crequi, than all their preceding Conquests had been. Though we cannot praise the Bravery and Capacity of the Duke of Feria in this rencontre, wherein he suffered the Enemy to escape his hands; yet the Expedition he made to bring Succours to the State of Genoua, a Friend to the Crown of Spain, is certainly to be commended. It was everywhere extolled what care the Spaniards had taken to support a Power, which would have been trodden down, had they not run with more readiness than they used in their own Affairs.  
When the Enemy's Army was thus retired, the Genouese took the campaign, to recover what they had lost, and beginning with the Riviera of the West: They did it with such swiftness, that the Prince of piedmont, who was commanded to oppose their Designs, with the best Troops of the Duke his Father, had no time to do it.  
The Commanders and the Troops which were left in the Places, defended themselves but little better than the Genouese had done; and all the State of Genoua return'd in a few Days to its ancient Masters. Thus the Ambition of the Duke of Savoy, and the Avarice of the Constable, who had before-hand divided other Men's Goods, and who believed themselves sure to plunder the Riches of the Genoueses, found themselves deceived. Which ordinarily happens in these sort of Enterprizes, where they meet with unexpected Obstacles, be it on the Enemy's side, or those who are the Assailants, and who usually fall out amongst themselves.  
The Constable and the Duke de Crequi wrote to the Court to give an account of the State of Affairs, and to engage the King to sand Twenty five thousand Men beyond the Mountains, that the War might be carried into the Milanese, to be revenged of the Spaniards, who had defeated their enterprise on Genoua. They had at first some inclination to do it, and gave great Hopes to these Generals; but a little while after, that design was altered; and nothing was spoken of, but to accommodate the Affair of the Valteline, by the way of Treaty, as will appear in the sequel.  
The Spaniards, not content to have chased the French and Savoyards out of the State of Genoua, pursued them even into piedmont, to punish the Duke of Savoy for having dared to attack the Allies of Spain, besides his still making profession of his Enmity to that Crown. The Duke of Feria therefore encamped within three Miles of Asti, whither the French had retreated. He came thither at the time that the Constable was fallen sick of a Flux, with a Fever and Vomiting, which is always thought mortal to a Man of his Age. The marshal de Crequi had also the Tertian Ague; so that they retired themselves to Turin to regain their Health. The other General Officers were also indisposed, except the Marquis d'Uxelles, who commanded in Asti. The Duke of Feria having notice of these things, put himself in a posture to make use of the occasion, and went and encamped very near 
July 31.  Asti, making show as if he intended to besiege it.  
This Duke was no Man of War: The King of Spain had sent to him from Flanders, Don Gonsales de Cordova, to assist him with his Counsel, and to Command the Army under his Name. This Spaniard wanted not Courage; but he had not the Qualities of a General, and knew not how to bring, what he undertook, to pass. They then observed in Spain two essential Faults, which had stopped the progress of that vast Monarchy, and which caused it to be the Loser in all Wars which it made: The one was, that it wanted Generals, the Grandees plunging themselves into Voluptuousness in their Infancy, and rendering themselves uncapable of any thing, by a soft and effeminate Life. This Defect might have been supplied, by making use of foreign Generals, and yet Subjects of the House of Austria: But the Envy or natural Contempt which the Spaniards have for other Nations, have always hindered them from having recourle to Strangers. The other Defect is, the ill Management of the Treasury, which caused the King to be at infinite expenses, and yet paid not his Armies, from whence proceeded desertions of Soldiers, or else they mutined, and were incapable of Action.  
The Duke of Feria, and Don Gonsales de Cordova, undertook to besiege Asti, upon Advice which was given them, that the Place was unprovided for a Siege. But perceiving from the beginning, that they should find more difficulty in this Siege than they believed, they retired 
August 3.  three days after. They were charged in the rear, by the Troops which were in Asti, and by the marshal de Crequi, who was return'd from Turin: As for the Constable, he passed the Mountains with all speed possible, and caused himself to be carried to Chaumont in Dauphiné.  
The Council of Spain would gladly have had the Duke of Feria have taken some Place in Piedmont, could he have done it, but they were not willing that he should retain a considerable Party; so that to satisfy that Order, and to repair the Faults which he had committed, he resolved to march and besiege Verruen, a Place considerable by its situation, but at that time very weak, and defended by a very small Garrison. He promised to himself to carry this Town in a few days, and afterwards to make himself Master of Crescentino, which lies over-against it on the other side of the Po. By taking these two Places, which are almost in the middle of Piedmont, he hoped to kerb the Duke of Savoy so, that he should not be in a condition to do Spain any hurt; besides, that those Conquests would enable him to subsist his Troops, without any charge to the Milanese. This Design appeared so much the better laid, because there were not then in Verruen above Eight or Nine hundred regular Troops, and some Militia. There were no Fortisications but a Half-moon at the head of the Suburbs; all the rest were not perfected; but the situation of the Place was so advantageous, being on a high Hill, and washed on one side with the Po, that it supplied the want of Fortifications. Yet had the Spaniards presently attacked it vigorously, in all appearance they had taken it by storm. But some volleys of canonshot so terrified them when they openly approached it, that they resolved to besiege it formally, in making their Approaches after the manner accustomed in Sieges of strong Places. They began this Siege on the 7th. of August; and their Army, besides the number of Soldiers it had already, which were about Twenty four thousand Foot, and Four thousand Horse, received Recruits thrice, without being able to take the Place. The Duke of Savoy was advised to abandon it, believing it could not be maintained against the Spanish Army; but the marshal de Crequi endeavoured three times to put in Succours, and to maintain it: For this end he marched with 12000 Men, half French, and half Savoyards, towards a Bridge which the Prince of Piedmont had made over the Po above Verruen, and caused the French Troops to pass, who entrenched themselves at the head of the Bridge, in the sight of the Spaniards, and put into Verruen Succours of Victuals, Men, and Ammunition, which it wanted. The Spaniards presently perceived, that whilst that Bridge stood, or should be in the hands of the French, it would be impossible for them to take the Place. Wherefore they made their principal Efforts to ruin it, or to render themselves Masters of the Retrenchment. They four times with canonshot destroyed the Bridge, which as many times was repaired. The fifth time, the River being swelled, carried away the Materials; and the Duke of Feria had a very fair opportunity to attack the entrenchment kept by the French, whilst they could not be relieved from the other side the Po. There were divers attempts made by each side, to gain or recover such Posts as were judged important. About the 11th. of November, when the Constable was return'd out of Dauphiné, in the head of a considerable Re-inforcement, he, with the Troops of the Duke of Savoy, attacked divers Forts which the Spaniards had made in the Plain, to secure their Convoys, and took them all without any considerable loss. The Spaniards upon this went out of their Lines to regain them; but could recover only one, which was nearest to their Camp, and were repulsed throughout with loss, after a Fight which lasted four Hours. This obliged the Spaniards to raise the Siege immediately in a hurry, for feat the French should fall upon them in their Camp.  
The Constancy and Bravery of the French appeared on this occasion in the defence of their Retrenchments, as also their Patience to endure labour in the pains they took to make them, as well as the Bridge which they defended. They frighted the Spaniards with a manner of fighting, to which they were not accustomed: For instead of amusing themselves at Club-Musquet, they marched streight upon them with their Swords drawn, and driven them into their Retrenchments. On the contrary, the Spaniards were generally blamed for having lost two thirds of an Army of forty thousand Men before a little paltry Town, without being able to take it, by reason of the small Ability of their Commanders.  
The Duke of Savoy received the highest Satisfaction, that he had in some sort been able to revenge on the Spaniards the Injury they had done him, in taking out of his Power, as he believed, the City of Genoa, when he was just on the point to attack it. He gave out, that he would return thither, but only for the consideration that he wanted a Naval Army, to chase away that of the Spaniards which restrained him. He purposed therefore to follow the Army of the Spaniards, and attack them at Pontesture, where it lay encamped, and after to penetrate into the Milanese; his principal design being to engage the two Crowns in a long War, that he might, according to the Proverb, Fish in troubled Waters. The Constable, and the marshal de Crequi, were as willing as he to be revenged on the Spaniards; but the evil Success of the enterprise of Genoa had made them more reserved, and they would not employ the King's Arms but where they were assured to retreat both with Honour and Profit. As to what regarded the assailing of the Spanish Army at Pontesture, they thought it too dangerous, it having still forty thousand effective Men, and had Cannon and Ammunition enough to defend that Post, which is upon the Po. and by which it might draw whatever it wanted out of the Milanese.  
The Season being advanced, did also prohibit them from undertaking the Siege of any place in the Milanese; and besides, the Army was not strong enough for such an enterprise. They might easily enter into the Spanish Territories; but the French Generals judged it dishonourable for the King's Forces, to make an inroad only, and then a Retreat. The Duke proposed, nevertheless, to besiege Novaro, which was in no condition to resist; and these Generals, after some Scruples, offered him their Troops. The Duke appointed the time for the march of the Army; but the excessive reins put a sudden stop to this Design, which they after left quiter off, when they heard that the Spaniards had sent Troops and Munitions into Novaro.  
This Project not taking, the Duke was positive for entering into the Milanese on another side; but the Constable and the marshal opposed it for two Reasons, besides the former: The first was, That the King's Forces ought not to set foot there, till the Venetians had entred in at the same time; and the Venetians excused their doing it, until the King had first invaded it with two and twenty thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse; and that the Duke had so many in readiness as he was obliged to have; That it was to no purpose to undertake this Expedition in Winter, and without Cannon. The Duke replied to these Reasons, That if the King would sand but eight thousand Men into the Milanese, the Venetians would not fail to enter, for the great advantages their republic might reap by it; and as for him he was ready to march, with the number of Troops he was engaged to have. However the Constable's Reasons, supported by the King's Orders, prevailed, and the Troops were sent to garrison in several places of Piedmont. This augmented not a little the disgust which the Duke had conceived against the Constable; and afterwards, in the Month of December, this latter, with the marshal de Crequi, withdrew themselves to Grenoble. This was the end of the enterprise of Genoa, which I have orderly, and somewhat fully related, though the Cardinal contributed to it no more particularly than the other Counsellors of State; because it was a signal Example of that which the Fable calls, To sell or divide the Bear's skin. It further shows, of what importance it is not to despair because of the progress of an Enemy, as long as one place remains defensible; since the Genoeses, resolving to endure a Siege, notwithstanding all the Losses they had suffered, made a fortunate end of the Affair, without being guilty of any baseness, as other People have often been, who have sent the Keys of their Towns to their Enemies, without staying for so much as a Summons.  
We are now to return to other things which happened in France in the same Year, and in which the Cardinal was much more concerned. The King being advertised by the 
March 23.  Nuncio, that the Pope had sent Cardinal Barbarin legate into France, seemed very well pleased: But when the Nuncio demanded a suspension of Arms between the two Crowns, until a Peace was concluded, he referred him to the Council. In the mean time, the Nuncio represented, that the two Months Suspension already agreed on, would soon be expired, before any thing wrs concluded on. The King wrote to the Count of Bethune, That after the two Months were expired, they should agree to twenty or twenty five Days more; of which notice was given to the Nuncio; who was for a suspension of Arms likewise for the State of Genoa, since the Cardinal Barberin came to accommodate that Affair, as well as the other of the Valteline; but whatever he could say, it would not be taken notice of. The Venetians, who would not contradict whatever was done in favour of the Genoeses, opposed with all their might the Suspension which the Pope demanded for the Valteline; the Ambassador of Savoy opposed it too with all his Power.  
A while after it was proposed to the Pope on behalf of France, That to satisfy him, they would offer to surrender to him the Forts of the Valteline, on condition he would content himself with that Offer, without pressing the Accomplishment, because there was no necessity of it for the Honour of his Holiness. They would also promise an exact observation of the Suspension; which France did nevertheless more by force than any consideration of the Pope, since the Marquis de Coeuvres was weaker than the Spaniards. The Court gave not over to writ to him, that if an opportunity presented to advance the King's Affairs, he was not too nicely to regard the Suspension.  
In the Interim the legate advanced towards Paris, where he entred the 21st of May, after they had taken away some difficulties about enregistring his Bulls, wherein the King was only styled, King of France, and not King of Navarre.  
After he had had the first Audience of Ceremony, he teceiv'd 
m  another, in which he exhorted the King to a Peace, to remit the Affairs of the Valteline into the same Estate they were before these Brouilleries, and to make a general Cessation of Arms in Italy. The King answered, That he was very much inclined to a Peace, and should be always so, provided it might be certain and honourable to him and his Confederates; That as to what regarded the Valteline, it ought to be remitted into the Estate it was in before the Spaniards made seizure of it; That, in fine, the Suspension of Arms, of which mention was made, could not but be prejudicial to him as well as to his Allies. The Legate further urged the King to cause all Hostilities against the Genoeses to cease; but the King replied, that he could not desert the Duke of Savoy. In the third Audience the King still refused to the Legate the suspension of Arms; altho' the Cardinal declared, That without that the Crown of Spain would openly succour the republic of Genoa. The King replied, That though he had endeavoured not to come to a rapture with the Spaniards, yet if they first took up Arms against him, he should be the last would lay them down.  
The Legate had also a long Conference with the Cardinal of Richlieu, and the Count de Schomberg,( for after the disgrace of Vieville he had return'd into favour,) and Herbault, Secretary of State, who came to his Lodgings. The legate would have with him the Nuncio Spada, and Azzolini, Secretary of the Legation. He made the same demands to the Ministers as he had done to the King; and the Cardinal of Richlieu answered him, That his Majesty had already declared, that he would not agree to them, and brought many Reasons to make it appear, that the King could not, nay ought not to consent to the suspension of Arms, for fear lest his Enemies should make use of it, to assemble all their Forces, in order to act with more vigour against him and his Allies; That a Peace might as easily be made as a Truce, the Conditions whereof would be as difficult to accommodate as those of a Peace; That if the Spaniards would observe the Treaty of Madrid, and that greater assurance might be provided for the catholic Religion in the Valteline. As to what regarded the Satisfaction which his Holiness demanded, he prayed the legate to remember, That the King had never consented that the Valteline should be deposited in the Pope's Hands, but only on condition, and in a time limited, that the Treaty of Madrid should be executed; That the length of Negotiations, without ever coming to the demolition of the Forts, the instances of the Ambassador of France at the Court of Rome, and the several particulars which he had proposed to his Holiness, before the Grisons made an Insurrection to bring it to that, was the only Remedy for these Differences. The arrival of the Spaniards in the Valteline before the Grisons, or at the same time which they entred, and the respect which Coeuvres always shew'd to his Holinesses Ensigns, had sufficiently justified the Conduct of France; and yet, nevertheless, the King refused not for his part to do all that could reasonably be demanded of him; That it was very difficult to determine the Conditions, which would be very different if they should come to accommodation, or if they should enter into an open War; But that the King would cause his Ambassador to tell his Holiness, That for the Honour of the Party, it should be permitted him to advance; and that when the Peace was assured, the King would remit the Castle of Chiavenna at the same time that the Spaniards should surrender to him that of Riva, to be both razed, and the same should be done as to the rest.  
The legate said the same things over again at the fourth Audience, excepting that he still spoken of the security of the catholic Religion in the Valteline. Hitherto it had not been demanded of the legate, if he had any Power to treat in the Name of the Spaniards, because his Character of legate sufficed for his making the Propositions he had already made. But when he begun to speak of the Establishment of the catholic Religion in the Valteline; which was an essential Point, and a pretext to diminish the Authority of the Grisons in that Country, it was demanded of him, whether he had Authority to treat, and to cause what was to be agreed upon to be put in execution. The legate answered, That he had no other Power than what the Pope had given him; but that if he could accommodate the two Crowns, he doubted not but it would be well approved of. Doubts arose upon this answer, whether a Negotiation was to be entred into with him: But as that engaged him to nothing, they resolved to do it, to demonstrate the Consideration which France had for the legate, and the good Disposition she was in towards a Peace.  
As for the suspension of Arms, the same thing was answered; so that not to stop the Negotiation, it was said, that That Article should be left undecided, and they would pass on to others. The Cardinal of Richlieu then said, That in regard of the Satisfaction which the Pope demanded, the King would writ to him, and tell him by his Ambassador, in Terms which should do no hurt, neither to the Honour of him who spoken, nor the Dignity of him to whom they were addressed. On the Article of Peace he said. That if it were made, his Majesty would order the Commanders of the Forts of the Valteline, to remit them into the Hands of such Governours as the Pope should sand, on condition that the Garrisons of the Pope, and those of the King should join together to demolish them, to the end it might quickly be done; or if this would not please his Holiness, he would cause them to be demolished successively; and that if the Spaniards would not begin with the Fort of Riva, it should be done after such a manner, that they which the King first remitted, should at the same time be demolished. Although this satisfaction which was offered the Pope contained nothing which was precise, the legate said, It was easy to agree of Words, which the King and his Ambassador might make use of, as the Formality which should purposely be made use of for the demolishing of the Forts of the Valteline.  
The greatest concerned the security of the catholic Religion in that Country; upon which the legate said, That it belonged to the Pope solely privatively from all others, to regulate that which regarded the catholic Religion; and for the greater security of the catholic Inhabitants of the Valteline, ways were to be sought out to free them from the power of the Grisons. The King answered, That he would willingly have the catholic Religion, and catholic People of the Valteline put under Covert, but would not have the Interests of State, confounded with those of that Religion, and that his Majesty would never suffer any thing to be done which might bring prejudice to the Sovereignty which the Grisons his Allies had on the Valteline.  
In 
June 20. Siri Mem. Rec. T. 5. p. 862.  another Conference this Point was treated on much longer, and the legate maintained, That the catholic Religion could not be secured in that Country, without some moderating of the Authority of the Grisons,( for these are the Terms he made use of;) for if they were Masters both of the Justice and the Garrisons, it was to be feared lest they should abuse it, to the prejudice of the Franchises and Consciences of the Inhabitants of the Valteline. The King's Ministers replied, with Reason, That Divine and Human Laws required to render to the Sovereign that which of Right belonged to him; That the Grisons were in possession, which none could deny, of the Sovereignty of that Country before the Spaniards entred it; That it could not be refused to be surrendered to them, under pretence that a good part of the Inhabitants of that Country were catholics; That the King acted for the Grisons as their Confederate, and their Protector; and having taken Arms to re-establish them in their Rights, it was not for his Honour to consent to the diminution of their Authority; That for the greater security of the Religion, the King was willing to enter into the Treaty, and employ his Arms to make it be observed; That it should be declared, that if the Grisons should controvert the Regulation which should be made concerning the Religion, they should forfeit their Sovereignty, and the judgement should appertain to the King and the Pope conjointly. The legate, who was not satisfied with this Expedient, proposed divers particulars, by which he took away either in the whole or in part, the Sovereignty of the Valteline from the Grisons, under pretext of securing the catholic Religion; but they were rejected for the Reasons already given. Notwithstanding a Project of Articles was put into the Hands of the legate, of which one part regarded Religion, and the other the Civil Power, the legate who was not above twenty four Years old, durst do nothing on this occasion of his own Head, but only as he was limited by his Orders: Wherefore he sent those Articles to his Uncle by an Express, to know the Sentiments of the Court of Rome. In the mean time he could conclude nothing, because in all the Conferences he only repeated the same Matters; and the French still gave him the same Answers. This vexed the Pope, who was otherwise very well satisfied with the Honours they had done his Nephew in France, but who saw with regret, that as to the bottom of Affairs he could advance nothing; So that his Legation beacme useless.  
In the mean time the suspension of Arms was expired on the 10th of May; and the marshal de Coeuvres was troubled because of the Arrival of the Counts de Pappenheim and de Serbellin at Riva with new Troops. Besides this, he began to observe a great coldness in the Venetians concerning the Affairs of the League. During some Months they had done nothing but urged the King to enter into the Milanese, and to declare War with the Spaniards; and seeing him once engaged, instead of succouring him as they had promised, they started a hundred difficulties in the execution of the Treaty. In effect, their design was not to render France powerful in Italy, at the cost of the Spaniards, but only to engage them against them, that they might not have them sit on their skirts. The King on his part, endeavoured only to exclude the Spaniards from the passage of the Valteline, with a handful of people, which he thought to have got sustained by the Venetian Army, without being obliged to sand an Army into the Milanese. The Marquis de Coeuvres, not to be idle, and to preserve the Reputation which he had gotten, resolved to attack Nova, which would serve for a near Blockade to Riva. For this end he caused two great pieces of Cannon to be brought from Bergamo, and completed the Swiss Regiment of Salis, to which the Guard of Chiavenna had been committed. He sent also two armed Venetian Barks in the Lake of Chiavenna, to prohibit the Portage of Victuals by Water to Riva. But the Spaniards rendered these Barks useless, by putting others into the same Lake, and placing some Cannon on divers places of the sides. Coeuvres, after he had lost much time about this, gave Orders to all his Troops to march directly to Nova, making account to fall upon it in the Night, and raise a Battery against this place, and to attack it the day following, as soon as the Breach was made. But his Orders not being well executed, instead of the Attack which was proposed to be made, all the Army was engaged otherwise than he designed. Vaubecourt having lodged three Companies of the Regiment of Normandy, near the Ditch of Codaire, he found they were separated from the Spaniards by this Ditch only, which made him to begin the Skirmish with them; in which they were supported by one Regiment, and after by the whole Army: The Combat was very sharp, and so obstinate, that it lasted till late in the Night. The French there had the worst, and left two hundred dead on the place, and besides had a great many wounded. This disadvantage broken the Design they had upon Nova, and they retook it not afterwards for want of observing in the execution( better than they had before done) the difficulty there was to bring their Cannon to it. In the Months of June, July, and August, there reigned so many Diseases among the French, little accustomed to the Heats of the Climate in which they were, and who eat the Fruits of the Country too greedily for their Refreshment, that the Army was lessened more than one half; insomuch, that reckoning the Aids of the Venetians, they had not more than Three thousand Men, and most of the Officers were sick.  
The Spanish Troops were not exempt from these Inconveniencies, but the Neighbourhood of the Milanese afforded them better comfort; and instead of the Sick, which were sent thither, there came fresh Soldiers; so that their Troops appeared but little diminished. Coeuvres often demanded Recruits from the Court, and some Levies were made among the Swiss and the Grisons; but it was not till towards the end of the Year, and those not very numerous. He pressed the Venetians also to sand him Succours, and threatened them to retreat to Sandrio, or to Tirano, which would give the Spaniards opportunity to make Excursions into their Territories: But notwithstanding all these Instances, they remained immovable.  
The marshal de Roquelaure being dead, the King, in the Month of August, gave a Mareschals Staff of France to the Count of Schomberg, which he had long since promised him. Coeuvres endeavoured to obtain one, praying the King to give him that of the marshal de bovillon, who died some Years ago, and to whom no Person had been substituted. He added, That if his Majesty was not disposed to give it him presently, he supplicated him that the Brief might be expedited. But he was answered, that the King no more gave Briefs for those sort of Gratifications; and the Cardinal de Richlieu wrote to him, That it was more glorious for him to wait till the King did him that favour of his proper motion, than to extort it by Importunities. There were two Obstacles which hindered his receiving this recompense; one was, that a report had been raised, that the King had given him a Mareschal's Staff, after the Invasion of the Valteline; the Nuncio Spada had strongly opposed it; and had declared, that that would be to affront his Holiness, to recompense a man after that manner, who had offended him; and make it appear, that he had done all things by order, though the contrary was pretended. The other Obstacle was, that Monsieur demanded the same thing for the Colonel d'Ornano, his governor.  
The Arms of France having no farther happy success than they had lately in the state of Genoa and the Valteline, the Court of Rome hoped that she might come to a conclusion in the Affair of the Valteline with the greater facility; but the King's Ministers would by no means hear of despoiling the Grisons of the Sovereignty of that Valley. In the middle of July, the legate sent the Nuncio to the Cardinal of Richlieu, to confer with him thereupon; and he received the same Answer from him. Spada replied, That the legate could conclude no Treaty which should confirm the Grisons in the Restitution of the Valteline, because it was incompatible with the security of the catholic Religion, without which, no Person, much less a legate, could make any Proceedings: That the Pope had ordered at Rome, and the legate in France, a good number of Divines to examine the matter to the bottom; and though they could not foresee what their Determination would be, there was no coming to an Accommodation, at least if the Advantage was not to the catholic Religion in the Valteline, and care were not taken of the Reputation of the apostolic See, and that of the Crown of Spain. The Cardinal promised that care should be taken of all these; but he made no particular Proposition thereupon.  
Whilst the legate was at the Court, the Deputies of the Dukes of Rohan and Soubise came thither, to treat for their Reconciliation. The legate took this for an Affront; because he pretended, that before they heard the Deputies, they should have finished the Affair with him; but he was yet more angry, when he saw the Peace between the King and the Rochellers published with sound of Trumpet; and he very well apprehended his Negotiation would become more difficult. The Court was not a little glad to find an opportunity to extinguish a domestic flamme, before it spread too far, in the fear it was in suddenly to enter into a War with Spain.  
It was said, that in the beginning of this Year, Soubise had taken six of the King's Ships at Blavet; having carried them to rochel, a little after he went to the Isle of Oleron, 
See th●quel of ● rebellion France, d● the Year● 1625. a● following▪  which he easily seized on, and there built three Forts to keep it for his Party. From thence he pretended to keep all the Neighbouring Coasts under check, and to retreat thither with all the Prizes he got in his Cruizings. Those of rochel, on their side, over-run all the Neighbourhood, in spite of all the care of Thoiras governor of Fort-Lewis; of the marshal of Pralin, governor of Saintonge; and of the Count of Rochefoucaud, governor of Poictou, who had raised some Troops to prevent their Excursions. Soubise made a descent on the cost of Olonne; but he was constrained, by the marshal de Pralin quickly to return on board his Vessels. He was more fortunate in the Descent which he afterwards made on the Banks of the Garonne, where he run all about Bourdeaux; and in the mean time, by means of his Fleet, hindered any thing from coming thither by Sea. He made himself Master of the Castle of Castillon in Medoc, which is three Leagues from Blaye, and the best Road of the Garonne, and had there made further progress if Thoiras, whom the King had made marshal de Camp, and Colonel of the Regiment of Champeigne, had not hastened thither with that Regiment and other Troops, which contrained him to reimbark, and took Castillon from him. A little while after, a furious Storm, having very much damaged his Fleet, forced him to retire to re-fit it.  
The Affairs of the Hugonots were in no better condition, in High and Low Languedoc, where the Duke of Rohan had made a great many of them take up Arms, because of the daily encroachments on their Privileges, notwithstanding the reiterated Promises of the King, and his Declaration of the 25th. of January of that Year; by which, when he declared Rohan and Soubise Rebels, and those of their Party, he took into his Protection all who remained in quiet at home, under the benefit of his Edicts. The Duke of Rohan having withdrawn himself to Castres, from whence he sent his Orders to all parts, the Parliament of Tholouse, Enemy to the Hugonots for a long time, made an Act, by which it ordained 
May 30. , that all the Jurisdiction, Secular and Ecclesiastical, Sub-Treasuries, and all Receipts, should be transferred from Castres to the City of Lautrec. The marshal de Themines, and the Duke of Espernon, opposed themselves at the same time to the Duke of Rohan, with two little Bodies of an Army. The second attempted to block up Montauban with four Forts; he often beat the Garrison and the Inhabitants, and took their moveables from them. The first took from the malcontents Bonail, St. Paul, Lamiatta, and divers other little Places 
July 27. . Besides, he beat the Duke of Rohan, blocked him up in Viane, with the Troops which he had brought from Sevenes, and constrained him to retire by night. The same Duke intending to take the Castle of Sommieres, could not effect it, neither by surprise, nor by force, because it was relieved by the Bailiff of Valencay, governor of Monpellier. These Disadvantages, and many others which I forbear to mention, obliged Rohan and Soubise to sand their Deputies to the Court, to make their Peace there. In effect, there was no probability they could make any longer resistance, because of the Division of their Party, and the greatest part of the Hugonots refusing to take up Arms. Besides, it was not possible for the Heads to be exactly obeyed, by People who might disobey without any peril: So that they must necessary think of laying down their Arms; and they would never have taken them up again, if they had not by breach of Word been constrained to it.  
The Cardinal 
Siri, Mem. Rec. T. 5. p. 878.  had represented to the King, upon their Propositions, that whilst there was a Party on foot in his Kingdom, he could not undertake any thing considerable abroad; and that he must first ruin this Party, before he engaged himself in such an Affair. Another perhaps would have judged, that this Party was that which could least embarass the Court: since the Hugonots thought themselves always happy whilst the Edicts of Nants was observed, which diminished not the King's Revenues, and whose Observation acquired him the Love of the Hugonots, ready to employ both their Blood and Goods for him, on any account, if he would make War with Spain. But the Cardinal, who loved Arbitrary Power more than Lewis XIII. because in effect he enjoyed it more than he, would not suffer any one whatsoever to implore the Succour of the Laws against his Will. It was therefore his Advice, that they should stand firm for the Affair of the Valteline; but he would not have the King come to an open breach with Spain. Nevertheless, it being necessary to treat with the Hugonots, that he might more advantageously do it with Foreigners, he believed, that in the present Conjuncture, it was good to make Peace with them, which many occasions would give opportunity to break, whenever it was thought fit.  
The principal Articles of the Peace were 
Siri Rec. ● 879. , That Fort-Louis should remain entire six Months after the Treaty; which being expired, it was to be demolished: That the Hugonots should yet for three Years enjoy the Places of Security remaining to them: That the building of some Forts, which they had begun about Montauban, should cease: That a sum of Money should be given to the Dukes of Rohan and Soubise, for all their Pretensions, on condition this last should restore the six Vessels, which they had taken from the King at the beginning of the Year.  
They so much desired the conclusion of this Treaty, that they would not retard it farther, though they had an account two Days before the Subscription, that the Fleet of the Rochellers had set fire to some of the King's Ships, burnt the Vice-Admiral of the Hollanders, and sunk three of their Vessels. There being a kind of Truce whilst the Treaty was negotiating, this Action of the Rochellers, especially against the Holland Vessels, was generally disapproved. It was admired that the States-General, who were of the same Religion as the Rochellers, and whose Interest it was to preserve this City, should sand a Squadron to the King for to reduce it. But another Interest more pressing, which was to keep their Alliance with France, from which they were to have Six hundred thousand Crowns yearly, as long as they carried on the War with the Spaniards, and which hindered that he fell not on them with all his Forces: This Interest, I say, made them act on this occasion contrary to their Inclination. Their Admiral Houtstein, though he had Orders to assist the King's Army, to reduce Soubise to his Obedience, did underhand make an Agreement with the Rochellers, to observe a kind of Neutrality between them, in reciprocally doing each other the least hurt they could. The Rochellers believing they could burn all the King's Fleet, and hinder them from making use of the Dutch Ships against them, broken their Word, and did them the damage just spoken of.  
This imprudent Action perfectly irritated the Dutch Admiral, and he disposed himself to revenge it the first opportunity, which failed not to present itself presently after. It seems the Treaty which was spoken of, was concluded, only to surprise Rohan and Soubise, and appease them for some time. The War also was renewed with more heat than before against the Rochellers, before the Legate departed from Paris. There came out of England seven great Vessels, which joined the French Fleet, and the Squadron of the States-General, and were Commanded by the Chevalier Rich, making in all Sixty in number, which the Rochellers were no way able to resist. Then the Duke of montmoremcy, Great Admiral of France, came to the Coasts of Poictou, to Command that Fleet, which ruined the Designs of the Rochellers.  
Before this Fleet put to Sea, Thoiras, governor of Fort-Louis, had formed a Design to throw himself into the Isle of Rhée, whilst the King's Fleet should fight that of the malcontents. He had sent a Gentleman to the Court to propose this Design, and to demand Forces necessary for it. They sent to him the Baron of St. Gery from the Court, to confer with Thoiras, and see the Places, and whether the Measures which he proposed, were like to render the enterprise successful. Gery having judged the Design well contrived, the Court ordered that Thoiras should have about Seventeen hundred Men, and Six barks, with Fifty or Sixty Horse, to be transported to the Isle of Rhée. His Design was to follow the Naval Army, and to make a Descent on the Isle, whilst the Rochellers should be busied to defend themselves against the Fleet which went to attack them. Although Thoiras had conceived this Project, the Government of that Isle belonging to the Count de St. luke, the general Command of the Troops which were to execute it, was given to him; and he brought with him a number of volunteers, who sought an opportunity to signalise themselves.  
The Duke of montmoremcy embarked himself, upon the Admiral of the Dutch Squadron, in the Road of Olonne, and set sail the 15th of September, two hours after midnight, the Wind being favourable. All the barks followed him, and sailed towards the Isle of Rhée, before which, in the Road of St. Martins, the Rochellers Fleet lay, consisting only of Twenty eight Vessels, and had no appearance of being able to engage Sixty; so it retired to the Fosse de l▪ Oye, as soon as the Navy-Royal appeared. The Rochellers believed that their Enemies not knowing the Places as well as they, would perhaps run a-ground the Bank which lies at the entrance of the Fosse de l'Oye. But the Dutch Admiral contented himself with playing on them that Day with his Cannon, and to put himself into the Road of St. Martins, which the Rochellers had quitted. It was supposed that the Duke of montmoremcy choose to be in this Vessel, that he might the better oblige Houtstein to sight vigorously against the Rochellers; though the Duke in Compliment said, That he having no Experience in Sea-fights, was extremely joyful to learn that Trade under so skilful a Master.  
St. luke and Thoiras made the Descent the same day on the Isle of Rhée, under the favour of some volleys of Cannon( which were made on the Enemy, who appeared on the height of the cost) by some Galliots. It was Soubise, who was at the head of Twelve hundred Foot, supported by an Hundred Horse, with Twenty four Pieces of Cannon; he discharged them several times upon the King's People, who landed in his sight; but whether he thought them more numerous than they were, or that he was terrified with the great number of the Men of War, who had moored themselves in the Road of St. Martins, he went away most shamefully, and left his Cannon behind him. The next Morning, St. luke and Thoiras advancing towards the Town of St. Martin, perceived Soubise, who came to meet them, with about Three thousand five hundred Men, and Four Pieces of Cannon, which marched before them. It seemed so great a number would carry it; but the Militia of the Rochellers, and the Isle of Rhée, disheartened in the Fight the day before, and perhaps ill Conducted, could not stand before the King's Forces. Soubise seeing them routed, fled with all speed to the iceland of St. Mary, where a Challop waited for him, in which he retired to Oleron, and from thence, after the defeat of their Fleet, to England. The next day the Fort of St. Martins surrendered on Articles: So that the Army-Royal, without any considerable loss, saw itself in two days Mistress of the Isle of Rhée, defended by double the number of People. Besides the Inconveniencies which attended those People who had taken up Arms against the King, for the Conservation of their Privileges, that their Heads could not help them; it is certain, that the greatest part of their Commanders were such as were more fit to make Pirates than to govern Armies, or to manage those Affairs which properly belong to the Care of a General. This was the cause, that though the People were very well affencted to the Party, they never came to fight but they had the worst, let their number be what it would: Besides, the fear which their principal Heads, as Soubise, were in, of falling into the hands of the King's People, made them too cautious of themselves; so that as soon as they saw their Troops in any disorder, they thought of nothing but retiring, instead of endeavouring to rally them, and renew the Fight.  
Whilst St. luke and Thoiras rendered themselves Masters of the Isle of Rhée, the Duke of montmoremcy beat several times the rochel Fleet, being forced to attend the Wind and Tide to come at them. He took nine Vessels, and extremely endamaged the rest, which retreated to the Isle of Oleron. There were nevertheless three of the King's Ships which had fastened themselves to the Yard of one of the six which the Rochellers had taken at Blavet, by the Obstinacy of that Captain, were blown up with him, he choosing rather to set fire to the Powder, than to yield himself. A while after, the Isle of Oleron was reduced, with greater ease than that of Rhée: And the Rochellers seeing themselves despoiled of these Places, from whence they had the most part of their Provisions, because the Garrison of Fort-Lewis, prohibited them from getting any on the Land-side, began to think of nothing more than how to make their Peace with the Court.  
The legate was yet at Paris, when the News of this Victory came thither; and though it did not trouble him to see the heretics brought down, yet he perceived with regret, that now the Court was out of that trouble, it would every day grow more firm in the Affair of the Valteline. The Pope, on the other side, could not tell how to see it surrendered to the Grisons, lest they should settle Calvinism there, to which the greatest part of that People were addicted. The Count de Bethunes in vain represented to him, That it was better to hazard this Affair, than to kindle a War amongst the catholics. He brought him the Example of John I. who at the Request of theodoric King of Italy, went to Constantinople to oblige the Emperour Justin to restore to the Arrians their Churches, for fear lest theodoric, who was an Arrian, should persecute the Orthodox in Italy.  
The Pope, not willing to agree to any thing on his side, and the French not knowing how to resolve to take away the Sovereignty from the Grisons, the Legate could make no conclusion. The Affair of Genoua also remained in the same state, without any prospect of accommodation: So the Legate resolved to return, and would have no further Conferences with the King's Ministers: He contented himself with speaking to them particularly by himself, or by the Nuncio and the Prelates of his Train. The Marquis de Mirabel complained of him, that the Legate would treat of a thing which concerned the Crown of Spain, without ever taking Advice from its Ambassador. The Legate answered to this, That he was not obliged to consult their Minister at Paris; yet he had not been wanting to give him an account of what passed, by the Nuncio. Cardinal Barberin complained on his side of the Obstinacy of Cardinal Richlieu, and the other Ministers of France, who would in no wise alter from the Propositions they had first made. The French also made their Complaints against the legate, who in their Opinion would propose nothing that was reasonable. They said they could not comprehend how the Pope could resolve to sand his Nephew, without power from the King of Spain, to treat in his Name, without any assurance that the Marquis of Mirabel would meddle with this Negotiation, and without having first cleared to himself how far they might in Conscience relax in regard to the catholic Religion in the Valteline.  
The Spaniards would not concern themselves in this Affair, because they had said from the beginning, that they would take no part, but what the security of the catholic Religion in the Valteline might prompt them to, which was more the Pope's business than theirs. By that they should put the Pope in opposition to France, and the Scruples of the Court of Rome to the French Maxims of State. In the Interim, the Troops which they had in the Forts of Fuentes and Riva, were in a condition to get the others, as soon as the French should abandon them. The Pope on his part, was not displeased that the Spaniards appeared not in it; because he hoped that they would take the Valteline from the Grisons and give it to him, as they had declared: If that had been done Don Tadeo Barberini, or some other of his Family, had been presently invested.  
This made the French wish that this Affair might be treated directly with the Spaniards, and the Count d'Olivarez, first Minister of that Crown, was of the same Opinion: Were it that he desired Peace, as the Consequence of a new Treaty; or that he loved an open War rather than to remain any longer in Uncertainties. The affencted Scruples of Urban VIII. to render himself Master of what belonged not to him, constrained at last the two Crowns to treat together about this Affair, without his Intervention, as the sequel will show.  
Amongst the Articles which were drawn up in France, and many times corrected, to endeavour to accommodate them to the Pope's Gusto, the second imported, That the Passes of the Valteline and the neighbouring Counties, should remain open to France only as formerly: And the fourth, That those of the Valteline, and the two Counties of Brusch, and of Poschavio, as to what appertained to the Administration of Justice amongst them, should be exempted from the Jurisdiction Civil and Criminal of the Grisons; That they should themselves choose Judges and Governours to determine all sorts of Causes between private Persons and the Communities, without the Grisons putting themselves into it, and without the Inhabitants of the Valteline's pretending to make War, Peace, Alliances, to grant passage, coin Money, grant Favours; all which Rights should be reserved to the Grisons. 
Sept. 15.  In the last Conference which the legate had with the King's Ministers, it was discoursed much about these two Articles, and the Pope would absolutely have them reformed; but France would no way allow an alteration. The French said, That what they had agreed for the security of the catholic Religion in that Country, was more than those of the Valteline durst even have hoped for. The legate having no power to accept of these Articles as they were; and the French relaxing nothing, he shew'd himself very much grieved that he could not accommodate those Brouilleries, until the Tears stood in his Eyes; and he threw, in despite, his Bonnet two or three times on the Table, as the legate remonstrated, that the Pope, in Quality of Head of the Church, could not consent to have his catholic Subjects remitted into the Hands of a heretic Sovereign. The Cardinal  told him, That his Holiness ought not to appear in the Treaty, but permit the Grisons and the Inhabitants of the Valteline to agree between themselves; and, in the sequel, to leave what should be done, as the Church had been accustomed to do in things indifferent. The legate replied, That his Holiness might accept of that Proposal, on condition they would first remit to him the Forts of the Valteline, to the end it might not be said, that the catholics of that Country were forced to treat with the Grisons. But the Cardinal replied, with reason, That if there was any place for presumption, that this Treaty was made forcibly; it was only the Grisons who had reason to complain, because it was they who relaxed their own Rights, in savour of those of the Valteline; That it is apparent, that those who are Gainers by a Treaty, without suffering any disadvantage, cannot relieve themselves under pretence that it was done by force. And to show that the Forts could not be remitted into the Hands of his Holiness, without speaking of their demolishment. The Cardinal demanded what security the Pope would give, that there might be a certainty that he would surrender the Sovereignty of this Country to the Grisons, to which he would not consent, and the King would, at what price soever, that he should render it to them: If it should remain to the Grisons by a Treaty which they should make with those of the Valteline, What security should there be that the Spaniards should be excluded out of the Passage? How can there be any assurance that they would demolish the Forts?  
Upon the first point the legate answered, That his Holiness would not hinder the Inhabitants of the Valteline to condescend( for so he worded it) to remain under the Sovereignty of the Grisons, and that there was no doubt but they were free to it. Upon the second he said, That the Pope had the Word of the Spaniards, That provided they would remit the Forts into his Hands, they would consent to what the French demanded concerning the Passage. The Cardinal replied, That it must be had in writing. And the legate replied, That he had it not, because the Spaniards would not declare themselves, before the Forts were in the Hands of the Pope, but he was most assured of it. For the third point the legate said, That the Pope promised to do what France desired: But the Cardinal replied, That in matter of Treaties, there was to be real Security, and that nothing had been offered but uncertain Words; That if a thing were in agitation, which depended on his Holiness, the King would entirely confided in his Word; but the Inhabitants of the Valteline, and more especially the Spaniards, accustomed to violate their Faith given, might hinder his Holiness to execute what he had promised. The legate said, That could never be; but if it should happen against the Intention of the Pope, he would surrender the Forts neither to the Spaniards nor the French, but keep them. Upon this the Cardinal proposed to him this other Question; Whether he believed, that the King, who was in League with the republic of Venice and the Duke of Savoy, to the intent that the Grisons should be re-established in their ancient Authority, ought, after he had been at infinite Charges to bring it about, to put things in the Condition he found them, or to leave them in an Estate far worse? He added, That this was just what was proposed, since for security they gave only the Pope's Word; the execution of which depended on the Inhabitants of the Valteline and the Spaniards, who would be glad to spin out a thing in length, as they had hitherto done, and who would make the catholics of the Valteline, who acted nothing but by their Motion, do whatever they should think fit; That if those of the Valteline and the Spaniards should forfeit their Word to the Pope, he knew very well that he might take Vengeance; but besides his being mortal( for as to Expedients, in case that should happen, nothing was proposed but the keeping of Forts, which was a Remedy as bad as the Disease, since the Grisons would still find themselves spoiled of a Country which belonged to them) the Cardinal represented farther to the legate, That for one imaginary Scruple they were about to set all Europe into a flamme. To which the legate replied, That if their wanted his Blood only to extinguish it, he would  shed it most willingly, but he had not any power to advance other Propositions. The Cardinal demanded presently of Spada, and Azzolini, who were present, Whether they would advice the King's Ministers, to run the Risques proposed to him? They ingenuously answered, No. But the King might well frame this Design himself, although no Minister ought to be so bold as to take the Charge of Events on himself.  
After this Conference the legate spoken of nothing but of departing; and the 22d of September he had his Audience of congee, and without Ceremony departed on the 24th. After he had taken leave of the King once more, but in private, as Cardinal Barberin, and not in Quality of legate. Having after a manner bid adieu, he took his Coach, without having his Dispatches, and saying nothing where he would lodge. The King, who would have defrayed his Charges, as he ha● from his Entrance into the Realm, was vexed, and sent Orders for his being treated every where, as had been done unto his departure. The Nuncio Spada excused him upon this, that he would avoid all sorts of Ceremonies; but the true Reason of his so sudden departure was, because he would not be at the Court in the time, when they were to make at Fountainbleau an Assembly of Notables, to treat of the Measures which were to be taken in these present Conjunctures. It was easy to foresee, that there they would infinitely extol the Conduct of the Cardinal of Richlieu, and blame that of the Court of Rome; in which case it was not beseeming for the legate to stay any longer in France.  
Although they would not as yet grant him any thing, yet would they have been glad he had stayed longer at the Court, to see in the mean time, what Train the Affairs of Italy would take, and afterwards to act conformable to it. He was  told by the Fathers, Joseph and Berule, That if he would stay, he should have the satisfaction to see, that the King, in consideration of him, instead of the Peace which he had given to the Hugonots some Weeks before, would make War upon them with greater vigour than ever; That there would be a Council of Notables held, where none of those of the Parliament would be opposite to the Court of Rome, and where perhaps something would be resolved, advantageous to his Negotiation; That, in fine, there might well be a suspension of Arms between the two Crowns. The legate regarded not all this; and Spada excused him very well, in saying, that there was nothing which concerned the legate of what the King did, if having beaten the Rochellers, he had made use of the advantage which he had, to pull that Thorn out of his Foot; That the Assembly of Notables was not to give the King Counsel, but to authorize that which his Ministers had given him; That for the suspension of Arms, it was perhaps the Estate in which the Affairs of the Crown in Italy were, which caused it to be spoken of. But then, it must be demanded of the Spaniards, who would not have it. and not of France, which perhaps might have need of it, and sought it only to gain time to sand Succours into Pie 〈…〉 t; after which, if she had any advantage, she would speak in quiter another Tone, as she had been accustomed to do in Prosperity.  
These and such like Discourses, which Spada sometimes held, had rendered him odious to Cardinal Richlieu for almost a Year before the departure of the legate. In the Conferences which he had had with the Cardinal, he had more than once piqued that Minister, who was accused to be proud, subject to Choler, and revengeful, now only by speaking to him, as to a counselor of the King, but taking him in his proper person. One day when they were much heated, Spada threatened the Cardinal, with the indignation of the Pope; the Cardinal jeering, asked him what the Pope would do to him: Spada replied, he would take away the Hat which he had given him. The Cardinal, more versed in things present than in the Histories of times past, reparteed, It was a thing without Example; and Spada replied, That Histories were full of it. This Quarrel gave the the Cardinal an aversion for the Nuncio, whose Negotiations became afterwards more difficult.  
Presently after the Legat's departure, an Assembly of Notables 
Sept. 19.  was summoned at Fountainbleau, in presence of the King, the Queen-Mother, and the Duke of Orleans; it was composed of four Cardinals, of Archbishops and Bishops, Deputies of the Clergy; the Dukes of Nemours, of Longueville, and of Chevreuse, of the Privy Council; the Secretaries of State, the Superintendants, and Intendants of the Finances, the Presidents and Officers of the Parliament of Paris, the Mareschals de Bassompierre, de Schomberg, d'Aubeterre, and other Officers of the Crown, convocated by express Order of the King. Although the Kings of France, in the important Affairs of Peace and War, take those Resolutions which please them best, without communicating to their Ministers what they think necessary, this Assembly is convened to treat of an Affair which may concern partly the State, and partly Religion. The Cardinal of Richlieu had engaged the King to this, to discharge upon those which composed it, the hatred which his Enviers had endeavoured to draw on him, under pretence that he had advised the King to unite himself with divers Protestant Powers against the House of Austria. They particularly accused him with giving Peace to the Hugonots, and protecting the Calvinist Grisons against the catholic Inhabitants of the Valteline, as if the Good of the State had not required it.  
The King and the Queen-Mother being sat, 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 24.  and the others standing, the King  told the Assembly, That the Chancellor should tell them wherefore he had assembled them: And the Chancellor taking the Word, began with the Alliances and the Treaties which the Crown had with the Grisons; and after, informed them of what had passed in relation to the Valteline, and the Propositions which the legate had made, remitting the more particular Circumstances to what the marshal de Schomberg should say. He afterwards fell upon the departure of the legate, who had given several Marks of his being discontented, although they had done him all imaginable Honours, and had endeavoured to stay him a little longer, In fine, he enlarged to demonstrate the falsity of that Proposition, which some Divines of Italy had maintained, That it was not permitted to catholics to restore Lands to heretics, by drawing from thence pernicious Consequences, which might arise in respect of Secular Princes. The marshal Schomberg proceeded on the Chancellor's Discourse, more to declare his Opinion, than to expound the Affairs then in Transaction. He complained of the great variation he had observed in the manner of the Legat's negotiating, and of the other Ministers of the Court of Rome, who had only spoken of the restitution of the Forts of the Valteline, and at last had yet left it undetermined. He added also, That they would not at all declare, whether they had power from the Spaniards to treat in their Name, or not: That being pressed thereto, they said, That they had in their Hands wherewith to satisfy the King; and in the Sum of the account, they confessed that they had not any Power in behalf of the Spaniards; That at other times they had said, That Bormio might be surrendered by the Grisons; and that at present they would not leave them any Marks of Sovereignty. In fine, his opinion was, that the Propositions of the Court of Rome were to be rejected. The Queen-Mother thereupon said something in praise of the legate, as loving Peace, and being well inclined to France. After which there was so long a silence, that the Chancellor was obliged to say, That if there were any one in that Assembly who had any good Counsel to give about the matters which were then in debate, the King permitted him to do it.  
The Cardinal de Sourdis took upon him to say, That the Pope might complain of this; That at the beginning of his Pontificate, the Spaniards took him for a Frenchman; and that at present the French complained that he was a Spaniard. He exhorted the King to use his Endeavours to gain him; and added, That he saw no better Expedient to accommodate the difference between the two Crowns, than a suspension of Arms; That Peace was to be preferred to War, provided it was Honourable; but in case it could not that way be obtained, they were to obtain their Rights by Arms, after they had convinced all the World of the Justice of their Cause. In fine, his opinion was for Peace, such as the Pope desired; that is to say, by remitting the Valteline to him; in which his Holiness demanded nothing, in his judgement, but what was conformable to the Head of the Church, and in which his Majesty would do nothing but what was requisite for its eldest Son.  
The Cardinal of Richlieu, being disturbed at what he said, and not being willing to speak in public, that Day, had at the beginning withdrawn out of the Ring, and seated himself on a Bench against the Wall, with Monsieur and the Cardinal de la Valette. But when he saw the Cardinal de Soudis begin, he drew near, and by his Gestures shew'd, that he disapproved his Opinion, and particularly the suspension of Arms. Also as soon as he had given over speaking, he took the Word, and began to say, That although his Profession rendered him partial, since the Transaction was, whether War or Peace; yet the Reputation of his Majesty obliged him to speak freely his Sentiments. He after this praised Peace, and said, That his Majesty was obliged in Conscience, as much as possibly he could do, to procure it with Honour. One would have thought that what he intended to say, by this beginning, was to counsel the King to the same things which he who spoken before him had done, but his conclusion was quiter contrary; That he saw not how the King could honourably make Peace in the present Conjunctures; That the Duty of a King, and the Title of Most Christian, were not incompatible, and ought not to be separated; That as by his Quality of Most Christian, the King ought to have care of the catholic Religion, and those who made Profession of it in the Valteline; so in his Quality of King, he ought not to neglect his Reputation, nor the Interest of his States, or those of his Allies, nor regard it as a thing indifferent, to be considered as a Prince, without Honour, without Power, and without Faith; That for to get out with Honour, he must resolve on a long War, and that way preserve to France the Passage by the Valteline, and to the Grisons their Sovereignty; That if France abandoned her Allies, she would not find in the sequel any support amongst her Neighbours, who would be sure to quit her, to unite themselves with Spain; That presently, when the neighbouring Potentates should behold the King full of Constancy and Courage, they would be for him, and would never forsake him, whilst he should persist in that Disposition; That Honour was the true Patrimony of Kings; and that his Majesty ought to hazard all to preserve his; That the King's Treasures were in very good condition, since his Superintendents assured him, that they had wherewithal to pay four Musters; that is to say, eight Months Pay for the Troops on foot, and the Levies which were to be made, without touching the Capital, or having recourse to extraordinary ways, or anticipating the next Year; That the Affairs of Spain began to grow worse in Italy, and that their Army was extremely diminished; That the Victory which the King had obtained over the Rochellers, assured the quiet of the Kingdom, and gave place to hope, that they would in a short time be reduced to their Duty. He concluded after this, as if every body was of his mind, and the majority of Votes conformable to his; That a Courier must be expedited to the legate, to let him know, that the Assembly was of the same Sentiments with the Cabinet Council: But the King would not give over to hear Propositions of Peace, which might be compatible with his Reputation; and if they would not do it, his Armies, who had met so happy beginnings, would resume their first vigour, though in the Summer they had been somewhat diminished.  
The Cardinal de la Valette thereupon said, That he was at Rome when the Pope established a Congregation of Divines, to know how far he might relax his Conscience touching the Affair of the Valteline, and if he might remit catholic Inhabitants of that Country, under the Domination of the Grisons; and that the Divines had answered, That he might, and ought to do it, because Religion no way authorized Injustice. As to the rest, he was of the same opinion with Cardinal Richlieu.  
The pmmier President spoken after him, and said nothing else, but that so wise a Prince, assisted by Counsellors of the highest Prudence, had no need of his Counsel, nor of any whatsoever; so that he had nothing to do but to command, that it was his Duty to obey, which he offered in the Name of all the Parliament.  
After this, no person speaking a Word more, the King rose up, without taking any Resolution in public, and dismissed the Assembly. But the Advice of the Cardinal was put in execution; and Couriers were sent, not only to the Pope and the legate, but also to the Ambassadors of the Crown, to inform them of what had passed. They wrote particularly to the Count du Fargis, Ambassador in Spain, That the difficulty of all this Negotiation proceeded from the King's not having immediately treated by their Ministers, the Pope not being able to resolve on that which a Secular Prince would have easily done: Wherefore Orders were given to him, to see if the Count d'Olivarez, who had shew'd some Desires of Peace, would make no overture to him to surmount this difficulty.  
The Negotiation of the legate having been at last divulged, the Duke of Savoy, by his Ambassador, 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 32.  highly complained, That the King had not had any regard to his Interests, nor had caused a Word to be spoken to the legate, about any satisfaction to him, to be made concerning the Marquisate of Zuccarello: But he complained much more the year following, as you will see by what follows.  
In 
Mem. de B●ss●mp. T. ● p. 434.  the mean time Papenheim, who was at Riva with a German Regiment, attacked some French Troops, which the Marquis de Coeuvres had put into Verseil, and Campo, little places about the Lake of Coma, beat them, and took from them twelve pieces of Cannon, and also eleven Barks which were upon the Lake. This News being come to Court, they believed the Valteline to be lost. But Papenheim not having pushed on his point, the Venetians, advertised of what had passed, sent Forces enough to Coeuvres to repulse Papenheim, if he made any further Attempts. With this Succour and some Troops that came from France, 
Octob. 7. Sequel of the Rebellion of France, p. 263. and following.  the Marquis went to assail the Spaniards in some Posts, where they were retrenched and barricadoed two days before, and paid them in the same Coin, by beating them from those Posts; so that the Affairs of of the Valteline were in as good a condition as formerly.  
A little time after 
About the middle of Novemb. ibid. p. 384.  the Rochellers sent their Deputies to the Court to endeavour a Peace. They had much ado to obtain Audience of the King: But the Constable having wrote very urgently to the King to induce him to grant a Peace, that he might be in a better condition to make War abroad, it was resolved to hear them, and to keep them in expectation as long as they could, to see if before the conclusion of a Peace with them, there might an accommodation be made with Spain.  
These Deputies having thrown themselves at the King's Feet, began to show much grief, for their having taken up Arms against him; and without undertaking to justify themselves, they begged his pardon, in most submissive Terms, to move him to pity, and supplicated him to grant them Peace. The King answered them, That they had behaved themselves very ill, and insolently towards him, but he would pardon them, and grant them Peace on the Conditions which the Chancellor should tell them.  
These Conditions were, I. That the Council and the Government of Rochel should be put into the Hands of those of the Body of the City, as it was in the Year 1610.  
II. That it should receive a superintendent of Justice, to hinder the Differences and Partialities which might happen in the City, to administer Justice there, and settle Trade.  
III. That all the Fortifications should be demolished, and the City reduced to the ancient Circuit, such as it was in the year 1560.  
IV. That his Majesty should be received there with the Respect due to him, at all times that it should please him to give them the Honour of visiting them.  
V. That the Rochellers should not keep in their Port any Vessels of War; and that all others destined for Privateers, or Mercandize, should have the Admiral's leave, as was practised in other places in the Kingdom, and should not depart out of the Port before eight days notice given to the Intendent of Justice.  
VI. That all Goods belonging to the ecclesiastics should be restored, as well as the Carts, Horses, and merchandise of some Merchants of Orleans.  
VII. That as to the rest, it was the King's Pleasure that the Rochellers should fully and peaceably enjoy all their privileges of freedom of Trade and of the Edict of Nantz.  
The Deputies, after they had received these Articles, carried them to rochel, to advice what Answer should be return'd thereto. In the mean time that City was kept blocked up as before; and the marshal de Themines was named General of the Army which opposed the Incursions of the Rochellers. Divers vigorous Sallies were made, and many Rencounters, wherein sometime the King's People, and sometimes the Rochellers, had the better.  
Urban VIII. was resolved long since to sand the same Cardinal into Spain which had been in France, to try if he could obtain that of the Spaniards, which he could not from the French: But he was to make some stay at Rome before he went for Madrid, for fear the Spaniards should be displeased and complain, That the Pope had given the pference to the most Christian King, if the Cardinal Barberin had gone immediately from France into Spain. In the Interim, the Pope gave Orders to Spada to renew the Negotiation with the King's Ministers. For this end, having gone to see the Cardinal of Richlieu; and having begun to discourse of the differences which had been so long talked of, the Cardinal  told him, That it was a Game where they might play with few Men, since all was reduced to three Points; The Interest of the Grisons, That of the King, and That of the Allies. For the first point, the Cardinal said, That without obliging himself to any thing he would declare frankly to the Nuncio his Opinion; which was, that a Restoration must be made to the Grisons of the Sovereignty of the Country, as had been formerly agreed. As to the second, he judged, that way was to be found to secure that the King of Spain should no more have open Passage through the Valteline. All the difficulty of the third, consisted in satisfying the Duke of Savoy, not as that Prince imagined he ought to be, but according to the Rules of Equity.  
The Nuncio made some Reflections on the first and second of these Articles, but fixed on nothing, for fear he should extort some angry Answer from the Cardinal, who had retained himself in Generalities. Afterwards the Cardinal  told him, That he would root out the Hugonots; but first he must of necessity once more scandalise the World. The Nuncio replied, That if he could do good without first doing evil, it would be much more to his Glory; and that the evil depending only on ourselves, and the good on others, as well as the evil Consequences of the first were present and certain, and the Benefit expected, hide in futurity, and little assured. Spada comprised in this, 
Siri, Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 33.  That the Cardinal had a design to make Peace with the Hugonots and lull them asleep, and then destroy them; and that so he had the same end with those which spoken against Peace with the Hugonots, that is to say, their ruin.  
After this the Cardinal fell on boasting, That he governed all with going, only three times in a Week to the Louvre; although that was sufficiently troublesome to him. He added, That the King was every day more kind to him, and excited him to ask new Favours, but that he had  told him he would have but one, but so great, that perhaps his Majesty might think it strange, which was to have a place in the History of his Reign; but he would not have it, except at the same time his Majesty acquired a Kingdom.  
They afterwards fell back upon the Affairs of the Valteline; and the Nuncio, after divers Reflections, said, That to discover the secret of the Affair, it must needs be that the Cardinal must think of satisfying the Spaniards or the Pope, so as he might shut the Spaniards Mouths; and that could never be, without disengaging those of the Valteline from the Sovereignty of the Grisons; without which the Pope could not join with the King of France to appease the King of Spain. The Cardinal shew'd, that he was obliged to the Nuncio that he put confidence in him; and added, That it would be very difficult, though not impossible, to obtain of the Council the ratification of those Articles which had been proposed at Rome, concerning the Religion of those of the Valteline, and that he despaired not at all, but that they might consent to give them a catholic governor, and one of that Country, but then he must be name by the Grisons; That for the restitution of the Forts to the Pope, It was a thing extremely delicate, not only for the French, who since four Years had not ceased to complain of those Fortifications, but also for their Allies; and that neither the one nor the other would after so many Fatigues, so great expenses and Dangers which they had been at, to render themselves Masters of what they held, restore them on the Word of the Pope, since a thousand things might happen, to delay or hinder the demolition of the Forts; and that the Spaniards might intermeddle or work their own advantage by it; That nevertheless, the Overture of the Nuncio was founded upon Equity, there might be some means thought of to satisfy the Pope, and make the demolition certain; as to keep Troops on the Frontiers of Avignon; under which pretext the County of Avignon, might be as a Pledge for the observation of the Treaty. The Nuncio replied, It would be sufficient for that, that the Legate should remain during that time in France. That might be a thing to be considered, replied the Cardinal, provided the Pope declared by a Letter, that he left him there as an Hostage. The Nuncio having rejected that Proposition, they came to the third Article; and the Cardinal said, That there was no talking after any fashion of giving any satisfaction to the King of Spain, without wronging either the Reputation or Interest of the most Christian King; and that it was easier to abandon the Hollanders, as Spain had desired, without saying any thing, than to promise it either by word of Mouth, or writing. For what regarded the Sovereignty of the Grisons over the Valteline; That he was a Divine as well as others, and that he knew that they might be left there in all security of Conscience.  
At the end of this Year Miron, the King's Ambassador in Ordinary with the Swiss Cantons; and all those which did the Affairs of the Crown amongst those people, did writ, 
Mem. de Bassomp. T. 2. p. 335.  That their Affection towards the King was extremely altered; That more than twenty five thousand Germans had had open Passage through Switzerland, to go and serve the Spaniards in Italy; That the Alliance of the Swissers was insensibly coming to nothing, if timely care was not taken; That the chiefest means of retrieval was to sand the marshal de Bassompierre to the Cantons, who was Colonel of the Swiss Troops in France, because the Swissers had a great esteem for him. The Venetians and the Duke of Savoy made the same Proposals to engage the King to sand him; insomuch that it was concluded he should go. He departed as Ambassador Extraordinary 
Novemb. 18.  some time after; and at his Arrival, the Cantons Schwitz of Uri and Zuy, sent him Declarations; by which they protested to stop the Passages to all Potentates who should not approve of the Rendition of the Valteline to the Grisons; and the other Cantons prepared to do the same. The Spaniards, against whom this was, drew themselves out of the Affair, by saying they would declare themselves thereupon, when the Forts should be in the hands of the Pope.  
Some Weeks after that, the marshal de Bassompierre partend for switzerland, the Court sent Blainville into England, in Quality of Ambassador Extraordinary, to complain of the Breaches which the new King Charles( for King James was dead sometime before the Queen passed over Sea) had made in the Matrimonial Contract 
April 6.  concluded in France. Scarcely was the Queen his Spouse arrived at London, and the Articles of the Contract published among the English; but almost all the Protestant people took the Alarm, as if this Marriage had been only made to introduce the catholic Religion in England. In effect, the King had agreed to so many things, in favour of the Queen's French domestics, and the English catholics, and taken so little care for the Education of his Children, which might be born of this Marriage, in the Protestant Religion, that unless he was resolved to break his Word, the Articles of the Contract were to be looked on as a design to strengthen the catholic Party in England, which could not be done without diminishing the force of that of the Protestants. Perhaps King James irritated against the Presbyterians, who had been very troublesome to him as well as to his Mother, was willing to frame a Party more opposite to them than the English Episcoparians were. Perhaps he thought to be absolute Master of the Laws, by introducing a division amongst the people, who by that means would no longer be in a condition to defend their privileges. Let it be as it will, it is certain, that he and his Son gave opportunity to believe, that they should not be angry to see the catholics powerful in England. It was also complained of that they were engaged in a thing which was not in their power to relax; viz. the Penal Laws against the catholics, established by many Acts of Parliament. So the King, urged on by the Parliament, held at Oxford, and by the general Complaints of the whole English Nation, was obliged in regard to them, to act quiter contrary to what he had promised. This the King understood by the Duke of Chevreuse's return, who had accompany▪ d the Queen unto London, of Ville-aux-clers, and of D'Effiat, Extraordinary Ambassadors, and by the Letters of the Bishop of lined, of Father Berule, and many others. Besides Charles's Indulgence to the catholics, the French, Priests which were in England, more in Quality of Missionaries than domestics to the Queen, had carried with them the Spirit of Mission; which is ordinarily to intrigue themselves in all Affairs as much as possible, and to make a great bustle, because the more a Missionary makes himself to be talked of, the greater is his recompense at the return of the Mission. The indiscretion of these people, who fancied themselves already possessed of the best benefice of England, caused great disorder at Court, and begun to draw upon the King a Party which at last ruined him, without any advantage to the catholic Religion; on the contrary, it had been ruined by him, had not the Sons, who had the same Designs as the Father, endeavoured its restoration. I will go no further into the Brouilleries of England. It may be enough to tell you, that the Court of France, by maintaining the Queen, as much as possible endeavoured to avoid a War with England, which nevertheless it could not put off.  
Soubise, who was in England, was in truth not received at Court; but the King notwithstanding durst not command him to depart the Kingdom, for fear of vexing the Protestant People, who already murmured with reason, that contrary to all Interest of Policy and Religion, the King had sent seven Vessels against the Rochellers. It had been said, That it was the Interest of Charles to aid the King of France, to become absolute Master at home, and to destroy Calvinism; whilst the Council of Lewis XIII. judged, that good Policy required, that France should manage things quiter contrary in respect of England, where it endeavoured as much as possible to settle the catholic Religion, and there form a Party, which must needs be troublesone to a Protestant King. The English, who were persuaded that the Policy of the French was better than that of their own King, obliged him presently to act otherwise in respect of the Rochellers.  
He said 
Octob. 22. See Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 69. , That it could never be imagined that one should think him so ill-natured, as to forsake his Kinsman in affliction, reduced to the last necessity of the same Religion as he, and particularly beloved of his People: That he had hoped, that they would have brought him Thanks in behalf of the most Christian King, because he would never receive Soubise at the Court, but only suffered his Ships not to be driven out of the Ports of England; that in truth he thought it not fit they should go out to make Courses on the French. But the most Christian King would also do well to grant Peace to his Subjects, that he might be the better enabled to act against his Enemies: That Henry IV. his Father had given refuge in France to the Count of Bothwel, who had made an attempt on the Person of his Father King James; and had made this excuse, That all the Kings of the World had right to give Sanctuary to whom they pleased. Blainville replied, That he very well knew, that as to the rigour, he might give retreat to Soubise; but he ought also to think, that France might one day give him the same Vexation, and perhaps on more important occasions; but if his Majesty would live amicably with a great King who was his Brother-in-Law, he would have many things to say, in contradiction to this Proceeding: That nevertheless if he took so much part as to the Person of Soubise, he would speak no more of it; but he would not do the same in respect of the Ships, which for the most part belonged to the King, or to his Subjects, from whom Soubise had taken them; and he demanded their restitution, or the King would cause them to be taken wherever he found them.  
Much different from hearing these Complaints and Threats, the King of England re-demanded his Ships of the King of France; and they not restoring them, he caused several French Vessels which were in the Ports of England, to be arrested. In the mean time, the Rochellers, who perceived by the Conditions which were offered them, that they intended to deprive them of their Privileges; and to put them out of condition to resent it, had sent Deputies to London to demand Succours, in case the Wars should continue. They received 
Novemb. 22▪  good entertainment from the Privy-Council; and in effect Orders were given to put a part of the Fleet in a readiness.  
During this, not to make too brisk a Breach with the French, the King of England sent two Ambassadors to Paris, viz. the Earl of Holland and Carleton, to induce that King to make a League with England, for the re-establishment of the Elector Palatine: They had also Orders to endeavour to procure Peace to the Rochellers, and to re-demand of that King the Ships of War which were lent him the Year before. They demanded these 
Jan. 24.  three things at their first Audience; and the King answered as to the first, That he had Reasons not to make any such League; but perhaps he would cause the Elector to be restored without it. To the second he said, That if the Rochellers would return to their Duty, he would not refuse them Peace; but he would not engage to treat about it with any one whatsoever, and that they ought to expect it from his sole Bounty. As to the Vessels, the King declared that he was ready to restore one Ship of War belonging to his Majesty of Great Britain; but the six others being Merchant Ships armed for War, he could not be obliged to return them, whilst he had occasion for them, since he would not have asked them but for that use, and that he had made a Contract for them.  
In speaking concerning the Rochellers, the Ambassadors had said, That they had not any League with them; and if they demanded Peace for them, it was as Friends of France, and because they desired all their Forces might be employed against the Spaniards. Notwithstanding 
Jan. 30.  but a little after, the Council of England resolved on three things, very opposite to the Designs of Lewis XIII. The first was openly to assist rochel; the second, to schismatical the Ambassadors from France; and the third, to sand the Duke of Buckingham for this Expedition, which was to be authorized by Act of Parliament. Buckingham at that time said to Blainville, That he was troubled to see the Two Crowns embroiled in such a manner, as that he must lose the fruit of all the Services he had done to France, and found himself in danger to give account of his Actions to the Parliament: That the King his Master had helped to ruin Soubise, out of the sole Affection which he had to the French King, and thinking that he would content himself with the punishment of one rebellious Subject: But now he saw that they laboured wholly to extirpate those of his Religion, he could no longer stand neuter, without incurring the blame of all the World; and that all his People, and all his Council, would oblige him with common Consent to undertake their Defence. Buckingham added to this, That France exposed its Allies to great danger by this Conduct; and that the Spaniards would certainly take advantage by these Divisions. He further said, That if the War should break out between the Two Crowns, the Queen and her domestics would suffer much, without possibility to hinder it.  
The King advertised of this Disposition of the English, and fearing a rapture from Spain, was resolved to conclude with the Rochellers. They had sent their Deputies to Paris at the beginning of the Year; but they not having brought the Ratification of the Articles, which they had put into their hands in the Month of September, the King would not see them, but left them to the marshal de Schomberg, who had Orders to hear them. They had offered to reform their Magistracy, as had been given to understand it was required; but they would hear nothing of an Intendant of Justice. For their Fortifications, they would rase only those which were made since the Year 1621. and on condition that Fort-Lewis should also be demolished, and those which were begun in the Isles of Rhée and Oleron. There appeared no more, in the Discourses and Manners of the Deputies, that fear which they seemed to be in, after the Defeat in the Month of September. The Threats which were made to them, disturbed them not much, were it that they expected foreign Succours, as they had been promised from England, or that they hoped that the rest of the Hugonots would take Arms. In effect, those of the Vivarez surprised Pousin, a small Place on the Rhonse, from whence they made Incursions on the Neighbourhood, and extremely incommoded the Carriages which were made over that River; but the Constable de Lesdigueres re-took it soon afterwards.  
The Cardinal was not a little disappointed in this Conjuncture, because he desired two very difficult things; one was Peace at home; the other, that the Interests and Reputation of the State should be so well maintained abroad, that no Weakness might appear. Had he relaxed much for the foreign Interests, he had not been well assured of a domestic Peace. The Hugonots were not the most to be feared, because the Observation of the Edict of Nants would easily appease them: But he found a most powerful Party of the catholics to rise against him, whom the Prince of Condé, whom the Ministers, after he had estranged himself from Court, would not suffer to return, might serve to head. The People envied much the Authority of the Cardinal; and being unwilling to depend upon him, had a plausible pretext to raise the catholics, zealous against him as a Favourer of heretics, a Crime wherewith they already made a great noise in Spain, and at the Court of Rome. This, if Peace should be made with the Hugonots, which yet was necessary in the Disposition in which England then stood, might be said properly to cheat the catholic People, and to raise those who were inflamed with Zeal for the extirpation of heretics, who had caused so many Misfortunes in the World, that by a pernicious piece of Policy, the Cardinal had omitted the Opportunity to take rochel; the only Rampart of the Hugonots, and Assylum of all the Enemies of the Crown.  
Before advice came of the Inclinations of the Council of England, the Court had very ill treated the Deputies of rochel; and the marshal de Schomberg  told them, That if the King used them as he ought, he would cause them to be hanged. They were thereupon upon the point of retiring; but they ordered matters so, as made them attend some days; and the Duke de la Trimoüille having wrote to his Brother the Count de Laval, who was in rochel, to propose for himself more advantageous Articles than the former. In fine, as there had been yet no Overture to accommodate the foreign Differences, and England busying itself in favour of the Hugonots, it was judged of necessity to make a Peace with them: It was concluded and signed the 5th. of February; and the Articles run in these terms:  

Sequel of the Rebellion of France, p. 438.  The King being desirous to give Peace to his Subjects which were of the pretended Reformed Religion in the City of rochel, which they requested of him with all instances of Submission and Respect, granted it to them on the following Conditions:  
I. That the Council and Government of rochel shall be put and established in the hands of those who are of the Body of that City, in the form they were in, in the Year 1610.  
II. That they shall receive a Commissary, to cause those things to be executed which shall be ordered by the Peace, and to stay there during his Majesty's Pleasure.  
III. That they shall have no Ships of War in their City, and shall observe in their traffic the usual Forms established in the Kingdom, without derogation in what concerns their Commerce and Privileges.  
IV. That they shall restore to the ecclesiastics all their Goods, which they shall have in their possession, conformable to the Edict of the Year 1558. and to its execution.  
V. That they shall suffer the catholics fully and peaceably to enjoy the Exercises and Functions of the catholic Religion, Apostolical and Roman, and the Goods belonging to them in the said City, and restore whatsoever shall be found in kind; and shall rase the Fort of Tadon, by them lately built.  
VI. That because his Majesty cannot agree to the rasing of Fort-Lewis, which those of rochel require; he promises, out of his Bounty, to cause such Orders to be established in the Garrisons which he shall please to leave in the said Fort, as also in the Isles of Rhée and Oleron, that the Rochellers shall not receive any trouble or impediment in the security and liberty of Commerce, which they shall make according to the Laws, Orders, and Customs of the Kingdom, nor in the enjoyment of the Goods, and gathering the Fruits they shall have in those Isles.  
When these Articles were to be signed, the Cardinals of Richlieu and Rochefoucaud went out of the Council, that they might not appear too publicly to consent to any Truce with the heretics, though the first had been strongly opinionated in favour of the Peace.  
To conclude more firmly the appeasing of the Hugonots, the King published an Edict in the Month of March; 
Sequel of the Rebellion France, p. 438.  but it was not verified in the Parliament of Paris, till the 6th of April. See the abridgement of his Articles.  
I. That the Edict of Nants, Declarations and secret Articles, published and registered in Parliament, in favour of those of the pretended Reformed Religion, should be observed.  
II. That the catholic Religion should be observed in all those Places in which it had been intermitted, with prohibition of disturbance to the ecclesiastics, to whom their Goods were to be restored.  
III. That the Exercise of the pretended Reformed Religion, should be re-established in all Places where it was in the Year 1620,  
IV. That the King would grant pardon for all Enterprizes for the time past; as levying of Arms, Money, and the like.  
V. That the Articles 74, 75, 78, 79. of the Edicts of Nants, should be entertained.  
VI. That the Translations of Justices, the Offices, and the Receipts of the Finances, should be disannulled.  
VII. That those of the pretended Reformed Religion, should be discharged of all Judgments and Sentences given against them.  
VIII. That the Prisoners of War, who had not yet paid any Ransom, should be released.  
IX. That the 27th. Article of the Edict of Nants, should be observed.  
X. That the 82d. Article of the same Edict should be executed.  
XI. That those of the pretended Reformed Religion, should not keep any Assemblies without the King's Grant, only in things simply concerning the Regulation of the Discipline of their Religion. That they should make no Fortifications, without permission from the King.  
XII. That the Articles agreed on for rochel, the Isles and Country of Aunis, should be kept.  
This Peace made with the Hugonots, gave occasion to the Enemies of the Cardinal of Richlieu, to accuse him of little Religion, and small regard to the Quiet of the State: 
See the Title in t● Sequel of t● Rebellion ● France, p. 497. and t● following; and in Aubery's Life ● the Cardin● Book II. ch. 7●  They published a number of Latin Libels against him, to defame him throughout all Europe; the Parliament of Paris condemned some of them; and the Cardinal wanted not those who wrote in his behalf; but the best answer which could be given, had been to discover the true Intentions of the Cardinal, such as were taken notice of before, pag. 265. But this was not then done, because it was not the intent to let the Hugonots know they were cheated; Time sufficiently shewed it: And after the Year 1628. there was no Person who accused this Prelate of being favourable to the heretics. These Libels came from People who had no less Vanity and Ambition than he; and who would not have spoken ill of him, but because they envied his Post, but knew nothing of the Affairs of State. The small Capacity of those who have oftentimes undertook to defame him, compared with his Management, had so advantageous Effects for him, that he never appeared a Person of more Ability, than when they undertook to censur his Government.  
To pass on presently to other things, which happened about the commencement of the Year 1626. The marshal de Bassompierre, after he had disposed the Spirits of the Swissers to agree to what he had demanded 
Jan. 18. , rendered himself at the Diet of Soleurre, where he exhorted the Cantons all to unite themselves to labour for the restitution of the Valteline to the Grisons their Allies, and promised them all sort of assistance to effectuate that resolution. He added, That if they judged it would not be restored so soon as his most Christian Majesty desired, it was their Prudence to provide for its Preservation; and that he offered, in the King's Name, to comform himself to what they should judge to the purpose, and to maintain it, either with such expenses as were necessary, or such a Party as they should think fit. The same Day the Cantons having framed the Conclusion of their Diet, they declared, That it was just that the Valteline, and the Counties of Chiavenne and Bormio, should be restored to the Grisons their ancient Possessors, on which they joined in Opinion with the Sentiments of the King of France, represented to them by his ambassador. The Nuncio Scappi opposed this Resolution as much as he could; but as it was clearly known, that he only sought for the Pope's or the Spaniards advantage, and not that of the swiss Allies, it was easy for the marshal to refute what he said. The Swissers, although but little exercised in political Matters, found very well that the latter had reason, and gave him 
Jan. 17. , at the determination of their Diet, a Writing, which imported, That the Cantons had formerly approved of the Treaty of Madrid, and could now find nothing more to the purpose, than to persist in the same Resolution, viz. That the Valteline, Chiavenne, and Bormio, ought to be restored to the Three Leagues of the Grisons, conformable to that Treaty, without changing any thing, and with the Conditions therein contained, to re-establish the exercise of both Religions. As for other things, which the marshal had proposed, the Deputies answered, That they would report them to their superiors. Thus the marshal having successfully acquitted himself of his Commission, returned to Paris.  
At the beginning of the Year, the Pope declared the Cardinal Francis Barberin Legate into Spain, altho' there was no appearance that he would have any better success with the Spaniards, than he had with the French. The Cardinal received the across the 27th. of January, in a Consistory expressly for that end. A little while after, there was a Promotion made of Twelve Cardinals, amongst whom were Marquemont Archbishop of lions, and Spada Nuncio in France, of whom I have often spoken. To give the greater Authority to the Legation, the Pope dispatched order to several Persons to levy Troops, to the end, as was said, to sand them into the Forts of the Valteline, which should be restored to him. These Troops soon after advanced towards the Frontiers of the Ecclesiastical State, to traverse the Milanese, and enter into the Forts which the Spaniards yet held; and after they had taken them into their hands, to demand those which the French had taken: That if the French refused to surrender the Forts which they had, these Troops, as the Pope said, were to endeavour to recover them; not to break with France, but only to aid those of the Valteline to shake off the Grisons yoke: As the King's Ministers had said the Year before, That he had not a design to attack the Pope's Troops, but only to aid the Grisons. After they had retaken these Forts, the Pope pretended he would keep them in Deposit, in which time they might agree between themselves. Others believed, that the Pope having promised the Spaniards to regain the Forts, he would only appear willing to keep his Word, without going further; and the Pontiff himself declared this afterwards to the Count de Bethunes.  
They were presently surprised in France at this Resolution of the Pope; and when they had understood from the Nuncio's mouth, that the Cardinal Barberin was gone for Spain, they feared there was some secret Treaty between the Pope and that Crown. But the Nuncio having declared, not only that the Pope would do nothing but for the public Good, but also that he should not be angry if the Two Crowns could agree between themselves, without his intermeddling; it was believed necessary to conclude with the Spaniards; for du Fargis had begun to treat secretly with the Count d'Olivarez. To oblige the Spaniards to render themselves to Conditions so advantageous to France, they had then made the Peace with the Hugonots, but with design to re-attack rochel, as soon as the Treaty with Spain was concluded.  
In the interim, to prevent their surprise, they sent Forces and Money to the Marquis de Coeuvres, with Orders to make new Levies among the Grisons, and amongst the Swissers, and to stand upon his guard. The Pope's Troops, composed of Six thousand Foot, and Five hundred Horse, advanced but slowly, because the Spaniards, who were to furnish them with Victuals and Ammunition, did not perform with necessary diligence. In the interim, the Pope received the news that the Treaty between the Crowns was concluded, by the Count d'Olivarez, and the Marquis du Fargis, which rid him of a great trouble, and caused him to demonstrate a great deal of Joy.  
The French Ambassador at Madrid, after he had endeavoured to discover the Disposition of the Count d'Olivarez, without attending new Orders, signed a Treaty on the 16th. of January before he communicated it to the Court, and after sent it to France. They had writ to him some Weeks before, to treat with much precaution, and not at all to engage himself rashly: But he was advanced already so far in the Negotiation when he received those Orders, that he conceived he could not go back. Otherwise having many times observed, that the two principal Articles which France endeavoured to gain, were to preserve the sovereignty of the Grisons, and to make the Spaniards desist from the Passage of the Valteline, he seemed to have answered his Instructions, in obtaining these two things.  
But they were strangely surprised in France, or at least feigned so to be, when they saw a Treaty so important, as that was, signed, said they, without Order, and without their previous sight. The first thing they spoken of was, to repeal the Duke of Fargis, and to declare the Treaty voided. They remained some days in this Resolution, and all the Ministers highly blamed so precipitate a Management. But they said afterwards, That they feared, that if they wholly disapproved of this Treaty, it would rather be attributed to the Levity of the Court, than to the Incapacity of du Fargis, because this was not the first time that they had retracted what the Ministers had done. Furthermore, they perceived by the Discourse of the Marquis de Mirabel, that the Spaniards regarded not this Treaty, as, so well concluded, that nothing might be changed; which made the King resolve to sand a Courier to du Fargis, to reproach his Rashness, and to let him know that he ought to repair his Fault, by correcting the Treaty which he had made in such hast. They sent him at the same time the manner after which they extended the Articles, should be changed, and order to put a great value on this Variation, as being a most sensible Mark of the Christian King's Inclination to Peace. They added, that if the Count-Duke would subscribe the Articles, as they had corrected them, he should sign them also; and that at the same time he should give notice thereof to the foreign Ministers who were at the Court of Spain, by telling them, That without Commission, and on his proper hazarded, he had signed a Treaty which he thought advantageous, because the Spaniards therein renounced their Claim to the passage of the Valteline, and restored the sovereignty of that Country to the Grisons: That if the Duke refused to make any change in the Treaty, he should take leave immediately, and come to give an account of his Conduct: But if the Spanish Minister would change any thing, he should sand those Alterations to the Court, without showing them to those of the foreign Princes.  
The Count du Fargis having received these Orders, took Horse to repair to the Court of Spain, which was then gone to the Kingdom of Arragon, and which he found at Barcelona. He spoken so strenuously to the King and the Council of Spain, that they comported with suffering what was altered in the Treaty; but he would not accept of all those which they proposed, they should agree to more than by precedent the Treaty. In the interim, du Fargis believing he had repaired his Fault, omitted not to sign it, because the Count would not give him time to writ into France. This being done, he gave notice to the Ministers, who were with the King of Spain's Train: 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 112.  But he agreed with the Count de Olivarez, that the Treaty should be dated March 16. 1626. as made at Monzon, though it was done at Barcelona; because they were unwilling that the Legate, who was before come to that City, should concern himself in it, because of the Delays that would have caused; which occasioned their telling him, as hath been said, that the Treaty was concluded before his arrival.  
The principal Articles of this Treaty were reduced to these:  
I. That the Affairs of the Grisons, and of the Valteline should be remitted into the same Estate in which they were, in 1617. By which means, the sovereignty as conserved to the Grisons, and the absolute disposition of the Passage to France, in whose power it then was.  
II. That there should for ever, in the Valteline, no other but the catholic Religion be exercised in the Valteline.  
III. That the Inbabitants of this Country might choose their Governours and their Magistrates all catholics, either Grisons, or of the Valteline.  
IV. That this Election should be confirmed by the Grisons, without power to reject it.  
V. That all the Forts of the Valteline should be put into the hands of the Pope, to be immediately razed.  
VI. That the Two Kings should endeavour to pacify their Confederates; and that they should give them no Succours, neither openly, nor in secret, to continue the War, after they shall have tried in vain all possible ways to make them agree.  
The Cardinal Richlieu communicated the Substance of this Treaty, before it had been corrected, to the Prince of Piedmont, who was come to Court to make Complaints against the Constable and his Son-in-Law; and as that Prince saw that there was no particular care taken of the Interests of his House, he was extremely enraged at this Treaty; and the Ministers of France, as to comfort him, exceedingly complained of du Fargis; but they added, That the King, that he might not pass for a Prince of little Credit, had been obliged to ratify what he had signed, because it would never be believed to have been done without order. Contarini, the Venetian ambassador, complained no less of this Treaty, in which he pretended the republic ought to have had a part; and he was the more angry, because being 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 5. p. ●62.  advertised that France treated with Spain, and having said that they laughed at him as a Coxcomb, because the Cardinal Richlieu had assured the marshal de Bassompierre, that there was no such thing.  
The Treaty of Monzon being corrected, as I have said, and ratified by the King, after the Courier which carried the ratification into Spain was return'd, it was communicated to the Ambassadors of Venice and Savoy; for the Prince of Piedmont was already departed, ill satisfied with the Court, where he had not been received with the former Honours, though they gave him no Reason for it. When Charles Emanuel was advertised by his Ambassador of what had passed, he spoken of the Ministers in most opprobrious Terms, and particularly designed the Cardinal, whom he treated as if guilty of a most prodigious Treachery. The Ambassador Contarini would also withdraw, and spoken extremely ill of all the Ministers, but especially of that same Cardinal, whom he called Dissembler and Cheat. In effect, it was visible they were all chous'd by him, by his denying that the King treated with Spain, and with feeding them with hopes for the next Campaign, whilst at the same time the Treaty was concluding. It was believed, that though the Court grumbled at Du Fargis, he had done nothing without the Cardinal's Participation, without which he never durst have signed two Treaties without order. It is a Fault too gross, and where all that Minister can hold most dear is too visibly concerned, to fall into once, far from being guilty of committing the same fault twice one after another.  
The Cardinal at this time 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 5. p. 121.  affencted to say, That he would beg the King's favour to discharge him of the care of his Affairs, because his Health would not permit him to proceed as he had begun. But his management during the two Years of his Ministry which were elapsed, and the designs which he had proposed demonstrated the contrary. He gave, besides, many other Reasons, which could persuade no body, as when he assured Cardinal Spada, that he desired to make a Journey to Rome, and stay there three Months, at a time when his presence was most necessary at Court, to support himself against those who envied him for the great Authority he had acquired. But his other Discourses would not let him be believed when he spoken seriously, although the lie was so mixed with the Truth, that it was hard to discern it. He 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 5. p. 127. 〈◇〉 7.  said one day to the same Spada, That in the space of eighteen Months, he hop▪ d so to alter the face of Affairs in France, that it should be hard to know it. He added, That they should see the Hugonots extirpated, the Tallies taken away, and the Parliaments become more illustrious. He brought the first thing to pass, at least in respect of R 〈…〉; but as for the others, the good Prelate never thought of them.  
There were some 
S●● ●ufend●●f 〈…〉 ●ib. 1.  Years since the Protestant Princes of Germany had made a League to oppose themselves to the Enterprizes of the House of Austria, and the King of Denmark was the chief of it. As he was no ways in condition to resist him with the Forces of the Confederates and his own, he endeavoured to induce France to break with Spain, to hinder it from assisting the Emperour. The Cardinal gave him some hopes as to divers other Princes, that the Crowns would suddenly fall to an open War; and the Affairs of Piedmont and the Valteline seemed to be Preludes. The Interest of the Grisons, which the King said publicly he would maintain as his own, seemed incompatible with the Pretensions of Spain, which there was no appearance they would recede from.  
But the King, after he had spoken so highly of the care he would take of his Allies, almost wholly deserted them, since he permitted the Grisons to be stripped of their Civil Government, as well as the liberty of the exercise of their Religion in the Valteline, without any appearances of right to give away that which belonged not to him, as the Spaniards had no more any reason to require it. But the Interest of the Grisons was that which was least thought of, though the thing most talked of; and by misfortune they were too weak to resent it, and the Swissers too good people to take their part with that heat which the Case required. The Cardinal even thought not of the King's Honour, on which he had in appearance so strongly insisted, but only as it promoted his particular Interests. It was this was the cause of the conclusion of the Treaty of Monzon, it not being advantageous to the Cardinal, that the State, in the beginning of his favour, should be embarass'd in a Foreign War, whilst they laboured at home to take from him that supreme Authority, which he began to usurp over the other Ministers.  
It was hereupon said, That the marshal de Roquelaure being dead, the Duke of Anjou, who was after called the Duke of Orleans had demanded the Battoon for the Colonel D'Ornano, his governor, but could not obtain it. A little after, an Army was prepared to go against rochel. Monsieur desired the command of it; but as it was known that he was pushed on by the Colonel, who would command it in his Name, the King let him know, that his Request should be granted if he would dismiss D'Ornano. This unexpected Answer extraordinarily fretted him; and he choose rather to forego what he had desired, than to deprive himself of a Man in whom he had placed his greatest confidence. Nevertheless he pressed the King so hard to grant him the Mareschals Staff, that it was deliberated in the Council, whether it was better to gratify Monsieur, or rid themselves of the Colonel, by making him away. In fine, the King concluded rather to give his Brother the pleasure to see his governor a marshal, than cause him to be killed.  
The Cardinal de Richlieu 
Siri Mem. R●● T. 6. p. 131 and the following.  being mounted to a degree of Favour, whereby he might obtain any thing, more Court was made to him than to the King or the Princes of the Blood: He now looked upon them who would not depend upon him, as obstacles to his Designs. So that after he had endeavoured to gain Ornano, were it for his personal Qualities, or because he was governor to the only Brother of the King, whose Health was little firm, and had no Children; when he perceived he could not compass his end, he begun to look upon the marshal as a Man whom he ought to distrust. There needed no more to work his destruction; and the Cardinal took measures to render him culpable. In this Affair he made use of good Father Joseph, the principal Instrument in his most important and secret Designs. The Capuchin feigned to have a most particular Esteem and Friendship for the marshal, and made him know as his Friend, That it was time that he should think of ordering Matters, so as Monsieur might be admitted into the Council, to acquire some knowledge of the Affairs of State. He said moreover, that That Prince need not fear a Refusal, not only in regard to his Birth, but also to his Merit. Nothing could be said which more agreeably flattered the Ambition of the marshal, who looked upon the advancement of his Master as his own. We easily believe what we fancy, and find a thousand Reasons to support it. The marshal judged in effect, that the evangelic required that the Duke of Anj●u should learn the Art of reigning, since the King being Childless, the Crown would one day fall on his Head. And it is certain, that if Monsieur were one of the Council, he would be sure to get the marshal admitted. This last, swelled with these Thoughts, opened himself thereupon to the King, and  told him, It would do well if his Brother got some Cognizance of the Affairs of a Crown, for whose Preservation he was so deeply concerned; but if he were not admitted into the Council, the Command of the Armies was at least to be granted to him.  
The King  told the Proposition to the Cardinal, which the marshal d'Ornano had made. It was no hard thing to the Cardinal to term this Request after a most odious manner, and to persuade the King to deny him all. The King, fearful and jealous, easily believed as the Cardinal said, That the marshal inspired too ambitious Thoughts into a Prince who was immediately to succeed his Majesty in case he had no Children; and that he demanded the Command of an Army, only to make use of it against him that gave it; or at least to share the Crown with him. The Cardinal easily foresaw, that monsieurs being refused what he sought for, would cause him to withdraw from Court; or if he remained there, he would not fail to show his disgust in such Words as would easily augment the King's jealousy. In the Interim, this Prelate always entertained the marshal with an outward Friendship, which he had shown towards him for a long time, and in public praised him, whilst in private he ruined him in the King's Thoughts, by making him sensible, that he might one day draw Monsieur into some design destructive to the State. He had wonderful success in these sorts of Accusations, because he seemed to have no other concern but the King's Interest, upon which all his Fortune and Authority depended; whilst his Enviers seemed to have other Masters on whom their Preferment more relied than on the King.  
Monsieur in the Year 1625, 
Mem de B●ss●mp. T. 2. p. 317.  had began to court mademoiselle de Montpensier, only Daughter of Henry de Bourbon, Duke of Montpensier; but the Court being against that Courtship, had ordered Ornano to divert the Duke of Anjou from it; which he had done. It was said, 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. P. 132.  that he made use of Motives which might sometime or other cause disturbances; which were, that he  told Monsieur, That if he espoused one of the King's Subjects, he would himself become more a Subject than before, and their Fortune would be absolutely in the Hands of the King and the Minister; That if at that time he could make a Foreign Alliance, he might one day have need of it, if the King gave himself over to the haughty and violent Spirit of the Cardinal; That in such a Conjuncture he would not find any Succour either within the Kingdom or without, unless he were strictly allied to some Sovereign House capable to assist him.  
The King having notice of these Advices given to his Brother by the marshal, his Majesty, to draw the Monsieur out of these Intrigues, admitted Monsieur 
May 2. B●ss●mp. T. 2. p. 3●0.  into the Cabinet-Council, as of his own Motion, after he had refused it to Ornano: This last presently complained, that they had put Monsieur into the Council, without the least Word of it to one of his most faithful Servants, and who had endeavoured to procure his entrance. He after requested his own admission, pretending it was promised him in the time of the Duke de Luines. The King refused to grant it him, and he prayed, that at least he might be permitted to accompany Monsieur, and stand by him as one of the Secretaries of State. But the more urgent he was, the farther he found the King from granting his Desires; which made him show his discontent in Terms very displeasing to his Majesty. Two Days after, the King being at Fontainbleau, caused him to be arrested▪ with Masargues, his Brother, Chaudebon Groom of the Chambers, and many others suspected by the Minister, who were sent to the B●stile, from whence the next day they carried the marshal to the Bois de Vincennes; they were presently accused in general of having conspired against the King, and the first Minister, to render themselves Master of the Government: And they moreover said afterwards, that they had a design upon the King's Life.  
Monsieur receiving this News, run to complain to the King; and as he entred his Apartment he was surprised that admission was refused to his Train, which more augmented his Sorrow. The first of the Council which he met with was the Chancellor d' Aligre, whom he asked, If it was by his Advice that they had put the marshal d'Ornano into Prison? D' Aligre fearing the anger of the Duke, replied, That he was surprised at it himself, and knew not the Reason, not having been at the Council when that Resolution was taken; which was false. This weak Answer for a Chancellor of France, who ought, as Head of the Council, to have answered, That the King without doubt had very good Reasons, offended the King, or rather the Cardinal, who would not allow that people should faintly manage his Designs: And but a little after 
About the end of June.  the Seals were taken away from d' Aligre to be given to Marillac, superintendant of the Finances, and entirely depending on the Cardinal. Monsieur afterwards asked the Cardinal the same Question, who answered him fiercely, That for him he would not speak to him as the Chancellor had done; and that both of them had counseled the King to put the marshal in Prison, for what the King himself had related to them. He should have said upon the Advice he himself had given the King, who now saw nothing but by his Eyes. This occasioned a Libel at that time to be published against him, entitled, 
Aubery's Life of the carded. lib. 2. c. 8.  The King of the King; in which they shew'd, that the Cardinal took as much Authority over the Will of the King, as the King did upon that of his other Subjects.  
But to return to Monsieur; he complained highly to the King of the Imprisonment of the marshal; he  told him, That they ought also to put him and Gaston in Prison, because he was as guilty as Ornano; that they might lawfully accuse both the one and the other of having too much Affection for his Majesty, and the good of the State; That as for him, if they put the marshal to death, notwithstanding his Innocency, he would die with him; That he saw he was fallen into the Snare which his Enemies had laid long since; but he hoped that the Justice of his Majesty would not abandon his Brother and an Officer of the Crown, to the Fury of their Enemies; That if he ever discovered the Author of the Mareschals Imprisonment, there was nothing but the Arms of the King should save him from lawful Revenge.  
The more Gaston was transported in favour of the marshal, the more it persuaded the King, that Ornano was absolutely Master of his Brother's Spirit, and that he abused his Power over him. These very Transports produced yet two effects which the Cardinal desired, which was, that they augmented the distrust which the Cardinal endeavoured to raise in the King's Mind against Monsieur; and that the ill Humour which the King shew'd to his Brother, kept that Prince in fear, and hindered him from undertaking any thing.  
The King answered him, That if the marshal should be found culpable, he believed Monsieur too good a Brother to enter into the design of making disturbances; That they made use of his Name, but he would always distinguish the Interests of his Brother from those of Ornano. Gaston replied, That he would die sooner than desert a Man no way guilty, but for being his Servant; but yet he could not hinder his being carried to the Bois de Vincennes, as I have already said. In the mean time that Prince sent Capestan, Lieutenant of a Company of Corsi, to carry a Letter to the marshal d'Ornano's Lady; by which he declared to her the good Offices which he endeavoured to render to her Spouse, and the part he took in her Grief. The Cardinal, advertised by his Spies, that Monsieur wrote to the Mareschal's Lady, caused Guards to be presently set to all the Avenues of the foreste of Fontain●leau, to stop monsieurs Courier. But Capestan, who had been page. to the marshal d'Ornano, made his Passage through the Guards; of which he wounded some. The Mareschal's Lady instantly return'd Answer, to thank the Duke of Anjou, and gave the Letter to one of her People, disguised as a lackey, to give it to Puylaurens, or to G●ulas. domestics to Monsieur, who were to put it into his Hands. This last received it, and as he was the Cardinal's Pensioner, he delivered it to him: After which, he  told Monsieur, seeming to be in a Passion, that he had received a Letter from the Mareschals Lady, but that he had lost it. This poor Prince saw suddenly afterwards who had found it, when the Cardinal cause▪ d it to b● red in his Presence in open Council. He never knew how to secure himself against the Infidelity of his domestics, nor to punish those who had betrayed him; and it was said of the Abbot de la Riviere, That he might very well know what his Master weighed, since he had sold him several times. Thus then, when that Prince went to speak to the King in behalf of the marshal, he found the King ready to answer him, knowing what he was about to say; because Gaston put confidence in his people, who  told all to the Cardinal. In fine, to be rid of his Importunities, the King  told him, That if he persisted to speak to him, the marshal should fare never the better: 
May 31. See Aubery's Life of the carded. Lib. 2. c. 8.  And Monsieur had the meanness to sign on Whitsunday, an Act, which the King and Queen-Mother signed also; by which he promised all Honour, Respect, and Service to the King, and submitted it to his Royal Bounty, to deal favourably with the marshal d'Ornano, upon the humble Prayer which he had made to him. He also gave a visit to the Cardinal in the House of Limours, whither the Cardinal, pretending indisposition, was retired at the end of the Month of May.  
From thence he writ to the King, 
Aubery's Life of the carded. Lib. ●. c. 8.  to beseech his Permission to withdraw from the Court, and represented to him, That having even hitherto no other Passion in serving him, but the Glory of his Majesty, and the good of his State, he was extremely troubled to see the Court divided, and all France threatened with confusion on his account; That his Life should be of little value to him when occasion should be, to employ it for the good of his Crown; but it vexed him to see himself in perpetual danger to be assassinated at Court, as it was almost inevitable, being every day encompassed with unknown Persons; That nevertheless, if his Majesty would have it so, he would continue his Service with the same danger, and blindly resolve it, since he professed to have no Interest but the States, nor no Will but the King's. But the Opinion which he had, that the King desired not he should end his Life by a Death so little Honourable, to which he could not be exposed without the wounding of the Royal Authority, gave him the boldness to supplicate his Majesty to think sit that he might withdraw himself from Court; and that by his Retreat he should ruin the Designs of the malcontents, by taking from them the pretext they had made use of for the abating his too great Favour.  
The Cardinal wrote the same thing to the Queen-Mother, and entreated her to obtain for him this Favour of the King; which, as he said, ought to be the less denied him, because he feared, that managing his Health no better than he had hitherto done, he should not be long able to administer Affairs. But this demand which he made, after it had given the King an Alarm, and made him believe that the Cardinal was the Man of the Kingdom the most exempt from Ambition, though his Enemies accused him of the contrary: The King, who dreaded to fall into the Hands of his Brother, whom he had often used but ill, had no mind to forego the Cardinal in this Conjuncture: He therefore wrote him a Letter with his own Hand 
Dated at Blois, June 9. , consorted with the Queen-Mother's who wanted the Cardinal more than the King; by which his Majesty entreated this Prelate not to think of a Retreat. The King said to him, That his Service had been always infinitely advantageous to him, but it was at present necessary to the State, and that without the support of his Ministry, all the Interests of the Crown would run to final destruction; That he promised him his protection against the Duke of Anjou, and against all the Princes and all the Lords; That as he had discovered to him by what had passed, the Evil which was spoken of him, thenceforward he would tell him all the Calumnies which he should hear spoken, and the Names of the Calumniators, without requiring any justification from him, being too much convinced of his Fidelity by his Services.  
At the same time, the Designs of the malcontents begun to be more plainly discovered, by the means of Henry de T●ll●rand, Marquis de Chalais, Master of the Wardrobe. 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 151.  It was said, That between nine Persons, Friends to the Duke of Orleans and the marshal d▪ Ornano, 
* B●ss●●● Mem. T. 2. p. 362.  there had been a Council held, in which it was resolved to assassinate the Cardinal at Fleury, where he then was. The Marquis de Chalais, who was one of the nine, discovered this Design to the Commander of Valençay, but could not gain him. On the contrary, the Commander censured him openly, that he being a domestic of the King's, durst engage in such an enterprise against the first Minister. He added, That he ought to give him notice of it; and if he did not, he would himself go and discover. He, frighted by the Threats of Valençay, consented to it, they both partend to go to Fleury; and Chalais declared to the Cardinal one part of what he knew; That Monsieur was to feign that he would come and dine at Fleury, and that he should in the Morning sand his Officers, in appearance, to prepare his Dinner, but in the bottom to increase his Force. The Cardinal thanked the Marquis and the Commander, and prayed them to go and tell the King the same at Fontainbleau: They were there in an instant; and at eleven a Clock at Night, the King ordered thirty of his Gens d' Arms, and as many Light Horse, to march instantly to Fleury, and to do what the Cardinal should appoint them. The Queen-Mother also sent all her Officers to assist on this occasion.  
It fell out just as Chalais had said, about three of the Clock in the Morning, monsieurs Officers came to Fleury, as if they were to make a Dinner ready for him. Then the Cardinal left them his Lodging, and went, well accompanied, to Fontainbleau, and directly to monsieurs Chamber, who was rising, and was extremely surprised to see him. He expostulated with the Duke of Anjou, That he had not done him the Honour to command him to get a Dinner for him, and said, he would not have got the worst; but he had left his House to his People as soon as they appeared. The Cardinal's Enemies could not apprehended how he had discovered this Design against him, because they believed that they had trusted it with persons only of whom they were assured. The Cardinal said he had the first Intelligence from Foreign Countries, but apparently to hid him who had discovered the others. 
Mem. de Aubery, T. 1. p. 284. in the Process of Chalais.  He ordered him himself, and got the King to command him, to dissemble himself of the same disposition as before, the better to discover the Designs of this Minister's Enemies. 
Mem. de Bassomp. T. 2. p. 364.  But Chalais cheated them a second time; he confessed to those who had formed the Design against the Cardinal, that it was he who had discovered it, for fear that Valençay should prevent him, and promised them to be more faithful for the future, giving them this notice of his Fault for a token of his Sincerity.  
Thus the Party broken not off for this; and there were accused besides the Duke of Anjou, divers Persons of the First Rank, as the Count of Soissons, the Duke of Longueville, the Duke of Vendôme, the Grand Prior of France, the Duke of Chevreuse, the Duke of Espernon, the Marquis de la Valette, and many Persons of lesser Quality.  
Not long after the Court being gone to Blois, Chalais, whose Chamber was contiguous to Gaston's Apartment, had divers Conferences with him in that princes Cabinet in the night, of which the Cardinal wanted not advertisement. The Grand Prior, who was of the Party, seeing by that first Imprudence of Chalais the Affair was discovered, affencted to make great compliments to the Cardinal, incomparably more fine than his. That Prelate receiving him always perfectly well, and feigning to be entirely for his Interests, the Grand Prior believed him so much his Friend, that he prayed him one day to obtain for him the Charge of Admiral of France, which was then the Duke of Montmorency's. The Cardinal feigned, that he had thoughts of it himself; and said, that he would cause the Duke of montmoremcy to be spoken to about it, or so order things that the King should suppress it, and give the exercise of it by Commission to the Grand Prior. He added, that it would be necessary for the Duke his Brother, who was in his Government of britain, to come to the Court with him, to give the King Thanks. The Duke of Vendôme, who loved not the Cardinal, and who knew his revengeful Spirit, would not have come to Court, for fear of being played some trick; and the Cardinal, resolved to take his Government from him, sought all ways to get him out by force or by cunning, as opportunity should present. The Grand Prior nevertheless, fearful of his Brother's Person, and not able to make him resolve to come to Court without some assurance, demanded of the King, if he might come thither without danger, because of the Reports which run, that there was a Conspiracy of d'Ornano; and the King answered him in an equivocal manner, That no more harm should be done to his Brother than to him. This Prince, who suffered himself to be cheated by his Ministers, was nevertheless a sufficient Dissembler, when those who possessed his Spirit  told him he was to be so.  
The Grand Prior, deceived by this equivocal Answer, dictated perhaps by the Cardinal, who was a great Master of such things, went to the Duke his Brother into Bretaigne; and they came Post to the Court, which was then at Blois*, in the beginning of June. The Duke 
† June 2. Bassom. Mem. T. 2. p. 365. & Siri, Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 139.  found the King, who was walking in the Garden, and said, coming up towards him, That at the first signal of his Majesty, he was come to cast himself at his feet, to assure him of his Obedience, and to tell him, that he would never have other Designs, nor other Inclinations, but what should be to render him most humble Services. The King laying his hand on his Shoulder,  told him, that he had impatiently longed to see him, and invited him to hunt on the morrow. But the Duke excused himself, being wearied with coming Post from Bretaigne. The two Brothers were lodged in two Chambers of the Castle, and in the morning they received and paid Visits, without dreaming of the turn which was to be played them. They were both arrested the day following; at two hours after midnight they were awakened, to be carried to the Castle of Amboise, under a sure Guard. But when the Court return'd to Paris, they were brought from thence to the Bois de Vincennes.  
Whilst they were ordering this Affair, the Duke of Anjou did all he could to obtain the liberty of the marshal d'Ornano from the Cardinal; and seeing all his Instances were in vain with this implacable Minister, he consulted about withdrawing from Court. But those in whom he confided having diverted him from it, he sent the President le Coigneux, who had succeeded the marshal in monsieurs Government, but who then depended much more on the Cardinal than on him, to that Prelate, to demand four things on his behalf: The first was, That the Proceedings against the marshal d'Ornano might be stopped. The second, That the King would increase, by an hundred thousand Franks, the expenses of monsieurs House. The third, That this Prince might mary to whom and when he pleased. The fourth, That they would give him security in a Month's time to settle his Portion. The Cardinal, after he had suffered them to press hard upon him, agreed to these four Demands, although he said they were exorbitant; but with a design to keep none but what he found to his purpose. He added, That he would serve Monsieur always, as much as possible he could; and would make him clearly to see, that he had done nothing but what was for his Service. The Duke of Anjou caused Thanks to be return'd to the Cardinal, and seemed to be comforted for all the Mischiefs they had done him, until the King sent him word of the Imprisonment of the Brothers of Vendôme, and to tell him, that things had not been brought to that extremity, but for very forcible Reasons. Monsieur, as well as the Count of Soissons, lived with themselves in a very great Intelligence, and deliberated a second time to withdraw from Court; but having no sure Refuge, it was necessary they should expect, whether the Marquis de la Valette would receive them into Metz; and the Marquis having refused it, because the Duke of Espernon his Father did not think it fit, Monsieur remained at Court.  
The Court being come to Nants, the King established a Chamber of Justice, which made out Chalais's Process, and 
Aug. 19. See A●bery's Mem. T. 1. p. 2●3.  condemned him to lose his Head. There was great murmuring in France, at the erecting of an extraordinary Tribunal, to judge one Man, who being Criminal, might have been condemned in any Parliament the King should have name, and ought not to have been Tried by Judges who were the Cardinal's dependants, who was secretly his Prosecutor. But the Prelate by establishing a new Method of Justice, would strike an Awe into them who durst attack his Favour, that all might imagine there was no way to avoid his Revenge, by the way of Formalities, established by the Laws in favour of Innocents. After this time, the Ministers have many times made use of this way, to destroy those they did not love; and the Kings, under pretext of enhancing their Authority, have sacrificed the Laws of their Kingdoms to the Passions of their Favourites.  
One of the Friends of Chalais putting confidence in the Count de Lovigny, had  told him monsieurs Design to leave the Court, and to diminish the too great Authority of the First Minister. 
Mem. de Bass●mp. T. 2. p. 367.  Lovigny, enraged against Chalais, who had forsaken him in a Quarrel which he had, went to discover all to the King, and perhaps  told him more than was truth. It was said, that he affirmed, That Chalais, who was Master of the King's Wardrobe, was, by monsieurs order, to poison one of his Majesty's Shirts. There was no appearance of the truth of this, the Duke of Anjou being naturally of a sweet and fearful Temper; but they were willing to affright the King, to exasperate him the more easily against all those who were not inclined to crouch to the Authority of the Minister. It is true, that the Duke, fearful and mutable, made a Declaration at Nants, of the 11th of August, wherein he accused Chalais to have counseled him to withdraw from the Court, and to have given him ways how to do it; a Baseness which he was more than once in his life guilty of, as you will see in the sequel of this History. He may justly be accused for want of Resolution, and of deserting those who had served him, to extricate himself; but for such heinous Crimes, there was but small appearance he could be guilty. Let it be as it will, Chalais( being taken with divers Papers, and sundry Witnesses who deposed against him) maintained, that he had never re-entered into the Faction which was framed against the Cardinal, but to serve that Prelate, who had ordered him to do it. But as he faithfully served monsieurs Party, he endeavoured to cheat the Minister, to draw some Reward from him, whilst he was in a condition to give. Chalais would say nothing to the Keeper of the Seals, Head of the Chamber of Justice; but the Cardinal speaking to him, the declared all that he knew of the malcontents. 
See Siri, T. 6. p. 150, 159. Mem. d' Aubery, T. 1. p 287.  It was reported, that this Prelate promised him his Favour and Rewards, if he would discover not only what came to his Knowledge, but if he would also depose some things, which he  told him; and that he was worse than his Word, after he had drawn out of him what he pleased.  
Monsieur being reconciled to the Court, his Marriage with mademoiselle de Montpensier was talked of. He had made many Intrigues to put it off, and to induce the King and Queen to hinder this Marriage; but the Queen-Mother and the Cardinal desiring it, it was at last brought to a conclusion. The Queen 
Siri, ibid. p. 155.  feared, that Monsieur coming to have Children, she should be despised; and it is said, that the marshal d'Ornano had  told her, that if the King died, the Duke of Anjou might very well mary her. They had also talked of declaring the King impotent, and putting him into a Monastery, and giving Gaston to the Queen, without staying for his death. They had 
Siri, ibid. p. 157.  also made the King understand, by means of Tronson and Marillac, and of Souveterre, and even of Baradas the King's Favourite, but who meddled not with any Affairs of State; that Monsieur being married to a rich Heiress, allied to the House of Guise( for her Mother Catharine Henriette de Joyeuse, had espoused the Duke of Guise in her second Marriage) and having a considerable Portion, his Authority would become so great at the Court, especially if he had Children, that his Favour would be fought for more than his Majesty's, who had no Children, and whose Health was so weak; whereas his Brother was of an excellent Complexion. These Discourses had made such an impression in the King, that Father Suffren, Confessor to the Queen-Mother, going one day to see him in his Cabinet, this Prince, overwhelmed with Sorrow, cast his Arms about his Neck, and began to tell him, That he saw very well that his Mother could not forget what had passed on account of the marshal d' anchor; and that she had more Kindness for Monsieur than for him, because she procured more considerable Advantages for him. Father Suffren endeavoured to disabuse the King, and to make him comprehend that that Marriage was for the good of the State, and for the service of his Majesty. But it was impossible presently to take away all his Suspicions. In this Conjuncture, the Queen-Mother feared to be once more removed from Affairs, and the Cardinal to be sent to Rome; so that they did all they could to know who had cast these Mists over the King's Mind; for the good Prince was almost incapable to find any Thought to fix on. In fine, the Queen-Mother by force of Tears prevailed with the King to tell those who had thus disturbed his Spirit: He named them all except Baradas, and they were instantly dismissed the Court.  
The King being appeased, monsieurs Marriage with mademoiselle de Montpensier was concluded the 5th. of August, and was soon after consummated. The King 
See the King's Letters, dated at Nants in July, in th● sequel of the Rebellion of France in this Year, p. 467.  gave him in consideration of this Marriage, the duchies of Orleans and of charters, with the County of Blois, which was the cause he was after called Duke of Orleans. He afterwards joined to it the signory of Montargis, to hold till it should amount to the sum of One hundred thousand liures. Monsieur had moreover a Patent of Five hundred and sixty thousand liures annual Pension; so that he had more than a Million of liures Revenue. His Wife brought him the Sovereignty of Dombes, and the duchies of Montpensier and Chatilleraud, with many other fair Territories, which came to Three hundred and thirty thousand liures of Rent. With such considerable Revenues, Monsieur thought of nothing but plunging himself into Pleasures, and seemed to have forgot all things past.  
Thus there was none but he, amongst the Cardinal's Enemies, who got out of the Conspiracy without disadvantage. The duchess of Chevreuse, of whom the Marquis of Chalais was amorous, and by whom he was also favoured, being accused to have persuaded Monsieur against Marriage, and to have advised him to leave the Court, was banished into lorraine. 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 158.  Report was, that the Cardinal also being in love with this Lady, and not enduring to see his Rival more favoured than himself, had destroyed the one, and driven the other from Court, more for his jealousy than the Crimes which were imputed to her.  
Before the Court departed from Nants, the King caused the Queen to appear in Council; and having reproached her that she thought of a second Husband, made her red the Deposition of Chalais; where it was said, that it had been talked of putting the King into a Monastery, and declaring him impotent, and marrying the Duke of Orleans with the Queen. Were it that the Friends of Gaston had in effect made such Discourses, or that it was a Fiction, it seemed decent they should have spared that Princess from this shane, and hindered it from coming to the ears of the King. But that was not the Cardinal's Interest, to whose advantage it was that the King should distrust all his nearest Relations, and evil entreat them; because after that, there remained none whom he could confided in but this Prelate.  
The Count of Soissons, who, amongst other things, was accused to have counseled Monsieur to retire to rochel, and to put himself in the head of the huguenot Party, durst stay no longer at Paris, where he then was. He went for Italy, and at the same time demanded the King's Licence, who had rather have him at a distance from Court than near the Duke of Orleans. It was easy under this Pretext, to keep as far off as he pleased, as had been done a little before by the Prince of Condé, who was not yet return'd to the Court, though he had seen the Cardinal at his House of Limours.  
At the same time, the Death of the marshal d'Ornano 
Sept. 4. See Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 159.  was published at Court, who deceased at the Bois de Vincennes, after some days sickness in a malignant Fever. The Enemies of the Cardinal, who accused him of scrupling nothing, caused a Report to fly about, that he was poisoned; though the Physicians and surgeons did aver that he died of a Fever, before he had taken the Viaticum, and in a state wherein there was no hopes of Recovery. He made a Discourse upon the cause of his Imprisonment; and swore upon the Salvation of his Soul, that the Duke of Orleans had never any Thought against the Person of the King, and that any of his Confidents had ever given him such Counsels: That the Duke of Orleans, seeing himself entirely excluded the Government, which was passed into the hands of the Cardinal, had only sought means to lessen the excessive Authority of this Minister, and to obtain some for himself: That whatever more was said, was false, or else never came to his knowledge. In the sequel, he receive▪ d the Sacrament, and died soon after.  
In the mean time, the Depositions of Chalais said a great deal more; and the Cardinal published, 
Ibid. p. 148.  That if the Conspirators had had some Months more, they would have been strong enough to have deprived the King of the Crown, as by their Design they had contrived. He complaining one day to Cardinal Spada, of the trouble which the Ministry gave him,  told him, amongst other things, That the Queen-Mother and he ceased not to recommend to the King, with all possible care, to do the Duty of a good Husband, if he would put the Kingdom in repose: That the King did in effect what was possible for him, considering the natural aversion which he had for it, and the disgust given him by the vanity of the Queen, augmented by Persons who were near her: That the Duke of Anjou, who was so troublesone to the King, might very well be arrested, and put in Prison; but besides that the Queen-Mother had too much repugnance for that, it was dangerous in such a Kingdom as France, and in a time when the King was young and destitute of Children. He also complained of the little Generosity of the King, who had scarcely given him any thing, altho' he knew that the Carninal had not above 50000 Crowns Rent, and yet his expenses were double the sum: But he praised the Munificence of the Queen-Mother, who knowing he was in debts, had paid part of them, without acquainting him with it.  
Before the King left Bretaigne to return to Paris, he held an Assembly of the States of that Province, the Government whereof he took from the Duke of Vendôme, and gave it to the marshal de Themines: 
Aubery's Life of the Cardinal, lib. I. c. 9.  One of the Panegyrists of Cardinal Richlieu remarks, that it was he who first proposed the marshal to the King, though he had but little reason to love the Name or Family of Themines; because the Son of the marshal, as I have heard say, had killed the Cardinal's eldest Brother some years before. But by the Humour of this Prelate, there is great appearance that some Baseness of the Mareschal's had gained his Favour, for the little he was suspected by him; he would not else have treated him better than so many others, whom he had deprived of their Employs upon the least suspicion.  
The Court being upon its return to Paris, knew that the King of Great Britain had driven away the Queen▪ s French domestics 
Sept. 28. See Mem. de B●ss●mp. T. 2. and his embassy into England. , and was obliged to sand the marshal de Bassompierre to London, who in some measure accommodated this Affair. But I will make no demur on that, but continue to relate what more particularly concerns the Cardinal of Richlieu; nevertheless, I will first tell you, that the Constable of Lesdeguieres died about the beginning of November, at the Age of fourscore years, and left great Riches to the marshal de Crequi his Son-in-Law; and that about the same time, Baradas was disgraced; and that S. Simon, who also was a page. to his Majesty, succeed him in Favour, but without any more concern in the Government than his Predecessor.  
The Cardinal having offended all the Princes of the Blood, and attracted the Hatred of all the best Qualified Lords of the Kingdom, by his haughty and proud way of governing all, under the Name of the King, to whom it was already in vain to address for any thing whatsoever, without the Consent of the Minister, he had reason to fear not only his Authority envied by the Grandees, but also his Life. As he respected nothing, when he was minded to hurt, assured of having the King's approbation in all things, it might easily happen that his Enemies might take such ways to destroy him, as were not conformable to the Formalities of Justice: He therefore took course, that the Cardinal Spada should speak to the King of the danger his prime Minister was in, if his Majesty did not provide for his Security. The King, who knew that Spada was no Friend to Cardinal Richlieu, was surprised at this good Office, and admired the virtue of that Prelate, who knew how to change the Hatred which was born him, into Friendship. A few days after, he gave him Fifty Arquebusiers on Horseback, to prevent Attempts on his Person. At another time he said in the presence of the Queen-Mother and the Duke of Orleans, That knowing 
S●ri Mem. ●●● ●. 6. p. 169.  that the Life of the Cardinal was in danger, he would bestow a regular Guard upon him, both for the Merit of that Prelate, and the need the State had of him. The Cardinal, who was ravished at this, sell to thank the King and to entreat him not to do it, but in a Tone which shew'd he was willing to be refused. He added, the more to engage the King not to receive his Excuses, That if he should lose his Life for his Majesty's Service, his Death would be glorious, and he should live in the Memory of the King, which was a Comfort beyond all which could happen to him. But the King again saying he would have it so, the Cardinal humbly disposed himself to have Guards as well as his Majesty.  
The King ordained him farther, for his greater security, that no person should importune the Cardinal about particular Affairs; and that for the public, they should speak first to some other Minister, to the end that if it were necessary the Cardinal should be informed, he should give an Order in Writing, to be shown to the Captain of the Prelate's Guards, who should suffer none to enter but those who brought it. These Precautions were covered under the pretence of the little Health which the Cardinal enjoyed, which would not permit him to employ the greatest part of the Day in giving Audience to all who required it; because at that rate, he must spend the most part of the Night in the King's Affairs; and so could enjoy no repose: His Majesty intended thereby, that he should intend the Affairs of State only, without being distracted by other Businesses below him.  
During these Brouilleries of the Court, the Cardinal ceased not his care of Foreign Affairs. Though the Treaty of Monzon was concluded, yet it was not executed; and the Grisons were so little satisfied, that it was not known what was to be done to bring it to execution; especially as to what regarded the restitution of the Church-mens Goods; because the Bishop of Coire had been possessed of a great part of the valleys which were in dispute; and they could not be taken away from those who were in possession, without making a great number of malcontents. The exercise of Cavinism, which was forbidden in the Valteline, was no more a little Affair, because that way a great many Calvinist Grisons who had Lands, would be driven out. 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 172. and the following.  There further arose great Difficulties touching the manner of demolishing the Forts; and the Ministers of both Crowns reciprocally complained of the Delays which were made on both sides. The Marquis Mirabel above all complained, that one was to go seven or eight Leagues from Paris to see the Cardinal; and that else it was in vain to speak with the other Ministers, who could do nothing without him. At last the two Crowns consented that the Affair should be treated at Rome, between the Ambassadors and the Pope's Ministers; and the Counts of Bethunes and Ogn●te agreed at last, by a 
Siri ibid. p. 177.  Writing dated the 11th of November 1626, of the manner after which the Forts should be demolished, after they should be put into the Pope's Hands.  
The King approved of this Writing, but he gave Order to the Marquis de Coeuvres, before he put it in execution, to regulate the Sum which those of the Valteline were to pay yearly to the Grisons, for the Entertainment of Troops necessary for the Preservation of that Country. Coeuvres did what he could to make an Agreement between the Grisons and those of the Valteline; but the first would no way be brought to it, for fear that by treating with their Subjects they should seem to accept of the Treaty of Monzon. They believed themselves principally injured, in that it was permitted to those of the Valteline to choose their Governours and Magistrates. But as at the bottom France took but little care of the Interests of the Grisons, Coeuvres had Orders to treat with the Spanish Ambassador about that Sum, which was regulated to twenty five thousand Crowns, by a Treaty signed the 22d of December, and ratified by the two Kings, and those of the Valteline, although the Grisons refuse▪ d to approve of it. Thus it is that the great Powers deal with the small ones, what they would call violating the Law of Nations, were it done to themselves.  
This same Year Ambassadors were sent to Piedmont and Venice, to communicate to the republic, and to the Duke of Savoy, the Treaty of Monzon; and as much as was possible, to appease them, Bullion was sent into Savoy, where he endeavoured to appease Charles Emanuel, by representing to him, among other things, That the King had intended that he should have been comprised in the Treaty of Monzon; and that it might be seen how great consideration his Majesty had for his Highness, he was ready to allow to his House all the Honours and Titles it could desire. It was known that the Duke aspired to the Title of King of Cyprus, and they would amuse that Prince with this chimerical Title, because they had nothing real to bestow on him. The republic of Venice, who last possessed this Isle before it fell into the Hands of the Turks, opposed it; which gave occasion to the Duke to take some time to think of it. Bullion treated also for a suspension of Arms between the Duke and the Genoese, and agreed to put the difference, which there was with this republic, to the judgement of some Arbitrators. It was proposed to choose for this some Counsellors of a Parliament of France, and of the Senate of Milan, or to refer themselves to the Emperour; but the Duke of Savoy accepted neither the one nor the other of these Parties. There were divers Negotiations thereupon during the rest of the Year, which came to no other end, only to make the Duke apprehended, that his interests were not over-dear to France.  
Chateauneuf was at Venice 
In th● Month of August.  whilst Bullion was in Piedmont; and having informed himself of the Rights which the republic pretended to have on the Kingdom of Cyprus, they instructed him, but would not put the Affair under compromise. His principal design was to get the Venetians to approve of the Treaty of Monzon; upon which the Senate made sundry Remarks, as to the Interests of the King and the Confederates. Chateauneuf having also offered the republic to assure it a Passage over the Valteline for ten Years, when their occasions should require, and to make a League to shut it up to the House of Austria, with the Swissers and Grisons; and even Savoy, if it would enter there: She answered but in general Terms to what regarded the second thing; and she accepted the first with Pleasure, but she wished it had been for ever, or at least during the Life of Lewis XIII. The King intended, by agreeing in a writing this Passage of the Valteline, to remark, That it was to be without derogation to the Treaty of Monzon; but the republic would not have any mention made of a Treaty, in which she had no part; and she desired farther, that the Grisons should ratify the King's Promise. After some difficulties, Chateauneuf agreed to what the republic desired, by a Writing signed the 21st of August 1626, and after approved by the King. The Court of France nevertheless tried first to have it changed, in case it might be obtained of the Commonwealth; but it being impossible to bend her, the King sent at last a Ratification pure and simplo.  
Chateauneuf, departing from Venice, took the way of the Valteline, there, with Coeuvres, to excuse the Treaty of Monzon; and the first thing which they did was to regulate what the Inhabitants of the Valteline were to pay to the Grisons, which was reduced, as hath been said already, to twenty five Thousand Crowns.  
They, in the sequel, treated with D. Gonzales de Cordova, and Torquato Conti, who commanded the Pope's Troops( after the Marquis de Bagni), of the day, and the method of the demolition of the Forts, 
January 21.  and agreed upon two Articles; of which one regarded the Inventory of the Artillery, and of the Munitions and Victuals which had been deposited in the Hands of his Holiness; and the other, the general acquittance which was to be given to the Pope. A 
February 15.  few Weeks after, they began to demolish those Forts, and employed therein so considerable a number of the Country People, that in five or six Days they were entirely razed. After that, Coeuvres caused what was due to be paid to the Regiments of Swiss, and the Grisons, which he had; and the Marquis de Feuquieres, carried the French Troops back into France. Coeuvres, for reward of his Services which he had done the Crown, received at last the Patent of marshal of France, and was afterwards called the marshal d'Estrees, from the name of his House. Before he return'd to Court, he installed Mesmin in the Employ of Ambassador in Ordinary of the most Christian King, to the Grisons, for to assist them with his Counsels, and deal in such manner, that they should take care to guard the Passage of the Valteline.  
The Grisons, to whom they had made already great Promises, and whom at last they had stripped of a considerable part of their Right in the Valteline, could not digest the Articles of the Treaty of Monzon, whatever they could do to invite them to accept them. They resolved to sand their Deputies to the Court, maugre all the Remonstrances of the marshal d'Estrees, and of Mesmin, to give the King thanks for the Succours which he had sent them, and at the same time to represent to him the wrong which had been done them by the Treaty of Monzon.  
A while before Chateauneuf was departed for switzerland, with Orders to propose three things to the Cantons: The first was, That they should approve of the same Treaty. The second, That they should confirm the Resolution which they had taken, not to suffer any German Troops to pass into Italy; or, at least, that they should limit the League of Milan, not to suffer any German Troops to pass, but in case that duchy was actually invaded. The third was, That the Cantons should unite themselves with France, the Venetians and the Grisons, to cause the Treaty to be observed, and to guard the Passages. At the instance of Chateauneuf, a general Diet of all the Cantons and their Allies, was convoked at Soleu●re. He endeavoured to persuade the catholics, that they had reason to approve of the Treaty, since by it the catholic Religion was reestablish'd in the Valteline; and the Protestants, because the Grisons were re-entered into the Possession of the Country.  
But the Grisons had also sent one Deputy to the Diet, to oppose the approbation of the Treaty of Monzon, and to pray the Cantons to join some one of their Body to the Deputation, which they designed to sand to Paris, to represent their Grievances to the King, which reduced themselves to these three Principals: 1. That the Protestant Religion was banished the Valteline and the neighbouring Countries: 2. That their Sovereignty was not well enough established by the Treaty: 3. That nothing was done without the Ratification of the Emperour and the Arch-Duke Leopold, who for this might annul some Treaties which they had made with them.  
Chateauneuf answered on the Article of Religion, That they had innovated nothing in that, since the Grisons had agreed it by several Treaties; and that they were not to hinder the Calvinist Grisons from going into the Valteline about their Affairs: As for their Sovereignty, it was set on the same Foot on which it stood by the Treaty of Madrid; and if they lost any thing, that Loss was recompensed by a good Sum of Money. As to the Ratification of the Treaty which they required, all the Treaties made since the Year 1617, were made voided by the Articles of Monzon; and the King had given Order to his Ambassador in Spain, to labour to obtain by means of his catholic Majesty, that which they desired of the House of Austria in Germany.  
The Eight catholic Cantons approved of the Treaty, such as it was; and the Protestants gave their Hands to all, except the Article which concerned Religion. After this Chateauneuf return'd into France, not having found it to the purpose to press the second Article of his Instruction, and the third was full of difficulties: So the Affair of the Valteline was rather laid asleep than concluded, to the satisfaction of the Grisons; and there was none but the catholic Inhabitants of that Country which inclined to the side of the Spaniards, who went off Gainers. As they were obliged to that of the Spaniards, so they remained more addicted to Spain than to France; and the Grisons on the contrary were but little satisfied with the French, who after vast Charges, obtained not in the end to shut up the Valteline from the House of Austria, as will be seen by what follows. But the Brouilleries of the Court obliged the Cardinal to get out of this Affair readily at any rate whatsoever.  
To return presently to what passed in France, the King having convoked an Assembly of Notables for the beginning of December, in the Year 1626. It was opened the 2d of December, and ended the 24th of February in the Year following. Besides, the King, the Queen-Mother, and Monsieur, who was President, and assisted by the Cardinal de la Valette, and the Mareschals de la Force, and de Bassompierre, it was composed of the first and second President of the Parliament of Paris; of the first Presidents of the eight other Parliaments of the Kingdom; of the Procurators General; of the first and second Presidents of the Chambers of Accounts of Paris, Rouan and Dijon, with their Procurators General, and of those of the three Courts of Aids, of the Lieutenant-Civil of Paris, of six Knights of the Order of the Holy Ghost, of six of the Council, and of twelve Prelates. Before, the Custom was to convoke the States of that Kingdom, to treat of things which were to be proposed: But the Cardinal, who knew that in the States many times more regard was had to the public good, than to the desires of the Ministers, would never convoke them. The Notables, who had no Authority but what the King was pleased to give them, never took any heed to oppose the Ministers; from whence that began to be called, The Good of the State; not what might contribute to the Happiness of the three Orders of the Kingdom, but what might afford means to the King, or rather to his Ministers, to execute the Projects which they had proposed to themselves. The Nobility, nor the third State, not any more making a Body, and the Clergy not assembling themselves, but under the good Pleasure of the King or his Ministers, no complaint could any more be made of the Government, without appearing seditious, and being presently ruined by the Authority of those who were blamed; because no particular person could say that he had power to speak in the Name of any one whatsoever, or to support himself on the Authority of a politic Assembly, since there was now no such thing. The Kings were become absolute Masters of the Laws, and their Ministers were in capacity to take away all sorts of privileges and ancient Customs, to do what they thought fit. It is for the Politicians to see whether it be profitable that there should be a Power in the State, which may do all things without punishment, and dare every thing, as it never fails to happen; or which is better, if there should be no power but what is limited by the Law, and which dare undertake nothing but what is conformable to it. Some Persons believe, that an Authority without Bounds, prevents all sorts of disturbances: But should this be, there would be a great many Questions to be made about this Matter: as, Whether it were better for a whole Kingdom, and even for all Mankind, to live in an eternal Slavery, under a few Persons, subject to very great defects, because it is in their power to do all things: or to be sometimes disturbed with Civil Wars, which end at last, and leave to the people great intervals of tranquillity? It may also be demanded, If the unlimited Power of a Monarch be more advantageous to him than an Authority bounded by equitable Laws; because we often see that Monarchies of that sort, in which the Princes, without restraint, indulge their Desires, spend themselves so fast, that besides the infinite Miseries, which their Subjects suffer in time of Peace, they are unable to repulse their Enemies in time of War. I say nothing of Justice and Equity, which are seldom the Products of despotic Power; and I speak as little of the Gospel, which the Ministers of Princes hear much less than the people; I only ask, if it be advatageous to persons brought up in pleasure, infinitely full of violent Passions, and drunk with perpetual Flatteries, to see nothing to contradict their Desires? I demand further, if after some Reigns of this nature, Posterity hath reason to bless the Memory of those who laid the Foundations of this unbounded Authority? These indeed are Questions which the Designs I have proposed to myself, will not allow me to resolve, and which the Readers may examine if they find it to their purpose. I come presently to what passed in the Assembly of Notables, which I will relate more at length, that it may be known, what the State of the Kingdom was when the Cardinal undertook the Administration of Affairs.  

S●quel of the R 〈…〉 of Fran 〈…〉 they 〈…〉 p. ●27.  The Members of the Assembly having taken their places on Chairs and Benches, which were placed for that end. The King  told them, That he had assembled them to remedy the disorders of the State, and that the Keeper of the Seals should more fully declare his Pleasure.  
Marillac begun to say, that the King had convok'd them to have their Advice in the great and important Affairs of the State, in imitation of his Predecessors, who sometimes assembled the three Estates, sometimes notable Persons of a fewer number. He after put himself upon the Praises of the King, and the Favour which God had shew'd him, to discover divers Conspiracies formed against his Authority; which he had re-established on their Ruins. After this he represented, that the Civil Wars, since the year 1620 had consumed vast Sums, and that it had been farther necessary to succour the Allies of the State out of the Kingdom. That the ordinary Revenue of the King not exceeding sixteen Millions of liures, he had been obliged in the last Years to expend between thirty six and forty Millions, of which part had been raised by several ways, but that he owed yet more than fifty: That for this he was resolved to retrench his unnecessary expenses; and that he had already suppressed the Offices of Constable and Admiral, the Salaries whereof amounted to no less than five hundred thousand liures yearly: That he would demolish all the useless Fortifications, to withdraw the Garrisons which were to keep them: That he would redeem his Demesnes engaged at a low Rate, as well as the Tallies and Farm of Salt: That to augment the Revenues of the State, he would endeavour to make Trade flourish, which the Neighbours had wholly drawn away to themselves. Lastly, the Keeper insisted on two Articles, which required new Regulations; the one was the ill administration of the Revenue, and the other, the frequent Rebellions.  
The marshal Schomberg spoken after Marillac, and amongst other things said, That the King would have always on foot thirty thousand Men well paid; and that he had given him Memorials how to find ways to desray that Charge, which he would communicate to the Assembly.  
When he had ended his Speech, the Cardinal de Richlieu began, and discussed the same things with the Keeper; to which he added, That there wanted not only many Ordinances to bring things into Order, but also for the good execution of such Acts as should be made: That the Redemption of the King's Demesnes, of the Aids, and of the Registers, came to about two Millions; but innocent ways were to be used to raise them: That he designed to labour incessantly to redress all the Affairs of the Crown; and if he could accomplish so good and so glorious a design, he should die with joy after it, and believe he had great Reason to give thanks to God.  
The first President of Paris spoken after the Cardinal, and enlarged himself much on the Praises of Henry IV. and his Son Lewis XIII. He exhorted the Assembly not to be mute, as others had been, and ended with Praises to God that he will bestow Children on the King.  
In fine, the Keeper of the Seals said, That the King would sand his Propositions to the Assembly by the Procurator-General of the Parliament of Paris. Thus ended the opening of this Assembly, where all were disposed 
Mem. de Bass●mp. T. 2. p. 397.  to think as the King should think fit.  
Although it was permitted to the Notables to seek out Remedies for the Disorders proposed to them, yet nothing was done but under the good Pleasure of the Ministers, who would that the Assembly should authorize their Conduct, and not censure it as the States might have done. There was red a Memorial, which was said to be composed by the Marquis d'Effiat. See an abridgement of its Contents.  
It was there said, That although there never had been a King under whom the Treasury was so well managed as under Henry IV. yet were the Financers then often found to fall short, were it because of expenses which they had not taken notice of; or because of the Abatements of the Farms, by reason of Barrenness or Mortalities, which produced want of value in the general Receipts; or because of the extraordinary expenses which must be sometimes made: That there was no Year, in the midst of a Peace, wherein the expense did not surpass the estimation made of it by five or six Millions of liures: That Henry the Fourth, because of this, made his expense less than his receipt by four or five Millions, beside what he caused to be laid aside of the whole Years Management out of the Moneys destined for his ordinary expenses, or which came into his Coffers by extraordinary ways: That from thence it came, that during the last ten Years of his Reign, he had laid by seven Millions, which were sound in the bastille, and in the Hands of the Treasurer at his death: That after his death they could never attain to balance the expenses to the receipt; and that in a little time, as they found themselves in Arrear; they were forced to touch the Treasure; and this way they went until the Year 1613. That afterwards the expenses which increased, caused them to have recourse to sundry Creations of Offices; and with all this they were fain to engage the Revenues of the Years following: That they could scarcely pay the Interest to those who had advanced Money, which was the cause that they acquitted themselves of their Charges as they pleased: That the Farmers and their Partisans had drawn the Interest of their Money to fifteen, eighteen, and twenty per Cent, and never gave up an exact Account. That all being in disorder, it was no easy matter for the superintendent of the Finances to see all the accounts which are not yet stated, and to reduce those who detained the King's Money to be accountable for it. That the Constable and the Admiral, whose Employs were suppressed, had been the cause of infinite expenses, because they never gave an exact Account.  
That the State of the Treasury was to be remitted to that of the Year 1608. in which the Queen-Mother had caused to be remitted by the King three Millions of liures, on the Taxes, and on the Impositions, and took away divers Taxes which burdened the People: That afterwards the King was obliged to triple the Pensions, and to give three hundred thousand liures to the Prince of Conde, and two hundred thousand to the Prince of Conti, besides a quantity of others, which came to five Millions of liures.  
That the Tallies yearly amounted to near nineteen Millions; but there came but six to the Treasury, the rest remained in the Hands of two and twenty thousand Collectors, and of one hundred and seventy private, or general Receivers, who carried them to the Treasury: That the general Farm of the Gabelles was seven Millions four hundred thousand liures, and that the Charges of it was two Millions: That there were six Millions and three hundred thousand liures alienated, and that there remained to the King but one Million and one hundred thousand liures: That there was the like Alienation on the Rent of Aids; of which the Farm was near two Millions: That, in fine, the two thirds of the Revenue of the other Farms, were hardly sufficient to defray the Charges of them.  
In the sequel, the Marquis de Effiat made an Account of all the expenses which were to be made, after it was entred in charge, and which arose much above the receipt. There was no way found to provide Money readily, but the creation of a number of new Offices, and the establishment of divers Charges on the Titles of Offices. Besides this, divers Customs were established which were not before. These were the matters to which the Convocation of the Notables principally tended, and upon them the Ministers were willing to discharge the hatred which the new Impositions might draw upon them.  
The Cardinal of Richlieu was but twice in this Assembly, at the opening of it, as I said, 
January 11. Aubery. Lib. 2. c. 9.  and six Weeks afterwards. He took his place in a Chair near to Monsieur, and below the Cardinal de al Valette. He there presented divers Articles, which the Register red; after which the Cardinal spoken, and explained them at length. In the first Article was proposed, to moderate the Penalties against Offenders of the State, and to be contented with depriving them of their Charges for the second Disobedience. The Assembly could not digest this Moderation, and concluded to request the King, That the ancient Laws might be executed against Criminals. The Cardinal having always held it for a Maxim to pardon none who were accused of Crimes against the State, it may be thought, that he only proposed this excessive Moderation, on purpose that the Assembly might reject it; which to be sure it would, to show its Zeal for the Royal Authority. Some others regarded the Preparation by Sea and Land, which were to be made against the English, who threatened a new rapture in favour of the Rochellers. All that the Ministers would have, was approved of without any consideration of the expense.  
Whereas to raise Money readily, they had for many years past, sold almost all the Charges and Offices both of the Court and Army, and of the Tribunals of Justice; and those who were the first Buyers, had liberty to sell them again: No body came thither without ready Money; which caused that no regard was had neither to the Quality, nor the merit of those who presented themselves; and the poor Nobility were quiter out of probability to advance themselves*. They thereupon presented a Petition 
●b. 10. ● Sequel of ● Rebellion ●rance, p. ●.  to the King, wherein they represented their Condition, and supplicated him to take such Orders, as that the Favours which they therein specified might be granted by him, to the Nobility of his Realm.  
For answer to this Petition, and to hinder the Alarm which might be taken of the new Projects for War, of which the Kingdom was full against the English and Rochellers, the King gave a Declaration, dated the 16th. of* February; in which, after notice taken, that the Design 
abide. p. 577.  of comforting his People, and to cause them to enjoy a solid Peace, was the reason of his Assembling the Notables, he declared his Intention was,  
1. To reunite his Subjects in the Unity of the catholic Church, by all the good ways of Sweetness, of Love, of Patience, and good Examples.  
2. To re-establish the Dignity of the Church, by the exact Observation of the Ecclesiastical Constitutions and Royal Ordinances relating thereto.  
3. To maintain his Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion, in all the Liberty which he had granted to them, causing them to enjoy their Goods quietly, and their Offices, by the Benefit of the Edicts, and Favours which they had obtained from him, in expectation that it would please God to illuminate their Hearts, and bring them back into the Bosom of his Church.  
4. To advance the Nobility with many Favours and Privileges, for their entrance into benefice, in the Charges and Offices as well of his Majesty's household, as of his Armies, according as they should render themselves capable.  
5. To cause the Children of poor Gentlemen to be instructed gratis, in Exercises befiting their Condition; and to employ those of that Order both at Sea and Land, that their Condition should be worthy of Envy.  
6. To re-establish Commerce, and therefore to renew and augment its Privileges.  
7. To comfort his People, by easing them of Three millions of liures for the next five Years, comprehending therein the Six hundred thousand liures, of which they had been discharged in the Year 1627. so that they should find themselves entirely eased in the Year 1632.  
The evil is, that in giving on one side, there is a taking on the other; and nothing of all this was put in execution but what the Minister found for his purpose. There was a great deal of talk of re-establishing the Commerce at Sea, of which the King made the Cardinal of Richlieu superintendent: but he needed but have left this Affair to the Industry of private Persons, which is infinitely greater and more active, than that of a Minister who understands nothing of it, and who hath innumerable other Affairs. So that this Project produced no great fruit, no more than many others which were published under the Administration of the Cardinal to amuse the People, which was otherways drawn out by unprofitable Wars.  
In fine, the Assembly of the Notables, having composed various Articles on the Propositions which were there made, was broken up the 24th. of February, and had such Respect( for its Advice) as it pleased the Council to give.  
The King, after he had dissolved the Office of Admiral, which was enjoyed by the Duke of montmoremcy, gave one part of his Functions to the Cardinal of Richlieu, 
By an Edict, verified March 18. Aubery's Life of the Cardinal, lib. 2. c. 10.  in whose behalf he erected a new Office of Grand Master, Head and superintendent General of the Navigation and Commerce of France. In this Edict the King declared, that he intended, That the Cardinal of Richlieu his Principal Minister, for the signal and important Services which he had already done him, and which he still actually did to the State, should have Entrance, Voice, and deliberative Opinion in the Parliament, as well in all the Assemblies of the Chambers on Council-Days, as on Pleadings, and should have a Seat on the side of the Peers, with the same Rank and the same Degree which he had in the Council of State. The Cardinal, to take possession,* went a few days after into Parliament, accompanied with a great number of Clergy and Nobility. 
●. of the ● Month.   
It was agreed by the Peace of rochel, that the Fort of Tadon, built by the Rochellers, should be demolished; and they begun effectually soon after to pull it down: but seeing that not only Fort-Louis was still standing, but that Thoiras, to whom the King had given the Government of the Isle of Rhée, built there* a great Fort near 
●ssomp. ●. T. 2. ●2.  St. Martins, besides that of de la Prée, they found that the Peace which was granted to them, was only to gain time; so they left off demolishing the Fort of Tadon, and by Soubise petitioned the King of England to assist them against the Designs of the Court*. They also 
●ubery lib. 11.  sent to London a Gentleman called St. Blancard, who so well persuaded some of the King of Great Britain's Ministers, that it was his Interest not to suffer rochel▪ to fall into the hands of the King of France, that one of them said in a full Council, That it was less prejudicial to England to lose the Kingdom of Ireland, than to suffer the Reducement of rochel, and so let the Protestant Religion be ruined in France.  
This Sentiment was agreeable to that of the greatest part of the Protestants in England, who believed that the ruin of Calvinism in France, would be the Prelude to the Destruction of the Protestant Religion in England. In the interim, perhaps the King of Great Britain, who was but little touched with the Interest of Religion, had not determined thereupon to make War with France, if the Passion of the Duke of Buckingham, his Favourite, had not prompted him to it. It is assured, that three things had provoked him against France*; of which the 
●ubery, ib.  first was, That he had in vain desired that some of his Kindred might be Ladies of the Bed-Chamber to the Queen of England; as by the Contract of Marriage it was agreed, that none but catholics should attend her, and the French which were with her, fearing that in time the English would insinuate themselves into her Favour; the Duke could obtain nothing for his Kindred, which had extremely irritated him against the French*. The 
●assomp. ib ●03.  second thing was, That he passionately desired to go once more to the Court of France, which the King, notwithstanding his Importunities, had refused. He had written, on this occasion, some piquant Letters to the Cardinal, and received some of the like nature. They add a 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 254.  third Reason, which seems almost incredible, That this Duke was fallen in love with the Queen Anne of Austria, and that occasioned his great desire to go into France, and that they refused to receive him there with so much Obstinacy. But be the reason what it will, it is certain that the Duke of Buckingham urged the King to succour the Rochellers; and that Affair being concluded, the English began, without any Declaration of War, to seize upon the French Vessels which were in their Harbours 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 253. , and took two Men of War from Diep and Havre de Grace.  
These Breaches of the Peace on the English side, caused the King 
Dated May 8. Sequel of the Rebellion of France. p. 588. , by a Declaration, to forbid all Commerce with England, and ordered all the English effects to be seized. Afterwards, as they understood, that great Preparations were making in England, the Cardinal took care to fortify the Coasts, on which they feared the English would make a Descent, and to dispose all things to receive them. Although the marshal de Bassompierre, who was returned from London not long before 
Mem. de Bassomp. T. 2. p. 406. , could not believe that the English were in a condition to make a Descent into France. In the mean time, the King receiving Advice every day of the English Preparations, doubted not but that this great Arming threatened the Coasts of Poitou, or Saintonge, and resolved to go thither in Person with the Duke of Orleans; but before his departure, he went to the 
June 2●.  Parliament, to confirm several Edicts, compiled by Marillac Keeper of the Seals, and which from his Name were called The Code Muhaud. The King fell sick that day; and his Fever not abating, he was forced to stay at Villeroy.  
It happened before this, that Madam 
May 29.  was brought to bed of a Daughter, which lessened the Joy of the Court, which had hoped it would have been a Son. But the King, who was displeased with that Joy, was not angry, because he seemed already to think that the People looked upon his Brother's Children as the Heirs of the Crown. I● also happened, that Madam 
June 4.  died some days after, which extremely troubled the Queen-Mother; but of which the King, jealous of any good which might come to his Brother, rejoiced as much as his greatest Enemies 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 263. . He caused the Queen-mother to be  told, That he entreated her not to think of marrying of Monsieur suddenly; and gave Orders to Puilaurens and le Coigneux, in whom that Prince placed his greatest Confidence, industriously to divert him from it, by proposing to him all sorts of Pleasures, for which they furnished him with all the Money he could desire. They bought also Limours of Cardinal Richlieu, for him to divert himself there with Hunting. But the Queen-Mother, who found the King would never have Children, thought the sooner to mary Monsieur to one of the Daughters of the Great Duke of Florence, over whom she might have the greater Authority, in case she should ever come to be Queen. This Design was extraordinarily controverted, and also was the cause of the removal of the Queen-Mother, as you will find by the sequel. I must at present speak of the defence of the Isle of Rhée; after which, I will come to those Treaties which concerned this Marriage, and the foreign Affairs.  
Before the King fell sick, he named the Duke of Orleans Lieutenant-General of his Armies, and under him the Mareschals de Bassompierre and Schomberg. Being fallen sick, as I have said, and yet keeping his Bed, news came to the Court, 
Siri, ibid. p. 280.  that the Duke of Buckingham had made a Descent on the Isle of Rhée, maugre Thoiras, who, after he had three times repulsed the English, was at last constrained to retreat into the Fort of St. Martin, which was but ill provided to endure a Siege. A great number of Men were lost on this occasion; and the Cannon of the English Ships made a great havoc on Thoiras, who was there wounded, and lost two of his Brothers. At the same time Buckingham sent six Ships of War to cruize at the mouth of the Garonne, and as many to that of the loire, to prohibit all Vessels from coming out of those Rivers, and to keep divers Places in alarms. It was not fit to let the King know this, lest it should augment his Distemper. They after acquainted him with some things; but hide from him the danger of the Isle of Rhée, which they concluded they could not keep. Buckingham came with Twenty six Ships, and had set eight thousand Men on shore; who after they had beaten Thoiras at their landing, went to besiege the Fort of St. Martin. In the interim, Monsieur impatiently desired to be at the head of the Army, of which he had been declared Lieutenant-General. The Cardinal  told him, That he could not advice the King, sick as he was, to suffer it. But the Duke of Orleans was so enraged at this Refusal, that it was impossible to detain him any longer. But as they had long since raised great Jealousies in the King, for every thing that might be to the advantage of his Brother, it was not difficult for the Cardinal, who took care to blow those Coals of jealousy, to schismatical him. The Duke of Orleans received that news at Saumur; but a little after the Queen-Mother, who was angry at this usage of Monsieur, obtained of the King, that he should proceed on his Journey; and he came to Poitou, where the Army was assembled 
See Aubery's Life of the Cardinal, lib. 2. c. 12. . In the mean time, the Cardinal neglected not to sand Victuals and Relief into the Isle of Rhée; but all his Cares had been vain, had Thoiras been less brave, or had the Duke of Buckingham known how to attack a Place. The Cardinal had for some time been governor of Oleron and of brovage, which Governments were of little profit to him; but he had desired them to have some Place of retreat, in case new Brouilleries should happen at Court, and he found himself not the strongest there. He then made the Garrisons be doubled, and paid them their Arrears out of his own Money, that he might encourage and dispose them to act more vigorously in whatsoever he should employ them. He also got together a considerable number of barks with Oars, to carry Succours and Victuals to the Isle of Rhée, as soon as was possible.  
The Duke of Buckingham, a few days after his Descent, published a Manifesto, dated July 21. not only to excuse his Design in respect of France, but also to make the English believe, that pure Zeal of Religion had induced the King of England to this Action 
Sequel of the Rebellion. p. 612. . He said, That the desire the King of Great Britain had to maintain the Reformed Religion, had engaged him to seek for the Sister of France, that he might be in the better state to support the Reformed French: That becoming as it were Mediator and Guarrantee of the last Treaty of Peace, he could not behold, without complaint, the Contraventions of the French King's Ministers, and the refusal they had made to do Justice to those of the Reformed Religion, and to him, and because of the great Preparatives made against rochel, he thought himself obliged speedily to take Arms to relieve it: That by the Word they had often given him, to satisfy those of the Reformed Religion, in due time, and when they had rendered themselves worthy by their Submissions, he had always understood the demolishing of Fort-Louis; and that instead of pulling it down, they had augmented its Fortifications, and also made other Forts in the Isle of Rhée.  
The Court had never acknowledged the King of England for Mediator and Guarrantee of the Peace: But it was true, 
Mem. of the Duke of Rohan, at the end.  that his Ambassadors had promised the Hugonots to cause it to be observed. It was also certain, that instead of letting them enjoy their Privileges, they sought to quarrel with them, and prepared to ruin them on the first Opportunity: Although it was publicly denied, it was confessed in private; and the event hath proved, that they had reason to complain. This Manifesto was not absolutely false, though the Partisans of the Court said so.  
The Duke of Rohan was to form the Body of an Army in Poitou, at the same time that they should hear that the English were landed in the Isle of Rhée. He also published a Manifesto to excite the People to take Arms, principally founded on the Courts not having observed the Treaty of Montpellier, although the King had promised it. This Manifesto had not all the Effect the Duke expected, because a number of huguenot Nobility had for a long time opposed it; and this was one of the principal causes of the ruin of the Party. Had it been perfectly united, or had it employed all its force that way, it would not have been too strong to resist the Court's Undertakings; but being divided, it was impossible to conserve its Advantages. Those who were against the Duke, called him Disturber, and accused him of Cheating and Cowardice, since they feigned not to see how the Court sought to destroy the Protestant Religion; or else being convinced of it, they durst not oppose it. Without searching which of them were in the right, it is certain, that if all the Hugonots had been of the mind to abandon themselves entirely to the Good Faith of the Court and the King's Equity, and the Court had been assured thereof, it would not have been long before they had been stripped of all their Privileges, and constrained to go to Mass. The ecclesiastics always made a virtue of this; and the Interest of the laics, which made them seek their Favour, or the Zeal which possessed them, defaced in their Spirits all that which is called Sweetness and Equity in Religion. If at any time they have been restrained on this occasion, it was because they thought they could not ruin the heretics without punishment; and they never failed to do it when they could. The Duke not having been able to get many Men together in Poitou, because of the King's Army, retreated into Languedoc, where he razed several Towns. But the Court sent the Prince of Condé thither, to oppose his Designs; and Galland, councillor of State and a huguenot, to divert the People of the same Religion from taking Arms.  
But to return to Buckingham, who instead of employing Art and Force for taking the Fort( into which Thoiras was retreated) before it could be relieved, he thought to starve it, yet without absolutely blocking it up, contenting himself with keeping a good Guard, that nothing might enter. It was nevertheless easy to judge that France would try all ways to succour Thoiras, if time permitted it; and that in a few Weeks the neighbouring Coasts would be covered with People, and Boats ready to throw Men and Provisions into the Fort. It was also dangerous for the Great Ships of England to pass the Autumn on Coasts full of Banks and Shoals. In the interim, two Months passed without the English's doing any thing considerable to carry the citadel, which resisted them, nor could they hinder little Barks from entering it daily.  
Thoiras fearing he should in the end be forced to surrender, by reason he began to want Victuals, let the Court know*, That if they furnished him not presently, or driven the English out of the iceland, he should be 
Aubery's and of the ●rd. l. 2. 13.  forced to capitulate: At the same time he advised them, That they might enter their Forces into the iceland, by the Fort de la Prée, and attack the English. This Proposition being examined by the King's Council, some were of Opinion to desert the Isle of Rhée, and to fix themselves wholly to the blocking up of rochel, until they could formally besiege it. They grounded their Sentiments on the King's not having Forces enough to do both at once. But the Cardinal was of Thoiras's Opinion, and represented, That in a little time the King would have Forces enough to guard the Posts which he had about rochel, and to undertake what was proposed: That by withdrawing the Troops which were in the Isle of Oleron, and joining two thousand Men of the Army Commanded by Monsieur, they might throw Five or six thousand Foot, and Five hundred Horse into the Isle of Rhée, which, joined with the Garrison of St. Martins, would be enough to beat out the English: That it was greatly important to the King to preserve this Isle; because if the Enemy should become Masters of it, that of Oleron would quickly fall into their hands: That by means of these Two Islands, they would keep the neighbouring Coasts in continual Alarms: That they would draw great quantities of Money from the Vines, the Corn, and the Salt of Rhée and Oleron: That they would not only hinder the transport of Salt from brovage, Marennes, and the neighbouring Coasts, but would extremely incommode the Trade of Bourdeaux: That, finally, what good success they should have in the Isle of Rhée, would infallibly be followed by very ill Effects through the Kingdom. These Reasons were strong enough of themselves, had they not been supported by the Authority of the Cardinal, to make the Council give ear to the Proposition of Thoiras: Wherefore they resolved to attempt the relief of Rhée, by embarking the number of Troops which the Cardinal spoken of, if they could find barks fit for it on the Coasts of the Ocean. 
Aubery, ib.  It is also said, that there being no Money in the King's Treasury, the Cardinal, out of his own Fund, advanced the Charges, and pawned his Jewels. But there was little appearance that the King had so little Credit, as not presently to find ready Money necessary for the Payment of those barks; and if the Cardinal advanced any of his own, it was more for Ostentation than Necessity. His vain and ambitious Nature induced him always to what might make the greatest noise in the World, and beget in the People the more admiration of him.  
At this time, 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 282. and following.  Don Diego Messia, ambassador Extraordinary of Spain, offered to France Forty Ships of War in behalf of the King his Master, who had for a long time been provoked against the English; which Offer was accepted. But the tediousness of the Spaniards hindered any dependence on them, and in effect they sent them not. They also renewed the Alliance with the States of the United Provinces, for fear lest they should furnish England with Shipping. They obliged themselves to assist France against all whatsoever, except England; and promised also not to help the last. They further engaged not to make Peace with Spain, but after three Months notice given to France to treat about it. The King, on his part, obliged to lend them a Million of liures yearly. This League was to continue three years as that which was just expired: if the States should break it before, they promised to restore the Money to the King which they owed, and also the French Troops which they had in their Service. The Marquis de Mirabel complained of this League, which they had made with People who were in Rebellion against Spain, whilst that Crown prepared itself to aid France against its rebellious Subjects. They answered him, That they had not made this League with the Hollanders, but for fear lest they should have assisted England with a powerful Fleet; and that the English being once reduced to stay at home, the King would let his catholic Majesty see the good Disposition he was in, as to the regard of him, even in what related to the Hollanders. The States Ambassador having understood the Answer which was given to him of Spain, complained in his turn; and said, That if they already contrived to break the League concluded for three years, his Majesty would be obliged to take necessary Measures for their Preservation, without concerning themselves with France; they paid this Ambassador in the same kind they did the Spanish; and nothing but Time could declare to which of the Two they would keep their Word; because it was certain, that according as Interest should alter, they would act for the one or the other.  
Whilst they prepared the Succours to drive the English out of the Isle of Rhée, there ceased not several times Men and Victuals to get in by day and night, traversing the Cannonades of the English. The King got remission from his Tertian Ague,* and came to his Army, which 
Aug. 13. Bassomp. Mem. T. 2. p. 425.  blocked up rochel, which was Commanded by Monfieur, and under him by the Duke of Angoulême. The King brought Two other Lieutenant-Generals, and gave a Body a-part to the marshal Bassompierre, because he would not have the Duke of Angoulême for a Campanion; the Custom being, that an Army where the King was present, could be Commanded but by one marshal of France, if any were there. The Cardinal favoured the Duke; but Bassompierre's Resolution at last carried it, because they believed they had need of him.  
The Succours which they had resolved to throw into the Isle of Rhée, were not ready till the beginning of November, although the Cardinal had sent Persons a long time before, to gather up a convenient number of barks and Shallops, and was himself at the Places appointed in the Month of October. At last Six thousand Foot and Three hundred Horse of the best of the Army, landed in the night, between the 5th. and 6th. of November, conducted by the marshal Schomberg, and by Marillac, Brother to the Keeper of the Seals. The Great Ships of the English not being capable of coming near, were fain to shoot at a distance at those which passed, but they killed very few; and when the French were landed over-against the Fort of St. Martins, they entrenched themselves. The next morning the French Army put itself in Battel-aray, to attack the English in their entrenchments, in case they would not come out; but the Duke of Buckingham met them; and after a Fight, 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 285.  wherein the French say that he lost near Two thousand Men, he retreated in good Order,‡ until having passed 
† Bassom. Mem. T. 2. p. 437.  the Borough de la Covarde, and finding himself in the entrance of the Passage which brought the English to their barks, they put themselves in disorder, because every one would pass in first. They had lost a great number on this occasion, if the night, which was come on, had not stopped the French, who pursued them. When Thoiras saw the Trenches almost deserted, he made a Sally with Eight hundred Men, who routed those the Duke of Buckingham had left therein. All who could recover the Fleet, embarked with the rest, and set sail for England. It was thus that the Duke of Buckingham, who had far more Ambition than Ability, was shamefully driven out of the Isle of Rhée, after he had three Months besieged a Fort, which before a well-commanded Army would not have held out eight days. He by this means ruined the Affairs of the Rochellers, a great part of whose Provisions he consumed, without supplying them again, which constrained them to surrender the Year following.  
After this Victory, the Blockade of rochel, daily continued on the Land-side, and the Court thought to reduce this City the campaign ensuing; for this they not only blocked it up more straitly than before, but as the English were chiefly to be feared, because they had no Fleet to make head against theirs, all ways were sought to appease them. The King began to sand back the English Prisoners of War without Ransom, who had been taken in the Isle of Rhée, he having first given Orders for their good Usage. Pretence was made that they were treated so well, in favour of the Queen of England; and the King wrote to her by de Meaux, whom he sent to London, as to reconduct the Prisoners. He had Orders at the same time to address himself to the Ambassadors of Denmark, who had already offered themselves to be Mediators between the Two Crowns, and to see if by any Treaty an Accommodation might be made. The English Prisoners being arrived at London, published the most obliging manner they had been treated by the French; and de Meaux executed his Commission, the Prisoners favouring him in all they could possible.  
The Deputies of rochel, who were at London to solicit for a new Supply, having got wind of this Negotiation*, presented a Memorial to the King; in which; after 
Aubery's and of the ●d. Lib. 2. ●15.  Thanks given for the Succours he had sent the Summer past, they shew'd him, That the Peace which was spoken of, might perhaps be only a Snare laid for his Majesty, to withdraw him from the Interest of the Rochellers, that they might more easily be destroyed: That if a Treaty were entred into, it would cause a delay to the Preparations which were making for their Relief; and the least stop to that, would be pernicious to them: That the very Report of a Peace, would cause those of the Reformed Religion in France, who had designed to take Arms for the Preservation of rochel, to stay at home; and would entirely disperse the Army of the Duke of Rohan: That in the mean time, those who blocked up rochel, would have time convenient to build up the Forts which they had begun about the City: That they had likewise undertaken to dam up the Port of rochel, by a Fence, which would so embarass its entrance, that it would render it almost unpassable; and thereby no Provisions being to be got into the Town, it would be reduced to extremity, becaused it had consumed the best part of what it had, to provide for his Majesty's Fleet: That the Opportunity of Relieving it being past, all the Strength of Europe would not be able to deliver it: That if the Treaty should after happen to be broken, his Majesty would be exposed to the Railleries of his Enemies, and the City be forced to submit to the yoke of a provoked and Victorious Master. They concluded, beseeching the King, That whatever Propositions should be made, the Preparations should be carried on with all diligence; and above all a Convoy of Men and Victuals, which were presently to be sent to rochel, which by the Care of the Admiral the Duke of Buckingham, was almost ready. The King of England slighted not the Advice of the Rochellers; but being far from seriously designing to conserve Calvinism in France, he had a design in his Head to give more liberty to the catholics in England, he made not the hast as he might have done, although he was pressed by the Duke of Buckingham, piqued at the Affront which he had so lately received at the Isle of Rhée. Also the Parliament which was assembled some Months after, discovered great discontents at the designs of the Court.  
In the mean time the King and the Cardinal stayed before rochel, and caused new Forts to be made to block it up the closer. The Cardinal, as well as the other Generals, took upon them a certain extent of Lines of Circumvallation to guard, and there made a Fort, which was called Fort Richlieu.  
The Duke of Orleans left the Army to go to Paris 
Mem. de Bassomp. T. 2. p. 439.  on the fifteenth of November. After Madam was dead, the Queen-Mother, who feared the King would never have Children, had thoughts, as I have said, 
Ibid p. 409. Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 265.  to remarry him, and to find some Princess for him, which might depend of her, and might preserve her Authority, in case the Duke of Orleans, by the death of Lewis XIII. came to be King. The Duke of Florence had two Daughters, of which either would have fitted the Queen-Mother: But Margaret, who was the eldest, was already affianced to Edward Duke of Parma; and and was too young, and besides so ugly, that when they proposed her to Monsieur, he declared he would have none of her. He would have taken Margaret, who was beautiful, and of an Age fit for Marriage, if the Duke of Parma would have given place to it. The Queen-Mother passionately desired it, and managed things so as the Duke of Parma's Marriage was put off for a time, to see if they could get him to be contented with and instead of Margaret, which the Grand Duke would have given to Monsieur. But all that she could do could not prevail with the Duke of Parma to forego Margaret, nor the Duke of Orleans to espouse and; which was a great grief to a Mother ambitious and fearful to extremity. She dreaded the Life of the King, who much tired himself with hunting, without any regard of heat or could, and who was of no good Complexion, being too dry and too lean. Moreover that Princess, bewitched with judiciary Astrology, had heard Fabbroni, Steward to Madam deceased, say, that the King should live thirty Years, and that in his eight and twentieth he should be in great danger. This made her desire to see Gaston soon married, and that to a Princess who would have a respect for her; and she desired it the more passionately, 
Ibid. p. 264.  because this Prince being debauched, made no scruple to go every night to infamous places, and had sometime got foul Diseases, which might in time wholly ruin his Health. And when the King, who abstained from that 'vice, reprehended him, Gaston would answer, That if they would have him abstain, they must mary him.  
Also the Queen-Mother endeavoured it always, but could not hit it, 
Ibid. p 267.  because neither the King, the Queen, nor the Cardinal, in earnest favoured the Design, though they made semblance of the contrary. The old Jealousies of the King to his Brother, made him desire he should not suddenly mary; and the Party of Florence which would have increased the Queen-Mother's Authority, pleased him not at all. The Queen, whom Mary kept as much down as she could, already groaned too much under her Authority to desire an Augmentation. The Cardinal himself, though that Princesses Creature, would have been troubled to see Monsieur married, and to have had many Children; because the more considerable that Prince should be, the more would the Minister, who never was one of his Friends, lose his Authority: Besides, this Prelate, who begun to govern all things independent from the Queen-Mother, and who could not patiently suffer any contradiction, was already vexed at the Respects which he was obliged to pay her.  
There was then at the Court of France, a young Princess, seventeen Years of Age, Daughter to the Duke of Nevers, but of such Health as promised not much fruitfulness; and besides, that the Queen-Mother loved not this branch of the House of Gonzaga, allied to the Princes of the Blood, and who had always been of a Party adverse to her. Her Kindred dealt so, that Monsieur saw her often, and falling in love with her, he said sometimes, that he would not mary; and at other times, that he would never mary any other Princess but Mary de Gonzaga. This extremely perplexed the Queen-Mother, and created 
See them in Siri, T. 6. p. 265. &c.  so many Intrigues in this Affair, that the Duke of Parma would not resign Margaretde Medicis to Monsieur, and that the Duke of Anjou refused absolutely to mary her younger Sister, maugre all the instances of Mary; and that she was absolutely dissatisfied at his espousal of mademoiselle de Nevers, I will not detain you with the Particularities of these Affairs, because they do not directly relate to the Life of the Cardinal; but what I shall now set down, will, in the sequel, be necessary, as you will see by the History of the succeeding Years.  
The Duke of Vendôme, who was put in the Bois de Vincennes, as I have  told you, protested always his Innocence in relation to the Designs against the King, which were laid to his charge; but he could not deny 
In May Siri T. 6. p. 217. 252. , at least, that he had enterprised against the Authority of the Minister; so that he was to demand pardon of the King, and to renounce the Government of Bretaigne. Thereupon the King dispatched him his Letters of Abolition, and pardonned his Life, but refused him his Liberty, though he permitted his Friends to see him at the Bois de Vincennes. But for the Grand Prior, who would not do the like, he had not the like Favour, and no Person was admitted to see him.  
In the interim, the Count of Soissons, as you have seen, was departed the Kingdom, and ceased not to feel at that distance the anger of the Cardinal. The 
Siri. ibid. p. 210.  Countess of Soissons sharply complained to Father Berule, that they had affirmed, that there were Letters from her Son, in which he had advised Monsieur to retreat to rochel, and she begged to see those Letters. Father Berule speaking to the Cardinal, related this for answer to the Countess, That the Ministers of the King were not obliged to justify what they had said, because they might have spoken it for the good of the State, and that the King knew the Truth of all. However he denied that he had spoken of any such Letters; although the Countess maintained, that she heard it from a Person of the greatest Quality. She also said, That the Cardinal had  told, that a Gentleman of the Counts Retinue, had stayed some time at St. germans, by order of his Master, to murder him. The Count and the Gentleman both vented themselves against this Calumny. But the Cardinal denied he had said it, although he confessed that he might perhaps have declared to some or other his Suspicion of such a matter. It sufficed him that he had so strongly alarmed the King as to grant him Guards.  
The Count having designed to see Italy, the Cardinal had taken care to recommend him thither, as he thought best for his purpose. 
Siri, ibid. p. 305.  He writ to the Count de Bethunes, to entertain him seldom, thinking that the other Ambassadors would follow the Example of the French, and so he would be coldly received by all he should visit. But the Count de Bethunes, who concerned not himself with the Ministers Passion, and who believed it consisted not with the King's Honour, to cause a Prince of his Blood to be ill treated out of his States, received him into his House, although he would not have the Complaisance to sit below him at the Table, as that Prince had desired. The Cardinal was exceedingly provoked, that the Count de Bethunes had not observed his Orders; for he could not endure to be depended on by halfs; and he was so tenacious to his own Opinions, that to contradict him, was to disoblige him: So that Bethunes had much ado to appease him, representing to him many strong Reasons he had to treat the Count of Soissons after that manner.  
The Abbot Scaglia also, 
Siri ibid. p. 212, &c.  at the same time, felt the effects of the Cardinal's displeasure, who had provoked him, by talking too hotly against the Treaty of Monzon. This witty Prelate, being willing to have him recalled, accused him to have been of the Cabal with Chalais, and to have treated with the grand Prior, and offered on the behalf of the Duke of Savoy, a considerable assistance of Forces. The Abbot absolutely denied it, and endeavoured to justify himself in several Conferences which he had with the Cardinal, and with the other Ministers: But as this was not his Transaction, he was  told, That he should himself beg his Master to recall him; and that in such a case, they would give him Testimonials as he pleased, of his Innocence; and, in fine, he was obliged to accept of the embassage into Flanders: After which the Cardinal did him all manner of Civilities.  
The Crowns, who had concerned themselves in being willing to accommodate the Differences between the Genoueses and the Duke of Savoy, could meddle nothing therein as to the suspension of Arms, which was agreed on the Year preceding; but they made a League between them 
Ratified at Paris the 20th of Apr.  against England, and Spain promised to sand a Fleet of fifty Ships on the Ocean, to attack England and Ireland at the same time; as the French also obliged themselves to make a Descent with twenty five on the Isle of Wight, as soon as the Spaniards should be come into the Channel. The French, in appearance, laid no great stress on the Promises of the Spaniards, because they made little preparations for this pretended descent, which seemed as easy in the Projection, as it was difficult in the Execution. And the Spaniards suspected on their side, that the French had no other design, than to fright the English to an accommodation, and so the Fleet which they had promised, never appeared; and so the Duke of Buckingham had opportunity to make the Descent on the Isle of Rhee, of which I have spoken.  
This same Year, 
The Night between the 25th& 26th of December. Siri T. 6. p. 302, &c.  the death of Vincent, Duke of Mantua, was the occasion of a Broil between the two Crowns, and, in effect, the cause of a rapture which after happened. The King of France had received Advice before, that Vincent was visited with a Sickness, which would not permit him to live long, and had prevailed with this Prince, that the Duke of Rethel, eldest Son of the Duke of Nevers, should go to Mantua, to reside there. The Estates of Mantua and Montferrat, after the death of Vincent, were to belong to the Duke of Nevers, who had no Children. But as Mantua was an Imperial Feif, and Neighbour to the Milaneze, the Spaniards favoured Caesar de Gonzaga, Duke of Guastalla, and had prevailed with the Emperour to give him the Investiture of that duchy. The Count of Strigio, in whom Vincent placed a great confidence, and who was French by Inclination, had induced that Prince, not only to receive the Duke of Rethel, but also to prevent all disturbances, to grant him Mary de Mantua his Niece; who for want of Heirs Male might pretend to the Inheritance of Montferrat. The King thereupon sent the marquis de St. Chamond to the Duke of Savoy, to inform himself of the Rights which he might have in Montferrat, to endeavour to give him some satisfaction, lest he should enterprise any thing on that Estate: He gave not opportunity to the Spaniards and the Emperour to seize it, under pretext of the Rights of the Duke de Guastalla, in a time when France, busied with the Siege of rochel, would not be in estate to relieve it.  
St. Chamond also had Orders to go to Mantua; and as soon as he came to Cazal, he heard that Duke Vincent was grown worse. entering into Mantua, he found that Strigio had done all that could be desired of him, to procure the Succession to fall into the Hands of the Duke of Nevers. Duke Vincent following his Counsel, had declared by Letters Patents, and by his Will, the Duke of Rethel General of his Troops; and the Mantuans, through his Hands, were to take an Oath of Fidelity to the Duke of Nevers. At the same time it was discovered that the Duke de Guastalla had some design upon the City, and five Petards were found in his House, which were seized with some of his domestics, who were put in Prison. They wrote presently to the Emperour, that they might be qualified, to refuse to aclowledge the Duke, in case he should make use of his Commission of Vicar of the Empire. The Duke of Rethel also dispatched a Courier to France to his Father the Duke of Nevers, to pray him to come away incessantly, if he intended to take possession of his Estates.  
In the mean time the eldest Son of the Duke de Guastalla, requested at Milan assistance from the Spaniards, after he had shew'd to the governor and the Senate the Investiture which the Emperour had granted him: They promised to assist him, and presently dispatched John Serbellon to Mantua, to maintain his Interest. In stead of admitting him forthwith into the City, they shut the Gates for a whole Day against him, before they would hear any thing he had to propose, under pretext that they would receive him with greater Ceremony. He could not enter till the 24th of December, when the Duke of Rethel had nothing left undone, but to take the Oaths of the Mantuans, and to mary the Princess Mary. Also the night following they brought that Princess out of the Convent where she was, to the Palace, to espouse the Prince of Rethel, and consummate the Marriage with him. Some say, that Vincent before he died, having received the Pope's Dispensation, had ordered his Niece to be immediately married to the Duke of Rethel; but others say, he was dead before it was done, but it was kept secret for some Days.  
On the morrow morning the Prince of Rethel, who then assumed the Title of Prince of Mantua, sent Strigio to Count Serbellon, to pay him Respects on his behalf, and to tell him, that the Prince of Mantua, and the Princess his Wife, expected him to condole with them for the death of Prince Vincent. No sooner did Serbellon hear Strigio talk after this manner, but he went out of his Lodging in the Palace, and retired into an Inn. But the Duke of Rethel sent to visit him in that Inn, and entreated him to return to the Palace. Serbellon answered, That his Commission was to treat with Duke Vincent; That he had no business with the Duke of Rethel; and that he was surprised they durst nominate a Successor to the duchy of Mantua, without knowledge of the Emperor, on whom that Feif depended; That it was a very bold Action for the Duke of Rethel to dare to mary a Niece of the King of Spain, and grand Niece to the Emperour, without his consent. It was answered him, That the Prince of Mantua valued not his Approbation; That he depended on none but God; and that he would live under no Protection, but of the most Christian King. Serbellon instantly retired to Milan; and the Bishop of Mondovi, Ambassador of Savoy, went away at the same time without taking leave. Thus did Mantua and Montferrat change Masters, without any violence. But it was not so easy for the Duke of Nevers, to keep them, as it was to get them into their Possession.  
Whilst these things passed in Italy, the Cardinal daily laboured more to block up the Rochellers; and as it was but in vain to close them up from Communication with the Neighbourhood at Land, whilst their Haven was open, he sought also ways to shut up that. P●mpey Targon, an Italian engineer▪ had assayed divers ways to stop up the Entrance; but the Storms, or Tides only, had carried away all that he had placed. At last the Cardinal proposed to make a Dutch of ston, and in the middle of it leave a Passage for the Tide. They begun this Work at one side of the Gulf, which made the Harbour of rochel of seven hundred and forty Fathom breadth, where the Cannon of rochel could not reach: To frame this Fence, they driven into the Sea great Piles, from ten to twelve Feet, and traversed them with others, and put Stones into them, which had no other cement than what the Surges of the Sea cast in. They also sunk several Vessels loaden with Stones to support them. It was at the bottom twelve Fathom wide, and went sloping towards the top, where it was but four. Its height was above the highest Tides; so that the Soldiers they put upon it to guard it were always dry: There were also many Ships to defend it within and without, and Artillery on both the Banks.  
The besieged believed that this Work would never be ended, because the Sea many times took away all that they had placed; and it is true, that had they had Victuals for some Weeks more, or had the English but done their best, the Wind, or the shock of some Vessels, would have overthrown this Fence, of which the Cardinal so much boasted, and for which he had been laughed at, if the Rochellers could have held out any longer.  
Whilst they worked at the Fence D. Frederick de Toledo arrived with the Spanish Fleet, which was but ill equipped, besides a Storm had much endamaged it. The Marquis de Leganez and de Spinola came thither also; and the King ordered all the Works to be shown to this last; some of which, concerning whom the King asked his Advice, he disliked. He said, amongst other things, That there were but two ways to take rochel; which was, to close the Haven, or to open the Purse. The Cardinal honoured him very much, and, because of his Age, called him Father. When he came into Spain, far from approving the management of the Count-Duke, who had caused the Fleet to be sent to assist the King of France to take rochel, 
See Siri, T. 6. p. 358.  he counselled the King of Spain to assist the Rochellers; and always when Discourse happened with him upon any design, he fell back upon this; he judged that Spain sinned against the chief Principles of good Policy, in aiding the King of France to render himself absolute Master of his Estates: And this Conduct was by so much the more ridiculous, since the French had just then concluded a League with the States of the United Provinces, to help to maintain them against the Spaniards. The Cardinal was happy, that during his Administration Spain was governed by the Count d'Olivarez, who was of no extraordinary Qualities; and the Faults of that Spaniard gave a great deal of Lustre to his Conduct.  
The Fleet of Spain, joined to that of France, made up the number of an hundred Vessels, small and great; and this caused that the English durst not sand a Convoy of Victuals, Wood and Coals, which was ready. The small quantity of Money which the King of England had, and his ill understanding with his Parliament, occasioned the delay of this Convoy. In the mean time the great French and Spanish Vessels anchored in the Road of the Isle of Rhee, and the little ones were employed to guard the Fence.  
This Work was not very much advanced, when the King, weary with being seven Months together at the Camp, and being called back to Paris by some important Affairs, he resolved to go thither, without staying for the end of the Siege, which yet was not near. 
The 9th Feb. Aube● Lib. 2. c.  The day before his Departure, he gave a Commission to the Cardinal, by which he made him Lieutenant-General of his Armies in Poitou, in Saintonge, of Angoumois, and of Aunis, with full power over all his Troops, Horse and Foot, French and Foreigners. He also expressly enjoined the Duke of Augouleme, the Mareschals Bassompierre and Schomberg, Lieutenants-General, and all the other Officers of the Army to obey the Cardinal, as they ought to do the King when personally present.  
This Commission, which gave the Conduct of an Army to a Bishop, who understood nothing of War, and who every moment complained of want of Health, to undergo the trouble of the Affairs of State, much surprised those who knew not at all the necessity there was of the first Ministers being present at the Siege. The Cardinal, who was of as active and penetrating a Soul, as lofty and proud, was very capable of receiving the good Advices of the Generals, though he had little Experience in War; and he so strangely loved to command, that he would do any Business besides his own without difficulty, provided he might have the Superintendency: Besides, it was important he should be at this Siege, that the Works might be pressed forward with all Expedition; whereas if he had been absent, either Money necessary had been wanting, or perhaps the unfaithfulness of some of the Commanders might have hindered the enterprise: So that the choice which the King made of his Minister to command at the Siege of rochel, was founded on very good Reasons though it was thought unfit for a Bishop to be General of an Army. 
Aubery's Life of the carded. Lib. 2. c. 17.  We are assured, that on the Day of the King's Departure, after he had received the Adieu's of all the World, he road aside to a person of Quality who came to receive his Orders; and having learned on him for a good while without speaking, at last said to him, My Heart is so heavy I am not able to speak, for the Grief oppresses me, that I must leave Monsieur the Cardinal, and the fear lest some evil accident should befall him. Tell him, in my behalf, that if he would have me believe he loves me, he must have a care of his Person, and not go incessantly, as he daily doth, into dangerous places: Let him consider in what Estate my Affairs would be should I lose him. I know how many Persons busy themselves to hinder him from discharging himself of so weighty an Affair; but I so highly value this his Service, that I shall never forget it. In effect, the King had not strength enough of Spirit to govern alone, and he had already done so many Acts of Injustice in favour of the Cardinal, that the number of malcontents was too great, and he could not live without him.  
The King being gone, no ceasing was made in all the Works, as much as the Season and the Sallies of the besieged would permit, and they at last so well finished the Lines of Circumvallation, that the Forts were all in a State of defence, and had mutual Communication: But the Fence or Dam advanced more slowly, because of the great Labour and bad Season, which often hindered their working.  
The Cardinal saw the Siege would take up a long time, and had reason to fear that the Army would be too much wasted by the carelessness and cheats of the C●ptains, and that the vast Charge would at last force them to give over the enterprise, and the Soldiers, by being ill paid, and constrained to suffer too great Fatigues, would quiter desert it, as hath happened in other Sieges. To remedy these inconveniences he gave Orders, that the Troops should be mustered every eight Days, and gave a Commissary to every Regiment, who was to pay the Soldiers himself; who was also to take care that there were no Led-Horses. Thus the Cardinal knew every Week the number, and paid only those who were actually in the Camp: Whereas before there were a great number of Led-Horses, and more people were paid for than were effectively there. He also gave clothes to the Soldiers, that they might the better endure the could of the Winter and Spring, and so ordered, that Victuals always abounded in the Camp; and the Neighbouring Country people were never abused by the Soldiers.  
A little time after the King's departure, the Cardinal caused the Rochellers to be summoned to surrender, and regain his Majesty's Clemency; but they would not hear the Herald. The Cardinal had some days after some slight hopes to have taken the City by surprise. 
Aubery's Life of ●● Cardinal, ●● c. 17.  His design was to petard the false Port of Salines, the New Gate, and that of St. Nicholas, and to scale the Bastions of the Gabut, and of the gospel, to endeavour to break the Chain, and surprise the Fort of Tadon, whilst some false Alarms were given in other places. For this he choose the night of the 11th of March, and approached within six hundred Paces of the City, with about eight thousand Horse and Foot, and the Mareschals de Bassompierre, and de Schomberg. 
Mem. d● Bassomp. ● p. 469.  They sent those who carried the Petards several ways, and five hundred Men with Marillac, who was to support the first. But the Night was so dark, that one could not find the other; so that Day approaching they were forced to return without doing any thing.  
The Cardinal made another 
Aubery Bassomp. p. 470.  enterprise on the Fort of Tadon two Days after, where Marillac commanded those who advanced first, to repair the Fault which he had made two Nights before. They caused a false Alarm to be given to the Corps de Guard, of the Fort Tenaille, and the Gate of the two Mills; and they sent a Man to those who were on the Guard at the Port of St. Nicholas, to tell them, as if he had come from the Fort of Tadon, by order of him who commanded there, that they should not fire at all whatever noise they heard, because they had a Counter-design to execute against the Besiegers, who came to them along by the Sea side, and if they should shoot at the first noise, it might be at the people of the Fort. Marillac passing a little while after, those of the Port of St. Nicholas fired not, but they gave the Alarm in the City, that they might be ready on occasion. As soon as Marillac was near the Fort, the Sentinel perceived some to advance; and having discharged his musket, by the light thereof he saw the Troops which marched against him, he presently gave the Alarm, and Pontlerin a Gentleman of Saintonge, who commanded in the Fort, with five Companies of French and one of English, made his Men stand to their Arms, so that there was no appearance of forcing them. Thereupon Marillac, instead of saying, To the Right, cried, Turn, to make his Men retreat, which caused a great confusion, and thirty or forty Men to be killed and wounded.  
In the mean time they begun to want many things in rochel, and were forced to open the Magazines of Corn and salt Meat to private Persons, and distribute those Provisions which were in no good condition, with extraordinary Ceremony. John Guiton, Mayor of the City, a Man of Experience and Conduct, took care to make them spare them as much as possible, until the Succours of the English which they impatiently waited for, should come. He also gave Orders for the defence of the City with great Prudence and Constancy. But he could not hinder many Soldiers,( who could not accommodate themselves to the Sobriety prescribed them) from going over to the Enemy, and carrying them News of the bad condition of the place. They received many of them at the beginning, but they refused those which continued to desert, for fear of easing the Rochellers of unprofitable Mouths. The Cardinal would not permit that the Mother of the Duke of Rohan, nor her Daughter-in-Law should come out of rochel, for fear lest they should cabal for that Duke, who then made War in Languedoc, and created a great deal of trouble to the Prince of Conde, the Duke of montmoremcy, and others, who commanded for the King in that Province.  
The Rochellers had waited with impatience for the Tide of full Moon of the Equinoctial of March, which is commonly the greatest; but it had no great effect, overthrowing only some Fathoms at the end of the Fence, which were quickly repaired. 
Siri Mem Rec. T. 6. p. 360. Bass. T. 2. p. 471.  There came nevertheless some Barks, which brought them a little Corn, and news of the Succours from England, which were suddenly to depart: The Cardinal was also advertised of it, and he had the more reason to fear, because the Spanish Fleet was gone, and he had not forty Vessels to make good the Entrance against the English. But the Fence, for the securing of which they had already sunk threescore and two mur'd Vessels, was in a State of defence; and it was hoped, that the Fleet ranged in Battalia at the Entrance of the Gulf, and supported by a quantity of great Guns, which were placed on the Seashores on both sides, would be able to resist a greater number of Ships.  
In this Conjuncture the Cardinal thought it convenient, that the King should return to the Camp, to be present when the English Succours appeared, that the Soldiers might be the more encouraged. The King came thither on the 24th of April, and gave the Orders necessary for the maintenance of the Fence against the English. 
In May See Bassomp. Mem. T. 2. p. 477. and Pontis Mem. T. 1. p. 28●  A little after, Father Joseph, who was also become a Man of War, was advertised by a Rocheller, but one who understood such Matters no better than himself, that one might pass into rochel by a Commonshore, whereby the Ordure of the City was discharged. He designed to cause some Men to enter that way; and having got the Cardinal to approve the Design, the Cardinal  told the King of it, and all things were prepared to put it in execution. They made, I know not what kind of Machine, which they pretended to make use of on this occasion; but they were first to discover the Passage. They made it in an obscure Night, and having sounded the Place with a long Pole, they found it of so great depth, that the Design was judged impracticable by those who knew the Place; and for all Father Joseph's Anger, who would have had them proceed, that Project vanished.  
A few days after 
May 11. Bassomp. T. 6. p. 476. , the English Fleet appeared; it was composed of about Fifty Great Ships of War, and Forty Victuallers. That of France, which was made up of smaller Vessels, and Commanded by the Commander of Valença, ranged itself in the Channel between the two Points, and the Stoccado of sunk-Vessels was furnished with a Regiment on each side. They caused Thirty six Galleots to enter between the Fence and the City; and on each of them were put Twenty Men more than ordinary, to oppose the Sallies of the Rochellers. As soon as they saw the English Fleet composed of Great Vessels, they judged its enterprise would be vain, because there was not Water enough at the mouth of the Channel, to suffer Vessels of that bigness to come in.  
About seven of the Clock in the Evening, they drew near, to ride at the head of the Bay, where there was a Battery guarded by the marshal Bassompierre. To hinder their stoping there, the marshal made about fifty canonshot at them, which made them take more room, and Anchor towards the Portuis of Antioch.  
The Storm, which was violent for some days, hindered the English from attempting any thing; but, in fine, 
May 18. Bassomp. ibid. p. 482.  eight days after their arrival, their Men of War advanced within canonshot of the French Fleet, upon whom they discharged all their Artillery, and afterwards retreated with all their Fleet, without any thing done. There was but one of their Shallops, which being in the night mixed amongst those of the French, got into rochel. This retreat of the English, without attempting any thing, enraged extremely the Rochellers against the Earl of Denbigh, who Commanded them, although they promised suddenly to sand them a more powerful Assistance. The English might easily have foreseen, that they would have had occasion for light Vessels, and should at least have framed some Project before they departed; whereas from their arrival it appeared, that they knew neither the state of the Fence, nor what they were to undertake. This was a Misfortune entailed on the Reign of King Charles I. That he hardly ever undertook a reasonable enterprise, or had success in any thing he projected: Besides, that Prince could never persuade his People, that he had any advantageous Designs for the Honour and Liberty of the English Nation.  
The Cardinal thus happily delivered from the force of the English, who were return'd home 
July 8. Aubery's Life of the carded. Lib. 2. c. 18. , wrote a Letter to the Rochellers, by which he exhorted them to submit. But they made no answer, in hope of new Relief from England; or that the Autumn by ruining the Fence, would deliver them from the Siege. They were nevertheless 
Aug. 22.  six Weeks after obliged to writ to him about one of their Townsmen, who was arrested in Normandy, and had his Process made. The Cardinal answered them the next day, and took the Opportunity to persuade them to surrender; but they remained unalterable. In the mean time, the Heat of the Summer had brought the Bloody Flux into the Army, with malignant Fevers, which obliged the Cardinal to change his Quarters, and much diminished the Courage of the Soldiers.  
The same day as the Cardinal wrote to those of rochel, the Duke of Buckingham was killed at Portsmouth, by a stab of a Knife from a Scots-man, named Felton, just as he was going on board the Fleet, which was designed for the Relief of rochel. This Man being taken, was so far from repenting of his Crime, that he said, That he had killed an Enemy to the State, and done great Service to his Country. That which occasioned his talking thus, was, That the Parliament, who durst not accuse the King of a great many things which had been done, as they said, contrary to the Laws in England and Scotland, had accused his Favourite, and would have him brought to Trial; which the King would not admit of. Be it as it will, this Lord being dead, the King  told Soubise, and the Deputies of rochel, that this Accident should not retard the Relief he intended for them.  
The news of this Death being come to rochel, the Cardinal thought it a fit time to induce the Rochellers to surrender; and he caused 
Aubery's Life of the Cardinal, l. 2. c. 19.  some Propositions to be made to them, by Arnaud, who went into rochel on pretence of the exchange of his Brother-in-Law the Marquis of Feuquieres, who had for some Months been Prisoner at War. A good part of those of the Government did not ill receive these Propositions; and Persons were deputed by the Cardinal, who having heard from his mouth what he proposed, were to report it to others. But they would not accept it, were it for fear he would be worse than his Word, or that the Demands which he made, were too disadvantageous; so that they resolved to wait for the new English Succour.  
In the mean time, they were reduced to the utmost extremity, and a great number lived upon nothing but Cockles and Roots, which it was difficult to find. 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 442.  Many of the Magistrates were resolved to capitulate; but that being, as it were, to submit to the Discretion of the Cardinal, who when he was once got into rochel, would have kept the Articles according to his Pleasure, the greatest part of the People, animated by the Mayor; opposed this Design. The contrary Party, to gain the People by Pity, took a Resolution to put all the unprofitable mouths out of the Town; thinking that the People, touched with so sad a Separation, would resolve to surrender. One night they caused to be assembled a great number of Women, Children, and old Men, and put them out of the Gates, without regard to their Lamentations. These miserable People in the morning went to the Besiegers Lines; but they driven them away with musket-shot, that they were forced to stay in some Meadows between the Lines and the City, where they lived on Herbs. The King and the Cardinal, far from pitying them, caused to fire upon them, to obliged the Besieged to take them in again, as they did. They caused also all the Grass thereabouts to be cut down, that they might come and snatch it away in the night for their Nourishment.  
The King sent them word, That if they stayed to the utmost extremity before they yielded, he would give them no quarter. They offered to do it, if they might conserve their Privileges; but it was pretended they were forfeited, and that they must entirely depend on the good Pleasure of the King.  
The Cardinal 
Id. ib. p. 488.  nevertheless afterward consented to grant them their Goods and Lives, and some little Privileges concerning the Magistrates; on condition, that after they had begged the King's Pardon, they should receive him into the City, and pay four Musters which were due to the Army. The Rochellers proposed, on their side, that they would beg pardon with Ropes about their Necks, provided they might have their Privileges in relation to the Religion and the Magistracy, without speaking any more about the demolition of Fort-Louis, or those in the Isles of Rhée and Oleron. They also demanded the King's Pardon for Rohan and Soubise, as well as the Cities of Languedoc; and that Peace also should be made with England. The Cardinal replied, That the King would absolutely punish Rohan and Soubise: That for the Cities of Languedoc, they should be treated with such Mildness as they deserved, without the Rochellers needing to concern themselves in the matter: That as to England, it was not for them to prescribe to the King what he had to do: And, That it was enough for them, that they were not punished according to their Deserts, for having drawn France into War on that side.  
The Deputies, to whom the Cardinal had made these Propositions, being entred into rochel, it was matter of surprise to find, that instead of an Answer, they heard the Guns of the besieged to play as before. They also attempted to set fire on the Galleots which were between the Channel and the Fence; but not succeeding, they sent a Drum to demand permission to sand back their Deputies to the King; they were answered, That after their late Insolence, they should be received only at discretion. But after they had made them this Answer, it was resolved to renew the Treaty, in case they had anew demanded leave to sand their Deputies.  
In fine, the English Succours, Commanded by the Earl of Lindsey, appeared in 
Bassomp. Mem. T. 2. p. 500.  sight of the Isle of Rhée, the 28th. of September, consisting of Seventy Vessels, which were followed by Thirty more the day ensuing. All the Army of France, which was Twenty thousand Foot, and Three thousand Horse, was many days in Arms to repulse the English, in case they should land to render themselves Masters of the Fence. It was then wholly finished, and there was only fifty geometrical Paces left open for the course of the Tide; and this Overture was so embarass'd with Vessels sunk full of Stones, that it was of difficult entrance. Nevertheless, it was believed, that if the English would have hazarded some Vessels, to knock with the Tide against the Fence, they might have overthrown a great part of it.  
The disposition of the French Army was the same as in the former Attack, the Fleet being at the mouth of the Channel, and the Land-Army ranged on both sides the Gulf and the Fence: There were also two Batteries more; the one at the head of the Bay, of Forty Pieces of Cannon; the other at Coreille, of Twenty five. The English contented themselves the first five days to cost about the Sea-shoars, to look on the French Army, and to fire some Cannon without effect. They endeavoured in vain to burn the French Fleet, by sending in some Fireships with the Tide. But in the morning of the 3d. of October, the English Fleet stood right into the Channel; and the Vanguard, in which was Soubise, and a great number of Rochellers, after they had made several Boards to gain the Wind, advanced towards the French Fleet within canonshot: Every Ship discharged both Sides; after which, it retired. The main battle and the Rearguard did the same; and all the Fleet return'd three times to the Charge, in the same order, whilst the Tide lasted. The French answered them in the same manner with all their Artillery, as well from the Batteries as the Fleet. The Rochellers fired on their side, on the Galleots and on the Land-Forces; but it was so far off, that it did no execution.  
The Sea retiring about ten of the Clock, the English went back also, and did nothing all the day, but sending in( to no purpose) Fire-works and Fire-ships against the French Ships. The Artillery from the Land did them much damage, and they lost about Two hundred Men, and some Shallops, whereas the French lost not a Boat, and but Thirty seven Men. The English did the same thing on the morrow; nor was the issue more successful, they not daring to come to Boarding, for fear the French Army from Land should assist the Fleet on this occasion; nor durst they go to shake the Fence, where the Overture presented itself. This was really a bold Attempt; but it was ridiculous to undertake to relieve a Place blocked up so near, and reduced to extremity, without being willing to hazard any thing. The English made a show, as if they would return with the Evening-Tide; but they advanced but half the way.  
In the mean time, the Rochellers, who were on board the English Fleet, desired to speak with the French Generals: They permitted two to come on shore in Bassompierre's Quarter, who sent them to the Cardinal, of whom they desired permission to go into rochel, that they might return and tell the English the state of the Place. Having nothing more to say than this, The Cardinal sent them back.  
After this, the Wind was so contrary to the English for some days, that they were obliged to remain at Anchor 
Aubery's Life of the Cardinal. l 2. c. 19. . In the mean time, they thought to purpose to try if there were any way of Accommodation; and for this, the Lord Montague 
Octob. 7.  sent to compliment the Cardinal, who found he sought an occasion to enter into a Conference; and therefore sent back four English Prisoners without Ransom, and charged them to make his Compliments to Montague, and tell him, that he should have some good hopes of a Peace between the Two Crow●s, if he would confer in secret with him.  
The Prisoners being come to the English Fleet, and having spoken to Montague, he caused a Council to be assembled, whither Soubise and the rochel Deputies were called. Montague said what the Prisoners had reported to him; and added, That he thought it would be advantageous to the Common Cause if he took this Opportunity which the Cardinal offered him for to know the Fence, under pretence of going to speak with him; and that taking an engineer with him, he would not fail to bring back a certain account of it. The Deputies of rochel, who feared that Montague only sought means to treat without them, opposed this as much as they could: They represented, That as soon as the Fleet perceived that they would enter into a Negotiation, no body would fight: That as to what concerned the discovery of the Fence by that means, the French Generals were too fine to let him know the weak Places: And, That Montague and his engineer, after they had seen the strongest, would come and make a Relation conformable to the Designs of the Enemy, and proper to discourage every body. In the mean time, the English Officers, whose Intentions were not very good, although they feigned otherwise, caused it to be concluded in the Council, to sand a Shallop to the French Generals to demand exchange of Prisoners, and a safe Conduct for Montague 
Octob. 12. according to Bassomp. Mem. T. 2. p. 500. . Which accordingly was done: The Prisoners were sent back on each side, on the next day; and the day following 
Octob. 14. , Montague went to speak with the Cardinal; and returning, he said he had been very well received, and that the Cardinal had made him Propositions touching the general Repose of Christendom.  
He went 
Octob. 15.  the second time with his engineer; and after he had dined with the Cardinal, and conferred with him, they let him, the next day, in a Galleot, see the Fence, and all that they had put to embarass the Channel. Those who sent him might assure themselves of one thing, That if one of the two were to be either cheated or imposed upon by the other, it would not in the least be the Minister of the King of France. So that whether they expected this or not, they were not surprised to see Montague come back with his Engenier, and say, That it was impossible to break the Fence: That the Cardinal had made Propositions reasonable enough, touching a Peace with his britannic Majesty, and with the Rochellers; and that it was necessary he should go to communicate these Propositions to the King; after which, he would return to the Fleet, which he promised to do in fifteen days at the farthest. Charles, who assisted rochel only to avoid discontenting his People,( who earnestly desired it) was disposed to find all things reasonable.  
In the mean time 
Aubery, ib. , the Cardinal cunningly caused the French on board the English Fleet, and who began to be distrustful of the English, as well as the Rochellers, more pressed by Hunger than by force of Arms, to be advertised, That it would be a shane and disadvantage to them, if they should suffer an Agreement to be made for them by a foreign Prince, who considered not their Interest so much as his own: That they would make their Conditions much better, if they would implore his Majesty's Clemency; because the King would be sooner inclined to favour them by their Submissions, than by the Instances of the King of England.  
The Rochellers, and those who were on board the English Fleet, seeing, on the one side, the City reduced by Famine to a deplorable estate; and, on the other, the Coldness of the English in regard of them, apprehended it was at last time to accommodate themselves at any rate whatsoever 
Octob. 22. Bassomp. T. 2. p. 511. . Those who were on the Fleet, sent a Drum to demand a safe Conduct for Deputies, which they desired to sand to the Cardinal. They sent them on the next day, when the English Fleet came again to Cannonade the French; that is, to make a great noise to no purpose: In the Evening the Deputies of the Fleet landed, and were conducted to Saussaye, to speak with the Cardinal; whilst six other Deputies appeared near the Fort de la Fons, and demanded also to parley. The Cardinal ordered they should be brought to him; and they came a little time after the others.  
The Cardinal caused them to be received in several Chambers; and the Mareschals de Bassompierre and Schomberg being with him, as well as Bouthillier, he commanded the Deputies of the Fleet to be brought in. They  told him 
Aubery, ib, , That it was not without confusion that they appeared before him, when they considered who they were from whom they came; yet nevertheless they had assumed that Boldness, because that although they had been with Foreigners, yet their Consciences bore them witness, that their Hearts were French; which might appear, in that as soon as they had seen any Overture of an Accommodation, rather than to continue shedding of Blood, they had sought all means to be admitted to his Greatness, and to offer to his Majesty to employ themselves to their Fellow-Citizens, to engage them to return to their Obedience: That they also supplicated the Cardinal, to procure them the Favour of his Majesty; and to assure himself, that those who made this Prayer to him, would act with entire Sincerity in this Affair, and after such a manner as perhaps should not be unprofitable for the King's Service.  
The Cardinal answered them with sweetness enough; and  told them, That he would not then consider their Faults, or those of their Fellow-Citizens: That they were indeed very great, but the Bounty of the King was greater to forget them: That he would make it his business to obtain his Majesty's Pardon, provided they would sincerely return to their Duty. He then asked them what assurance they had of the Rochellers, which made them hope to reduce them. The Deputies answered, That those of the City knew nothing of their Design; but if his Majesty would be pleased to permit them to speak with them, they had such forcible Considerations to represent to them, that they infallibly promised themselves they would be of the same Opinion.  
The Cardinal desiring they would let him know some of those Reasons, the Deputies said, That in that case the best Fineness being to have none at all, they would discover them with Sincerity, to a Person whom they were not in a condition to deceive, and in and from whom were all their Hopes and Fears: That they confessed they had done all they could, to obtain for the Rochellers strong and ready Succours; but they had experimented the Misery of soliciting Foreigners, who regard not the Interests of those who beg their Protection, but only as it quadrates with their own: That they had given them a parcel of fine Words; but the effects which followed them, were in resemblance like to what such People would do, who desired rochel should be taken rather than relieved: That the English the Year fore-past had engaged the Rochellers to their Party, a little before the Harvest, as if they would take from them the means to provide for themselves: That they had consumed a great part of their Provisions whilst they were in the Isle of Rhée, which was another Expedient to reduce them to extremity: That having promised to sand them Corn as soon as they return'd from England, and being urged to it without ceasing by the Deputies, they would do nothing of it, though nothing was more easy: That having sent Aids in May last, they came only to show themselves, and return without attempting any thing, although the Rochellers which were with them had requested some Vessels, with which they offered to enter at their own Peril: That the last Succours were come so late, that it was apparent they had a desire that the City should be taken before their arrival; or at least that it should be reduced to so great extremity, as to be obliged to make itself over clearly to them, that they might agree with France at their expenses: That, in fine, Montague was gone into England, for no other Reasons but to obtain the Consent of the King of Great Britain to the Propositions had been made to him: That reflecting on all this, the Deputies were of Opinion, That since an Accommodation was talked of, it would be more pleasing to the King, and more advantageous to their Fellow-Citizens, to receive Favour of his pure Clemency, than by the Intervention of a foreign Prince, who had been so ill a Guarrantee of the Treaty of the Year 1626. That they hoped to make their fellow-Citizens sensible of these Reasons, if the Cardinal would get them leave to go to them.  
That Prelate praised their good Intentions, and  told them, that really they would obtain more from the King, by addressing themselves to him, than if a Foreign Prince should concern himself. After that, he asked them, what security they could give that they would serve his Majesty according to their Promise? They answered, that they could give two: The first, the visible advantage of those for whom they treated; and the second, That one of them would stay in the Camp, to answer on peril of his Life, for the sincerity of his Companion. The Cardinal replied, That he hoped the King might trust them, and leave them both at Liberty to execute their Design: And to give the better means to manage this Affair with Success, he said, That he would not hid from them, that the Brouilleries of Italy pressed so hard on his Majesty, that the days he employed before rochel, were as so many years; and that he would redeem every one of them, if it were possible, at a very large sum; That those of rochel had given him to understand, that they could yet hold out three Months; That if it were so, he would give them a Chart-blank; but if it were not, it were not just that their obstinacy should obtain that, which they might have upon a free and voluntary submission; That his Majesty would therefore sand Commissioners into the City, amongst whom the Deputies should be concerned, to take an account of the Victuals, and give a true report of their quantity; and if there were none, he expected the Rochellers should surrender at discretion.  
The Deputies beseeched the Cardinal not to make them Bearers of such sad Tidings, and to consider that it was impossible to take an exact Account of the Victuals in rochel; because private Persons who had any, would hid them with great care; That when they made a re-search in the Month of May last, they found but one Months Provisions, yet six have since been elapsed: That besides, there must an account be taken of all the Fish, Cockles, &c. which the Sea brings in, of all the Hides, of all the Leather, and all the Parchment, and generally of every thing which hath any Juice proper for Nourishment; That when all this would not suffice for the subsistence of the Besieged for three Months, they might manage it so, that there should be enough and more for those who were capable to defend themselves, and let the rest die with hunger: That he might well judge that the Rochellers would not be so stout if their Victuals were absolutely wanting, as had been  told him, and that they attended to capitulate at the last Morsel; That they beseeched him to give them leave to carry the News of a Grace a little more extensive, that they might be in condition to make it valuable by their fellow-Citizens: and to think that they were to treat with a people who would make it be seen, that when they could no longer live, they knew very well how to die. He who made this Speech, in finishing,  shed some Tears, and those who heard appeared affencted.  
After this 
Bassompierre who was present, tells it thus, though Aubery tells it somewhat otherwise.  the Deputies of rochel were admitted, they entreated the Cardinal to obtain tolerable conditions for them from his Majesty, and promised they should be accepted: They also desired he would permit them to see their fellow-Citizens on board the English Fleet; after which they promised to put the City into the King's Hands. The Cardinal immediately answered them, That he would immediately let them see the Deputies of the Fleet, if they would promise not to speak to them. When they had promised, he went himself to his Gallery, and  told the Deputies of the Fleet, which were there, That he would let them see the Deputies of rochel, on condition they should say nothing to them. They were infinitely surprised on both sides, and saluted each other at a distance. They had both reason to fear, that the one side or other had spoken things which did not agree, or might be hurtful to the common Interest; but they were not then permitted to satisfy each other.  
Those of the City again offered to put themselves under the Obedience of the King, and still supplicated the Cardinal, to procure his Majesty's Pardon. He promised it them▪ and  told them, that the King was gone abroad for eight Days, and that he would speak to him at his return. Upon this one of the Deputies cried out, How, my Lord, eight Days! rochel hath not wherewithal to live three. Then the Cardinal made a Discourse, in which he strongly set forth the evil consequences of their Obstinacy; after which he added, That he would induce the King to be merciful to them; and that very Hour he drew up Articles for them to carry back to rochel. He offered them pardon for all was past, to grant them their Lives, liberty of their Religion, and enjoyment of their Goods. As for their Privileges, and the Form of their Government, the King was to regulate at his Pleasure, and the Fortifications to be razed. The Deputies of the City said, That assuredly the Articles would be accepted, and took leave of the Cardinal, who also sent back those of the Fleet. They had moreover, before they partend, liberty to speak to each other, and those of the Fleet prayed the others to comprehend them in their Treaty.  
The Cardinal, nevertheless, caused separate Grants of Pardon to be made for those of the City, and for those who had been abroad since the War. Those of the Fleet fearing they should be excluded by those of the City, who, at the extremity in which they were, would be constrained to any thing should be imposed upon them, left themselves entirely to the Cardinal's Generosity, and brought him to intercede not only for those on board the English Fleet, but also for those whom this War had constrained to go out of the Kingdom. The Cardinal promised a Declaration should be granted them; by which the King should forget all past, and permit them to come into his Havens, even with the Prizes they had taken; intending they should enjoy the same Privileges with his other Subjects, and the free exercise of their Religion, putting them into the possession of all their Goods, excepting the Fruits which were consumed; and granting the space of three Months for those of Rhee and rochel to return into the Kingdom, and enjoy the same Privileges.  
The Minister, Vincent, who was one of the French Deputies who were in the English Fleet, was to carry the King's Declaration to those who had sent him; and having assembled them all on board one of the rochel Ships which were in the Fleet, he red it to them▪ their Opinions were divided, and let Vincent say what he could, some would not confided in it. Besides, the English declared, That they would not let all the French Ships depart, having occasion, as they said, for some Enterprizes which they intended to make on the Coasts of Poitou and Saintonge, and particularly on brovage. They were irritated against Vincent and the others, who had concluded with the Cardinal; not that they were troubled to see rochel fall into his Hands; but because they would apparently cury favour with him. Montague also was return'd with all power to treat; but the Cardinal would not suffer a Foreign Power to meddle with the accommodating of the King's Subjects with their Sovereign, and therefore had made Conditions equitable enough for the French who were amongst the English. By taking away the necessity they had been in of seeking Protection from Foreigners, he gave them leave to return into France, and thereby hindered the English from making use of them, that they might have Intelligencers in the Kingdom, and thereby cause new Brouilleries. As to the Peace with England, having seen the ill Conduct of Buckingham, and farther knowing, that King Charles the first was but little beloved of his Subjects, he intended that the King of England should first request it of the most Christian King: And after the Reducement of rochel he spoken of the English with much more disdain.  
The 
Bassomp. Mem. T. 2. p. 514.  26th of October the French of the Fleet came to give thanks to the Cardinal for the favour he had obtained from the King for them: And the same Day those of the City came to tell him that they accepted of the Articles. The next day was taken up in putting them in a better Form, and in regulating the manner how the King's Troops were to enter into the City, to prevent their causing any Disorders. The 28th the Articles were signed by the Magistrates of rochel, in the name of the City, and by Marillac, and du Hallier, Masters of the Camp for the King, who would not sign them no more than the Cardinal and the other Generals. It looked not fit for the dignity of the Crown to seem to capitulate with its Subjects, and that manner of Transaction might serve in time and place, to diminish the Rights which those of rochel might pretend to have, by consequence of that Capitulation. 
See the Sequel of the Rebellion of France, in the year 1628 p. 974.  Behold here an Abridgement of what it contained.  
I. That the King pardoned the Rochellers their Fault since their last Commotion, with security for all their Lives; That he granted them the free exercise of the pretended Reformed Religion in rochel.  
II. That they should be re-established in their Goods, of what nature soever, notwithstanding all Condemnations and Confiscations which had been made; except the Enjoyment of the Revenues of their Lands, movables, Woods cut, and Debts which had been actually received before the surrender of rochel.  
III. That all the Soldiers, Subjects to the King, which should then be found in rochel, and who should neither be Burgesses, nor Inhabitants, should enjoy the same Favours; That the Heads, and the Gentlemen should march out of the City with their Swords by their sides, and the Soldiers with Cudgels in their Hands, That they should writ down their Names and Surnames, and take an Oath never to bear Arms against his Majesty's Service, on pain of forfeiting the Favours granted to them; That for the Captains and English Soldiers, they should be conducted by Sea into England, without any Injury done to them.  
IV. That those of rochel, as well Inhabitants as Soldiers, should be discharged of all Acts of Hostility which they had committed since the last Troubles, of all Negotiations which they had made in Foreign Countries, and all other things, except the execrable Cases excepted in the Edicts, concerning the King's Person.  
V. That they should remain discharged of the Fonts of Cannon, coining of Money, seizures of Money, as well Royal and Ecclesiastical, as others, as also from Contributions ordered for the entertainment of Soldiers, and Penalties decreed against Absentees, and for the demolishing of their Houses, and of all that might have been this way employed in that City.  
VI. That all the Inhabitants and Soldiers should also remain acquitted from all Judgments, and all Sentences, which might have been given against them, by occasion of their Rebellion during these last Commotions.  
VII. That the Judges, Counsellors, and Commissaries, as well Civil as Criminal, of that City, should not be called to account, nor any private Persons, to whose benefit they had acted in what concerneth Prizes or Booties.  
VIII. That the Judgment-Fines, Suspensions, and Interdictions given by the Presidencies, as well against the Mayors of that City, as also their Assistants, shall be null and voided as if they never had been, as well as all Proceedings which followed thereupon, against any one of these Judges, without any of them who had been employed on one side or the other, to be called to an account.  
IX. That the Contents aforesaid, should be ratified by the Mayors, Peers, and Sheriffs of rochel; and that the Ratification should be brought on the morrow at two of the Clock in the Afternoon in good Form; after which it would please the King to deliver to the Deputies Letters of Declaration, approving and ratifying the same Treaty.  
X. That these Ratifications being delivered, the Gates of the City should be opened, and surrendered to those whom his Majesty pleased to appoint, to the end he might make his Entry there when and how he pleased.  
XI. That his Majesty would promise to cause at the Entrance and lodgement of the Soldiers in the City, such Order, that none whosoever should receive any Injury whatsoever, either in his Person, or in his Goods.  
These Articles being signed, the rochel Deputies went on the morrow to Laleu, where the King was, to beg his Pardon; and on the 30th of the Month, in the Morning, the Swiss and French Guards entred the Town, with the Duke of Angouleme, the marshal de Schomberg, and many others. The Lodgings being provided, the Cardinal came thither about two of the Clock in the Afternoon. At his Entrance the Mayor Guiton* 
Aubery's Life of the carded. Lib. 2. c. 21.  presented himself, accompanied with six Archers who marched before him: But the Cardinal ordered him to dismiss his Archers, and to abstain from the Functions of his Charge of Mayor; this Dignity being tacitly suppressed by the Articles of Reduction, as well as the other Rights and Privileges of the City. 
Pontis Mem. T. 2. p. 266.  It is said, that the Cardinal speaking of the King of France, and of the King of England, Guiton answered him, It was far better to surrender ones self to a King who knew how to take rochel, than to another who knew not how to relieve it. This bold Answer denoted the Courage of this Man, which had appeared in a thousand perilous occasions both by Sea and Land: But it is assured that he had cause to be discontented at the Cardinal, who taking away his Charge,  told him, That the King was sole Master and Mayor of rochel, although they had promised  military campaign map 
The Siege of Rochel by Lewis XIII King of France where Cardinal Richelieu was in Person  to keep it for him. They add, that Guiton said afterwards to some body, That had he known that they would thus have been worse than their Words to him, the King should not have found one single Man when he entred into rochel, because he would have kept it to the last.  
Perhaps even the King might have been obliged to 
Pontis ibid. p. 367.  raise the Siege by reason of the Winter, and the Storms which arose after the Reduction of the Town. For as hath been observed by those that were present, the fair Weather ended the very day of its reducement, and the Fence began presently after to destroy itself. 
October 3●  The King walking upon it, on the side of Coreille▪ a Joyst fell down under him, and had he not readily cast himself to the other side, he had fallen into the Sea. 
Novemb. 7  The Storm was so great eight days after, that it rolled down forty Fathom of the Fence; and the Ship of the Chevalier de la Fagette, hurried with a Gust of Wind in the Port, broken four or five Machines without endamaging itself; which may let us know what the English might have done, had they attempted to shake the Fence: So, if there had been any more Victuals in rochel, the Cardinal might have lost in one day, the Fruit of such vast Labours and excessive Charges; and his Fence, so much admired by those who only judge things by the event, had been the Subject of all the World's Raillery.  
But the Rochellers 
Sequel of the rebellion of France in th● Year 1628 p. 982.  were reduced to so great extremity, that we are ascertained, that above fifteen thousand Persons were dead of Famine, or Diseases proceeding from too little Victuals which they had for to sustain them, or of ill Diet which they took: Those which remained were so pale, and so thin, that they resembled rather Skeletons than living Persons: So that the first thing which the Cardinal did at his Entrance, 
Aubery's Life of carded. Lib. 2. c. 21.  was to cause a great quantity of Meat and Ammunition-Bread to be brought into the Town, and to publish by beat of Drum, That whosoever had occasion might sand for it. The day following it was necessary to bring a number of Men into the City out of the Camp to bury the dead carcases, which remained in great numbers without burial, in private Houses and other Places; whole Families being dead of Hunger, and the other seeing themselves at a Wake of the same nature, no Person took care to bury the dead; and the Houses being shut, served for sepulchers to those who had inhabited them.  
After they had clean'd the Houses and the Streets, on the 1st. of November the Cardinal said Mass in St. Margaret's Church, which had been new Dedicated by the Archbishop of Bourdeaux, and he there gave the Sacrament to the Keeper of the Seals, and the marshal of Schomberg: After which, he went out of the City to accompany the King at his Entry. He marched singly on Horseback, and was preceded by the Duke of Angoulême, who had the Mareschals of Bassompierre and Schomberg on his sides.  
Thus it was that the Cardinal subdued rochel to the despotic Power of the Crown of France; a Design in which he spent vast sums, and sacrificed the Lives of above Forty thousand of the King's Subjects, as well of one as the other Religion. All this might have been avoided, by the Observation of the Edict of Nants, and employing the Treasure to make the Crown flourish, and repulse the Enemies of the State; and to make the Subjects of the Crown happy, in sparing their Money which was consumed, and their Blood which was spilled, to make the King absolute over one City. One might have seen, by the Constancy and Bravery of the Hugonots in suffering, during a Siege of more than a Year, which reduced them to the last extremity, what they could have done for the King, if he would have allowed some Privileges which cost him nothing, and treated them as his catholic Subjects, if he had pleased to employ them against the Spaniards. It cannot be said, that it needed to be feared that they would rise at the Instigation of some Disturbers; because it is most certain, that let the great Ones do what they will, whilst the People find themselves but indifferently well, and are convinced that those who govern them, do not seek to spoil them of their Privileges, and the Fruits of their Industry, they will never suffer themselves to be seduced, and always prefer the certain Enjoyment of what they have, to the uncertain Hopes of what may be given them. There is not one Example, that Subjects of a Monarchy, quietly enjoying Liberty of Conscience, and their Goods, and having no reason to suspect the taking them from them, have taken Arms against their Prince. But when those whose Revenues and Authority are founded on some Opinions of the People, which have no relation to the Good of the State, do intermeddle in the Administration of Affairs, or engage Princes to follow their Opinions, we never fail to see all things sacrificed to the Interest and Passion of those, who ought to think of nothing more than to give Examples contrary to this fatal Conduct, which hath overthrown so many States, and  shed so much Blood. Besides, those who look on the People as a kind of Slaves, who ought to suffer all things from their Sovereigns, count for nothing all the Breaches which are made on the best established Privileges, and the most equitable Laws: The greatest Violence of the Ministers, in their Opinion, are no way contrary to the good of the public; but if the People bethink themselves to show some Resentment, it is a Crime can no way be expiated; and there is not any danger to which the Estate is not to be exposed, not only to punish, but also to hinder the People from falling into it again.  
These are the Maxims of which the Cardinal was accused; and they even said, That whilst he laboured to ruin the Rochellers, who at the bottom only sought not to be Slaves to the Capricio's of the Court, but to be governed according to the Laws, he forgot not to make himself Creatures who depended solely on him 
Pontis Mem. T. 2. p. 287. : Beuplan, Captain of his Guards, falling sick, he caused F. Joseph to tell an Officer, that in case Beuplan died, he should have that Command, if he would accept it, by wholly devoting himself to the Cardinal, without any reserve. He would, as was said, have his Officers look upon him as their Sovereign; and that in all Changes of the Court, they should always be for him, towards all, and against all, without exception. These are the Conditions, as was said, which he made with all he entertained; and he dismissed from the King's Service those whom he judged to be his most faithful Servants, to bring them into his own: That if any one remained inviolably fixed to the sole Person of the King, it was an assured Rule to be in the evil Opinion of the Minister, and never to come to Preferment.  
Before his 
Aubery's Life of the Cardinal, l. 2. c. 21.  departure from rochel, the King published a Declaration concerning that City, and which contained Twenty six Articles, of which the principal were, That there should be free and public Exercise of the catholic Religion in rochel, and in the Country of Aunis: That the Churches demolished should be rebuilt, and restored to those to whom they belonged before, with their Church-yards, Houses, and Dependencies: That a Revenue sufficient should be assigned to the Curates, who had no means to live on, to maintain themselves according to their Quality, out of the demesnes which belonged to the Town-House of the City: That they should set up a across in the Place of the Castle, with an Inscription on the Pedestal, touching the Reduction of the City; and, That every Year, on the 1st. of November, a general Procession should be made for Thanksgiving: That the Church-yard, which had been consecrated in the Territory of Coreille, and wherein the greatest part of those of the King's Army, who died during the Siege, were butted, should be kept in good Condition, without Profanation: and that a Convent of Minims should be erected there, who should pray for the Souls of the Defuncts: That the Building which was in the Place of the Castle where they formerly preached, should be converted into a Cathedral Church, which should be erected to a bishopric, or at least the nearest Episcopal See should be transferred thither, by Permission of the Pope: That the Mayoralty, the Sheriffalty, the Body and Community of the City, the Order of Peers, and that of Burgesses, should be suppressed for ever; and that the Steeple, which should be for calling together the Assemblies of the City, should be founded: That the Walls, the Ramparts, the Bastions, and all the other Fortifications, except the Towns of St. Nicolas, of the Chain, and of the lantern; and the Walls on the Sea-side, which were necessary to secure the Inhabitants against the Incursions of Pirates, should be razed, their Foundations demolished, and their Ditches filled up; so that the City should be open on all sides, without ever being re-established for the future; nor any Wall to be thereafter made, no not for the enclosure of a Garden: That the City should be for the future liable to Taxes; and nevertheless for encouragement of Trade, the Imposition should be moderated to the sum of Four thousand liures, which should be instead of the like imposed formerly for the Subvention: That no Stranger, or Foreigner, should again inhabit there, altho he had obtained Letters of naturalisation: That the same Prohibition should be of force, in regard of those who made profession of the pretended Reformed Religion, or any other than the catholic Religion; none of which were to become new Inhabitants, at least if they had not dwelled there as House-keepers before, or were not gone or departed on occasion of the English Descent: That, in fine, for the maintenance of this New Polity, which equally concerned the Religion and State, there shall be an Intendant of Justice in this City, and in the Provinces of Aunis, of Poitou and of Saintonge, and whose Jurisdiction should extend from the River Loire, to the Rivers of Garonne and Gironde.  
It was thus that an end was put to the Privileges of rochel, the principal City of Security to the Hugonots, and whose Taking reduced them to suffer patiently all the Breaches which were afterwards made of the Edict of Nants. It is 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. p. 287.  assured, that the Cardinal had a Design to demand of the King the Government of this City, as well as of the Isle of Rhée, although Thoiras had already that of the Isle, and was promised that of rochel. But rochel being dismantled, the Government of it was not for the Cardinal's turn, who was for being Master of a strong Place to retreat to on occasions. Besides, it was difficult to take the Isle from Thoiras, who had so fortunately defended it against the English Army, and moreover was well beloved of the King. But to deface the most considerable Monument of the Services Thoiras had rendered the Crown, the Cardinal caused the Citadel of St. Martins to be 
Siri ibid. p. 504.  demolished as useless. Thoiras thus had these Two Governments, with some reward in Money.  
The English Fleet remained some days in sight of rochel, after it was taken, by reason of contrary Winds; at last it departed the 11th of November, having lost Twenty two Ships, of which she set fire to Five; the others were sunk, or in vain consumed, in essaying to burn the French Fleet. As the English had threatened brovage, the Cardinal went thither to put all things in order, before the Fleet weighed Anchor; but instead of undertaking any enterprise, it made sail for England, after it had seen that Place taken, which it came to relieve.  
The End of the Second Book.   

THE HISTORY Of the Famous Cardinal de RICHLIEU. VOL. I. BOOK III.  
Containing the Principal Occurrences at Home and Abroad under the Cardinal's Ministry, from the Siege of Rochel in 1628, and the Reduction of that Place, to the Queen Mother's Departure out of France in 1631.  
THE Siege of Rochel was too Remarkable to be passed slightly over, or receive any interruption in the Narration: For which reason I remitted to the beginning of this Book, a Relation of the principal Things which passed in France, during the last Ten Months of that Siege, and which are too important to the Sequel of this History, to be delivered in a few words, or added to the end of the preceding Book, which was already too long.  
The Duke of Never's 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 4. P. 322.  leaving France in the beginning of the Year 1628, as he went to take Possession of the duchy of Mantua, offered to the Duke of Orleans, if he would mary his Daughter, Eight hundred thousand Crowns for her Portion. He also ordered his Sister, the duchess of Longueville, to offer to the President Coigneux, the Priory of la Charité, which had Eight thousand Crowns Revenue belonging to it, and to Puylaurens, the Government of the duchy of Nevers, if they could induce Monsieur to mary that Princess. In the mean time the Queen-Mother opposed it all along with the same heat, and left nothing unessayed which might engage her Son to the Princess Anne de Medicis: But when she discoursed him about it, 
Siri ibid. P. 328.  he  told her she was too young, and that his Circumstances required a Wife, by whom he might have Children presently; and besides that the Portion, the Duke of Florence would give her was inconsiderable. The Queen in vain remonstrated to him, that the Promises of the Duke of Mantua were mere chimeras, and that he could not bestow so much on his Daughter, without ruining his Family. Gaston obstinately persisted to refuse Anne, and the Reasons he gave for it were as strong, at least, as those which they brought against Mary de Gonzaga. So the Queen-Mother found there was no other way to break her Son's Design, but to spin out the Business as long as she could, in hopes some Change might happen to embarràss that Affair. In the interim she forbid Monsieur to see the Princess of Mantua at her House, and the Princess to come to the Louure, for fear the Prince should so far settle his Affections, as that it would be impossible to remove them. The King also wrote to the Duke of Mantua, that if he continued his Thoughts of Marrying his Daughter to the Duke of orleans, he would contribute nothing towards the Support of him in his Dominions. He declared at the same time to Monsieur, that he would never consent to that Marriage, and Gaston was forced to pass his word, that he would not Espouse the Princess of Mantua, without the permission of their Majesties.  
Nevertheless, as it was impossible to hinder Monsieur on several Occasions to see that Princess, whom her Aunt the duchess of Longueville carried about with her every where, where she imagined the Prince might come; and as these Interviews confirmed him in his Design of Marrying her; the Queen-Mother, 
Bascomp. Mem. T. 2. P. 49.  to break off this Correspondence, wrote to the Duke of Mantua to sand for his Daughter home. That Prince stood in so much need of the Assistance of France, to confirm him in the Possession of the State of Mantua, that he concluded himself obliged to give the Queen-Mother that Satisfaction, whatever advantage he might hope for the future by that Alliance. He sent Word to the duchess of Longueville, to hasten his Daughter's departure out of Paris; 
20 April, Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. P. 398.  so the duchess brought her to Colmiers, to conduct her to the Abbey of Avenay in champaign, where her Sister was Abbess, and in which place she was until he could sand for her into Italy. About two Months after he gave Orders for her speedy passing the Mountains, which was taken well both by the King and Queen-Mother. But Monsieur made such a noise upon this Affair, and was so urgent with the King, to put a stop to her journey, that the King granted his Request. 
Bassomp. T. 2. P. 492.  Cardinal Richlieu, without whose Advice the King would not meddle with an Affair of this Consequence, was of Opinion, that Satisfaction was to be given to Monsieur, were it, that he designed to regain the Amity of that Prince, or to traverse the Queen-Mother's Design of perpetuating her Authority in the Government. This Princess was in great perplexity, and began to suspect the Cardinal had more regard to his own Interest than those of his Benefactress. She suspected also that the Duke of Mantua would not have sent for his Daughter, but with design to have her stopped, and secretly kept Intelligence with those Persons that encouraged her Match with Gaston: This caused a great Coldness in her, as to what concerned the Affairs of Mantua. But the Interest of State obliged them to assist him; so that it seems little care was taken to comply with the Queen-Mother's Desires.  
The Cardinal at his Return to Paris, after the taking of Rochel, 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. P. 507.  received a visit from the Duke of orleans, who earnestly pressed him to obtain Their Majesties leave for him to mary Mary de Gonzaga, and  told him, he would look upon it as a particular Obligation. The Cardinal made Answer, That as Monsieur was the Second Person of the Kingdom, he had always professed Obedience to him; but on this occasion, all he could do was to stand Neuter, without opposing or favouring his Desires. The Reason was, because the King had positively forbid him to speak of that Marriage, and he durst not disobey him. That the Queen-Mother having conceived an Aversion to this Alliance, which she judged could not be advantageous to the Crown, by Reason the Princess of Mantua was sickly: He durst not oppose himself to Her Majesty's Will, to whom he was so infinitely obliged. That Monsieur ought to endeavour himself to render the King and Queen-Mother flexible, whilst the Cardinal would pray to God to inspire them for the best.  
It is reported, that Fabbroni 
Ibid. P. 496.  assured the Queen-Mother, that the King was near the Point of Death, and that Monsieur would ascend the Throne, which kept this Princess in a perpetual inquietude, because she feared, that if Monsieur was once Master of his own Actions, he would immediately mary the Princess of Mantua, who would never pardon the many across Designs she had set on foot to hinder her Marriage. 
Ibid. P. 508.  It is also said, that the Cardinal was troubled with the same weakness as the Queen-Mother, concerning judicial Astrology, and that having consulted Peter Campanella, about what should befall the Duke of Orleans, this Monk answered, Imperium non gustabit in aeternum: He shall never come to Rule: Which quieted his Mind as to that Affair. Thus the Astrologers predicting opposite things, it must of necessity so happen, that one must be in the Right, which gives occasion to those who believe their Impostures to defend them, saying, That those, whose Predictions were false, either knew not the Rules of the Art or did not apply them as they should. By this Method, it is impossible to disabuse them, because they take no notice of false Predictions, and only put a value on those which are confirmed by the Event, as indubitable Proofs of the certainty of Astrology. Whether the Cardinal was really bewitched by this cheating Art, or no; 'tis certain, that the King had none of the best Constitutions, that he had no Children, and so might reasonably enough fear the Duke of Orleans would succeed to the Throne. He had never shew'd himself very Complaisant to him before, and at the beginning of the Siege of Rochel, sent him back to Paris, though he had been declared Lieutenant-General of the Army which besieged that City.  
During the Siege of this Place, 
See the Sequel of the Rebellion of France on this Year.  the Prince of Condé and the Duke of montmoremcy, acted in Languedoc against the Duke of Rohan with two Armies, each of which were stronger than his; the two Royal Armies consisting of Ten Thousand Men each, and that of the Duke of Rohan had not above Six Thousand. I will not lose time in relating the several Circumstances of this War, since all this Year the Cardinal had no part in it; 'tis sufficient to observe, that the Prince of Condé and the Duke of montmoremcy, who had neither of them any great Reason to love the Cardinal, because he never treated them, as Persons of their Birth and Rank might justly expect, striven to rob him of his Glory, and consequently of his Authority, which in the end proved fatal to one of them, and on which the other depended all his Life time. By ruining the Forces of the Huguenots in Languedoc, by taking their Places, and destroying their Lands, and crossing the Designs of that Party as much as possibly they could, they hastened the taking of Rochel, in which the Cardinal was so highly interested, that he would have lost all his Reputation, had he not succeeded.  
The expense which was to be made for the Maintenance of so many Armies, obliged the King to demand of the Clergy the Sum of Three Millions of liures, 
17 June Sequel of the rebel. 752.  which was granted him; as also to create many new Offices, to make a Constitution of Three Hundred Thousand liures of Rent on the Hotel of the City of Paris, and to have recourse to many other extraordinary Ways, to find ready Money.  
The Duke of Nevers, 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. P. 312, &c.  before he partend for Mantua had obtained a promise of Succours from the Court, to aid him, as much as possibly they could, in the perplexity and Charges in which he was engaged. The Cardinal had reiterated this Promise after his Departure, to Friandi his Agent in France. But as Spain supported the Prince of Guastalla, and the Duke of Savoy had Pretensions on Montferrat, it was conceived necessary that the new Duke of Mantua should use his utmost endeavours to accommodate himself with them, because the Court was not then in Condition to give him any considerable Assistance. They thought it likewise expedient to endeavour to appease the Duke of Savoy, who was incensed to the highest degree, at the Duke of Rethel's Marriage with his Daughter, without ever asking his Consent, or that of Margaret of Savoy, Mother to the Princess. They dispatched an Express to him, and others to Vienna and Madrid, to divert the Storm which threatened the Duke of Mantua, that he might be put into Possession of his Estates with the Consent of those Powers. The Ambassadors of the Crown, amongst the Princes of Italy, had Orders to use their Endeavours to induce them to be favourable to him.  
But the Duke of Savoy, being unwilling to stay the end of the Negotiation, which was now going to be set on foot, to satisfy him as to his Pretensions on Montferrat, 
Ibid. p. 317.  joined himself with the Spaniards, and entred into that Country on one side, whilst Don Gonzales of Cordova Governor of Millan, entred on another, on pretext of preserving to the Pretenders the Rights they might have in Montferrat, according to the Intention of the Emperor, under whose Name they covered themselves. Whilst the marquis of S. Chamond commanded all the French, who were in the Service of Savoy, to desert him.  
About the same time 
In the Month of March. Ibid. p. 374.  the Emperor Ferdinand II. having refused to confer the Investiture of the duchies of Mantua and Montferrat on the Duke of Never's, ordered them to be sequestered, until he had heard the Reasons of the Pretenders, and nominated John Count of Nassau, to be his Commissioner in Italy, to whom he required the Duke to Surrender the Dominions of which he had lately taken Possession: But this Decree could take no Effect, but what wholly depended on the Success of Arms, and the Duke thought it not fit to submit to it, though the Count of Nassaw, had received Orders to repair into Italy, to put it in Execution. The Duke of Savoy likewise and D. Gonzales had other Designs in their Head, than to stay for the Emperor's Commissioner. They had already divided Montferrat. The Spaniard was to have Casal, Nice, Montcalvo, Aiqui, Ponzone, and some other Places; and the Duke of Alva, Tririo, St. Damien, and some other Territories lying within piedmont. Each was to take what he pretended to keep; and it was agreed, that no new Fortifications should be made. D. Gonzales, the better to compass his Design, had given a small Body of Men to the Marquis of Montereno, to cover the Territory of Cremona, where the Duke of Mantua prepared to make some Incursions, with his Troops and those Succours he expected from the Venetians, whom the Motions of D. Gonzale had allarmed. He was also to leave another small Army near the Lake of Como, to stop up the Passes of the Valteline, by which Soldiers might come to the Service of the Venetians. So that he could not bring before Casal above Two thousand Horse, and Eight thousand Foot. 
In April.  He invested it so negligently, that abundance of Officers and French Souldiers threw themselves into the Place, with all sorts of Ammunition, without which it had been impossible it should have made any long resistance. D. Gonzales kept Correspondence in this Place with one Spadino, upon whom he relied more than on the Force of Arms. He had placed so much Confidence in this Man, that he assured the Council of Spain that he was certain to become Master of Casal as soon as he appeared before it. Upon this assurance, the courier, which should have gone to bring him Letters, to live peaceably with the Duke of Mantua, was stopped, and others were written to the contrary. But the Design of Spadino being discovered, and he put to Death, the Garrison of Casal made so vigorous a resistance, and were so faintly attacked, that the Spaniards began to repent themselves of their unjust enterprise.  
The Duke of Savoy, who at the same time had taken the campaign, made himself Master of Alba and of Trino with no great difficulty, those Places being found unprovided of a 〈…〉 hangs. D. Gonzales had entreated him, whilst he was before the last of these two Places, to come and join him, to prosecute the Siege of Casal, but Charles Emanuel choose rather to take what was to remain in his Hands, than to lose his time by putting the Spaniards in Possession of such Places as were to fall to there share. He presently Fortified Trino, to render it capable of enduring a Siege; which was contrary to the Treaty he had made with the Spaniards; which raised a great deal of jealousy in them; so that they could not behold without regret, so strong a Place in the Hands of so stirring a Prince, as Charles Emanuel. They feared, that he secretly hindered their Design of taking Casal, a Place of such Consequence in respect of piedmont. That those who had Casal might disturb it at their Pleasure. In the mean time they durst not discover their disgust to the Duke, lest they should cause a rapture with that Prince, at a time when they stood in need of him.  
A little after the Duke took Pontesture, which being in the Spanish Part, was instantly put into their Hands, but he did not so with Moncalvo, into which he put a Piemontese Garrison, because of the Importance of the Place, thô by the Treaty it should have belonged to the Spaniard. These Proceedings increased the Suspicions they had entertained against the Duke of Savoy, by means of this Conduct, who demonstrated a desire of aggrandising himself by any ways whatsoever, without troubling himself about Promises or Treaties. The Count of Serbelle also made himself Master of Nice de la Paille, notwithstanding the brave Resistance of the Besieged, who sold it him dear enough.  
These Progresses put the Duke of Mantua into extreme Confusions, who was lamented of by all the World, but helped by none, who found himself destitute of Money, not daring to trust the Nobility of his States, thô the most were very affectionate to his Service. The King of France was so busied before Rochel, that to avoid drawing the Crown of Spain on his Back, he durst do nothing in Favour of the Duke of Mantua, l●st he should too much irritate the Spa●iards. Besides, the Queen-Mother ill satisfied with th● Duke, because she believed he designed to mary his Daughter to Monsieur, hindered an open Declaration in his Behalf, or furnishing him with Forces sufficient for his Relief. The Venetians were willing to succour him with all their Forces, but they were fearful to engage singly in this Affair, and without the Forces of France, they believed themselves not able to oppose the House of Austria. The other Princes of Italy contented themselves with disapproving the Violence of the Spaniards and the Duke of Savoy, without effectually Succouring the Duke of Mantua, who was oppressed by these Two puissant Enemies.  
The Emperor knowing that the Spaniard had made use of his Name in the Invasion they had made on Montferrat, as if they had acted only by his Orders, shewed a great deal of Resentment, and publicly declared, that he had given them none. The Count of Nassau shortly 
The 30th of April.  arrived at Mantua, and required the Duke in the Emperors Name to put his strongest Places into his Hands, that he might put German Garrisons in them, until His Majesty had determined to whom the Succession belonged. The Duke took some time to consider of it, and in the interim sent Expresses to France and Venice, to know what Answer he should make to the Emperor. The Venetians being in as great trouble as himself, and fearing to advice him, to the Execution of that, to which they must be obliged to contribute, only answered, that the knowledge which he had of the Emperor's Intentions, and of the Assistance of France, ought to serve as a Rule for his Conduct. All that France did, was to give Order to Monsieur de Crequi, to raise Eight thousand Foot and Eight hundred Horse, and to pass them with all speed into Montferrat. She granted besides to the Duke of Mantua, the Marquis d'Uxelles to command that Army, and he engaged himself to bring them into Montferrat in spite of all the Oppositions of the Duke of Savoy. They made besides many other Levies, with a design to join with those of the marshal to go to Casal as soon as possible, and endeavour to raise the Siege. Although the Queen-Mother favoured not the Duke of Mantua, and that besides the Siege of Rochel caused the Succours promised him to be delayed, yet the Cardinal continued in the Opinion that he ought to be assisted, and that as soon as possible. The King himself wrote to his Ambassador at Rome, to impart to his Holiness, that as soon as Rochel had submitted, he would take a Journey into Dauphine, to be nearer at hand to Succour the Duke of Mantua. The Nuntio Bagni who had succeeded Cardinal Spada, and Zorzi Ambassador of Venice, did strongly urge the King to sand a powerful Army, without which neither the Pope nor the Venetians would hazard themselves by declaring for the Duke.  
In the mean time time the 
25 May.  Imperial Commissioner, 
* Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. P. 309.  not finding the Duke of Mantua inclined to put his Estates into the Hands of the Emperor, as he had believed, published a Monitory at Milan, Signed the 22d. of May, by which he threatened the Duke with the Ban of the Empire, and forbid his Subjects to obey him, if in Fifteen days he did not submit to the Decree of the Emperor: This Severity( which would have seemed Ridiculous, if the Duke had had wherewithal to defend himself, either by himself or by his Allies) was like to do him a very great Prejudice in the Condition he was in. Ferdinand had a powerful Army in Germany, which had more than once beaten that of the Protestant League; and if he made part of those Troops to pass into the Milaneze, it was not be questioned, but that the Emperor would with ease seize on the duchies of Mantua and Montferrat, if the Friends of the Duke continued to assist him only with words, as they had hitherto done.  
The Cardinal, in concurrence with the rest of the French Nation, could not suffer that the Spaniards should oppress the Duke of Mantua( whose Rights were indubitable) only because he was a Frenchman, but it was impossible to succour him with that speed as was necessary, to draw him out of his present Danger, because of the difficulty of the Passage of those Troops, which must be sent him at a time when all were busied in other Affairs. To gain time he caused divers Propositions to be made at Madrid and at Turin, and fell upon several Projects, which were all disapproved.  
The Duke of Mantua found himself in a great Extremity, as having neither Money nor Troops to resist any longer. When Orders were given to the marshal de Crequi to force the passage of the Alps, if the Duke of Savoy refused to grant it willingly. The Duke having notice of this, put himself in a Posture to oppose the marshal, and D. Gonzales sent him part of his Troops, to take away from Crequi all hopes of making his way. But as every Body expected to see the latter set forward with the Troops of the King, and those which the Kindred of the Duke of Mantua had raised in France, commanded by the Marquis d'Uxelles, he 
In the Month of July.  on a sudden excused himself that he could not do it. Some attributed this Change to his not being declared General of that Army, and others to a secret Order, founded on this maxim, That nothing was to be undertaken during the Siege of Rochel. In the mean time this Conduct strangely discredited the French in Italy, where they were suddenly expected; and the republic of Venice pressed most earnestly the vigorous Succour of the Duke of Mantua, but though they were engaged to support him, yet would they assist only with a little Money and Corn, which they permitted him to have out of their Territories. Whatever Instances were made to engage the marshal Crequi to assist the Army Commanded by Uxelles to pass the Mountains, yet would he do nothing nor stir a Foot from Grenoble. Instead of furnishing this Army with Victuals, he forbid through all his Government of Dauphine any to be sold them, so that a great Part were forced to Desert. However the Marquis d'Uxelles 
In the Month of August.  resolved to attempt the Passage, with the remainder of his Soldiers, which amounted to Ten Thousand Foot, and a Thousand Eight Hundred Horse. He advanced with a great deal of difficulty to Fort St. Peter, in the Marquisate of Saluces, where he found the Duke of Savoy's Army Entrenched. After some Skirmishes, the French found that this Passage was too strongly Fortified, to undertake to force it, against an Army which at last by the accession of the Troops, which arrived continually to the Duke of Savoy, was by far stronger than theirs. Upon this the Marquis d'Uxelles concluded on a retreat, and the Duke of Savoy would not follow him into the French Territories out of respect to the King; otherwise he might have cut them to pieces. So he contented himself with some Baggage and Ammunition which the French could not carry with them. In the mean time a Suspension of Arms was made, by the intervention of the Nuntio Scappi, but it turned to no account.  
This Army which was thought capable to raise the Siege of Casal, dispersed itself entirely at its arrival into Dauphine, by the Malice of the marshal de Crequi who was accused to have learned too much to the Passion of the Queen-Mother, who was provoked without Reason against the Duke of Mantua on the Account of his Daughter. 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. P. 456.  The Cardinal was exceedingly troubled, when he received the News of the ill Success of the Marquis d'Uxelles Enterprise. He complained in severe Terms to the Marquis de Canaples, Son to the marshal. He also charged Priandi to writ to his Master, that the Forces which the King had caused to be raised were still on foot, that if the Duke levied Eight Thousand Men of those which dispersed on the Frontiers, there would be enough to support him for the present, and that better Orders should be given for their subsistence than had hitherto been done.  
Soon after the Imperial Decree appeared dated the 17th of August, by which Ferdinand commanded the Duke of Mantua to obey in Thirty Days, or else to be proceeded against with Rigour. Some of the Ministers of France were of Opinion, that the should offer to deposit Casal and Montferrat into the Hands of the Pope, or of the Grand Duke, which of them should be name by the Emperor, on Condition that the Duke of Savoy and D. Gonzales would first restore what they had taken into the Hands of a Depositary; because if they refused to do it, as in all appearance they would, the non-Execution of the Imperial Decree, would be long of them and not of the Duke of Mantua, who by consequence could not be put under the Ban of the Empire. However, they did not intend to make their Concessions, but in Case Casal could not hold out all the Month of November, but if that Place could be kept longer, the Cardinal especially was of Opinion, that the Duke should keep all in his own Hands, since the King would have time enough to relieve him. Supposing the worst, it was not possible to execute the Emperor's Order so readily, as the Decree specified, but in the mean time it was judged requisite, that the Duke should remain in Arms. In fine, he answered, That he was ready to remit to the Duke of Guastalla what he demanded, viz. Reggivolo, and the valleys contiguous in Fief, on condition he would submit to the judgement of the Pope, or the Grand Duke concerning the Rights which he pretended to have on the State of Mantua, that so all sorts of Disputes might be prevented. As to what concerned Montferrat, he consented to deposit it in the Hands of his Impetial Majesty, if he would name for Depositary either the Prince of Mantua his Son, or the Princess his Daughter-in-Law, or either of them, and that for Three Months, in which time judgement might be made of the Rights of those who were Pretenders.  
The Emperor rejected those Propositions, and the Duke of Savoy and D. Gonzales having declared the Cessation of Arms to be ended, 
In September.  began to press upon Casal; the Duke of Mantua was every day more Embroiled, because France assisted him not at all, and neither the Pope nor the republic of Venice would take the Field, before they saw a French Army in Italy. A little time after 
See them in Siri T. 6. P. 484.  there came new Articles from Vienna, by which the Emperor acted more like an Arbitrary Person than a Judge, proposing that the Spaniards and Savoyards should in his Name keep what they had taken in Montferrat, and the Duke the State of Mantua, to the end of the Process: And that Casal should be kept by a Garrison of the Emperor's drawn out of the German Troops that were in Italy. But it was unjust to dispossess the legitimate Successor of the Estates of the House of Gonzaga, and to leave to Usurpers what by force of Arms only they had taken Possession of Besides, there we no Germans in Italy, but one Regiment which was in the Service of the Spaniards, and which depended more on them than on the Emperor. To endeavour better Conditions at the Imperial to obtain Court, the Duke of Mantua upon the Parole of the Empress, sent his Eldest Son to Vienna. The delay of succours which were promised on the Behalf of France, and which in appearance could not now pass the Mountains by reason of the Snow, engaged the Duke of Mantua, to seek at any rate some means to appease the Emperor.  
But no sooner was Rochel taken, but the Cardinal thought of nothing more than how to humble the House of Austria, and to succour the Duke of Mantua without Delays, This Affair nevertheless being proposed in a Council, whither were called the Principal Lords of the Realm, all were of the same Opinion.* The Cardinal de Berulle, who was the Chief of the 
Aub●●y ●fe of the ●rd. lib. 3. ● 3.& 4.  Queen-Mother's Council was of Opinion, that this Expedition was to be deferred till the next Spring, not wanted he Reasons to confirm his Sentiments, which no doubt were the same with the Queen-Mother's, who loved not the Duke of Mantua, as has been often observed. In the mean time Cardinal Richlieu adhered firmly to the contrary Opinion founded on these Reasons: That it was not agreeable to the Reputation of the King, to suffer the Duke of Mantua to be oppressed: That the Spaniards used him ill, because he was a Frenchman: That it was the great Interest of France, to support a Prince her ally, especially in Italy, where the King of Spain was already too powerful: That if she deserted him, he would be constrained to agree with the Spaniards, who would divest him at least of Part of his Estates: That it was shameful and prejudicial to France to suffer the Duke of Savoy, to make War without control against the Allies of the Crown, and take from them what belonged to them.  
We are credibly assured, that the Cardinal for●seeing the Even●▪ made use of these Terms to encourage the King.  
SIR,  
SInce by the taking of Rochel, your Majesty hath ended an enterprise the most glorious for yourself, and the most advantageous for your Kingdom, of any that can occur in your whole Life: Italy oppressed for a Year past by the Arms of the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy, waits to receive from your Victorious Arms, a joyful Deliverance from the Calamities she labours under, your Reputation obliges you to espouse the Cause of your Neighbours and Allies, whom they would unjustly Rob of their Estates. But besides these weighty Reasons, your own Interests engage you to turn your Thoughts and your Arms on this side: And I dare promise you, that if you will take this Resolution, and execute it as it ought to be, the Issue of this enterprise, will be no less Successful than that of Rochel. I am no Prophet, but I believe I may assure your Majesty, that if you lose no time in the Execution of this Design, you will raise the Siege of Casal, and give Peace to Italy by May next, and returning with your Army into Languedoc, you will reduce all to your Obedience, and give Peace to your Subjects in July, so that your Majesty will, as I hope, return Victorious to Paris in the Month of August.  
This Advice was taken, and Twelve Thousand Foot and Fifteen or Sixteen Hundred Horse under the Conduct of Thoiras, were ordered to march 
In the Month of November.  towards Dauphine. He was to have as many Troops raised in Dauphine and the Neighbourhood, besides others which the marshal d'Estre was to bring out of Picardy, which were sufficient to form an Army able to deliver the Duke of Mantua from his Fears of the Spaniards and Savoyards. It was also believed, that only the noise of the March of these Troops would make them resolve upon some Agreement: But because it was not found, that they for this quitted their Pretensions, the Cardinal disposed every thing so as to get this Army to pass the Mountains as soon as possibly it might. But the Winter and the Plague which was in Dauphine and Province, and which rendered the Passages too difficult, besides that the Hugonots in Languedoc had not yet laid down their Arms, did hinder any thing to be done in the Year 1628. In the mean time all endeavours were used, to bring off the Duke of Savoy from the Interest of Spain, as well by Promises as by Threats. But that Prince remained unalterable, because he perceived very well, that France so far concerned itself in the Interests of the Duke of Mantua, as not to suffer any considerable Part of his Estates to be taken from him.  
As soon as 
Bassomp. Mem. T. 2. P. 521.  the King returned to Paris, the Queen-Mother had so ordered Affairs, that she sharply  told Monsieur, that he must give over his Designs of espousing the Princess Mary de Gonzaga. Gaston had promised to leave it off, if he would put him in a way to do it honourably. To recompense this Complaisance, which he seemed to have for the Queen-Mother, he was declared General of the Army, intended to be sent into Italy, and the King presented him with 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. P. 589. saith an Hundred Thousand.  Fifty Thousand Crowns to provide an Equipage necessary for that Expedition: But he, in one Evening, lost the best Part of that Sum. The Duke of Orleans further consented, that the Duke of Mantua should cause his Daughter to come home to him, and that she should depart within Fifteen Days after he was gone to head the Army.  
In the interim many Expresses come from the Duke of Mantua, to give Intelligence of the great Extremity Casal was reduced to, and to communicate a Project for a Treaty, which he believed he might make with the Emperor. Advice came that the City could not hold out reasonably beyond the Month of January next: But that the Citadel might defend itself for some Months, which being considered, there was hopes to disengage the Duke of Mantua, without his being obliged to a disadvantageous Treaty. This Prince had been esteemed in France for a Man of far greater Bravery and Prudence than he showed himself to be in Italy; where he found he could not extricate himself from troublesome Affairs, neither by Sword nor Treaty. Being perpetually plunged in these Irresolutions, he could not bring himself into a Condition to execute any thing, In France he had been very great with Father Joseph, who like himself was full of Chimerical Designs, and they two had between them projected the Conquest of the Morea, and all the Ottoman Empire. He gave Orders to Senitor Bido, to go to Paris at the end of the Year, to confer with this Father, and to induce the Cardinal by his means to hasten the succours. All these endeavours had been vain, if D. Gonzales had known how to attack Casal as he ought to have done, or had they furnished him with more Money from Spain. But the obstinate Resistance of this Place, and the want of Money, which made his Troops diminish every Day, so perplexed him, that he entreated the catholic King to recall him. He also endeavoured to have a Conference with the Duke of Mantua, but there was so much difficulty in that Project, that it took no Effect.  
At the beginning 
The 3d of January. See Siri Mem. Rec. P. 564  of the Year 1629. Count Nassau after a Treaty with the Duke of Savoy, the Duke de Guastalla, and D. Gonzales, wrote to the Duke of Mantua to bring him to a Resolution of depositing, since Spain and Savoy were already disposed to surrender what they had taken into the Hands of the Emperor. The Duke, who expected Succours from France, sought still to gain time,‡ by saying, that the Emperor, and the 
† The 4th of January.  Kings of France and Spain, having entred into a Negotiation concerning that Affair, he would know their Sentiments before he proceeded farther. The Count made answer the same day, that he had no Orders to wait any longer, and that if the Duke would not accept of what he had proposed, he would declare the Treaty to be broken. The Duke pretended, that that need not be any hindrance to the continuance of the Treaty, but the Count would give no ear to it.  
After this, there seemed nothing further to be done by the Imperial Commissary, but to put the Duke of Mantua under the Ban of the Empire. But as that was to engage the Emperor and the Spaniards to execute that Sentence by force, which could not be very easy if the King of France should sand an Army into Italy. The Milanese being slenderly furnished with Troops, or Ammunitions, or Provisions, that Sentence was suspended till it might more clearly appear, how the Affair might be managed with less hazard.  
The King who had declared the Duke of Orleans 
Bassomp. Mem. T. 2. P. 521.  General of the Army for Italy, at the Solicitation of the Queen-Mother, now repented that he had given him that Employ, on the Thoughts that his Brother might acquire so much Glory in Italy, as would eclipse his own. He was so strangely possessed with this Opinion, that the Vexation it gave him hindered his Sleep. 
3 January.  Going to Chaliot where the Cardinal was, he  told him, That he could not endure that Monsieur should go to Command the Army in Italy in Chief, and that he must contrive some way or other to take that Employ from him: The Cardinal answered, That he knew but one Expedient, which was, that the King must go himself in Person: But if he were resolved so to do, his Departure must be in eight Days at the farthest. The King replied, he would do it; and from that time disposed himself for it, though he departed not so soon as the Cardinal had advised. Notwithstanding, Monsieur was to follow the King in quality of Lieutenant-General, with the Mareschals de Crequi, Bassompiere, and Schomberg. But another thing happened, which prevented him from accompanying the King, as the Sequel will show. Valenças, Thoiras, and d'Auriac were appointed Mestres de Camp.  
On the Fifteenth of January the King came to the Parliament, where the Keeper of the Seals declared the Necessity His Majesty lay under to go and Succour the Duke of Mantua by Force of Arms, since Treaties had proved inffectual, and might by their Prolongation cause the ruin of that Prince. The Parliament, according to Custom, applauded the King's Design; and confirmed several Declarations, proper to bring Money into the King's Coffers, which were totally exhausted by the expenses of the precedent Year. The King published an Amnesty through all the Huguenot Cities, and to all of that Party, who should within Fifteen Days after Publication accept of the Pardon which he offered to them, not excluding Rohan and Soubize. It was believed that the Huguenots, who plainly might see that it was impossible for them to make farther resistance, would lay down their Arms, and not any longer persist to maintain a desperate Cause.  
On the morrow the King began his Journey towards Dauphine, though there fell a great deal of Snow; and two days after the Cardinal followed him. Monsieur was advanced with the King as far as lions, but instead of following he went to Dombes, and from thence returned to Paris. He  told 
Bassomp. Mem. T. 2. P. 523.  the marshal Bassompiere, before he left the Road to Dauphine, That he would have no Employ in the Army, since Cardinal Richlieu was there, who would not only execute his Charge, but the King's also: That the Cardinal, the last Year, went before Rochel, and constrained the King against his Will to go thither, only to deprive his Brother of the Command.  
In the mean time the King and the Cardinal being arrived at Grenoble, 
The 2. Feb. Bassomp. T. 2. P. 524, &c. Siri T. 6. P. 603.  they departed in a very bad Season to come to the Foot of the Alps, which was covered with Snow: As soon as they arrived there with the Army, whose March was exceeding painful, they sent the Commander de Valenças to the Duke of Savoy, to demand Passage and Victuals for the Army, which consisted of about Twenty-four Thousand Foot, and Two Thousand five hundred Horse. The King would have Security for the Passage and Victuals for ready Money, in recompense whereof he offered to give Trino to the Duke of Savoy with Lands in Montferrat, which should yield him Twelve Thousand Gold Crowns in annual Rent, provided he would renounce all Pretensions he might have on the duchy. Charles Emanuel shewed himself disposed to satisfy the King, but sought by all ways he could to delay the Execution of his Promises, and in the mean time fortified the Passages as much as possibly he could. He also made divers Propositions to the King by the Count de Verrile, which did not at all relate to the Business in hand, and further, the Count declared he had no Power to conclude any thing.  
In the interim, as the Design of the Duke was easily perceived, to be for nothing but to gain time, to fortify the Passes, or to make Casal fall into the Hands of the Spaniards) the Army daily advanced. Being come to Chaumont, which is not far from Susa; the Prince of Piedmont came thither 
The 4th March.  to confer with the Cardinal. That Prelate pressed him, to grant the King his Desires, rather than oblige him to force his Passage, and the Prince seemed to be confounded with his Reasons, but could make no Conclusion, without acquainting the Duke his Father. He went to communicate to him what had passed between him and the Cardinal, and return with Orders from the Duke, but instead of bringing them himself, he sent the Count de virtue on the morrow, who said, that the Prince not finding his Father at Rivoli, as he supposed was gone to Turin to speak with him, and therefore they must expect no News from him that Day. He added, That the Duke his Master, though indisposed, was resolved to wait in Person on the King, and would be brought in a Chair, rather than make any further delay. The Cardinal was too cunning not to discover so palpable a Subterfuge, and therefore pressed so hard upon the Count, to draw out of him the Duke's Intentions, that at last he declared, that if the King would suffer his Highness to keep what he had taken in Montferrat, as the Spaniards had done, the Passes should be instantly open to the Royal Army. The Cardinal rejected this Proposition, and said; That knowing the King's Justice and Generosity, he was assured his Majesty would reject it. And that there was a vast difference between what the Duke of Savoy had received from the Spaniards, in favour of a manifest Usurpation, and what he might hope for from the King, who was come to relieve a Prince who was his ally, and not to ruin him: But he would not delay to acquaint his Majesty with what he had proposed.  
The Cardinal then received various Intelligences, which gave him to understand, that the Troops of Gonzales were advancing as fast as he could be, and that some of them were already entred into Susa. Wherefore he began to fear, that if longer time were given to the Duke of Savoy, it would be a difficult Task to force the Passage. After he had held a Council of War with the three Mareschals of France who were present, he was resolved on the morrow the 6th of March, to attack the Barricadoes which the Duke had made on the way to Susa, in the narrowest Place between two Mountains. They first got Cognizance of them by a Man whom they sent to Susa, on Pretence of a Letter to the Count de virtue, or in his Absence to the Governor of the Place. This Man acquainted them with what he had seen, and thereupon they formed the Attack. The Cardinal wrote to the King the Evening before, and the King marched all Night in bad Weather to come to Chaumont, whither he arrived very early in the Morning.  
About Seven of the Clock the King and the Cardinal appeared in the Field of Battle, and attacked the palisadoes in the Front, whilst the other Troops passed on the Tops of the Mountains to the Right and Left. These last no sooner appeared on the Flanks of the Piedmonteses, but they fled, and in a Rout, gave up the Passage to the Royal Forces, who pursued them with so much Vigour, that if the French Generals would, their People might have entred Susa Pell-mell with the Fugitives, but the King would not suffer it, to prevent the Pillaging of the City; the French contented themselves with a lodgement near the Gates, and the Duke of Savoy not believing it able to defend itself, ordered the Governor to surrender the next Day. As for the Duke he retired with all hast imaginable, and was almost beset round with the Forlorn of the French Army. So the French made themselves Masters, in a few hours without any loss, of a Passage, which might have been defended against the greatest Army, if the Duke of Savoy had taken better measures, and had as much Skill in the Art of making War, as he had readiness to attempt it. The Glory which he had acquired by the retreat of the Marquis d'Uxelles vanished quiter, and he was necessitated soon after to sing another Tune altogether different to that of the proceeding Year.  
The Eighth of March the Mareschals de Crequi and Bassompiere( for Schomberg had received a Wound by a musket-shot) passed the door, and lodged themselves at Bussolongo. The King, before he advanced further, sent the Marquis of Seneterre to Turin, to Compliment his Sister the Princess of Piedmont, and at Seneterre's return the Mareschals who were advanced, had Orders to enterprise nothing, till the said Marquis had spoken with the Duke of Savoy to offer him Peace, if he would agree to let the Army pass as far as Casal, and furnish it with Victuals for ready Money. The Duke of Savoy who expected something worse, was very glad to come off so cheap, and on the Eleventh of March sent the Prince of Piedmont to Susa, where the following Articles were agreed upon.  
First, The Duke of Savoy promised for the present and time to come, to give free Passage through his Territories to the Armies of the King of France to go to Monferrat, and to the Relief of Casal, and furnish them with Provisions of Victuals necessary.  
Secondly, He promised to suffer to be brought all Corn and other Provisions, which could be found and bought in his Country, to be put into Casal.  
Thirdly, He promised further, to take such a Course as Don Gonzales should raise the Siege of Casal, and retire with his Troops out of Montferrat, and promised to attempt nothing for the future against the Lands of the Duke of Mantua, and should in six Weeks produce the Ratification of this Promise by his catholic Majesty, with Engagement of his Word to leave the Duke of Mantua in the peaceable Possession of his Estates.  
Fourthly, He promised to enter into a League with the Pope, the King, and the republic of Venice, and the Duke of Mantua, for the Defence of the Estate of the last, and for the Preservation of the Peace of Italy, and to subscribe this League as soon as Three of those Potentates had subscribed.  
Fifthly, For the King's assurance of the Execution of these Promises he should put into his Majesty's Hands the citadel of Susa, and the Castle of St. Francis.  
Sixthly, The King for his part did engage to obtain for the Duke of Savoy, from the Duke of Mantua, Trino, with Lands of Fifteen Thousand Gold Crowns of annual Revenue. Until which, his Majesty consented that the Duke should keep what he had taken in Montferrat, on Condition that he should surrender it, when the King should restore to him the citadel of Susa, and the Castle of St. Francis.  
The King put a Garrison into these two Places, and Six days after was the Ratification of D. Gonzales brought with this Proviso, that the King of France should declare, that he did not come into Italy to invade the States of the King his Master. The King declared it immediately, and the Spaniards, by a Treaty of which the Duke of Savoy was Guarrantee, promised to be entirely gone out of Montferrat by the Fourth of April, and to leave the Duke of Mantua in Peace, whether he received Investiture from the Emperor or not.  
hast was made to conclude this Treaty, because the Army wanted Provisions, the Victuallers not having been able to bring as much as they promised, by reason of the bad ways and passing of Rivers. If the Duke and D. Gonzales had had more Vigour and better Conduct, this one thing had been enough to ruin the King's Army; but they were so unable to make any Resistance, and fear had so strongly seized them, that he might pass what he pleased upon them, without their being serviceable to themselves. So the Usurpers of the States of the Duke of Mantua, having had all the time which was necessary to make themselves Masters, and to put them in a Condition to keep what they had got, whilst the French Army was busied at the Siege of Rochel, were driven away only by the March of the King's Army, in a time when every thing seemed as contrary to him, as favourable to the Enemies. But these are not the only Persons who have been seen, with a gaiety of Humour, to undertake an unjust War, and afterwards shamefully abandon, without any necessity, an enterprise in which they were engaged.  
The King stayed some time at Susa, to see the Execution of the Treaty, before he would repass the Mountains, in the mean time at the 
4th of the Month. See Bassomp. Mem. T. 2. P. 542. Life of Thoiras L. 2. c. 6.  beginning of April, Thoiras was sent away with Three Thousand Foot and and Four Hundred Horse to the Service of the Duke of Mantua, and to oppose any new Enterprizes which might be made against him. The King whilst he stayed at Susa, received the extraordinary Ambassadors of almost all the Princes of Italy, and there concluded two very important Treaties. One was the League with 
8 April.  the republic of Venice and the Duke of 
31 March.  Savoy, for the Preservation of the Duke of Mantua's Estates, and the repose of Italy; the other was the Conclusion of a Peace with England. King Charles I. after a great deal of Trouble and vast expenses, was obliged to make Application to the French, by the Venetians, to obtain a disadvantageous Peace, which drew upon him the Contempt of Strangers, as well as of his own Subjects. He had endeavoured to accommodate Matters with Lewis XIII. whilst he was before Rochel, by Mediation of the Ambassadors of the King of Denmark and the States-General of the United Provinces: But Answer was given to their Ambassadors, that if they had Power from the King of England to ask a Peace for him, and to offer such Satisfactions as he ought to make to France to obtain it, a Negotiation should be entred into with them, but no otherwise. So brisk an Answer plainly shewed, that Charles was but little feared; and that he must be forced in the end to come to what France demanded. He promised by the Treaty to confirm the Articles of the Contract of the Queen's Marriage. which he had so many times broken and accepted with so much meanness, and which, if there was any thing to be altered for the Service of the Queen, was to be done with the Consent of both Crowns. The Treaty was Signed the 24th of April by Zorzo Zorzi and graced Contareno Ambassadors of Venice, who were empowered from England. The King before he departed from Susa, received a visit of Charles Emanuel, of Victor Amedeo his Son, and of the Princess of Piedmont his Spouse. After which, without tarrying for the absolute Execution of the Treaty, which he had just made with the Duke of Savoy, he departed 
28 April.  from Susa, where he was uneasy, because he could not go a Hunting between those Mountains, and went to block up Privas in Viwrets, where the Hugonots had not yet laid down their Arms, and where were the Duke of Rohan's bravest Soldiers. He brought very few Troops with him, and made use at present of those the Duke of montmoremcy had already. The Cardinal stayed at Susa with the greatest Part of the Army, in quality of General, and the Mareschals Crequi and Bassompiere as Lieutenant-Generals.  
But all things being almost executed a few days after, the 
11 May.  Cardinal and the marshal de Bassompiere repassed the Mountains with the Army, the marshal de Crequi remaining in Piedmont, in quality of the King's Lieutenant-General beyond the Mountains. As soon as the Army arrived, they straitned that Place with much more Vigour. The Twenty-sixth of May the King became Master of all the Outworks, after the loss of a great Number of People by the vigorous resistance of Marquis of St. Andrew Mont-brun, who had thrown himself into it. But having stayed too long to Capitulate, to obtain honourable Conditions, and it being impossible to defend it any longer, the Garrison and the Inhabitants endeavoured to save themselves by Night in the Neighbouring Fort, and in the Mountains; which caused the King's Army entering the Town to Plunder it entirely, nor did they commit less violence against those which they found there, which happened to Negrepetiss in the Presence of Lewis the Just. The Castle, in which were Four Hundred Men, surrendered also at Discretion, after they had been twice demanded to Surrender with safety of their Lives only, and as the King gave little Quarter to those who submitted after that manner, 
Aubery Life of the carded. Lib. 3. c. 7.  it is said that a Man belonging to Privas, name Chamblan, put Fire to the Powder which destroyed a great number of Souldiers, and a great number of others threw themselves down from the top of the Castle to the bottom, where instead of receiving Quarter, the King's People cut their Throats. 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. P. 6●0.  The King himself caused a number to be hanged in his Presence, sporting himself in the Destruction of those miserable Wretches, under pretence that they were the best of the Duke de Rohan's Troops. He would have inflicted the same Punishment on the Marqu●s of St. André, if he to whom he had surrendered himself, and who had promised him Life, had not powerfully interceded for him. 
Aubery ibid.  The Panegyrists of the Cardinal say, that being in his Bed, and having a Tertian Ague when the City was sacked, he could not hinder the Cruelties which were there committed, but being advertised of them, he mounted on Horseback, sick as he was, with Two Hundred Gentlemen, to endeavour to save the remainder of this unfortunate City, and that he effectually saved the Life and Honour of many Persons, but the City was totally burned. Though it is certain the Garrison of Privas committed a fault unpardonable, to drive things to that Extremity, yet the King who ought to have spared the Blood of his Subjects committed a greater, in not offering them tolerable Conditions before they were reduced to utter Despair. But there is little Pity or Clemency in fearful, distrustful, and superstitious Souls, and the most cruel Actions are to them but small Faults, when they do not contradict their Passions.  
After the taking of this Place, Marillac was made marshal of France, and the Army marched against Alets, a City of Sevennes, which after some resistance surrendered the 7th of June, the Duke of Rohan endeavouring in vain to relieve it. He could not hinder the taking of divers other little Places, And after this, this General of an unhappy Party, began to think seriously of an accommodation. He embraced the Opportunity which the Cardinal offered him for it, by sending an Express to him, to exhort him to return to his Obedience, if he would avoid inevitable ruin, and expose all the Party with him to the same. They offered to him and his Brother Pardon for what was passed, the Enjoyments of their Goods, and Liberty of Conscience to all the Hugonots, on condition that the Fortifications of Nimes, Castres d'Uzes and Montauban, which were not yet in the King's Power, should be demolished. This Treaty was Signed at Alets the 27th of June. And the Duke of Rohan could never obtain to be admitted to throw himself at the King's Feet, though he had treated with the Cardinal about it. He was further bound to depart the Kingdom, and not to return till the King should think fit, and a short time after he embarked at Marseilles to go to Venice.  
The Treaty being concluded, 
Aubery Life of the carded. lib. 3. c. 8.  the King entred the City of Nimes, where he published a Declaration which he had promised to the Hugonots by the Treaty of Alets. By this Declaration he pardonned all things past to Rohan and Soubize, and left them the Enjoyments of their Estates, and the same to all those who had born Arms under them. He ordained moreover that the Exercise of the Pretended Reformed Religion, should be left free to the Hugonots; but to take away all means of raising new Troubles, all the Fortifications of the Towns and Places, where they were in great number, should be razed, and that only the compass of the Walls should be left; that in the mean time for Security of the Word they had given, to suffer the Places appointed to be demolished, the Hostages which were taken for that end should remain in a Place of Security. That the catholic Religion should be every where restored, and that the Hagonots should restore the Ecclesiastical Goods, the Churches and Monasteries which they had seized during the Wars.  
The Cardinal 
Aubery ibid. c. 9.  had still the Tertian Ague, nevertheless he was of Opinion, that it was convenient the King should return to Paris, either out of fear lest the King should be prejudiced by the Heats of Languedoc, where the Plague was rife in many Places, or because it was not convenient that the Queen-mother should be so long alone. As for himself he remained in Languedoc, to cause the Fortifications of the huguenot Places to be razed, which yet were standing, and especially those of Montauban. 
Siri Mem▪ Rec. T. 6▪ P. 724.  The care of this ought to belong to the Prince of Conde, who commanded the Troops which were posted about that City. But those of Montauban, who were incensed against him, because of the Spoil which he made round their Town, and the hatred which he had for the Hugonots, more out of Capricio than Devotion, which he had shown by the cruel Manner with which he treated those which sell into his Hands, refused to effectuate the Capitulation, that they might not have to do with a Man who hated them, and loved nothing but Money. They privately made the Cardinal acquainted with the Reason of their delay, and gave him to know: That if he would come himself to execute the Treaty of Peace, he should be welcome, and might see the Obedience they would render to the King's Declaration,  
He therefore made the Prince of Conde voluntarily resign his Employ, on pretext of an indisposition which befell him, which had rendered him incapable of further Fatigue.  
In the mean time 
Aubery Life of the carded. Lib. 3. c. 11.  he sent the King's Declaration to the Parliament of Tholouse, to be established there, and that without any modification: For it was feared that the Parliament would not allow it there, by reason of the Sanctions they had made against the Hugonots. This was made on the eighteen of August, as the Cardinal desired, that he might not occasion any Despair in those of Montauban. After some Negotiations with the Inhabitants of that City( who would willingly have kept some part of their Fortifications, but at last consented to all he demanded of them) the Cardinal made his Entry there on the Twenty-first of this Month, with Two Thousand Foot and some Horse, which the marshal de Bassompiere Commanded, and which were to go out again with the Cardinal. He stayed there two Days, and was received with extraordinary Applause, considering the People, who naturally had no respect for Ecclesiastical catholics. But the happy Effects of almost all Affairs which the Cardinal had undertaken since his Ministry, and the great Authority he had with the King, beside the evil Condition of the huguenot Affairs, and perhaps the knowledge they had, that the Cardinal loved to be praised, caused them to Flatter as well as others. There was no Honour which they were not ready to give him, and not only the Magistrates but the Ministers also Complimented him( in the Name of their Consistory) in the most submissive terms they could invent. He  told them, amongst other Things, That it was not the Custom of France to receive them as the Body of a Church, on any Occasion or in any Place whatsoever, but he received them as Men of Learning: That under that Notion they should always be welcome to him, and that he would endeavour to demonstrate to them on all Occasions, that the difference of Religions should never●…der him from doing them all sorts of good Offices: Tha●… made no difference between the Subjects, but by Fid●… which he hoped was always equal in both Religions, he tr●…ed all the King's Subjects alike.  
Uzes and Castres were dealt with as Montauban, 〈…〉 so the huguenot Party found themselves deprived of their Cities of surety, and reduced to depend pu●… on the King's Will, who kept his Declarations only 〈…〉 far as the Ministers conceived them beneficial. F●… this time the Party decreased insensibly, and notw●…standing the exact Obedience which they paid to 〈…〉 Sovereign, they laboured their ruin incessantly, 〈…〉 under another Reign they brought it to nothing, 〈…〉 the Revocation of the Edict of Nants. The Eccle●…sticks, untractable to all those who opposed their Se●…ments, persuaded Lewis XIII. that the Welfare of 〈…〉 State required the taking from the Hugonots all Pla●… which they held, and they would have it believed, t●… Liberty of Conscience was incompatible with the Pe●… of the Kingdom. They pretended at least, that P●… obliged Lewis XIII. to consummate their Perditi●… But the Interest of the State being found not conf●…mable to those Maxims, the Cardinal confined hi●…self to the taking of those Places, which they had k●… until his Administration. Afterward, to satisfy the●…clesiasticks, they were entirely ruined, without 〈…〉 consideration of the Damage which the State suffe●… thereby, as long as their grand Enemies could find th●… account in their ruin.  
After he had received the compliments of the P●…liament and University of Tholouse, during the two D●… which he stayed at Montauban, the Cardinal took 〈…〉 way to Fountainbleau where the Court was. But●…fore his departure, he beholded the Inhabitants of M●…auban themselves destroy their Fortifications with all 〈…〉 readiness he could have wished: For they had requ●…ed, that no Souldiers might be sent to do it, and 〈…〉 promised to do it with all possible diligence.  
Before we come to speak of the Affairs of Fra●… this Year with Strangers, we must return to the D●… of orleans, who became very troublesone to the Court, which in fine caused a misunderstanding between the Queen-Mother and the Cardinal.  
The Duke of Mantua seeing the King was disposed to succour him, on Condition he would cause his Daughter to come into Italy, sent a Gentleman into France to give his Majesty Thanks, and to bring the Princess to Mantua. The Day of her Departure was fixed on the Tenth of March, and the Queen-Mother believed that at last she had rid her self of that trouble, which had been her infinite vexation: But the duchess of Longueville secretly gave notice to the Duke of Orleans, otherwise discontented with the Cardinal's going to the Army, whereby he saw he should have but the mere Title of Lieutenant-General. That Prince upon that Intelligence quitted the Road of Dauphine to return to Paris, and to oppose himself to the Departure of the Princess of Mantua. The Queen-Mother coming to the knowledge of this, sent to him to return to his Command, since she found that she could not hinder a Father to dispose of his Daughter as he thought convenient; or at least if he would not return to the King, that he should not come to Paris. Monsieur stopped at Montereau, with design, as is said, to seize on Mary de Gonzaga on the way, and to go with her out of the Kingdom; and he had taken her in execution of his Design the Eleventh of March, but that the Queen-Mother having notice of it, had in the Night sent her Guards to Colmier, and three empty Coaches, with Orders to take the duchess of Longueville and the Princess of Mantua, and with their Wills or by Force to bring them to the Bois de Vincennes.  
At the same time the Queen-Mother sent to tell Monsieur, who was just going to Fountainbleau, that she thought it necessary that Mary de Gonzaga should be brought to Paris; with the Reasons which had obliged her to it. Marillac, Keeper of the Seals, brought this News to the Duke of orleans, who presently fell into such a Passion, that he was so imprudent as to confess that he had a design to carry away the Princess of Mantua and to mary her, after he had demanded their Majesties leave; Marillac returned to give accoun●… the Queen what Monsieur had said, and went the n●… Day to Fountainbleau, to tell him that the Princess 〈…〉 at Bois de Vincennes, which they would not give a●… account of before it was executed. This News 〈…〉 the Duke into an excessive Rage, whereby he show that he would be revenged for this Affront, yet with●… losing his Respect to the Queen-Mother. But he sa●… that he would go retire himself to his own Demes●… and stay at Blois or orleans until they had made h●… Satisfaction.  
In the mean time the Queen-Mother sent with 〈…〉 speed an Express to the King, to give him an acco●… of that piece of Authority she had taken upon her, a●… for fear lest it should come to his Ears another w●… before he had received her Dispatches, she forbid on p●… of Death any Post-Horse should be let to any wh●…soever, but those who had her mass-priests. The Frien●… and Kindred of the duchess of Longueville highly co●…plained of this violent Proceeding with which she w●… treated, and to appease them they had leave to go 〈…〉 her: The Princess was not lodged in the Tower, b●… in the Palace of Bois de Vincennes, and treated with gr●… Respect.  
It must be observed by the by, that the Duke 〈…〉 Vendosme was all this while most strictly detained 〈…〉 Vincennes, that the Prior* his Brother died in the Mo●… of February, and that the King, willing to give t●… Cardinal of Richlieu the two best abbeys which 〈…〉 Prior had been possessed of, the Cardinal refused the●… because, said he, that being in the King's Council, wh●… the Interest of his State constrained him to arrest the P●r●… of the Grand-Prior; it seemed to him to be contradict●… to the Heart which it had pleased God to give him( to hi●… the Cardinal) to gain by his Mi●fortunes, and to take p●… of his Spoils. If this refusal was not an effect of t●… Cardinal's Generosity, as he would have it believed, 〈…〉 was at least of his Prudence, for fear it should be sa●… That the Disgrace of the Grand-Prior proceeded fro●… the covetous Desire which he had to possess his Ben●…fices.  
The King and the Cardinal having received the Dispatches of the Queen-Mother, were extremely angry at the violent manner with which she had satisfied her Passion against Mary de Gonzaga. In the Interim they thought fit to dissemble it, outwardly approved what she had done, and gave Orders in the mean time for the managing of Monsieur, that he might not be driven into Despair by so rude a treatment. All France also thought it very hard, that the Queen-Mother was so obstinately bent against the Marriage of the Prince with that Princess, and that she took upon her such an Authority in the State, as to arrest the Daughter of a Sovereign Prince unknown to the King. Nevertheless the Queen-Mother, naturally obstinate, continued firm to her first Resolutions, though she saw the Court disapproved the excessive Passion, which she shewed to have Monsieur Married to the Princess of Florence. The Cardinal, who had laid the Foundations of his own Authority more solidly than on the bare Favour of the Queen-Mother, by the Reduction of Rochel, and the Delivering of Casal, had no further Necessity of her for the the maintenance of his Power, yet had reason to fear, lest she should become too great, and augment the Aversion which the Duke of orleans had for him, if he should too violently oppose his Desires. Upon this Consideration he did not give himself the trouble to across the Designs of the Queen-Mother's Enemies, who failed not to represent to the King, that this Princess sought only her own Interest in this Affair, and contradicted the Sentiment of all France, to whom the Duke of Orleans's Affection did not appear so unreasonable. The Queen perceiving with what Coldness the Cardinal espoused her Interests, began to hate him more hearty than ever she had loved him.  
The King having repassed the Mountains, and the Cardinal quickly following him, as I have before said, his Majesty thought it to little purpose to detain the Princesses any longer Prisoners at Vincennes, and the Cardinal also openly declared the same, which raised the Queen-Mother's Indignation to an excessive height against him. In the Interim they were to be delivered the 15th of May, upon a new promise Monsieur ma●… neyer to mary Mary de Gonzaga, without the Cons●… of their Majesties. The Count of Gazzoldo was bef●… this come from Mantua to demand of the Queen, t●… he might be permitted to conduct that Princess to 〈…〉 Duke her Father: But the fear the Queen was in, t●… Monsieur might have some design on foot, deferred 〈…〉 giving a definitive Answer till the King's return. Up●… the King's return, the Duke of Orleans avoided sight, and retired to Joinville, a place in Champai●… which belonged to the Duke of Guise. A rumour w●… spread abroad, that he designed to go into lorraine, 〈…〉 into Flanders, till they had given him satisfaction: 〈…〉 this Conduct, instead of inducing the King to do som●… thing for him, seemed to render him more contemptib●… at Court: and the King refused to grant him any●…vour which he would not ask in a submissive mann●… The King being indeed absolute in his Kingdom, so th●… none of those who were discontented, durst show t●… least mark of it, or offer their services to the Duke 〈…〉 orleans, he regarded but little what that Prince cou●… do; The Queen-Mother who wished for his return 〈…〉 Court, knew not how to take it, because the Prin●… refused to come back, except they would give him so●… other satisfaction, in case they would not consent to 〈…〉 Marriage: And the King, by the Cardinal's Couns●… would give ear to no treaty with his Brother. S●… could not resolve to suffer Mary de Gonzaga to depa●… whom he farther had again demanded, and the Ki●… had sent to treat about this affair, till the Cardin●… should return from Languedoc.  
In the interim, the Duke of Orleans,* provoked his being seemingly despised, retired to Nanci to t●… Duke of lorraine; the Queen-Mother was so transport●… at that news, that she was fain to be let blood, a litt●… after she heard it. All France blamed her harshness 〈…〉 the Prince, whom she pretended to govern like a Chil●… and the King himself gave out some words, whi●… shewed him of that opinion; which much afflicted t●… Queen-Mother, who hoped to make use of his auth●…rity to reduce the Prince to his duty. Soon aft●… 
Aubery Life of the carded. Lib. 3. c. 17.  the Duke of Orleans, who durst not complain neither of the King, nor the Queen-Mother, made a manifesto, in which he accused Cardinal Richlieu, and the Marquis d'Effrat, to be the cause of many disorders which were observed in the State.* This Carriage of Gaston gave occasion to the Cardinal to refuse the Queen-Mother to 
† Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. P. 727, 728.  concern her self in the business of the Marriage. The Duke of Orleans at the same time wrote a long Letter to the King, wherein he set down the subjects of his Discontents with the Court, but did not dwell long upon that Article. He above all complained against the Cardinal, that he was called mayor of the Palace at that time, and that he was said to Usurp the Authority Royal. That Prince pretended that if he would come back to Court, his allowance should be augmented, and that he should have a good sum of ready Money to pay his Debts, and the Government of a Province, be admitted into the Cabinet Council, and declared the Kings Lieutenant-General of all his Armies, where his Majesty did not Command himself in person; that the Duke of Vendosme should be released and restored to his Government of Britany; and in fine, that divers things should be bestowed on the Duke of Bellegar●, the President le Coigneux and to Puylaurens his Principal Counsellors.  
The Cardinal returned to Court 
The 13th of Sept. by Siri.  at the beginning of Autumn, but was very coldly received by the Queen-Mother, who would not vouchsafe to look upon the Mareschals de Bassompiere and Schomberg, whom the Cardinal presented to her. 
This is taken out of Aubery, who yet refers it another time.  The Queen then asked him how he did; he answered, that he was better than some people who were there would have him. The Queen blushed, understanding the words, but feigned not to take notice of them, laughing to see Cardinal Berulle come in in a short habit; upon which the Cardinal said to her, that he could wish himself as much in her good esteem, as him whom she laughed at. There were others words which passed between them, which ended by the arrival of the King, who greatly caressed the Cardinal, and lead him to his Closet, where that Prelate gave him an account of the manner of the Queen-Mother's receiving him, and begged his permission to retire home; but the King answered, that he would reconcile them, and speaking to his Mother she seemed to consent to it. So the next day 
The 14th of Septemb. in Siri T. 6. P. 728.  the Cardinal was to wait on the Queen, to endeavour to justify himself in her opinion. But that Princess reproached him of ingratitude, and the malice he had to abandon her in the affair of Gaston's Marriage. They came to so hot words, that the King having notice notice of it run to excuse the Cardinal. The Queen being provoked, declared, that she would not have him meddle any more with her affairs, nor come into her presence. Some 
Aubery. Lib. 4. c. 4.  Historians say, that this was by a Billet which she sent him, and that the Cardinal, having informed the King at the same time, protested, that if the Queen should take from him the superintendance of her House, he should be obliged to leave the Court, where he should not be looked upon, but as a faithless and ingrateful Servant: but be it as it would, the King took care to reconcile him with his Mother, at least in outward appearance,  
In the mean time, she complained* in private, to 
Siri Mem. Rec. P. 781.  those to whom she could speak with Confidence, that the Cardinal hindered her recovering any satisfaction from Monsieur, under pretext that by augmenting her authority that of the King's was diminished. The Cardinal, as the Queen-Mother believed, did two things; one, that he flattered the covetous and jealous humour of the King; the other, that he engaged Monsieur to demand with greater obstinacy that he might be permitted to mary Mary de Gonzaga, since they would give him no other satissfaction. She also feared, that the Cardinal by this means, would gain the favour of the House of Longueville, which made him hope to mary his Niece Combalet to the Count of Soissons: that after he had in a manner caused that Monsieur should mary the Princess of Mantua, to appease him altogether he would cause all he required to be granted, or at least the greatest part: And that the King being so fond of the Cardinal was persuaded that he had preserved his Crowns, and laboured only for his glory, and that she had no authority with the King as his Mother.  
She said, that the Cardinal was become so insolent, that he had let her understand, that it was now time that she might be contented to depend on him: That he had said, That for all her Choler against him, he would not cease to be her Servant, and do her all good offices with the King her Son, which she stood in need of; because People did not stick to say, that she thought of nothing but the continuance of her own authority, though with the disadvantage of his Majesty's, and that by her excessive rigour she had constrained Monsieur to withdraw himself: she also added, that the Cardinal had said, that she ought to remember that she might stand in need of him.  
Another time, as she affirmed, the Cardinal would have surprised her, by telling her, That since she was concerned in honour to exclude Mary de Gonzaga, yet she was not to be counseled to consent to it, but that to appease the Duke of Orleans, and to hinder the kingdoms thinking it strange, that all things he desired were denied him, she might reasonably shut her Eyes, and permit, without giving her consent, that Monsieur might privately mary that Princess, because she might gain this advantage by it, that if she should have no Children, as the Queen-Mother was always of opinion, it would be easy to declare that marriage null, and so entirely dissolve it. But the Queen-Mother had rejected with reason that Counsel, because she said the barrenness of the Princess of Mantua being very incertain if she had Children, doubt might be made of their Legitimacy, which might cause great disturbances.  
During these contests 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. P. 784.  the Cardinal appeared extremely pensive, because the most indifferent persons blamed him for ingratitude to the Queen-Mother; and that if the King should die, as many Astrologers foretold, he should find himself exposed to the anger of that Princess, and perhaps also to that of the new King, with whom it would be difficult to reconcile himself. Otherwise a great many Persons of the best Rank, and especially the House of Guise would endeavour to make the Cardinal give place to the Queen.  
About this time Peter 
2 Octob.  Berullus died, who was the Queen-Mother's only counselor, and who was made Cardinal two years before. Cardinal de Richelieu did not love him, though he was an honest Man and of an exemplary life, He had treated more than once as a weak man, because of the Counsels he gave to the Queen-Mother in the King's absence. Above all he blamed the advice which Berullus had given to arrest the Princesses of Longueville and Mantua, as a dangerous Counsel and evil Consequence, and outrageous not only for the Princesses, but also to the person of Monsieur, and in effect, this imprisonment was not pardonable, because monsieurs taking away the Princess of Mantua might have been otherwise hindered. All the world was convinced that the Queen-Mother sought to Reign as long as she lived, and assumed too much authority over her Sons. The King was so much assured of the anger of the Queen against Cardinal Richelieu, that it augmented the Confidence which he had in that Minister.  
A while after, 
21 Nov. See the Mem. of Aubery T. 1. P. 308.  the King dispatched Letters-Patents in which after the praise of the Cardinal, he declared him principal Minister of State. The Cardinal had that function a little time after his admission into the Council; but as the Rank which he held above the other Ministers of State, was rather tacked to the Dignity of Cardinal than to his Person; these Letters-Patents, to distinguish him from all others, gave him the title or Principal Minister of State, rather than that of first, which noted only the Rank.  
During this, the Duke of Bellegard returned to the Court, on the behalf of the Duke of Orleans, to endeavour to obtain something for him, and to entreat the Queen-Mother not to be reconciled with the Cardinal, of whom Monsieur was absolutely resolved to be revenged; He also bad him tell her, that he would espouse what Princess her Majesty pleased. He agreed to return to Paris, and remain a while at Orleans without seeing the King, provided they would augment his allowance of an hundred thousand liures in fund of Lands, which at last, was granted him, by assigning to him the duchy of clois, besides what he had already.  
To return presently to Foreign Affairs, neither the House of Austria, nor the Duke of Savoy, had made peace with France by the Treaty of Suse, but only to divert the King from procedure in his assisting the Duke of Mantua, and to free themselves from the fear of an Army, which they were not in capacity to resist. It was reasonably to be suspected, immediately after the Treaty of Suse, that the Emperor had some design upon the Estates of the Duke of Mantua, because Thoires 
History of Theoiras, Lib. 2. c. 6. 7.  was obliged to take L'Altare and Roque Vignal by force, where the Marquis de Grana was lodged with the Imperial Ensigns, refusing to aclowledge the Duke of Nevers.  
The Cardinal being in Languedoc, the Emperor sent the Count de Merode with sixteen thousand Foot and two thousand Horse to demand of the three Leagued Grisons 
* Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. P. 380.  the Passage of the Valteline, and at the same time to seize it. The Count entered into the Country of the Grisons, took Coire, and put himself into a Condition to enter the Milaneze by the Valteline. Italy was extremely surprised to see an Imperial Army, to execute the decree of an Emperor, which was despised before, because not maintained by force, The Emperor sent at the same time a Circulary Letter to the Princes of Germany, dated the 9th of June, 1629. in the which he declared the motives which induced him to sand an Army into Italy, which were the divers pretenders to the Dutchy's of Mantua and Montferrat, who had filled Italy with Troops, for whose repose he was obliged to labour; the Journey of the King of France into Piedmont, with an Army; and the authority he had taken to make Treaties about the Fiefs which depended on the Empire, and to render himself Arbiter of the concerns, which could not be determined but by his Imperial Majesty. These reasons had obliged the Emperor to sand an Army into Italy, to maintain his Rights, and create all due obedience to his decrees. Ambrosio Spinola, who remained some time in Spain, was also gone to take the Government of the Milaneze, and the conduct of the Spanish Forces in that Country.  
Upon news of this, the Cardinal, to keep those advantages which he had lately gotten over the Spaniard, was resolved to sand, as soon as possible, new succours to the Duke of Mantua. Orders were sent to the marshal de Crequi, who was at Turin, to know of the Duke of Savoy, after what manner he pretended to Govern himself in this conjuncture, and whether he would assist the Duke of Mantua, as he was by the Treaty of Susa obliged to do. Thoiras also was ordered to retire to Cazal and Ponzone with the French Troops▪ which were spread up and down in divers places of Montferrat: and to the Ambassadors of the Crown with the Princes of Italy, and more especially to him who was at Venice, to forget nothing which might induce them to oppose the enterprizes of the Imperialists and Spaniards.  
The Duke of Savoy instead of disposing himself to observe the Articles of the Treaty of Susa, re-demanded that place of the King, by his Ambassador, feigning to be entirely for the Interests of France, but they were persuaded of the contrary, and so took no heed of granting what he demanded. The Governor of Milan and the Pope's Nuncio made divers Propositions; but as the Imperialists and the Spaniards sought for nothing but to seize on the States of the Duke of Mantua, under pretence to keep them in Deposit, until the Emperor had adjudged the Process which was between the Duke of Nevers and Guastalla all those Negotiations were unprofitable. From this time Julio Mazarini, who was afterwards Cardinal, took great pains to prevent things from coming to an open rapture.  
In the mean time, Rambold, Count of Collalto, who was to Command the Imperial Army, arrived in the Millaneze. He wrote to the Duke of Mantua, that if he would not willingly obey the decree of the Emperor, he had orders to enter with his Army, and take possession of his Estates. He was resolved to make an Invasion into the duchy of Mantua with ten thousand Men, and to sand about six thousand into Montferrat, without counting the Troops which he expected in the Country of the G●●s●ns. About the end of September, he put himself into a posture to execute his threats: The Duke of Mantua not being sufficiently provided of Troops and Munitions to make a vigorous Resistance because the French succours were not as yet come, and that the republic of Venice, who was most interested for the preservation of his Estates, succoured him but slowly and weakly.  
The Generals of the 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. P. 747.  Imperial Army, took up some time in consideration, whether they should enter into the Mantuan before the Winter, because they were in doubt, whether they could make their Army subsist there, not knowing the Country well enough, and fearing that the Forces of the other Princes of Italy would cut off their Victuals: but as their Soldiers, who were not at all paid, and very ill entertained, Deserted every day in great numbers; they feared they should be out of condition to do any thing when the Winter was come. Spinola being consulted thereupon, was of opinion, that Collalto should presently attack Mantua, which he knew was not well provided: besides, if they gave time to the Duke, he would fortify himself better, and draw in all the Provisions, which were yet in the Country, into the strong places. Spinola added to this, That he was ready to pay a Sum of Money to Callalto, if he readily would undertake the enterprise. This Advice was followed, and the Imperialists, after a new Publication of the Emperor's Decree, entred upon the Lands of Mantua, and put all into a Fright and Consternation. The People, little acquainted with War, durst not resist, nor had they so much precaution as to save their effects.  
Spinola, of his side, entering into Montferrat, seized of Aiqui, of Ponzon, of Roque Vignal, of Nissa de la Paille, the French having abandoned all but Cazal and Pontesture, to which they reduced the Defence of Montferrat.  
The Generals for the Emperor took 
20 Octob.  Canetto,( a place of extraordinary strength, and which the Duke of Mantua believed would have held out a long time) by the Treachery of Angelo Corraro a Noble Venetian, who was Governor, and who expected only to see the Imperial Army, that he might surrender himself, as he thought, with honour. The garrison of Gazzuolo would have assassinated their Governor Monteret, if he would not have surrendered, which he was 
28 Octob.  forced to do, though he had provisions for many Months, and the Place strong enough. Governolo was two days after taken by Storm, and the People, which were no way accustomend to War, submitted every where to the Imperial Arms.  
Aldringhen and Galat, Sergeant of battle in the Imperial Army, being approached to Mantua, though it was extreme bad weather, and the excessive Dirt of the Mantuan had made the ways unpassable, began to form the Siege of Mantua. This place was ill provided, and the Italian Soldiers so Raw and ill Disciplined, that the Germans made their Approaches, and took divers Posts without any great loss. Yet could they not hinder a Venetian Convoy from getting in, with some French Officers, which gave some Courage to the Duke, who knew not which way to turn himself. The Nuntio Pancirolo and Mazarine, would have proposed a Cessation of Arms, but it was not possible to persuade the Imperialists, who believed they should be Masters of Mantua in a few days. They gave an Assault to the City, the 27th of November, but were repulsed. It appeared by this Siege that the places which the Imperialists had already taken in the State of Mantua had not fallen so easily into their hands, but by the Cowardice of the Commanders or Troops which were there: since Mantua which was neither well provided, nor well Fortified, escaped them, since it had some Officers within and some few Foreign Troops able to resist.  
Whilst things passed thus in Italy, the French Forces marched towards Susa, and the King had designed the Cardinal to command them. Some time after his departure an Agent of Spain, name Navas, who was to return to Madrid, 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 6. P. 788.  coming to take leave of him, the Cardinal charged him to tell the Ministers of Spain, and particularly the Conde de Olivarez, That the King had always designed to live in Peace with his catholic Majesty, and had the same intention for the Affairs of Italy; but if they had no regard to his good will, Spain might assure itself, that France was in a state to make War with any whosoever, that would not entertain Peace; and that she would never flee from it, wherefore his catholic Majesty must know that he left him to his liberty to choose Peace or War.  
In fine, the Army being already in Dauphiné, strong twenty thousand Foot and two thousand Horse, the King caused Letters-Patents to be passed to the Cardinal dated the 24th of December, in which after an Encomium of this Prelate, he gave him the Title of Lieutenant General, representing the person of the King, which was never before given to any whatsoever. It was permitted him to receive and hear the Ambassadors of Princes, and Deputies of Towns and Communities, and to sand them, as he should judge necessary for the Service of the King. His Enemies said, to render him odious, that the King had divested himself of all his Authority in favour of the Cardinal, and reserved nothing to himself but the power of Curing the Evil. It was for him the new word Generalissimo was invented, to distinguish him more easily from the Mareschals Crequi, Schomberg, and de la Force, who were to serve under him in quality of Lieutenant-Generals.  
He left Paris the 29th of December, and mounted in a Coach, accompanied by the Cardinal de la Valette and the Duke of montmoremcy in one Boot, and the Mareschals Bassompiere and Schomberg in the other, one hundred Cavaliers of Persons of the greatest Quality at Court accompanied him about a mile and a half from Paris, where the Guards attended with eight Troops of the Regiment of Guards of three hundred Men each. Those who were to bid a-dieu having taken leave, he took the Road to lions, with a small Flying Camp, which the King had given him for the safe-Guard of his Person.  
Some Months before his Departure, the Cardinal had the pleasure to understand that Urban VIII. had given a Hat to his Brother the Arch-Bishop of lions, whom he had taken out of a cloister to give him that archbishopric, and another to the Nuncio Bagni, who was his particular Friend, insomuch that it seemed that all the world striven to honour his Family, and to show him their good wills.  
The Cardinal arrived at lions the 18th of January, in the year 1630, from whence he sent Servien to the Duke of Savoy, to give him notice that he approached the Frontiers with an Army of thirty thousand Men to succour the Duke of Mantua, and therefore expected, according to the Treaty of Suze, that the Duke gave him passage through his Estates, and joined his Army with his, as he had a little before  told him he would, by his Ambassador the President of Montfalcon. The Duke denied to have given any such Order to his Ambassador, and said, that the Prince of piedmont was gone to Pont de Beauvoisin, where he might confer with the Cardinal.  
Three Days after the arrival of this Prelate at lions, the Count de St. Maurice came on behalf of the Prince of piedmont, who was already at Pont de Beauvoisin, to offer to give passage to the Army, through the Estates of his Father, and to entreat the Cardinal to come to the same place to confer with him touching the march of the Army. The Cardinal answered, that he would advice with the Mareschals, and some other Lords who were at lions with him▪ about it. In effect, he sent to find the Mareschals Bassompiere and Schomberg, and de la Force, beside the Duke of montmoremcy, and the Marquis of Alincourt, Governor of lions. 
Bassomp. Mem. T. 2. P. 584.  This last said, that he perceived no inconvenience which could be, if he did what the Prince of piedmont desired. The marshal Schomberg who gave his Opinion after him, said, that for many reasons he thought it not fit that the Cardinal should go to Pont de Beauvoisin; That it would look as if he went to seek the Prince, because of the desire he had to have Peace, and that the Spaniards who knew it would make none, but with conditions advantageous to them; That the Proposition of the Prince of piedmont, was but an Artifice to delay the march of the King's Army, and the Execution of his designs; That it was from Vanity that the Spaniards, who so much desired Peace with the French, would that it should be Treated of, before the Army of France was gone out of the Realm, that it might clearly declare the intention of the Duke of Savoy, who played too much the Neuter on this occasion, and because of this he would Negotiate a Place which was half to the King, and half to himself. He was of Opinion that the Cardinal should answer, That having Affairs at lions for Eight Days, and being indisposed he could not go unto Pont de Beauvoisin: but if the Prince would come to lions he should be treated according to his Quality: That if he could not come, the Cardinal would see him at Chambery as he went into Italy, if he would stay for him there. The marshal de la Force was of the same Opinion, and the Duke of montmoremcy likewise approved it.  
The marshal de Bassompiere was nevertheless of the contrary Sentiment, that at least if he had not some secret Reasons, for which he would not hear any speech of Peace, he apprehended nothing why the Cardinal should refuse to go to Pont de Beauvoisin; That the Prince of piedmont was a Prince affectionate to France, Brother-in-Law to the King, and who came fifty Leagues through most bitter could to propose things to the Cardinal, which might be advantageous to the Crown; That the Cardinal went not out of his way, and in case that they came to no conclusion, he ought to go into Italy, that he might refuse or accept the Propositions when he had heard them; that this proceeding of the Prince of piedmont might give occasion to believe that the Spaniards sought Peace, since they had so ordered matters, that the Prince came to meet the General of the French Army; That it was glorious for the King, that they came to offer at his own Frontiers all they could agree to, if he were in the Milaneze with a Puissant Army. That it was rather an effect of the Prudence then of the Vanity of the Spaniards, that there could not be demanded of the Duke of Savoy a more Express Declaration than what he made the precedent year, when he had ordered it to be said by his Ambassador, that if the King would enter into an open War with Spain, he should join ten thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse to the King's Army; That France not declaring itself openly, it was not to be exacted from the Duke of Savoy to do so: It is true, that the Pont de Beauvoisin separated France from Savoy, but the Prince of piedmont would make it no difficulty to come on the King's Lands to treat with the Cardinal, who would do nothing contrary to his Dignity, nor contrary to that of the Crown by going to meet him there. That it was an advantage that the Conclusion, or breach of the Peace, should be made by the intermission of the Prince of piedmont, because the King might relax some things in his favour; and if nothing were concluded, all Europe would judge that the Conditions which the Spaniards had proposed, were very unreasonable, since at the Intercession of his Brother-in-Law the King would not accept them.  
It seems that the Cardinal would hear this second advice, because it was for his Interest to make a speedy conclusion, that he might speedily return to the Court, where they endeavoured to do him ill Offices with the King; nevertheless he followed the Counsel of the marshal Schomberg, which agreed most with his Vanity.  
He wrote to the King, that he approved of his Conduct, 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 7. P. 12.  and forbade him to give any hearing of any Propositions might be made to him concerning a simplo suspension of Arms. He was absolutely for a ready and assured Peace or a War. If the Emperor would grant the Investiture of his Estates to the Duke of Mantua, and the King of Spain would let him enjoy it in Peace, France would think no more of carrying their Arms into Italy, and there was no time more fit, to prevent his Army's passing the Mountains.  
As there was no such Proposition made on the behalf of the House of Austria; the Cardinal left lions on the 28th of January, to take his way to Suze. He sent L'Emery to the Duke of Savoy, to amuse him by some Propositions, for fear that being provoked against France, and despairing of a Reconciliation with her he should join himself with the Imperialists and Spaniards. If the Duke of Savoy should do this, then the French Army was to begin with the attack of piedmont, lest it should leave a formidable Army behind it when it should be in Montferrat; and in the mean time the Duke of Mantua would run the risk to be trod down.  
The Duke of Savoy having received the Answer, which the Cardinal had made to the Marquis of St. Maurice, was in an extreme rage to find his Son slighted after that manner. But the Cardinal excused himself on the account that it was not for the Dignity of the King, to Treat with the Duke of Savoy as his equal, as he would seem to have done, if his Minister had gone to the Frontiers, and to a place name by the Prince of piedmont. Although the Duke of Savoy had little reason to be satisfied with this put-off of the Cardinals, yet he omitted not to sand his Son near to Suze, where he had divers conferences with this Minister. 
Aubery Life of the carded. lib. 3. c. 17.  He proprosed to the Cardinal to Attack the republic of Genoua, and the duchy of Milan at the same time, and offered to join the Troops of his Father with those of the King, and to furnish all he could raise from his Estates; and also to give him places for security. The Cardinal rejected all these Propositions as nothing to the purpose, and required that the Duke should presently assign Estates, that the Army might march towards Montferrat, where the Places for want of Munition and sufficient garrisons run great hazard to fall into the hands of the Spaniards.  
The Duke of Savoy, pressed by the Cardinal, marked the Roads for the Army through his Estates, and the places where they might find Victuals paying for them; the Army advanced to Condovi, and from thence to Cazelleta, where, instead of finding Victuals, it was reduced to extreme Want, which hindered its further passage. Whilst it sojourned there, the Cardinal having received advice, that Casal and Pondesture had received each a considerable Convoy of Victuals, which was what those places principally wanted, he sent one to carry his last Resolution to the Duke of Savoy, to oblige him forthwith to declare himself; which was, that if he would join his Troops to the French Army, his Majesty would give him the Valley of Cisery, and the Pont de Gresin, would maintain for him five thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse, and also join with him for the recovery of what the Genoeses detained. The Prince of piedmont came to find the Cardinal, and accepted the Proposals which he had caused to be made to his Father; but he said, that not being yet reconciled with the Genoueses, he had a design to bring them to reason, and that was what hindered him to join the Royal Army.  
This Answer created an Apprehension, That the Duke of Savoy only designed to gain time, which was not to be given him. The French Generals then concluded to declare War against him, if he executed not immediately the Treaty of Suze. They sent to tell him, that by the Treaty, the King's Army was to have free passage through piedmont to go to Montferrat. It was just that the Duke should raze the Fortifications of Veillane, which is a place upon the Passage, which the Duke had Fortified about a year since, and put a strong garrison therein. It was not prudence for them to leave that place in that condition behind them, in the uncertainty they were in of what the Duke of Savoy might do. The Duke only offered to withdraw part of his forces from Veillane, but would hear nothing of razing the Fortifications of a place, which was so far in his Country. In the mean time, he seized the principal Passes of the River door, as if he would oppose the march of the King's Army. 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 7. P. 63.  For this reason the Cardinal caused Cognizance to be taken of the Fords of that River, and having recalled the Vanguard, which was six Leagues from thence, and commanded by the marshal de Crequi, he gave orders to all the Army to be before the said Fords, on the Night of the 18th or 19th of March, to pass them at break of day. The Horse were to pass first, and the Infantry to follow them over a Bridge at a great distance. The Cardinal had a design to surprise the Duke of Savoy, who was at Rivoli, a House of Pleasure, and suddenly to Invest that place, before the Duke could get out, after which he might make him do what he thought fit To execute this design more easily, the Cardinal sent a Gentleman to the Duke, to tell him, that the King's Army could stay no longer where it was without prejudice; and that he entreated him to dispose all things so, as that it might pass conveniently and without further delay, otherwise he should be obliged to force his Passage, and to provide, as he should find it necessary, subsistence for the Army. The Duke on his side 
Aubery Life of the carded. Lib. 3. c. 17.  sent his Son the Prince of piedmont to demand the reason of the Countermarch of the Vanguard, which came back the way it went. The Cardinal answered, that as he had not informed himself of the reason of some motions which the Duke of Savoy had caused his Troops to make, so was he not obliged to give an account, why he had caused the Vanguard to approach nearer to the rest of the Army.  
On the morrow, the design we spoken of was to be Executed, and the Duke of Savoy being much inferior in number of Troops, would have been infallibly taken. if he had not in the Night retired to Turin, be it that he was advertised of the Cardinal's design, or that he suspected it: The Cardinal 
Siri ibid, p. 64.  accused the Duke of montmoremcy, that he had given notice to the Duke of Savoy; but his not saying so till after his Death, that accusation is with reason to be a little suspected. Let it be as it will, the Duke withdrew himself with his Troops to Turin, before the French Army had passed the door. 
Pontis. Mem. T. 2. p 411.  An Officer who was present in this Expedition, said, that the Cardinal was habited in a Cuirass of Watercolour, and a Coat of the Colour of Fueillemort, on on which he had a small gold belt, he had, added he, a Plume of Feathers round his Hat, two Pages marching before him on Horseback, of which one carried his gauntlets, and the other the Habillement of his Head; two other Pages marched on each side of him, and each of them held by the Bridle a Courser of great price; behind him was the Captain of his Guards. In this Equipage he passed the River door on Horseback, having his Sword by his side, and two Pistols at his Saddle bow, and when he was got over to the other side, he made his Horse curvet a hundred times before the Army, vaunting aloud his skill in that Exercise.  
Another affirms, that it 
Puysegar. Mem. p. 66.  Rained that Day excessively, and that the Soldiers being extraordinary wet, cried out aloud, The Devil take the Cardinal and all his People. The Cardinal seeing an Officer pass by, called him, and  told him, the Soldiers were very insolent, asking him, if he understood what they said? The Officer replied, Yes; but it is the Custom of Soldiers whilst they are suffering, but they always said the contrary when they were at ease. In the sequel, he  told the Cardinal, that he would advice them to be wiser when he gave them Orders. The Army being come to Rivoli the Cardinal was lodged in the Castle in the middle of the Town; the Soldiers having found plenty of Victuals, began to solace themselves for the Fatigue they had that day had, and the Cardinal understood they were very merry, and drank a Health to this great Cardinal Richelieu: The Officer going afterwards to receive Orders from him, because then the Guards received them from the General alone, or the King when he commanded in Person; the Cardinal  told him, that the Soldiers had much changed their discourse, and thought it to no purpose to punish them.  
The same day 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 7. P. 63.  he sent to Turin, Servien, to tell the Duke that the Army had not come to Rivoli, could they have subsisted in the place where they were, and that that ought not to break the good understanding between the Cardinal and his Highness, provided he would do what should be done on his part.  
But the Duke was in such a rage, for the trick he had played him, that he would not see Servien, nor any whosoever who would endeavour to appease him. Servien returned thither a second time to speak to the Princess of Piedmont, and the Duke sent a Gentleman to Negotiate with the Cardinal. In the interim, that Prelate thought of besieg●●g Pign●●ol, knowing the place was not in a condition of defence. On the 2●th of March it was Invested by the marshal de Cr●qui, who was detached with six thousand Foot and a thousand Horse. To deceive the Duke, the Cardinal gave out, that he would march to Turin, and he which commanded the Artillery, made it advance that way more than a League▪ and all the Army accompanied it, which made the Duke believe that the Cardinal would effectually visit the Capital of the State; so that ●● suddenly recalled some Troops, which he ordered to throw themselves into Pigner●l. Moreover, the Cardinal sent to recall his Avant-guard, and his Artillery to return, and made the Rear-guard make a demi-turn to the Right, and march to Pignerol. The Army arrived there on the 21, and Invested that place on every side. They used so much diligence that the next day a Battery of three pieces of Cannon begun to play, which made those of the City, which might have held out several days, to surrender. The Cardinal entred into the Town, and began to attack the Castle. The Count Urban d'Escalangue Governor of the Place, was retired into it with eight hundred men: at the same time they worked on Lines of Contravallation, fearing they should be long time before that Castle, which being on a Rock, seemed almost to be impregnable. 
Memoirs of the principal actions of the marshal de Plessis, p. 2.  The Count de Plessis Praslain Master of the Camp, had orders to build a Fort on the Mountain of St. Bridget, to stop relief which might come that way, they fixed a† Miner to one of the Bastions, which was on so hard a Rock, that in three days he scarcely made a hole would cover half a Man. During this, the Governor, who had no experience in the Art-Military, 
‡ Puysegar. Mem. p. 68.  fancied himself with the garrison ready to fly into the Air, and on Easter-Eve, when no such thing was expected, he beat a Parley. The Cardinal who had notice, that the Duke of Savoy was advancing to relieve the place, immediately sent the marshal de Crequi, to agree with the Governor on his own terms, provided he went out in four hours. But the Devout Governor said, he would not depart till the morrow morning, because he would absolutely communicate in his place, before he surrendered it. All they could draw out of him, was that it should be early in the morning, and that he would give Hostages, In the mean time the Cardinal, who feared every moment to have the Duke of Savoy on his back, and that might inspire new Courage into the Cowardly Governor, grew impatient, and caused in the Night the Clocks of the Town to be set an hour forward, to hasten Escalangue; when day appeared Escalangue after receiving the Sacrament, with the greatest part of the garrison went out of the place. The garrison took their way to Turin, but the Governor stayed behind to dispatch some affairs which he had. These Troops about a League from the Town met the Duke of Savoy, who was coming to relieve Pignerol, and was so enraged at their Cowardice, that he ordered the Cavalry to lay hands on them. He should rather have prevented this Mischief, by putting into Pignerol a Man of War, instead of Escalangue: and he was blamed by all the War, for putting the Keys of his Estate into the hands of a Man who was unable to keep them. Thus France obtained a Passage from Dauphiné into Piedmont which she would never since part with, and by means of which she hath ever since held the Dukes of Savoy in dependence, or hindered them from taking Arms against her and escaping unpunished.  
The Cardinal who knew the Importance of keeping this place, took care to fortify it regularly, and to place a good garrison in it. Although he had prevalent reasons to return into France as soon as possible, yet he would not leave Pignerol before he had put it in a state of Defence. 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 7. P. 66.  When he sent an Express to the King to carry him the news of this Conquest, he gave an account of the Reasons which he had engaged him to break with the Duke, the Principal whereof was that he would not observe the Treaty of Susa. Had these Reasons been weak, yet the taking of Pignerol, on which the Crown had ancient pretensions, would have rendered them of very great moment, and the King could not but approve of the Conduct of his Minister.  
The Pope and the Venetians were not angry, that France had gotten an open Passage into Italy, to held Savoy to his Duty, and more easily to oppose the enterprizes of the House of Austria; But it was feared that the rapture with Savoy, would stop the French Arms in Piedmont, and that in the mean time Casal and Mantua would fall into the hands of the Imperialists and Spaniards. To prevent this, the Cardinal Antonio Barbarino legate, and the Ambassadors of Venice pressed the Cardinal to make an accommodation with Savoy, but this accommodation was the more difficult, because the Duke insisted absolutely for the Restoration of Pignerol, which it was to be feared France would never consent to.  
For this the legate 
The 7th of April. Ibid. P. 72.  went to Pignerol to visit the Cardinal, and see if he could persuade him to restore this place. The Cardinal  told him, That he had no power, because the King had but scarcely received news of its taking. That as he could not give neither his word nor assurance, that the place should be restored, so would he not put them out of all hopes: that they might employ their endeavours with the King to obtain it, and he believed the intercession of the Princess of Piedmont, might be of very great weight, especially if they demanded the restitution of this place, not upon any convention but merely as an effect of the King's generosity. The legate replied thereupon, that to make the Peace more easily, France ought to give her word that she would restore Pignerol, for the consideration she had for the Princess of Piedmont. The Cardinal answered to this, That he had no power to give it, and that should the King design to restore Pignerol, he knew not why he should promise before hand, what he was only obliged to do out of his own generosity. But as soon as he knew the King's intention he would not fail to let him know it. The legate after proposed a suspension of Arms, and the Cardinal replied, That if that could produce the conclusion of a Peace, as the legate might know from the Spaniards and the Duke of Savoy, he would voluntarily propose it to the Council, and would not be an Enemy to that advice; but if this suspension were not made for that end, it would be to no purpose to speak of it, Being pressed oftentime▪ to tell what he thought of the restitution of Pignerol, he said, That he believed the King's intention was not to appropriate that place to himself, but that the King might design to keep it, until all the Articles of Peace were completely executed, because he had no other security for the execution of the Treaty. The Father Valerian a Capuchin, made moreover many Propositions, but the Cardinal remained firm to his resolutions, and as they knew the King entirely depended on his Counsels, they found it would be no easy matter to get Pignerol out of his hands, and by consequence to come to any conclusion. The French thought it strange, that Urban the VIII. should sand his Nephew, to treat on such a difficult affair as this, instead of sending a Cardinal of Age and Experience.  
So that nothing was concluded, the marshal of Schomberg advanced 
4 April.  about the beginning of April, as far as Briqueras, and as Spinolo, Collalto, and the Duke of Savoy opposed themselves to his passage, he durst proceed no further; so that the design of relieving the Duke of Mantua, of which the Cardinal made so much noise, and which was the occasion of the King's Army passing the Mountains, vanished, since France had found another way to pay itself for the charge she had been at.  
The King, that he might be near to his Armies, came with the Queen and all the Court to lions the 4th of May, where he received news from the Cardinal which informed him, that after he had put Pignerol in a state of Defence, he would be ready to attend him. The marshal de Bassompiere who had been sent into Switzerland, to raise six thousand men there, returned, having executed his Commission. A Council was kept, and it was concluded, to make the Conquest of Savoy, to counterbalance that way the advantages which the Imperialists and the Spaniards had made on the Estates of the Duke of Mantua, and to whom no further opposition could be made, by reason of the difficulty of the Passages. The 14th of May was appointed for the Rendezvous of the Army which was to be between Grenoble and the Fort de Barraut.  
The 10th of the same Month the King partend from lions to go to Grenoble, whither the Cardinal was come the day before. The King arrived the 12th, and the Cardinal having related to him what had passed in Piedmont, went to lions to salute the Queens. He gave all manner of respects to their Majesties, and it was believed he would not have made this journey, but only to endeavour a perfect reconciliation with the Queen-Mother. This Princess Exhorted him very much to a Peace, and he seemed to be well inclined to make it, if it could be done with honour. There was no design formed against the States of the House of Austria; no transactions were set on foot but for punishing the Duke of Savoy, and by the same means to support the Duke of Mantua. The Cardinal also seemed absolutely reconciled with the Queen-Mother, to whom he made great submissions, and she for her part showed not any resentment for what had passed.  
The Cardinal was afterwards to find the King again, who in a little time subjected all Savoy with an Army of eighteen thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse. In the mean time, Mazarine came in quality of a Nuntio, to treat of Peace, and the Cardinal offered to restore Pignerol, but on so hard terms, 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 7. P. 81.  that there was no appearance that the House of Austria would entertain them. The Conquest of Savoy, nevertheless, proved not of so great consequence to facilitate a Peace as was expected; and Collalto and Spinola receiving every day new Troops, put themselves in posture to invade the Mantuan and Montferrat, without any one that was in a Condition to withstand them. All the French Nation being wearied with continual Wars, in which they had been for so long time engaged either at Home or Abroad. The new Impositions which had been laid on the People for carrying on the Wars, rendered them discontented: there had been some Seditious in Burgundy, and also a Commotion at lions, although the Queens were present, the People refusing to pay the new Taxes. The garrison of Pignerol, and the Troops in Piedmont suffered infinitely for want of Victuals. Troiras, who was in Casal, wholly wanted Money, and was obliged to Coin Copper, with promise to save all Persons from Damage by it, who should receive it, as soon as the City should be disengaged. If in this conjuncture, the House of Austria, had proposed tolerable conditions, a Peace had easily followed, though before there was no talk of War. The Cardinal had always this maxim to make advantage by the present state of affairs, and as the condition of things changed, he often changed his Counsels, and abandoned his principal designs, whenever he found in the execution any thing equivalent.  
In the interim, he furnished Thoiras with 30000 Crowns to pay the garrison of Casal, for fear lest for want of Money that Town should fall into the hands of the Spaniards. 
Aubery Life of the carded. Lib. 3. c. 22.  About this time the Pope made a Decree, by which, instead of the title of Illustrissimo, or most Illustrious 
* 10 June  Lordship, the Cardinals were to receive that of Eminence, or most Eminent. The Decree being sent to all the Cardinals, they were not wanting to make their advantages by it, and they treated the French Cardinals as well as the others, only with that of Eminencies. It was said, that Cardinal Richelieu not only approved of this new Title, but had no small share in its Invention.  
Don Philippo Spinola, Son of the Governor of Milan, at the beginning of this Spring took Pondesture, ill defended by the French, and four other small places; so that there remained no more than Casal, which belonged to the Duke of Mantua in Montferrat, by the bravery of Thoiras who was always in the place. The Marquis Spinola formed the Siege the 23 of May with an Army of Eighteen thousand Foot and six thousand Horse. Thoiras made great and continual Sallies which incommoded the besiegers, but so weakened his garrison; The Germans began at the same time to attack Mantua; where-into the marshal d'Estree, sometime before had thrown himself, without Money, or Forces; so that he was of little use to the Duke. The Venetians succoured that place so slowly and weakly, and a great part of the Inhabitants loving rather to submit to the Emperor than endure a longer War, it was taken, and the Duke obliged to Surrender the Citadel of Porto on the 18th of July. From thence he retired into the Ecclesiastical State, having been able to save nothing but his Person: and had it not been for the generosity of the Neighbouring Princes, he had wanted all things most necessary to support Life: We are assured, that since the beginning of the Siege there died in Mantua, above twenty five thousand Persons of the Siege and of other Inconveniences, but the Avarice of the Germans who entred it, caused yet greater mischief, there being not a house, which they plundered not of all things they had a mind to, nor any insolence which they did not commit. The Duke of Mantua was generally blamed, who sold and engaged the Lands which he had in France for above four hundred and fifty thousand Crowns, and disposed of the greatest parts of the rich movables which he found in the Palace of the Dukes of Mantua, to support himself in this War, and yet notwithstanding did nothing requisite for the Preservation of his State, not having so much as an indifferent garrison in Mantua, nor having taken the pains to Fortify it. It was thought strange, that the Venetians had not better succoured it, being so much concerned as they were; But what was more surprising was, that France, which had declared highly for him, acquitted her self so ill, of what she had promised him, doing nothing but what was done for the Relief of Casal. The Cardinal accounted the taking of Pignerol, to be a thing infinitely more important than the Succour of Mantua, in which there was more of glory than of present profit to the Crown.  
He had, during this, entertained commerce with the Princes, who composed the Protestant League in Germany, and who opposed themselves to the Grandeur of the House of Austria. It was this year that Gustavus Adolphus passed into Pomerania, and the King having sent the Baron de Charnaces to him, to propose a League between the two Crowns, the Cardinal wrote to him 
Dated a● Shatfund, the 17th of September.  and received a most obliging answer▪ This Prince by his Victories suddenly stopped the progress of the House of Austria, more than all the Treaties and Intrigues of the Cardinal could do. It is true that it cost France five hundred thousand Crowns yearly, which she was obliged to pay to the King of Sweden, on condition he should attack the Emperor, but without this it would have been very difficult to have resisted the United Forces of the House of Austria. Orders also were given to the same Baron of Charnace to treat with divers Protestant Princes of Germany to engage them in the same design.  
The Army of the Mareschals de la Force and Schomberg being very much enfeebled by Desertions, and by Sicknesses, required of necessity to be reinforced with a new body of an Army, and the Conduct thereof was given to the Duke of montmoremcy, and the Marquis d'Effiat. It was composed of ten thousand Foot, and a thousand Horse, and to join the other Army 
The 9th See Siri Me. Rec. T. 7. P. 196.  they were to hazard a battle against the Troops of Savoy, commanded by the Prince Thoiras. The French being to pass a Defile, the Savoyards stayed till all were passed, but the Rear-Guard, which they charged and put them presently into confusion; but the two French Generals having caused some of their Troops to turn back, they defeated the Savoyards, and laid near two thousand Men on the ground. 
20 July.  A few days after they took the City of Saluces, by composition, which made the Duke of Savoy much perplexed. Being come to Savigliano, with design to repair the loss by a new Combat, because he was superior in Horse, he received the news of the taking of Mantua, which as much rejoiced him as it afflicted the French.  
In this conjuncture, wherein Charles Emanuel, had more reason to be sorry than to rejoice, his grief and 
* 26 July.  joy finished his Life. He was a Prince of a vast Spirit, and undaunted Courage, but extraordinarily ambitious and turbulent, and who rarely took just measures to compass the enterprises in which he engaged himself. He is likewise accused to have been unconstant, faithless, and also cruel, for they shewed divers Castles in his Estates where he had secretly put to death those he would be rid of.  
Victor Amedeus his Eldest Son, Brother-in-Law to graced XIII. succeeded him, and it was believed, that the strict Alliance which was between them would induce them quickly to a Peace, and that the new Duke would recover his Estates, more by the Generosity of the King than by way of Arms. But the politic Cardinal was entirely opposite to this kind of generosity. The French Generals having understood the Death of Charles Emanuel, deliberated whether they should go to Casal, whilst the courage of the Savoyards was abated by the Death of their Prince. But the mayor part were of opinion, that they should remain in Piedmont, wherefore they contented themselves to go to Revel, where the Plague began to kill many People. From thence they went to Villa Franca and to Pontcalier, whose Castles they took by composition. Their Cavalry soon after possessed themselves of Carignan, and the Savoyards which were there, passed quickly over the Po, and took away the Planks of the Bridge that they might not be followed by the French. The new Duke came thither almost at the same time, to relieve his Subjects, and made them work on a Retrenchment beyond the Bridge to cover his Troops and secure his passage; afterwards he made a Half Moon on that side the Bridge, a work which the French at first despised, but it being finished made them afraid that when they had a mind to retire from Carignan, they should be attacked by the Savoyards because there was a Defile to pass; they therefore resolved to attack it, 
7 August  which they did with so much vigour that they took it with Sword in hand, and killed near two thousand of the Duke's men, who again took away the Planks of the Bridge. This action of the French was nevertheless not advantageous to them, and they durst not march to Casal fearing the Army of Spinola was re-inforced with German Troops, which had been before in the Mantua, after that Mantua was taken. He pressed Casal daily more and more, and though Thoiras did all he could to defend it, he had no hopes to keep it longer than September, because he wanted both Victuals and Money, and the Soldiers were extraordinarily diminished: besides that, the Inhabitants of Casal which found themselves yet the strongest, had been wearied with three years War, and two Sieges which they had undergone, had declared that they intended to Capitulate in the Month of October, if the Siege were not raised before. Thoiras wrote this ill news to the French Generals, but their Army was so lessened by the Plague, and so full of Sicknesses, that they looked upon the relief of Casal as a thing impossible. Notwithstanding Spinola was in an extraordinary fear, lest they should march for this against his Trenches, because the fourteen thousand Men with which he began the Siege, were by sickness reduced to four, and because no quarter was given by either side.  
In this confusion of both Parties, Mazarine, who took the function of the Nuntio Pancirolo, after many Journeys which he made to no purpose on either side to induce them to a Peace, obtained in fine, that they should sign a General Truce from the 4th of September to the fifteenth of October. It was in this Treaty among other things agreed that Spinola and Thoiras, should leave all works, either for the attacking or defending of Casal, in the same Estate they were, that Spinola should give leave to the French garrison to buy Victuals in his Camp unto the end of October, that they should in the mean time remit to the Spaniards the City and Castle of Casal: that if the Peace were not concluded by the 15th of the same Month, the French might endeavour to succour the Citadel of Casal; but if they were not succoured before the last day, Thoiras should resign it to Spinola,  
This Suspension of Arms seemed strange to those, who knew not the Condition of both Parties, because it seemed to them that Spinola must necessary carry the Citadel of Casal, or that the French must raise the siege. But Spinola who could not force the Citadel, because his Army was diminished more than two thirds, and that he could obtain no assistance from Collato, under pretext that the Emperor had commanded him to guard the passes of the Po, and the Estates of the Duke of Savoy: but in effect it was that Collato was very glad, to see the Glory which Spinola had formerly acquired to be diminished. The Duke of Savoy was also extraordinarily provoked against that General, because he would not join his Army to his for the defence of Piedmont, which the Duke wished for rather than the besieging Casal. Victor Amedeus had also obtained from Spain a Prohibition to him to make any Peace, and he was to expect a new power from Madrid, to conclude the Truce.  
This General grew melancholy, and gave not orders before Casal with the same Calmness as before, and the French said themselves, that the Orders he gave for the manner of attacking this place were very bad. So being weary of the Siege, and provoked with the treatment the Spaniards gave him, he abandoned the government of affairs and fell sick of Grief. The four French Generals Schomberg, de la Force, montmoremcy, and D'Effiat, were on their side induced to the Truce, by reason of the great number of Soldiers which deserted, or which were sick in the Army, the small number of Cavalry they had, and the extremity they knew Casal was in, which they gave over for almost lost. Besides they agreed not amongst themselves, the marshal Schomberg commanded an Army in part, and de la Force, and montmoremcy, because that d'Effiat a Creature of the Cardinals, only knew the secret, and had power to Negotiate.  
The Treaty of Truce being carried to Casal, the Duke of Mayenne, second Son of the Duke of Mantua, and Thoiras also, made their particular Treaties, touching the execution of the Truce, and the Surrender of the Town and Castle of Casal, it was the Marquis of St. Croix which treated with them, by reason of the sickness of Spinola, who had remitted the conduct of the Army to him. But St. Croix had with so little exactness guarded the Avenues of the Citadel, that the garrison which at the conclusion of the Truce, was feeble and full of Sicknesses when the Truce came to expire, was more numerous, and free from inconveniencies, which might put them out of a condition to make a vigorous resistance. The Magazines which were voided were also filled, by the little faithfulness of the Spanish Soldiers, who sold Victuals to the French, as much as they pleased, and to enable them to buy. Thoiras had several ways been furnished with Money: and Mazarine himself, who ought to have been Neuter in this Affair, brought with him when he Negotiated the Truce some thousands of Pistols, a service which afterwards, gained him the good will of France, and above all the esteem and friendship of Cardinal Richelieu.  
Spinola, for some reasons which he might tell Mazarine, would never sign the Truce, and died in a few days, after making great complaints of the Count, Duke, and Council of Spain; who, after they had tried his Fidelity during thirty two years, were come to doubt of it, and seeming to put more confidence in the Duke of Savoy than in him. This fault of the Conde d'Olivarez, was the cause that Casal remained to the French, as you will find in the sequel. But it must be confessed, that after the Cardinal had made so much noise about it he had done no great matter for its preservation, and that if the Duke of Mantua was not by the prudence of this Minister.  
A short time after, 
13 Octob. Siri Mem. Rec. T. 7. P. 230.  Leon Brulart, assisted by Father Joseph, concluded a Treaty at Ratisbonne, with the Ambassadors of the Emperor; where after the regulation of what the Duke of Nevers should give to the pretenders to the Succession of Mantua. The Emperor promised him the investiture of his Estates, provided he asked it with submission. This Treaty contained divers other particular Articles, and the method of Executing them, which I will pass over. But few People could persuade themselves, that so old a Minister as Brulart, would have made such a fault, and especially being assisted by Father Joseph, to whom the Cardinal had entrusted his most secret thoughts, and who was no Novice in matters of Negotiations. It was rather to be supposed, that the Cardinal had altered his Sentiments, according as the state of Affairs changed, and that he sometimes desired Peace, and sometimes War; as he believed it most agreeable to the present Interest of France, or as he judged it might render his Ministry most necessary to the Crown.  
I cannot dwell on the circumstances of this Negotiation, but it is good to report the Sentiments which Brulert had conceived of Father Joseph, in the transacting of this affair 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 7. P. 259  when he was returned from his Embassy, he said to several of his Friends, that this Capuchin had nothing of his Order but the Habit, nor had nothing of a Christian but the name; that he was a Spirit full of Artifices and Cheats; that he endeavoured to Cheat all the World; that during the Negotiation at Ratisbonne, he had never made him partaker of his Councils, nor communicated any thing to him till after it was concluded; that he had an obliqne Soul, which had nothing in prospect, but how to increase his Esteem with the Cardinal. He assured, that that Prelate had made no great noise against him, as if he had passed his Commission, only the better to cover the orders he had given him. One day the Cardinal invited him to a treat which he made to divers Persons, when they brought in the Cards after Dinner, he set himself to play with the Cardinal at Prime. It happened there was a difference between them about certain Cards, of which the Company were agreed to be judges, who having declared in favour of the Cardinal for fear of offending him, Brulart took up all the Money which was before him, and paid the Cardinal thirteen hundred Pistols, which he had won of him, but he could not forbear saying, that there were Pirates at Land as well as a Sea. Afterwards as he departed the Cardinal followed him softly, and having taken him by the Neck, said, that Brulart was a handsome Man, and it would do him a mischief to take his Head from his Shoulders, as he had run the hazard.  
In the time of the Conclusion of the Peace at Ratisbonne, the French Generals thought to relieve the garrison of Casal, which could not escape from the Marquis of St. Croix, Successor of Spinola, if not suddenly done. The Duke of montmoremcy, and the Marquis D'Effiat were returned into France, but the marshal de Marillac was come in their place, to join himself to Schomberg and de la Force. Although it was a business of great difficulty to march five and twenty or thirty Leagues into an Enemies Country, and to gather together as much Victuals as might maintain the Army going and coming back, and to put into Casal; they resolved to venture all that might happen, because the King had sent express orders to endeavour the succour of Thoiras. Wherefore they prepared to march by the 13th of October, maugre all the Negotiations of Mazarine, who forgot nothing to induce the differing parties to a Peace; there were come from France new Forces and Money, and the 13th of October the Mareschals of France marched with their Artillery towards the plain of Scarnafit, and all the Army followed with Bread and biscuit for 12 days, besides some Meat, with design to hazard all to disengage the Citadel.  
In the mean time 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 7. P. 26. 20 Octob.  the Treaty of Ratisbonne was brought to the Generals, which broken all their measures, because it was agreed by that Treaty that all hostility should cease between the two Armies, as soon as the Generals had received it. The marshal Schomberg who had the greatest authority in the Army, was of opinion, that this Treaty was not to be accepted of, because the Duke of Mantua was not to receive Investiture into his Estate till after six Weeks, and to withdraw his Troops only fifteen days after, which obliged the French to remain still two Months in Italy, and there to continue the campaign, that is to say, to run the hazard of perishing there, either by famine or sickness, without considering Desertions, which are always great when an Army suffers too much. The same day this Treaty came to his hands, he  told Mazarine, and the Envoys of Venice and Mantua, who were with him, that he refused not to execute the Treaty of Ratisbonne, but that he required that the City and Castle of Casal, instead of being put into the hands of the Duke of Mantua in fifteen days as the Treaty directed, should immediately be done, because it was not sure for the French, that if their Army should retreat, to trust to the good faith of the Spaniards, who afterwards would do what they pleased.  
Mazarine went to make this Proposal to the Generals of the Emperor and of Spain; and after he had treated with the Marquisses of St. Croix and Collalto, he returned to the French Camp, which was at la Roche, and  told the Generals that the Spaniards consented, that they should furnish the Citadel of Casal with Men and Munitions for a year, to let them know that they had no other design than to execute the Treaty of Ratisbonne. The French took this offer for an assured mark that the Spaniards were afraid of them, and in this thought, they believed they might obtain any thing more, if they made their constancy to appear: They therefore rejected this offer, whatsoever Mazarine could say, and marched to attack the Lines of the Spaniards. These last had twenty five thousand foot, and six or seven thousand Horse; the French equalled them in the number of Infantry, but were inferior in Cavalry. well-being the Mareschals of France resolved to attack their Lines, which indeed were not alike finished throughout, but were strong enough to give the advantage to the Spanish Army, had it been well commanded. But the Marquis of St. Croix was not at all a General of an Army, nor had he scarcely any Officers capable by their ability to assist him: On the contrary the three Mareschals were very skilful Men, they had most brave subaltern Officers which are never wanting in the Armies of France.  
The 26th, the French Army appeared, and that of the Spaniards, which was Ranged in battle within the Lines, sent out some musketeers to molest the French on their march, by the favour of a flood, after which they were to pass. In the interim, Mazarine, who had taken infinite pains to come and go Post sometimes from one side, and then from the other, to endeavour to accommodate this Affair, pressed with very great constancy the Spaniards to grant the French their demands, and endeavoured to hinder the French from coming to blows so soon as they intended. He passed many times from one Camp to the other, and run the hazard of Life( by not being at a distance) by some Soldiers who fired at him. In fine, by representing to the Spaniards the Resolution of the French, and magnifying their Forces, he obtained what they had just before refused. As soon as the Marquis de St. Croix had passed his word, he mounted on a good Horse, which Picolomini lent him, and run with full speed to the French Generals, who marched every one in the head of the body which they lead in a profound silence, and which were already within canonshot, which begun to play from the Spanish side. Mazarine afar off made a sign with his Hat on high for them to halt, and then went to speak to the marshal Schomberg, who had the secret of the intentions of the King and the Cardinal. The Army made an halt, and the three Mareschals being assembled together, accepted the terms which Mazarine offered them, and this last presently hasted to carry the News to the Spaniards, who thereupon forbid firing on the French. In the interim, two shots of Cannon having been made without order, it was very near, that the French Army had fallen on in spite of their Generals. Mazarine returning to excuse the matter; the Marquis of St. Croix, Philip de Spinola, General of the Artillery, the Duke of Lerma Master of the Camp, General of the Infantry, and other Officers to the number of Forty went out of the Lines: as on the French side the three Mareschals advanced with the like number of Officers. When they came near to each other, Mazarine made them a short discourse, wherein he praised them for having chosen rather to end their differences by a Treaty then by a battle, and exhorted them to embrace each other, which being done, he repeated with a loud Voice the following Articles.  
I. That the Spaniards on the morrow, being the 27th of October, should go out of the Town and Castle of Casal, as also out of the places of Pendesture, de Rossignano, Nizzo de la Paille, and of Castle-Ponzone; and that at the same time the French should depart the Citadel of Casal, it remaining free to the Duke de Mayenne to put into all these places such Governors and garrisons as he pleased.  
II. That staying till the 23 of November, when the Emperor was to give Investiture to the Duke of Mantua, there should an Imperial Commissary with his Family only remain there, of whom the garrison should receive Orders, without his being concerned in ought ●●se.  
III. That the Governors which the Duke of Mayenne should sand to the other Places, should be presented to this Commissary, who should dispatch their Patents without taking any Oath of them.  
IV. That the 23 of November, the Investiture being agreed or refused to the Duke of Mantua, this Commissary should go out of Casal and Montferrat.  
V. That the 27th of October, the Armies of the Emperor, and the King of Spain should begin to march out of Montferrat, and that the French should at the same time do the like,  
VI. That there should be Liberty of Commerce between Montferrat and the Milaneze.  
VII. That it being impossible for the Spaniards so suddenly to withdraw their Artillery and Ammunition, some days should be given to do it.  
This Treaty being Signed on both sides, the Spaniards begun in good faith to Execute it, and the French Generals preached on every side for Victuals and Ammunition to put into Casal, before they followed their Army, which was to march presently away; but they could not find as much as was necessary to resist the Spaniards, in case they should come to attack the Place in the Winter; they therefore sought for pretensions, not to be obliged punctually to observe the Treaty. They began to complain▪ that the Spaniards had made many infractions, and caused three Regiments of their Army to return to Casal, out of which they driven not only those which were not yet departed, but also the Imperial Commissary. The Spanish Generals being advertised of this, and of the security with which the French other Troops retreated, concluding they had no more to fear, crossed the way to Charge the French, who infallibly had been cut to pieces, if Mazarine had not given them notice of the march of the Spaniards. He, in the mean time, put himself in a state to make a new accommodation between them, and by his Mediation it was concluded, 
27 November, See Siri Mem. Rec. T. 7. p. 278.  that the French should go out of Montferrat, and the Spaniards should permit Provisions to be brought out of Piedmont to revictual Casal, that the Complaints about Infractions should be remitted to the Pope, which as they said had been made on both sides. The Victuals were in Casal before the 30th of November; the French assembled to retire themselves, but they committed a new Infidelity, in that the marshal Schomberg dismissed a Regiment of swissers which was in the King's Service, to the intent that the Duke might entertain one part of them, The Spaniards made a great outcry upon this, and to appease them they put out the swissers, and took in Montferrins in their places.  
Every thing was quiet, the marshal Schomberg would not leave in Piedmont but ten thousand Foot and twenty Corners of Horse. The three Mareschals thought of nothing but repassing the Mountains, and the care of Commanding the Troops which remained in Italy, was left to Thoiras,* whom the King made marshal of 
19 Decem.  France, as also the Duke of montmoremcy and the Marquis D'Effiat, though some little time after the other.  
Thus finished the Campaign of the year 1630. in Italy, where the Spaniard found himself devested of what he had taken in Italy, and by which he had been at vast Charges, without any advantage remaining by it. But as the Spaniards, could not make use either of time or opportunity to make themselves Masters, so is it certain, that the Cardinal had more reason to boast of his own happiness by their ill Conduct, than to brag of the good Success, which the Arms of France had, since Persons of an indifferent Capacity, might many times have taken Casal, with the Forces of Spain, before and after the French had thrown numbers into it.  
But to return to what passed in France during these things which I have recounted of the affairs of Italy. The King having subjugated all Savoy, except the Fort of Montmeillan, thought of nothing more than returning into France. Savoy no way agreeing with him, he finding no divertisement there, he departed therefore from St. John de Maurienne at the beginning of August, and took the way of lions, where he arrived the seventh of the Month, without any inconvenience, though he had passed through places infected with the Plague; but he fell sick at lions about the end of September, of an imposthume in the Mesentery, which made his Belly swell, and the Physitians not knowing the cause of his Malady, gave him for lost without retrieve: But this imposthume was broken, and the matter having run out in Stools the King soon recovered his Health, contrary to the opinion of the all the World.  
Whilst he was Sick 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 7. P. 282, &c.  the Queens left him not Day nor Night; and they made a powerful Cabal against the Cardinal, whom they resolved to destroy as soon as the King was Dead, the two Marillaces, the Keeper of the Seals, and the marshal, Vautier first physician of the Queen, the Princess of Conti, the duchess of Elbeuf, the Countess of Fargis, and others, animated the Queen-Mother agasnst him, and laboured to ruin him. The Cardinal being advertised of it, prayed the Duke of St. Simon, Grand Esquire, who stirred not from the person of the King, to incline his Majesty to take some care of his Prime Minister▪ The Grand Esquire having spoken to the King, found him perfectly well disposed, and suggested to him the thought of recommending the Cardinal to the Duke of montmoremcy, who being Governor of Languedoc, might easily save the Cardinal, by conducting him into his Government. The King approved of the Expedient, and St. Simon having informed the Cardinal of what had passed, that Prelate came to the King's Bed-side, who  told him he was careful of his security. The Cardinal all in tears, and feigning to all nothing, answered, That he should not be sorry to die, after he experimented so good a Master. In the mean time, the Grand Esquire having on behalf of the King spoken to the Duke of montmoremcy, he took upon him with pleasure the Charge committed to him, and engaged to conduct the Cardinal to brovage, with faithful Troops of which he name all the Companies. The King in the sequel made montmoremcy come into his Chamber, and recommended the Cardinal to him with weeping, and in terms very affectionate. The Duke promised the King to bring him in all safety to brovage, and to protect him against all. It is said, the* Cardinal prayed the marshal de Bassompiere to 
Preface of the Mem. of Bassomp.  assure the swissers to him, in case the King should die; and that the marshal refused it, saying nevertheless, that the Marquis d' Alincourt, Governor of lions, might contribute much to his safety; and that he might be disposed thereunto by the Marquis of Chateauneuf his Cousin-German, and the Cardinal's Creature. This and the Devotion which Bassompiere had for the Princess of Conti, Enemy to the Cardinal, rendered the marshal suspected, and liable to the cruel Revenge of the Cardinal afterwards. The King being recovered, as I have said, quitted lions, and was followed by the Queen-Mother and the Cardinal, who Embarked themselves on the Loire, and came to Roanne in the same Boat, and to the Eyes of the Court appeared entirely reconciled. But the Cardinal, who knew what was passed, and to whom the King  told whatsoever he heard, had care not to trust it; and if the Queen-Mother endeavoured to destroy him in the mind of the King, he studied no less to provoke her Son against her; He persuaded 
Siri Mem. T. 7. p. 265.  this jealous and fearful Prince, that this Princess loved the Duke of Orleans better than him; and that she consulted the Astrologers to know when this latter should mount the Throne, because having no Dauphin, the Crown belonged to him. This was not altogether false, and the King being convinced of it, believed that all the Queen did tended that way, and nothing could persuade him to the contrary. All that the Queens could say against the Cardinal had no effects upon him, because it was not only difficult, but also incredible, that this Prelate should enterprise any thing whatsoever against him, when it was easy for the Queen-Mother and Monsieur to do so; and it was to be believed that they had a mind to it, by the disturbances they had lately made.  
The Court being arrived at Paris, the King went to St. germans and to Versailles, and the Queen-Mother to her Palace at Luxemberg, and there it was that her hatred to the Cardinal began to break forth, although the King did all he could to make them agree, and came himself to the Palace of Ambassadors to be near the Queen-Mother, and converse often with her.  
In fine, he drew this promise from her, that she should live quietly with him; and to complete the Reconciliation, they agreed that the King should on the Eleventh of November at Eleven of the Clock before Noon, bring the Cardinal and his Niece de Combalet, into the Queens Chamber, to the end that she might show them that she had no further hatred against them. The Queen would have the Niece come first into her Presence, and as she cast her self at her feet, to render her thanks for the great favour she had done her; the Queen instead of pardoning her, fell upon her with most injurious Language, before the King, and Combalet returned with wet Eyes, for the affront that she had received. The King said all that could come into his mind, to endeavour to appease his Mother, whose transports of Choler made him, as he said, suffer extremely. But hoping that having discharged her Choler, she would use the Cardinal better, he  told her, that he would fetch him in.  
The Cardinal, who was in an adjacent Chamber, knew by the Countenance of his Niece, whom he saw passing by, that without doubt she had been ill treated, and he was absolutely confirmed in his suspicion, when he entred the Queen's Cabinet, who had Choler painted in her Visage. When he came a little nearer to her she called him Cheat, Ingrate, Malicious, the most Wicked Man in the Kingdom, and Disturber of the public Quiet, and turning her self to the King, she  told him he beholded a Man, that would take the Crown from him to give it to the Count of Soissons( with whom he had been long reconciled) and make him mary Combalet. The King replied hereupon, and answered, that the Cardinal was a good and honest Man, who served him faithfully, and with whom he was well satisfied; That the Queen disobliged him, put him to torture, and that he could not remit the extreme displeasure she had done him. He added all he could to sweeten her, but the Queen was inflamed more and more; the King bad the Cardinal to go, and this Prelate withdrew, in a great fear that the King's Authority would not prevail, and that he should be obliged to leave the Court. The King stayed some time with his Mother, and  told her he was amazed at this violent manner of procedure, and that she should give her self over so much to her passion. The Queen was not for all this appeased, but driven from her service Combalet, who was her Lady of the turn, and the Marquis of Meillezaye, who was Captain of her Guards, because they were of the Cardinal's Kindred.  
In fine, the King out of measure provoked, that his Mother had forfeited her word and her respect, as he believed, went out of her Cabinet, saying, that he had had too much patience. He after demanded of St. Simon, what he could say of what he had lately heard, for he was present; and this favourite answered, that he seemed he was in the other World, but at last the King was Master, Yes I am, replied the King, and will make the World to know it. In effect, he dealt with her more like a Master than a Son; and he was  told, that the obligations which he had for the Cardinal were infinitely more considerable, than the natural Duty of Children, towards those who had brought them into the World.  
St. Simon let the Cardinal know that his Affairs went very well, and went with the King to the Ambassador's Place, where this Prince shut himself up with him, with forbiddance of Entry to any Person whatsoever. Having unbuttoned his Gesticore, he threw himself upon the Bed, and said to Simon that he felt himself inflamed all over, that the Queen by her senseless obstinacy, and by the injurious manner with which she had treated Combalet and the Cardinal in his presence, and contrary to the Parole she had given him, had so far discomposed him that he could find no rest, nor comfort for his grief: That she would have him turn off a Minister, who was to him of the greatest usefulness, and of an extraordinary capacity, to put others in his place, who were unworthy and incapable to serve the Crown: That when she had received Evil Impressions, she was no more capable to hear reason. In the sequel, he demanded of St. Simon, what he thought he ought to do on this occasion, and St. Simon answered, That it behoved his Majesty for his proper Interest to protect the Cardinal against the Cabal of those who envied the post which he held, and that he should banish from the Queen-Mother those People who filled her head with Ill Impressions, and which opposed the good designs of the pmmier Minister; At last the King resolved to go suddenly to Versailles, and to cause the Cardinal to come thither to take with him such measures, as he should observe in this affair.  
In the mean time, this Prelate was returned home, for to put up presently all his Writings and his Principal movables to retire himself to brovage, of which he was Governor, as we said before. The Cardinal de la Valette, who was come to Visit him, did all he could to oblige him to stay, and to give time for Repentance, and hindered him from a sudden departure. Whilst they were together, the Gentleman which St. Simon had sent to him, to tell him that things went well, desired to speak with him; and having  told him the news he had orders to bring to his Eminence, he determined to stay; a while after he received a second advice like to the first. The Cardinal de la Valette being gone to the King, learned the same thing from St. Simon, and having spoken to the King, that Prince said to him, Monsieur the Cardinal hath a good Master, go tell him I recommend me to him, and let him without delay come to Versailles.  
In the mean time, the Queen-Mother who believed that the King went to dismiss the Cardinal, out of complaisance to her, thought of nothing but the authority she was about to enjoy, and believed already to dispense all the benefits which the Cardinal had been Arbiter of for some Years. All the world went to make their Court to her, and instead of following the King to Versailles, to hinder him from taking resolutions which might be disadvantageous to her; she amused her self with receiving of applauses for a thing which was no way done. The King was presently advertised of the great concourse of People, which frequented Luxemburgh, to wish happiness to the Queen, for that she had ruined the Cardinal, which increased the suspicions which many had endeavoured to put into his mind, and which he a long time entertained, that the Queen-Mother sought only to Govern. In this conjuncture, St. Simon advertised the Mareschals de Crequi and de Bassompiere, and the Duke de montmoremcy not to fall into the snare, as the other Courtiers did, who believed the Cardinal lost: and afterwards they called that day the day of Sots, because the Enemies of the Cardinal were taken for Sots.  
The King being arrived at Versailles, the Cardinal with all speed repaired thither, that he might throw himself at the feet of the King, and render him thanks, as the best, the most constant, and most obliging Master that ever the Sun shined upon. The King answered him, That he had in him a very good Servant, of a Capacity so great, and so extraordinary Fidelity, that he thought himself obliged to protect him, so much the more because it was a demonstration of the respect and acknowledgement he ought to have for the Queen his Mother, if he had behaved himself otherwise he had abandoned him; That he would protect him against all those who had made a Cabal to destroy him, in abusing the goodness of the Queen his Mother, that he required him to continue to serve him, and he would maintain him against all who had conspired his ruin. The Cardinal, who wept when he pleased, with his Eyes full of Tears, cast himself a-new at the King's Feet, and began to say, That he could not accept of the honour of remaining near his Majesty, for fear of being the occasion of a scandalous division between the Son and the Mother, and that he would seek for some solitude where to hid himself and lament the rest of his days, the misfortune he had to be defamed as an ingrateful Person to his Benefactress. After he had said this, he kissed the King's feet and arose. The King commanded him absolutely to continue in his Service, as formerly, for such was his Will; the Cardinal still declined it for the same reason; and the King  told him, that it was not the Queen, but such and such, which he name, who had made all this disturbance, whom he should remember, and should take heed of them. He added again, That he would protect him against all; that he would be obeied, and that the world should know the truth of these confusions.  
After the King having caused all to depart who were present, except St. Simon and the Cardinal de la Valette, he caused Bullion and Bouthillier to be called, and resolved to give the Seals immediately to Chasteauneuf. Orders had been given to Marillac, who had them, to come to Glatigny near Versailles, and he believed it was a sign which the King gave of his confidence in him, until on the morrow he saw la Ville aux Clers on the King's part demand the Seals, and himself lead to Prison to Chasteaudun. Soon after, it was known at Paris what had been done at Versailles, and the Queen-Mother, who the day before saw her self surrounded with Courtiers found her self on the morrow alone at her Palace of Luxemburgh.  
The Cardinal was perfectly confirmed against all fear, which he had of losing the King's favour, and now thought of nothing but destroying those who had machinated his ruin. The two Brothers de Marillac were the chief, and the Keeper of the Seals was already in Prison; there remained only the marshal who was in Italy: A Courier was dispatched to the marshal de Schomberg, to Arrest him, and sand him Prisoner into France, which was done the same day as the Courier arrived, 
See 'pon. Mem. T. 2. p. 6. and Puysegar. p. 77.  without making any Disorder in the Army.  
The greatest Enemies 
12 Nov.  which the Cardinal had next to the Queen, were the Princess of Conti and the 
* Siri Mem. Rec. T. 7. P. 293.  Dutchesses d'Ornano and d'Elbeuf. They were perfectly well united in the hatred which they had against him, and in the care they took to render him odious to the Queen-Mother. There was always one at least of them with that Princess; so that they lost no occasion to exasperate her against the Minister, and easily hindered him from a Reconciliation with his first Benefactress. The duchess d'Elbeuf was provoked against him, because of the long Persecution, which he had caused to the House of Vendosm, and the other two because of the wrong he did to the House of Guise, from whom he took the charge of Admiral of the Mediterranean, which he had by virtue of his being Governor of Provence. The Cardinal pretended that it belonged of right to him, as Grand Master of the Navigation and Commerce of France; and the Duke offered to change it for any other thing, or to make a present to him of it: but he would not make a session of it to him, because it belonged to him of right.  
The Queen-Mother, after the noise she had made on St. Martin's Day, would not only have the Cardinal to meddle no more in her Private Affairs, but she refused to see him at Council. In the mean time, being pressed by Cardinal Bagni, she consented to see him in the first Council which was held, provided it were at the Queen Regent's. She also would have that the two Brothers de Marillac should be set at Liberty, and the King should promise her, not to allow Monsieur, without her consent to espouse the Princess of Mantua, and that neither her Servants, nor the Duke of Orleans's should be any way disturbed. Nevertheless, being* pressed extraordinarily, she consented at last to see the Cardinal at her 
23. of the same month  Palace, in presence of the King, of Cardinal Bagni, and of Father Suffren, but she received him with very great coldness.  
Three days after 
26 December.  which was St. Stephen's Day, on which the custom is to exhort Enemies to Reconciliation, the Queen-Mother sent for the Cardinal by Father Suffren. He went to see her; as soon as that Princess beholded him she fell a weeping, and he did the same; she ordered him to sit down, but he refused, saying, That Honour did not belong to a Person in Disgrace; the Queen, speaking about what had passed, said, that it was never her intention that he should be deprived of the Ministry; and the Cardinal, who then acted the humble, replied, that nevertheless she had said, that either she or he must leave the Court. But Father Suffren said, that it was only a movement of anger; and the Cardinal went on, saying, That he would Die rather than do any thing which might be to the prejudice of her Majesty, but he was much troubled, to be concondemned, without being convicted; and if throughout the world that Regard was to be had, much more ought they to convince a person who without Vanity might glorify himself, to have successfully served the State on the most Important occasions: That he was ready to justify himself, and if it were found that he had been guilty of any disrespect for her, he desired no favour; but if his Innocence appeared, she might do him the honour of acknowledging it. That though he passionately desired to return into her favour, he durst be bold to tell her, that having served her fourteen years, he knew her humour too well, as to hope for it: Notwithstanding, he would never leave off to demonstrate the passion which he had to serve her.  
The Queen said, that he had not favoured her at all, in the business of Monsieur, and the Cardinal protested, that he had defended her to the King as much as was possible. In fine, the Queen  told him after many other things, that she would carry her towards him for the future, as she found he demeaned himself towards her. The Cardinal answered as with respect; That there was no proportion between Servants and Masters, and, as for his part, he would never be wanting in his duty to her, and would forget nothing which might contribute to her satisfaction.  
After this, the Q. Mother was two or three times at the Council with the Cardinal, but knowing his revengeful humour as she knew the same in her self, she left off coming thither, and refused absolutely to see him, for fear of disgusting those who had declared for her against the Minister.  
Monsieur,* who since his return seemed reconciled to 
Siri as before.  him at the request of the Queen-Mother, who dissembled still, would no more see him. But he visited him by the King's Order, and by consent of the Queen-Mother, who hoped by dissembling still, he might better assist her to destroy that Minister. In the mean time, Puylaurens and Coigneux believed they might find an opportunity to do their business by offering their Services to the Court. The Cardinal de la Valette obtained from the King a charge of President of the Parliament for le Coigneux, that he recommended him to the Cardinal, and made him labour for him at the Court of Rome. A present of 50000 Crowns was made to Puylaurens, and he was promised the title of a Duke in case he would mary a duchess, or purchase an Estate which had the title of a duchy. The Marquis of Rambouillet who was concerned in this affair with the Cardinal de la Valette had 100000 liures. On the other side, the Duke of Orleans by their persuasion, promised to depend entirely on the King, and to let him see by his actions, that he would no way give ear to Counsels contrary to his Service. He further passed his word to protect the Cardinal on all occasions, even with the Queen-Mother. Le Coigneux and Puylaurens, promised also to behave themselves towards the Duke of Orleans, so as the King should see the effects of the Promises which his Brother had made to him, and should forget nothing that might induce the Queen to be reconciled with the Cardinal.  
The Duke's Servants seemed for some Weeks perfectly satisfied with the Court; although the Queen-Mother was extremely vexed to see her self deserted by her Son, in a time when she had most need of them. But they imagining that there would more be granted them if they desired it, and if Monsieur, who did nothing but what they prompted him to, would show still some little discontent. Wherefore they obliged him to re-enter into the Party of the Queen-Mother: Puylaurens made new demands, and Le Coigneux would have a Cardinal's Cap, without staying till the Pope advanced more to that dignity. The King had no design to satisfy him, because he was a Person of an ill Life; but Coigneux demanded it the more importunately, because Puylaurens was bargaining with the Duke of montmoremcy, to purchase the Lands of Danville which had the title of a duchy. As this affair was ready to be concluded le Coigneux fell into an extraordinary melancholy, and that he might not fall into despair, the Ministers declared as much as they could, the conclusion of the Sale of the Land of Danville. Puylaurens coming to the knowledge of it, believed they designed to mock him, so he combined with le Coigneux a new, and with him formed a design to carry the Duke of Orleans from the Court; thinking that way both the more easily to obtain their demands: This Prince agreed with the Queen-Mother; that she in the mean time should stay at Court, to support his party, and that he would go and Cabal in some Province; she bestowed on him Jewels of great price, which she had from her Husband, and which she had in her keeping.  
With this Resolution, he went 
3● January.  to see the Cardinal in his Palace at Paris, and  told him, that he was persuaded his Eminence would serve him on his occasions; but having seen that he did not keep his promise he came to retract that which he had given of protecting him. The ardinal asked in what he had not been as good as his word? The Duke replied, That he had done nothing in favour of the Duke of Lorain, and that they designed, that he should absolutely forsake the interests of the Queen-Mother. He added, that he would retire to his own home; and that if they pressed upon him, he would defend himself. Mounting his Coach he went directly for Orleans, whilst the Cardinal went to give the King an account of what had passed.  
The retreat of the Duke seemed strange to every body, because he had been no way ill treated at the Court, and the King seemed against the Queen-Mother's will to have consented to his retreat, although she denied it. The Cardinal used to say, that he had three Masters, the King, the Queen-Mother, and the Duke of Orleans, and that he would serve them all, but every in his rank, it being no way just that the last should go before the first. He protested always that he was disposed to render all sorts of services to the Queen, and that, as People believed, the Misunderstanding in which she lived with him, was the cause of the Evil Conduct of Monsieur: The King undertook to reconcile them, and so far pressed the Queen-Mother that she seemed to be disposed to it. She made the marshal of Schomberg be  told it by her first physician, but she showed she would not take into her Service those whom she had once turned away, to which the Cardinal easily consented.  
In the mean time, he advised the King to go into Compeigne, and endeavour to draw his Mother thither, because Paris was not a place proper to reduce her by Authority, to what he desired of her. This Princess was very well beloved there, and the Cardinal extremely hated, so that it was not for him to contest with her in that City. The Queen, who knew nothing of the Cardinal's design to Arrest her, and who would not stay long without the sight of the King, 
17th Feb.  followed him into Compeigne, the Court being there; the marshal Scomberg  told Vautier, that the King desired nothing so much as to live with his Mother as formerly, and therefore it was necessary that she should reconcile her self with the Cardinal, and assist at the Council, as she was accustomend before these disturbances. It was also desired, that she should give the King a promise in writing, by which she should engage her self to enterprise nonothing against the quiet of the State, and never to protect any of those whom the King should judge culpable of any thing contrary to his Service; excepting always the domestics of that Princess. She seemed to be ready to do all they required of her, only she would not come to the Council with the Cardinal, nor give the Writing which was demanded. The King sent the marshal Schomberg and Chateauneuf to make her the same offers which had been made to Vautier; but she would not come thither, say what they would.  
Thereupon the King called a Cabinet Council, to consider what he should do in this conjuncture. The Cardinal, who knew nothing would be done there but what he desired, and who perhaps had suggested to the Counsellors, who all depended on him, feigned presently, with a Modesty which he affencted when it was his turn, not to be able to tell his mind, because it was about an affair in which he was Personally concerned. But the King having commanded him absolutely to tell his sentiments; he said, 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 7. P. 302.  That the Emperor, the Kings of Spain and England, and the Duke of Savoy, not being friends to France, they had no other designs than to disturb their happiness either by Wars or secret Intrigues, by which it appeared that both the Queens were dissatisfied, as well as the Duke of Orleans, with whom they were united in their discontentments. That the Parliaments, the Grandees, and the People, did earnestly endeavour to draw advantages from the dependencies of the Royal Authority. That the Cabals of the Court, of the Women, and of the English, in a few years past put all France into a flamme; but the present Faction was far more strong, because the quality of the Women was more considerable, and their number greater. That Spain was in a better condition to act, and England concerned itself, since there were certain proofs that she had sent Money to the Discontents. That the Duke of Lorain was of the Cabal, since he had done all that possibly he could, to hinder the concluding of the Treaty at Ratisbonne. That the House of Guise and the Parliaments worked both on the same Foundation, and endeavoured to excite the People to new Commotions. That Biscaros, who had espoused a Niece of the Marillac's and was Governor of verdon, had refused to put it into the King's hands▪ hoping thereby to obtain the Deliverance of the marshal. That all this had come to pass because the Queen-Mother was discontented, and made a Cabal at the Court.  
The Cardinal added, That whilst Strangers could Embroil the Court, and may see the Duke of Orleans distanced from it, until he can find an opportunity to do his business, they would easily traverse all the designs of the Crown, and maintain the Cabals which they made in the Kingdom: So that Peace with Strangers was impossible, and that no concord could be found within, because the War fomented the Discords. That there was none but the King who could remedy this and choose him who should be most proper to cure the Evil. That it was certain that the Queen-Mother minded nothing else but to destroy him,( him the Carnal) and she would never be cured of that Passion: That as much as the Duke of Orleans believed the Queen-Mother was in a state to bring things to pass, he would remain united to her. That whilst the affair within were in this disposition, it was impossible to bring those without to an end; nor to provide for the necessities of the State. That new Discontents were made every day, and those who were most Interested for the Service of the King, made excessive Pretensions. That by dissembling, the evil would at last become so great, that it would be incurable. That on the least sickness of the King, the malcontents might make themselves Masters of the Person of the King and of the State, without the better and most Faithful Servants of the King finding any recompense, nor provision for their safety, because every where People adore the Rising Sun. That the same thing might happen on the first evil success, which the King's designs may have since they will not fail to impute it to those, who have used their utmost endeavours to divert them. That in such a rencontre, the Servants of the King would remain at the mercy of the Women, whose choser is implacable. That Coigneux was a man could keep no moderation, nor would believe himself secure, whilst any who were of the Interest of the Chief Minister were alive.  
The Artificious Minister, after he had frighted the King in this manner, continued, saying, That if on the contrary, endeavours were readily to be made to remedy these brouilleries of the Court, by Wars which should appear most safe for his Majesty, they must presently hinder that the ill will of the malcontents, may have no effect; and that in time they might be brought to reason. That weak Remedies do but irritate great Maladies, but violent ones do either cure them or take them quiter away; and where touching will not do the Iron and Fire is to be applied. In the present juncture, we must either accommodate ourselves with the Foreigners, by an honourable and certain Peace, or be reconciled with the Queen-Mother, and with the Duke of Orleans; drive away the Cardinal, or take from the Queen those who suggest thoughts to her, contrary to the good of the State, and to entreat her to abstain a while coming to Court, lest by her presence she should entertain the Evil without thinking of it, since Monsieur being absent at a time, when she may be discontented at the Court; it would be almost impossible to bring these disturbances to a happy end.  
The Cardinal having proposed these Expedients, as to give the King the choice of what he thought most convenient for the purpose; pursued in the determination of what he most desired for the Reasons following. That as to Peace with Foreigners, it was not to be hoped, during internal Divisions, of which they would take advantage; and besides this, it must be concluded and executed in an instant, and that could not be done without shamefully abandoning the Interests of the Allies of the State, which instead of being a Remedy must prove another Disease, not a solid Peace but the beginning of a new War. The accommodation with Monsieur, could no more be made, as to him, because those who were Masters over his spirit were insatiable, and would never be content, unless they were absolute Masters. The Cardinal exaggerated their Evil conduct, and coming in the sequel to the Queen-Mother, he said, That it was no more possible to reconcile with her, Women being naturally Revengeful, and the Queen sufficiently dissembling, and came from a Country and House which rarely pardonned. That the Services which he( Cardinal) had done to the King and the State, would not hinder her from coming to the greatest extremities with him: That the entreaties of the King had been ineffectual; that she was not to be kept to Promises, that she had made them several times, to live well with the Minister, that she had kept those no better than what she might make for the future. That she would never be content until she had entirely ruined those she hated, and that he feared lest the effects of her Vengeance should go further, than she her self desired.  
In fine, there remained nothing more for the Cardinal, but to examine whether it would not be more advantageous to the King, that he should withdraw himself, that the King might live in peace with his Mother, his Spouse, and his Brother, who almost equally hated this Minister, or to remove the Queen-Mother, and those which fomented her discontents. He therefore said, That if his withdrawing might be a proper Remedy to cure the Maladies of the Court, he was to practise it without hesitation; and as for himself he desired it passionately. It was true, that in this there were many things to be considered, viz. If the spirits of the malcontents would be satisfied with his retreat only, or if they would not destroy those who stayed behind, and him who had retired, to render themselves Masters of the Royal Authority; if so, then this Remedy ought not to be made use of, lest whilst endeavouring to heal the sore complained of, a much worse should be produced.  
He supposed that it was visible, that this Remedy would be worse than the Disease, and that it would be followed by all the mischiefs of which he had spoken. In effect, the humour in which the King was, which was incapable of fearing for himself, by the return of Queen-Mother, without any Minister daring to oppose her Passions. she would have Governed more absolutely than ever, and wholly given her self over to Vengeance, to prevent the designs of those who would not be pleased with her new Authority. Therefore the Cardinal concluded to dissipate the Cabals, which the Authority and discontent of the Queen entertained in the Court, in praying her to withdraw her self and to retire at some distance from Paris, and to drive away from her Evil Counsellors. He said nevertheless, That this resolution was to be put in execution with a great deal of sweetness, and in treating that Princess with all possible respect. That exact measures were to be taken for to surmount all the obstacles, which Persons of great consideration might find in it, because to begin this affair, without coming to the end, would be to destroy all. That in truth, the Kingdom would find the Remedy violent, because few persons could know the great evils of the State, which would be cured by it. That whatsoever was done in this affair, would be attributed to the pmmier Minister, but this Inconveniency was to be despised, as the chirurgeon who cutteth off an Arm, never regards the loss of blood which happeneth. That if he had no regard but for himself, he would never have resolved to propose this Expedient, because all the world would believe that he acted for Vengeance, whilst he did nothing but what was for the good of the State, and that they would make a thousand Satyrs against him. That if he considered his own Person, he had rather hazard perishing, without being defamed, than secure himself, by falling into the blame of all the Kingdom; but since the good of the State, and the conservation of the Authority and Person of the King required it to be so, he would surrender himself to what his Majesty and Council should find requisite.  
He made this Speech full of Artifice, demanding permission of the King to quit the Ministry in case his Majesty should embrace the latter Part; Because the Cabal being dispersed, the other Ministers would be in a condition to serve him as before, without dreading any thing. He added moreover, that the spirit of the Queen-Mother, would be so much the sooner cured, when she saw her self out of Power to do hurt, and that those who embittered it were removed, she would seriously think of an accommodation with the Court. That the Foreigners, promising nothing to themselves by domestic Discords, would in good earnest think of Peace for their proper Interest; That in a little time all the affairs of the King would be seen in their ordinary course, and come to an happy end: But without this, there would be very great hazard of doing well; and suppose they should go ill; he should be troubled for not having discharged his Conscience, by discovering the true cause. That Justice, in fine, was manifestly on the King's side, and he would have also the approbation of the People, when his design came to pass, which could not be expected, if he did not at once tear up the roots of all the Factions.  
All the Council applauded the Prime Minister, and assured the King, That no other Expedients but those were to be taken. There was but one thing in which they agreed not with the Cardinal, viz. his Retreat, which they looked upon, not as an innocent way, to appease the Spirits, but as a Remedy dangerous and unpracticable. As to the removal of the Queen-Mother, the Council would not tell their Sentiments, and reserved only to themselves the glory of Obeying his Majesty, when he should determine concerning it.  
The King, without further Consultation, took the Party of removing the Queen-Mother, and he resolved to leave her at Compeigne under a good Guard: after he had offered her by Father Suffren, what she had already refused several times. She failed not to refuse it at present, being still as much opiniastre as she was, and on the 23. of February the Court departed Early in the Morning without her knowledge. The King left the marshal d'Estrees at Compeigne, with Eight Companies of his Guards, fifty Men at Arms, and five hundred Light-Horse, and gave him orders to keep Guards at the Gate of the Castle, and those of the Town, with such a number of Soldiers as he should think fit, to cause the Princess of Conti to depart for Eu in Normandy, without permitting her to see the Queen, or to pass through Paris; and if the Queen should design to follow the Court and to go any where else, to tell her, that he had express orders from the King, to pray her to stay to know what he should find convenient.  
As soon as she knew that the Court was gone 
Siri Mem. Rec. T. 7. P. 309 &c.  without her, and that she was environed with Guards, she fell into an extraordinary rage against the Cardinal; but as there was no remedy she was fain to be patient; she wrote many times to the King to justify her self, and to lament her Condition, but the King being besieged by the Cardinal and his Creatures, would not touch them. They would oblige the Queen to go out of Compeigne, which was judged to be too near to Paris; and to sand her to Moutins in Bourbon●ois, or to Angiers, they offered her the Government of one of those two Provinces. She absolutely refused it, and made many difficulties arise, which were in vain endeavoured to be taken off, because the more they desired she should change her abode, the more she obstinately resolved to stay at Compeigne. In the mean time, they treated her openly with respect enough, and she was allowed to walk out where she pleased. They also sent the Soldiers out of the Town that she might see none of them, and that she might not seem to be a Prisoner; but they had seized on all the Avenues, to prevent the withdrawing of her self.  
In the interim, orders were given to the duchess d'Ornano and d'Elbeuf to retire from the Court; and the marshal de Bassompiere, without being accused of any thing else but too much complaisance to the Princess of Conti, was sent to the Bastille, where he remained till after the Death of the Cardinal, who never pardonned those who had offended him. Vantier, physician to the Queen-Mother, who had been one of the Principal Enemies of this Minister, was also sent to the Bastille, though the Queen demanded him; but he was promised to her on condition she would go to Moulins.  
The Duke of Orleans, who had begun to make some preparatives to take Arms, and keep by force the City of Orleans, retired in the Month of March to go to Burgundy, when he saw the King approach to seize him before he was ready. From thence he retreated to Bezancon in the Franche County, and the King who followed him, caused at Dijon the Count of Moret, the Dukes of Elbeuf, of Rouannes, and of Bellegard, le Coigneux, Paylaurens, and all others with him, to be proclaimed Traytors. Whereupon Monsieur sent a Petition to the Parliament of Paris, in which he said he was gone out of the Kingdom by reason of the violent Persecution of the Cardinal Richelieu, who had made an enterprise on his Person, and that of the Queen-Mother; to attempt in sequel that of the King, and make himself Master of the Kingdom. He opposed the King's Declaration, and required an Act of his Opposition, as well as what he gave in form against the Cardinal. But the King 
12 May.  by an Arrest of Council, ordered this Petition to be suppressed as scandalous,  
The Queen-Mother also presented a request to the same Parliament, in which she set forth, that without doing any thing against the King or the State she was detained at Compeigne under a strict Guard. That she had always endeavoured to keep Peace between the Princes and the Grandees of the Kingdom, as well as with the ancient Allies of the Crown, and to preserve the Treasury: That John Armand, Cardinal of Richelieu had to the contrary, engaged the King in perpetual Wars, and had caused him to go in Person into Infected places, in the greatest heats of Summer. That he created distrusts in his Majesty against his nearest Relations, and against his most faithful Servants. She accused him moreover of other things, and required that to save her Reputation, and make her Innocence to be known to all the Realms, that they would grant an Act by which it might appear that she would be Denuntiatrix and party against the Cardinal and all his Adherents.  
A little time after, having advice that the Mareschals Schomberg and d'Estree, and the Marquis of Breze were to come to Compeigne with 1200 Horse to take her away by force; she sought for means to make a secret flight; she departed in the Night 
18 July.  unknown, and would have retired to La Cappelle a Frontier place of Picardy, where the Son of the Marquis de Vardes, who was Governor, had promised to receive her. But the Cardinal coming to know it, sent immediately the old Marquis thither, who put his Son out of the Place, and hindered the Queen's Reception there. There was a great appearance, that the Cardinal intended they should suffer this Princess to escape, because he knew so soon of her going to La Cappelle, to hinder her entrance there, otherwise he would have given orders to stop her. But it was more to his advantage that she should go out of the Kingdom, than if she had stayed there; and the manifest complaisance which he showed by putting the Guards at a distance, was perhaps, only to give the Queen-Mother opportunity to commit this fault which destroyed her. Be it as it will, being advertised that she could have no admission into La Capelle, and not knowing where she could be safe in the Kingdom, against the Inexorable humour of the Cardinal, she retired into Flanders. 
21 July.  From whence she wrote to the King, that she believed she had not disobliged him by retiring and delivering her self from the Persecutions of the Cardinal, and that she was gone against her will into Flanders. because she was refused entrance into La Cappelle. She was received at Brussels by the Infanta with all manner of Honours, and nothing was forgot which might alleviate part of her Griefs. But she shortly after received an answer from the King, in such terms as afflicted her very much, and which showed the extraordinary Ascendant which the Cardinal had over his Spirit. I am obliged by many proofs to the Affection and sincerity of my Cousin the Cardinal of Richelieu. The Religious Obedience which he pays me, and the faithful Care he hath in all things relating to my Person, and the good of my State, speak for him. You shall allow me, if you please, to tell you, Madam, that the action which you have done lately, and what before passed, caused me not to be ignorant what your Intentions formerly were, and what I must expect for the future: The respect which I bear you hinders me from saying any more: If this Letter were dictated by the Cardinal it could not be more strong and more mortifying to a Princess, who at the bottom had aspired to the Authority, which the King endured well enough in the person of the Cardinal, and which he could well enough have suffered in his Mother.  
But her retreat into the Spanish Countrys gave means to the Cardinal to make the King believe, that she had before kept correspondence with the Enemies of the State, and this Princess could never repair that fault. Thus this Crafty Minister found ways to remove from the Government, the King's Mother and Brother; nay, even to render the Queen his Spouse, suspected, and to keep the Princes of the Blood at a distance. As it was impossible that the Cardinal should design to take the Crown from the King's Head and put it on his own, and that the Duke of Orleans and the other Princes of the Blood, might be suspected of such an attempt: The King diffident and credulous, became distrustful of all by the Artifices of this Minister; and after he had treated them ill, to believe they wished him not well; and so to regard them as secret Enemies, who wanted only a favourable opportunity to appear so. In these thoughts he could have no confidence but in his Cousin Monsieur the Cardinal, who held him thereby in perpetual dependence, and caused him to commit all the Injustices which he would. From that time no Person came near the King but by consent of his Minister, and to tell the King what the Cardinal thought fit he should know.   
An End of the First Tome▪