A LETTER from a PERSON of QUALITY to his Friend concerning His Majesties late Declaration touching the Reasons which moved him to dissolve the Two last Parliaments at Westminster and Oxford.  
I aclowledge your favour, in sending me the Declaration, touching the causes and Reasons that moved His Majesty to dissolve the two last Parliaments.  
It seems to me as a Fore-runner of another Parliament to be speedily called, and the design of the Declaration as a seasonable advice to the People, not to choose the same Persons again, who had been so unfortunate, and unacceptable to His Majesty these two last Parliaments.  
It hath been long the advice of some of the Wisest and Ablest of the Popish and Arbitrary Party, that the King should call frequent, short and useless Parliaments, until the Gentry, weary of the great expense, of so many fruitless Journeys and Elections, should sit at home, and trouble themselves no more, and leave the People exposed to the practices of them and their Party; who if they carry one House of Commons for their turn, will in few Months do the Nations business for ever; and make us slaves and Papists by a Law: In the mean while there is no danger to their Affairs in frequent calling Parliaments; since the Crown can with so much ease and security dissolve, and throw them off.  
It is our great unhappiness that we should have such wicked Councellors, favourites, and Influences about so gracious a Prince; who with so exceeding great trouble was brought to the dissolving the two last Parliaments; since he of himself intended more benefit to his People by them: And 'tis not readily to be apprehended what Arguments they could use to so Wise a Prince to persuade him that he had done his part, and that the success not answering Expectation, could not be imputed to him, he having given so many opportunities of providing for their good: We cannot but in reason expect, that the best they can say for their advice, is what they have published in this Declaration, which by the new style of His Majesty in Council is ordered to be red in all Churches and chapels throughout England; which no doubt the Blind obedience of our Clergy will see carefully performed. Yet if it be true that there is neither Great Seal, Privy Seal, nor order of Council or any thing else but Mr. Gwyn's( a Clerk of the Councils) hand to authorize the publishing this Paper, called His Majesties Declaration in such a case our officious Clergy-men will prove publishers of false news, and invectives against a third Estate of the Kingdom; and will be liable to be questioned for it.  
The Government of England is so excellently constituted, that the King can do no wrong: The King in Parliament can make no ill Laws, because they are with the consent and advice of his People; in Council. He can make no ill Orders because they must be by advice of his Council, and they must be answerable for them. The King in the Treasury can dispose of no Money but wisely, for the Interest of the Government; and according to such proportions as is every way requisite: If otherwise the Lord treasurer, a Secretary of State, a Lord Privy Seal, and in great cases a Lord Chancellor are answerable; because no sum never so small can be issued without them. In the Admiralty the King can do nothing but for the honor and safety of the Nation; because he acts always with the advice and by the hand of a Lord Admiral or Commissioners, of the Admiralty, who are responsible if any thing be amiss. But the King in Council without the advice of the Council, is a phrase the Law understands not, and is against the safety of the Government, and the honor of the King. This Declaration is primae impressionis, the first of the kind I ever red of: A Prince appealing to the People against their own Representatives; not against some men in the House of Commons but the House itself; and that of two Parliaments successively.  
It is easily agreed by all that there never was more occasions of a Parliament, then was at the opening of the last which was held at Westminster, never had People juster fears nor of weightier Considerations to be secured against, never were our Liberties and Properties more in danger; nor the Protestant Religion more exposed to an utter extirpation both at home and abroad. Besides the increasing power of the French Monarchy; giving terror to the trade and being of all his Neighbors. And the Declaration saith that His Majesty had intentions to have complied with any thing that could have been proposed to prevent these Evils; If so, the Ministers or House of Commons; must be one of them exceedingly to blame.  
The Ministers in this Declaration tell us that they asked of that Parliament, the supporting the Alliances they had made for the Preservation of the General Peace in Christendom, and had desired their advice and assistance for the Preservation of Tangier, as also they recommended to them the farther Examination of the Plot: And that His Majesty had offered to concur in any Remedies for the security of the Protestant Religion, that might consist with the preserving the Succession of the Crown in its due and legal course of descent: But to all this they met with most unsuitable returns.  
But the Ministers very well knew, that their demands of Money for supporting the Alliances, and Preservation of Tangier, was not to be complied with, till His Majesty was pleased to change the Hands and Councils, by which his Affairs were administered: Or else we had much more reason to expect that the Assistance or support we should give, should not be employed to either of those Affairs: But rather to the destruction even of His Majesties Person, together with the Protestant Religion, and the enslaving of the whole Nation: The Duke of York, the Queen, and the two French Dutchess's are the great support, and Protectors of the Popish Interest in these Kingdoms; whilst they and their Creatures are at helm, what can we expect for the security of the Protestant Religion; or opposition to the ambitious designs of France: Hath England by their means contributed so much to the growing greatness of that Monarchy, and can we or our Allies trust the same hands with our Money and Force? You will tell me they may be appropriated to these particular ends of supporting our Allies and the relief of Tangier: And it may be so limited by Act of Parliament, that it cannot be diverted to other uses. To this Monsieur Sully the great treasurer of France made the best answer on the like occasion, when he  told his Master Henry the 4th. Sir, Let the States raise the Money, put it into what hands, and under what limitations they please, when they are dissolved and not in being, you that are the only power existing, shall dispose of the Money as you think fit. And the late experience of our own will tell us, that those Acts may Peradventure be good security to those that have advanced Money upon them, but never to the public ends for which that Money was designed: Besides if we allow that those Persons, and their Creatures have those designs and Interests we justly charge upon them; such a considerable sum of Money as those occasions would require, we'll set them free from any Obligation or apprehension to be accountable to a future Parliament: For it is a certain Maxim in State Affairs, that that Prince hath a good and cheap Bargain that gives Paper Laws in exchange for Money and Power; for it was never known that Laws signified any thing to a People that had not the sole guard of their own Prince, Government and Laws.  
As for the farther Examination of the horrid Popish Plot; there is nothing in nature or Story so ridiculous as the management the Ministers have shew'd in that. Both Houses of Parliament did at first, and unanimously declare their satisfaction in the clear Evidence of it; as they had great reason, had they had no other testimony but Colemans, and my Lord Berk-shires Letters, which never were nor could be denied; both Houses declare the Kings Life to be in danger, our Religion, Laws, and Government, all endeavours to be utterly overthrown and abolished by it. Monsieur Le Cheese the French Kings Confessor the principal director of it; yet our Ministers have wrought so far on the good nature of the King that he believes nothing of his own danger; apprehends the Plot to be at least extremely improved if not wholly contrived by the Presbyterian; thinks it much more his concern, to have an end of all, then to have it preached to the bottom; this was certainly the true reason the Ministers had, for dissolving four Parliaments successively during the Examination of this Plot; exposing the Person of the King and the Nation to the greatest hazard, so that we may say they are by Miracle preserved; we are like a Brand snatched out of the Fire by Gods own hand; nay so great power have they had with his Majesty, that Dangerfield was brought to him several times alone and in private; at the same time he owns to have been employed by the Lords in the Power to murder the Earl of Shaftesbury; and was tempted to have done the same to the King: He gives the King a Paper to accuse several Lords and others, and indeed the whole Protestant party of a Treasonable Conspiracy; many of those accused being in the Council and greatest employments of the State, yet His Majesty kept the Paper, and gave so much countenance to it as to reward Dangerfield with Eight Pounds a Week; the Paper whoever considers it, speaks itself to be the Embryo of a Sham-Plot, not a real discovery; and what makes all worse; since Dangerfield is become truly honest, he can hardly get the allowance of Forty Shillings a week, and his pardon was with great difficulty obtained of His Majesty to pass so as might be effectual to him; it would make a Volume to tell you the several meetings and discourses that vile Rascal young tongue had with His Majesty, to prove there was no Popish but a Presbyterian Plot, the King in Council declaring Captain Ely for a very honest Man; for so he had been represented to him; though he is well known to be of the vilest and most infamous of men. A Master of Requests sent to Lewis and Zeal Prisoners in the Marshalsea, to take their Examinations to the same purpose against the Earl of Shaftesbury: Fitz Gerald an Irish Witness goes off from his Testimony, declares he has Money from the King, several Hundred pounds, endeavours to draw off the other Witnesses, and prevails on divers for whom he procures Money and sends them back to Ireland; endeavours to procure false Witnesses against the Lives of the Nobility and others: This Infamous Rascal having been a known Footman to several Masters, not well in his Wits, detected of several villainies, is seen publicly talking with His Majesty; so extremely wrong are representations made to him by those that are near and great about him. Mr. Ray than whom a more Notorious and known Villain lives not, appears in the Town in new clothes, and has declared to several what his court employment is. Thus you see the Ministers have done their part on this head, and have given several but so short opportunities, that it was impossible to make out the Popish Plot any farther than it already is; they have been unfortunate only in this, that so many honest and well laid designs have failed, whereby they assured themselves before this to have made it a plain Presbyterian Plot, and the Papists to be owned, the Kings best Friends.  
But this Declaration tells us the Protestant Religion shall be preserved, if it may consist with the due Succession of the Crown; that is the Duke of York must not be excluded; come what will of Religion or the Nation: But if no Bill pass will not the Laws of Nature and Nations deliver a Protestant Kingdom from a Popish King; Arniseus and Barclay the two greatest Champions of absolute Monarchy, yet allow two cases wherein Subjects may help themselves; alienation to a stranger, and Saevitia, or Barbarous Cruelties; both which must meet in a Popish Prince; he alienates one half of his Regal power to the Pope, the mortal Enemy of both us and our Estates; and for cruelty nothing can exceed what we are sure to find from the best of them.  
But the Religion established must be preserved, and the Monarchy not destroyed; that is easily done, give us a Protestant Successor; and it is worth the Observation that the expedient from court the last Parliament at Oxford, directly destroyed the Monarchy and secured not the Religion; it only shewed that the Ministers had so great power over the mind of the King, as to persuade him that in Honor, Justice, and Conscience he must never consent to take from his Brother the Name and Right of being King; but he might Banish him during life, make it death for our Sovereign Lord to set foot on any part of his own Dominions, take away all his Power and Revenue; by which they plainly confess 'tis not right, or the Monarchy they make conscience of; or else they well know, allow the Title and the right and your expedients will be voided of themselves. This were the way indeed to establish another most unnatural War of expediency against an avowed right and title; and a standing force we may be assured would be continued and increased, to maintain the right: But on the other hand, exclude the Duke and all Popish Successors, and put down all those Guards are now so illegally kept up, and Banish the Papists, where can be the danger of a War in a Nation unanimous?  
But if the King could have been brought to give his consent to a Bill of exclusion, 'tis said, the intent was not to rest there, but to go further, and to attempt some other great and important changes even in present; nothing more certain, or more reasonable; If the King should pass the Bill of exclusion against the Duke, certainly he must put his known Creatures out of Offices both Military, and Civil; he would at least Banish the Papists absolutely the Court, and in great measure England; or else it were indeed to nurse up a War in our own Bowels; and the Bill of Exclusion would prove but a Flanders or a Scotch Journey for him to come back with more Fury; when the Bounty of the grateful subject to their Prince, shall have enabled them to secure his return; the delivering us from a Popish Successor is a great mercy; but 'tis a greater as 'tis an earnest to us that the King has changed his Councils, and that the Popish Party have no more influence on them; the Duke of York is certainly more dangerous to us as he is the great Minister of State, then as he is Successor: His Brothers Religion and excellent qualities gives him more opportunities to ruin us and our Religion, whilst he imposeth on his Brother; then if he were Barefaced to act the game himself.  
Thus you have a short view of the demands and offers the Declaration mentions; the next you are to consider is what the returns were the House of Commons made so unsuitable to them.  
The Addresses said to be in nature of remonstrances; he that reads that of the 21th. of December 1680. will find it as full of duty, and true affection to His Majesty as is possible to be expressed; the nature and true State of the Affairs, would not bare a milder way of representing it truly to His Majesty in a case of that vast importance both to him and his People; many wise and good men thought they had ventured too far in mentioning, and assuring Money before our safety was fully provided for, for a House consisting of 500 Persons, are not capable of treating as private and single persons are; Jealousies easily arise amongst numbers, and 'tis difficult to assign who shall act the easy, and who the dsobliging part if an agreement be in view.  
As for Arbitrary Orders for taking Men into Custody for Matters, that had no relation to privilege of Parliament, the House of Commons have this to say for themselves, that they have erred with their Fathers; the power of that House concerning taking Men into Custody has not yet received an exact adjustment; and there wants not Presidents of like nature in many former Parliaments; besides this concerned the rights of the people in suppressing their petitions to the fountain of Justice, for the Assembling that Court wherein it could only be administered, as to those cases the extreme danger of his Person, and the Government then lay under; and to assemble that Council he and his People could only safely confided in; and to the demand of which to sit annually and effectually they had so good a title by Law; I should not have expected this head to have been made part of the Declaration, if they had remembered what an illegal Proclamation was published on this occasion that gave the rise of all.  
The Strange illegal Votes; declaring divers eminent Persons to be Enemies to the King and Kingdom, are not so strange but very justifiable, if well considered The House of Commons had before Addressed for their removal from about the King; he was pleased to take no notice of their Addresses; and indeed it began to be an observation, that an Address from the Commons against any man, was a certain fore-runner of his Advancement; it had proved thrice so to the Duke of Lauderdale; and on the other hand their Addresses on the behalf of any, had never had but contrary effects; yet I think one may affirm by Law the King ought to have no Person near him, that hath the misfortune of such a Vote. If the House of Commons declare they have just reasons to fear such a Person puts the King on Arbitrary Councils, or betrays his and the Nations interest; must there be order and process of Law, and proofs against them before he be removed; this is reasonable in case you would fine him, deprive him of Life, Liberty, Lands, or Offices beneficial, and wherein the public State Affairs are not immediately concerned; but to remove him from the Person of the King or the management of affairs of State; certainly the opinion and advice of the nation is enough, or else you must allow him time to act his villainy, and the Nation run the hazard; besides is it possible the King can expect supplies of Men, Money, Hearts, and all which is due to the Father of the People; if he manage his Affairs, by such persons as they think they have reason to fear and hate; there are some things so reasonable that they are above any written Law, and will in despite of any power on earth have their effect; whereof this is one. Besides the King is a public person, in his private capacity as a Man, he can only eat, and drink, and perform some other Acts of nature; but all his actings without himself are only as a King, and in his politic capacity he ought not to mary, Love, Hate, make War Friendship or Peace, but as a King and agreeable to the People, and their Interest he governs. The wiseest and greatest of our Princes have always hearkned to the Addresses of their People and have removed sometimes a great many Persons at once in pursuance of them.  
Besides these proceedings there are three Votes of the last Westminster. Parliament, complained of in this Declaration.  
Those two concerning lending or advancing Money on the customs, excise or hearth Money, and buying Tallies of Anticipation are certainly very wise and justifiable Votes, 'tis but a new Phrase; the King will live upon his own; as if he had like the elective Kings of Poland a private revenue of his Family; where as 'tis all the public revenue. He is trusted with the disposition of part only, and that too with the advice of certain great Officers; a Secretary of State and Lord Privy Seal to the smallest sum, to all great payments the Lord Chancellor is added; the other part of the revenue is assigned to uses; as the customs to the maintenance of the Navy: The maintenance of the household, the Tables at Court, and wages of the Kings Servants, were in our former Kings Reigns by Acts of Parliament so established, that the cofferer had his Money paid to him out of the exchequer under very heavy nomine paena's; and the Parliament, especially the Lords House took it always as part of their immediate care; it maintained the dignity and honor of the Government, it contributed exceedingly to love and good understanding betwixt the King and his People; no Country Farmer had business at Court, but he found those bid him welcome, so had all degrees; therefore the Kings Servants had justly the same return wherever they came; the Language of the Court was not then; who goes there, nor their outward Rooms were not to be discerned by the smell of match but of Beef: Besides 'tis well known through the Nation that the Bankers( the only traders in that way) are the bane of the Gentry and Farmer, if not of the Merchant too, they keep up the Interest of Money drain the Country, buy up warrants, so as the King pays twenty, and five and twenty per cent, for all his expenses; the revenue is in many Branches particularly provided shall not be alienated; if the Bankers may anticipate it for several years by their usurious loans, who must provide for the Nation? must not the Parliament supply the King; and if there be another way of supplying the Kings wants but by Parliament, the great hinge of the Government is lost; therefore I do not know a thing more truly criminal and pernicious then what these two Votes provide against.  
The Vote concerning the Protestant dissenters; was not made as an assuming to themselves a Power of suspending Acts of Parliament; neither are the Judges or Ministers of Justice expected to forbear their duties if His Majesty shall require the Execution of those Laws; but 'tis the delivering the advice and the opinion of that House in a matter of so great concern in this juncture; and certainly it was a wise and pious Council, which though it could neither command nor secure the Justices and Judges from doing their Duties if required; yet we may justly expect, that those that manage the Councils should harken in so plain a case to the voice of the Nation or give the following Parliaments a measure how to confided in them; and the Judges and Justices if they receive no fresh command from above are indiscretion and conscience, as much obliged to omit the Execution of these Laws as they are, that, of Bows and Arrows, and several other statutes yet in full force but out of use: I have ever thought so well of the Kings temper and goodness to all his People, that I should have thought this a desirable handle for his clemency to have laid hold on; my Lords the Bishops cannot find this proceeding so severely against dissenting Brethren, to be justified by the practise of the Primitive Church, nothing so common as different Rites, Ceremonies, nay Doctrines amongst them, and yet the Band of Charity and love maintained; never until Power and Wealth befell Religion, and the Prince and Church made use of each other to enslave the world, did Christianity learn to persecute; a settled national well endowed Church is a beauty and a bulwark to Religion, if it be not made a Procrustes-bed, to destroy all that either come short or go beyond in any opinions; they have the advantage in honor, Education and Wealth if they have the piety and prudence to employ that to the protection of Religion, and the charity to bear with weaker Brethren; they will certainly have the most powerful influence on Mens minds, and make such an unity as to be themselves the center and reliance of the whole Protestant Party.  
But this last Vote had certainly no part in the putting off that Parliament, for the King was in his Chair of State, in his Robes before the House of Commons passed the Vote: The reasons for dissolving the last Oxford Parliament are of the same weight.  
The business of Fitz-Harris, and the transported Votes of the House of Commons without any conference had; how shall the House of Commons come to conference before they are come to a resolution or determinate opinion amongst themselves? How shall they do that without a Vote? Assemblies cannot think as individual Persons can, they have no mind but their Vote; the King provided well for the Lords, whose Vote could not have born a conference, and less could not have been expected, since he himself was seen in the Lords House to inform them Man by Man in the point; did ever a Court of Justice refuse to retain what they had cognizance of? Until they had heard the nature of the case opened to them; and this charge brought up by the Commons was only general; if the House of Commons had to say, they impeached this Man before the Lords, not daring to trust a lower Court or leave the Prosecution to others, because the case concerned those nearest about the King, and of most power with him; his favourite Brother and Royal Consort were peradventure accused; put the case the two French Dutchesses, and honest Barillon had managed an intrigue to make this a Presbyterian Plot, and to prove it by cutting of the Heads of several of the most eminent Members of both Houses by Subornation and Perjury; a proceeding not unusual to some Courts; all the mischief swoonings and villainies in all the European Governments being chiefly owing to the most Christian politics: If Fitz-Harris were able to discover the bottom of the Horrid Popish Plot and all this to boot, was this to be turned off to Westminster-hall? Besides the nature of his offence and condition was not such as should enforce a speedy Execution; nor could the Houses be possibly thought to design a delay of trial in favour to him; no Man can say but 'tis probable enough he might discover that might deserve his Pardon for more than he or any other Man could offend in writing, but of this whatever either House had done the World was judge of, their reasons could not be in private, and the King was still Master of his own grace and pardon.  
But that makes amends for all is the Kings resolution to have frequent Parliaments, without which he cannot govern according to the Laws of the Kingdom, which he is sworn to at his Coronation, and which his Subjects challenge of him as often as we take the Oath of Allegiance; but Parliaments are like terms, if they be ten in one year, and so short as to hear no Causes, they do no good; the Nation hath a right to annual Parliaments to dispatch the Affairs necessary and proper only for them; the Kings Prerogative at what time of the year and place, they should be called, and how long they should last, is but subservient( if I may use a plain Phrase) to the great end and design of the Government, and must be accommodated to it; or we are either denied or deluded of that protection or justice we are born to.  
I have nothing to say on the behalf of those Angry Men, whose particular designs for their own ambitions and greatness are disappointed; only whoever knows those turned out and those now in; must needs think the first might have kept their places if they had pleased; the only difference I can find is, that those could have ruined us and would not, these cannot if they would.  
The fondness of old beloved Common-wealth Principles is not to be imputed to either House of Parliament or indeed to the Nation; there never was a People more desirous of their old Government and Laws, or that have shewed more duty or respect to their Prince; the Court expedient mongers were indeed settling a republic, and I fear the change of our Government from none but the Papists; absolute Monarchy or a leveling Democracy will either serve their turn; the most Democratical Cantons of the Swiss are Zealous Papists; those Governments are both Tyrannical, and the Priest hates only truth and liberty, the Bloody Luxurious Tyrant, and the unlearned mean Clown both readily obey his dictates; whilst the wealthy Free-man thinks for himself, and will not venture his Soul nor his Money against common sense.  
The Declaration concludes with this good news, that the King is resolved in all things to govern according to the Laws of the Kingdom. I should almost for joy set my hand to the late Romantick address of the London Tories but that I remember we have had many of these promises before, and they have been all either broken or kept; if this be of the latter sort, we shall see annual Parliaments sit until the necessary business be dispatched; we shall have the reverend Prelates, Lords Temporal, and Court Members, left free to Vote and advice as they shall in their own reasons, and Judgments think best, and not commanded before hand how to Vote or turned out of their places if they do other; His Majesty shall not command the Clerks of the Parliament to lay aside Bills passed both Houses, and never tender them for the Royal assent, as the Bill of repeal of the 35. of Elizabeth was last Westminster Parliament; the King shall then be advised by his Parliament, and not his Parliament commanded what to advice what not: We shall have no more Decla●●tions against his Parliament, red in Churches without lawful Authority, for the publishing or colour of reason for the complaint; but we shall all be happy and the King be himself.  
FINIS