Plutarch's MORALS: Translated from the GREEK BY SEVERAL HANDS.  
Volume II.  
LONDON, Printed for T. Sawbridge, M. gillyflower, R. Bently, S. Crouch, A. Churchil, W. Freeman, J. tailor, T. Bennet, R. Parker, and S. Anson. MDCXCI.   


PLUTARCH'S Morals Translated from the Greek several hands Volume II  
London  
Printed for R. Bently   engraving of man sitting at desk   

TO THE Most Reverend Father in GOD, JOHN, By Divine Providence Lord Arch-bishop of York, Primate of England and Metropolitan.  
May it please your Grace,  
THAT I presume to prefix so great a Name to these Papers, is not that I imagine they bear any proportion to the Honour, but only need the support of your Patronage; a Credit less than your Grace's would not be sufficient to countenance and authorize Morality in a loose and dissolute World.  
My Lord, I confess myself Principal in this Presumption upon your Goodness, but must, out of a little kind of Revenge, bring in the Learned and Ingenious Undertakers, as Accessaries for their ready and unanimous concurrence in the choice of your Grace for their Patron: And indeed, who better qualified for the Protection of an incomparable Moralist, than so great a Divine? tho none more unfit to recommend him to it than myself. Your Lordship's Character is too high, and you taste too fine and distinguishing to relish an Address from so mean a Pen; and I find the confidence of the Attempt obliges me to account for the Motives that induced me to it. The Relation I have to that famous Cathedral, which your Grace is pleased so frequently to fill with your excellent Presence, and animate with your admirable Discourses; as also that I had to your venerable Predecessor; and to that Learned and Worthy Society which enjoys the peculiar Honour of having my Lord Arch-Bishop of York its visitor, first encouraged, and will, I hope, in some measure, qualify my boldness in the Dedication: Besides, being conscious no production of my own could ever deserve to appear under your Grace's Name, I thought it more eligible to run the risk of Censure, than be found wanting even to a borrowed opportunity of expressing that great Zeal and Veneration I have for your Lordship's Merits, by Inclination as well as Duty. And yet, for my own part, my Lord, I who conceive myself, upon the above-mentioned Reasons, bound to devote my best, though the meanest endeavours imaginable, to your Grace's Honour and Service, should scarce have offered a Person in your Lordship's Station the easy products of a few vacant hours; did not the number and worth of the Gentlemen concerned, enhance the value of the Present; had not the Argument and Affinity with my Profession; and were there not Precedent both Ancient and Modern on my side. The learned Erasmus has dedicated his Version of one single Chapter of our Author's Morals to one of your Grace's Predecessors; and another, the first in this Volume, to the great Monarch, K. Henry the Eight. And would not this bring me off, yet I persuade myself the Candour of your Grace's Temper, would prove a sure Refuge at last, and easily pardon what the severity of your judgement could not approve. The Truth is, my Lord, I was indebted some public Testimony of my Gratitude to your Grace's excellent Predecessor; but had not wherewith to discharge the Debt: This Sum was lent me, but too late; and then who had a better Title to it, and to whom could I with more honesty pay it, than to him who succeeds him in his great Abilities, as well as in his See? And he( for I must endeavour to be just to a Memory so precious) came every way up to the Dignity of his Character; had a rare happiness in seconding the Determinations of a clear and discerning judgement, with an invincible Resolution in the pursuit of them. He was most religiously Pious towards his God, without leaning towards either the Fopperies of Superstition, or the Rants of Enthusiasm; zealous for the Church without bigotry in his Head, or Interest in his Heart; obstinately Loyal to his Sovereign, out of Conscience, Learned, without Pomp and Noise; of an easy, yet aweful kindness to his dependents, and of a wonderful affability to all Men: In short, one to be equalled by few, out-done perhaps by none, but his Successor.  
As to the Author himself, my Lord, your Grace has not only shown yourself an accurate Judge of his great Worth in his own Native Language, by the great esteem you have always had for him, but has farther set an additional value upon him, in making many of the noble Precepts he delivers, speak English long ago through the whole course of your Life, and in relation to any farther Version of him, I think I need only say, 'tis pity such equally bright and solid Notions should be confined to a very few Readers of the Original, and perhaps fewer Judges of his Sense: lye butted either under the rubbish of his own Greek, or the unfashionable and unintelligible English of an antiquated Translator. If it need any farther vindication, I am sensible 'tis either to those, who would engross all good sense to themselves, or who are too lazy or too weak for the performance, whom I am not bound to satisfy. If any thing prove but happy enough to recommend the design to your Grace, 'twill be sufficient to gain it the approbation of all understanding Men; and for others, their dislike will be really a Kindness. Your Lordship's good Opinion will make a Translation authentic: But, my Lord, it is not only the knowing, but the good Man, the tried Royalist, and the excellent Bishop, that render you admirable. Your vast and active Genius qualified you for Government, and your Learning and Piety, striking upon the discerning Goodness of your Royal Patron, determined it to the Church: A Prince, who as in all things else, so in this particularly, makes good his Claim to that Illustrious Title of Defender of the Faith; that he fills up the most eminent Stations in the Church with such vigorous and able asserters of it as your Grace. And indeed, who better deserved to be entrusted with the Spiritual Sword now, than he who once so bravely wielded the Temporal in its Defence? And yet, my Lord, the Arch-bishop seems to be the least part of your Character. Now that you are arrived at almost the highest pinnacle of the Temple; you grow greater in the good Opinion of all Men, by a generous Contempt of the Vanities of Greatness under your view, and rise by your Condescensions. For you have not unlearned the Offices of an inferior Order, from your advancement to a superior. The great and ancient City of York is not more the Center of your Government, than your Cure the subject of your Pastoral and Ministerial Care. And to fill up all the momentous Duties of your Sacred Function, and render you truly Primitive, You second the unparalleled Eloquence of your Tongue with that of your Life: whilst the one teaches your Auditors their Duty, the other encourages their Practise; by that you most clearly instruct, by this you most effectually apply; and this, and yet much more than this, is but the first Fruits the earnest of a few Months Enjoyment of your Dignity. Your Lordship must( may I with all humility use the liberty of the Expression) give me leave to promise the World mighty things from a concurrence of such great and noble Qualifications. My Lord, I pretend not to panegyric in what I say; am not fond of lighting a Taper to the Sun. All persons, who have any merit of their own, must aclowledge your Graces: Your Actions are your true eulogies; and he must have your own Tongue or Pen, and have the Honour personally to know you, who would rightly praise you. I cannot flatter, and besides your Grace is above it. Plutarch's Essay upon the Subject is enough to make a Man abominate that sordid and unmanly Artifice, And your Lordship's Sagacity would easily discover me without the help of his Directions. But, my Lord, your minutes are too precious that I should any farther rob your Grace, or your Province, of them; and my deep Sense, and just value of your Grace's merits naturally conclude in wishes for a long and happy continuance of their Influence amongst us. That therefore your Grace may live an aged Patron and Promoter of Learning and Industry; Example of Piety and Religion, Support and Ornament to the best of Churches, and the Spirit and Genius of your own Province in particular, is the passionate and dis-interess'd wish of,  
My Lord, Your Graces most Obedient, and most Devoted Servant, GEORGE tully.   

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II.  

How to know a Flatterer from a Friend.  Englished by Mr. tully, of Queen's-Colledge. 
Antiochus Philopappus.  
PLATO is of Opinion, that 'tis very pardonable in a Man to aclowledge that he has an extraordinary Passion for himself, and yet the humour is attended with this ill Consequent, besides several others, that it renders us incapable of making a right judgement of ourselves; for our Affections usually blind our discerning Faculties, unless we have learned to raise them above the sordid Level of things congenial and familiar to us, to those which are tru●… y noble and excellent in themselves. And hence ●… t is that we are so frequently exposed to the Attempts of a Parasite, under the Disguise and Vizard of a Friend: for Self-love, that grand Flatterer within, willingly entertains another from without, who will both soothe up and second the Man in the good Opinions he has conceived of himself. For he who deservedly lies under the Character of one that loves to be flattered, is doubtless sufficiently fond of himself; and through abundance of Complaisance to his own Person, not only wishes, but thinks himself Master of all those Perfections which may recommend him to others. And tho indeed it be laudable enough to covet such Accomplishments, yet is it altogether unsafe for any Man to fancy them inherent in him.  
Now if Truth be a Ray of the Divinity, as Plato says it is, and the Source of all the Good that derives upon either Gods or Men, then certainly the Flatterer must be looked upon as a public Enemy to all the Gods, and especially to Apollo; for he always acts counter to that celebrated Oracle of his [ Know yourself;] endeavouring to make every Man his own Cheat, by keeping him ignorant of the good and ill Qualities that are in him; whereupon the Good never arrive at perfection, and the Ill grow incorrigible.  
Did Flattery indeed, as most other Misfortunes do, generally or altogether wait on the debauched and ignoble part of Mankind, the Mischief were of less Consequence, and might admit of an easier Prevention: But, as Worms breed most in sweet and tender Woods; so usually the most obliging, the most brave and generous Tempers readiliest receive, and longest entertain the flattering Insect, that hangs and grows upon them. And since, to use Simonides's Expression, it is not for Persons of a narrow Fortune, but for Gentlemen of Estates, to keep a good Stable of Horses; so never saw we Flattery the Attendant of the Poor, the inglorious and inconsiderable Plebeian, but of the Grandees of the World, the Distemper and Bane of great Families and Affairs, the Plague in Kings Chambers, and the ruin of their Kingdoms: Therefore it is a Business of no small importance, and which requires no ordinary Circumspection, so to be able to know a Flatterer in every Shape he assumes, that the Counterfeit Res●mblance sometime or other bring not true Friendship itself into Suspicion and Dis-repute. For Parasites, like Lice, which desert a dying Man, whose palled and vapid Blood can feed them no longer, never intermix in dry and insipid Business, where there's nothing to be got; but prey upon a nobler Quarry, the Ministers of State, and Potentates of the Earth, and afterwards lowsily shirk off, if the Greatness of their Fortune chance to leave them. But it will not be Wisdom in us to stay till such fatal Junctures, and then try the Experiment, which will not only be useless, but dangerous and hurtful; for 'tis a deplorable thing for a Man to find himself then destitute of Friends, when he most wants them, and has not an Opportunity neither of Exchanging his false, his faithless, for a fast and honest Friend. And therefore we should rather try our Friend, as we do our Money, whether or no he be passable and current, before we need him. For 'tis not enough to discover the Cheat to our Cost, but we must so understand the Flatterer, that he put no Cheat upon us; otherwise we should act like those who must needs take poison to know its Strength, and foolishly hazard their Life to inform their judgement. And as we cannot approve of this careless, so neither of that too scrupulous Humour of those, who taking the Measures of true Friendship only from the bare Honesty and usefulness of the Man, immediately suspect a pleasant and easy Conversation for a Cheat. For a Friend is not a dull, tasteless thing, nor does the Decorum of Frienship consist in sourness and austerity of Temper, but its very Port and Gravity is soft and amiable: Where Love and all the Graces do reside. For 'tis not only a Comfort to the Afflicted, T' enjoy the courtesy of his kind●st Friend, As Euripides speaks; but Friendship extends itself to both Fortunes, as well brightens and adorns Prosperity, as allays the Sorrows that attend Adversity. And as Euenus used to say, That Fire makes the best Sauce; so Friendship, wherewith God has seasoned the Circumstances of our Mortality, gives a Relish to every Condition, renders them all easy, sweet, and agreeable enough. And indeed, did not the Laws of Friendship admit of a little Pleasantry and good humour, why should the Parasite insinuate himself under that Disguise? And yet he, as counterfeit Gold, imitates the Brightness and Lustre of the true, always puts on the Easiness and Freedom of a Friend, is always pleasant and obliging, and ready to comply with the humour of his Company. And therefore 'tis no way reasonable neither, to look upon every just Character that is given us as a piece of Flattery; for certainly a due and seasonable Commendation is as much the Duty of one Friend to another, as a pertinent and serious Reprehension; nay, indeed a sour querulous Temper is perfectly repugnant to the Laws of Friendship and Conversation: whereas a Man takes a Chiding patiently from a Friend, who is as ready to praise his virtues, as to animadvert upon his Vices willingly persuading himself that mere Necessity obliged him to reprimand, whom Kindness had first moved to commend him. Why then, may some say, 'tis infinitely difficult at this Rate, to distinguish a Flatterer from a Friend, since there's no apparent Difference, either betwixt the Satisfaction they create, or the Praises they bestow. Nay, 'tis observable, that a Parasite is frequently more obsequious and obliging than a Friend himself.  
Well, the way then to discover the Disparity? Why, I'll tell you: If you would learn the Character of a true subtle Flatterer, who nicks his Point Secundum Artem; you must not with the Vulgar, mistake those sordid Smell-Feasts, and poor Trencher-slaves, for your Men, who begin to prate as soon as they have washed their Hands in order to Dinner, as one says of them; and e're they are well warmed with a good Cut of the first Dish, and a Glass of Wine, betray the narrow Soul that acts them, by the nauseous and fulsome buffonery they vent at Table. For sure there needed no great Sagacity to detect the Flattery of Melanthius, Alexander Pheraecus's Parasite, who being asked how his Master was murdered? made answer, That he was run through his Body into the Side. Nor must we, again, confine our Notions of Flatterers, to those sharping Fellows, who ply about Rich Mens Tables, whom neither Fire, nor Sword, nor Porter, can keep from Supper; nor yet to such as were those Female Parasites of Cyprus, who going into Syria, were nicknamed Steps, because they cringed so to the great Ladies of that Country, that they mounted their Chariots on their Backs.  
Well, but after all, Who is this Flatterer then, whom we ought so industriously to avoid?  
I answer: He who neither professes, nor seems to flatter; who never haunts your kitchen, is never observed to watch the Dial, that he may neck your Supper-time; who won't drink to Excess, but will keep his Brains about him; who is prying and inquisitive, would mix in your Business, and wind himself into your Secrets. In short, he who acts the Friend, not with the Air of a comedian or a satirist, but with the Port and Gravity of a Tragedian: For, as Plato says, 'tis the height of Injustice to appear. Just, and be really a Knave. So are we to look upon those Flatterers as most dangerous, who walk not bare-faced, but in disguise; who make no sport, but mind their Business; for these often personate the true and sincere Friend so exactly, that 'tis enough to make him fall under the like Suspicion of a Cheat, unless we be extremely curious in remarking the Difference betwixt them. It's storied of Gobias,( one of the Persian Nobility, who joined with Darius against the Magi) that being in pursuit of one of them, he accidentally stepped into a little obscure House, where he absconded, and there fell upon him; during the Scuffle, Darius came in, and drew upon the Enemy, but durst not push at him, lest perhaps he might wound his Confederate Gobrias with the Thrust; whereupon Gobrias bad him, rather than fail, run both through together. But since we can by no means admit of that vulgar Saying, Let my Friend perish, so my Enemy perish with him; but had rather still endeavour at the Discovery of a Parasite from a Friend, notwithstanding the nearness of the Resemblance, we ought to use our utmost Care, lest at any time we indifferently reject the Good with the Bad, or unadvisedly retain the Bad with the Good, the Friend and Flatterer together. For as those wild Grains which usually grow up with Wheat, and are of the same Figure and Bigness with it, are not easily winnowed from it; for they either cannot pass through the holes of the Sieve, if narrow, or pass together with the Wheat, if larger: So is it infinitely difficult to distinguish Flattery from Friendship, because the one so exquisitely mixes with all the Passions, Humors, Interest, and Inclinations of the others.  
Now because the Enjoyment of a Friend is attended with the greatest Satisfaction incident to Humanity, 
Wherein a Flatterer counterfeiteth a Friend. 1. In an agreeable Conversation. 2. In the Performance of good Offices.  and therefore the Flatterer always endeavours to render his Conversation highly pleasant and agreeable.  
Again, Because all Acts of Kindness and mutual Beneficence are the constant Attendants upon true Friendship( on which account we usually say, A Friend is more necessary than Fire or Water) therefore the Flatterer is ready upon every occasion to obtrude his Service upon you, and will with an indefatigable Bustle and Zeal, seek to oblige you, if he can.  
In the next Place, 
3. In the likeness of his Humors and Inclinations, the Origin of Friendship.  the Parasite observing that all true Friendship takes its Origin from a Concurrence of like Humors and Inclinations, and that the same Passions, the same Aversations and Desires are the first Cement of a true and lasting Friendship; he turns immediately all first Matter, capable of every Form, like soft Wax, pliant and yielding to any Impression, that the Person on whom he designs shall think fit to stamp upon him; and, in fine, so neatly resembles the Original, that one would swear, Sure thou the very Achilles art, and not his Son.  

4. In reprehending his Friend.  But the most exquisite Fineness of a Flatterer, consists in his Imitation of that Freedom of Discourse, which Friends particularly use in mutually reprehending each other.  
For finding that Men usually take it for what it really is, the natural Language of Friendship, as peculiar to it as certain Notes or Voices are to certain Animals; and that, on the contrary, a shie and sheepish Reserv'dness looks both rude and unfriendly, he lets not even this proper Character of a Friend escape his Imitation. But as skilful Cooks use to correct luscious Meats with sharp and pionant sauce, that they may not be so apt to overcharge the Stomach; so he seasons his Flattery now and then with a little Smartness and Severity, lest the Fulsomness of repeated Dissimulation should pall and cloy the Company. And yet his Reprehensions always carry something in them, that looks not true and genuine; he seems to do't but with a kind of a sneering and grinning Countenance at the best; and though his Reproofs may possibly tickle the Ear, yet they never strike effectually upon the Heart. On these accounts then 'tis as difficult to discern a Flatterer from a Friend, as to know those Animals again, which always wear the Livery of the last Thing they touch upon. And therefore since he puts so easily upon us, under the Disguise and Appearance of a Friend, it will be our Business at present to unmask the Hypocrite, and show him in other Mens Shapes and Colours; as Plato speaks, since he has none properly his own.  
Well then, let us inquire regularly into this Affair.  
We have already asserted, 
Concerning the Flatterers counterfeiting the Humors and Inclinations of the Person whom he flatters.  That Friendship generally takes its rise from a Conformity of Tempers and Dispositions, whereby different Persons come to have the same Taste of the like Humors, Customs, Studies, Exercises and Employs, as these following Verses import: 
Old Men with Old, and Boys with Boys agree;  
And Womens Clack with Womens Company.  
Men that are crazy, full of Sores and Pain,  
Love to diseased Persons to complain.  
And they who labour under adverse Fate,  
Tell their sad Stories to th' Unfortunate.   
The Flatterer then observing how congenial it is to our Natures, to delight in the Conversation of those who are, as it were, the Counter-part of ourselves, makes his first approaches to our Affections at this Avenue, where he gradually advances( like one making towards a wild Beast in a Pasture, with a Design to tame and bring it to hand) by accommodating himself to the same Studies, Business, and Colour of Life with the Person upon whom he designs, till at last he gives him an Opportunity to catch him, and becomes tractable by the Man who stroke him. All this while the Flatterer falls foul upon those Courses of Life, Persons, and Things he perceives his Cully to disapprove, and then again as extravagantly commends those he is pleased to honour with his Approbation; still persuading the Fop, that his Choice and Dislike are not the Results of Passion, but of a solid and discerning judgement.  
Well then, 
How to discover him therein.  by what Signs or Tokens shall we be able to know this Counterfeit Copy of ourselves, from that which is true and genuine?  
In the first place, we must accurately remark upon the whole Tenor of his Life and Conversation, whether or no the Resemblance he pretends to the Original be of any continuance, natural and easy, and all of a piece, whether he square his Actions according to any one steady and uniform Model, as becomes an ingenuous Lover of Conversation and Friendship, which is all of one Thread, and still like itself; for this is a true Friend indeed. But the Flatterer, who has no Principles in him, and leads not a Life properly his own, but forms and moulds it according to the various Humors and Caprices of those he designs to bubble, is never one and the same Man, but a mere Dapple or Trimmer, who changes Shapes with his Company, like Water that always turns and winds itself into the Figure of the Channel through which it flows. Apes, it seems, are usually caught by their antic Mimickry of the Motions and Gesticulations of Men; and yet the Men themselves are trapann'd by the same Craft of Imitation in a Flatterer, who adapts himself to their several Humors, Fencing and Wrestling with one, Singing and Dancing with another, &c. If he's in Chafe of a Spark that delights in a Pack of Dogs, he follows him at the Heels, hollowing almost as loud as hippolytus in the Tragedy Phaedra; 
O what a Pleasure 'tis, ye Gods to wind  
The shrill-mouth'd Horn, and chase the dapled Hind!   
And yet the Hunter himself is the Game he designs for the Toils. If he be in pursuit of some Bookish young Gentleman, then he's always a poring, nourishes his reverend Beard down to his Heels, wears a tattered Cloak, affects the careless Indifferency of a Philosopher, and can now discourse of nothing under Plato's Triangles and Rectangles. If he chance to fall into the Acquaintance of a drunken, idle Debauchee, who has got an Estate, Then sly Ulysses throws away his Rags, Puts off his long rob, mows down his fruitless Crop of Beard, drinks briskly, laughs modishly on the Walks, and drolls handsomely upon the Philosophical Fops of the Town. And thus, they say it happened at Syracuse; for when Plato first arrived there, and Dionysius was wonderfully hot upon the Study of Philosophy, all the Area's in the Kings Palace were full of nothing but Dust and Sand, by reason of the great Concourse of Geometricians, who came to draw their Figures, and demonstrate there: But no sooner was Plato in Disgrace at Court, and Dionysius finally fallen from Philosophy to Wine and Women, Trifles and Intemperance, then Learning fell into a general Disrepute, and the whole Body of the People, as if bewitched by some Circe or other, became universally stupid, idle, and infatuated. Besides this, I appeal to the Practices of Men notorious for Flattery and Popularity, to back my Observation; witness he who topp'd them all, Alcibiades, who, when he dwelled at Athens, was as arch and witty as any Athenian of them all, kept his Stable of Horses, played the good Fellow, and was universally obliging; and yet the same Man at Sparta shaved close to the Skin, wore his Cloak, never bathed but in could Water. When he sojourned in Thrace, he drunk and fought like a Thracian; and again, in Tissaphernes his Company in Asia, he acted the part of a soft arrogant, and voluptuous asiatic. And thus by an easy Compliance with the Humors and Customs of the People amongst whom he conversed, he made himself Master of their Affections and Interests. So did not the brave Epaminondas, nor Agisilaus, who though they had to do with great Variety of Men, and Manners, and Cities of vastly different Polities, yet were they still the same Men, and every where, through the whole circled of their Conversation, maintained a Port and Character worthy of themselves. And so was Plato the same Man at Syracuse that he was in the Academy; the same in Dionysius his Court that he was in Dion's.  
But he who will take the pains to act the Dissembler himself, by interchangeably decrying and extoling the same Things, Discourses, Ways of Living, &c. will easily perceive that the Opinions of a Flatterer are as mutable and inconstant as the Colours of a Pourcuttle, that he is never consonant to himself, nor properly his own Man; that all his Passions, his Love and Hatred, his Joy and Sorrow, are borrowed and counterfeit; and that, in a Word, like a Looking-Glass, he only receives and represents the several Faces or Images of other Mens Affections and Humors. Do but discommend one of your Acquaintance a little in his Company, and he'l tell you 'tis a wonder you never found him out all this while, for his part, he never fancied him in his Life. Change but your style, and commend him, he presently swears you oblige him in it, gives you a thousand thanks for the Gentleman's Sake, and believes your Character of him to be but just. Tell him you have thoughts of altering your Course of Life; as for Instance, to retire from all public employs to Privacy and Ease; he immediately wishes that he had retreated long ago from the Hurry and Drudgery of Business, and the Odium that attends it. Seem but again inclinable to an Active Life: Why now, says he, you speak like yourself: Leisure and Ease are sweet; 'tis true, but withal, mean and inglorious. When you have thus trapann'd him, 'twould be proper to cashier him with some such reply as this: How now my Friend, what, quiter another Man?  
I abhor a Fellow who servilely complies with whatever I propose, and keeps place with me in all my Motions( my Shadow can do that better than yourself) but my Friend must deal plainly and impartially, and assist me faithfully with his judgement.  
And thus you see one way of discerning a Flatterer from a Friend.  
Another Difference observable betwixt them in the Resemblance they bear to each other is, that a true Friend will not rashly commend nor imitate every thing, but only what really deserves it; for he, as Sophocles says, Hates in his Friend the 'vice, but loves the Man. and will scorn to bear a part with him in any base and dishonourable Actions, unless, as People sometimes catch Blear-eyes; he may chance insensibly to contract some ill Habit or other by the very Contagion of Familiarity and Conversation. Thus they say Plato's Acquaintance learned the Shrug of his Shoulders, Aristotle's his Stammering, and Alexander's the Inclination of his Neck, and the Roughness of his Voice: For some Persons, e're they are ware, get a Touch of the Humors and Infirmities of those with whom they converse. But now as a true Friend endeavours only to Copy the fairest Originals; so, on the contrary, ●he Flatterer, like the chameleon, which puts on all Colours but the Innocent White, being unable to reach those stroke of virtue which are worth his Imitation, takes care however that no Failure or Imperfection escape him. As unskilful Painters, when they can't hit the Features and Air of a Face, content themselves with the faint Resemblance in a Wrinkle, a Wart, or a Scar; so he takes up with his Friends Intemperance, Superstition, Cholerickness, Severity to his Servants, Distrust of his Relations and domestics, or the like. For, besides that a natural Propensity to Evil, inclines him always to follow the worst Examples, he imagines his assuming other Mens Vices will best secure him from the suspicion of being disaffected towards them, for their Fidelity is often suspected who seem satisfied with Faults, and with a Reformation; which very thing lost Dion in the good Opinion of Dionysius, Samius in Philip's, Cleomenes in Ptolemy's, and at last proved the Occasion of their ruin: And therefore the Flatterer pretends not only to the good humour of a Companion, but to the Faithfulness of a Friend too, and would be thought to have so great a Respect for you, that he cannot be disgusted at the very worst of your Actions, as being indeed of the same Make and Constitution with yourself. Hence you shall have him pretend a Share in the most common Casualties that befall another; nay, in Complaisance, feign even Diseases themselves: in Company of those who are thick of Hearing, he's presently half Deaf; and with the dim Sighted, can see no more then they do. So the Parasites about Dionysius at an Entertainment, to humour his Blindness, stumbled one upon another, and justled the Dishes off his Table.  
But there are others who refine upon the former, by a pretended Fellow-suffering in the more private Concernments of Life, whereby they riggle themselves deeper into the Affections of those they flatter; as, if they find a Man unhappily married, or distrustful of his Children or domestics, they spare not their own Family, but immediately entertain you with some lamentable Story of the hard Fortune they have met with in their Children, their Wife, their Servants, or Relations: For by the Parallel Circumstances they pretend to, they seem more passionately concerned for the Misfortunes of their Friends; who, as if they had already received some Pawn and Assurance of their Fidelity, blab forth those Secrets which they cannot afterwards handsomely retract, and dare not betray the least Distrust of their new Confident for the future. I myself knew a Man, who turned his Wife out of Doors, because a Gentleman of his Acquaintance divorced his, though the Lady, who was thus discarded, smelled the Intrigue afterwards by the Messages the other's Husband sent, and the private Visits he was observed to make her: So little did he understand the Flatterer, who took these following Verses for the Description of a Crab rather than his; 
The shapeless Thing's all over Paunch and Gut:  
Who can the Monsters mighty Hunger glut?  
It crawls on Teeth, and with a watchful Eye,  
Does into every secret Corner prie.   
For this is the true Portraiture of those Sharpers, who, as Eupolis speaks, sponge upon their Acquaintance for a Dinner. But we will reserve these Remarks for a more proper Place.  
In the mean time I must not omit the other Artifice observable in his Imitation; which is this:  
That if at any time he counterfeit the good Qualities of his Friend, he immediately yields him the pre-eminence: whereas there is no Competition, no Emulation or Envy amongst true Friends, but whether they are equally accomplished or no, they bear the same even unconcerned Temper of Mind towards each other. But the Flatterer, remembering that he is but to act anothers Part, pretends only to such stroke as fall short of the Original, and is willing to confess himself out-done in any thing but his Vices, wherein alone he claims the Precedency to himself; as if the Man he is to wheedle be difficult and morose, he's quiter over run with Choler; if something Superstitious, he's a perfect Enthusiast; if a little in Love, for his part, he's most desperately smitten: I laughed hearty at such a Passage, says one: But I had like to have died with Laughter, says the other. But now in speaking of any laudable Qualities, he inverts his style, as, I can run fast enough, says he; but you perfectly fly. I can sit an Horse tolerably well; but alas! What's that to this Hippocentaure for good Horsemanship? I have a tolerable good Genius for Poetry, and am none of the worst Versifiers of the Age; But Thunder is the Languague of you Gods, not mine.  
And thus at the same time he obliges his Friend both in approving of his Abilities, by his owning of them, and in confessing him incomparable in his way by his coming short of his Example. These then are the distinguishing Characters of a a Friend and Flatterer, as far as concerns the counterfeit Resemblance betwixt them.  
But because, as we have before observed, 
How to discriminate them in the Pleasure they create.  'tis common to them both to please( for a good Man is no less taken with the Company of his Friends, than an ill one is with a Flatterer's) let us discriminate them here too. And the way will be to have an Eye to the end to which they direct, the Satisfaction they create, which may be thus illustrated. Your perfumed oils have a fine odiferous Scent, and so, it may be, have some Medicines too: but with this difference, that the former are prepared barely for the gratification of the Sense, whilst the other, besides their Odour, purge, heal, fatten, &c. Again, The Colours used by Painters are certainly very florid, and the Mixture agreeable; and yet so 'tis in some Medicinal Compositions too. Wherein then lies the difference? Why, in the End or Use for which they are designed: the one purely for Pleasure, the other for Profit. In like manner the Civilities of one Friend to another, besides the main Point of their Honesty, and mutual Advantage, are always attended with an over-plus of Delight and Satisfaction. Nay, they can now and then indulge themselves the Liberty of an innocent Diversion, a Collation, or a Glass of Wine; and believe me, can be as cheerful and jocund as the best; all which they use only as Sauce, to give a Relish to the more serious and weighty Concernments of Life; to which purpose was that of the Poet: With pleasing Chat they did delight each other. As likewise this to: Nothing could part our Pleasure, or our Love.  
But the whole Business and Design of a Flatterer, is continually to entertain the Company with some Pastime or other, a little Jest, a Story well  told, or a Comical Action; and in a word, he thinks he can never over-act the diverting part of Conversation. Where as the true Friend, proposing no other End to himself, than the bare discharge of his Duty, is sometimes pleasant, and as often, it may be, disagreeable, neither solicitously coveting the one, nor industriously avoiding the other, if he judge it the more seasonable and expedient. For as a Physician, if need require, will throw in a little Saffron or Spikenard to qualify his Patient's Dose, and will now and then bathe him, and feed him up curiously; and yet again another time will prescribe him Castor, or 
poly, which the strongest Scent doth yield,  
Of all the Physic-Plants which cloath the Field.  Or perhaps will oblige him to drink an Infusion of Hellebore, neither proposing the deliciousness of the one, nor the nauseousness of the other, as his scope and design, but only conducting him by these different Methods, to one and the same End, the Recovery of his Health. In like manner the real Friend sometimes leads his Man gently on to virtue by kindness, by pleasing and extoling him; as he in Homer, 
Dear Teucer, thou who art in high Command,  
Thus draw the Bow with thy unerring Hand.  And another, speaking of Ulysses; 
Shall not Ulysses in my memory shine,  
Whose virtues are so God-like and Divine;  And again, when he sees Correction requisite, will check him severely; as, 
C●me, Menelaus, what d'you expect to gain,  
By being an high-born Fool, and nobly vain?  And perhaps is forced another time to second hi● Words with Actions: As Menedemus reclaimed his Friend Asclepiades's Son, a dissolute and debauched young Gentleman, by shutting his Doors upon him, and not vouchsafing to speak to him. And Arcesilaus forbade Battus his School, for having abused Cleanthes in a Comedy of his; but after he had made satisfaction, and an acknowledgement of his Fault, took him into favour again. For we ought to grieve and afflict our Friend, with design merely of serving him, not of making a rapture betwixt us; and must apply our Reprehensions, only as pungent and acute Medicines, with no other intent than the Recovery of the Patient. And therefore a Friend, like a skilful Musician, who, to tune his Instrument, winds up one String, and lets down another, grants some things, and refuses others, according as their Honesty or Usefulness prompt him; whereby he often pleases, but is sure always to profit: Whereas the Parasite, who is continually upon the same humouring String, knows not how to let fall a across Word, or commit a disobliging Action, but servilely complys with all your desires, and is always in the Tune you ask for. And therefore as Xenophon reports of Agesilaus, that he took some delight in being praised by those who would upon occasion dispraise him too: So ought we to judge, that he only rejoices and pleases us really as a Friend, who will, when Need requires, thwart and contradict us; must suspect their Conversation, who aim at nothing but our gratification, without the least intermixture of Reprehension; and indeed ought to have that Repartee of a Lacedemonian ready upon such occasions, who hearing King charilus highly extolled for an excellent Person, asked, How he could be so good a Man, who was never severe to an ill one? They tell us, that Gad-flies, creep into the Ears of Bulls, and Tiques into those of Dogs: but I am sure the Parasite lays so close Siege, and sticks so fast to the Ears of the Ambitious, with the repeated Praises of their Worth, that 'tis no easy matter to shake him off again. And therefore it highly concerns them to have their Apprehensions awake, and upon the guard, critically to remark, whether the high Characters such Men lavish out, are intended for the Person or the Thing they would be thought to commend. And we may indeed suppose them more peculiarly designed for the Things themselves, if they bestow them on Persons absent rather than present; if they covet, and aspire after the same Qualities themselves, which they magnify in others; if they admire the same Perfections in the rest of Mankind, as well as in us; and are never found to falter and bely, either in Word or Action, the Sentiments they have owned. And, what is the surest Creterion in this Case, we are to examine, whether or no we are not really troubled at, or ashamed of the commission of those very Things for which they applaud us, and could not wish that we had said or acted the quiter contrary: for our own Consciences, which are above the reach of Passion, and will not be put upon by all the sly Artifices of Flattery, will witness against us, and spurn at an undeserved Commendation. But I know not how it comes to pass, that several Persons had rather be pitied then comforted in Adversity; and when they have committed a Fault, look upon those as Enemies and Informers, who endeavour to chide and lecture them into a Sense of their Guilt, but caress and embrace them as Friends, who soothe them up in their Vices. Indeed they who continue their Applauses to so inconsiderable a thing as a single Action, a wise Saying, or a smart Jest, do only a little present Mischief; but they who from single Acts proceed to debauch even the Habits of the Mind with their immoderate Praises, are like those treacherous Servants, who not content to rob the common Heap in the Granary, filch even that which was chosen and reserved for seed. For whilst they entitle 'vice to the Name of virtue, they corrupt that prolific Principle of Action, the Genius and Disposition of the Soul, and poison the Fountain whence the whole Stream of Life derives. thucydides observes That in the time of War and Sedition the Names of Good and Evil are wont to be confounded: As Fool-hardiness is called a generous Espousal of a Friend's Quarrel; a provident Delay is nicknamed cowardice; Modesty, a mere Pretext for Unmanliness; a prudent slow Inspection into Things, down-right Laziness, &c. In like manner, if you observe it, a Flatterer terms a profuse Man, liberal; a timorous Man, wary; a dull Fellow, grave; a stingy Miser, frugal; an amorous Youngster, kind and good-natured; a passionate proud Fool, stout; and a mean-spirited Slave, courteous and observing. As Plato somewhere remarks, That a Lover, who is always a Flatterer of his b●loved Object, stiles a Flat-Nose, amiable; an Hawk-Nose, princely; the Black, virile; and the Fair, the Off-spring of the Gods: and observes particularly, that the Appellation of Hony-coloured, is nothing but the daub of a Gallant, who is willing to set off his Mistresse's pale Complexion. Now indeed an ugly Fellow, bantered into an Opinion that he's handsome, or a little Man magnified into tall and portly, cannot lye long under the Mistake, nor receive any great Injury by the Cheat: But when 'vice is extolled by the Name of virtue, so that a Man is induced to sin, not only without regret, but with joy and triumph, and is hardened beyond the modesty of a blushy for his Enormities; this sort of Flattery, I say, has been fatal even to whole Kingdoms. 'twas this ruined sicily, by styling the Tyranny of Dionysius and Phalaris, nothing but Justice, and an hatred of villainous Practices. 'twas this that overthrew Egypt, by palliating the King's Effeminacy, his Yellings, his Enthusiastick Rants, and his drawing the Figures of musical Instruments upon his Body, with the more plausible Names of true Religion, and the Worship of the Gods. 'twas this that had very nigh ruined the staunch Roman Temper, by extenuating the Voluptuousness, the Luxury, the sumptuous Shows, and public Profuseness of Antony, into the softer Terms of Humanity, good Nature, and the Generosity of a Gentleman, who knew how to use the Greatness of his Fortune. What but the Charms of Flattery made Ptolemy turn Piper and fiddler? What else put on Nero's bufkins, and brought him on the Stage? Have we not known several Princes, if they sung a tolerable triple, termed Apollo's? when they drank stoutly, styled Bacchu's; and upon Wrestling, Fencing, or the like, immediately dubbed by the Name of Hercules? Hurried on by those empty Titles, to the Commission of those Acts which were infinitely beneath the dignity of their Character? And therefore it will be then more especially our concern to look about us, when a Flatterer is upon the strain of praising; which he is sensible enough of and accordingly avoids all occasion of suspicion, when he attacks us on that side. If indeed he meets with a tawdry Fop, or a dull Country-Clown in a Leathern Jacket, he plays upon them with all the liberty imaginable: As Strathias insulted and triumphed over the Sottishness of Bias, when he  told him that he had out-drunk King Alexander himself, and with that, turning about to Cyprias, burst out into Laughter. But if he chance to fall upon an apprehensive Man, who can presently smoke a design, especially if he thinks he has and Eye upon him, and stands upon his Guard, he does not immediately assault him with an open Panegyric, but first fetches a Compass, and softly winds about him, till he has in some measure tamed the untractable Creature, and brought it to his hand: For he either tells him what high Characters he has heard of him abroad( introducing, as the Rhetoricians do, some third Person); how upon the Exchange t'other day he happily overheard some Strangers, and Persons of great gravity and worth, who spake extreme honourably of him, and professed themselves much his Admirers: Or else he forges some frivolous and false Accusation of him, and then coming in all hast, as if he had heard it really reported, asks him seriously, if he can call to Mind where he said or did such a thing? and immediately upon his denial of the matter Fact, which he has Reason enough to expect, take occasion to fall upon the Subject of his Commendation. I wondered indeed, says he, to hear that you should calumniate your Friend, who never used to speak ill of your Enemies: that you should endeavour to rob another Man of his Estate, who so generously spend your own.  
Others again, like painters who enhance the Lustre and Beauty of a curious Piece, by the Shades which surround it, slily extol and encourage Men in their Vices, by deriding and railing at their contrary virtues. Thus in the Company of the debauched, the Covetous, and the Extortioner, they run down Temperance and Modesty as mere Rusticity; and Justice, and Contentment with our present Condition, argue nothing in their Phrase but a dastardly Spirit, and an Impotence to Action. If they fall into the Acquaintance of Lubbers, who love Laziness and Ease, they stick not to explode the necessary Administration of Public Affairs, as a troublesone intermeddling in other Mens Business, and a desire to bear Office, as an useless empty Thirst after a Name. To wheedle in with an Orator, they scout a Philosopher; and who so gracious as they with the Gilts of the Town, by laughing at Wives who are faithful to their Husband's Beds, as impotent and Country-bred? And, what's the most egregious Stratagem of all the rest, the Flatterer shall traduce himself, rather than want a fair Opportunity to commend another: As Wrestlers put their Body in a low Posture, that they may the better worst their Adversaries. I am a very Coward at Sea, says he) impatient of any Fatigue, and cannot digest the least ill Language; but such an one fears no Colours, has no Fault, is an admirable good Man, bears all things with great Patience, and Evenness of Temper. If he meets with one who abounds in his own Sense, and who affects to appear rigid and singular in his Judgement, and as an Argument of the Rectitude and Steadiness thereof, is aways telling you of that of Homer: 
Let not your Praise, nor Dispraise lavish be,  
Good Diomede, when e're you speak of me.  He applies a new Engine to move this great Weight; to such a one he imparts some of his private Concerns, as being willing to advice with the ablest Counsel, he has indeed a more intimate Acquaintance with others, but he was forced to trouble him at present: For to whom ●… hold we poor witless Men have recourse( says he) when we stand in need of Advice? or whom else should we trust? And as soon as he has delivered his Opinion, whether it be to the purpose or no, he takes his Leave with seeming Satisfaction, as if he had received an Answer from an Oracle. Again, if he perceives a Man pretends to be Master of a style, he presently presents him with something of his own composing, requesting him to peruse and correct it. Thus Mithridates could no sooner set up for a Physician, than some of his Acquaintance desired to be cut and cauterized by him; a piece of Flattery that extended beyond the fallacy of bare Words, imagining that he must needs take it as an Argument of the great Opinion they had of his Skill, that they durst trust themselves in his Hands. Now to discover the Cheat which these Insinuations of our own worth might put upon us( a thing that requires no ordinary Circumspection) the best way will be to give him a very absurd Advice, and to animadvert as impertinently as may be upon his Works, when he submits them to your Censure: for if he makes no Reply, but grants and approves of all you assert, and applauds every Period with the elegy of very right! incomparable well! then you have trappann'd him, and 'tis plain, that though 
He Counsel asked, he played another Game,  
To swell you with th' Opinion of a Name.   
But to proceed. As some have defined Painting to be mute Poetry; so there is a sort of silent Flattery, as expressive as the loudest Encomiums. For, as Hunters are then surest of their Game, when they pass under the Disguise of Travellers, Shepherds, or Husbandmen, and seem not at all intent upon their Sport: so the eulogies of a Parasite never take more effectually, than when he seems least of all to commend you. For he who rises up to a Rich Man, when he comes in Company; or who, having begun a Motion in Parliament, suddenly breaks off, and gives some Leading Man the Liberty of speaking his Sense first in the Point; such a Man's Silence more effectually shows the Deference he pays the other's judgement, then if he had avowedly proclaimed it. And hereupon you shall have them always placed in the Boxes at the Play-house, and pearch'd upon the highest Seats at other public Entertainments, not that they think them suitable to their Quality; but merely for the Opportunity of gratifying great Men by giving them place. Hence it is likewise, that they open first in all Solemn and public Assemblies, and by and by compliment another into the Chair, as an abler Speaker; and retract their Opinion immediately, if any Person of Authority, Riches, or Quality contradict them: So that you may perceive all their Concessions, Cringes, and Respects to be but mere Courtship and Complaisance, by this easy Observation, that they are usually paid to Riches, Honour, or the like, rather than to Age, Art, virtue, or other Personal Endowments.  
Thus dealt not Apelles with Megabizus( one of the Persian Nobility) who pretending once to talk I know not what about Lines, Shades, and other things peculiar to his Art: the Painter could not but take him up, telling him, That his Apprentices yonder, who were grinding Colours, gazed strangely upon him, admiring his Gold and Purple Ornaments, while he held his Tongue, but now could not choose but titter to hear him offer at a Discourse upon an Argument so much out of his Spear. And when Craesus asked Solon his Opinion of Felicity, he  told him flatly, that he looked upon Tellus, an honest ( though obscure) Athenian, and Biton, and Cleobis, happier than he. But the Flaterer will have Kings, Governours, and Men of Estates, not only the most signally happy, but the most eminently knowing, the most virtuous, and the most prudent of Mankind: And therefore some of them cannot endure to hear those Rants of the stoics, who center all true Riches, Generosity, Nobility and Royalty itself in the Person of a wise Man: For 'tis the Man of moneys thats both Orator and Poet with them; and, if he pleases Painter and Fid●●r too, a good Wrestler, an excellent Foot-man, or any thing, for they never stand with him for the Victory in those Engagements: As Cresson, who had the Honour to run with Alexander, let him designedly win the Race, which the King being  told of afterwards, was highly disgusted at him. And therefore I like the Observation of Carneades, who used to say, That young Princes and Noble-Men never arrived at a tolerable Perfection in any thing they learned, except riding the great Horse; for their Preceptors spoil them at School by extoling all their Performances, and their Masters in the Academies usually take the Foil: whereas the Horse, who knows no distinction betwixt a private Man and a Magistrate, betwixt the Rich and the Poor, will certainly throw his Rider, if he knows not how to sit him, let him be of what Quality he pleases. And therefore 'twas but impertinently said of Bion upon this Subject, that he, who could praise his Ground into a good Crop, were to blame if he bestowed any other Tillage upon't. 'tis granted: nor is it improper to commend a Man, if you do him any real Kindness by't; but here's the Disparity: That as a Field is not capable of Improvement, so neither of Disservice by any Commendations bestowed upon't: Whereas a Man immoderately praised, is puffed up, burst, and ruined by't.  
Thus much then for the Point of praising; 
The Difference between the Reprehensions of a Friend and a Flatterer.  Proceed we in the next place to treat of Freedom in their Reprehensions. And indeed, 'twere but reasonable, that as when Patroclus put on Achilles's armor, and lead his War-Horse out into the Field, yet durst not for all that venture to wield his sphere: So, though the Flatterer wear all the other Badges and Ensigns of a Friend, he should not dare to counterfeit the plain Frankness of his Discourse, as being a great, massy and substantial Weapon, peculiar to him.  
But because to avoid that Scandal and Offence, which their drunken Bouts, their little Jests, and ludicrous babbling Humour might otherwise create, they sometime put on the Face of Gravity, and flatter under the Vizard of a Frown, dropping in now and then a Word of Correction and Reproof; let us examine this Cheat too amongst the rest.  
And indeed I can compare that trifling insignificant Liberty of Speech, which he pretends to, to nothing better than that shame Hercules, which Menander introduces in one of his Comedies, with a light hollow Club upon his Shoulder; for as Womens Pillows, which seem sufficiently stuffed to bear up their Heads, yield and sink under their Weight; so this counterfeit Freedom in a Flatterer's Conversation swells big, and promises fair, that when it shrinks and contracts itself, it may draw those in with it, who lay any stress upon its outward Appearance: whereas the genuine and friendly Reprehension fixes upon real Criminals, causing them Grief and Trouble indeed, but only what is wholesome and salutary; like Honey that corrodes, but yet cleanses the ulcerous Parts of the Body, and is otherwise both pleasant and profitable. But of this in its proper place. We shall discourse at present, of the Flatterer, who affects a morose, angry, and inexorable Behaviour towards all but those, upon whom he designs; Is peevish and difficult towards his Servants, animadverts severely upon the Failures of his Relations and domestics, neither admires nor respects a Stranger, but superciliously contemns him; pardons no Man, but by Stories and Complaints exasperates one against another, thinking by these means to acquire the Character of an irreconcilable Enemy with all manner of 'vice, that he may be thought one who would not spare his Favourites themselves upon occasion; and indeed a Person who neither acts nor speaks any thing, out of a mean and dar●ard Complaisance.  
And if at any time he undertakes his Friend, he feigns himself a mere Stranger to his real and considerable Crimes; but if he catch him in some petty trifling Piccadillo, there he takes his occasion to rant him terribly, and thunder him severely off: If he sees any of his Goods out of order, if his House be not very convenient, if his Beard be not shaved, or his clothes unfashionable, if his Dog or his Horse be not well looked after, &c. But, if he sleights his Parents, neglect his Children, treat his Wife scornfully, his Friends and Acquaintance disrespectfully, and squander away his Estate; here he dares not open his Mouth, and it's the safest way to hold his Tongue: Just as if the Master of a Wrestling School should indulge his young Champion scholar in Drinking and Wenching, and yet rattle him about his Oil-cruise, and Body-brush: Or, as if a School-master should whip a Boy for some little fault in his Pen or Writing-book, but takes no notice of the Barbarisms and Solecisms in his Language. For the Parasite is like him, who hearing a ridiculous impertinent Orator, finds no fault with his Discourse, but Delivery; blaming him only for having spoiled his Voice with drinking could Water: Or, like one who being to peruse and correct some pitiful scribble, falls foul only upon the Courseness of the Paper, and the Blots and Negligence of the Transcriber. Thus the Parasites about ptolemy, when he pretended to Learning, would wrangle with him till Midnight about the Propriety of an Expression, a Verse, or a Story; but not a word all this while of his Cruelty, Insults, Superstition and Oppressions of the People. Just as if a chirurgeon should pair a Man's Nails, or cut his Hair, to cure him of a Fistula, when, or other carnous Excrescence. But there are others behind, who out-do all the subtlety of the former, such as can claw and please, even whilst they seem to reprehend. Thus when Alexander had bestowed some considerable Reward upon a Jester, Agis the graecian, through mere Envy and Vexation, cried out upon't as a most absurd Action; which the King over-hearing, he turned him about in great Indignation at the Insolence, saying, What's that you prate, Sarrah? Why truly replied the Man, I must confess, I am not a little troubled to observe that all you great Men, who are descended from Jupiter take a strange delight in Flatterers and Buffoons: For as Hercules had his Cercopians, and Bacchus his Silenians about him; so I see your Majesty is pleased to have a regard for such pleasant Fellows too. And one time when Tiberius Caesar was present at the Senate, there stood up a certain fawning counselor, asserting, That all free born Subjects ought to have the Liberty of speaking their Sense freely, and should not dissemble or conceal any thing that they might conceive beneficial to the public, who having thus awakened the Attention of his Audience. Silence being made, and Tiberius impatient to hear the Sequel of the Man's Discourse, pursued it in this manner: I must tell you of a Fault, Caesar,( said he) for which we universally blame you, though no Man yet has taken the confidence to speak it openly; You neglect yourself, endanger your sacred Person by your too much Labour and Care, Night and Day, for the public. And having harangued several things to the same effect, 'tis reported that Cassius Severus the Orator should subjoin [ This Man's Freedom of Speech will ruin him.]  
Such Artificers as these, I confess, are not very pernicious, but there remains one of a most dangerous consequence to weak Men; and that is, when a Flatterer shall fasten those Vices upon them, which are directly contrary to those they are really guilty of. As Himerius, an Athenian Parasite, upbraided one of the most miserable and stingy Misers of the whole Town, with carelessness and Prodigality, telling him, He was afraid he should live to see the day when both he and his Children should go a begging. Or on the Contrary, when they object Niggardliness and Parsimony to one that's lavish and profuse; as Titus Petronius did to Nero: or when they advice Arbitrary and tyrannical Princes to lay aside their too much Moderation, and their unprofitable and unseasonable Clemency. These are they who shall pretend to be ware of a half-witted Idiot, as of some notable shrewd Fellow; and shall tax an ill natured censorious Man, if at any time he speak honourably of a Person of Worth, of being too lavish in his Commendations: You are always praising, say they, Men that deserve it not; for who is he, or what remarkable thing did he ever say or do? But they have yet a more signal Opportunity of exercising their Talent, when they meet with any difference betwixt Lovers or Friends: For if they see Brothers quarrel, or Children despise their Parents, or Husbands jealous of their Wives, they neither admonish them of, nor blame them for it, but inflame the Difference: You do not understand yourself, say they, you are the Occasion of all this Clutter by your own soft and submissive Behaviour. If there chance to have happened some little Love-Skirmish betwixt a Miss and her Gallant, then the Flatterer interposes boldly, and adds fresh Fuel to the expiring flamme, taking the Gentleman to task, and telling him how many things he has done, which looked a little hard, were not kind, and deserved a Chiding.  
Ungrateful Man, can you forget her Charms,  
And former soft Embraces in her Arms?  
Thus Cleopatra's Friends persuaded Antony, smitten with his beloved Egyptian, that she doted on him still, calling him haughty and hard-hearted Man: She, said they, has stripped her self of the Glories of a Crown, and former grandeur, and now languishes with the Love of you, attending the Motion of your Camp, in the poor fordid Figure of a Concubine; 
But you have steeled your Heart, and can unmoved,  
Behold her grief, whom once you so much loved.  Now he was strangely pleased to hear of his little Unkindnesses to his mistress, and was more taken with such a Chiding, than with the highest Character they could have given him; but was not sensible, that, under the Colour of a Friendly Admonition, they really corrupted and debauched him. For such a rebuk as this, is just like the Biles of a lecherous Woman; for it only tickles and provokes, and pleases, even whilst it pains you. And as pure Wine, taken singly, is an excellent Antidote against Hemlock; but if mixed with it, renders the poison incurable, because the Heat of the Wine quickens its Circulation to the Heart: So some rascally Fellows, knowing very well that the Liberty of reproving a Friend, is a Quality very hardly compatible with Flattery, and, as I may say, the best Remedy against it, mix them both together, and flatter you under the very Colour and pretext of reprimanding you.  
Upon the whole therefore, Bias seems not to have answered him very pertinently, who asked him, Which he thought was the most hurtful Animal? when he replied, That of wild Creatures, a Tyrant, and of tame ones, a Flatterer: For he might have answered more accurately, that some Flatterers indeed are tame Creatures, those Shirks, who ply about your Bath, and your Table; but they whose Calumnies, Malignity and Inquisitive meddling humour, like so many 'gins and Snares, reach the Ladies very closerts and Bed-Chambers, these are wild, savage and untractable.  
Now one way of arming ourselves against these Assaults, will be always to remember, 
How to arm ourselves against him.  that since our Souls are made up of two different Parts; the one sincere, honest and reasonable; the other brutish, false, and governed by Passion: the Friend always adapts his Advice and Admonitions to the Improvement of the better part, like a good Physician, who preserves and advances an healthful Constitution where he finds it; whilst the Flatterer claws and tickles the irrational Part of the Man only, debauching it from the Rules of right Reason, by the repeated Suggestion of soft and sensual Delights. For as there are some sort of Meats, which neither assimilate with the Blood, nor invigorate the Spirits, the Nerves, nor the Marrow, but only provoke Lust, swell the Paunch, and breed putrid flabby Flesh: So ●… e who shall give himself the Labour to observe will find that the Discourses of a Flatterer con●… ribute nothing to the Improvement of our Pru●… ence and Understanding, but either only enter●… ain us with the Pleasure of some Love Intrigue, ●… r make us indiscreetly angry, or envious, or ●… low us up into an empty troublesone Opinion of ●… ur selves, or increase our Sorrows, by pretend●… ng to share in them; or render us difficult, stin●… y, and incredulous, sour, timorous and jea●… ous, with several idle malicious Stories, Hints ●… nd Conjectures of his own: For he always fa●… tens upon, and pampers some Distemper of the Mind, growing, like a Botch or Boil, upon its ●… nflamed or putrid part only. Are you angry? ●… evenge yourself, says he: Covet you any thing? have it: Are you afraid? fly: Suspect you this, or that? believe it.  
But if we find it something difficult to discover him in these Attempts upon our Passions, because they often violently over-power all the Forces of our Reason to the contrary; we may then trace him in other Instances of his Knavery, for he always acts consonant to himself: As if you are afraid of a Surfeit, and thereupon be in suspense about your Bath and Diet, a Friend indeed will advice you to act cautiously, and take care of your Health; but the Flatterer persuades you to the Bath, bids you feed freely, and not starve yourself with Mortification. If he observes you want Briskness and Spirit for Action, as being unwilling to undergo the Fatigue of a Journey, a Voyage, &c. He'll tell you presently, There's no hast, the Business may be well enough deferred, or else transacted by Proxy. If at any time you have promised to lend or give a Friend a Sum of Money, and upon second thoughts gladly would, and yet are ashamed to retract your Word; the Flatterer puts his Advice into the worst Scale, and inclines the balance to the saving Side, strips you of your squeamish Modesty, telling you, That you ought not to be so prodigal, who live at great expenses, and are willing to relieve others besides him. And therefore unless we be more Strangers to ourselves, to our own Desires, Fears, Confidence, or the like, the Flatterer cannot easily escape our Discovery; for he's the great Patron of these disorderly Passions, endeavouring always to wind us up to Excesses of this Kind. But enough of this.  

The difference betwixt the good Offices they perform.  Let us, in the next place, discourse of the useful and kind Offices, which the Flatterer seems so cheerfully ready upon every occasion to perform, that it renders the Disparity betwixt him and the true Friend extremely perplexed and intricate.  
But as Euripides says of Truth, That it loves plain Language: So the Temper of a Friend is sincere, natural, without Paint or Varnish; but that of a Flatterer, as it is corrupt and diseased in itself, so stands it in need of many, and those curious and exquisite Remedies too, to correct it. And therefore you shall have Friends upon an accidental rencounter, without either giving or receiving a formal Salute, content themselves to speak their mutual Kindness and Familiarity in a Nod and a Smile: But the Flatterer pursues you, runs to meet you, and is ready to kiss your hand before he comes at you; and if you chance but to see and salute him first, he swears you must excuse his Rudeness, and will produce you Witness that he did not see you, if you please. Thus again; A Friend dwells not upon every trifling Punctilio, is not ceremonious and punctual in the transacting of Business, is not inquisitive, nor intrudes into every piece of Service: But the Parasite is all Obedience, all perpetual indefatigable Industry, admits no Rival in his Services, but will wait your Commands, which if you lay not upon him, he seems mightily afflicted, the unhappiest Man in the World!  
Now these Observations are Argument enough to convince a Man of any tolerable sense, that the Friendship such Men pretend to, is not really virtuous and Chast, but rather a sort of impudent whorish Love, that obtrudes its Embraces upon you.  

The disparity betwixt them, as to their Promises.  But to be more particular, let us first examine the Disparity betwixt their Promises: For our Fore-fathers well observed, that the Offers of a Friend run in such Terms as these: 
If I can serve you, Sir, if your Request  
Be feasible by me, I'll do my best.  But the Flatterer's thus; Command me freely what you will, I'll do it. For the Comedians introduce such brave Promisers as these: 
Come, Sir, ●et me but fight that Fellow there;  
I'll beat him soft as sponge, or jellies are.   
Besides, no real Friend will assist in the Execution of a Design, unless, being first advised with, he approve of it, as either honest or useful: Whereas the Flatterer, though permitted to consult and give his Opinion about an Undertaking, not only out of a paltry Desire to comply with, and gratify his Friend at any rate; but lest he should be looked upon as disaffected to the Business, servilely closes with, and advances his Proposals, how unreasonable soever. For there are few Rich Men or Princes of this Mind, 
Give me a Friend, though a poor Beggar he,  
Or meaner than the meanest Beggar be.  
If he his Thoughts but freely will impart,  
And boldly speak the Language of his Heart.  For they, like Actors in a Tragedy, must have a Chorus of their Friends to join with them in the Concert, or else the Claps of the Pit to encourage them: Whereupon Merope in the Tragedy speaks thus: 
Make choice of those for Friends, who never knew,  
The Arts of Wheedling and betraying you:  
But those poor Rascals never entertain,  
Who only please you with design to gain,  But alas! they invert the Counsel, abominate those who deal freely with them, and advice them obstinately for the best; whilst pitiful cringing Cheats and Impostors are admitted not only into their Houses, but into their Affections, and the nearest Concernments of their Life. You shall have some of them indeed more plain and simplo than the rest, who confess themselves unworthy to consult about such weighty Affairs, but are ready to serve you in the executive part of a Design: But the more subtle Hypocrite comes in at the Consult, knits his Brows, declares his Consent by the Gravity of a Look or a Nod, but speaks never a Word, unless perchance, when the Great Man delivers his Opinion, he cries, Lord! Sir, you prevented me, I was just a going to say so. For as the Mathematicians tell us, that Surfaces and Lines, which are incorporeal, and Creatures of the Understanding only, are neither bended, nor moved, nor extended of themselves, but are so affencted together with the Bodies, whose Extremities they are: So you shall observe the Flatterer attends only the Motion of another's Sense, Opinion, Passion, &c. without any Principle of Action in himself. So that the Disparity betwixt them thus far is easily discernible.  

The difference betwixt them in the manner of performing their good Offices.  And yet easilier in the manner they perform their good Offices. For the Kindnesses of a Friend, like the noblest Faculties of an animate Creature, lye deep, without any Parade or Pageantry on the Outside: Nay, many times, as a faithful Physician cures his Patient when he least knows of it; so a true Friend, either present or absent, as occasion serves, is solicitous about your Concerns, when perhaps you know nothing of it. Such was the excellent Arcesilaus, as in other his Actions, so particularly in his Kindness to Apelles, Native of Chios, whom finding extremely indigent in his Sickness, he repeated his Visit to him with twenty Drachms in his Pocket; and sitting by his Bed-side, You have got nothing here, said he, but Empedocles's Elements, Fire, Water, Earth, and the surrounding Air; neither methinks do you lye easily: And with that, stirring up his Pillow, put the Money privately under his Head: Which when the good old Woman his Nurse found, and and in great Admiration acquainted Apelles with; Ay, says he, smiling a little, this is a Piece of Arcesilaus's Thievery. And what Philosophy tells us, that Children usually resemble their Parents, we find in some measure verified in Arcesilaus, and Lacydes, his intimate Acquaintance: For when Cephi Socrates was impeached of High-Treason, and Lacydes, with several others of his Friends, stood by him at his trial, the Counsel for the State desired the Prisoners Ring, wherein lay the principal Evidence against him, might be produced in Court, which Cephi Socrates hearing, dropped it softly off his Finger, and Lacydes observing it, set his Foot upon't, and butted it in the Ground. Whereupon being acquitted, and going afterwards to pay his Respects and thanks to his Judges; one of them, who, it seems, had took notice of the Passage,  told him, that his Thanks were owing to Lacydes, and so related the whole Story, when yet Lacydes had never mentioned it.  
Thus I am verily persuaded that the Gods confer several Benefits upon us which We are not sensible of, upon no other Motive in the World, than the mere Pleasure and Satisfaction they take in Acts of kindness and Beneficence.  
But on the contrary, the seemingly good Offices of a Flatterer have nothing of that Sincerity and Integrity, that Simplicity and Ingenuity, which recommend a Kindness; but are always attended with Bustle and Noise, Hurry, Sweat and contracting the Brow, to enhance your Opinion of the great Pains he has taken for you; like a Picture drawn in gaudy Colours, with folded torn Garments, full of Angles and Wrinkles, to make us believe it an elaborate Piece, and done to the Life.  
Besides, the Flatterer is so extremely troublesone, in recounting the weary Steps he had taken, the Cares he has had upon him, the Persons he has been forced to oblige, with a thousand other Inconveniences he has laboured under upon your Account, that you'll be apt to say, the Business was never worth all this Din and Clutter about it.  
For a Kindness once upbraided, loses its Grace, turns a Burden, and becomes intolerable. But the Flatterer not only reproaches us with his Services already past, but at the very Instant of their Performance; whereas if a Friend be obliged to speak of any Civility done another, he modestly mentions it indeed, but attributes nothing to himself. Thus when the Lacedemonians supplied the People of Smyrna in great Scarcity of Provisions, and they gratefully resented and extolled the Kindness; Why, replied the Spartans, 'twas no such great matter, we only robbed ourselves and our cattle of a Dinner. For a Favour thus bestowed, is not only free and ingenuous, but more acceptable to the Receiver, because he imagines his Benefactor conferred it on him without any great Prejudice to himself.  

A Flatterer engageth in any Service, a Friend only in that which is honest.  But the Temper of a Flatterer is not only discernible from that of a Friend, in the easiness of his Promises, and the troublesone Impertinence that attends his good Offices, but more signally in this, That the one is ready to promote any base and unworthy Action; the other, those only which are fair and honest: the one labours to please, the other to profit you. For a Friend must not, as Gorgias would have him, beg anothers Assistance in a just Undertaking, and then think to compensate the Civility, by contributing to several that are unjust; for he is not bound to bear a part in the Follies of his Friend, but rather to dissuade him from them: And if, after all, he cannot prevail upon him, may disengage himself with the Reply of photion to Antipater; Sir, I cannot be both your Friend, and your Flatterer; that is, your Friend, and not your Friend at the same time. For we ought to be assistant to him in his honest Endeavours indeed, but not in his Knaveries; in his Counsels, not in his Tricks; in appearing as Evidence for him, but not in a Cheat; and must bear a share in his Misfortunes, but not in his Acts of Injustice. For if a Man ought not to be as much as conscious of an Unworthiness in his Friend, how much less will it become him to partake in it? Therefore, as when the Lacedemonians, defeated by, and treating of Articles of Peace with Antipater, prayed him to command them any thing, howsoever grievous and burdensome to the Subject, provided it were not base and dishonourable: So a Friend, if you want his Assistance in a chargeable, dangerous and laborious enterprise, imbarks in the Design cheerfully, and without reserve; but if such as will not stand with his Reputation and Honour, he fairly desires to be excused. Whereas on the contrary, if you offer to put a Flatterer upon a difficult or hazardous Employment, he shuffles you off, and begs your Pardon. For sound him but, as you rap a Vessel, to try whether it be whole or cracked, full or empty; and he shams you off with the Noise of some paltry, frivolous Excuses: But engage him in any mean, fordid and inglorious Service, abuse him, kick him, trample on him, he bears all patiently, and knows no Affront. For as the Ape, who cannot keep the House like a Dog, or bear a Burden like an Horse, or plow like an Ox, serves to be abused, to play the Buffoon, and to make Sport: So the Parasite, who can neither pled your Cause, nor be your Counsel, nor espouse your Quarrel, as being averse from all painful and good Offices, denies you in nothing that may contribute to your Pleasure, turns Pander to your Lust, Pimps for a Whore, provides you a handsome Entertainment, looks that your Bill be reasonable, and sneaks to your Miss; but shall treat your Relations with Dis-respect, and impudently turn your Wife out of Doors, if you Commission him. So that you may easily discover him in this Particular; for put him upon the most base and dirty Actions, he will not spare his own Pains, provided he can but gratify you.  

His Inclination and behaviour towards your Friends.  There remains yet another way to discover him by his Inclinations towards your Intimates and Familiars. For there's nothing more agreeable to a true and cordial Acquaintance, than to love with, and to be beloved of many; and therefore he always sedulously endeavours to gain his Friend the Affections and Esteem of other Men. For being of Opinion that all things ought to be in common amongst Friends, he thinks nothing ought to be more so, then they themselves. But the Faithless, the Adulterate, and Friend of base Alloy, who is conscious to himself of the disservice he does true Friendship, by that false Coin of it which he puts upon us, is naturally full of Emulation and Envy, even towards those of his own Profession, endeavouring to out-do them in their common Talent of babbling and buffonery, whilst he reveres and cringes to his Betters, whom he dares no more vie with, than a Foot-man with a Lydian Chariot, or led( to use Simonide's Expression) with refined Gold. Therefore this light and empty Counterfeit, finding he wants Weight, when put into the balance against a solid and substantial Friend, endeavours to remove him as far as he can; like him, who having painted a Cock extremely ill, commanded his Servant to take the Original out of sight, and if he cannot compass his Design, then he proceeds to compliment and Ceremony, pretending outwardly to admire him, as a Person far beyond himself, whilst by secret Calumnies he blackens, and undermines him; which if they chance to have galled and fretted him only, and have not thoroughly done his Work, then he betakes himself to the Advice of Medius, that Arch-Parasite, and Enemy to the Macedonian Nobility, and Chief of all that numerous Train which Alexander entertained in his Court. This Man taught his Disciples to slander boldly, and push home their Calumnies, for though the Wound might probably be cured, and skinned over again, yet the Teeth of Slander would be sure to leave a Scar behind them; by these Scars( or to speak more properly) Gangrenes and Cancers of false Accusations, fell the brave calisthenes, Parmenio and Philotas, whilst he himself became an easy Prey to an Agnon, Bagoas, Agesius, and Demetrius, who tricked him up like a Barbarian Statue, or antic, and paid the Mortal the Adoration due to a God. So great a Charm is Flattery, and, as it seems, the greatest with those we think the greatest Men; for the exalted Thoughts they entertain of themselves, and the Desire of an universal Concurrence in the same Opinion from others, both add Courage to the Flatterer, and Credit to his Impostures. Hills and Mountains indeed are not easily taken by Stratagem or Ambuscade; but a weak Mind, swollen big and lofty by Fortune, Birth, or the like, lies naked to the Assaults of every mean and petty Aggressor.  

He now proceeds from the Differences observable betwixt a Flatterer and a Friend, to conclude this Tract with a Discourse concerning those prudential Measures which the latter ought to observe in his Reprehensions.  And therefore we repeat here what we advised at our entrance into this Discourse, that we cashier every vain Opinion of ourselves, whose inbred Flattery only disposes and prepares us to a more favourable Reception of that from without. For, if we did but square our Actions according to the famous Oracular Precept of knowing ourselves, rating things according to their true intrinsic Value, and withal, reflecting upon our own Nature and Education; consider what gross Imperfections and Failures mix with our Words, Actions and Affections, we should not lie so open to the Attempts of every Flatterer, who designs upon us. For even Alexander himself being reminded of his Mortality by two things especially, the Necessity of Sleep, and the use of Women, began to stagger in the Opinion they had made him conceive of his God-head. And did but we in like manner take an impartial Survey of those Troubles, Lapses and Infirmities incident to our Nature, we should find we stood in no need of a Friend to praise and extol our virtues, but of one rather that would chide and reprimand us for our Vices. For first, there are but few who will venture to deal thus roundly and impartially with their Friend, and fewer yet who know the Art of it; Men generally, mistaking Railing, and ill Language, for a decent and friendly Reproof; and then a Chiding, like any other physic, ill timed, racks and torments you to no purpose, and works in a manner the same Effect with Pain, that Flattery does with Pleasure. For an unseasonable Reprehension may be equally mischievous with an unseasonoable Commendation, and force your Friend to throw himself upon the Flatterer; like Water which meeting with too forcible a Resistance from the Hills, rowls down upon the humble Valleys below: and therefore we ought to qualify, and to alloy the sharpness of our Reproofs with a due Temper of candour and Moderation, as we would refract a Ray of Light too powerful for a distempered Eye, lest our Friends being plagued and ranted upon every trivial occasion, should at last fly to the Flatterer's Shade for their Ease and Quiet. For all 'vice, Philopappus, is to be corrected by an intermediate virtue, and not by its contrary extreme, as some do, who to shake off that sheepish Bashfulness which hangs upon their Natures, learn to be Impudent, to lay aside their Country Breeding, endeavour to be Comical; to avoid the Imputation of Softness and cowardice, turn Bullies; out of an Abhorrence of Superstition, commence Atheists; and rather than be reputed Fools, play the Knave; forcing their Inclinations, like a crooked Stick, to the opposite extreme, for want of Skill to set them streight.  
Since then 'tis highly rude to endeavour to avoid the suspicion of Flattery, only by being insignificantly troublesone, and argues an ungenteel, unconversable Temper in a Man, to show his just Abhorrency of mean and servile Ends in his Friendship, only by a sour and disagreeable Behaviour; like the Libertine in the Comedy, who would needs persuade himself, that his railing Accusations fell within the Limits of that Freedom in Discourse, which every one had right to with his Equals. Since therefore, I say, 'tis absurd to incur the Suspicion of a Flatterer by an over-obliging and obsequious humour; and as absurd on the other hand, in endeavouring to decline it by an immoderate Latitude in our Apprehensions, to lose the Enjoyments, and salutary Admonitions of a friendly Conversation; and that the Measures of Just and Proper in this, as in other things, are to be taken from Decency and Moderation; the Nature of the Argument seems to require me to conclude it with a Discourse upon this Subject.  
Now seeing this Liberty of animadverting on other Mens Failures is liable to so many Exceptions; let us in the first place carefully purge it from all mixture of Self-love 
We must first purge our Reprehensions of all mixture of Self-love▪  and Interest, lest any private Motive, Injury, Grudge or Dissatisfaction of our own should seem to incite us to the Undertaking: For such a Chiding as this would not pass for an Effect of Kindness, but of Passion, and looks more like a Complaint, than an Admonition: For the latter has always something in it that sounds kind, and yet aweful, whereas the other betrays only a selfish and narrow Disposition. And therefore we usually honour and revere our Monitor, but contemn and recriminate upon a querulous Accuser. As Agamemnon could by no means digest the moderate Censures of Achilles, yet bore well enough with the severe Reprimands of Ulysses: 
Who wished in Wrath the General's Command,  
No longer put in such a desperate Hand.  Being satisfied of his Wisdom, and good Intentions; for he ranted him purely upon the account of the public, the other upon his own. And Achilles himself, though of a rough and untractable Disposition, and ready enough to find Faults where there were none; yet heard Patroclus patiently when he ranted him thus: 
Well sure, great Peleus, that Man of worth,  
Did ne're beget, nor Thetis bring thee forth:  
But Rocks, hard as thy Heart, and th'angry Sea,  
Both clubbed for such a monstrous Man as Thee.  For as Hyperides the Orator desired the Athenians to consider not only the Sharpness of his Reflections, but his great Reasons for them: so the Reproofs of a Friend, proceeding from a sincere and disinteressed Affection, create all Veneration and Confusion in the Criminal to whom they are addressed; who, if he once perceive that his Friend, waving all Offences against himself, chides him purely for those committed against others, can never hold out against the Force of so powerful a rebuk, for the sweet and obliging Temper of his Monitor gives a keener Edge to his Admonitions; and therefore it has been wisely said, that especially in Heats and Differences with our Friends we ought to have a peculiar regard to their Honour and Interest. Nor is it a less Argument of Friendship, for a Man who is said aside, and out of Favour himself, to turn Advocate in behalf of another, equally despised and neglected. As Plato, being in Disgrace with Dionysius, begged Audience of him; which he readily granting, in expectation of being entertained with an Account of his Grievances; Plato addressed himself to him after this manner: Sir said he, if you were informed there were a certain Ruffian come over into your iceland of Sicily, with design to attempt upon your Majesties Person, but, for want of an Opportunity, could not execute the villainy, would you suffer him to go off unpunished? No, by no means, Plato replied, the King, for we ought not only to detest, and revenge the Overt-Acts, but the malicious Intentions of our Enemies. Well then, on the other hand said Plato, If there should come a Person to Court, out of pure Kindness and Ambition to serve your Majesty, and you would not give him an Opportunity of expressing it, were it reasonable to dismiss him with Scorn and Disrespect? Whom do you mean, said Dionysius? why Aeschines, replied Plato, as honest and excellent a Person as any in the School of Socrates, and of a very edifying Conversation; who having exposed himself to the Difficulties of a tedious Voyage, that he might enjoy the happiness of a Philosophical Converse with your Majesty, has met with nothing but Contempt in return to the Kindness be intended. Which friendly and generous Temper of Mind so strangely affencted Dionysius, that he hugged and embraced Plato, and treated Aeschines with a great deal of Honour and Magnificence.  

2dly, We must not be injurious and abusive in our Reprehensions.  In the next place, let us free our Discourse from all contumelious Language, all Laughter, Monkery, and Scurrility, which spoil the relish of our Reprehensions. For, as a chirurgeon makes an Incision in the Flesh, he uses decent Neatness and Dexterity in the Operation, without the affencted and superfluous Gesticulations of a Quack, or Mountebank: So the lancing the Sores of a Friend may admit indeed of a little Humour and Urbanity, but that so qualified, that it spoil not the Seriousness and Gravity requisite to the Work. For boldness, Insolence and ill Language destroy its Force and Efficacy. And therefore the fiddler reparteed handsomely enough upon Philip, when he undertook to dispute with him about the touch upon his Instrument: God forbid that your Majesty should be so unhappy as to understand a Fiddle better then I do. But Epicarmus was too blunt upon Hierom, who inviting him to Supper a little after he had put some of his Acquaintance to death, replied; Ay, but you could not invite me the other day to the Sacrifice of my Friends. And so was Antiphon too rude in his Reflection upon Dionysius, who on occasion of a Discourse about the best sort of Brass,  told him that was the best in his Opinion of which the Athenians made the Statues of Hermodius and Aristogeiton. For these scurrilous abusive Jests are most certainly disagreeable; and pain to no purpose, being but the Product of an intemperate Wit, and which only betray the Enmity and ill-Nature of him who takes the liberty to use them, which whosoever allows himself in, does but wantonly sport about the Brink of that Pit, which one day will swallow him up and ruin him. For Antiphon was afterward executed under Dionysius: and Timagines was in disgrace with Augustus Caesar, not for any extravagant Freedom in his Discourse, but only because he took up a foolish Custom of repeating these Verses at every Entertainment and Walk where the Emperor desired his Company; 
For nothing else but merely to make sport,  
Amongst the merry Greeks they did resort—  alleging the Pleasantness of his Humour, as the Cause of his Favour at Court.  
Thus you shall meet with several smart and satirical Reflections in a Comedy, but the mixture of Jest and Fool in the Play, like ill Sauce to good Meat, abates their Poinancy, and ●enders them insignificant. So that upon the whole, the Poet acquires only the Character of a saucy and foul-mouthed Buffoon, and the Auditors loose that Advantage, which they might otherwise reap from remarks of that Nature.  
We may do well therefore to reserve our Jollity and Mirth for more suitable Occasions; but we must by all means be serious and candid in our Admonitions; which, if we be upon important Points, must be so animated with our Gestures, Passion, and Eagerness of Voice, as to give them Weight and Credit, 
3dly, We are to time our Reproofs as seasonably as we can.  and to awaken a tender Concern in the Persons to whom they are addressed.  
We are again to time our Reproofs as seasonably as we can; for a Mistake in the Opportunities as 'tis of ill Consequence in all other things, so peculiarly in our Reprehensions. And therefore I presume 'tis manifest, we ought not to fall foul upon Men in their Drink. For first, he who broaches any sour disagreeable Discourse amid the Pleasantry and good humour of Friends, casts a Cloud over the Serenity of the Company, and acts counter to the Lydian God, who as Pindar words it, unites the Band of all our Cares. Besides, that such unseasonable Remonstrances are not without Danger: for Wine is apt to warm Men into Passion, and make them quarrel at the Freedom you take; and in short, 'tis no Argument of any brave and generous, but rather of an unmanly Temper, not to dare to speak ones Sense when Sober, but drunk, and grumble like a cowardly Cur at Table. And therefore we need not enlarge any further upon this topic. But because several Persons neither will, nor dare take their Friends to task, whilst they thrive and flourish in the World, looking upon Prosperity as a State above the reach of a rebuk; but pour forth their Invectives like a River that has over-flown its Banks, insulting and trampling upon them, when Fortune has already laid them at their Feet, out of a sort of Satisfaction to see their former State and grandeur reduced to the same level of fortune with themselves: it may not be improper to discourse a little upon this Argument, and make some reply to that Question of Euripides; What need is there of Friends in Prosperity? I answer, to lower those lofty and extravagant Thoughts, which are usually incident to that Condition: for Wisdom, in Conjunction with Prosperity, is a rare Talent, and the lot of but few. Therefore most Men stand in need of a borrowed Prudence; to depress the Tumours that attend an exuberant Felicity; but when the turn of Fortune itself has abated the swelling, a Man's very Circumstances are sufficient of themselves to red him a Lecture of Repentance; so that all other grave and austere Correptions are then superfluous and impertinent; and 'tis, on the contrary, more proper in such Traverses of Fortune, to enjoy the Company of a compassionate Friend, who will administer some Comfort to the afflicted, and buoy him up under the Pressure of his Affairs: As Xenophon relates that the Presence of Cleachus, a Person of a courteous and obliging Aspect, gave new Life and Courage to his Souldiers in in the Heat of a battle, or any other difficult rencontre. But he who chides and upbraids a Man in distress, like him who applies a Medicine for clearing the Sight to a distempered and inflamed Eye, neither works a Cure, nor allays the Pain, but only adds Anger to his Sorrows, and exasperates the Patient. A Man in Health indeed will digest a friendly Lecture for his Wenching, Dringing, Idleness, continual Recreations and Bathing, unseasonable Eating, &c. But for a sick Man to be  told, that all this comes of his Intemperance, Voluptuousness, High-feeding, Whoring, &c. is utterly insupportable, and worse than the Disease itself. O impertinent Man! will such an one say, the Physicians prescribe me Castor and Scammony, and I am just a making my last Will and Testament, and do you lye railing and preaching to me Lectures of Philosophy? And thus Men in Adversity stand more in need of our Humanity and Relief, than of sharp and sententious Reprimands: for neither will a Nurse immediately scold at her Child that is fallen, but first help him up, wash him and put him in order again, and then chide and whip him. They tell us a Story to this purpose of Demetrius Phalereus, that when he dwelled an Exile at Thebes, in mean beggarly Circumstances, he was once extremely concerned to observe the Philosopher Crates making towards him, expecting to be treated by him with all the roughness of a Cynical Behaviour: But when Crates had addressed himself courteously to him, and discoursed him upon the Point of Exile, endeavouring to convince him that it had nothing miserable or uneasy in it, but on the contrary, rather rescued him from the nice and hazardous Management of public Affairs; advising him withal to repose his Confidence in himself, and his own Conscience: Demetrius was so taken and encouraged by his Discourse, that he is reported to have said to his Friends, Cursed be those Employs which robbed me so long of the Acquaintance of such an excellent Person. For, 
Soft, friendly Words revive th' Afflicted Soul;  
But sharp Rebukes are only for a Fool.  And this is the way of generous and ingenious Friends. But they who servilely admire you in Prosperity, like old Ruptures, Spasms and Cramps, which, as Demosthenes speaks, ache and pain us most, and when some fresh Misfortune has befallen the Body, stick close to you in the Revolution of your Fortune, and rejoice and enjoy the Change: Whereas, if a Man must needs have a Remembrancer of a Calamity which his own Indiscretion hath pulled upon him, 'tis enough you put him in mind that he owes it not to your Advice, for you often dissuaded him from the Undertaking.  
Well then, you'll say when is a keen Reprehension allowable? and when may we chide a Friend severely indeed? I answer; When some important Occasion requires it: as the stoping him in the Gareer of his Voluptuousness, Anger, or Insolence; the repressing his Covetous humour, or any other foolish Habit. Thus dealt Solon with Croesus, puffed up and debauch▪ d with uncertain Greatness of his Fortune, when he bad him look to the End. Thus Socrates humbled Alcibiades, forced him into unfeigned Tears, and turned his Heart, when he argued the Case with him. Such, again, were the Remonstrances and Admonitions of Cyrus to Cyaxares, and of Plato to Dion, who, when the Lustre and Greatness of his achievements had fixed all Mens eyes upon him, wished him to beware of Arrogance and Self-conceit, as the readiest way to make all Men abandon him. And Speucippus wrote to him, Not to pride himself in the little Applauses of Women and Children, but to take care to adorn Sicily with Religion, Justice and wholesome Laws, that he might render it a great and illustrious Academy. So did not Euclus and Eulaeus, two of Perseus's Favourites, who fawned upon, and complied with him, as obsequiously as any Courtier of them all, during the Success of his Arms; but after his Defeat at Pydna by the Romans, inveighed bitterly against him, reminding him of his past Faults, his former Fast and Arrogance, till the Man out of mere Anger and Vexation, stabbed them both in the place. And so much concerning the timing of our Reproofs in general.  

Upon what Oc●urrences a Friend may take occasion to reprehend.  Now there are several other accidental Occasions administered by our Friends themselves, which a Person hearty solicitous for their Interest, will lay hold of: As some have taken an opportunity of censuring them freely, from a Question they have asked, from the relation of a Story, or the Praise or Dispraise of the same Actions in other Men, which they themselves have committed.  
Thus they tell us, Demaratus the Corinthian coming into Macedonia, when Philip, and his Queen and Son were at Odds; and being, after a gracious Reception, asked by the King, What good Understanding was among the grecians? he replied, as being an old Friend and Acquaintance of his, Ay, by all means, Sir, it highly becomes your Majesty, to inquire about the Concord betwixt the Athenians and peloponnesians, who suffer your own Family to be the Scene of so much Discord and Contention. And as pert, was that of Diogenes, who, entering Philip's Camp, as he was going to make War upon the Grecians, was seized upon and brought before the King, who not knowing him, asked him, If he was a spy? Why yes truly, said he, I am a spy upon your Folly and Imprudence, who, without any necessity upon you, are come hither to expose your Kingdoms, and your Life to the uncertain Decision of the Cast of a die. Though this may perhaps seem a little too biting and satirical.  
Another seasonable Opportunity of reproving your Friend for his Vices, 
Another Opportunity of reprimaning.  is, when some third Person has already mortified him upon the same account: For a courteous and obliging Man will dexterously silence his Accuser, and then take him privately to task himself, advising him, if for no other reason, yet to abate the Insolence of his Enemies, to manage himself more prudently for the future: For how could they open their Mouths against you, what could they have to reproach you with, if you would but reform such and such Vices, which render you obnoxious to their Censure? And by this means the Offence that was given, lies at his door who roughly upbraided him, whilst the Advantage he reaps, is attributed to the Person who candidly advised him. But there are some who have got yet a genteeler way of Chiding, and that is, of chastising others for Faults, which they know their Friends really stand guilty of: As my Master Amonius, perceiving once at his Afternoon-Lecture, that some of his Scholars had dined more plentifully than became the Moderation of Students, immediately commanded one of his Freemen to take his own Son, and whip him; For what, says he, the Youngster, forsooth must needs have Vinegar sauce to his Meat; and with that, casting his Eye upon us, gave us to understand, that we likewise were concerned in the Reprehension.  
Again; We must be cautious how we rebuk a Friend in Company, 
We must not rebuk a Friend in Company.  always remembering the Repartee made upon Plato on that account: For Socrates having fallen one day very severely upon an Acquantance of his at Table, Plato could not forbear to take him up, saying, Had it not been more proper, Sir, to have spoken these things in private? To whom Socrates instantly replied, And had it not been more proper for you to have  told me so in private too? And they say Pithagoras one time ranted a Friend of his so terribly before Company, that the poor young Man went and hanged himself; from which time the Philosopher would never chide any Man in the presence of another. For the Discovery and cure of a 'vice, like that of a scandalous Disease, ought to be in secret, and not like a public Show transacted upon a theatre; for 'tis no way the part of a Friend, but a mere Cheat and Trick, for one Man to recommend himself to the Standers-by, and seek for Reputation from the Failures of another; like Mountebank-Chirurgions, who perform their Operations on a Stage, to gain the greater practise. But besides the Disgrace that attends a Reproof of this Nature( a thing that will never work any Cure) we are likewise to consider, that 'vice is Naturally obstinate, and loves to dispute its Ground: For what Euripides says, is not only true of Love, The more 'tis checked, the more it presses on, but of any other Imperfection. If you lay a Man open publicly for it, and tell all, you are so far from reforming him, that you force him to brave it out. And therefore as Plato advices, that old Men, who would be revered of the younger Fry, must learn to revere them first: so certainly modestly to reprimand, is the way to meet with a modest Return. For he who warily attacks the Criminal, works upon his good Nature by his own, and so insensibly undermines his Vices. And therefore 'twould be much more proper to observe the Rule in Homer; 
To wisper softly in the Ear,  
Lest Standers-by should chance to hear.  But above all, we ought not to discover the Imperfections of a Husband before his Wife, nor of a Father before his Children, nor of a Lover in company of his Mistress, nor of Masters in presence of their Scholars, or the like; for it touches a Man to the quick, to be rebuked before those who he desires should think honourably of him. And I verily believe, that 'twas not so much the Heat of the Wine, as the Sting of too public a Reprehension, that enraged Alexander against clytus. And Aristomenes, Ptolemy's Preceptor, lost himself by awaking the King, dropped asleep one time at an Audience of Foreign ambassadors; for the Court-Parasites immediately took this occasion to express their pretendedly deep resentments of the Disgrace done his Majesty, suggesting, that if indeed the Cares of the Government had brought a little unseasonable Drowsiness upon him, he might have been  told of it in private, but should not have had rude hands laid upon his Person before so great an Assembly: Which so affencted the King, that he presently sent the poor Man a draft of Poison, and made him drink it up. And Aristophanes says, clear blamed him for railing at Athens before Strangers, whereby he incensed the Athenians against him. And therefore they who aim at the Interest and Reformation of their Friends, rather then Ostentation and Popularity, ought, amongst other things, 
He who reprehends others, ought to be a Man of an unblamable Conversation himself.  to beware of exposing them too publicly.  
Again; What thucydides makes the Corinthians say of themselves, That they were Persons every way qualified for the Reprehension of other Men, ought to be the Character of every one who sets up for a Monitor. For as Lysander replied upon a certain Megarian, who in a Council of Allies and Confederates had spoken boldly for the Liberties of Greece; This style of yours, Sir, would have better become some Pab●ick State, than a private Person. So he who takes upon him the Liberty of a Censor, must be a Man of a regular Conversation himself; one like Plato, whose Life was a continued Lecture to Speusippus; or Xenocrates, who casting his Eye one time upon the dissolute Polemon, at a Disputation, reformed him with the very Awfulness of his Looks. Whereas the Remonstrance of a lewd whiffling Fellow will certainly meet with no better Entertainment, than that of the old proverbial Repartee, Physician, heal thyself.  
But because several accidental Emergencies in Conversation will now and then invite a Man, 
They who reprehend others, ought likewise to accuse themselves.  though bad enough himself, to correct others, the most genteel and dextrous way of doing it, will be to involve ourselves in the same Guilt with those we reprehend; as in this passage of Homer, 
Fie, what's the matter, Diomede, that we  
Have now forgot our former Gallantry?  And in this other, We are not worth one single Hector all. Thus Socrates would handsomely twit the young Men with their ignorance, by professing his own, pretending for his part he had need with he n to study Morality, and make more accurate inquiries into the Truth of Things. For a Confession of the same Guilt, and a seeming Endeavour to reform ourselves, as well as our Friends, gives credit to the Reprimand, and recommends it to their Affections: But he who gravely magnifies himself, whilst he imperiously detracts from others, as being a Man, forsooth, of no Imperfections, unless his Age, or a celebrated Reputation indeed command our Attention, is only impertinent, and troublesome to no purpose. And therefore 'twas not without reason, that phoenix, checking Achilles for his imtemperate Anger, confessed his own Unhappiness in that Particular, how he had like once to have slain his own Father through a transport of Passion, had not the scandalous Name of parricide held his hands; that the hero might not imagine he took that liberty with him, because he had never offended in the like kind himself. For such inoffensive Reproofs leave a deeper impress behind them, when they seem the Result of Compassion, rather than Contempt.  
But because a Mind subject to Disorders of Passion, 
We must mix our Reproofs with Praises.  like an inflamed Eye that cannot bear a great and glaring Light, is impatient of a rebuk without some temperament to qualify and alloy its Poinancy; therefore the best Remedy in this Case will be to dash it with a little Praise. For a mixture of both together not only abates and takes off from that Roughness and Command, which a blunt Reprehension seems to carry along with it, but raises in a Man a generous Emulation of himself, whilst the remembrance of his past virtues shames him out of his present Vices, and makes him propose his former Actions for his future Example. But if you compare him with other Men, as with Fellow-Citizens, his Contemporaries, or Relations, then 'vice, which loves to dispute the Victory renders him uneasy and impatient under the Comparison, and will be apt to make him grumble, and, in an Huff, bid you be gone then, to his Betters, and not trouble him any longer. And there we ought to fall upon other Mens Commendations, before him whom we take the liberty to rebuk, unless indeed they be his Parents; as Agamemnon in Homer: Tydeus his Son has not his Father's Soul. And Ulysses, in the Tragedy called the Scyris, speaking to Achilles: 
Dost thou, who sprung from a brave graecian Race,  
By Spinning, thy great Ancestors disgrace?   

We must not immediately recriminate upon them that blame us.  'tis in the next place very improper for a Man, immediately to retort or recriminate upon his Monitor; for this is the way only to occasion Heats and Animosities betwixt them, and will rather speak him impatient of any Reproof at all, than desirous to compensate the Kindness of one with another: And therefore 'tis better to take his Chiding patiently for the present, and if he chance afterwards to commit a Fault worth your remarking upon, you have then an opportunity of repaying him in his own Coin: For being reminded, without the least intimation of a former Pique or Dissatisfaction, that he himself did not use to overlook the Slips of his Friend, he will receive the Remonstrance favourably at your hands, as being the Return of Kindness, rather than of Anger and Resentment.  
Moreover, as thucydides says, 
We ought not to reprove our Friend upon every trivial Fault.  that he is doubtless a wise Man, and well advised, who will not venture to incur the Odium and Displeasure of any one, except for Matters of the highest Concernment: So when we do undertake the ungrateful Office of Censor, it ought to be only upon weighty and important Occasions. For he who is peevish and angry at every Body, and upon every trivial Fault, acting rather with the imperious Pedantry of a Schoolmaster, than the Discretion of a Friend, blunts the edge of his Reprehensions in Matters of an higher Nature, by squandering, like an unskilful physician, that keen and bitter, but necessary and sovereign Remedy of his Reproofs, upon many and slight Distempers, that require so exquisite a Cure. And therefore a wise Man will industriously avoid the Character of being a Person who is always chiding, and delights in finding Faults. Besides that, whosoever is of that little Humour, to animadvert upon every trifling Picadillo, only affords his Friend a fairer occasion of being even with him one time or another, for his grosser Immoralities: As Philotimus the Physician, visiting a Patient of his, who being troubled with an Inflammation in his Liver, shewed him his sore Finger,  told him, his Distemper lay not at the root of his Nail. In like manner we may take occasion now and then to reply upon a Man, who carps at Trifles in another, his Diversions, Pleasantries, or a Glass of Wine; Let the Gentleman rather, Sir, turn off his Whore, leave off his Dicing, &c. for otherwise he's an admirable Person. For he who is dispensed with in smaller Matters, more willingly gives his Friend the liberty of reprimanding him for greater. But there is neither Child, nor Brother, nor Servant himself, able to endure a Man of a busy inquisitive Humour, who brawls perpetually, and is sour and unpleasant upon every inconsiderable occasion.  

We ought to qualify our Friend by praising his good Qualities, before we reprove him for his ill ones.  But since a weak and foolish Friend, as Euripides says of Old Age, has its strong, as well as feeble part, we ought to observe both, and cheerfully extol the one, before we fall foul upon the other. For as we first soften Iron in the Fire, and then dip it into Water, to harden it in a due Consistence: So after we have warmed and mollified our Friend by a just Commendation of his virtues, we may then safely temper him with a moderate Reprehension of his Vices; we may then say, Are these Actions comparable to the other? don't you perceive the Advantages of a virtuous Life? This is what we who are your Friends require of you: These are properly your own Actions for which Nature designed you; but for the other, 
Let them for ever from you banished be,  
To desert Mountains, or the raging said.   
For as a Prudent Physician had rather recover his Patient with Sleep, and good Diet, than with Castor and Scammony: So a candid Friend, a a good Father, or Schoolmaster, will rather choose to reform Mens Manners by Commendations, than Reproofs. For nothing in the World renders our Corruptions so inoffensive, and withal so useful, as to address ourselves to the Delinquent in a kind, affectionate manner: And therefore we ought not to deal roughly with him upon his denial of the Matter of Fact, nor hinder him from making his just Vindication; but we should rather handsomely help him out in his Apology, and mollify the Matter: As Hector to his Brother Paris: Unhappy Man, by Passion over-ruled: Suggesting, that he did not quit the Field, in his Encounter with Menelaus, out of cowardice, but mere Anger and Indignation.  
And Nestor speaks thus to Agamemnon; You only yielded to the great Impulse.  
For you did such a thing through Ignorance or Inadvertency, is, in my Opinion, a much more genteel Expression, than bluntly to say, You have dealt unjustly, or acted basely by me: And to advice a Man not to quarrel with his Brother, is more Civil, than to say, Don't you envy and malign him: And keep not Company with that Woman who debauches you, is softer Language than, Don't you debauch her.  
And thus you see with what Caution and Moderation we must reprehend our Friends, 
How to prevent ill Habits in our Friends.  in reclaiming them from Vices to which they are already subjected; whilst the Prevention of them doth require a clear contrary Method: For when we are to divert them from the Commission of a Crime, or to check a violent and headstrong Passion, or to push on and excite a phlegmatic lazy humour to great Things, we may then ascribe their Failings to as dishonourable Causes as we please.  
Thus Ulysses, when he would awaken the Courage of Achilles, in one of Sophocles's Tragedies, tells him, That 'twas not the Business of a Supper, that put him in such a Fret, as he pretended, but because he was now arrived within sight of the Walls of Troy. And when Achilles, in a great Chafe at the Affront, swore he would sail back again with his Squadron, and leave him to himself, Ulysses came upon him again with this rejoinder: 
Come, Sir, 'tis not for this you'd sail away;  
But Hector's near, it is not safe to stay.   
And thus, by representing to the Bold and Valiant, the danger of being reputed a Coward; the Temperate and Sober, a Debauchee; and the Liberal and Magnificent, Stingie and Sordid: we spur them on to brave Actions, and divert them from base and ignominious.  
Indeed when a t●ing is once done, and past Remedy, we ought to qualify and attemperate our Reproofs, and commiserate, rather than reprimand. But if it be a Business of pure prevention, of stoping a Friend in the Career of his Irregularities, our Applications must be vehement, inexorable, and indefatigable: For this is the proper Season for a Man to show himself a true Monitor, and a Friend indeed; for we see that even Enemies reprove each other for Faults already committed. As Diogenes said pertinently enough to this purpose, That he who would act wisely, ought to be surrounded either with good Friends, or Flagrant Enemies; for the one always teach us to do well, and the other as constantly accuse us if we do ill.  
But certainly 'tis much more eligible to forbear the Commission of a Fault, by hearkening to the good Advice of our Friends, than afterwards to repent of it, by reason of the Obloquy of our Enemies: And therefore, if for no other Reason, we ought to apply our Reprehensions with a great deal of Art and Dexterity, because they are the most Sovereign physic that a Friend can prescribe, and which not only require a due Mixture of Ingredients in the Preparation of them, but a seasonable Juncture for the Patient to take them in.  
But because, as it has been before observed, Reproofs usually carry something of Trouble and Vexation along with them, we must imitate skilful Physicians, who, when they ●ave made an Incision in the Flesh, leave it not open to the Smart and Torment that attends it, but chafe and foment it to assuage the Pain: So he who would admonish dexterously, must not immediately give a Man over to the Sting and Anguish of his Reprehensions, but endeavour to Skin over the Sore with a more mildred and diverting Converse; like ston Cutters, who, when they have made a Fracture in their Statues, polish and brighten them afterwards: But if we leave them in Pain with their Wounds and Resentments, and, as it were, the Marks of our Reproofs yet green upon them, they will hardly be brought to admit of any Lenitive we shall offer for the future. And therefore they who will take upon them to admonish their Friends, ought especially to observe this main Point, Not to leave them immediately upon it, nor abruptly break off the Conference with disobliging and bitter Expressions.   

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II. That it is not possible to live pleasurably according to the Doctrine of EPICURUS.  Done into English out of the Greek, by William Baxter, Gent. 
EPICURUS's great Confident and Familiar, Golotes, set forth a Book with this Title to it, That according to the Tenets of the other Philosophers, it's impossible to live. Now what occurred to me then to say against him, in the Defence of those Philosophers, hath been (a) already put into Writing by me: But since upon the breaking up of our Lecture, ( b) several things have happened to be spoken afterwards in the Walks in further Opposition to his Party, I thought it not amiss to recollect them also, if for no other reason, yet for this one, That those may see, that will needs be contradicting of other Men, ( c) they ought not to run cursorily over the Discourses and Writings of those they would disprove; nor by tearing out one Word here, and another there, or by falling foul upon particular Passages without the Books, to impose upon the Ignorant and Unlearned. Now as we were leaving the School, to take a Walk( as our manner is) in the Green, Zeuxippus began to us: In my Opinion, the Debate was managed on our Side with more Softness, and less Freedom than was fitting; I am sure ( d) Heraclides sufficiently signified his Disgust at us at parting, for saving our own Heads whole, while he was so warmly engaged against Epicurus and Metrodorus. Yet you may remember, replied Theon, how you  told them, Colotes himself, compared with the rhetoric of those two Gentlemen, would appear the complaisantest Man alive: For when they have raked together the lewdest Terms of Ignominy the Tongue of Man ever used; as ( e) Buffoonries, Trollings, Arrogancies, Whorings Assassinations, Whining Counterfeits, cross-grained Fellows, and Block-heads; they fairly throw them into the Faces of Aristotle, Socrates, Pythagoras, Protagoras, Theophrastus, Heraclides, Hipparchus, and which not, even of the best and most celebrated Authorities? So that should they pass for very knowing Men upon all other accounts, yet their very Calumnies and Reviling Language would bespeak them at the greatest distance from Philosophy imaginable: For Emulation can never enter that God-like Consort, nor such Fretfulness as wants Resolution to conceal its own Resentments. ( f) Aristodemus then subjoined; Heraclides, you know is a great Philologist, and that may be the reason why he made Epicurus those Amends for the poetic Din( so that Party style Poetry) and for the Fooleries of Homer; or else, it may be, it was because Metrodorus had libeled that Poet ( g) in so many Books. But let us let these Gentlemen pass at present, Zeuxippus, and rather return to what was charged upon the Philosophers in the beginning of our Discourse, That it is impossible to live according to their Tenets: And I see not why we two may not dispatch this Affair betwixt us, with the good Assistance of Theon; for I find this Gentleman( meaning me) is already tired. Then Theon said to him, ( h) Our Fellows have that Garland from us won; Therefore, if you please, Let's fix another Goal, and at that run. We will even prosecute them at the svit of the Philosophers, in the following Form: ( (i)) We'll prove, if we can, That 'tis impossible to live a pleasurable Life according to their Tenets. Bless me!( said I to him, smiling) you seem to me to level your Foot at the very Bellies of the Men, and to design to enter the List with them for their Lives, whilst you go about to rob them thus of their Pleasure; and they cry out to you: Forbear, w'are no good Boxers, Sir, No, nor good Pleaders, nor good Senators, nor good Magistrates neither; Our proper Talent is to eat and drink, And to excite such tender and delicate Motions in our Bodies, as may chafe our Imaginations to some jolly delight or gaiety. And therefore you seem to me, not so much to take off( as I may say) the pleasurable part, as to deprive the Men of their very Lives, while you will not leave them to live pleasurably. Nay then, said Theon, if you thus comment upon me, (a) pray propose some other Question yourself, that may be more to your mind. By no means, said I, I am for this, and shall not only hear, ( l) but answer you too, if you shall require it: But I must leave it to you, which of you shall begin.  
Then, after Theon had spoken something to excuse himself, Aristodemus said, When we had so short and fair a Cut to our Design, how have you blocked up the Way before us, by preventing us from joining Issue with the Faction at the very first, upon the single Point of Seemly and Decorous! For you must grant, it can be no easy matter to drive Men, already possessed, that Pleasure is their utmost Good, yet to believe a Life of Pleasure impossible to be attained: But now the Truth is, that at what time they failed of living becomingly, they failed also of living pleasurably; for to live pleasurably, and yet unbecomingly, is even by themselves allowed inconsistent. Theon then said, We may probably resume the Consideration of that in the Process of our Discourse; in the Interim we will make use of their Concessions. Now they suppose their last Good to lye about the Belly, and such other Conveyances of the Body, as let in Pleasure, and not Pain; and are of Opinion, that all the brave and ingenuous Inventions that ever have been, were contrived at first for the Pleasure of the Belly, or the good hope of compassing such Pleasure, as the Sage Metrodorus informs us. By which, my good Friend, it is very plain, they found their Pleasure in a poor rotten and unsure Thing, and that is equally ( m) perforated for Pains, by the very Passages they receive their Pleasures by, or rather indeed, that admits Pleasure but by a few, but Pain by all its Parts: For the whole of Pleasure is ( n) in a manner in the joints, Nerves, Feet and Hands; and these are oft the Seats of very grievous and lamentable Distempers; as Gouts, corroding Rheums, Gangrenes, and putrid Ulcers. And if you apply to yourself the exquisitest of Perfumes or Gusts, you will find but some one small part of your Body, that is finely and delicately touched, while the rest are many times filled with Anguish and Complaints. Besides, there is no part of us Proof against Fire, Sword, Teeth or Scourges, or insensible of Dolours and Aches: Yea, Heats, could and fevers sink into all our Parts alike. But Pleasures, like Gales of soft Wind, move simpering, one towards one extreme of the Body, and another towards another, and then go off in a Vapour. Nor are they of any long durance neither, but as so many glancing Meteors, are no sooner kindled in the Body, but they are quenched by it. (a) As to Pain, Aeschylus's Philoctetes affords us a sufficient Testimony: 
The cruel Viper will ne're quit my Foot,  
Her dire, envenomed Teeth have there ta'en Root.  ( p) For Pain will not troll off as Pleasure doth, nor imitate it in its pleasing and tickling Touches: But as the Clover twists its perplexed and winding Roots into the Earth, and through its Coursness abides there a long time: So Pain disperses and entangles its Hooks and Roots in the Body, and continues there, not for a Day or a Night, but for several Seasons of Years, if nor for some Revolutions of Olympiads, nor scarce ever departs, unless struck out by other Pains, as by stronger Nails. For who ever drank so long, as those that are in a Fever are a-dry? Or who was ever so long eating, as those that are besieged suffer Hunger? Or where are there any that are so long solaced with the Conversation of Friends, as Tyrants a racking and tormenting? Now all this is owing to the Baseness of the Body, and its natural Incapacity for a pleasurable Life; for it bears Pains better than it doth Pleasures, and is, with respect to those, firm and hardy, but, with respect to these, (a) feeble, and soon palled. To which add, That ( r) if we touch a Life of Pleasure, these Men won't give us leave to go on, but will presently confess themselves, that the Pleasures of the Body are but short, or rather indeed but of a Moments continuance, if they do not design ( s) to banter us, or else speak it out of Vanity. As when Metrodorus tells us, We many times spit at the Pleasures of the Body. Nay, Epicur●s saith, A wise Man, when he is Sick, many times laughs in the Extremity of his Distemper. With what consistence then can those that account the Pains of the Body so light and easy, think so highly of its Pleasures? For should we allow them not to come behind its Pains, either in duration or magnitude, they would not yet have their being without them: For Epicurus hath made the removal of all that pains, the common Definition of them all; as if Nature had intended to advance the pleasurable part only to the Destruction of the painful, but would not have it improved any further in Magnitude; and as if she only diverted her self with certain useless Diversifications, ( t) after she hath once arrived to an Abolition of Pain. But now the Passage to this, conjoined with an Appetence, which is the measure of Pleasure, is extreme short, and soon over. And therefore the Sense of their narrow Entertainment here, hath obliged them to transplant their last End from the Body, as from a poor and lean Soil, to the Mind, in hopes of producing there, as it were, ( u) large Pastures, and fair Meadows of Delights and Satisfactions.  
( w) For Ithac Isle is no fit Place,  
For mettled Steeds to run a Race.  
Neither can the Joys of our poor Bodies be soothe and equal, but on the contrary must be course and harsh, and immixt with much that is displeasing and inflamed.  
Zeuxippus then said, And do you not think then, they take the right course, to begin at the Body, where they observe Pleasure to have its first Rise, and thence ( x) to pass to the Mind, as the more stable and sure part, there to complete and crown the whole?  
They do, by Jove, I said; and, if after removing thither, they have indeed found something more consummate than before, a Course too as well agreeing with Nature, as becoming Men adorned with both contemplative and civil Knowledge. But if after all this, you still hear them cry out, and protest, That the Mind of Man can receive no Satisfaction or tranquillity from any thing under Heaven, but from the Pleasures of the Body, either in Possession or Expectance, and that these are its proper and only Good; can you forbear thinking they make use of the Soul, but as ( y) a fresh Cask for the Body, while they mellow their Pleasure by shifting it thither, as they rack Wine out of an old and leaky Vessel into a new one, and then imagine they have performed some extraordinary and very fine thing? True indeed ( z) a fresh Pipe may both contain and recover Wine that Age hath decayed; but the Mind, receiving but the remembrance only of past Pleasure, like a kind of Scent, retains that, and no more. For as soon as it hath given one Hiss in the Body, it immediately expires; and that little of it that stays behind in the Memory, is but flat, and like a queasy Fume: As if a Man should lay up and treasure (a) in his Fancy, what he either eat or drank yesterday, that he may have recourse to that when he wants fresh Fare. See now how much more temperate ( b) the Cyrenaicks are, who, though they have drunk out of the same Bottle with Epicurus, yet will not allow Men so much as to practise their Amours by Candle light, but only under the Covert of the Dark, for fear Seeing should fasten too quick an Impression of the Images of such Actions upon the Fancy, and thereby too frequently inflame the Desi●e. But these Gentlemen account it the highest Accomplishment of a Philosopher, to have a clear and retentive Memory of all the various Figures, Passions, and Touches of past Pleasure. We will not now say, they present us with nothing worthy the Name of Philosophy, while they leave the Refuge of Pleasure in their wise Mans Mind, as if it could be a Lodging for Bodies. But that it's impossible such things as these should make a Man live pleasurably, I think abundantly manifest from hence: ( c) For it will not perhaps seem strange, if I assert, That the Memory of Pleasure past brings no Pleasure with it, ( d) at what time it seems little in the very Enjoyment, or to Men of that Abstinence ( e) as to account it for their Benefit to retire from its first Approaches, when even the most amazed and sensual Admirers of Corporeal Delights, remain no longer in their gaudy and pleasant Humour, than their Pleasure lasts them. What remains is but an empty Shadow and Dream of that Pleasure, that hath now taken Wing, and is fled from them, and that serves but for Fuel to foment their untamed Desires: Like as in those that dream they are a-dry, or in Love, their unaccomplisht Pleasures and Enjoyments do but excite the Inclination to a greater Keenness. Nor indeed can the remembrance of past Enjoyments afford them any real Contentment at all, but must serve only with the help of a quick Desire, to raise up very much of Outrage and stinging Pain out of the Remains of a feeble and befooling Pleasure. ( f) Neither doth it befit Men of ꝯtinence and Sobriety, to exercise their Thoughts about such poor Things, or to do ( g) what one twitted Carneades with, to reckon, as out of a Diurnal, how oft they have lain ( h) with Hedeia, or Leontion, or where they last drunk Thasian Wine, or at ( i) what twentieth-day Feast they had a costly Supper: For such Transports and Captivatedness of the Mind to its own remembrances, as this is, would show a deplorate and bestial intenseness and Raving towards the present, and hoped for Acts of Pleasure. And therefore I cannot but look upon the Sense of these Inconveniences, as the true Cause of their retiring at last to a Freedom from Pain, and a firm State of Body; as if living pleasurably could lye in bare imagining this either past, or future to some Persons. True indeed it is, that a sound State of Body, and a good Assurance of its continuing, must needs afford a most transcending and solid Satisfaction to all Men capable of Reasoning. But yet look first what Work they make, while they course this same Thing, whether it be Pleasure, Exemption from Pain, (a) or good Health, up and down, first from the Body to the Mind, and then back again from the Mind to the Body, being compelled to return it to its first Origin, lest it should run out, and so give them the slip. Thus they pitch the pleasur'd part in the Body, ( l)( as they term it) upon the complacent part in the Mind, and yet conclude again with the good Hopes that complacent part hath in the pleasur'd. Indeed what Wonder is it, if when the Foundation shakes, the Superstructure totter? Or that there should be no sure Hope, nor unshaken Joy in a Matter that suffers so great Concussion and Changes, as continually attend a Body exposed to so many Violences and stroke from without, and that hath within it the Origins of such Evils as Human Reason cannot avert. For if it could, no understanding Man would ever fall under Stranguries, Gripes, Consumptions, or Dropsies; with some of which, Epicurus himself did conflict, and Polyaenus with others, and others of them were the Deaths of Neocles and ( m) Agathobulus. And this we mention, not to disparaged them, knowing very well that Pherecides and Heraclitus, both very excellent Persons, laboured under very uncouth and calamitous Distempers. We only beg of them, if they will own their own Diseases, and not by noisy Rants and popular Harangues incur the Imputation of false Bravery, either not to take the Health of the whole Body for the Ground of their Content, or else not to say, that Men under the Extremities of Dolours and Diseases, can yet rally and be pleasant. For a sound and hail Constitution of Body is indeed a thing that often happens, but a firm and steadfast Assurance of its Continuance can never befall an intelligent Mind. But as at Sea( according to Aeschylus.) ( n) Night to the ablest Pilot Trouble brings.( And so will a Calm too, for no Man knows what will be) So likewise is it impossible for a Soul, that dwells in a healthful Body, and that places her Good in the Hopes she hath of that Body, to perfect her Voyage here without Frights or Waves. For Man's Mind hath not, like the Sea, its Tempests and Storms only from without it, but it also raises up from within far more and greater Disturbances. And a Man may with more reason look for constant fair Weather in the midst of Winter, than for perpetual Exemption from Afflictions in the Body. For what else hath given the Poets occasion to term us one day Animals, Uncertain and Unfixt? and to liken our Lives to Leaves, that both spring and fall in the Compass of a Summer; but the unhappy, calamitous and sickly Condition of the Body, whose very utmost Good we are warned to dread and prevent? For an exquisite Habit, Hippocrates saith, is slippery and hazardous. And, 
He that but now looked jolly, plump and stout,  
Like a Star shot by Jove, is now gone out.  As it is in Euripides. And it is a vulgar persuasion, that very handsome Persons, if seen first, oft suffer damage by Envy and an evil Eye; for that a Body at its utmost Vigour, will through delicacy very soon admit of Changes. But now that these Men are miserable unprovided for an undisturbed Life, you may discern even from what themselves advance against others: For they say, that those that commit Wickedness, and incur the Displeasure of the Laws, live in constant Misery and Fear; for that, though they may perhaps attain to Privacy, yet it is impossible they should ever be well assured of that Privacy: Whence the ever-impending Fear of the future will not permit them to have either Complacency or Assurance in their present Circumstances. But they consider not how they speak all this against themselves: For a sound and healthy State of Body they may indeed oftentimes possess; but that they should ever be well assured of its Continuance, is impossible, but must of necessity be in constant Disquiet and Pain for the Body, with respect to Futurity; and if not, why do they then look for a firm and steadfast Assurance from it, when ( o) they know they could never yet attain it? But to do no Wickedness, will contribute nothing to our Assurance; for it is not suffering unjustly, but suffering in itself, that's dismaying: Nor can it be a matter of Trouble to be engaged in villainies ones self, and not afflictive to suffer by the villainies of others. Neither can it be said, that the Tyranny of Lachares was less, if it was not more calamitous to the Athenians, and that of Dionysuis to the Syracusans, than they were to the Tyrants themselves: For it was disturbing, that made them be disturbed; and their oppressing and pestering of others first, gave them occasion to expect to suffer ill themselves. Why should a Man recount the Outrages of Rabbles, the Barbarities of Thieves, or the villainies of Inheritors, or yet the Contagions of Airs, and ( p) the Concursions of Seas, by which Epicurus( as himself writeth) was (a) in his Voyage to Lampsacus, within very little of drowning? The very Composition of the Body, it containing in it the matter of all Diseases, and( to use a Pleasantry of the Vulgars) cutting Thongs for the Beast out of its own hid, I mean, Pains out of the Body, is sufficient to render Life perilous and uneasy, and that to the Good, as well as to the Bad, if they have learnt to place their Complacence and Assurance in the Body, and the hopes they have of it, and in nothing else; as Epicurus hath written, as well in many other of his Discourses, as in that Of Man's End. They therefore assign not only a treacherous and unsure Ground of their pleasurable Living, but also one in all respects despicable and little, if the escaping of Evils be the matter of their Complacence and last Good. But now they tell us, Nothing else can be so much as imagined, and that Nature hath no other Place to bestow her Good in, but only that out of which her Evil hath been driven; as Metrodorus speaks ( r) in his Book against the Sophists. So that this single thing, to escape Evil, is their supreme Good; for there's no room to lodge this Good in, where no more of what's painful and afflicting goes out. Like unto this is that of Epicurus, where he saith, The very Essence of Good arises from the escaping of Bad, and a Man's remembering, recollecting, and rejoicing within himself,( s) that th● hath befallen him: For what occasions transcending Joy( he saith) is some great impending Evil escaped, and in this lies the very Nature and Essence of Good, if a Man consider it aright, and contain himself when he hath doom, and not ramble and prate Idly about it. O the rare Satisfaction and Fidelity these Men enjoy, that can thus rejoice for having undergone no Evil, nor endured either Sorrow or Pain! Have they not reason, think you, to value themselves for such things as these and to say as they are wont, when they style themselves Immortals, and Equals to Gods? And when through the Excessiveness and Transcendency of the blessed Things they enjoy, they rave even to the degree of whooping and hollowing, for very satisfaction that to the shane of all Mortals they have been the only Men that could find out this Celestial and Divine Good, that lies in an Exemption from all Evil! So that their Beatitude differs little from that of Swine and Sheep, while they place it in a mere tolerable and contented State, either of the Body, or of the Mind upon the bodies account. For even the more ingenious and airy sort of Brutes do not esteem ( t) escaping of Evil their last End, but when they have taken their Repast, they are disposed next by Fullness to Singing, and they divert themselves with Swimming and Flying; and their Gaiety and Sprightliness prompt them to entertain themselves with attempting to counterfeit all sorts of Voices and Notes; and then they make their Caresses to one another, by skipping and dancing one towards another; Nature inciting them, after they have escaped Evil, to look after some Good, or rather to shake off what they find uneasy and disagreeing, as an Impediment to their pursuit of something better and more congenial. For what we cannot be without, deserves not the Name of Good; but that which claims our Desire and pference, must be something beyond a bare Escape from Evil: And so, by Jove, must that be too, that's either agreeing or congenial to us, according to Plato, who will not allow us to give the Name of Pleasures to the bare Departures of Sorrows and Pains, but would have us look upon them rather as obscure Draughts and Mixtures of agreeing and disagreeing, as of black and white, while the extremes would advance themselves to a milddle Temperament. But oftentimes Unskilfulness and Ignorance of the true Nature of the extreme, ( u) occasions some to mistake the middle Temperament for the extreme and outmost Part: And thus do Epicurus and Metrodorus, while they make avoiding of Evil to be the very Essence and Consummation of Good; and so receive but as it were the Satisfaction of Slaves, or of Rogues, newly discharged the Goal, who are well enough contented, if they may but wash and suppling their Sores, and the Stripes they received by whipping, but never in their Lives had one taste or sight of a generous, clean, unmixed and unulcerated Joy: For it follows not, that if it be vexatious to have one's Body itch, or one's Eye to run, it must be therefore a Blessing to scratch ones self, and to wipe ones Eyes with a Rag; nor that if it be bad to be dejected or dismayed at Divine matters, or to be discomposed with the Relations of Hell, that therefore the bare avoiding of all this must be some happy and amiable thing. The truth is, these Mens Opinion, though it pretends so far ( w) to out-go that of the Vulgar, ( x) allows their Joy but a straight and narrow Compass to toss and tumble in, while it extends it but to an Exemption from the Fear of Hell, and so makes that the Top of acquired Wisdom, which is doubless natural to the Brutes. For if ( y) Freedom from bodily Pain be still the same, whether it come ( z) by Endeavour or by Nature, neither then is an undisturbed State of Mind the greater for being attained to by Industry, than if it came by Nature: though a Man may with good reason maintain that to be the more confirmed Habit of the Mind, that naturally admits of no Disorder, than that which by Application and judgement eschews it. But let us suppose them both equal, they will yet appear not one jot superior to the Beasts, for being unconcerned at the Stories of Hell, and the Legends of the Gods, and for not expecting endless Sorrows and (a) everlasting Torments hereafter. For it is Epicurus himself that tells us, that( b) had our Surmiscs about the Meteors in the Air, and our foolish Apprehensions of Death, and the Pains that ensue it, given us no disquiet, we had not then needed to contemplate Nature for our Relief. For neither have the Brutes any weak Surmises of the Gods, or fond Opinions ( c) about Things after Death, to disorder themselves with; nor have they as much as Imagination or Notion that there is any thing in these to be dreaded. I confess had they left us the benign Providence of God as a Presumption, wise Men might then seem, by reason of of their good hopes from thence, to have something towards a pleasurable Life that Beasts have not: But now since they have made it the Scope of all their Discourses of God, that they may not fear him, but be eased of all concern about him, I much question, whether those that never thought at all of him, have not this in a more confirmed degree than they that have learned to think he can do no harm: For if they were never freed from Superstition, they never fell into it; and if they never laid aside a disturbing Conceit of God, they never took one up. The like may be said as to Hell, and the future State: For though ( d) neither the Epicurean nor the Brute can hope for any Good thence; yet such as have no forethought of Death at all cannot but be less amused and scared with what comes after it, than they that betake themselves to the Principle, ( e) That Death is nothing to us. But something to them it must be, at least so far as they concern themselves to reason and contemplate about it: But now the Beasts are wholly exempted from thinking of what appertains not to them; and if they fly from Blows, Wounds and Slaughers, they fear no more in Death than is dismaying to the Epicurean himself. Such then are the Things they boast to have at tained by their Philosophy. Let us now see what those are ( f) they deprive themselves of, and chase away from them. For those Diffusions of the Mind that arise from the Body, and the pleasing Condition of the Body, if they be but moderate, appear to have nothing in them thats either great or considerable; but if they be excessive, besides their being vain and uncertain, they are also importune and petulent; nor should a Man term them either mental Satisfactions or Gaities, but rather corporeal Gratifications, they being at best but the Simperings and Effeminacies of the Mind. But now such as justly deserve the Names of Complacences and Joys, are wholly refined from their contraries, and are immixt with neither Vexation, Remorse, nor Repentance; and their Good is congenial to the Mind, and truly mental and genuine, and not super-induc'd: Nor is it devoid of Reason, but most rational, as springing either from that in the Mind that's contemplative and inquiring, or else from that Part of it that is active and heroic: Either of which, how many and how great Satisfaction it affords us, he that would, can never relate. But to hint briefly at some of them. We have the Historians before us, which though they find us many and delightful Exercises, yet they still leave our Desire after Truth insatiate and uncloy'd with Pleasure, through which even Lies are not without the●r Grace. Yea, Tales and poetic Fictions, while they cannot gain upon our Belief, yet have something in them thats charming to us: For do but think with yourself, with what a sting we red Plato's atlantic, and the Conclusion of the Iliad, and how we hanker and gape after the rest of the Tale, as when some beautiful Temple or theatre is shut up. But now the informing of ourselves with the Truth her self, is a thing so delectable and lovely, as if our very Life and Being were for the sake of knowing. And the darkest and grimmest Things in Death are its Oblivion, Ignorance and Obscurity, whence, by Jove, it is, that almost all Mankind encounter with those that would destroy the Sense of the Departed, as placing the very whole of their Life, Being and Satisfaction solely in the sensible and knowing part of the Mind. For even the Things that grieve and afflict us, yet afford us a sort of Pleasure in the hearing. And it is often seen, that those that are disordered by what is  told them, even to the degree of weeping, notwithstanding ( g) require the telling of it. So he in the Tragedy; 
Alas! I feel't, and dread it to relate,  
I dread to hear it too, but I must have't.  But this may seem perhaps a sort of intemperateness of Delight in knowing every thing, and as it were ( h) a Stream violently bearing down the reasoning Faculty. But now when a Story that hath in it nothing that's troubling and afflictive, treats of great and heroic Enterprizes with a potency and grace of style, Such as we find in Herodotus's graecian, and in Xenophon's Persian History, or in what, inspired by heavenly Gods, sage Homer sung; Or in the Travels of Eudoxus, the Foundations and republics of Aristotle, and the Lives of famous Men compiled by Aristoxenus: These will not only bring us exceeding much and great Contentment, but such also as is clean and secure from Repentance. And who could take greater satisfaction, either in eating when a hungry, or in drinking when a-dry amongst the Phaeacks, than in going over Ulysses's Relation of his own Voyage and Rambles? And what Man could be better pleased with the Embraces of the most exquisite beauty, than with sitting up all Night to red over what Xonophon hath wtitten of Panthea, or Aristobulus of Timoclea, or Theopompus of Thisbe? But now these appertain all solely to the Mind. But they chase away from them the Delights ( (i)) that accrue from the mathematics also. Though the Satisfactions we receive from History have in them something simplo and equal; but those that come from Geometry, Astronomy and music, inveigle and 'allure us with a sort of Nimbleness and Variety, and want nothing that's tempting and engaging, their Figures attracting us as so many Charms, whereof whoever hath once tasted, if he be but competently skilled, will run about, chanting that in Sophocles, (a) I'm mad, the Muses with new Rage inspire me. ( l And again, I'll mount the Hill, my Lyre, my Numbers fire me. Nor doth Thamyras break out into poetic Raptures upon any other Score; nor, by Jove, Eudoxus, Aristarchus, or Archimedes. And when the Lovers of the Art of Painting are so enamoured with the Charmingness of their own Performances, that Nicias, as he was drawing the Evocation of Ghosts in Homer, often asked his Servants, whether he had dined or no? And when King ptolemy had sent him threescore Talents for his Piece, after it was finished, he neither would accept the Money, nor part with his Work. What and how great Satisfactions may we then suppose to have been reaped from Geometry and Astronomy, by Euclid, when he wrote his Perspectives? by Philippus, when he had perfected his Demonstration of the Figure of the Moon? by Arcihmedes, when with the help of a certain Angle he had found the Sun's Diameter to make the same part of the largest circled, that that Angle made of four Right-ones? and by Apollonius and Aristarchus, who were the inventors of some other Things of the like nature? The bare contemplating and comprehending of which now engender in the Learners both unspeakable Delights, and a marvelous height of Spirit. And it doth in no wise beseem me, by comparing with these the fulsome Debauches of Victualling Houses and Stews, to contaminate Helicon and the Muses, 
Where Swain his Flock ne're fed,  
Nor three by Hatchet bled.  But these are the verdant and untrampled Pastures of ingenious Bees; but those are more like the Mange of lecherous Boars and He-goats. And though a voluptuous Temper of Mind be naturally fantastic and precipitate, yet never any yet sacrificed an Ox for joy that he had gained his Will of his Mistress; nor did any ever wish to di● immediately, might he but once satiate himself with the costly Dishes and Comfits at the Table of his Prince. But now Eudixus wished he might stand by the Sun, and inform himself of the Figure, Magnitude and Beauty of that Luminary, though he were, like Phaeton, consumed by it. And Phythagoras offered an Ox in Sacrifice, for having completed the Lines of a certain Geometrick Diagram ( m) as Apollodotus tells us, 
When the famed Lines Pythagoras devised,  
( n) For which a splendid Ox he sacrificed.  Whether it was that by which he shew'd, that the Line that regards the Right Angle in a Triangle, is equivalent to the two Lines that contain that Angle, or the Problem about the Area of the Parabolick Section of a Cone. And Archimedes's Servants were forced to hale him away from his Draughts, to be anointed in the Bagnio; but he notwithstanding drew the Lines upon his Belly with his Strigil: And when he had understood as he was washing( as the Story goes of him) the proportion of ( o) Gold in King Hieron's Crown by the Water's flowing over the Bathing-Stool, ( p) he leaped up as one possessed or inspired, crying, I have found it; which after he had several times repeated, he went his way. But we never yet heard of a Glutton, that exclaimed (a) with such vehemence, I have eaten; or of an amorous Gallant, that ever cried, I have kist, among the many Millions of dissolute Debauchees, that both this and preceding Ages have produced. Yea, we abominate those that make mention of their great Suppers with too luscious a Gust, as Men over-much taken with mean and abject Delights. But we find ourselves in one and the same ecstasy with Eudoxus, Archimedes, and Hipparchus; and readily give Assent to Plato, when he saith of the mathematics, That while Ignorance and Unskilledness make Men despise them, they still thrive notwithstanding by reason of their Charmingness, in despite of Contempt. These then so great and so many Pleasures, and that run ( r) like perpetual Springs and Rills, these Men decline and avoid; nor will they permit those that put in among them, so much as to take a taste of them, but bid them hoist up the little Sails of their paltry Cock-Boats, and fly from them. Nay, they all, both He and She-Philosophers, beg and entreat (a) Pythocles, for dear Epicurus's sake, Not to affect or make such account of the Sciences called Liberal. And when they cry up and defend one Apelles, they writ of him, That he kept himself clean by refraining himself all along from the mathematics. But as to History( to pass over their Aversedness to other kinds of Compositions) I shall only present you with the Words of Metrodorus, who in his Treatise of the Poets, writes thus! Wherefore let it never disturb you, if you know not either what side Hector was of, or the first Verses in Homer's Poem, or again, what is in its middle. But that the Pleasures of the Body spend themselves like the Winds called Etesiae, or Anniversary, and utterly determine when once Age is past it's Vigour, Epicurus himself was not insensible; and therefore he makes it a Problematic Question, Whether a sage Philosopher, when he is an old Man, and disabled for Enjoyment, may not still be recreated, with having handsome Girls to feel and grope him? Being not, it seems, of the Mind of old Sophocles, who thanked God he had at length escaped from this kind of Pleasure, as from an untame and furious Master. But in my opinion, it would be more advisable for these sensual Lechers, when they see that Age will dry up so many of their Pleasures, and that as Euripides saith, Dame Venus is to ancient Men a Foe. In the first place to collect and lay up in store, as against a Siege, these other Pleasures, as a sort of Provision that will not impair and decay, that then after they have celebrated the Venereal Festivals of Life, they may spend a cleanly After-Feast in reading over the Historians and Poets, or else in Problems of music and Geometry: For it would never have come into their Minds, so much as to think of these purblind and toothless Groopings and Spurtings of Lechery, had they but learnt, if nothing more, but to writ Comments upon Homer or Euripides, as Aristotle, Heraclides, and Dicaearchus did. But I verily persuade myself that their neglecting to take care for such Provisions as these, and finding all the other Things they employed themselves in( as they use to say of virtue) but insipid and dry, and being wholly set upon Pleasure, and the Body no longer supplying them with it, gave them occasion to stoop to do Things both mean and shameful in themselves, and unbecoming their Age: as well when they refresh their Memories with their former Pleasures, and serve themselves of old ones, as it were long since dead, and laid up in Pickle for the purpose, when they cannot have fresh ones; as when again they offer violence to Nature, by suscitating and chafing in their decayed Bodys, as in could Embers ( u) other new ones equally senseless, they having not, it seems, their Minds stored with any congenial Pleasure, or that is ( w) worth the rejoicing at. As to the other Delights of the Mind, we have already treated of them, as they occurred to us. But their Adversness and Dislike to music, that affords us so great Delights, and such charming Satisfactions, a Man could not forget that would, by reason of the inconsistency of what Epicurus saith, when he pronounceth in his Book called his Doubts, his wise Man ought to be a Lover of public Spectacles, and to delight ( x) above any other Man, in the music and shows of the Bacchanals; and yet he will not admit of Musick-Problems, or of the Critical inquiries of Philologists, no, not so much as at a Compotation. Yea, he advices such Princes as are Lovers of the Muses, rather to entertain themselves at their Feasts, with either some Narration of Military Adventures, or with the importune Sourilities of Drolls and Buffoons, than to engage in Disputes about music, or in Questions of Poetry: For this very thing he had the Face to writ in his Treatise of Monarchy, as if he were writing to Sardanapalus, or to Naratus Basha of Babylon. For neither would a Hieron, or an Attalus, or an Archelaus be persuaded to make an Euripides, a Simonides, a Melanippides, a Crates, or a Diodotus to rise up from their Tables, and to place such Scaramuchio's in their Rooms, as a Cardax, an Agriantes, or a Callias, or a Thrasonides, or Trasileon, to make People disorder the House with hollowing and clapping. Had the great ptolemy, who was the first that formed a Consort of Musicians, but met with these excellent and Royal Admonitions, would he not, think you, have thus addressed himself to the Samians?  O Muse, whence art maligned thus? 
For certainly it can never belong to any Athenian, to be in such Enmity and Hostility with the Muses. But, 
No Animal accursed by Jove,  
Musick's sweet Charms can ever love.  What sayst thou now, Epicurus? Wilt thou get thee up betimes in the Morning, and go to the theatre, to hear the Harpers and Flutists play? But if a Theophrastus discourse at thy Table of Concords; or an Aristoxenus, of Varieties; or if an Aristophanes play the critic upon Homer; wilt thou presently, for very dislike and abhorrence, clap both thy hands upon thy Ears? And do they not hereby make the Scythian King Ateas more musical than this comes to, who, when he heard that admirable Flutist ( y) Aminias, detained then by him as a Prisoner of War, playing upon the Flute at a Compotation, swore he had rather hear his own Horse ney? and do they not also profess themselves to stand at an implacable and irreconcilable Defiance with whatever is generous and becoming? And indeed what do they ever embrace or affect, that's either genteel or regardable, when it hath nothing of Pleasure to accompany it? and would it not far less affect a pleasurable way of living, to be, like Beetles and encompass, disgusted with Perfumes and Odours, than to shun and abhor the Conversation of learned critics and Musicians? For what Flute or Harp ready tuned for a Lesson, or, 
What sweetest Consort e're with artful Noise,  
( z) Warbl'd by softest Tongue, and best tuned Voice,  Ever gave Epicurus and Metrodorus such content, as the Disputes and Precepts about Consorts gave Aristotle, Theophrastus, Hieronymus, and Dicaearchus; and also (a) the Problems about Flutes, Rhythms, and Harmonies. As for Instance, Why the longer of two Flutes of the same Longitude should speak flatter? Why, if you raise the Flute, all its Notes will be sharp; and flat again, if you stoop it? And why, when clapped to another, ( b) it will sou●d flatter; and sharper again, when taken from it? Why also, if you scatter Chaff or Dust about the Orchestra, or Dancing-Place of a theatre, the Spectators Eyes will be blinded? And why, when one would have set up a Copper Alexander for a Frontispiece to a Stage at Pella, the Architect advised to the contrary, because it would spoil the Actors Voices? And why, of the several kinds of music, the chromatic will diffuse, and the Harmonick compose the Mind? But now the several Humours of Poets, their differing Turns and Forms of style, and the Solutions of their difficult Places, have conjoined with a sort of Dignity and Politeness, somewhat also that's extreme agreeable and charming, insomuch that to me they seem to do what was once said by Xenophon, to make a Man even to forget the Joys of Love, so powerful and overcoming is the Pleasure they bring us, of which these Gentlemen have not the least share, nor do they so much as pretend or desire to have any. But while they are sinking and depressing their contemplative Part into the Body, and draging it down by their sensual and intemperate Appetites, as by so many Weights of led, they make themselves appear little better than Hostlers or Graizers, that still ply their Cattle with Hay, Straw, or Grass, looking upon such Provender as the properest and meetest Food for them: And is it not even thus they would swill the Mind with the Pleasures of the Body, as Hogherds do their Swine, while they will not allow it can be gay any longer ( c) than it is hoping, sensing or remembering something that refers to the Body, but will not have it either to receive or seek for any congenial Joy or Satisfaction from within itself? Though what can be more absurd and unreasonable, than when there are two things that go to make up the Man, a Body and a Soul, and the Soul besides hath the Prerogative of governing, that the Body should have its peculiar, natural, and proper Good, and the Soul none at all, but must sit gazing at the Body, and simper at it's Passious, as if she were pleased and affencted with them, though indeed she be all the while wholly untouched and unconcerned, as having nothing of her own to choose, desire, or take delight in? For they should either pull off the Vizor quiter, and say plainly, That Man is all Body( as some of them do, that take away all Mental Being) or if they will allow us to have two distinct Natures, they should then leave to each its proper Good and Evil, agreeable and disagreeable; as we find it to be with our Senses, each of which is peculiarly adapted to its own Sensible, though they all very strangely intercommune one with another. Now the Intellect is the proper Sense of the Mind, and therefore that it should have no congenial Speculation, Movement, or Affection of its own, the attaining to which should be matter of Complacency to it, is the most irrational thing in the World; I have not, by Jove, unwittingly done the Men wrong, and been myself imposed upon by some that may perhaps have caluminated them. Then I said to him, If we may be your Judges, you have not; yea, we must acquit you from having offered them the least indignity; and therefore pray dispatch the rest of your Discourse with Assurance. How! said I, and shall not Aristodemus then succeed me, if you are tired out yourself? Aristodemus said, with all my Heart, when you are as much tired as he is; but since you are yet in your vigour, pray make use of yourself, my noble Friend, and don't think to pretend weariness. Theon then replied, what is yet behind, I must confess, is very easy; it being but to go over the several Pleasures contained in that part of Life that consists in Action. Now themselves somewhere say, That there is far more satisfaction in doing, than in receiving Good; and good may be done many times, it's true, by Words, but the most and greatest part of Good, consists in Action, as the very name of beneficence tells us, and themselves also attest. For you may remember, continued he, we heard this Gentleman tell us ( d) but now, what words Epicurus uttered, and what Letters he sent to his Friends, applauding and magnifying Metrodorus, how bravely, and like a Spark( e) he quitted the City, and went down to the Port Pireaeum, to relieve Mithres the Syrian, and this, though Metrodorus did not then do any thing at all. What and how great then may we prefume the Pleasures of Plato to have been ( f) when Dion by the measures he gave him, Deposed the Tyrant Dionysius, and set Sicily at Liberty? And what the Pleasures of Aristotle when he rebuilt his Native City Stagira, then levelled with the ground, and brought back its exiled Inhabitants? And what the Pleasures of Theophrastus and of Phidias, when they cut off the Tyrants of their respective Countreys? For what need a Man recount to you, who so well know it, how many particular Persons they relieved, not by sending them a little Wheat, or a measure of Meal( as Epicurus did to some of his Friends) but by procuring Restoration to the banished, Liberty to the imprisoned, and Restitution of Wives and Children to those that had been bereft of them? But a Man could not that would pass by the sottish stupidity of the Man, that though he tramples under Foot, and Villifies the great and generous Actions of Themistocles and Miltiades, yet writes these very words to his Friends about himself. ( g) You have given a very gallant and noble Testimony of your care of me, in the provision of Corn you have made for me, and have declared your Affection to me by Signs that mount to the very Skies. So that should a Man but take that poor parcel of Corn out of the great philosophers Epistle, it might seem to be the recital of some Letter of Thanks for the Delivery or Preservation of all Greece, or of the Commons of Athens: We will now forbear to mention that Nature requires very large and chargeable Provisions to be made for the accomplishing of the Pleasures of the Body; nor can the height of Delicacy be had in Frumenty and Lentile Pottage, but Voluptuous and Sensual Appetites expect costly Dishes, Thasian Wines, Perfumed Unguents, and Varieties of Pastry Works, 
And Cakes by Female Hands wrought artfully,  
Well steeped i'th liquour of the Gold-wing'd Bee.  And besides all this, handsome young Lasses too; ( h) Such as Leontion, Boidion, Hedeia and Nikidion, that were wont to rome about in ( (i)) Epicurus's philosophic Garden. But now such Joys as svit the Mind must undoubtedly be grounded upon a Grandeur of Actions, and a splendour of worthy Deeds, if Men would not seem little, ungenerous and puerile, but on the contrary, bulky, firm and brave. But for a Man to be Elated (a) for his sweet and pretty humour, like Tarpaulins upon the Festivals of Venus, and to vaunt himself for that when he was sick of an Askites, he notwithstanding called his Friends together to certain Collations, and grudged not his dropsy the Satisfaction of good liquours, and because when he called to remembrance the last Words of Neocles, he was melted with a peculiar sort of Joy, intermixed with Tears, no Man in his right Senses would call these true Joys or Satisfactions. Nay, I will be bold to say, that if such a thing as ( l) that they call a Sardinian or grinning Laughter, can happen to the Mind; it is to be found in these forcings and crying Laughters. But if any will needs have them still called by the Names of Joys and Satisfactions; let him but yet think how far they are exceeded by the Pleasures that here ensue.  
Our Counsels have proud Sparta's Glory clipped. And,  
Stranger, this is his Country, Rome's great Star. And again this,  
I know not which to guess thee, Man or God.  
Now when I set before mine Eyes the brave achievements of Thrasybulus, and of Pelopidas, and Aristides engaged at Plataeae and Miltiades at Merathon, I am here constrained with Herodotus to declare it my Opinion, That in an active State of Live, the Pleasure far exceeds the Glory. And ( m) Epaminondas herein bears me Witness also, when he saith( as is reported of him) That the greatest Satisfaction he ever received in his Life, was that his Father and Mother had lived to see the Trophy set up at Leuctra, when himself was General. Let us then compare with Epaminondas's, Epicurus's Mother, rejoicing that she had lived to see her Son cooping himself up in a little Garden, and getting Children in common with Polyaenus upon ( n) the Strumpet of Kyzicum. As for Metrod●rus's, both Mother and Sister, how extravagantly rejoiced they were at his Nuptials, appears by the Letters he wrote to his Brother, in answer to his, that is, out of his own Books: Nay, they tell us, bellowing, they have not only lived a Life of Pleasure, but also exult and sing Hymns in the Praise ( o) of their own Living. Though when our Servants celebrate the Festivals of Saturn, or go in Procession at the time of the rural Bacchanals, you would scarcely brook the Hollowing and Din they make, while the Intemperateness of their Joy, and their Insensibleness of Decorum, make them act and speak such things as these.  
Lean down Boy; why dost sit? Let's tope like mad.  
Here's Belly-Timber store; ne're spare it Lad.  
strait these Huzza like wild: One fills up Drink;  
Another plaites a wreathe, and crowns the Brink  
O'th teeming Bowl. Then to the verdant Bays,  
( p) All chant rude Corolls in Apollo's Praise;  
While one with forced Notes on Hauboy toots,  
Till he from Bed his pretty Consort hoots.  
And are not Metrodorus's Words something like to these, when he writes to his Brother thus; It is none of our Business to preserve the Greeks, or to get them to bestow Garlands upon us for our Wit; but to Eat well, and Drink good Wine, Timocrates, so as not to offend, but pleasure our Stomachs. And he saith again, in some other place in the same Epistes; How gay and how assured was I (a) when I had once learned of Epicurus the true way of gratifying my Stomach; for, believe me, Philosopher Timocrates, our prime Good lies at the Stomach.( r) In brief, these Men draw out the Dimensions of their Pleasures, by the Stomach solely, as both its Centre and Circumference. And the Truth is, it is impossible for those Men ever to participate of a generous and Princely Joy, and such as enkindles a height of Spirit in us ( f) and sends forth to all Mankind an unmade Hilarity, and calm Serenity, that have taken up a sort of Life that is Confined, Unsocial, inhuman, and Un-inspired towards the Esteem of the World, and the Love of Mank●nd. ( t) For the Soul of Man is not an abject, little and ungenerous thing; nor doth it extend its Desires( as Pourcontrels do their Claws) unto Eatables only, ( u) yea, these are in an instant of time taken off by the least Plenitude; but when its Efforts towards what is Brave and Generous, and the Honours and Caresses that accrue there-from, are now in their consummate vigour; this life Duration cannot limit them, but the Desire of Glory, and the Love of Mankind grasp at whole Eternity; and wrestle with such Actions and Charms, as bring with them an ineffable Pleasure, and such as good Men, though never so fain, cannot decline, they meeting and accosting them on all sides, and surrounding them about, while their being beneficial to many, occasions Joy to themselves.  
As he passes through the Throngs i'th City,  
All gaze upon him at some Deity.  
For he that can so affect and move other Men, as to fill them with Joy and Rapture, and to make them long to touch him and salute him, cannot but appear even to a blind Man to possess and enjoy very extraordinary Satisfactions in himself: And hence it comes that such Men are both indefatigable and undaunted in serving the public; and we still hear some such Words from them, 
( w) Thy Father got Thee for the Common Good; And,  
Let's not give off to benefit Mankind.  But what need I instance in those that are consummately good? For, if to one of the middling Rank of bad Men, when he is just a dying, he that hath the Power over him; whether his God or Prince, should but allow him one Hour more, upon condition, that after he hath spent that either in some Generous Action or sensual Enjoyment, he should then presently die, who would in this time choose rather to accompany with Lais, or drink Wine from scape Ariusion, than dispatch Archias, and restore the Athenians to their Liberties? For my part, I believe none would: For I see that even common Sword-players, if they are not utter Brutes and Savages, but Greek born, when they are to enter the List, though there be many and very costly Dishes set before them; yet take more Content in employing their Time in commending their poor Wives to some of their Friends, ( x) yea, and in conferring Freedom on their Slaves, than in gratifying their Stomachs. ( y) But should the Pleasures of the Body be allowed to have some extraordinary matter in them, this would yet be common ( z) to Men of Action and Business.  For they can eat good Meat, and read Wine drink; 
Ay, and entertain themselves with their Friends, and perhaps with a greater Relish too, after their Engagements and hard Services, as did Alexander and Agesilaus, and by Jove, photion and Epaminondas too, than these Gentlemen who anoint themselves by the Fire-side, and are gingerly rock't about the Streets in Sedans: yea, those make but small account of such Pleasures as these, as being comprised in those greater ones. For what should a Man mention Epaminondas's denying to Sup with one when he saw the Preparations made, were above the Man's Estate, but frankly  told his Friend, I thought you had intended a Sacrifice, and not a Debauch, when Alexander himself refused Queen Ada's Cooks, telling her, He had better ones of his own, to wit, traveling by Night for his Dinner, and a light Dinner for his Supper; and when Philoxenus writing to him about some handsome Boys, and desiring to know of him whether he would have him buy them for him, was within a small matter of being discharged his Office for it: and yet who might better have them than he? But as Hippocrates saith, That of two Pains the lesser is observed by the greater; so the Pleasures that accrue from Action, and the Love of Glory while they cheer and refresh the Mind, do by their Transcendency and Grandeur, obliterate and extinguish the inferior Satisfactions of the Body. If then the remembering of former good things( as they affirm) be that which most contributes to a pleasurable Living, not one of us will then credit Epicurus, when he tells us, That while he was dying away, in the midst of the strongest Agonies and Distempers, he yet bore himself up with the Memory of the Pleasures he formerly enjoyed. For a Man may better see the Resemblance of his own Face in a troubled Deep or a Storm, than a smooth and smiling Remembrance of past Pleasure in a Body tortured with such lancing and rending Pains. But now the Memories of past Actions no Man can put from him that would. For, did Alexander, think you( or indeed how could he possibly) forget the Fight at Arbela? or Pelopidas the Tyrant Leontiadas? Or Themistocles, the Engagement at Salamis? For the Athenians to this very Day keep an Annual Festival for (a) the Battle at Marathon; and the Thebans for that at Leuctra; and so, by Jove, do we ourselves( as you very well know) for that which Diophantus gained at Hyampolis, and all Phocis is filled with Sacrifices and public Honours: Nor is there any of us that is better satisfied with what himself hath either eaten or drunk, than he is with what they have achieved. ( b) It is very easy then to imagine what great Content, Satisfaction and Joy, accompanied the Authors of these Actions in their Life-time; when the very Memory of them hath not yet, after five hundred Years and more, lost its rejoicing Power. The truth is, Epicurus himself allows there are some Pleasures derived from famed: And indeed why should he not, when himself had such a furious Lechery and Rigling after Glory; as made him not only to disown his Masters, and scuffle about Syllables and Accents ( c) with his Fellow Pedant Democrates( whose Grammar Rules he stolen verbatim) and to tell his Disciples there never was a Wise Man in the World besides himself; but also to put it in Writing, how Colotes performed Adoration to him, as he was one day philosophising, by touching his Knees; And that his own Brother Neocles was used from a Child to say, There neither is, nor ever was in the World, a wiser Man than Epicurus: But you must know his Mother had just so many Atoms within her, as when they came together, produced a complete Wise Man. May not a Man then, as Callicratides once said of the Athenian Admiral Conon, That he Whor'd the Sea, as well say of Epicurus, that he basely and covertly forces and ravishes famed, by not enjoying her publicly, but ruffling and debauching her in a Corner? For as Men's Bodies are oft necessitated by Famine, for want of other Food, to prey, against Nature, upon themselves; a like Mischief to this Vain-glory creates in Men's Minds, it forcing them, when they hunger after Praise, and cannot obtain it from other Men, at last to commend themselves. And do not they then that stand so well affencted towards Applause and famed themselves, own they cast away very extraordinary Pleasures, when they decline Magistrature, public Offices, and the Favour and Confidence of Princes, from whom Democritus once said, the grandest Blessings of human Life are derived? For he will never induce any Mortal to believe, that he that could so highly value and please himself with the Attestation of his Brother Neocles, and the Adoration of his Friend Colotes, would not, were he clapped by all the Greeks at the Olympiads, go quiter out of his Wits, and even hollow for Joy; or, rather indeed be elated in the manner spoken of by Sophocles; puffed like the Down of a gray-headed Thistle. If it be a pleasing thing then to be of a good famed; and on the contrary afflictive, to be of an ill one. It is most certain, that nothing in the World can be more infamous than Want of Friendship, Idleness, Atheism, Debauchery and Negligence. Now these are looked upon by all Men, except themselves, as the inseparable Companions of their Party. But unjustly may some one say: Be it so then; for we consider not now the Truth of the Charge, but what famed and Reputation they are of in the World: And we shall forbear at present to mention the many Books that have been written to defame them, ( d) and the blackning Decrees made against them by several republics, for that would look like Bitterness. But if the Answers of Oracles, the Providence of the Gods, and the Tenderness and Affection of Parents to their Issue; if Civil Policy, Military Order, and the Office of Magistracy, be things to be looked upon as deservedly esteemed and celebrated; it must of necessity then be allowed also, That they that tell us, It is none of their Business to preserve the Greeks, but to Eat and Drink, so as not to offend, but pleasure their Stomachs, are base and ignominious Persons; and that their being reputed such, must needs extremely humble them, and make their Lives untoward to them, if they take Honour and a Good Name for any part of their Satisfaction. When Thenon had thus spoken, we thought good to break up our Walk to rest us a while( as we were wont to do) upon the Benches: Nor did we continue any long space in our Silence at what was spoken; for Zeuxippus taking his Hint from what had been said, spake to us, Who will make up that of the Discourse which is yet behind? for it hath not yet received its due Conclusion; and this Gentleman, by mentiong Divination and Providence, did, in my Opinion, suggest as much to us: for these People boast that these very things do not the least contribute to the providing of their Lives with Pleasure, Serenity and Assurance; so that there must be something said to these two. Aristodemus subjoined then and said: As to Pleasure, I think there hath been enough said already to evince that, supposing their Doctrine successful, and to attain its own Design, it yet doth but ease us of Fear, and a certain Superstitious persuasion, but helps us not to any Comfort or Joy from the Gods at all; nay, while it brings us to such a State, as to be neither disquieted, nor pleased with them, it doth but render us in the same manner affencted towards them, as we are towards the Fish in the Hyrcanian Sea, from which we expect neither good nor harm. But if something more must yet be added to what hath been already spoken, I think I may very well take it from themselves; and in the first place, whereas they quarrel extremely with those that would take away all Sorrowing, Weeping and Sighing for the Deaths of Friends, and tell them that such Unconcernedness as arrives to an Insensibility, proceeds from some other worse Cause, to wit, Inhumanity, excessive Vain-glory, or prodigious Fierceness; and that therefore it would be better to be a little concerned and affencted; yea, ( e) and to liquour ones Eyes, and be melted, with other pretty things of the like kind, which they use foppishly to affect and counterfeit, that they may be thought tender and loving-hearted People. For just in this manner Epicurus expressed himself upon the Occasion of the Death of ( f) Hegesianax, when he wrote to Dositheus the Father, and to Pyrson the Brother of the deceased Person; for I fortuned very lately to run over his Epistles. And I say, in imitation of them, that Atheism is no less an Evil than Inhumanity and Vain-glory, into which they would led us, who take away with God's Anger, the Comfort we might derive from him. For it would be much better for us to have something of the unsuiting Passion of Dauntedness and Fear conjoined and intermixed with our Sentiments of a Deity, than while we fly from it, to leave ourselves neither Hope, Content, nor Assurance in the Enjoyment of our Good Things; nor any recourse to God in our Adversity and Misfortunes. We ought it is True, to remove Superstition from the persuasion we have of the Gods, as we would the Gum from our Eyes; but if that be impossible, we must not root out and extinguish with it, the Belief which the most have of the Gods; nor is that a dismaying and sour one neither, as these Gentlemen feign, while they libel and abuse the Blessed Providence, representing her as the Hag that rides Children; or, as some Fell and tragic Fury: Yea, I must tell you, there are some in the World that fear God in an Excess, for whom yet it would not be better not so to fear him. For while they dread him as a Governor, that is gentle to the Good, and severe to the Bad, and are by this one Fear, which makes them not to need many others, ( g) freed from doing ill, and brought to keep their Wickedness with them in quiet; and as it were in an enfeebled Languor, they come hereby to have less Disquiet than those that indulge the practise of it, and are rash and daring in it; and then presently after fear and repent of it. Now that Disposition of Mind which the greater and Ignorant part of Mankind, that are not utterly bad, are of towards God, hath its very true, conjoined with the Regard and Honour they pay him, a kind of Anguish and astonished Dread, which is also called Superstition; but, notwithstanding this, the good Hope and gay Hilarity that attends it, is ten thousand times ( h) more and greater than it, while it both implores and receives the whole Benefit of Prosperity and good Success from the Gods only. And this is manifest by the greatest Tokens that can be; for neither do the Discourses of those that wait at the Temples, nor the good times of our Solemn Festivals, nor any other, either Actions or Sights, more recreate and delight us then what we see and do about the Gods ourselves, while we assist at the public Ceremonies, and join in the Sacred Balls, and attend at the Sacrifices and Initiations. For the Mind is not then sorrowful, demiss and heavy, as if she were addressing to certain Tyrants or cruel Torturers, as otherwise she would be; but on the contrary, where she is most apprehensive and fulliest persuaded the Divinity is present, there she most of all throws off Sorrows, Tears and Pensiveness, and lets her self loose to what is pleasing and agreeable, to the very degree of Tipsiness, frolic and Laughter; in amorous Concerns, as the Poet said once, 
When Old Man and Old Wife think of Loves Fires,  
Their frozen Breasts will swell with new Desires.  ( (i)) But now in the public Processions and Sacrifices, not only the Old Man and the Old Wife, not yet the poor and mean Man only; but also, The dusty thick legged Drab that turns the Mill; And household Slaves and Day-Laborers are strangely elevated and transported with Mirth and Jovialty. Rich Men as well as Princes are used at certain times to make public Entertainments, and to keep Open Houses: But the Feasts they make at the Solemnities and Sacrifices, when they now apprehended their Minds to approach nearest the Divinity, have conjoined with the Honour and Veneration they pay him, a much more trascending Pleasure and Satisfaction. Of this, he that hath renounced Gods Providence hath not the least Share; for what recreates and cheers us at the Festivals, is not the store of good Wine and Roast-meat, but the good Hope and persuasion that God is there present and propitious to us, and kindly accepts of what we do. From some of our Festivals we exclude the Flute and Garland; but if God be not present at the Sacrifice, as the Solemnity of the Banquet; the rest is but unhallow●… d, un-feastlike, and uninspired. Indeed the whole ●… but ungrateful and irksome to such a Man; for ●… e asks for nothing at all, but only acts his Pray●… rs and Adorations for fear of the public, and ●… tters Expressions contradictory to his Philosophy. ●… nd when he Sacrifices, he stands by, and looks ●… 'pon the Priest as he kills the Offering, but as he ●… oath upon a Butcher; and when he hath done, ●… e goes his way, saying, 
To bribe the Gods, I sacrificed my best,  
But they ne're minded me, nor my Request.  For such a mien Epicurus would have us to put ●… n, and not to fret and vex ourselves at the Mul●… itude for being pleased with such things, but be ome other Men in doing them; and ourselves ●… gain in disliking them. For, as Euenus saith, No Man can Love what he is made to do. For which very reason they think the Superstitious are not pleased in their Minds; but in Fear, while they attend at the Sacrifices and Mysteries; though they themselves are in no better Condition, if they do the same things out of Fear, and partake not neither of the great good Hope as the others do; but are only fearful and uneasy, lest they should come to be discovered, and therefore cheat and abuse the public, upon whose account it is that they compose the Books they writ about the Gods and the Divine Nature, 
involved with nothing truly said,  
But all a round enveloped:  And hiding out of Fear, the real Opinions they contain. And now after the two former Ranks of ill and common Men; we will in the third place consider (a) the best sort, and most beloved of the Gods, and what great Satisfaction they receive from their ( l) clean and generous Sentiments of the Deity, to wit, That he is the Prince of all good things, and the Parent of all things brave; and can no more do an unworthy thing, than he can be made to suffer it: For he is Good, and he that is Good, can upon no account fall into Envy, Fear, Anger, or Hatred; for neither is it proper to a hot thing to cool, but to heat; nor to a good thing to do harm. Now Anger is by Nature at the farthest distance imaginable from Conplacency, and Spleenishness from Placidness, and Animosity and Turbulence from Humanity and Kindness. For the latter of these proceed from Generosity and Fortitude, but the former from Impotency and Baseness. ( m) The Deity is not therefore constrained by their Angers or Kindnesses; but that is, because it is natural to it to be Kind and Aiding, and unnatural to be Angry and Hurtful. But the great Jove, whose Mansion is in Heaven, is the first that descends downward, and orders all things, and takes the Care of them. But of the other Gods, one is surnamed the distributor, and another the mildred, and a third, the Averter of Evil; and according to Pindar, 
( n) Phoebus who whirles his winged Chariot  
Through Heavens wast voided, was by great Jove designed,  
Of all the Gods, to be to Man most kind.  And Diogenes saith, that all things are the Gods: and Friends have all things Common; and good Men are the Gods Friends; and therefore it is impossible, either that a Man beloved of the Gods, should not be happy; or that a Wise and a Just Man( o) should not be beloved of the Gods. Can you think then that they that take away Providence, need any other Chastisement, or that they have not a sufficient one already, when they root out of themselves such vast Satisfaction and Joy, ( p) as we that stand thus affencted towards the Deity have? Metrodorus, Polyaenus and Aristobulus were (a) the Confidence and rejoicing of Epicurus; the better part of which, he all his Life-time, either attended upon in their Sicknesses, or lamented at their Deaths. And did Lycurgus, when he was saluted by the delphic Prophetess, Dear Friend to heavenly Jove, and all the Gods; And Socrates when he believed that a certain Divinity was used out of Kindness to discourse him; and Pindar when he heard ( r) Pan, sing one of the Sonnets he had composed, but a little rejoice think you? Or Phormio, when he thought he had treated ( s) Castor and Pollux at his House? Or Sophocles, when he entertained ( t) Aesculapius, as both himself believed, and others too, that thought the same with him, by reason of the Apparition that then happened? What Opinion Hermogenes had of the Gods, is well worth the recounting in his very own Words. For these Gods( saith he) who know all things, and can do all things, are so friendly and loving to me, that because they take care of me,( u) I never escape them either by Night or by Day, where ever I go, or whatever I am about: And because they know before hand what Issue every thing will have, they signify it to me by sending Angels, Voices, Dreams and Presages. Very amiable things must those be that come to us from the Gods; but when these very things come by the Gods too, this is what occasions vast Satisfaction, and unspeakable Assurance, a Sublimity of Mind, and a Joy, that ( w) like a smiling Brightness, doth as it were gilled over our good Things with a Glory. But now those that are persuaded otherwise, obstruct the very sweetest part of their Prosperity, and leave themselves nothing to turn to in their Adversity; but when they are in Distress, look only to this one Refuge and Port, Dissolution and Insensibility; just as if in a Storm or Tempest at Sea, some one should ( x) to hearten the rest, stand up and say to them; Gentlemen, the Ship hath never a Pilot in it; nor will Castor and Pollux come themselves to assuage the Violence of the leating Waves, or to lay the swift Carreers of the Winds; yet I can assure you there is nothing at all to be dreaded in all this, for the V●ssel will be immediately swallowed up by the Sea, or else will very quickly fall off and be dashed in pieces against the Rocks. For this is Epicurus's way of Discourse to Persons under grievous Distempers, and excessive Pains. Dost thou hope for any Good from the Gods for thy Piety? it is thy Vanity; for the blessed and incorruptible Being, is not constrained by either Angers or Kindnesses. Dost thou fancy something better after this Life, than what thou hast here? Thou dost but deceive thyself( y) for what is dissolved hath no sense; and that which hath no sense, is nothing to us. Ay, but how comes it then, my good Friend, that you bid me eat and be merry? Why, by Jove, because he that is in a great Storm cannot be far off a shipwreck; and your extreme Dolours will soon Land you upon Deaths Strand. Though yet a Passenger, at Sea, when he is got off from a shattered Ship will still Buoy himself up with some little Hope that he may drive his Body to some Shore, and get out by Swimming, but now the poor Soul according to these Mens Philosophy If ne'er more seen without the hoary Main. Yea, she presently evaporates, disperses, and perishes, even before the Body itself; so that it seems her great and excessive rejoicing, must be only for having learned this one Sage and Divine Maxim, That all her Misfortunes will at last determine in her own Destruction, Dissolution and Annihilation. But( said he, looking upon me,) I should be impertinent, should I say any thing upon this Subject ( z) when we have heard you but now discourse so fully against those that would persuade us that Epicurus's Doctrine about the Soul, renders Men more disposed and better pleased to Die, than Plato's doth. Zeuxippus therefore subjoined and said; And must our present Debate be left then unfinisht, because of that? or shall we be afraid to oppose that Divine Oracle to Epicurus? No, by no means, I said; and Empedocles tells us that, What's very good, claims to be heard twice. Therefore we must apply ourselves again to them; for I think he was not present at our former Discourse; but if he was, he is a young-Man, and needs not fear being charged by these young Gentlemen, for having a bad Memory. Then Theon, like one constrained, said; Well then, if you will needs have me to go on with the Discourse, I will not do as you did, Aristodemus: for you were shy of repeating what this Gentleman spoken, but I shall not scruple to make use of what you have said; for I think indeed you did very well divide Mankind into three ranks; the first of wicked and very bad Men, the second of the Vulgar and common sort and the third of Good and Wise Men: the Wicked and bad sort then, while they dread any kind of Divine Vengeance and Punishment at all, and are by this deterred from doing Mischief, and thereby enjoy the greater Quiet, will live both in more Pleasure, and less Disturbance for it. And Epicurus is of opinion, That the only proper Means to keep Men from doing ill, is the fear of Punishments. So that we should cram them with more and more Superstition still, and raise up against them both from Heaven and Earth, Terrors, Chasms, Frights and Surmises, if their being amazed with such things as these, will make them become the more tame and gentle. For it is more for their benefit to be restrained from Criminal Actions by the Fears of what comes after Death, than to commit them, and then to live in perpetual Danger and Fear. As to the Vulgar sort, besides their fear of what's in Hell, the hope they have conceived of an Eternity from the Tales and Fictions of the Ancients, and their great desire of Being, which is both the prime and strongest of all others, exceeds in Pleasure and sweet Content of Mind, that Childish dread. (a) And therefore when they loose their Children, Wives or Friends, they had rather have them be somewhere, and remain still, tho in Misery, than they should be quiter destroyed, dissolved, and reduced to nothing: And they are pleased, when they hear it said of a Dying Person, that he goes away, or departs, and such other words as intimate Death to be the Souls remove, and and not Destruction. And they sometimes speak thus, But I'll even there think on my dearst Friend. And thus, 
What's your command to Hector, let me know,  
And to your dear old Priam, e're I go.  And( there arising hereupon an erroneous deviation,) they are the better pleased when they bury with their Departed Friends, such Arms, Implements and clothes, as were most familiar to them in their Life-time, ( b) as Minos did the Cretan Flutes with Glaucus, Made of the Shanks of a dead Brindled Fawn. And if they do but imagine they either ask or desire any thing of them, they are glad when they give it them. Thus Periander burnt his Queens Attire with her, because he thought she had asked for it, and complained she was a could. ( c) Nor doth an Aeacus, an Ascalaphus, or an Acheron much disorder them, whom they have often gratified with Balls, shows and music ( d) of every sort. But now all Men shrink at such a face of Death, as dismal, grim and dark, as carrys with it insensibility, oblivion and extinction of knowledge: And they are discomposed, when they hear it said of any one he is perished, or is gone, or he is no more; and they show great uneasiness when they hear such words as these: 
( e) Go to the Wood-clad Earth he must,  
And there ly shriveled into Dust.  
And ne're more laugh, or drink, or hear  
The charming sounds of Flute or Lyre.  And these; 
The Soul of Man, if once it slips  
The hedge of Teeth, and two pale Lips,  
Will never more return again,  
Nor can be catched or overta'ne.  ( f) Wherefore they must needs cut the very Throats of them that shall with Epicurus tell them, We Men were born once for all, and we cannot be born twice,( g) but our not being must last for ever. For this will bring them to slight their present Good as little, or rather indeed as nothing at all, compared ( h) with Everlastingness; and therefore to let it pass unenjoy'd and become wholly negligent of virtue and Action, as Men disheartened and brought to a Contempt of themselves, as being but as it were of one days continuance, and uncertain, and born for no considerable purpose. For Insensibility, Dissolution, and the conceit, that what hath no sense, is nothing to us, doth not at all abate the fear of Death, but rather helps to confirm it: for this very thing is it that Nature most dreaded: But may you all return to Mould and Wet; To wit, The Dissolution of the Soul into what is without knowledge or sense, which while Epicurus would have to be a separtion into atoms and voided, he doth but further cut off all hope of Immortality; to compass which I can scarce refrain from saying, That all, both Men and Women, would be well contented to be worried by Cerberus and to carry Water into ( (i)) the Tub full of holes, so they might but continue in being, and not be exterminated. Though( as I said before) there are not very many that stand in fear of these things, they being but the Tenets of Old Women, and the fabular Stories of Mothers and Nurses; and even they that do fear them, yet believe that certain Rites of Initiation and Purgation will relieve them, by which when they are cleansed, (a) they shall Play and Dance in Hell for ever, in company with those that have the privilege of a bright Light, clear Air, and the use of Speech; but now to be deprived of Living, disturbs all both Young and Old. For, 
( l) W' appear impatient Lovers of this Light,  
When it shines under ground, and's out of Sight;  As Euripides saith. Nor are we easy, nor without Regret when we hear this.  
Him speaking thus th' Eternal brightness leaves,  
Where Night the wearied Steeds of day receives.  
And therefore it is very plain, that with the Belief of Immortality, they take away the sweetest and greatest hopes the vulgar sort have. And what shall we then think they take away from the Good, and those that have lead Pious and Just Lives, ( m) who expect no ill from thence, but on the contrary most Glorious and Divine things? For in the first place, gamesters are not used to receive the Garland, before they have performed their Exercises, but after they have contested and proved Victorious: In like manner, they that are persuaded that good Men have the prise of their Conquests here, after this Life is ended; it is marvelous to think to what a pitch of Grandeur their virtue raises their Spiri●s, upon the Contemplation of those Hopes; among the which this is one, that they shall one day see those Men that are now insolent by reason of their Wealth and Power, and that foolishly flout at their Betters, undergo just Punishment. in the next place, none of the Lovers of Truth, and the Contemplation of Being, having here their fill of them; they have but a watery and puddled Reason to speculate with, as it were through the fog and Mist of the Body; and yet they still, like Birds, look upwards, as ready to take their flight to the spacious and bright Region; and endeavour to make their Souls expedite and light from things Mortal, ( u) using for Philosophy the study of Death. Thus I account Death a truly great and accomplished good thing; the Soul being to live there a real Life, which here lives not a waking Life, but suffers things most resembling Dreams. If then( as Epicurus saith) the remembrance of a dead friend be a thing every way complacent; we may easily from thence imagine how great a Joy they deprive themselves of, that think they do but embrace and pursue the Phantoms and Shades of their deceased Familiars, that have in them neither knowledge nor Sense; but never expect to be with them again, nor to see their dear Father, and dear Mother, and sweet Wife; nor have any hopes of that familiarity and dear Converse they have, that think of the Soul with Pythagoras, Plato and Homer: Now, what their sort of Passion is like to, was hinted at by Homer, when he threw into the midst of the Soldiers, as they were engaged, the shade of Aeneas, as if he had been Dead; and afterwards again presented his Friends with him himself, Coming alive and well, as brisk as ever. At which he saith, 
They all were overjoyed, and left the shade,  
And him embraced himself,—  And should not we then, when Reason shows us that a real converse with Persons departed this Life may be had; and that he that loves, may both feel and be with the Party that affects and loves him; relinquish these Men that cannot so much as cast off all those airy Shades, and out-side Barks, for which they are all their time in lamentation and fresh afflictions. Moreover, they that look upon Death as the commencement of another and better Life, if they enjoy good things, ( o) are the better pleased with them, as expecting much greater hereafter; but if they have not things here to their Minds, they do not much grumble at it; but the hopes of those good and excellent things that are after Death, containing in them such ineffable Pleasures and Expectances, wipe off and wholly obliterate every defect, and every offence from the Mind, which as on a Road, or rather indeed in a short deviation out of the Road, bears whatever befalls it with great ease and mediocrity. But now, as to those to whom Life ends in Insensibility and Dissolution, Death bringing not to them a removal of Evils, though it be afflicting in both conditions, yet is it more so to those that live Prosperously, than to such as undergo Adversity: For it cuts the latter but from an uncertain hope of doing better hereafter; but it deprives the former of a certain good, to wit, their pleasurable living. And as those Medicinal Potions that are not grateful to the Palate, but yet necessary, give sick Men ease, but rak and hurt the well, just so( in my opinion) doth the Philosophy of Epicurus, while it promises to those that live miserable a Death not happy; and ( p) to those that do well, an utter extinction and dissolution of the Mind, but quiter obstructs the Comfort and Solace of the grave and wise, that abound with good things, by throwing them down from a happy living into a deprivation of both Life and Being. From hence then it is manifest, that the Contemplation of the loss of good things will afflict us in as great a measure, as either the firm hopes or present enjoyments of them recreate us. Yea, themselves tell us, That their being freed from the fond surmise of incessant and endless Evils, leaves them the most assured and complacent Good, to wit, the contemplation of their own Delivery; and that Epicurus's Doctrine effects this, by stoping the fear of Death in the Souls dissolution. If then deliverance from the expectation of infinite Evils, be a matter of great complacence; how comes it not to be afflictive to be bereft of eternal good things, and to miss of the highest and most consummate Felicity? For, not to be, can be good for neither condition; but is on the contrary both against Nature, and ungrateful to all that have a Being. But those it eases of the Evils of Life, have, it's very true, the want of sense to comfort them for the Evil of Death (a) while they as it were make their escape from Life. But on the other hand, they that change from good things to nothing, seem to me to have the most dismaying end of all, it putting a Period to their Happiness. For Nature doth not fear Insensibility, as the entrance upon some new thing, but because it is the privation of our present good things; for though the destruction of all we can call ours, be in the accomplishment nothing to us, yet is it still something to us in the thoughts of it. And Insensibility afflicts not those that are not, when they are not, but those that are, when they think what damage they shall sustain by it, in the loss of their Beings, and in being not suffered so much as to descend to Hell. Wherefore it is ( r) neither the Dog Cerberus, nor the River Cokytus, that hath made our fear as Death endless; but the threatened danger of not being, representing it as impossible for such as are once extinct to shift back again into Being. For we cannot be Born twice; and our not being must last for ever, as Epicurus speaks. For if our end be in not being, and that be infinite and unalterable, then hath privation of Good found out an Eternal Evil, to wit, a never ending insensibleness. Herodotus was much wiser, when he said that ( s) Gods having tasted the sweet of Eternity, occasions him to demean himself enviously in it, and especially to those that conceit themselves happy, to whom pleasure is but a bait for sorrow, they being but permitted to taste of what they must be deprived of. For what solace, or fruition, or exultation would not the perpetually injected Thought of the Souls being dispersed into Infinity, as into a certain huge and vast Ocean, extinguish and quell in those that found their amiable Good and Beatitude in Pleasure? But, and if it be true( as Epicurus thinks it is) that most Men die in very acute pain, then is the fear of Death in all respects inconsolable; it bringing us through Evils unto a Deprivation of Good. And yet they are never wearied with their brawling and dunning of all Persons to take the escape of Evil for Good, and no longer to repute privation of Good for an Evil; though yet they still confess what we have asserted, that Death hath in it nothing of either good Hope or Solace; but that all that's complacent and good is then wholly extinguished: at which time those Men look for many amiable, great and divine things, that conceive the Minds of Men to be unperishable and immortal, or at least ( t) to go about in certain long Revolutions of times, being one while upon Earth, and another while in Heaven, until they are at last ( u) dissolved with the Universe, and then, together with the Sun and Moon, sublimed into an Intellective Fire. So large a Field, and of so great Pleasures, Epicurus wholly cuts off, when he destroys( as hath been said) the Hopes and Graces we should derive from the Gods, and by that extinguishes, both in our Speculative capacity, the desire of Knowledge, and in our Active, the love of Glory; and confines and abases our Nature to a Poor narrrow thing, and that not cleanly neither, to wit, the content the Mind receives by the Body; as if it were capable of no higher Good, than the escape of Evil.  

THE TRANSLATOR's Emendations and Remarks.  
(a) ALready put into writing.] In his Dialogue against Colotes; which though it be Printed after this in most of the Editions I have met with, was yet written before it, and seems to me to be but some Part or Fragment of what's here so often referred to. Besides these, and the Tract of Superstition, already rendered into English by me, he wrote several other Discourses against the Epicureans; as may be seen by the Catalogue of his Writings, set out by his Son Lamprias, and published in the Front of his Works, i.e. Against Epicurus's Lectures, That the Epicureans speak greater Paradoxes than the Poets. Parallel Relations of Epicurean Repugnancies, both graecian and Roman. academic Exercises against Epicurus concerning whats's in our Power. Select Sentences out of the stoics and Epicureans, with their Confutations. But these are all lost through the injury of Time.  
( b) Several things have happened.] The Text is, {αβγδ}, to which I add {αβγδ} to make up the sense. Hermannus Cruserius renders {αβγδ} by Complura, as if he had red it {αβγδ}; and Mr. Amiot after him, Plusiures propos.  
( c) They ought not to run cursorily.] He here prepares his Reader to expect a more than ordinary exactness in this Discourse.  
( d) I am sure Heraclides.] This is not the great platonic Heraclides, whose Life we have in Diogenes Laertius, and that is mentioned a little below among the Philosophers, libeled by Epicurus and Metrodorus; but the famous Grammarian Heraclides, who was Disciple to Dydimus, and flourished at Rome in the times of Claudius and Nero, and so was contemporary with our Author. His curious Alegories upon Homer( seemed to be hinted at by Plutarch in this Dispute) are still extant, at least some part of them.  
( e) Buffooneries, Trollings.] The Buffooneries here mentioned, seem to be the peculiar charge of Aristotle, and to refer to the Hymn composed by him in honour of his great Friend and Disciple Hermias, whose Daughter Pythias he Married. This Hermias was originally a Servant to one Eubulus, a Grandee and Philosopher in Bythynia; but when Aristotle came acquainted with him, he was constituted by the great King of Persia, governor, or( as the Greek style is) Tyrant of Atarneus, a small Town in Mysia. Diogenes Laertius hath obliged us with a Copy of this Hymn, which the Reader may peruse at his leisure; though Athenaeus will not have it to be a Hymn because the word Pean is not in it. All that I can say, is, that Aristotle had his failings. But Turpe est Doctori, &c. Epicurus hath forgot, it seems, his own jo Paeans to Madam Leontion, of which more anon. The Story of Hermias's being Aristotle's Pathick, and of Aristotle's Marrying his Whore, and of his doing Sacrifice to her, was first raised by Lycon, and afterwards industriously propagated by Aristippus, and the Epicureans, and all the Drolls of that time; but it was withal nervously refuted by Apellicon the Teian, in a particular Tract writ for that purpose, as the great Aristocles informs us.  
The Trollings refer to Socrates, whose witty, smooth, and florid Expression was, it seems, by Epicurus and his Friend Metrodorus styled {αβγδ}; which is a word deduced from {αβγδ}, which was a small Vial in which the Ancients kept the sweet Oils and Perfumes they were used to anoint themselves with, as the Painters did also their Colours. Suidas renders {αβγδ} when used in a laudable sense by {αβγδ}, which is a Musical Voice in pronunciation. I knew not how to render it better in this place than by Trollings, Mr. Amiot's Vanitez is too lax a word.  
Pythagoras is charged with Arrogance by reason of the sublimity of his Speculation, and the severity of his Manners; which together with the suspicion many had that his Followers aimed at Empire, was the cause that the Italians Massacred them all by a popular Insurrection, and demolished their colleges about the time of Socrates, after they had flourished about two hundred and fifty Years. Of which see the incomparable Schefferus, in his Treatise, De naturâ& constitutione Philosophiae Italicae, Printed at Upsal.  
Vive,& amicitias semper coal, crimen ob istud  
Pythagoreorum periit Schola tota Sophorum. Auson.  
As for the Whorings here spoken of, they seem to be the proper charge of Protagaras, not only by the order of Names, but by the Character of the Man, of which I shall say more when I come to speak about the Sophists.  
Theophrastus and Heraclides are accused of Assassination, for having freed their Countries from the Tyrannies of Usurpers, as will be seen in the process of this Discourse. And what wonder is it if Epicurus and M●trodorus complemented them so harshly, when the latter of them( as our Author informs us in his Dispute against Colotes) charged the two renowned Heroes, Lycurgus and Solon, with having( as he calls it) {αβγδ}, i. e. a liberal Dose of Vain glory; this he wrote in his Treatise of Philosophy.  
The word that I have rendered Whining Counterfeits, was understood by none of the Versions that I have met with, except that of honest Philemon Holland, who rendered it Counterfeit Hypocrites. The ingenuous Mr. Amiot himself most senselessly joins {αβγδ} and {αβγδ} together, and then renders them malheureux corrupteurs. These {αβγδ} you must know were a sort of Players at Athens, that instructed others in Mournful Accents and Sighs, to fit them to be the Actors of Tragedies. {αβγδ}, saith Demosthenes, i.e. Hiring yourself with those Players they call Deep-sighers. And I imagine they meant by this Nick-name to expose the Pyrronian Party, who were noted to be Melancholy Men, and not only of an unacquiescing, but also of a querulous and dissatisfied Temper; and this I think the rather, because my Author's Nephew, Sextus of Chaeronea, commonly called Empiricus( the only standing Asserter of that ancient Sect,) when he quarrels with Epicurus for his scurrilous reflections upon his Pyrrhonian Master Nausiphanes, recites these very words out of one of his Epistles to the Philosophers of Mitylene, {αβγδ} {αβγδ}. i. e. And I verily believe these whining Rogues will think me to be this Lump of Lights Disciple.  
The cross-grained Fellows seem to be meant of the Followers of Euclid of Megara, who from their vein of Disputing and Arguing upon all Subjects pro and con, were styled Dialecticks and Eristicks. And therefore I have altered the poetic word {αβγδ} into {αβγδ}, which was the very Name that Epic●rus was used to call these Megarick Philosophers by, as both Laertius and Hesychius Illustrius attest. These Dialecticks were upon the main the very same with the Pyrrhonian Seekers or sceptics, and therefore might very fitly be joined with them.  
As for Hipparchus, whether he be intended in the word Blockheads( {αβγδ}) I cannot at present either affirm or deny: but it is not unlikely; for he was a very curious Mathematician, and in this vied with great Plato himself. And the Epicureans had a peculiar Pique against the mathematics, as you will see by and by. I might here add, that besides these, the Platonists were styled by Epicurus {αβγδ}, that is, Dionysius's Trencher-Chaplains; and Democritus {αβγδ}, that is, Dreamocritus; and several others by the like Names.  
( f) Aristodemus then subjoined.] The Greek Text hath {αβγδ} for {αβγδ}, by a mistake of the Copyist, Aristotle being fresh in his memory, and a more familiar Name than Aristodemus: Cruserius saw the Slip, and mended it in his Version, and so did Mr. Amiot after him. This Aristodemus was a very great Platonist, and one of Plutarch's intimate Familiars, as himself tells us against Colotes.  
( g) In so many Books.] I suppose in his Books of the Poets afterwards mentioned.  
( h) Our Fellows.] Here I red {αβγδ} for {αβγδ}, which is necessary to make it a Verse. I wonder none of the Versions saw it.  {αβγδ}. 
( (i)) We'l prove.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}, without {αβγδ}, as Paulus Petavius found it in his Manuscript.  
(a) Pray propose.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}. And in the next words, {αβγδ} for {αβγδ}. So Amiot. dis-je.  
( l) But answer you.] To {αβγδ}, I add out of Petavius's Manuscript {αβγδ}.  
( m) Perforated.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( n) In a manner.] After {αβγδ} I red {αβγδ}: for there needs a qualification.  
( o) As to pain.] For {αβγδ} I red {αβγδ}.  
( p) For pain will not troll off.] Before {αβγδ} I red {αβγδ}. So did Mr. Amiot when he translated, La distress de la douleur n'a guard de glisser& de cowl ainsi.  
(a) Feeble and soon palled.] For {αβγδ} I red {αβγδ}.  
( r) If we touch.] For {αβγδ}, I red with Turnebus, Vulcobius, and Bongarsius {αβγδ}, and so have Xylander, Cruserius and Amiot translated it.  
(a) To banter us.] So I render {αβγδ}. The Italian Version of Gratia Maria Gratij. Se pero non burla.  
( t) After she hath once.] For {αβγδ} I red {αβγδ}. And this Lection appeareth necessary From Laertius, who reckons this among the {αβγδ}, or prime Opinions of Epicurus, i.e. That pleasure cannot augment in the Body, after that which pains through defect, for want of a complete Indolence, is once removed but only diversifies.  
( u) Large pastures.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}. So Xylander's Version. ove sono pascoli. Gratia Maria Gratij.  
( w) For Ithack Isle.] For {αβγδ}, I red with Turnebus, Vulcobius and Bongarsius {αβγδ}, as it is in Homers Text.  Non est aptus Equis Ithacae locus. Horace. 
( x) To pass.] Here I insert {αβγδ} with the Italian Version, that hath Trappassano.  
( y) A fresh Cask for the Body. The Text here is {αβγδ}: for which Turnebus, Vulcobius and Bongarsius, together with Paulus Petavius's Manuscript, red {αβγδ}, which to me is equally unintelligible. Nor do the Versions at all relieve me. Hermanus Cruserius renders it, Vas defrutorium; Xylander, Colum; Philemon Holland, a Receptory; and Gratia Maria Gratij, Lambico deal corpo. What Amiot red, is very uncertain, for he Paraphrases. I have ventured however to change it into {αβγδ}, which( as Budaeus tells us out of Athenaeus) signifies Testa or an Earthen Cask; in which sense Homer uses the word {αβγδ} in his Tenth Illiad.  {αβγδ}. 
Where Eustathius explains it by {αβγδ}, a Cask.  
( z) A fresh Pipe may.] Before {αβγδ} I insert {αβγδ}, or {αβγδ}.  
(a) In his fancy.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( b) The Cyreniacks.] The founder of this Sect was Aristippus of Cyrene, who was one of the Hearers of Socrates, but carried away nothing from him but his admirable conversation, and good humour, to which he attained even to a Perfection, or rather indeed to a faulty excess; for it insensibly engaged him in a Parasitical and Sensual Life. He afterwards drew up such a Moral, as might best correspond with his own Inclination and practise, in which he made Pleasure to be the utmost Design of human Life. This was afterwards transcribed by Epicurus, though with less Wit, for want of skill in the Sciences, which he greatly contemned for want having them. The t'other Dog( Diogenes I mean) was used to call Aristippus {αβγδ}, i▪ e. the Royal Dog, because he loved to haunt the Courts of Princes for Provant only, which he called Regibus uti. Horace drew out his Picture in this one Verse.  Omnis Aristippum decuit colour& status& res. 
( c) For it will not perhaps seem strange.] After {αβγδ} I insert {αβγδ}, for there is an apparent Flaw.  
( d) At what time it seems little.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( e) As to account it for their benefit.] For {αβγδ}, I red with Paulus Petavius's Manuscript {αβγδ}.  
( f) Neither doth it befit.] For {αβγδ} I red {αβγδ}.  
( g) What one twitted Carneades with.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ} with Xylander's Version. For I find no such Man as Corniades; nor is it a likely Name. Carneades was a great sceptic, and the Founder of that they call the New, or Third Academy, which brought the Socratick Philosophy to a perfect Pyrrhonianism. He was none of the modestest Men in the World, and therefore may well enough be the Man.  
( h) With Hedeia or[ Leontion.] These were two of Epicurus's Mistresses, of which more anon.  
( (i)) At what Twentieth-day Feast.] The Followers of Epicurus were wont, besides their Master's Birth-day, to keep the 20th day of each Month as a kind of Festival, or Sunday; it may be because it was sacred to Apollo( for so the Etymologicum magnum tells): from whence they were in scorn called Eicadistae, i.e. Twentieth day Men, as you may see in Athenaeus. Menippus the Cynic, among others, of his Writings mentioned by Laertius, hath one entitled thus, Against the Birth-days of Epicurus, and the Twentieth-days celebrated by those of his Party. Yea, Epicurus himself in his Last Will and Testament( which you have at large in Laertius,) makes mention of a Synod( that's his Word to be held by his Fellow Philosophers upon the Twentieth day of each Month.  
(a) Or good health.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}. So Mr. Amiot, Ferme disposition.  
( l) As they term it.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( m) Agathobulus.] This is the same I suppose with Aristobulus in Laertius. Epicurus had three Brothers, Neocles, Chaeredemus and Aristobulus, all Philosophers. Of which Neocles wrote a Book of his own Sect, as Suidas tells; and was this Author of the Sentence {αβγδ}, i. e. Live concealed, which you find refuted by Plutarch, in a particular Tract, in which you also find mention made of the foresaid Aristobulus.  
( n) Night to the ablest.] For {αβγδ} the the Basil and Aldine Editions have {αβγδ}, which Arnoldus Ferronus, after P. Victorius, corrects {αβγδ}; the Verse is out of Aeschylus's Suppliants.  
( o) They could never.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}. So Cruserius and Amiot in their Versions.  
( p) The concursions of Seas.] The Text here hath {αβγδ}, which Xylander renders Maris pericula; Cruserius, Maris saevitiam. Ferronus, mere vocale. Amiot, une Mer bruyante. I red it {αβγδ}: for I find {αβγδ}, in Suidas, as the Exposition of the Word {αβγδ}. And the following Relative {αβγδ}: shows the necessity of a Plural Antecedent.  
(a) In his Voyage to Lampsacus.] Epicurus was Born at Athens the 79 Olympiad, and about seven years after the Death of Plato. His Parents were Neocles and Chaerestrata, of the Gergettian Precinct. His Father Neocles was( as Strabo informs us) one of the two Thousand Poor that were sent out by the republic to plant in Sames. Where, after some small acquaintance with the Pyrrhonian Nausiphanes, he began to play the Philosopher himself at his Parents House, where to help to maintain them he kept a Grammar School. Quum agellus eum non aleret, ut opinor, ludimagister fuit, saith Cicero. From thence he removed to Mytilene in the Isle of Lesbos, where he set up a second time for both School-Master and Philosopher; and from thence he went to that famed Oracle of Priapus, Lampsacus, where he had all his chief Disciples, i.e. Metrodorus, Timocrates, Polytenus, and his dear Colotkin; called by Plutarch elsewhere, the young Gentlemen of Lampsacus: And in fine, he returned home to Athens, where after a short acquaintance with the Platonist Pamphilus, whom he quickly learnt to despise, he set up an Academy of his own in his Garden.  
( r) In his Book against the Sophists.] These Sophists had their rise in Protageras, who had had been sometime a Disciple of Democritus's; but being( as is most likely) disgusted with the Old Man's hypochondriac Melancholy, and over Intense Speculation; he addicted himself to the more agreeable Studies of Language and Oratory; and afterwards came to Athens, where he set up a private Academy( and, as some say, in the house of Euripides the Tragedian,) where, for an hundred Mina a piece, he instructed young Gentlemen in Oratory, and the Art of disputing; upon which he was( as we are  told by Laertius) vulgarly known by the name of Sophia, or the Wit; and Suidas tells us plainly, he was the first Sophist. From this Academy sprung almost all the then famous Wits of Greeee, as Gorgias the Leontine, Pr●dicus the Ceian, Isocrates the Athenian, and the Great Socrates himself. At last he ventured to publish a Discourse about the Gods, which had this passage in the very front of it; As to the Gods I cannot say they either are, or are not: For which it was a little after ordered to be burnt publicly in the Market-place. His grand Tenet was this; Tha● there is no such thing as real Knowledge, or either absolute Truth or falsehood; but that all depends upon our Opinion, and therefore that both the parts of a contradiction may be equally true. In brief, he was the first that( as Laertius speaks,) moved the Socratick way of Disputing pro and con; and therefore may be well reckoned the common Father of all the Sceptical Sects, whether academics, Dialecticks, or Pyrrhonians. Sextus of Chaeronea( as I said before) is the only remaining Specimen of this sort of Philosophy. And I think it not unworthy the remarks, that Socrates was charged at his trial with no other Crimes than those of Protagoras, viz. That he did not account those for Gods that the republic did: That he made the {αβγδ} {αβγδ}, i. e. the wrong side of the Argument to be the right. And, that he debauched the Youth. And Prodicus, a known Protagorist suffered the same sort of death with Socrates, and {αβγδ}, i. e. as spoiling the Youth, as Suidas saith. Such then was the state of Philosophy at that time, until at last that great Amanuensis of Nature, Aristotle, reduced the Mercury of these great Spirits to some kind of consistence by the help of Distinction and Method, which he wisely grounded upon the Propriety of the Diction of that republic; of which as of all other Critical Learning, he was a complete Master: Insomuch that he and his Divine Disciple Theophrastus may well be looked upon as the two grand Anchors of the then floating Sciences. But so far now were our Epicureans from approving of any sort of Learning at all, that it was their usual out-cry, {αβγδ}, i. e. Fly all kind of Learning, Sirs; as Epicurus once wrote to his handsome Friend Pythocles. Yea, Laertius himself owns they were used to call those of their own Party that they found addicted to Letters, by the Nick-Name of Sophists, to oppose them to the {αβγδ} or Genuine Disciples of Epicurus. I shall but add our Authors own Character of the Sophists, which he gives us in his Life of Themistocles. That they call Sophia( saith he) is indeed nothing else but a certain shrewdness and pert sagacity in State-Affairs; and they that have joined with it the Quirks and Ambuscades of Laws and the amusing Artifice of Harangueing, are called Sophists. But I am too long, and perhaps( which is worse,) impertinent.  
(a) That this hath befallen him.] For {αβγδ} I red {αβγδ}, and a little after {αβγδ} for {αβγδ}.  
( t) Escaping of Evil.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ} with the Versions.  
( u) Occasions some to mistake.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( w) To outgo that of the Vulgars.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}. So Xylander and Amiots Versions.  
( x) Allows their Joy.] For {αβγδ}, I red with Xylanders Version {αβγδ}.  
( y) Freedom from pain.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( z) By endeavour. For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ} as well here as in the following Clause.  
(a) Everlasting Torments.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}. Note, that the Ancient Grecians did hold an Eternal Punishment but it was only for some few, that they took to be past reclaiming; for to the most the Torments of Hell were but a kind of Purgatory.  
( b) Had our Surmises.] This was one of Epicurus's {αβγδ}, or Master-Sentences, and mentioned by Laertius.  
( c) About things after Death.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( d) Neither the Epicurean nor the Brute.] For {αβγδ}, I red with Arnoldus Ferronus {αβγδ}.  
( e) That death is nothing to us.] This was another of Epicurus's Sentences, and likewise in Laertius.  
( f) They deprive themselves. For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( g) Require the telling of it.] For {αβγδ}, the Aldine and Basil Editions have {αβγδ}; and Tur●ebus, Vulcobius, and Bongarsius red {αβγδ}; but it should be {αβγδ}.  
( b) A Stream.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( (i)) The delights that acrue.] After {αβγδ}, I insert {αβγδ}.  
(a) I'm Mad.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}. Furor incessit Pieridum avius Ferronus.  
( l) And again.] For {αβγδ}. I red with Ferronus {αβγδ}.  
( m) As Apollodorus tells us.] I know very well he means Apollodorus Logisticus, as Laertius calls him in his Life of Pythagoras, or Arithmeticus, as it is in Athenaeus; but I would no more alter it than I would Agathobulus above into Aristobulus; it is not unusual with Ancient Writers to transcribe the sense of Names, when there are two that border very near upon one another.  
( n) For which a splendid Ox.] The words in the Text are {αβγδ}. Athenaeus represents them thus, {αβγδ}. And Turnebus, Vulcobius, and Bongarsius would have Plutarch to have so written them; But that is utterly uncertain; for it is like he wrote them by Memory; and so perhaps did Athenaeus too. Laertius writes them, {αβγδ}; the matter is not great; but I believe however the first word should be {αβγδ}.  
(a) Gold in King Hieron's Crown.] Hieron King of Syracuse having ordered a Goldsmith to make him a Golden Crown for Apollo's head, and being Jealous he had put a Cheat upon him, by embasing the Gold with some other Metal, desired Archimedes to satisfy him of the truth of the thing; and if it was so, to give him an account of the true propertion of both the Gold and Alloy: which he did in the manner here hinted at. The Story is at large in Vitruvius, and the particular way of doing it is exactly described in a late Italian Tract, written by Joannes Baptist● Hodierna; and entitled Archimede Redivivo.  
( p) He leaped up.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
(a) With such vehemence.] For {αβγδ}; the Basil Edition hath {αβγδ}, as I have rendered it.  
( r) Like perpetual Springs.] After {αβγδ}, I insert {αβγδ}, there being a word lost.  
(a) Pythocles.] Laertius tells us this Pythocles was a very handsome Man, that Epicurus was thought to have a great kindness for. His Epistle about the Meteors which is still extant in Laertius, is directed to him.  
( u) Other new ones.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( w) Worth the rejoicing at.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( x) Above any other.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( y) Aminias.] {αβγδ} is the word in the Text; but Paulus Petavius's MS. had {αβγδ}, and Xylander so translated it, Ferronus writes him Amenias.  
( z) Warbled by softest tongue.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
(a) The Problems about Flutes.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( b) It will sound flatter.] After {αβγδ} I insert {αβγδ}, according to Xylander and Furronus's Versions.  
( c) Any longer than it is hoping.] For {αβγδ}. I red {αβγδ}: And Petavius hath {αβγδ}, for {αβγδ}, which seems more expressive.  
( d) But now.] For {αβγδ} Petavius's MS. hath {αβγδ}.  
( e) He quitted the City.] Here is a great Flaw, but I have happily made it up out of the Dispute against Colotes; and for {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}. This Mithres( as Laertius informs us) was Steward to Lysimachus( I suppose he means the Son of Aristides the Just,) and a great favourite of Epirus's, and much admired by him, insomuch that in one of his Epistles to him he styled him {αβγδ}, i. e. sovereign Paean, words taken out of the Liturgy of Apollo. Plutarch, in the fore-mentioned place, adds further, that he was a Captive, and one that had formerly belonged to the King of Persia.  
( f) When Dion by the measures he gave him.] Our Author in his often mentioned Discourse against Colotes hath this strange Passage. Plato left indeed behind him in Writing, very admirable Discourses about Laws and Government, but he drew up far better ones for his particular Friends by which Sicily was set at Liberty by Dion, and Thrace by Heraclides and Python who took off Cotys.  
( g) You have given a very gallant.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}, as Xylander, Amiot, and Ferronus render it.  
( h) Such as Leontion.] For {αβγδ}, Petavius's M. S. reads {αβγδ}, and I red {αβγδ}; and for {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ} out of Laertius, who adds two Ladies more to the number, i.e. Erotion and Marmarion. As to Madam Leontion, we have a Letter of hers still extant among Alciphron's Epistles, it is directed to one Lamias, where she makes brave Sport with the uncouth and importune Addresses of her ancient Gallant, Epicurus: But some will, I know, say, it is one of Diotimus's Sham-Letters, who was set on by Chrysippus, to expose him by counterfeiting smutty Epistles, in his and his Friends Names: A fine Office this for a grave stoic.  
( (i)) Epicurus's philosophic Garden.] Epicurus( as was said before) kept his Academy in a Garden; whence his Follower Apollodorus had the pleasant Name of Kepotyrannus, or the governor of the Garden.  
(a) For his sweet and pretty humour.] After {αβγδ} I add {αβγδ}.  
( l) As that they call a Sardinian laughter.] The Greek Text hath {αβγδ}; which Turnebu, Vu●c●bius and Bongarsius corrected into {αβγδ}, I ●●●●●●●t it should be {αβγδ}, though I know {αβγδ} is the more common word: The Millan ●●●●tion of Suidas( which is the best) hath {αβγδ}, and the Order of the Letters confirm this reading in him.  
— {αβγδ}  
{αβγδ}.— saith Homer.  
A Sardinian Laughter was used anciently as a Proverb to denote a counterfeit or forced Laughter; and the occasion of it was this, The people of Sardinia were in ancient times under the Government of the Phaenicians of Carthage; and therefore followed their Mode of offering young Children to Saturn; the manner of it was thus, the Priests kindled a Fire within the hollow of the Copper Statue, and when they thought it hot enough, they then threw the miserable Infant into its glowing Embraces▪ upon which it immediately shrunk and grinn'd, at the sight whereof the Superstitious Multitude cried out, that it laughed for joy. We have this Story related to us by Suidas, upon the Credit of Clitarchus, a very ancient Writer, who composed a particular Treatise about Carthage.  
( m) Epaminondas.] It is no small glory to the ancient Philosophy of Pythagoras, that this matchless Hero was the Disciple of Lysis the Pythagorean.  
( n) The Strumpet of Kyzycum.] This Gentlewoman was name Themisto, and was Wife to one Leonteus of Lampsacus: Laertius tells us she made Profession of Philosophy.  
( o) Of their own living.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( p) All chant rude Carols.] For {αβγδ}, I red with Patavius {αβγδ}.  
(a) When I had once learned.] For {αβγδ} I red {αβγδ}, and for {αβγδ} with Petavius's Manuscript.  
( r) In brief.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}. So Amiot.  
(a) And sends forth.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( t) For the Soul of Man.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}, with Xylander and Amiot's Versions.  
( u) Yea these.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}, with Xylander and Amiot.  
( w) Thy Father got thee.] For {αβγδ} I red with Petavius's Manuscript {αβγδ}, And so both Xylander and Amiot have rendered it. And Petavius hath for {αβγδ}.  
( x) Yea and in conferring. Before {αβγδ}, I red with with Petavius's Manuscript {αβγδ}.  
( y) But should the pleasures of the Body.] For {αβγδ} I red {αβγδ}. So some of the Versions.  
( z) To Men of Action.] For {αβγδ} I red {αβγδ}. But perhaps it is a mistaken repetition of the foregoing word {αβγδ}, and threefore ought to be left out.  
(a) For the battle at Marathon.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( b) It is very easy then to imagine.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}, according to Petavius's Manuscript.  
( c) With his Fellow-Pedant Damocrates.] That Epicurus was a Schoolmaster, hath been already ●oted, and is further confirmed by Timon the Pyrronian, the Author of those malicious Invectives, called the Silli, or Skewes, in these two Verses which contain his Character.  
{αβγδ},  
{αβγδ}.  
Which are thus translated by Hadrianus Junius.  
Ultimus è Physicis Junonia quem Samos effert,  
Grammaticos Doctor, fervensque libidinis aestu.  
And I have thus englished them in hast.  
The Fag end of Philosophy  
trained up in Samian honesty;  
Who of young Boys was Letter-teacher,  
And of all Men the greatest Lecher.  
( d) The blackening Decrees.] The Epicureans were in the first place banished Rome by the public Order of the Senate: Secondly, the republic of Messina in Arcadia, expelled them their Coasts, saying they were the Pest of the Youth, and that they stained the Government by their Effeminacy and Atheism; And they required them to depatt their Borders by Sun-set; And when they were gone, they ordered the Priests to purify the Temples, the Timuchi or Magistrates, and the whole City; Lastly, the republic of Lyctos, in the Isle of Candy, drove certain of them out of their City, and past the following Decree against them. That the Contrivers of the Feminine Ungenerous and fulsome Philosophy; and besides that, the declared Enemies of the Gods, shall by open Proclamation, be warned out of Lyctos; also that if any one of them shall hereafter presume to return, and set light by the Contents of this Decree, he shall stand naked in the Pillory, over against the Hall of Justice, for twenty days together; 
Democrati al ●ercutio.  and be smeared over with Honey and Milk, that he may be stung to Death by Wasps and Flies, and if he shall chance not to die within that time, he shall then be clad in Womens Attire, and be thrown down a Precipice. See Suidas in the words {αβγδ} and {αβγδ}.  
( e) And to liquour ones Eyes.] Cleomedes reckons among the other {αβγδ}, or putid expressions of Epicurus, such as firm Constitutions of Body, and sure Hopings about it, Liquoring ones Eyes too( {αβγδ} by Crying. Some of which( he sa th) may be looked upon, as proceeding from a low and abject Spirit; and others again as taken out of some Superstitious Orison of some that pray in certain Jewish and distorted Cants, much viler than the very hissings of Snakes. Among these may be reckoned his {αβγδ}, or Divine Out-crys, as himself called them. An instance of which we have in a Letter of his to Leontion; which though his good Friend Laertius seems to insinuate it a stoic shame, yet since himself thought fit to recite it, I shall not scruple to render it verbatim. The Passage is this: Sovereign Paean, my dear pretty little Leontion! with what a Noise of Clapping did thy dear little Letter fill me, while I was reading of it! So that Sextus the Pyrrhonian might have reason to say; Epicurus appears in many things very rude; nor doth he observe the common Decencies of Conversation. And yet his three large Epistles in Diogenes Laertius seem to me to be written in a tolerable extemporary attic style.  
( f) Of Hegesianax.] This was some extraordinary Friend of Epicurus's: for Laertius tells us his Treatise of Sanctity was entitled Hegesianax.  
( g) Freed from doing ill.] For {αβγδ} I red {αβγδ} So Xylander and Amiot's Versions.  
( h) More and greater.] For {αβγδ}, Petavius's Manuscript reads {αβγδ}.  
( (i)) But now.] For {αβγδ} I red with Petavius's Manuscript {αβγδ}.  
(a) The best sort.] For {αβγδ} I red {αβγδ}.  
( l) Their clean and generous.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ},  
( m) The Deity is not therefore constrained.] This is one of the prime Dogms of Epicurus, mentioned by Laertius; I mean the first Clause of the Sentence.  
( n) Phoebus who whirls.] For this Reason the principal Rites of all Nations were originally to the Sun. And 
{αβγδ}.  
Jove, Pluto, and the Sun.  
And Bacchus are all one.   
( o) Should not be beloved.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( p) As we that stand.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}, so several of the Versions.  
(a) The Confidence and rejoicing.] These were two Canting words of Epicurus's.  
( r) Pan.] Pan was the Jupiter of the Arcadian Pastors; and his Rites were originally Egyptian; For the Mendesian Nemos worshipped the Sun at Panopolis in the Form of a Goat; and they called him from his Figure, mends, which is Goat; and from his property, Panu, that is, the Seer, Sol being Oculus Mundi, and the prime Author of Generation. This Telesm was afterwards placed by the Priests at the Winter Solstice, to signify that the Sun in Capricorn destroys the Fruits of the Earth, and particularly the Vine. Ovia, and many more of the Ancients say the Goat was first sacrificed to Bacchus, to make him amends for the Destruction of this Sacred and Divine Plant.  
(a) Gastor and Pollux.] Castor and Pollux were, according to the Pelopoanesian Tales, the Sons of Jupiter and Leda, who accompanied with her in the form of a Swan, by whom she had two Eggs, out of one of which was hatched Pollux and Clytem●estra; and out of the other Castor and Helena And therefore they were called by the Greeks {αβγδ}, that is to say, Jupiter's Children; and indeed they are no other than the Sun and Moon, which the Greeks called {αβγδ} and {αβγδ}, and the Romans, Liber and Libera, that is, The Son and the Daughter. The Delian Divines or Fablers called them Apollo and Diana, and feigned them to be Born in their iceland, both at one Birth, of the Goddess Latona. For the most ancient Jupiter,( as the Learned Terentius Varro tells us,) was the Heaven, and his Wife Juno the Earth; and these together with their two Children, the Sun and the Moon, made up the four first Puissant Deities which the Phoenicians, and after them the Samothracians therefore named Cabiri, and the Romans( who derived their Religion from the Tyrians of Tuscany) Divi potes. The white Swan is then the Heaven, and Leda or Latona, the Ocean,( {αβγδ} signifying, as Hesychius tells us, the Sea whence the Sicilian word {αβγδ}, and the latin Latex, denoting Water,) and the two Eggs which are said to be Born out of the Sea, are the Sun and Moon, which for their coevalness were reputed by the Delians for Twins, and by the peloponnesians for double Twins; they being it seems of the Egyptian Opinion, that the Gods were Hermaphrodites: And so Pollux and Clytemnestra will be the Sun in both its Male and Female Capacities( for the Greek name Polydeukes; signifies Much shining, and Clytemnestra, the Renowned Spouse: And Castor and Helena will be the Male and Female Moon, or the Deus Lunus, and Dea Luna; Castor signifying a Care-taker, and Helena( as will be made out anon) a Protectress. And therefore Polux and Clytemnestra were accounted Immortal by reason of the Beauty and vigour of the Sun; and Castor and Helena Mortal, by reason of the paleness and duskishness of the Moon. The Egyptian Priests set these Twins in the zodiac, and called them {αβγδ} Heracla and Ap, that is to say, Hercules and Apis, of which see the Learned Hieronymus Velchius in his curious Treatise about the Persian Nauruz.  
( t) Aesculapius.] I shall say but little of this God, because he is commonly known to preside over physic, and to be the same with Apollo Alexicacos, and the Sun: and the reason of it is also plain. Only as to his Name; it is not, as many think, Oriental, but purely graecian, and derived from {αβγδ}, which is meager and Sick; and {αβγδ}, which is the same with {αβγδ}, and signifies a Mender or Curer. And this is plain from the Name of his Wife Epione, who is feigned to be the Mother of Jaso, Akeso, eagle, Hygeia and Panakeia, Goddesses in physic. As to the Apparitions here spoken of by Plutarch, I shall at present say no more but this; if they were real and not imaginary ones, they must be some Daemons,( of whose Nature I will not now pretend to determine) that as they assumed the shapes of Men, so also accommodated themselves to the genius and popular persuasion of the times.  
( u) I never escape them.] For {αβγδ}, I red with Petavius's MS. {αβγδ}, which hath also {αβγδ} for {αβγδ}. And perhaps there is {αβγδ} wanting before {αβγδ}.  
( w) Like a smiling brightness.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( x) To hearten the rest.] For {αβγδ}, Petavius's MS. reads {αβγδ}.  
( y) For what is dissolved.] This is one of Epicurus's prime Dogmes, and related by Laertius.  
( z) when we have heard you.] For {αβγδ} I red {αβγδ}.  
(a) And therefore when they loose.] For {αβγδ} I red {αβγδ}, and for {αβγδ}, with Xylander.  
( b) As Minos did.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( c) Nor doth an Aeacus.] Aeacus is a Fabular judge in Hell; he hath his Name from Whipping: for {αβγδ} is to Whip. Ascalaphus is feigned to be the Son of the Infernal River, Acheron, his Name is derived from {αβγδ} meager, and {αβγδ} which signifies the Touch, he being, as Suidas saith, {αβγδ}, i. e. extreme hard, like a Skeleton I suppose. They fancy also, that Proserpina fell out with him and turned him into an Owl, which is a feral bide. The River Acheron hath its name from want of Joy, as Styx from horror, phlegeton from Burning, and Lethe from Forgetting.  
( d) Of every sort.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}. So Xylander translates it.  
( e) Go to the Wood-clad.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( f) Wherefore they must needs.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}  
( g) But our not being.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}, as we find it afterwards.  
( h) With everlastingness.] For {αβγδ}; I red {αβγδ}.  
( (i)) The Tub full of holes.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}, or {αβγδ}.] This refers to the known Story of Danauus's Fifty Daughters, who making away their Husbands were condemned to carry Water to a great Tub in Hell, that was full of Holes, and to keep it always full, under great Penalties: I believe the young Ladies of Greece would rather of the two be still troubled with their Old Husbands, than be put to such an endless Fatigue.  
(a) They shall Play and Dance in Hell.] It is a well known Truth, that such of the ancients as were not Philosophers, believed there was another World below, as spacious as this is, and( as Hesiod speaks) as far beneath the roots of the Earth, as the Earth itself is from Heaven; And that all Men when they died, descended thither, the good as well as the bad; but that the former went to a place on the right hand, called Elysium, and the latter to the seeds scelerata on the left. The good were it seems( as our Author here speaks) to play and dance, and enjoy each other; and the bad to undergo several sorts of castigatory Punishments, ●ntil they were allowed an Anabiosis, or a Return to Life, which, as Servius saith upon the Sixth Aeneid of Virgil, the worst obtained soonest. But Josephus tells us in the Sixteenth Book of his Antiquities, that the Pharisees were of another opinion. They are persuaded( saith he) that Mens Souls have an immortal force in them; and that there are under the Earth both Punishments and Rewards, for such as have lived either virtuously or viciously here; and that the latter undergo everlasting confinement, but the former have liberty to come back again to Life. But the Northern People, it seems, thought Hell too could a place for the Good; for they have disposed of them to several Celestial Cities, such as Asgard, where Walhalls Odin's Palace is, Alfehim, Breidablick, Himinbiorg, and others, as you may find in Snorro Turlesons Edda. As for the Name Hades by which our Author calls Hell; Homer, who is the ancientest Writer among the Greeks, calls it more fully {αβγδ}, that is to say, the Mansion House of Hades or Pluto, and his Wife proserpina, which are no other than the Sun and Moon; and the reason why they were thought to dwell there, was, their seeming to come the●ce every Morning, and to return thither every Night again. Now aids or Aidoneus is a word derived into the Greek Tongue, with many more, out of the Ancient Scythick or Toutonick Dialects; in which odd, Odin, God and Godin, signify Wealthy and Good, and so are the same with Pluto and Dis. And the Sun was considered by Antiquity in a double Capacity, as Proprietor of all, and Sovereign over all; in his former quality they addressed to him for Wealth and Happiness, and in the latter for Protection in the enjoyment of them. And in this last respect he was invoked by the Northern People by the Name of Heil or Hol, that is a Covering or Defence, whence the Greek words, Ollos, Helios, Helenos, and perhaps Belenus, and the Latin Sol, and British Haül; and likewise the German Adjective Heilig, and the English holy or Holy. Agreeable to which his Wife or Sister the Moon, is called in Greek, Hello, Gello, hell and Helena, and in ancient Teutonick, Hela, as may be seen in Snorro's Edda. For Hell in him, is not the place, but the Goddess that's appointed to convey the Souls of Old Men and Cowards to Niftheim, which we call Hell. In brief then, this Hela or proserpina, is no other than Heca●e, or Mania matter Larum, or that which we call the Fairy Queen, being the Night or walking Moon.  
And perhaps from these two words Odin and Heil, the Jews have called the true God Adon and El, a Sun and a Shield. Nor is what Goropius Becanus saith about the Antiquity of the Teutonick Tongue, altogether frivolous; for Herodotus tells us the Scytha●( who were the old Goths) had in ancient times an Empire over all Asia, for eight and twenty years.  
( l) When it shines under ground] For {αβγδ} I red {αβγδ}.  
( m) Who expect.] Before {αβγδ} I insert {αβγδ}.  
( n) Using for Philosophy.] The great and Divine Plato defined Pailosophy by {αβγδ}, i. e. The study of Death.  
( o) Are the better pleased with them]. For {αβγδ}, Petavius's MS. had {αβγδ}; Perhaps it should be {αβγδ}.  
( p) To those that do well] For {αβγδ}, I red with Judicious Xylanders Version {αβγδ}.  
(a) While they as it were make their escape.] For {αβγδ}, I red {αβγδ}.  
( r) Neither the Dog Cerberus, nor the River Cokytus.] Cerberus or Kerberus, i.e. The Heart devourer▪ is Pluto's Dog that stands at Hell-gates, and waggles his Tail at those that come in, but snarls at those that would go out again. I remember Snorro's Edda hath a Hell-hound too, but I have forgot his Name. Col●tus is a River in Hell, and signifies Wailing.  
( f) Gods having tasted the sweet of Eternity.] Herodotus's own words are these,( you may find them in his Thalia in King Amasis's Letter to Polycrates the Samian Tyrant.) For my part( saith he) I do not like your great Prosperity, as knowing very well the Envy of the Deity. And again, a little after, I never heard of one Man in my Life, that prospered in every thing that was not at last wholly exterminated from the very roots. And the true reason of this is very plain. Res prosperae etiam sapientum animos fatigant. A glut of Prosperity debauches the Minds of the very Wise.  
And then, according to the Proverbial Sentence.  
Jove's the Castizer of the over-haughty.  
{αβγδ}.  
( t) To go about in certain long Revolutions. This {αβγδ} or going about refers to the Pythagorean {αβγδ}, or circled of Necessity; where by Necessity they mean Restraint and Death, which they suppose to be the condition of all Human Souls, while under the Power of Matter. And they believe they shift about by certain secret Orders and unknown Laws, through all the Elements of Earth, Air, Water and Fire; partly for Exercise partly for Castigation; and partly again( as I believe) for variety.  
Lapsu continuo ruiturae in corpora Nostra,  
Prorumpunt ainae Seriemque per aethera nectunt, saith Festus Avienus.  
See also Virgil in his Sixth Aeneid.  
( u Dissolved with the Universe.] The Pagan Opinion of an Universal Conflagration is not( as the Jewish is) from Divine Revelation, nor yet( as some very good Men piously believe) from I know not what Cabala, or unfailing Tradition. But as it was both extreme ancient and general, and that as well in Greece, Germany and Sweden, as in egypt, India and China; so it must have some equally prevailing reasons to support it. First then when Men came to consider the subordinateness of the Planetary Revolutions, and especially of the Sun and Moon; and saw that what the Moon did in the Compass of one Month, was performed by the Sun in Twelve, it was but natural for them to suspect( as Man's ingeny is naturally curious and prying) that there might be some other larger Year, that might comprise many of ours; and be to the Universe, what ours is to the Earth only; which after they had once admitted, they seem to have inferred next, that those two extremes of that great Year, that should answer to our Summers and Winters, could prove no less then universal Conflagrations and Deluges. And they were without doubt very much fortified in this Opinion, as well by Earthquakes, Storms, Inundations, and Eruptions of Fire out of the Earth, as by the frequent Eclipses of the Sun and Moon, which to ignorant People that knew not the real causes of them, might very well seem to presaage the Dissolution and ruin of the Universe. Agreeable to this we find in the above-mentioned Snorro Turleson, that the Pagan Goths or Teutons held there were two Wolves that were in constant pursuit of the Sun and Moon; and that now and then they had a snatch at them, which occasioned the Eclipses: But that at last, at the great Ragnarock, or Twi-light of the Gods( as they called it) they should finally overtake and devour them. At which time Surt, which is the Black-Man that keeps sentinel at the Worlds end with a bright Sword in his hand, shall fire Heaven and Earth with the Flames of Muspelheim( so they call the Southern or hot-side of Hell) and then the Gods shall all die, and the whole World fall in pieces: After which the Universe will be again renewed, and the Sons of the old Gods shall supply their vacant places. And if the egyptian Prophets in their Sacred Annals mentioned several Conflagrations and Deluges, that ought not at all to move us, it being most apparent by several good Tokens,( such as their mentioning the Suns rising four times in the West, and setting in the East( as Herodotus, who was himself among them relates to us) and their ridiculous and feigned Successions of Monarchs and Dynasties,) that in compiling those Annals they consulted not the Truth but the Gust and Humour of the Vulgar. For the Policy of the Egyptian Priest-hood lay not in propagating Knowledge among the common People; nor in making them one jot wiser or honester than Nature left them; but on the contrary, in improving and inflaming their Prepossessions and Mistakes, the better to govern and manage them, and to this end they culled out the quaintest and most influencing of their old Tales and Fictions, and dressed them up in the form of a History; and then by common consent, stamped upon them the uncontestable Authority of their God Hermes.    

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II. Roman Questions:  Translated from the Greek, by Isaac chancy, E. Col. Medic. land. 
Quest. 1. WHerefore do the[ Romans] require[ a new] married Woman to touch Fire and Water?  
Sol. Is it not for one of these reasons; amongst Elements and Principles, one is Masculine and the other feminine; One [ i. e. Fire] hath in it the Principles of motion, the other [ i. e. Water] hath the faculty of a subject and matter? Or is it because Fire refines and Water cleanseth, and a Married Wife ought to continue pure and chast? Or is it because Fire without moisture doth not nourish, but is adust? as Water destitute of heat is Barren and Sluggish; so both the Male and Female apart be of no force, but a Conjunction of both in Marriage completes Society: Or [ is the meaning] that they must never forsake each other, but must Communicate in every Fortune, although there be no goods, yet they may participate with each other in Fire and Water?  
Quest. 2. Why do they light at Nuptials five Torches, neither more nor less, which they call waxed Tapers?  
Sol. Whether it be[ as Varro saith] that the Praetors use three, but more are permitted to the Aediles, and Married Persons do light the Fire at the Aediles Torches? Or is the reason of their using more numbers, that the odd number is reckoned better and perfecter upon other accounts, and therefore more adapted to Matrimony? for the even number admits of Division, and the equal Parts of opposition and repugnancy, when as the odd cannot be divided but being divided into Parts leaves always an inequality. The number five is most Matrimonial, for three is the first odd and two the first even, of which five is compounded, as of Male and Female.  
Or rather, because Light is a sign of Generation, and its natural to a Woman, for the most part, to bring forth so far a● five successively, and therefore they use five Torches. Or is it because they suppose that Married Persons have occasion for five Gods? viz. Jovial Jupiter, Jocund Juno, Venus, Suada, and Diana above all the rest, which Women invocate in their Travels and Child-bed Sickness?  
Quest. 3. What's the reason that seeing there is so many of Diana's Temples in Rome, the men refrain going into that only, which stands in Patricius-Street?  
Sol. Is it upon the account of the fabulous Story, that a certain Man ravishing a Woman that was there Worshipping the Goddess, was torn in pieces by Dogs, and hence this superstitious practise arose that Men enter not in?  
Quest. 4. Why do they in all other Temples of Diana in the like manner, nail up stags horns against the Wall, when as in that of the Aventine they nail up Ox Horns?  
Sol. Was it to put them in mind of an old casualty? For its said, that among the Sabines, one Antro Croatius had a very comely Ox, far excellings all others in handsomeness and largeness, and being  told by a certain Diviner, That he that should offer up that Ox in Sacrifice to Diana, on the Aventine, his City was determined by fate to be the greatest[ in the World] and have Dominion over all Italy. This Man came to Rome, with an intention to Sacrifice his Ox there; but a Servant acquainted King Servius privately with this privacy, but the King making it known to Cornelius the Priest, Cornelius strictly commands Antro to wash in Tiber before he sacrificed, for the Law requires Men so to do, who Sacrifice acceptably; Wherefore whilst Antro went to wash, Servius took the opportunity to Sacrifice the Ox to the Goddess, and nailed up the Horns to the Wall in the Temple. These things are Storied by Juba and Varro, only Varro hath not described Antro by that Name, neither doth he say that the Sabine was choust by Cornelius the Priest, but by the Edituus[ the Sexton.]  
Quest. 5. Wherefore is it that those that are falsely reported to be dead in foreign Countries, when they return, they receive them not in by the Doors, but getting up to the roof of the House, they let them in that way?  
Sol. Verily the account which Varro gives of this matter, is altogether fabulous. For he saith, in the Sicilian War, when there was a great Naval Fight, a very false report was rumoured concerning many, as if they were slain, all of them returning home, in a little time dyed; but one of them who going to enter in at his doors, they shut together against him of their own accord, neither could they be opened by any that attempted it, this Man falling in a sleep before the Doors, saw an Apparition in his sleep, advising him to let himself down from the Roof into the House; who doing so, he lived happily and became an old Man, and hence the Custom was confirmed to After-ages. But consider if these things be not conformable to some Greek usages; for they do not esteem those pure, nor keep them company, nor suffer them to approach their Sacrifices, for whom was any Funeral carried forth, or Sepulchre made, as if they were dead, and they say that Aristinus being one that was ensnared in this sort of Superstition, sent to Delphos to beg and beseech of the God, a resolution of the present Scruples, which he had by reason of the Law. Pythia answered thus.  
The Sacred rites t'which Childbed Folks comform  
See that thou do to blessed Gods perform.  
Aristinus well understanding[ the meaning of the Oracle] puts himself into the Womans hands, to be washed, wrapped in Swadling-clouts, and suck the Breasts in the same manner as when he was newly Born, and thus all others do, and such are called Hysteropotimus's[ i. e. one for whom a Funeral was made while living] but some say that the Ceremonies attending the Hysteropotimus's were before Aristinus, and that the Custom was ancient: Wheerfore it is not to be wondered at a if the Romans, when once they suppose a Man buried, and to have his lot among the dead, that they do not think it lawful for him to go in at the door, whereat they that are about to Sacrifice do go out, or those that have sacrificed do enter in, but they bid them ascend aloft into the air and descend from it's circumference, for they constantly offer their Sacrifices of purification in the open air.  
Quest. 6. Wherefore do Women salute their Relation with their Mouth?  
Sol. What if it should be( as many suppose) that Women were forbid to drink Wine; therefore that those that drank it might not be undiscovered, but convicted when they met with their Acquaintance, Kiffiing became a Custom? Or is it for the reason which Aristotle the Philosopher hath  told us? Even that thing was commonly reported and said to be done in many places( which it seems) was enterpiz'd by the Trojan Women, and in the confines of Italy, for after the Men arrived and went ashore, the Women set the Ships on fire, earnestly longing to be discharged of their roving and Sea-fairing condition, but dreading their Husbands displeasure, they fell on saluting their Kindred and Acquaintance that met them, by kissing and embracing, whereupon the Husbands Anger being appeased, and they reconciled, they used for the future this kind of compliment towards them, or rather might this usage be granted to Women, as a thing that gained them Reputation and Interest, if they appeared hereby to have many and good Kindred and Acquaintance? Or was it that it being unlawful to mary Kinswomen, a Courteous behaviour might proceed so far as a Kiss, and this was only retained as a significant sign of Kindred, and a Note of familiar Converse among them; for in former time they did not mary Women nigh by Blood, as now they mary, not the Aunts, or Sisters, but of late they allowed the Marrying of Nices for this reason? A certain Man, mean in Estate, but on the other hand an honest and a popular Man among the Citizens, designed to mary his niece being an Heiress, and to get an Estate by her, upon this account being accused, the People taking little notice of the Accusation, so as to reprimand him, absolved him of the fault, and enacted it by vote, that it might be lawful for any Man to mary so far as Neices, but prohibited all higher degrees[ of Consanguinity.]  
Quest. 7. Why is a Husband forbid to receive a gift from his Wife, and a Wife from her Husband?  
Sol. What if the reason be( as Solon writes) describing Gifts to be peculiar to dying Persons, unless a Man being entangled by necessity, and wheedled by a Woman, be enslaved to force, as constraining him, and pleasure as deluding him; Thus the Gifts of Husbands and Wives became suspected. Or is it, that they reputed a Gift the basest Sign of benevolence( for Strangers and they that have no love for us to give us Presents) they took away such a piece of Flattery from Marriage? That to love and be beloved should be devoid of Mercinariness, should be spontaneous, and for its own sake and not for any thing else: Or because Women being corrupted by receiving gifts, are thereby especially brought to admit Strangers, it seemed to be a weighty thing[ to require them] to love their own Husbands that gives them nothing. Or because all things ought to be common between them, the Husband, Goods are the Wives, and the Wives Goods the Husba●da: For he that accepts that which is given, learns thereby to esteem that which is not given, the property of another, so that by giving but a little to each other they strip each other of all.  
Quest. 8. Why were they prohibited the taking of a Gift of a Son in Law, or of a Daughter in Law?  
Sol. Is it not of a Son-in-Law, that a Man may not seem to convey a Gift to his Wife by his Fathers hands? And of a Daughter-in-Law, because it seems just that be that doth not give, should not receive?  
Quest. 9. Wherefore is it that they that have Wives at home, if they be returning out of the Country, or from any remote Parts, do sand a Messenger before, to acquaint them that they be at hand?  
Sol. Is not this an argument that a Man believes his Wife to be an idle Gossip? to come upon them suddenly and unexpectedly, having a show as though they came hastily to catch them, and observe[ their behaviours] they sand the good tidings of their coming heforehand, as to them that are desirous of them and expect them? Or rather is it, that they desire to inquire concerning their Wives, whether they are in health, and that they may find them at home looking for them? Or because when the Husbands are wanting, the Women have more family concerns and business upon their hands, and there is more dissensions and hurly burly among those that are within doors, therefore that the Wife may free her self from these things, and give a calm and pleasant reception to her Husband, she hath forewarning of his coming.  
Quest. 10. Wherefore do Men in Divine Service cover their Heads, but if they meet any honourable Personages, when they have their Hats on their heads, they are uncovered?  
Sol. There is also to augment the difficulty, if the Story of Aeneas be true, that whilst Diomedes was passing by, he offered a Sacrifice with his head covered. Its rational and of consequence to cover our Heads before our Enemies, but when we meet our Friends and good Men to be uncovered. This behaviour before the Gods is not absolutely necessary, but accidental, it continuing to be observed from him, [ i. e. Aeneas.]  
If there be any thing further to be said; consider whether we ought not only to inquire after the reason why Men in Divine Service are covered, but also the consequence of it. For they that are uncovered before Men of greater Power, do not thereby ascribe honour unto them, but rather remove Envy from them, that they might not presume to demand the same kind of reverence which the Gods have, nor to endure it; or to rejoice that they are served in the same manner, as they, but they worship the Gods in this manner, either showing their unworthiness in all humility, by the covering of the Head, or rather fearing that some unlucky and ominous voice should come to them from abroad, whilst they are praying, therefore they pluck up their Coat about their Ears, that they strictly observed these things is manifest in that, when they went to consult the Oracle, they made a great din all about by the tinkling of Brass Kettles. Or is it as Castor saith, that the Roman usages were conformable to the Pythagorick, notion, that the Daemon within us stands in need of the Gods without us, and we make supplication to them with a covered Head, intimating the Bodies hiding and absconding of the Soul.  
Quest. 11. Why do they Sacrifice to Saturn with an uncovered Head?  
Sol. Is this the reason? That whereas Aeneas hath instituted the covering of the Head[ in Divine Service] Saturn's Sacrifice was much more ancient? Or is it that they be covered before celestial Gods, but they reckon Saturn an Infernal and Terrestrial? Or is it that nothing of the Truth ought to be obscure and darkened? For the Romans repute Cronos time to be the Father of Truth.  
Quest. 12. Why do they esteem Cronos time the Father of Truth?  
Sol. Is not the reason that which some Philosophers do render Cronos time? For time finds out Truth: Or is it for that which was fabled of Saturns age, that it was most just and most likely to participate of Truth?  
Quest. 13. Why do they Sacrifice to Honor a God so called, with a bare Head? For they render Honour, Dignity and Reverence.  
Sol. Is it because Glory is Splendid, Illustrious and Unveiled, for which cause Men are uncovered before good and honourable Persons; and for this reason they Worship a God that bears the name of Honour.  
Quest. 14. Why do Sons carry forth their Parents[ at Funerals] with covered Heads, the Daughters with uncovered and dishevelled Hair?  
Sol. Is the reason because Fathers ought to be honoured by their Sons as Gods, but be lamented by their Daughters, when dead, the Law hath distributed to each their proper part, and hath ordered a suitable connexion of both? Or is it that which is not the fashion is fit for mourning? for its most customary for Women to appear publicly with covered Heads, than for Women with uncovered: Yea among the Greeks when any ●… ad calamity befalls them, the Women are ●… olled close, but the Men wear their Hair ●… ong, because the usual fashion for Men is to be ●… olled, and for Women to wear their Hair ●… ong: Or whether it was enacted that Sons ●… hold be covered for the reason we have ●… bove mentioned? For verily, they surround( saith Varro) their Fathers sepulchers at Funerals, reverencing them as the Temples of the Gods, and having burnt their Parents, when they first meet with a Bone, they say the deceased Person is deified. But for Women it was ●… ot lawful for them to cover their Heads[ at Fune●… als] and History tells us that the first that put away ●… is Wife, was Sp. Carbelius, by reason of Barren●… ess, the second was Slup. Gallus. seeing her pluck ●… p her Garments to cover her Head; the third ●… as Pub. Sempronius, because she looked upon Fu●… eral Graves.  
Quest. 15. What's the reason, that esteeming Terminus a God( to whom they offer their Termina●… a) they Sacrifice no living Creature to him?  
Sol. Was it that Romulus indeed set bounds to ●… he Country, whereas it was lawful for a Man to ●… ache Excursions to rob, and to reckon every Part ●… f the Country his own( as Laco saith) wherever ●… e should pitch his Spear? No but Numa Pompi●… us being a just Man and a good Common-wealths Man and a Philosopher, he set the boundaries to●… ards the neighbouring Countries, and Dedicated ●… hose boundaries to Terminus, as the Bishop and ●… rotector both of Friendship and Peace, and it ●… as his Opinion that it ought to be preserved ●… ure and undefiled from Blood and Slaughter.  
Quest. 16. Why is not the Temple of Matuta to be gone into by Maid Servants?  
Sol. One only the good Women bring in, and her they box and cudgle, and if to baste this Maid be a sign that they ought not to enter then they are to prohibit others according to the Fable, for into being jealous of her Husbands loving the Servant Maid is reported to have fell outrageously upon her Son.. The Grecians say the Maid was of an Aetoli●● Family and was called Antiphera, therefore with us also in Chenoraea. The Sexton standing before the Temple of Leucothaea[ Matuta] holding a wan in his hand, makes Proclamation that no Man Servant, nor Maid-Servant, neither Man nor Woman, Aetolian should enter in.  
Quest. 17. Why do they not supplicate this Goddess for good things for their own Children, but for their Brethrens and Sisters Childrens?  
Sol. Was it because into was a lover of her Sister, and nursed up her Children? but had hard fortune in her own Children? Or otherwise in that it s a Moral and good Custom, and makes provision of much benevolence towards Relations?  
Quest. 18. Why do many of the Richer sort pa●… tithe of their Estate to Hercules?  
Sol. Is this the reason that Hercules Sacrifice●… the tenth Part of Geryons Oxen at Rome? Or tha●… he freed the Romans from the decimation unde●… the etrurians? Or that these things have n●… sufficient ground of credit from History, bu●… that they sacrificed to Hercules, as to a certai●… monstrous Glutton and Gormandizer of good cheer? Or rather they did it, as restraining extravagant Riches as a nuisance to th●… Common-Wealth, as it were to diminish something of that thriving Constitution, that's growing up to the highest pitch of Corpulency, they are of Opinion that Hercules was most of all honoured with, and rejoiced in, these frugalities and contractions of Abundance, and that he himself was Frugal, content with a little, and every way sparing in his way of living.  
Quest. 19. Why do they take the Month of January for the beginning of the new Year? For anciently March was reckoned the first.  
Sol. First, as it is plain by many other Remarks, so especially by this, that the Fifth Month from March was called the Quintile Month; and the Sixth the Sextile, and so forward to the last, December was so called, being reckoned the Tenth from March: hence it came to pass that some are of Opinion, and do affirm, that the Romans formerly did not complete the Year with Twelve Months, but with Ten only, allotting to some of the Months above Thirty days; but others give us an account that as December is the Tenth from March, January is the Eleventh and February the Twelfth; in which Month they use Purifications, and perform Funeral Rites for the Deceased upon the finishing of the Year; but this order of the Month being changed, they now make January the First, because on the First day of this Month( which day they call the Kalends of January) the first Consuls were constituted, the Kings being deposed; but some speak with a greater probability, which say, that Romulus being a Warlike and marshal Man, and reputing himself the Son of Mars, set March in the front of all the Months, and name it from Mars; but Luna again being a peaceable Prince and ambitious to bring off the Citizens from Warlike achievements, he set them upon Husbandry, gave the pre-eminence to January, and brought Janus into great Reputation, as one that was more addicted to Civil government and Husbandry, then to Warlike Affairs: Now consider whether Numa hath not pitched upon a beginning of the Year most suitably to our natural Disposition: For there is nothing at all in the whole Circumvolution of things naturally first or last[ in pre-eminence] but by Law Institution●, some appoint one beginning of time, some another, but they do best, who take this beginning from after the Winter and Solstice, when the Sun ceasing to make any further Progress, returns and conver● his course again to us, for there is then a kind of topic in Nature itself, which verily increaseth the time of Light to us, and shortens the time of darkness, and makes the Lord and Ruler of every transient being to approach nearer to us.  
Quest. 20. When the Women beautify the Temple of the Goddess appropriate to Women, which they call Bona, why do they bring no Myrtle into the Hous●, although they be zealous of using all budding and flo●ring Vegetables?  
Sol. Is not the reason( as the Fabulous writ the Story) thus, That the wife of Faulius a Divine●, using to drink Wine secretly, and being discovered, was whipped by her Husband with Myrtle rods: Hence the Women bring in no Myrtle, but offer to her a Drink-offering of Wine, which they call Milk? Or is it this that as they abstain from many things, so especially they reserve themselves chast from all things that appertain to Venery, when they perform that divine Service? for they do not only turn their Husbands out of doors, but banish from the House every Male-kind, when they exercise this caconical Obedience to their Goddess, they therefore reject Myrtle as an abomination, it being consecrated to Venus; and even at this day they call Venus Murtia, of old( as it seems to me) they called Myrtia.  
Quest. 21. Why do the latins worship a Woodpecker, and all of them abstain strictly from this bide?  
Sol. Is it because one Picus by the Enchantments of his Wife transformed himself, and becoming a Woodpecker, uttered Oracles, and gave Oraculous Answers to them that inquired? or if this be altogether incredible and Monstrous, there is another of the Romantick Stories more probable, about Romulus and Remus, when they were exposed to the open Field, that not only a Shewoolf gave them suck; but a certain Woodpecker flying to them fed them; for even now it is very usual, in Meads and Groves where a Woodpecker is found, there is also a Wolf, as Nigidius writes, or rather as they deem another bide sacred to another God, so this to Mars; for it's a daring and fierce bide, and hath so strong a Beak as to drill an Oak to the heart by pecking.  
Quest. 22. Why are they of opinion that Janus was double faced, and do describe and paint him so?  
Sol. Was it because he was a Native Greek of Parrhaebia( as they story it) and going down into Italy, and cohabiting with the Barbarians of the Country, changed his Language and way of living? or rather because he persuaded that People of Italy, that were savage and lawless to a Civil Life, in that he converted them to Husbandry, and formed them into Common-Wealths.  
Quest. 23. Why do they perform Funeral rites in the Temple of Libitina, seeing they are of opinion that Libitina is Venus?  
Sol. Was it, that this was one of the Wise Institutions of King Numa, that they might learn not to esteem these things irksome, nor to fly from them as a Defilement, or rather is it to put us in mind that whatever is born must die, as being one Goddess that presides over them that are born, and those that die? And at Delphos, there is the Statue of Venus Epitymbia[ Venus on a Tomb] to whom, at their Drink-Offerings they call forth the Ghosts of the deceased.  
Quest. 24. Why have they three beginnings of the Month forestated, which take up such an interval of days between?  
Sol. What if it be this( as they writ about Juba's time) that on the Calends the Magistrates called the common People, and proclaimed the Nones on the fifth, the Ides they esteemed an holiday? or rather they that define time by the variations of the Moon, have observed that the Moon comes under three greatest variations monthly, the first is when its obscured making a Conjunction with the Sun, the second is when it gets out of the rays of the Sun, and makes her first appearance after the Sun is down, the third is at her fullness when its full Moon, they call her disappearance and obscurity the Calends, every thing hide and privy they call claim, and celare is to hid: The first appearance they call the Nones, by a most fit notation of Names, it being the New-Moon [ Novilunium] for they call it New-Moon as we do. Ides are so by reason of the fairness and clear complexion of the Moon standing forth in her complete splendour.  
Quest. 25. Why do they determine the days after the Calends, Nones and Ides to be unfit to travail or go a long journey in?  
Sol. Whether( as most Men think and Livy tells us) on the next day after the Ides of Quintilis( which they now call July) the Tribunes of the soldiery marching forth, the Army were conquered by the Gauls in a Battle about the River Allia, and lost the City, whereupon this day was reckoned unlucky, and Superstition( as it loves to do) extended this observation further, and subjected the days after the Nones and Calends to the same scrupulosity? Or what if this notion meet with much contradiction? For it was on another day they were defeated in Battle which they calling Aliensis( from the River) do greatly abominate as unsuccessful, and whereas there be many unlucky days, they do not observe in all the Months alike, but every one in the Month he happens in, and its most improbable that all the next days after the Nones and Callends simply considered, should contract this Superstition; wherein they solemnize some purifications and funeral rites to the Ghosts of the deceased, so that they have constituted the Three which hath been spoken of, as it were the chief and principle days for Festivals and holidays, designing the next following these to Daemons and deceased persons, which days they esteemed unfortunate and unfit for Action. And also the Grecians worshipping their Gods, at the New of the Moon, dedicated the next day to Heroes and Daemons, and the second of the Cups was mingled on the behalf of the Male and Female Heroes. Moreover Time is altogether a Number, and a Unity which is the foundation of a Number, is of a Divine Nature: The Number next is two, contrary to the first, and is the first of even Numbers, but an even Number is defective, imperfect and infinite; as again an odd number is determinate, definite and is complete, therefore the Nones succeed the Calends on the Fifth day, the Ides follow the Nones on the Ninth, for unequals to terminate beginnings, but those even Numbers which are next after beginnings, have not that pre-eminence nor Influence: Hence on such Days they take not any Actions or Journey in hand, wherefore that of Themistocles hath reason in it. The day after contended with the Feast-Day, saying, that the Feast-day truly had much Labour and Toil, but she[ the Day after the Feast] affords the Fruition of the Provision made for the Feast day, with much Leisure and Quietness. The Feast-day answered after his wise, Thou speakest truth, but if I had not been, neither hadst thou been. These things spake Themistocles to the succeeding Athenian Officers of the Army, as that they could never have made any Figure in the World, had not he saved the City, when as therefore every Action and Journey worth our diligent Management, requires necessary Provision and Preparation: The Romans of old made no Family Provision on Feast-days, nor were careful for any thing, but that they might attend Divine Service, and this they did with all their Might, as even now the Priests enjoin them in their Sermons, when they address themselves to the Sacrifices. In like manner they do not rush presently after their Festival Solemnities, upon a Journey, or any enterprise( because they were unprovided) but finished that Day in contriving domestic Affairs, and fitting themselves[ for the intended Occasions abroad] as even at this day, after they have said their Prayers and finished their Devotion, they are wont to stay and sit still in the Temples, so that they did not join Working-days immediately to holidays, but made some Interval and Distance between them; secular Affairs, bringing many Troubles and Distractions along with them.  
Quest. 26. Why do Women wear for Mourning white Manto's, and white Kerchiefs?  
Sol. What if they do this in Conformity to the magicians, who( as they say) standing in defiance of Death and Darkness, do fortify themselves with bright and splendid Robes, for the doing of it? Or as the dead Corps is wrapped in White, so they judge it meet that they should be conformable thereto? For they beautify the Body so, but cannot the Soul, wherefore they follow it as gone before pure and white, being dismissed after it hath fought a great and various Warfare? Or is it that, that which is very mean and plain is most becoming in these things? for of Garmants died of a Colour, some argue Luxury, others Vanity, neither may we say less of Black than of Sea-green or Purple, for verily Garments are deceitful, and so are Colours, and a thing that is naturally black, is not died by Art but by Nature, and is blended with an intermixed Shade: Its only White therefore that is sincere unmixed, free from the Impurity of a die and unimitable, therefore most proper to those that are butted: for one that is dead is become simplo, unmixed, and pure without Wealth or Guard, freed from the Body no otherwise then from a tinging poison. In Argos they wear White in Mourning, as Socrates saith, Vestments rinced in Water.  
Quest. 27. Why do they repute every Wall immaculate and sacred, but the Gates not so?  
Sol. Is it( as Varro hath wrote) that the Wall is to be accounted Sacred, that they might defend it cheerfully, and even lay down their Lives for it; upon this very account it appears that Romulus slay his Brother, because he attempted to leap over a sacred and inaccessible Place, and to render it transcendible and profane, but it could not possibly be, that the Gates should be kept sacred, through which they carried many things that necessity required, even dead Corpses, when they built a City from the Foundation, they marked out the place on which they intended to build it with a Plough, yoking a Bull and a Cow together, but when they did set out the Bounds of the Walls, measuring the Space of the Gates, they lifted up the Plough-Share and carried the Plough over it, that all the ploughed Part might be sacred and inviolable.  
Quest. 28. Why do they prohibit the Children to swear by Hercules within Doors, but command them to go out of the Doors?  
Sol. Is the reason( as some say) that they are of Opinion that Hercules was not delighted in a domestic Life, but rather to live abroad in Fields and Out-houses? Or rather because he was none of their Native Country Gods, but a Foreigner? For neither do they swear by Bacchus within Doors, he being a Foreigner, if it be he whom the Greeks call Dionysius? Or what if these things are uttered by Children in Sport, this is on the contrary for a restraint of a frivolous and rash Oath, as Favorin saith, for that which is done as it were with Preparation, causes delay and deliberation. If a Man judges, as Favourinus doth of the things recorded about Hercules, that this was not common to other Gods, but peculiar to him, for History tells us that he had such a Religious Veneration from an Oath, that he swore but once only to Phyleus Augeus his Son: Wherefore Pythia upbraids the lacedæmonians with such Swearing, as though it would be more laudable and better to pay their Vows, than to swear.  
Quest. 29. Why do they not permit the new married Woman her self to step over the Threshold of the House, but the Bride man lift her over?  
Sol. What if the reason be, that they taking their first Wives by force; brought them thus into their Houses, but they went not in of their own accord? Or is it that they will have them seem to enter into that place as by force, not willingly, where they are about to loose their Virginity? Or is it a significant Ceremony, to show that she is not to go out, depart, or leave her Dwelling Place, till she is forced, even as she goes in by force, for with us also in Baotia, they burn the Axle-tree of a Cart before the Doors, intimating that the Spouse is bound to remain there, the Instrument of Carriage being destroyed.  
Quest. 30. Why do the Bride-men that bring in the Bride, require her to say, where thou Cajus art, there am I Caja?  
Sol. What if the reason be, that by mutual agreement, she enters presently upon participation of all things, even to share in the Government: And this is the meaning of it, Where thou art Lord and Master of the Family, there am I also Dame and mistress of the Family? These Names they use at other times promiscuously, as the Lawyers do Cajus, Sejus, Lucius, Titius, and the Philosophers use the Names of Dion and Theon? Or is it that Caja Secilia an honest and good Woman, being married to one of tarqvinius his Sons, had her Statue of Brass Erected in the Temple of M. Ancus, on which were anciently hanged Sandals and Spindles, as a significant Memorial of her House wifery and Industry.  
Quest. 31. Why is that so much celebrated Name Thalassius, sung at Nuptials?  
Sol. Is it not from the Greek Word {αβγδ}, Spinning, &c. because they call a Spindle Talassus? Moreover, when they have introduced the Bride, they spread a Fleece under her, and she having brought in with her a Distaff and a Spindle, all behangs her Husbands Door with Woollen-Yarn? Or if it be true which Historians report, that there was a certain Young Man famous in Military achievements, and also an honest Man, whose Name was Talassius, now when the Romans seized by force on the Sabine Daughters, coming to see the Theatrick shows. A comely Virgin for Beauty was brought to Talassius, by some of the common sort of People and Retainers to him, crying out a loud( that they might go the more securely, and none might stop them or take the Wench from them) Let a Wife be brought to Thalassius; upon which the rest of the Rabble greatly honouring Talassius, followed on, and accompanied them with their loud Acclamations, praying for, and praising of Talassius: Hence that proving a Fortunate Match, it became a Custom to others at Nuptials, to cant over Talassius, as the Greeks do Hymenaeus.  
Quest. 32. Why do they that throw the Effigies of Men from a wooden Bridge into the River, in the Month of May, call those Images Argives?  
Sol. Was it that the Barbarians that of old inhabited about that place, did in this manner destroy the grecians which they took? Or did their so much admired Hercules reform their Practise of killing Strangers, and taught them this Custom of representing their devilish practise, by casting in of Images? The Ancients have usually called all Grecians, Argives, unless in troth the Arcadians esteeming the Argives open Enemies, by reason of Neighbourhood, they that belonged to Evander, flying from Greece, and taking up their situation there, have kept up that Malignity and Enmity?  
Quest. 33. Why would they not in ancient times Sup abroad without their Sons, whilst they were in Non-age?  
Sol. Was not this Custom brought in by Lyeurgus, when he introduced the Boys to the Phitidia[ Clubs] that they might be enured to Modesty in the use of Pleasures, not savagely and rudely, having their Superiors by them as Overseers and Observers? Verily its of no small Concernment that Parents should carry themselves with all Gravity and Sobriety in the Presence of their Children: for when old Men are debauched, it will necessary follow( as Plato saith) that young Men will be most debauched.  
Quest 34. What is the reason that when the other Romans did perform their Drink-Offerings and Purifications for the Dead in the Month of February, Decimus Brutus( as Cicero saith) did it in December?  
Sol. He verily was the first who entering upon Lusitania, passed from thence with his Army over the River Lethe. May it not be that as many were wont to perform Funeral Rites in the latter part of the Day, and end of the Month, that it's rational to believe, that at the return of the Year, and end of the Month, also he would honour the Dead? For December is the last Month: Or was those Adorations of their Infernal Ghosts? For it was the Season of the Year to honour them with all sorts of Fruits that had attained ripeness? Or is it because when they moved the Earth at the beginning of Seed time, its most meet then to remember the Ghosts below? Or is it that this Month is by the Romans consecrated to Saturn, whom they reckon to be one of the Infernal Gods, and not of the Supernal? Or that whilst the great Feast of Saturnals did last, thought to be attended with the greatest of Luxury and Voluptuous Enjoyments, it was judged meet to crop off some first Fruits of these for the Dead? Or what if it be a mere Ly, that only Brutus did purify on the Behalf of the Dead in this Month, when as they solemnize Funeral Rites for Laurentia, and offer Drink Offerings at her Tomb in the Months of December?  
Quest. 35. Why do they adore Laurentia so much, seeing she was a Strumpet?  
Sol. They say that Acca Laurentia was divers from this, and they ascribe Honour to in the Month of April: But this other Laurentia they say was surnamed Fabola, she became noted upon this occasion, a certain Sexton that belonged to Hercules( as it seems) leading an Idle Life, used to spend most of his Days at Chests and Dice, and on a certain time, when it happened that none of those that were wont to play with him, and partake of his Sport, were present, he being very uneasy in himself, he challenged the Gods to play a Game at Dice with him, as it were for this Wager, that if he got the Game, he should receive some Boon from the God; but if he lost it, he would provide a Supper for the God, and a pretty Wench for him to lie with; whereupon, choosing out two Dice, one for himself, and the other for the God, and throwing them he lost the Game, upon which, abiding by his Challenge, he prepared a very splendid Table for the God, and picking up Laurentia, a notorious Harlot, and set her down to the good Cheer, and when he had made a Bed for her in the Temple, he departed and shut the Doors after him, the report went, that Hercules came and had to do with her, but not after the usual manner of Men, and commanded her to go forth early in the Morning into the Market-place, and whomsoever she first happened to meet him, him she should especially set her Heart upon, and procure him to be her Cope-mate; Laurentia accordingly arising and going forth, happened to meet with a certain rich, unmarried, grave Man, whose Name was Taruntius, he lying with her, made her, whilst he lived, the Governess of his House, and his Heiress when he died; some time after, she died and left her Estate to the City, and therefore they have her in so great a Reputation.  
Quest. 36. Why do they call one Gate at Rome the Window( to signify that it is the lightest) and just by it is the Bed-Chamber of Fortune so called?  
Sol. Was it because Servius who became the most successful King, got his Glory by conversing with Fortune, shining into him at a Window? And though this may be but a Fable, yet tarqvinius Priscus the King dying, his Wife Tanaquil being a discreet and Royal Woman, putting her Head out at a Window, propounded Servius to the Citizens, and persuading them to proclaim him King, and this place had the Name of it.  
Quest. 37. Why is it, that of the things dedicated to the Gods, the Law permits only to neglect the Spoils that are taken in War, and by time fall into decay; and permits them not to have any Veneration nor Reparation?  
Sol. Is this the reason that they are of opinion that the renown of Ancestors fades away, and yet they are always seeking after some fresh Monument of Fortitude? Or rather because time wears out the marks of contention with our Enemies, and to restore and renew them, were inviduous and malicious, neither among the Greeks are those Men renowned, who were the first Erectors of ston or Bruss Trophies.  
Quest. 38. Why did Q. Metellus, being a High Priest, and otherwise reputed a wise Man, and a States Man, prohibit the use of Divination after the Sextile Month now called August?  
Sol. Is it not that we also, as the day begins and increaseth, do those things, and so as the Month begins and increaseth, but all declinations we observe to be unlucky; so he also was of opinion that the time of year, after eight Months was as it were the Evening of the year, when it declined and hastened towards an end? Or is it because they must use thriving and full grown Birds, for such are in Summer; but towards Autumn, some are Moulting and Sickly, others Chickens and unfledg'd, others altogether vanished and fled out of the Country, by reason of the Season of the Year.  
Quest. 39. Why is it unlawful for such as are not mustered( although they be otherwise conversant in the Army) to slay an Enemy or wound him?  
Sol. This thing Cato signior hath even made clear in a certain Epistle, writing to his Son and commanding him, That if he be discharged of the Army, having fulfilled his time there, that he return, if he stays to take Commission from the General to march forth in order to wounding and staying the Enemy. Is it the reason, that necessity requires that a Man should be commissionated for the killing of a Man? For he that doth this illegally and without Commission is a murderer. Therefore Cyrus commended Chrysanta, that when he was about to slay an Enemy, and lifting up his Cemeter to take his blow, and hearing a retreat sounded, let the Man alone and smote him not, as being prohibited? Or is it that if a Man conflicts and fights with his Enemies, and falls under a Consternation, he ought to be liable to answer it, and not escape punishment? For verily he doth not advantage his side so much by smiting and wounding him, as he doth mischief by turning his back and flying, therefore he that is disbanded is fre'd from Marshal Laws, but when he doth petition to perform the Office of a soldier, he doth again subject himself to Military Laws, and puts himself under the command of his General.  
Quest. 40. Wherefore was it unlawful for a Priest of Jupiter to be anointed abroad in the Air?  
Sol. Was it not because it was neither honest nor decent to strip the Sons naked, whilst the Father looked on, nor the Son-in Law whilst the Father-in-Law looked on? neither in ancient times did they wash together; for verily Jupiter is the Father, and that which is abroad in the open Air may be especially said to be as it were in the sight of Jupiter, Or is it thus? As it's a profane thing for him to strip himself naked in the Temple or Holy Place; so they did reverence the open Air and Firmament as being full of Gods and Daemons; wherefore we do many necessary things within doors, hiding and covering ourselves in our Houses from the sight of the Gods; moreover some things are enjoined to the Priest only, other things to all by a Law delivered by the Priest; for with us[ in Greece] to wear a Crown, to wear long Hair, or to carry could Iron by his side, or not enter into the Phocaean borders, are peculiar, proper pieces of the High Priest's Service, but not to taste latter, ripe fruits before the Autumnal Equinoctial; or to cut a Vine before the Spring Equinoctial, are things required of all by the Chief Priest, each of these have their Season: It's after the same manner( as it appears) among the Romans it's peculiar to the Priest, neither to make use of a Horse, nor to be absent from home in a Journey more than three Nights, nor to put off his Hat( therefore he is called Flamen) many other things are enjoined to all sorts of Men by the Priest; of which one is not to be anointed abroad in the open Air: For the Romans have a great prejudice against dry Unction[ i. e. without bathing] for they are of Opinion, that nothing hath been so great a cause to the Grecians of Slavery and effeminacy, than their Fencing and Wrestling Schools, insinuating so much Debauchery and Idleness into the Citizens, yea vicious sloth and buggery, yea that they destroyed the very Bodies of Youths, with sleeping; perambulations, dancing and delicious feeding, whereby they insensiby fell from the use of Arms, and instead of being good Soldiers and Horsemen, they loved to be called Gentlemen, Wrestlers, and prettey Men: It is hard therefore for them to avoid these mischiefs, who are unclothed in the open Air, but they that are anointed within doors and cure themselves at home, do commit none of these Vices.  
Quest. 41. Why had the ancient Coin on one side the Image of double-fac'd Janus stamped, on the other side the Stern or Stem of a Ship:  
Sol. What if it be( as they commonly say) in honour of Saturn that sailed over into Italy in a Ship? Or if this be no more than what may be said of many others besides; for Janus, Evander and Aeneas all came by Sea into Italy? A man may take this to be more probable; where●s some things serve for the beauty of a City, some things for necessary Accommodation, the greatest part of the things that beautify a City, is a good constitution of Government, and the greatest Part for necessary Accommodation, is good trading, whereas now Janus had erected a good frame of Government among them, reducing them to a sober manner of Life, and the River being Navigable, affording plenty of all necessary Commodities, bringing in partly from the Sea, and partly from the out Borders of the Country: Their Coin hath a significant stamp double faced, of the Legislator( as hath been said) by reason of the vicissitude of their Affairs, and for the River they have a small Ship, they used also another sort of coin, having engraven on it an Ox, a Sheep and a Sow, to show that they traded most in Cattle, and got their riches from these, hence were many of the Names among the Ancients derived, as Suills, Bubucks, Porcians, as Finestella tells us.  
Quest. 42. Why do they use the Temple of Saturn for a Chamber of public Treasury as also an Office of Record for Contracts?  
Sol. Is not this the reason? because that saying hath obtained Credit, viz. that there was no Avarice or Injustice among Men, while Saturn ruled, but Faith and Righteousness? Or was it, that God presided over the Fruits of the Field and Husbandry? For the sickle signified as much, and not as Antimachus was persuaded and wrote with Hesiod, 
With Crooked Falk Saturn 'gainst Heavens fought,  
Cut off his Fathers privities, Foul 'bout.  Money is produced from plenty of Fruit, and the vent of them, therefore they make Saturn the Author and Preserver of tranquillity. That which confirms this is, that the Conventions assembled every Ninth day in the Market place( which they call Nundinae Markets) they reckon sacred to Saturn, because the excellency of Fruit gave the first occasion of buying and selling? Or was these things far fetched: The first that contrived this Saturnine Chamber of Bank, was Val. Publicola upon the suppression of Kings, being persuaded that it was a strong place perspicuous, and not easily undermined by Treachery.  
Quest. 43. Wherefore did the ambassadors from whencesoever they came to Rome, go to Saturn's Temple, and there had their names recorded before the Chamberlains?  
Sol. Was this the cause that being Saturn was a Foreigner therefore he much rejoiced in Strangers? Or is this better resolved by History. Anciently( as it seems) the Questors sent entertainment to the ambassadors,( they called the presents Lauteia) they took care also of the Sick, and butted their dead out of their public Stock, but now of late because of the multitude of ambassadors that come, that expense is left off, yet it remains still in use to bring the ambassadors unto the Chamberlains, that their Names might be recorded.  
Quest. 44. Why is it not lawful for Jupiters Priests to swear?  
Sol. Is not the reason that an Oath is a kind of Test imposed on a Free People, but the Body and Mind of a Priest ought to be free from imposition? Or is it not unlikely that he will be disbelieved in smaller Matters, who is entrusted with Divine and greater? Or is it that every Oath concludes with an Execration of Perjury, and an Execration is a fearful and grievous thing. Hence neither is it thought fit that Priests should curse others, wherefore the Priestess at Athens was commended for refusing to curse Alcibiades, when the common People required her to do it, for she said, I am a Votary, not a Cursing Priestess. Or is it that the danger of Perjury is of a public Nature? If a Religious person swearing, be perjured, who presides in offering up Sacrifices on the behalf of the City.  
Quest. 45. Why is it that in solemn Feasts of Venereals, they let Wine run so freely out of the Temple of Venus?  
Sol. Is this the reason( as some say) that Mezentius the Etrurian General sent to make a League with Aeneas, upon the condition that he might have a Yearly Tribute of Wine, Aeneas refusing, Mezentius engaged to the Etrurians, that he would take the Wine by force of Arms and give it to them, Aeneas hearing of his promise devoted his Wine to the Gods, and after the Victory he gathered in the Vintage, and powred it forth before the Temple of Venus. Or is this a teaching ceremony, that we should Feast with Sobriety and not Excess, as if the Gods were beater pleased with the Spillers of Wine, then with the Drinkers of it?  
Quest. 46. Wherefore would the Ancients have the Temple of Horta to stand always open?  
Sol. Is this the reason( as Antistes Labeo hath  told us) that Hortari signifies to quicken one to an Action, and that Horta is such a Goddess as Exhorts, and Excites to good things, they suppose therefore that she ought always to be in business, never procrastinate therefore not to be shut up or locked? Or is it rather as now they call her Hora( the first Syllable pronounced long) as a kind of an active and busy Goddess, being very circumspectly and careful, and they were of opinion that she was never lazy or indeed of human affairs; Or is it that this is a Greek name, as many others of them be, and signifies a Goddess that always oversees and inspects Affairs, and therefore her Temples is always open as one that never slumbers nor sleeps? But if Labeo deduceth Hora aright from Hortari, consider whether Orator may not rather be said to be derived from thence, who being an Exhorting and Exciting person is a counsellor or Leader of the Common people, and not from {αβγδ} Imprecation, and {αβγδ} a Prayer as some say.  
Quest. 47. Why did Romulus build the Temple of Vulcan without the City?  
Sol. What if it were by reason of that Fabled grudge which Vulcan had against Mars for the sake of Venus, Romulus being reputed the Son of Mars, would not make Vulcan a cohabitant of the same House or City with him? Or this may be a silly reason for that Temple was at first built by Romulus for a Senate House, and a Privy-Counsel for him to consult State Affairs together with Tatius, where they might be retired with the Senators, and sit in consultation about matters quietly, without interruption from the Multitude? Or was it that Rome was formerly in danger of being burnt from Heaven, he thought good to adore that God, but place his habitation without the City?  
Quest. 48. Wherefore did they( in the Feasts called Consalia) put Garlands on the Horses and Asses, and take them off from all work?  
Sol. Was it not because they celebrated that Feast to Neptune, the Cavaleir[ who was therefore called Consus] and the Ass takes part and share with the Horse, in his rest from labour? Or was it thus, that after Navigation came in and traffic by Sea, there succeeded a kind of ease and leisure to the Cattle, in some kind or other?  
Quest. 49. Wherefore was it a custom among the Candidates for Magistracy to present themselves in their Shirts without Coats, as Cato tells us?  
Sol. 49. Was it not that they should not carry Money in their bosoms to buy Votes with? Or is it that they preferred no Man as fit for the Magistracy, for the sake of his Birth, Riches or Honours, but for his Wounds and Cicatrices, and that these might be visible to them that came about them, they came without upper clothes to their Elections? Or as by Courteous Behaviour, Supplication and Submission, so by humbling themselves in nakedness, they gained on the affections of the common People.  
Quest. 50. Why did the Flamen Dialis[ Jupiters Priest] when his Wife dyed, lay down his Priestly dignity, as Teyus tells us?  
Sol. Is it not for this reason, because he that Marries a Wife and loses her after Marriage, is more unfortunate then he that never took a Wife, for the Family of a Married Man is completed, but the Family of him that is Married and looseth his Wife, is not only incomplete but mutilated? Or because the Wife joins with the Husband in consecration, as there are many sacred Rites that ought not to be performed unless the Wife be present, but to mary another immediately after he hath lost the former Wife, is not perhaps easy to do; and besides its not convenient. Hence it was not lawful formerly to put away a Wife, nor is it at this present lawful, unless it was that Domitian in our remembrance, being petitioned, granted it to one. The Priest were present at the dissolution of Marriage, doing many terrible, strange and unquoth Actions, but thou will wonder less, if thou art informed by History that when one of the Censors dyed, his Partner was required to lay down his place, when Livius Drusus dyed Aemilius Scaurus his Colleague would not abandon his Government before one of the Tribunes of the People, committed him to Prison.  
Quest. 51. Why was a Dog set before the Lares, which they properly called Praestites, but the Lares themselves were covered with Dogs Skin?  
Sol. Was it that Praestites were they that presided, and its fit that Presidents should be Keepers, and should be frightful to strangers( as Dogs are) but mildred and gentle to those of the Family? Or rather what some Romans assert, and as some Philosophers who follow Chrisippus, are of opinion that evil Spirits wander up and down, which the Gods do use as public Executioners of unholy and wicked Men, so the Lares are a certain sort of furious and revengeful Daemons, that are observators of Mens Lives and Families, and are here clothed with Dogs Skins, and have a Dog sitting by them, as being sagacious to hunt upon the Foot, and to prosecute wicked Men.  
Quest. 52. Why do they Sacrifice a Dog to the Ghost called Geneta, and pray that no home born should descend mildred?[ or a Milk Sop.]  
Sol. Is the Reason that Geneta is a Daemon that is employed about the Generation and Purgation of corruptible things? For this word signifies a certain Flux and Generation; or a Birth issuing forth; for as the Groeks do sacrifice a Dog to Hecata, so the Romans to Geneta on the behalf of the Natives, moreover Socrates saith that the Argives do sacrifice a Dog to Elionia[ Lucina] to procure a facility of delivery; but what if the Prayer be not made for Men but for Dogs puppyed at home, that none of them should be of a Sheepish nature, for Dogs ought to be currish and fierce? Or is it that they that are deceased are meek and wily? Hence speaking Mystically at the beginning, they signify their desires, that no Home-born should die, neither ought this to seem strange which Aristotle hath wrote in the account that he gives of the Confederacies of the Arcadians with the lacedæmonians, i.e. that none of the Tageates should be rendered placed upon the account of the lacedæmonians, i.e. that none should be slain.  
Quest. 53. Why is it, that to this very day while they Act the Plays at the Capital, they set Sardinians to Sail by a crier, and a certain old Man in way of derision, goes before carrying a Childs bauble about his Neck, which they call Bulla.  
Sol. Was it because a People of the Tuscans called Vegents, maintained a Fight a long time with Romulus, and he took this City last of all, and exposed them and their King to Sale by an outcry, upbraiding him with his madness and folly, for that Lydians were Tuscans at first, and Sardis was the Metropolis of the Lydians, so that they set the Vejents to Sale under the Name of Sardinians, and to this day they keep up the Custom in a way of Pastime.  
Quest. 54. Why do they call the Flesh Market Macellum [ i. e. the Shambles.]  
Sol. Was it not by corrupting the word {αβγδ} a Cook, so are many other words, as custom hath prevailed, for C and G are[ Κ and Γ] are nigh a kin to one another, and Γ G came more lately into use, being inserted among other Letters by Sp. Carbilous, and now by lispers and by reason of a stammering Speech, L is pronounced instead of R. Or this matter may be made clear by a Story, It's reported that at Rome there was a stout Man a Robber, who had robbed many, and being taken, with much difficulty, was brought to condign punishment, his Name was Macellus, out of whose riches a public Meat Market was built, which bare his Name?  
Quest. 55. Why are the Minstrils allowed to go about the City on the Ides of January, wearing Womens Apparel●?  
Sol. Is it for this reason to be rehearsed? These sort of Men( as it seems) had great privileges accrueing to them from the Grant of King Numa, by reason of his godly Devotion, which things afterward being taken from them, when the Decem Viri managed the Government, they forsook the City, whereupon there was a search made for them, and one of the Priests offering Sacrifice without music, made a superstitious Scruple of so doing, and when they returned not upon Invitation, but lead their Lives on the River Tybur: A certain Freeman  told the Magistrates privately, that he would undertake to bring them; and providing a plentiful Feast, as if he were to Sacrifice to the Gods, he invited the Minstrels, where was Women kind present also, with whom they revell'd all night sporting and dancing, there on a sudden a Man began a Speech and being surprised with a fright as if his Patton had come in upon him, persuaded the Pipers to ascend the Caravans that were covered all over with Skins, saying he would carry them back to Tybur, but this whole business was but a Trepan; for he wheeling about the Caravan, and they perceiving nothing by reason of Wine and Darkness, he very cunningly brought them all into Rome by the morning; most of them by reason of the Night revel, and drink that they were in happened to be clothed in flowered Womens Robes; whereupon being prevailed upon by the Magistrates, and reconciled, it was decreed, that they should trant through the City, on that day habited after this manner.  
Quest. 56. Why are they of Opinion that Mattrons that first built the Temple of Carmenta, and at this day they worship her most?  
Sol. There is a certain Tradition, that when the Women were prohibited the use of Chariots drawn by a Yoke of Oxen, they conspired together, not to be got with Child and breed Children, and in this manner to be revenged on their Husbands, until they had revoked the Decree, and gratified them, which being done Children were begot, and the Women becoming good Breeders, and very fruitful, built the Temple of Carmenta. Some say that Carmenta was Evanders Mother, and going into Italy was called Themis; but as some say Nicestrata, who when she sung forth Oracles in Verse was called Carmenta by the latins, for the Words of the Verse they call Carmina: There are some opiniated that Carmenta was a Destiny, therefore the Matrons sacrifice to her, the Etymology of the Word is carens mente[ one besides her self] by reason of divine raptures; hence Carmenta had not her Name from Carmina, but rather was called so upon this account, being inspired she sung her Oracles in Verse.  
Quest. 57. What is the reason that when the Women do sacrifice to Rumina, they pour forth Milk plentifully on the Sacrifices, but offer no Wine?  
Sol. Is it because the latins call a Breast Ruma, and that three they say is called Ruminalis, under which Lupa drew forth her Breast to Romulus, even as we call those Women that bring up Children with Milk, Nurses, from the Breast[ Breast Women.] So Rumina who was a wet Nurse, a thy Nurse, and a School mistress did not permit Wine, as being hurtful to the Infants.  
Quest. 58. Why do they call some Senators Patres conscripti, and others they call only Patres?  
Sol. Is not this the reason, that those that were first constituted by Romulus they called Patres and Patritii, as being Gentlemen and could show their pedigree, but those that were Elected afterward from among the commonalty, they called Patres conscripti?  
Quest. 59. Why was one Alter common to Hercules and the Muses?  
Sol. Was it because Hercules taught Letters first to Evanders People, as Juba tells us? and it was esteemed a venereal Action of those that taught their Friends and Relations: It was but of late that they began to teach for hire. The first that opened a Grammar-Shcool was Sp. Carvilius a free Man of Carvil, the first that divorced his Wife.  
Quest. 60. What's the reason, that of herculeses two Altars, the Women do not partake or taste of the things offered on the greater?  
Sol. Is it not because Carmentas Women come next after those Sacrifices, and the race of the Peinarii succeeds, Hence they are raised from their Feasts, others coming in the places are called Pinarii? Or is it upon the account of that fabulous Story of the Coat and Dejanara?  
Quest. 61. What is the reason that it s forbidden to mention, inquire after, or name the chief Tutelary and Guardian God of Rome, whether Male or Female? Which prohibition they confirm with a superstitious Tradition, reporting that Valerius Suranus perished miserable for expressing that name?  
Sol. Is this the reason( as some Roman Histories tells us) that there being certain kinds of Evocations and Enchantments, with which they think their Gods may be invited out by their Enemies, to go away and dwell with them, they feared lest this mischief should befall them for others? as the Tyrians are said therefore to bind fast their Images with Cords, but others when they will sand any of them to washing or purifying, they require Sureties from their return; so that the Romans reckoned they had their God in most safe and secure Custody, he being unexpressible and unknown? Or is it as Homer hath verified?  The Earth all Gods in common have. 
As Men do worship and reverence all Gods that have the Earth in common, so the Ancient Romans obscured the Lord of Salvation, requiring that not only this but all Gods should be reverenced by the Citizens.  
Quest 62. Why among them that are called Fecials ( in Greek Peace-makers) the Ash-bearers, he that was name Peter Patratus was accounted the chiefest? But this must be one who hath his Father living, and Children of his own, and he hath even at this time a certain privilege and trust; for the Praetors commit to those Mens trust the Persons of such, who by reason of comeliness and beauty, stand in need of an exact and chast Guardianship?  
Sol. Is this the reason, that they must be such whose Children reverence them and they reverence their Parents? Or doth the name itself suggest a rea●on? For Patratum will have a thing to be complete and finished, for he whose lot it is to be a Father whilst his Father liveth, as it were perfecter then others. Or is it that he ought to be Overseer of Oaths and Peace, and according to Homer, must see before and behind: He is such an one especially who hath a Son for whom he Consults, and a Father with whom he may Consult.  
Quest. 63. Why is he that is called Rex Sacrorum ( who is King of Priests) forbid both to take upon him the Civil Government, or make an Oration to the People?  
Sol. Was it, that of old the Kings did perform the most and greatest sacred rites, and they offered Sacrifices together with the Priests; but when they kept not within the bounds of Moderation, and became proud and insolent, most of the grecians depriving them of their Authority, and left to them only this part of their Office to Sacrifice to the Gods, but the Romans casting out Kings altogether, gave the charge of the Sacrifice to another, enjoining him neither to meddle with Government nor Preach to the People, so that they only allow him to consult about the Sacrifices, and manage a Kingdom on the behalf of the Gods. Hence there being a certain Sacrifice kept by tradition in the Market place, near the Comitia, which as soon as the King[ i. e. the chief Priest] hath offered, he immediately withdraws himself by flight out of the Market place.  
Quest. 64. Why do they not suffer the Table to be quiter voided when its taken away, but will have something always to remain upon it?  
Sol. What if it be that they would intimate, that something of our present enjoyments, should be left for the future, and that to day we should be mindful of to morrow? Or that they reckon it a piece of Manners, to repress and restrain the Appetite in our present fruitions, for they less desire absent things, who are accustomend to abstain from those that are present, or was it a Custom of courtesy towards household Servants? For they do not love so much to take, as to partake, deeming that they hold a kind of Communion with their Masters at the Table. Or is it, that of sacred things nothing ought to be slighted as empty? For the Table ●… s a sacred thing.  
Quest. 65. Why doth not a Man lie at first ●… ith his Bride while its Light, but when it is ●… ark?  
Sol. Is it not for modesty sake, for at the first ●… ongress he looks upon her as a stranger to ●… im? Or is it that he may be enured to go into his own Wife with Modesty? Or as Solon hath wrote, let the Spouse go into the Bed-Chamber gnawing a Quince, that the first Salutation be not harsh and ungrateful. So the Roman Lawgiver saith, if there be any thing absurd and unpleasant in the Body, he should hid it, or because Infamy attends unlawful use of Venery, therefore the lawful should have certain signs of Modesty attending it.  
Quest. 66. Why was one of the Horse-race rounds called Flaminina?  
Sol. Is it because when Flaminius, one of the Ancients, bestowed a Field on the City, they employed its revenue on the Horse-races, and with the overplus Money they repaired the way which they call Flaminina.  
Quest. 67. Why do they call the Rod-bearers Lictors?  
Sol. Is this the reason, Because these Men were wont to bind desperate Bullies, and they followed Romulus carrying thongs in their Bosoms. The vulgar Romans say Alligare to bind, when the more refined in Speech say Ligare. Or is now C inserted, when formerly they called them Litores, being Liturgi, Ministers for public Service, for {αβγδ} until this day is writ for public, in many of the graecian Laws which scarce any is ignorant of.  
Quest. 68. Why do the Luperci Sacrifice a Dog? The Luperci are they that run up and down naked in the Lupercal Plays, with small Breeches on, and slash all that they meet with a Whip?  
Sol. Is it not because these Feats are done for the purification of the City, and they call the Month February, and indeed the very day Febrata and Febraris, on which they are wont to whip with Thongs, the word signifying to cleanse. And to speak the truth, all the Grecians have used, and some do use to this very day a slain Dog for an Expiatory Sacrifice, and among other Sacrifices of Purification, they offer Whelps to Hecata, and sprinkle those that need cleansing, with the Puppies Blood, calling this kind of purifying Puppification: Or is it that Lupus is Lucus a Woof, and Lupercals are Lycaea, but a Dog is at enmity with a Wolf, therefore is Sacrificed on the Lycaean Festivals? Or is it because the Dogs do bark at, and perplex the Luperci as they scout about the City? Or is it that this Sacrifice is offered to Pan? for Pan loves Dogs because of his herds of Goats.  
Quest. 69. Why upon the Festival called Septimontium, did they observe to abstain from the use of Chariots drawn by a yoke of Oxen and even until now, they that regard antiquity do still abstain?  
Sol. They do observe the Septimontium Feast, upon the addition of the seventh Hill to the City, upon which it became Septicollis seven hilled Rome. Or what if it be( as some of the Romans conjecture) because the Parts of the City are not as yet every where connected? Or if this conceit be nothing to the purpose, what if it be, that when the great work of building the City was finished, and they determined to cease the increasing of the City any further, they restend themselves, and restend the Cattle that bore a share in the labour with them, and provided accordingly that they might participate of the Holy day, by rest from labour? Or was it that they would have all the Citizens always present for the solemnity and return of a Festival, especially that which was observed in remembrance of the compact uniting the Parts of the City, and that none should desert the City for whose sake the Feast is kept, they were not allowed to use their Yoak-Chariots that day.  
Quest. 70. Why do they call those Furciferi, which were convict of Thefts, or any other of those slavish Crimes?  
Sol. Was it this( which was an Argument of the severity of the Ancients) whenever any convicted his Servant of any villainy, he enjoined him to carry the forked piece of Timber that is under the Cart[ the Tongue of the Cart] and to go with it through the next Villages and Neighbourhood to be seen of all, that they might distrust him and be ware of him for the future, this piece of Wood we call a Prop, the Romans call it Furca a Fork, hence he that carries it about is called Furcifer a Fork-bearer.  
Quest. 71. Why do they bind Hay about the Horns of Oxen that are wont to push, that they may be shunned by him that meets them?  
Sol. Is it that by reason of gormandizing and stuffing their Guts, Oxen, Asses, Horses and Men become mischievous, as Sophocles somewhere saith, 
Like full fed Coalt thou kickts up Heels,  
From stuffed Wemb, Cheeks and full Meals.  Therefore the Romans say that M. Crassus had Hay about his Horns, for they that were turbulent Men to the Common-wealth, were wont to stand in awe of him as a revengeful Man, and one scarce to be meddled with, although afterward it was said again, that Caesar had taken away Crassus his Hey, being the first Man of the republic that withstood and affronted him.  
Quest. 72. Why would they have the lanterns of the South saying Priests( which formerly they called Auspici, and now augurs) to be always open at top, and no cover to be put upon them?  
Sol. Is it this as the Pythagoreans do, who make little things Symbals of great matters, as forbidding to sit down upon a Bushel, and to stir up the fire with a Sword; So that the Ancients used many enigmatical Ceremonies, especially about their Priests, and such was this of the lantern, for the lantern is like the Body encompassing the Soul, the Soul being the light within side, and the Understanding and judgement ought to be always open and quick sighted, and never to be shut up or blown out, and when the Winds blow, the Birds are unsettled and do not afford sound prognostics, by reason of their Wandring and Irregularity in flying, by this usage, therefore they teach that their soothsayers must not Prognosticate when there are high Winds, but in still and calm Weather, when they can use their open lanterns.  
Quest. 73. Why were Priests that had Sores about them, forbid to use Divination?  
Sol. Is not this the reason? that it s a significant sign, that whilst they are employed about divine Matters, they ought not to be in any pain; nor have any sore or passion in their Minds, but to be cheerful, sincere, and without distraction? Or it is but rational, if no Man may offer an Oblation, that hath a Sore, nor use such Birds for soothsaying, that much more they themselves should be free from these blemishes, and be clean, sincere and sound, when they go about to inspect divine Prodigies, for an Ulcer seems to be a mutulation and defilement of the Body.  
Quest. 74. Why did Servius Tullius build a Temple of small fortune, which they call Brevis?  
Sol. Was it because he was of a mean Original, and in a low condition, being born of a captive Woman, and by Fortune came to be King of Rome? Or did not that change of his condition manifest the greatness of his Fortune, rather then the smallness? But Servius most of all of them seems to ascribe divine influence to Fortune, giving thereby a reputation to all his Enterprises; For he did not only build the Temple of hopeful Fortune that averteth Evil, that is mildred, primogenial and masculine: But there is a Temple also of his own proper Fortune, another of Fortune turning to him, another of hopeful Fortune, and the fourth of Virgin Fortune, and why should any one mention any more Names? seeing there is a Temple also of ensnaring Fortune which they name Viscata as it were ensnaring us when we are as yet a far off, and enforcing us upon business. Consider also, and learn that a great Matter may be effected by a small piece of Fortune, and it often falls out, whether a small thing be done or not done, that great things are effected by some, or do come to nought: He built therefore a Temple of small Fortune, teaching us to take care of our business, and not contemn the things that happen by reason of their smallness.  
Quest. 75. Why did they not extinguish a Candle, but suffered it to burn out of its own accord?  
Sol. Is this the reason? That they adored it, as being related, and akin to unquenchable and eternal Fire. Or is it a significant Ceremony, that we are not to kill and destroy any animated Creature that is harmless, Fire being as it were an Animal? For it both needs nourishment and moves itself, and when its extinguished it makes a Noise as if it were then slain? Or doth this usage instruct us, that we ought not to make waste of Fire or Water, or any other necessary things that we have a superabundance of, but suffer those that have need to use them, leaving them to others, when we ourselves have no use for them.  
Quest. 76. Why do they that would be preferred before others in Gentility, wear little Moons on their Shoes?  
Sol. Is this the reason( as Castor saith) that this is a Symbol of the place of habitation, that is said to be in the Moon, that after death, Souls should have the Moon under their Feet again? Or was this a fashion of renown among Families of greatest Antiquity? Who were the Arcadians of Evanders Posterity, that were called Men before the Moon: or is it as many other customs, so this to put Men in Mind, who are lofty and high minded, of the mutability of human Affairs to either side, setting the Moon before them as an Example, 
When first she comes from dark to light,  
trimming her Face, becomes fair bright,  
Increasing, till she's full in sight  
And then declines, leaves nought but night.   
Or was this for a Doctrine of Obedience to Authority, that they would have us not discontented under it, but as the Moon doth willingly obey her superior and comform unto him, always vamping after the Rays of the Sun( as Parmenides hath it) so they that are Subjects to any Prince, should be contented with their lower Station, in the enjoyment of Power and Dignity derived from him.  
Quest. 77. Why are they of an Opinion that the Year is Jupiters, but the Months belong to Juno?  
Sol. Is it because Jupiter and Juno Reign over the invisible Gods, but the Sun and Moon over the visible? And the Sun it verily causeth the Year, and the Moon the Months, neither ought we to think that they are bare Images of them, but the Sun is very Jupiter materially, and the Moon very Juno materially; therefore they name Heras Juno, a Juvenescendo the name signifying a thing that is new or grows young, from the nature of the Moon, and they call her Lucina, as it were bright, or shining, and they are of opinion that she helps Women in their natural Purgations, and travail pains, whence is that of the Poet; 
By Sea-green Pole beset with Stars,  
By Moon that hastens birth,—  For they suppose that Women have the easiest travail at the full of the Moon.  
Quest. 78. What is the reason that a bide called Sinister, in Sooth-saying is fortunate?  
Sol. What if this be not true? but the dialect deludes so many, for they render {αβγδ} Sinistrum: But to permit a thing is sincere, and they say sine when they desire a thing to be permitted, therefore a prognostic permitting an action( being sinisterium) the vulgar do understand and call amiss sinistrum? Or is it as Dionysius saith? When Ascanius the Son of Aeneas had pitched battle against Mezentius, a flash of Lightning portending Victory( as they Prognosticated) came on his left hand, and for the future they observed it so? or as some others say that this happened to Aeneas? Moreover the Thebans routing and conquering their Enemies by the left Wing of the Army at Leuctra, they continued in all Battles to give the left Wing the pre-eminence: Or is it rather as Juba thinks? to those that look toward the East, the North part is on the left hand, which verily some make the right hand and superior part of the World. Consider whether the soothsayers do not as it were corroborated left hand things, as the weaker by nature, and do intimate as if they introduced a supyly of that defect of power that is in them? Or is it that they think that things terrestrial and Mortal, stand directly over against Heavenly and Divine things, and do conjecture that the things which to us are on the left hand, the Gods sand down from their right hand?  
Quest. 79. Why was it lawful to bring the Bones of one that had triumphed( after he was dead and burnt) into the City, and lay them there, as Pyrrhus the Liparaean hath  told us?  
Sol. Was it for the Honour they had for the deceased? for they granted, that not only Generals and other Eminent Persons, but also their Off-Spring should be buried in the Market place, according to Valerius and Fabricius, and they say when the posterity of these Persons died, they were brought into the Market place, and a burning Firebrand put under them, and immediately taken away, using the Honorary without envy, and to ratify it, as a thing only allowed them.  
Quest. 80. Why did they that publicly Feasted the Triumphers, humbly request the Consuls, and by Messengers sent, did beseech them not to cme to their Supper?  
Sol. Was it that it was necessary to give the supreme Place and most honourable Entertainment to the Triumpher, and wait upon him home after Supper? whereas the Consuls being present they might do such things to none other but they.  
Quest. 81. Why did not the Tribune of the People wear a Purple Garment, when as each of the other Magistrates wore one?  
Sol. What if the Tribune is not a Magistrate at all? Neither hath Lictors, neither sitting in Tribunal did he determine Causes, neither do they as the rest enter upon their Office at the beginning of the Year, neither do they cease when a dictatory is chosen, but though they translated all Magistratick Power to themselves, yet they continue still, being as it were no Magstrates, but holding another kind of rank, as some Rhetoricians will not have a Prohibition to be Judicial proceeding, seeing it doth something contrary to Judicial proceeding, for the one brings in an Action at Law, and gives Judgement upon it, but the other Non-suits it and dismiseth the cause: after the like manner they are of opinion that Tribuneship is rather a kerb to Magistracy, and that it s an Order standing in opposition to Government, rather then a piece of Government itself, for the Tribunes Office and Authority is to withstand the Magistrates Authority, even to curtalize his Extravagant Power: May not a Man tell you these things and such as these if he will use freeness of Speech? For Tribuneship taking its Original from the People; Popularity is its strong hold, and its a great thing not to carry it above the rest of the People, but to be like the Citizens they have to do with, in Gesture, Habit and Diet. State indeed becomes a Consul and praetor, but as for a Tribune( as Gaius Curio saith) he must be one that even is trampled upon, not grave in Countenance nor difficult of Access, nor harsh to the Rabble, but more tractable to them then to others. Hence it was decreed that the Tribunes Doors should not be shut but open Night and Day, as a Haven and place of Refuge for distressed People, and how much the more condescending his outward deportment is, by so much the more doth he increase in his Power, for they dignify him as one of public use, and to be resorted to of all sorts, even as an Altar, therefore by the reverence they give him, he is Sacred, Holy and Inviolable; and when he makes a public Progress, its a Law that every one should cleanse and purify the Body as defiled.  
Quest. 82. Why are the chief Officers rods carried bound together with the Axes fastened to them?  
Sol. What if it be a significant Ceremony, to show that a Magistrates anger ought not to be rash and ungrounded? Or is it that while the rods are leisurely unloosing, they make deliberation and delay in their Anger, so that oftentimes they change their Sentence as to the Punishment? Now whereas some sort of Crimes are curable, some uncureable, the Rods correct the Corrigible, but the Axes are to cut off the Incorrigible.  
Quest. 83. What is the reason that the Romans, when they were informed that the Barbarians called Bletonienses, were about to Sacrifice a Man to the Gods, sent for their Magistrates pretending to punish them, but when they made it appear that they did it in obedience to a certain Law, they dismissed them, but prohibited the like Action for the future, when as they themselves not many years preceding, butted two men and two Women alive in the Beast Market, two of them were Greeks and two Gauls? For it seems absurd to do this Fact themselves, and yet to reprimand the Barbarians as if they had committed profaneness?  
Sol. What if this be the reason that they reckoned it profane to Sacrifice a Man to the Gods, but necessary to the Daemons? Or were they of opinion that they that did such things by Custom or Law, sinned; but as for themselves they did it being enjoined to it by the Sybils Books? For its reported that one Elvia a Virgin riding on Horse-back, was struck with lightning and cast from her Horse, and the Horse found lying uncovered and She naked, as if on set purpose her Coats had been turned up from her secret parts, also her shoes, Rings, Head gear all lay scattered up and down here and there, her Tongue also hanging out of her Mouth, insomuch that the Diviners declared, that it was an intolerable disgrace to the Holy Virgins, that it should be published, and that some part of the abuse did touch the Cavaleirs. A servant of a certain Barbarian Cavaleir informed, that three Vestal Virgins, Emilia, Licinia and Martia, about the same place were deflowered, and for a long time played the Whores with some Men, among whom was Bytetius the said Informers Master, the Virgins being convict were punished, the fact appearing heinous, it was thought meet that the Priest should consult the Books of the Sybils: Where there were Oracles found foretelling these things would come to pass for mischief to the Re-publick, and for the aversion of the impending calamity enjoined them, to provide two Grecians and two Gauls, and bury them alive in that place, in order to the appeasing some alien and foreign Daemons.  
Quest. 84. Why do they take the beginning of the day from the midnight?  
Sol. Is the reason that the Common-weal had a military constitution at the first? For many matters of concern were managed with Lamps by Night: Or did they make Sun-rising the beginning of business, and the night for preparation to it; For men ought to come prepared to Action, and not be in preparation when they should be doing, as Myso is reported to have said to Chylo the wise, when he was making a Fan in Winter. Or as the Noon-tide to many is the time for finishing public and weighty Affairs, so it seems meet to make midnight the beginning, which thing hath this confirmation, that a Roman governor would make no League or Confederation in the Afternoon. Or is it possible to take the beginning and end of the day from Sun-rising to Sun-setting, as the vulgar measure the beginning of the day by sense, to be the first appearance of the Sun, and take the first beginning of the night to be the complete withdrawment from our sight; whence we shall have no Equinoctial, but the night which we suppose comes nearest in equality to the day, that will be manifestly shorter then the day by the Diameter of the Sun, which absurdity the mathematics going about to salue, have determined, that where the Center of the Sun toucheth the Horizontal circled, there to be the true parting point between day and night, which indeed contradicts sense, for it will follow, that whilst there is much light above the earth, yea the Sun illuminating of us, that we will not for all this confess it to be day, but that it is yet night, whereas then it is hard from the rising and setting of the Sun, to take the beginning of the day, by reason of the forementioned absurdities, it remains to take the Zenith or the Nadir for the beginning, the last is best, for the Suns course from noon is by way of declination from us, but from midnight he takes his course towards us, as Sun rising comes on.  
Quest. 85. Wherefore did they not in ancient times suffer Women to grinned, or play the Cooks?  
Sol. Happily because they remembered the Covenant that they made with the Sabines; for after they had robbed them of their Daughters, and fighting many battles became reconciled, among other Articles of agreement this was recorded, that a Wife was not to grinned nor play the Cook for a Roman Husband.  
Quest. 86. Why do they not mary Wives in the Month of May?  
Sol. Is this the reason, because May is between April and June, concerning which Months they have an opinion, that that is sacred to Venus, this to Juno both of them being Nuptial Goddesses, they either take an opportunity a little before May, or tarry till it be over? Or is it that in this Month they offer the greatest Expiatory Sacrifice, for now they cast the Images of Men from a Bridge into the River, formerly Men themselves, moreover because its by Law required that the Flaminica, the reputed Priestess of Juno should be most sowrly sullen, during the time, neither to wash or trim up her self? Or is it because the vulgar latins in this Month purify themselves for the dead? And therefore perhaps they worship Mercury in this Month, and from Maja derives his Name: Or as some say, Maius Elder, June as it were Junior Younger, taking its Name from younger Age? For Youth is most suitable to Matrimony, as Euripides hath said, 
But old Age don't permit Cypress to joy  
For old Men always Venus doth annoy;  Therefore they mary not in May, but tarry till June, which is presently after May.  
Quest. 87. Why do they part the Hair of Women when they are married with the point of a Spear?  
Sol. What if it be a significant Ceremony, that they took their first Wives in Marriage by force of Arms and War? Or that they may instruct them, that they are to dwell with Husbands that are Souldiers and warriors, that they should put on such Ornamental Atire that is not Luxurious or Lascivious, but plain, as even Licurgus commanded that all the Gates and tops of Houses should be built with Saw and Hatchet, and to use no other sort of Workmans Instrument about them, yea he rejected all Gaiety and Superfluity? Or doth this action parabollically intimate divorce, as that Marriage can be dissolved only by the Sword? Or is it that most of these Nuptial Ceremonies are relating to Juno? for a Spear is decreed sacred to Juno, and most of her Statues are supported by a Spear, and she is surnamed the Quiritis Goddess, and a Spear of old was called Quiris, wherefore they surname Mars, Quirinus.  
Quest. 88. Why do they call the store that is laid out upon the public Plays lucre?  
Sol. Is it because there are many other repositories for the Gods about the City, which they call Luci Groves, and the revenue of those they expend upon the said Plays?  
Quest. 89. Why do they call the Quirinalia the Feast of Fools?  
Sol. Was it because they set apart that day for those that were unacquainted with their own Tribes and Courts as Juba saith? Or was it for them that did not Sacrifice as the rest did in the Fornicals, by reason of Business, or long Journeys, or Ignorance, it was allowed to them to solemnize that Feast upon this day.  
Quest. 90. What is the reason when there is a Sacrifice to Hercules, they mention no other God, and no Dog appears within the enclosure, as Varro saith?  
Sol. Is the reason of their naming no other God, because they are of opinion that Hercules was but a half God, and Evander built an Altar to him, and brought him a Sacrifice, whilst he was yet here among Men? and of all Creatures he had most enmity to a Dog, for this Creature always held him hard to it, as did Cerberus, and that which most of all prejudiced him, was when Licymnius the Son of Aeonus was slain for a Dogs sake, by the Hippocoondite, he was necessitated to take up the Cudgles, and as he lost many others of his Friends, so his Brother Iphicles.  
Quest. 91. Why was it unlawful for the Patricii to dwell about the Capitol?  
Sol. Was it because M. Manlius whilst he dwelled there affencted Arbitrary Government? Upon whose account the Family came under an Oath of Abjuration, that no Manlius should for the Future bear the Name of Marcus. Or was this an Ancient suspicion? for the potent Men would never leave calumniating Publicola a most popular Man( yet the popularity suspecting him) till he had plucked down his House, which seemed to hang over the the Market-place.  
Quest. 92. Why do they put on a Garland of Oaken Leaves on him that saves a Citizen in Battle?  
Sol. Is it because its easy to find an Oak every where in the Military Expedition? Or is it because a Crown is sacred to Jupiter and Juno; Who in their opinion are the City Guardians? Or was it an ancient custom among the Arcadians, who are something a kin to the Oak? For they repute themselves the first Men produced of the Earth, as the Oak among the Vegetables.  
Quest. 93. Why do they for the most part use Vultures for sooth-saying?  
Sol. Was this the reason, because twelve Vultures appeared to Romulus upon the building of Rome? Or that of all Birds this is least frequent and unwonted? For its not easy to meet with young Vultures, but they fly to us unexpectedly from some remote Parts; therefore the sight of them is Protentous: Or learned they this from Hercules? If Herodotus speak true, that Hercules rejoiced most in the beginning of an enterprise, at the sight of a Vulture, being of opinion that a Vulture was the justest of all Birds of Prey; for first he eagles not with any living Creature, neither doth he destroy any thing that hath breath in it, as Eagles, Hawks and owls do, but lives only upon dead Carcases, and next that he passeth by all such of his kind ( i.e. Birds) for none ever saw a Vulture feeding on a bide, as Eagles and Hawks, which do for the most part pursue Birds, as themselves be, and slay them even as Aesculus hath it.  A bide that Prey's on Birds how can't be clean: 
And verily this bide is not pernicious to Men, for it neither destroys Fruits nor Plants, nor is hurtful any tame Animal. Moreover if it be( as the Egyptians fabulously pretend) that the whole kind of them is of the Female Sex, and that they conceive by the reception of the East wind into their Bodies, as the Trees do by receiving the South, its most probable, that very certain and sound prognostic may be made from them, whereas in other Birds( there being so many rapines, flights and pursuits about Copulation) there are great disturbances and uncertainties attending of them.  
Quest. 94. For what reason is Aesculapius his Temple placed without the City?  
Sol. Was it because they reckoned it a wholesomer kind of living without the City then within? For the Greeks have placed the Edifices belonging to Aesculapius, for the most part on clean and high places; or is it that they suppose that God was fctched from Epidaur, for Aesculapius his Temple is not close by the City, but at a great distance from it? Or is it, that by a Dragon that went on shore out of a trireme Galley into the iceland, and disappearing they think the God himself intimated to them the place of building his Temple?  
Quest. 95. Why was it ordained that they who were cleansed should abstain from Pulse?  
Sol. Was it upon the same account that the Pythagoreans abominate Beans {αβγδ} and {αβγδ}( the small Pease, be grey Pease) as being allied in name to {αβγδ} and {αβγδ}[ Oblivion or Hell] or was it because they used Pulse for the most part in their Compotations and Invocations of the Dead? Or rather was it, because they should bring empty and slender Bodies to their Purifications and Expiations? For Pulse are windy, and cause a great deal of Excrements that require Purging off. Or is it because they irritate lechery, by reason of their flatuent and windy Nature?  
Quest. 96. Why do they inflict no other Punishment on the Vestial Virgins, when they are defiled, then burying them alive?  
Sol. Is this the reason, because they burn the Dead, but to bury her by Fire, who hath not preserved sacred the Divine Fire, would be unjust. Or was it that they judged it a wicked Act, to cut off a Person sanctified by the greatest ceremonial Purification, and to lay hands on a holy Woman, and therefore they contrived a Machine for her to die in of her self, and let her down into a Vault made under ground, where was placed a Candle burning, also some Bread and Milk and Water, and then the Den was covered with Earth on the top, neither by this execrable manner of devoting them, are they exempt from Daemon Worship, but to this day the Priests going to the place, perform Purgatory Rites.  
Quest. 97. What is the reason that at the Horse-race on the Ides of December, the Lucky Horse that beats is sacrificed as sacred to Mars, and a certain Man cutting off his Tail, brings it to a place called Regina, and besmears the Altar with the Blood of it, but for the Head, one party coming down from the way called sacred, another from that called Saburra, do fight?  
Sol. Whether was it( as some say) they reckoning, that Troy was taken by a Horse, they punish a Horse, as being the Renowed Trojan Race commixed with Latin Boys. Or is it because a Horse is a fierce, War-like and marshal Beast, therefore they do Sacrifice to the Gods the things that are most acceptable and suitable, and he that Conquers is offered, because victory and Prowess doth belong to that God, or rather to stand in Battle is the work of God? And they that keep their ranks and files, do conquer those that do not keep them, but fly, and swiftness of foot is punished as the page. to cowardice; and hereby it significantly taught that there is no safety to them that run away.  
Quest. 98. What is: he reason that the Censors entering upon their Office, do nothing before they have provided Meat for the sacred goose, and polished the Statue?  
Sol. Is this the reason, that they begin with those things that savour of most frugality, and such things that want not much charge and trouble? Or is it in grateful commemoration of what these Creatures did of old, when the Gauls invaded Rome, and the Barbarians scalled the Walls of the Capitol by Night, the goose were sensible of it, when the Dogs were asleep, they with their gaggling awaked the Watch? Or seeing the Censors are the Conservers of such things as are of greatest and most necessary concern, to oversee and narrowly inspect them, ( viz.) the public Sacrifices, Lives, Manners and Diet of Men, they presently set before their Consideration the most vigilant Creature, and by the Watchfulness of these, they instruct the Citizens not to disregard or neglect sacred things. As for the polishing of the Statue its necessary for the Minium( wherewith they of old coloured the Statues) soon fades.  
Quest. 99. What is the reason that of other Priests they depose any one that is condemned or banished, and substitute another in his room, but remove not the Augur from his Priesthood so long as he lives, though he be convicted of the greatest Crimes? they call them Augurs who are employed in soothsaying.  
Sol. Is the reason( as some say) that they will have none to know the Mysteries of the Priests who is not a Priest? Or that the Augur is bound by Oath to discover to none the Management of sacred things, therefore they refuse to absolve him from his Oath, when he is reduced to a private capacity? Or is it that an Augur is not a Title of Honor and Dignity, but of Skill and Art? Its therefore the like case to depose a musician from being a musician, or a Physician from being a Physician, with that of prohibiting a Diviner from being a Diviner; Seeing they cannot take away his faculty, though they deprive him of the Title. Moreover they do not substitute Augurs, because they will keep to the number of Augurs that were at the beginning.  
Quest. 100. What is the reason, that in the Ides of August ( which at first they called the Sextile) all the Men and Maid Servants do Feast, but the Women make it most of their business to wash and Purge their Heads?  
Sol. Was it that King Servius about this day was born of a Captive Maid-Servant? Hence the Servants have a vacation time from work, but to wrince the head, was a thing that took its Original from a Custom of the Maid-Servants upon the account of the Feast, until they came to be Free-women.  
Quest. 101. Why do they signify their Boys with Necklaces, which they call Bullae?  
Sol. What if this were for the honor of the Wives which were taken by force? For as many other things so this might be one of the injunctions laid on their posterity: Or did they it in honour of Tarquins Manhood? For is reported of him, that whilst he was but a Boy, being engaged in Battle against the Latins; and Tuscans, charging his Enemies, fell from his Horse, yet animating those Romans which were engaged in the charge, he lead them on courageously; the Enemies were put to a remarkable rout, and 6000 slain; whereupon he had this badge of Honour bestowed upon him by his Father the King: Or was it that by the Ancients, it was neither lewd nor dishonourable to lie with beautiful Slaves( as now the Comedies testify) but they resolvedly abstain from freeborn Servants, and least by coming accidentally on naked Boys, they should ignorantly transgress, the Free-boys wore this mark of distinction? Or was this a Phylactery of good Order, and after a manner a kerb of Incontinency, they being ashamed to pretend to Manhood before they have put off the badge of Children? That which they say who follow Varo is not probable ( viz.) That Boulle by the Aeoleans is called Bolla, and this is put about Children as a teaching sign of good Counsel. But consider whether they do not wear it for the Moons sake? For the visible face of the Moon when its halved is not spherical, its Horned, and dish like( as Empedocles supposeth) as to that part which is the Subject of light.  
Quest. 102. Why do they name Boys at nine days old, Girls at eight?  
Sol. Perhaps its a natural reason ( viz.) That Girls are forwarder, for the Female grows up and comes to full stature and perfection before the Male, but they take the days after the Seventh, because the Seventh is dangerous to Infants, by reason of the Navel-string, for with many it falls off at Seven days old, and until its fallen off, an Infant is more like a Plant then an Animal. Or is it as the Pythagoreans reckon ( viz.) The even number of the Feminine, and the odd number the Masculine? For its a fruitful number and excels the even in respect of its composition. And if these numbers be divided into unites, the even like a Female hath an empty space in the middle, the odd number always leaves a Segment to fill up the middle, wherefore this is fit to be compared to the Male, that to the Female? Or is it thus? that of all numbers Nine is the first squared number made of Three, which is an odd and perfect number. But Eight is the first Cube made of Two an even number, whence a Male ought to be square, superexcelling and complete; but a Woman like a Cube constant, a good Housewife, and no gadding Gossip. This also may be added, that as eight is a Cube from the Root Two, and nine a Quadrat from the Root Three, so the Female makes use of two names, and the Males of three.  
Quest. 103. Why do they call those whose Fathers are not known, spurious Children?  
Sol. Is it not verily as the grecians suppose, and as the Rhetoricians say in their determinations, its because that they are begot of some promiscuous and common Sperm. But Spurius is found among former Names, as Sextus, Decimus, Cajus, neither do the Romans writ all the Letters of the first Name, but one Letter as T. for Titius, L. for Lucius, M. for Marcus, or with two Letters as Ti. for Tiberius, Cn. for Cnaeus, or with Three, as Sex for Sextus, and Ser. for Servius, and Spurius is of those that are written with Two Letters, Sp. and with these Letters they writ without Father, S. for fine, and P. for patre, which truly hath caused some mistake when as Spurius and sine patre are writ with the same Letters. Moreover we may meet with another reason, but its more absurd. They say that the Sabines called the Privities of a Woman Spurius, therefore they call him so by way of reproach, who is born of a Woman unmarried and unespoused.  
Quest. 104. Why did they call Bacchus Pater Liber?  
Sol. Was the reason because they make him as it were the Father of Liberty to tipplers? For most Men become very audacious, and are filled with too much licentious prattle, by reason of too much drink? Or is this it, that he hath s●pplied them with a Libamen a Drink-offering? Or is it as Alexander hath said? that Bacchus is called Eleuth●rius, from his having his abode about Eleuthera a City of Boetia.  
Quest. 150. For what cause was it that on high holidays, it was not a custom for Virgins to mary, but Widdows did mary then?  
Sol. Is the reason( as Varro saith) that Virgins forsooth are Married weeping, but Women with joyful glee? For people are to do nothing on a holiday with a heavy Heart, nor by compulsion. Or rather is it because its decent for Virgins to mary with more then a few present, but for Widows to mary with a great many present is undecent? For the first Marriage is zealously affencted, the second to be deprecated, yea they are ashamed while their first Husband lives to mary a second Husband, and when they die they lament them. Hence they are pleased more with silence then with Tumults and Pompous doings, the Feasts too do attract the generality of People to them, that they cannot be at leisure for such Wedding solemnities. Or was it that they that robbed the Sabines of their Daughters that were Virgins, on the Feast-day raised thereby a War, and looked therefore upon it as unlucky, to mary Virgins on holidays?  
Quest. 106. Why do the Romans worship Fortuna Primigenia Fortune first born?  
Sol. Was it because Servius being by fortune born of a Servant Maid, came to rule King in Rome with great splendour? And this is the supposition of most Romans. Or rather is it, that Fortune hath bestowed on Rome its self, its very Original and Birth? Or may not this matter require a more natural and Philosophical Reason: Even that Fortune, insomuch that things that come by chance fall into an order among themselves.  
Quest. 107. Why do the Romans call Bacchus his Artificers, Histriones, Stage, Players?  
Sol. Is it for the reason which Cl. Rufus tells us? For they say that in ancient time C. Sulpitius and Licinius Stolo, being Consuls, the Pestilence raging in Rome, all the Actors upon the Stage were cut off, wherefore upon the request of the Romans, many and good Artists came from Hetruria, among whom he that excelled in famed, and had been longest experienced on the public Stages was called Histrus, and from him they name all the Stage-Players.  
Quest. 108. Why do not Men mary Women that are near a kin?  
Sol. Is this the reason, that they design by Marriage to Augment their family concerns, and to procure many relations, by giving Wives to Strangers and Marrying Wives out of other Families? Or do they suspect that the Contentions that would happen among Relations upon Marriage, would destroy even natural rights? Or is it, that considering that Wives by reason of weakness, stand in need of many helpers; they would not have near a Kin mary together, that their own Kindred might stand by them, when their Husbands wrong them?  
Quest. 109. Why is it not lawful for the High-Priest of Jupiter, which they call Flamen Dialis, to touch Meal or Leaven?  
Sol. Is it because Meal is imperfect and crude nourishment? For the Wheat neither hath continued what it was, neither is it made into Bread as it must be, but it hath lost the faculty of Seed, and hath not attained to usefulness for Food. Wherefore the Poet hath name Meal, by a Metaphor, as it were Corn that is spoiled and destroyed by grinding Leaven, as its made by Corruption, so it corrupts the Mass that is mingled with, for its made thereby loser and weaker, and fermentation is a kind of Corruption, which if it be over much, it makes the Bread sour and spoils it.  
Quest. 110. Why is the same High-Priest forbid to touch raw flesh?  
Sol. Is it because Custom makes them averse enough to raw flesh? Or for the same reason that makes them averse to Meal, doth also make them averse to Flesh; for its neither a living Creature, nor dressed Food. Roasting or boiling, being an alteration and change, it inverts its form; but fresh and raw Flesh offers not a pure and unpolluted object to the Eye, but such as is offensive to the Eye, and like that of a raw Wound.  
Quest. 111. Why did they require the Priest to abstain from a Dog and a Goat, neither to touch nor name them?  
Sol. Was it that they abominated the Lasciviousness and stink of a Goat? Or that they suspected it to be a diseased Creature? For it seems this Animal is more seized with the Falling-Sickness then other Creatures? and contagious to them that eat or touch it, while it hath this Disease, they say the Cause is the straightness of the Wind-pipes, often intercepting the Breath, a sign of which they make the smallness of their Voice to be, for it happens to Men that are Epileptical, that they utter a Voice sounding much like the bleat of a Goat. Now in a Dog there may be less of timorousness and of an ill scent, although some say that a Dog is not permitted to go into the High street of Athens, no not into the iceland Delium, by reason of their open coition, as if Kine, Swine and Horses did use coition in Bed-Chambers, but not openly and lawlessly. They aclowledge the true reason to be, because a Dog is a quarrelsome Creature, therefore they expel Dogs out of Sanctuaries and sacred Temples, giving safe access to suppliants for refuge, wherefore it is very likely that the Priest of Jupiter being an animated and sacred Image granted for refuge to Petitioners and Suppliants, do banish or fright away none; for which cause a Couch was set for him in the Porch of the House, and they that fell on their Knees before him, had indemnity from stripes or punishment that day, and if one in Fetters came and addressed he was unloosed, but bound Prisoners they brought not from abroad in at the Door, but let them down from the Roof of the House, it would be therefore no advantage, that he should carry himself so mildred and courteous, if there were a Dog at the Door, scaring and frighting them that Petition for Sanctuary: Neither did the Ancients at all repute this Creature clean for he is offered in Sacrifice to none of the Celestial Gods, but being sent to Hecata an infernal Goddess, at the three-cross way for a Supper, takes a share in averting Calamities, and in Expiations. In Lacedaemonia they cut Puppies in Pieces to Mars, that most cruel God. In Boetia public expiation is made by passing between the Parts of a Dog divided in twain. But the Romans sacrifice a Dog in the cleansing Month, on the Feast day of Purgatory, which they call Lupercalia. Hence it was not, without cause to prohibit them, whose charge it was to worship the highest and holiest God, from making a Dog familiar and accustomend to them.  
Quest. 112. What is the reason that a Priest of Jupiter is forbid to touch an Ivy, or to pass over that way, that is overspread with Vine-branches?  
Sol. Is it not of the like Nature, as not to Eat in a Chariot, nor to sit upon a Pair of Scales, nor step over Brooms? Not that the Pythagoreans do dread and refrain from these things, but prohibit other things by these, for to go under a Vine hath reference to Wine, because its not lawful for a Priest to be drunk, for the Wine is above the heads of those that are drunk and they are depraved and debased thereby; Whereas it is requisite that they should be above pleasure and conquer it, but not be subdued by it. As for the Ivy, it being unfruitful and useless to Men as also infirm and by reason of its infirmity stands in need of other Trees to climb upon, though by its shadow and sight of its greeness, it doth bewitch the Vulgar, what if they judge it not convenient that a Diviner should have any insignificant thing in his House, and be perplexed with that which takes up ground, and is pernicious to other Plants that bears it up? Hence Ivy is forbidden to the Celestial Priests, and neither at Atbens in Juno's Sacrifices, nor at Thebes in those belonging to Venus, can any wild Ivy be seen, though in Pharmacys and Bacchanals( which are Services for the most part performed in the dark) it is to be found. Or was this a Symbol of the Prohibition of Revels and Sports of Bacchus? For Women that were addicted to Bacchanal sports, presently ran to the Ivy and plucked it off, tearing it in pieices with their hands, and gnawing it with their Mouths, so that they are not altogether to be disbelieved, that say it hath an infatuating and delirating Spirit in it, transporting and bereaving of the Senses, and that alone by itself it introduceth Drunkenness without Wine, to those that have an easy inclination to Enthusiasm.  
Quest. 113. Why are not those Priests allowed to take upon them or attempt civil Authority, but for honour sake have a Lictor, a sella curulis, as it were in some kind of retribution, that they are excluded the Magistracy?  
Sol. Was it because in some places of Greece the dignity of Priesthood was equal with Kingship, and therefore they designed not ordinary Persons to be Priests? Or rather because they have therefore appointed Office employments, whereas the Charge of Kings is immethodical and indefinite, it would not be possible, if both fell out at the same time, that he should be able to attend both, but must of necessity neglect one( both pressing together upon him) sometimes neglect the worship of God, and sometimes injure the Subjects. They that make inspection into civil Government, see that there is no less necessity, then power attending the Administration. For the Ruler of the People( whom Hippocrates calls a physician) doth see weighty Matters, and hath to do with weighty Matters, and from other Mens Calamities procures his own proper troubles, so they thought him not sacred enough to Sacrifice to the Gods, and manage the Sacrifices, being present at the Condemnation and Execution of Citizens, and often of some of his own Kindred and Families, which thing often happened to Brutus.   

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II. Greek Questions:  Translated into English by the same hand. 
Quest. 1. WHo are they at Epidaurus called Conipodes and Artymi?  
Sol. The Managers of the Affairs the Common-wealth were One hundred and eighty Men, out of these they Elected Senators, which they called Artymi, the most Part of the Common-People were conversant in Husbandry, these they called Conipodes, because( as may be supposed) they were known by their dirty feet, when they came into the City.  
Quest. 2. What Woman was that among the Cumans, called Onobatis?  
Sol. This was one of the Women taken in Adultery which they brought into the Market-place, and set her upon a certain ston to be seen of all, from thence they took her and set her on Ass-back, and lead her round about the City, and afterwards set her up again upon the ston, leading the rest of her life under disgrace; her they called Onobatis[ the Woman that road upon an Ass] hence the abominated the ston as unclean. There was also a certain Magistrate among them, called Phylactes[ a Conservator] he that had this Office for the rest of his time, kept the Prison, but at the nocturnal Convention of the Senators, he came into the Counsel, and laying hands on the Kings lead them forth, and detained them in Custody until the Senate had determined concerning them, whether they had acted unrighteously or no, who passed Sentence in private.  
Quest. 3. Who are Hypocaustria among the Solenses?  
Sol. They call the She-Priest of Minerva so, because she offers certain Sacrifices and Oblations for the averting of impending Calamities.  
Quest. 4. Who are the Amnemones among the Cnidians, and who is Aphester?  
Sol. The sixty Men chosen for Prelates from among the Nobles, which they used for Chief-Justices[ Bishops] and Principle Counsellors for life, in Matters of greatest concern, they called Amnemones( as a Man may suppose) because they were not accountable to any for what they did, or verily( rather in my opinion) because they were Men carrying much business in their Memories, and he that craved their judgement was called Aphester.  
Quest. 5. Who were the Cres●● among the Arcadians and Lacedemonians?  
Sol. When the lacedæmonians were agreed with the Tegeats, they made a League with them, and set up a common Pillar at Alpheum, upon which this is written among other things, drive out the Messinians from your Borders, and make none of them Cresti, i.e. Good. Aristotle interpreting this, saith, that none of the Tageats ought to be slain that endeavoured to bring aid to the Lacedemonians.  
Quest. 6. Who is Crithologus among the Opuntains?  
Sol. The most of the Greeks did use barley at their ancient Sacrifices, when the Citizens offered their first Fruits, now they called him Crithologus, who presided over the Sacrifices, and received the first Fruits. They had two Priests, one that had the chief charge of the Divine things, the other of Daemonic affairs.  
Quest. 7. What sort of thin Clouds are the Plojades?  
Sol. showering Clouds which were carried up and down, for the most part they called Plojades, as Theophrastus hath said expressly in his fourth Book of Meteors, whereas indeed the Plojades are those Clouds which have a consistency, and not so movable, but as to colour white, which discover a kind of different Matter, neither very watery nor very Windy.  
Quest. 8. Who is Platychetas among Boeotians?  
Sol. They that had neighbouring Houses, or bordering Fields, using the Aeolick Dialect, they call so as such who dwell nearest. I will add one saying out of the Thesmophylachan Law, seeing there are many— here it is wanting.  
Quest. 9. Who is he among the People of Delphos who is called Hosioter? And why do they call one of the Months Bysius?  
Sol. They call the slain Sacrifice Hosioter? when the Hosius[ the Holy one] is declared. There are five of these Holy ones for Life, and these transact many things with the Prophets, and Sacrifice together with them, supposing that they descended from Ducalion. The Month Byfus verily as many think is the same with Physius[ natural] for its in the beginning of the Spring, when most things do sprout and put forth Buds; but this is not the true reason; For the Delphs do not use B. for Ph.( as the Macedonians, who say Bilippus, Balacrus and Beronic● for Phylippus, Phalacrus and Pheronica) but instead of P. they for the most part saying {αβγδ} for {αβγδ}, and {αβγδ} for {αβγδ}, therefore Bysius for Pysius, because in that Month they inquire of and consult their God Apollo, this is their genuine and Country way of speaking: for in that Month an Oracle is given forth, and they call that Week the Nativity of Apollo, and the Name is Polyphthonum; not because of their Baking a sort of Cakes called Pthojes, but because then their Oracle is full of Answers and Prophesies, for it is but of late that Oraculous answers were given to the enquirer every Month. In former times Pythia gave answers only once a Year, which was in this Month as Calisthenes and Anaxauridas hath  told us.  
Quest. 10. What is Phyxemelum?  
Sol. Its one of the small Plants that creeps upon the ground, upon whose Branches the Cattle treading, do hinder, hurt and spoil their growth, where therefore they have attained some considerable bigness by growth, and escaped the injury of those that use to go over, its called Phyxemelum, of which Esculapius is Witness.  
Quest. 11. Who are the Apospendoneti?  
Sol. The Eretrienses inhabited the iceland of Corcyra, but when Charicrates set Sail from Corinth with a considerable strength, and overcame them in Battle: The Eritrienses took Shipping and sailed to their Native country, of which thing the Inhabitants of that country having timely notice, gave them a repulse, and by slinging Stones at them impeded their Landing, now being not able either to persuade or force their way, seeing the Multitude was implacably bent against them, they sailed into Thracia and took possession of that Country, where they say Metho first inhabited, of whose Off-spring Orpheus was, the City therefore they call Methona, and of the neighbouring Inhabitants the Men are called Apospendoneti, i.e. They that were repulsed with Sling-stones.  
Quest. 12. What was Charila among the Delphs?  
Sol. The Delphs selemnized three nonennial Feasts, subsequent in order to each other, of which they call one Septerium, another Herois, and the third Charila. The Septerium represents by imitation the fight which Apollo had with Python, and both his flight and pursuit after the fight unto Tempe, for some verily say that he fled as needing purification by reason of the Slaughter, others say that he pursued Python wounded, and flying along the High-way which they now call Sacred, he left him almost dead, but he overtook him just dead of his wound, and butted by his Son, whose name was Aix as they say. Septerium therefore is the representation of these or some such things, but as to Herois, it hath for the most part a Mysterious reason which the Thiades are acquainted with, but by the things that are publicly acted, one may conjecture it to be the education of Semele[ the Mother of Bacchus] Concerning Charila, they fable some such things as these. A Famine by reason of drought seized the Delphs, who came with their Wives and Children as suppliants to the Kings-gate, whereupon he distributed Meal and Pulse to the more noted of them, for there was not sufficient for all. A little Orphan Girl yet coming and importuning of him, he beat her with his show, and threw his show in her Face, she indeed was a Poor wandring beggar Wench, but was not of an ignoble disposition, therefore withdrawing her self, untied her Girdle and hanged her self, the Famine hereupon increasing and many Diseases accompanying it, Pythia gives answer to the King, that the Maid Charila, who slay her self must be Expiated. They with much ado, at last discovering that this was the Maids name which was smote with a show, they instituted a certain Sacrifice mixed with expiatory Rites, which they yet solemnize to this day every Ninth Year: whereat the King presides distributing Meal and Pulse to all Strangers and Citizens( for they introduce a kind of an Effigies of the Wench Charila and and when all have received their doles, the King smites the Idol with his show, which the Governess of the Thyades takes up and carries away to some desolate place, and there putting a Halter about the Idols Neck, they bury it in the place where they suppose Charila strangled her self.  
Quest. 13. What is he that begged flesh among the Aeneians?  
Sol. Many have been the removes of the Aencians, first they inhabited the plain of Dosion, thence they were expelled by the Lapithites to Aithica, frem thence they betook themselves to a Region of Molossia about Arava, where they were called Pa●avaeans, afterward they took possession of Cirrah,* they had no sooner landed on Cirrah( Apollo so commanding their King Aenoclus) but they went down to their Country bordering on the River Inachus, inhabited by the Inacheans and Achajans. There was an Oracle given forth. That they would loose all their Country, who partend with some of it, but that it would be held by those that took it of such as freely resigned it. Temo a noted Man among the Aeneians, putting on Rags and a Scrip like a Beggar, addresseth himself to the Inachians, the King in a way of reproach and scorn gave him a Clod of Earth, he received it and put it up into his Scrip, and absconds himself making much of his Dole, and presently forsakes the Country, begging no more, which the old Men admiring, the Oracle came fresh to their remembrance, and going to the King,  told him that he ought not to slight this Man, nor suffer him to escape; whose designs Temo well perceiving, hastens his flight, and as he fled, vowed a Hecatomb to Apollo, upon this occasion the Kings fought hand to hand, and when Phaenius the King of the Aeneians saw Hyperochus the King of the Inachaeans charging him with a Dog at his Heels, he said he dealt not fairly to bring a second with him to fight him, whereupon Hyperochus going to drive away the Dog, and turning himself about in order to the throwing a ston at the Dog, Phaenius slays him; so that the Aeneians possessed themselves of that Region, expelling the Inachaeans and Achajans, but they reverence that ston as sacred, and sacrifice to it, and when they offer a Hacatomb to Apollo, they sacrifice an Ox to Jupiter, a choice Part of which they distribute to Temo's posterity, and call it the Beggars flesh.  
Quest. 14. Who were the Koliads among the Ithakesians? And who was Phagilus?  
Sol. After the Slaughter of the suitors, some near related to the deceased made head against Ulysses. Neoptolemus being introduced by both Parties as an Arbitrator, determined that Ulysses should remove and hasten out of Cephalenia, Zacynthus and Ithaca, because of the Blood that he had  shed there, but the Friends and Relations of the suitors should pay a yearly Mulct to Ulysses, for the wrong done to his Family, Ulysses therefore passed over into Italy, and the Mulct he devoted to his Son and commanded the Ithakeses to pay it. The Mulct was Meal, Wine, Honey-Combs, oil, Salt, the wonted Offerings of the Phagils. Aristole saith Phagilus was a Lamb, but Telemachus setting Eumeus his People at liberty, placed them among the Citizens, and is the Family of the Coliads descending from Eumaeus, and of the Bucholians coming of Philaetius.  
Quest. 15. What is the Wooden Dog among the Locrians?  
Sol. Locrus was the Son of Fuscius, the Son of Ampictuon, of him and Cabya came Locrus, with whom his Father falling into contention, and gathering after him a great number of Citizens, consulted the Oracle about transplanting a Colony, the Oracle  told him that there he should build a City, where he should happen to be bit by a wooden Dog: He wafting over the Sea unto the next shore, trod upon a Cynosbatus[ a sweet briar] and being sorely pained with the prick, he spent many days there, in which time considering the Nature of the Country, he built Physces and Hyanteia, and other Towns which the Locrians[ know by the name of Ozolites] inhabited. Some say that the Locrians were called Ozolites[ strong scented People] from Nessus, others say, that they are called so upon the account of Python the Serpent, cast up there by the Surf of the Sea, and putrefying upon the shore, and some say that the Men wore Pelts and Ram-Goat skins, living for the most part among the Herds of Goats, and therefore were strong scented; others contrariwise say that the Country brought forth many Flowers, and that this name was from their sweet odour, among them that asserts this is Architas the Amphissite, who hath wrote thus, Macyna crowned with Vines fragrant and sweet.  
Quest. 16. What manner of thing is that among the Megarins called Aphabroma?  
Sol. Nisus of whom Nisaia had her name in the time of his Reign, married Abrota of Boeotia the the Daughter of Onchestus, the Sister of Megareus a Woman( as it seems) excelling in Prudence, and singularly modest, when she Died the Megarins cordially lamented her, and Nisus willing to perpetuate her Memory and Renown, gave command that her Bones should be arrayed with the Gown which she wore, and that Gown they called for her sake Aphabroma, and verily its manifest that the Oracle countenanced the veneration of this Woman, for when the Magarin Women would often have altered their Garments, the Oracle prohibited it.  
Quest. 17. Who is Doryxenus?  
Sol. The Country of Megaris was anciently inhabited by villages, the Inhabitants being divided into five Parts, and they were called Heraens, Piraens, and Megarins, Cynoscorens, and Triprodiscians, these the Corinthians drew into a Civil War( for they always contrived to bring the Megarins into their Power) yet they waged War with much moderation and neighbourly designs, for no Man did at all injure the Husbandman, and there was a stated Ransom determined for all that were taken Captive. And this they received after the release of the Prisoner and not before, but he that took the Captive Prisoner brought him home, gave him entertainment, and then gave him liberty to depart to his own House, wherefore he that brought in the price of his Ransom, was applauded and remained the Friend of him that received it, and was called Doryxenus, from his being a Captive by the Spear, but he that dealt fraudulently was reputed an unjust and unfaithful Person, not only by the Souldiers but by the Citizens also.  
Quest. 18. What is Palintochia?  
Sol. When the Magarins had expelled Theagenes the Tyrant, they managed the Commonweal, for sometime with moderation, but then( to speak with Plato) when their Orators had filled out to them, even to excess, the Wine of Liberty, they became altogether Corrupt, and as in other things the Poor carried themselves insolently toward the Richer sort, so in this that they entred into their Houses, and demanded that they might be feasted and sumptuously treated, but where they prevailed not, they used violence and abusive behaviour, at last enacted a Law to enable them to fetch back the use of Money from the Usurers: which at any time they had paid, calling the Execution thereof Palintochia, i.e. the returning of use Money.  
Quest. 19. Who is Anthedon of whom Pythia speaks?  
Drink Wine on th' Lees Anthedon's not thy home,  
For Anthedon in Boeotia did not produce much Wine.  
Sol. Of old they called Calauria Irene from a Woman Irena, which they fable to be the Daughter of Neptune and Melantheia the Daughter of Alpheus, afterwards when the People of Alpheus and Hyperes planted there, they called the iceland Anthedonia and Hygeria, the Oracle, as Aristotle saith, was this.  
Drink Wine on Lees, wh' at Anthedon don't dwell,  
N'at sacred Hypera where thou drank'st Wine purged well.  
Thus Aristotle, but Mnasigiton saith that Anthus who was Brother to Hypera was lost when he was an Infant, and Hypera rambling about to find him, came at Pheras to Acastus or Adrastus, there by chance he found Anthus serving as a Wine-drawer, where while they were a Feasting, and the Boy bringing a Cup of Wine to his Brother, knew him, and said to him softly, Drink Wine on Lees, th' at Anthedon don't dwell.  
Quest. 20. What is that Darkness spoken of at the Oak in Priena?  
Sol. The Samians and Prianes waging War with each other, as at other time they sufficiently injured each other, so at a certain great fight the Prianes slay a Thousand of the Samians, seven Years after fighting with the Milessians at the said Oak, they lost all the Principal and Chief of their Citizens together, at that time when Bias the wise( who was sent ambassador from Prieur to Samos) was famous, this grievous and sad calamity befalling the Women, there was established an Execration and Oath to be taken about Matters of greatest concern. The place adjacent to that Oak was called Scotos[ Darkness] because their Children, Fathers, and Husbands were there slain.  
Quest. 21. Who they were among the Creets called Catacauts?  
Sol. They say that the Tyrenes took away by force from Bauro the Daughters and Wives of the Athenians, at which time they inhabited Lemnus and Imber, from whence being driven they came to Laconica, and fell into such a commixture with that People, even so far as to beget Children on the native Women, so that by reason of jealousy and Calumnies, they were again constrained to leave Laconica, and with their Wives and Children to waft over into Creet, having polis with his Brother their Governours; where waging War with the Inhabitants of Creet, they were fain to permit many of them that were slain in Battle, to lye unburied, in that at first they had no leisure, by reason of the War and Peril they were in, and afterwards they shunned the touching of the dead Corpses, being corrupted by time and prutrified, wherefore polis contrived to bestow certain Dignities, privileges and Immunities, some of which on the Priests of the Gods and some on the buryers of the dead, devoting these to the Infernal Daemons, that they should remain perpetual to them and then divided to his Brother a share by Lot. The first he name Priests, the other Catacaute[ makers of bonfires.] But as to the Governnment each of them managed it apart, and had among other tranquilities, an immunity from those injurious practices which other Creets were wont to exercise toward one another, privily and openly; for they neither wronged them, nor filched or robbed any thing from them.  
Quest. 22. What was the Sepulchre of the Boys at Calcidon?  
Sol. Cothus and Arclus the Sons of Zuthus came to dwell in Euba, the Aeolians possessing the greatest part of the iceland at that time. The Oracle  told Cothos that he should prosper and conquer his Enemies, if he had bought the Country, into which therefore, going up a little after, he happened to meet with some Children playing by the Sea side, whereupon he fell to play with them, comforming himself to their humors, shewed them many outlandish Toys, but seeing the Children very desirous to have them, refused to give them any upon any other terms then to receive Land for them, the Boys taking up some Earth from the Ground, gave it to him, receiving the Toys, and he departed: The Aeolians( perceiving what was done, and the Enemies sailing in upon them) moved by Indignation and Grief, slay the Children and butted them near the way side that goes from the City to Enripus, and that place is called the sepulchre of the Children.  
Quest. 23. Who was Mixarchagevas among the Argi? And who are the Elasians?  
Sol. They call Castor Mixarchagevas, and are of opinion that he was butted in the Country, but they worship Pollux as one of the Celestial Deities, those which they supposed were able to drive away the falling Sickness they called Elasii, but esteeming them to be of the posterity of Alexida the daughter of Amphiaraus.  
Quest. 24. What was that which was called Encnisma, by the Argives?  
Sol. It was a custom among those that lost any of their Kindred or Acquaintance, presently after mourning, to Sacrifice to Apollo, and thirty days after to Mercury, for they are of opinion, that as the Earth receives the Bodies of the deceased, so Mercury receives their Souls, giving them Barley to Apollo's Minister, they take the flesh of the Sacrifice and extinguishing the Fire as polluted, but kindling it again by others, they boil the Flesh, calling it Encnisma.  
Quest. 25. Who is, Alastor, Aliterius, Palamnaeus?  
Sol. For we must not give credit to those that say that such are called Aliterii who in the time of dearth, watch the Miller and steal the Corn. But he was called Alastor who did exploits not to be forgotten, but had in remembrance for a long time. Aliterius is he who is fit to be avoided and observed upon the account of his Knavery. Such things( saith Socrates) were engraven in Plates of Brass.  
Quest. 26. What is the meaning of this, that the Virgins that follow those that led the Ox from Enon to Cassiopoea, sing till they approach the borders in this manner? To Native Country dear, O may ye ne'er return.  
Sol. The Aeneians being first excited by the Lapathites, took up their habitation about Aethacia, and then about Molossis and Cassiopoea, where the Country affording no Staple Commodity, and being ill bestead with troublesone Neighbours, they went into the Circaean Plain, under the Conduct of Onoclus, their King, where there was great droughts. By warning from an Oracle( as they say) they stoned Onoclus, and betaking themselves to ramble again, they came into this Country which they now possess, being very pleasant and fruitful, where they instantly pray to God that they may never return again to their ancient native Country, but abide where they are in prosperity.  
Quest. 27. What was the reason that at Rhodes, the crier never entred into the Temple[ or Tomb] of Ocridion?  
Sol. Was it because Ochimus espoused his daughter Cydippe to Ocridion, but Cercaphus who was Brother to Ochimus, falling in love with the Maid, persuaded the crier( for it was the Custom to fetch the Spouses by the crier) that he might obtain her, to bring her to him this being accordingly done, Cercaphus got the Maid and fled, afterward when Ochimus was grown old, he returned. Wherefore it was enacted by the Rhodians, that a crier should not enter into the chapel of Ocridion, because of the injustice done by him.  
Quest. 28. What is the reason that at Tenedos an Organist[ or Piper] might not go into the Temple of Tenes? Nor no mention might be made of Achilles in that Temple?  
Sol. Was it because a Step-Mother accusing Tenes, that he would have lain with her, Molpus a Piper bore false witness against him, whereupon Tenes took occasion to fly into Tenedos with his Sister? and they say, that Achilles was strictly charged by Thetis his Mother not to flay Tenes, as one that was much respected by Apollo, committed the trust to one of the household Servants, that he should take special care, and put him in mind of it, least Achilles should kill Tenes at unawares: But when Achilles made an incursion into Tenedos, and pursued the Sister of Tenes being very fair, Tenes met him and defended his Sister, whereupon she escaped, but Tenes was slain, Achilles knowing of him as he fell down dead slay his own Servant, because he being present did not admonish him to the contrary. He burys Tenes, whose Temple now remains, into which neither a Piper enters, nor Achilles is name there.  
Quest. 29. Who was Poletes amongst the Epidamnians?  
Sol. The Epidamnians who were neighbouring to the Illiryans perceiving that the Citizens that had frequent commerce wirh them were debauched, and fearing an Innovation, made choice of an approved Man yearly from amongst them, who should deal as a Factor with the Barbarians in all matters of Trade and traffic, and manage the whole business of dealing and commerce on the behalf of all the Citizens, and this Man was called Poletes[ the City Commissioner.]  
Quest. 30. Who was Araeniacta at Thracia.  
Sol. The Andrians and Chalcidenses sailing into Thrace to get them a Seat, the City merely being betrayed, was delivered up to them both in common; and being  told that it was deserted by the Barbarians they sent two Spies thither, who approaching the City and perceiving all the Enemies to be fled, the Chalcidic out-runs, the other intending to seize the City for the Chalcidenses, but the Andrian finding himself not able to overtake him, darts his Lance, and fixeth it exactly in the Gates, and saith that he had first seized the City for the Andrians, hence a great contention arising without a War, they agreed together to make the Eruthraeans, Samians, and Parians Umpires in all matters of controversy between them. The Eruthraeans and Samians brought in the Verdict for the Andrians, but the Parians for the Chalcidenses hence the Andrians about this place bound themselves under a Curse, that they would not give Wives in Marriage to the Parians, nor take Wives of them, therefore they called the Land Acte-araino[ the shore of the accursed] whereas before it was called Acte-draconis[ the shore of the arragon.]  
Quest. 31. In the solemn Feasts to the honour of Ceres, why do not the Eretrian Women roast their Meat at the fire, but at the Sun? And do not call upon Calligeneia?  
Sol. Was it because it came in course to the Women which Agamemnon carried captive from Troy to solemnize a Feast to Ceres, which while they were in doing a fair Wind arose, and they were suddenly had a board, leaving the Sacrifices imperfect.  
Quest. 32. Who were the Aeinautae amongst the Milesians?  
Sol. Thoans and Damasenor Tyrants being deposed, two Factions got the Government of the City, one of which was called Plontis, and the other Chiromacha, wherein the Potent Men prevailing, they settled the State Affairs in the Association, and when they would sit in Counsel about Matters of greatest concern, the went on Shipboard and launched out to a great distance from the Shore, where agreeing upon a Point in debate they sailed back again and upon this account were called Aeinautae,[ perpetual Mariners.]  
Quest. 33. Why do the Chalcidenses call a certain place about Pyrsopius, Acmaeon Lesche, [ the Conventicle of Youths?]  
Sol. They say that Nauplius being Persecuted by the Achaeans, addressed himself to the Chalcidenses for redress, making his defence against the Accusation and recriminated on the Acheans, whereupon the Chalcidenses refusing to deliver him into their hands least he should be slain by treachery, granted him a Guard of lusty Young men, and appointed their post in that place, where they had mutual Society together and guarded Nauplius:  
Quest. 34. Who was he that Sacrificed an Ox to his Benefactor?  
Sol. In a Haven about Ithakesia, there was a Pyrat Ship, in which happened to be an old Man who had Earthen Pots, holding Pitch it fell out that an Ithakesian Skipper name Pyrrhias put into this Port, who ransomed the Old Man, upon free cost, only upon his Supplication, and out of commiseration towards him and at the request of the old Man he purchased also some of his Tar-Pots. The pirates departing and all fear of danger over: The old fellow brings Pyrrhias to his Earthen Pots, and shows him a great deal of Gold and Silver blended amongst the Pitch[ or Tar] whereupon Pyrrhias attaining to great riches, as in all respects he treated the old Man well, so he sacrificed an Ox to him. Hence they say Proverbially, That none hath Sacrificed an Ox to his Benefactor, but Pyrrhias.  
Quest. 35. Why was there such a custom amongst the Baeotian Maids, as they danced, to sing, let us go to Athens?  
Sol. It is reported that the Creets( in payment of a Vow,) sent the Firstlings of Men to Delphos, but when such as were sent found no plentiful Provision there, they departed from thence in search of a Plantation, and first sat down at Japygia, from thence they went and possessed that Part of Thracia which now they have, Athenians being mixed with them, for its probable that Minos did not destroy those young Men which the Athenians sent in a way of Tribute but only detained them in servitude, of these some that descended were accountcd Creets, and were sent with others to Delphos, so the Baeotian Daughters in remembrance of their Pedigree, sing on their Feast-days, Let us go to Athens.  
Quest. 36. Why do the Eleian Women in their Hymns beseech Bacchus that he will come to their help with an Ox's foot? The Hymns runs thus, Come O Hero Bacchus, to thy holy Temple placed by the Sea; with the Graces to thy Temple, with a Neats-foot Sacrificing, and then they redouble this, O worthy Bull.  
Sol. Was it because some call Bacchus, Bull-begot, and some Bull? Or as some say, Ox Foot, for a great Foot? As the Poet saith, Ox Eye, for a great Eye? and Ox carriaged for stately carriag'd; or rather because the Foot of an Ox is innocent, his Head bearing Horns pernicious, so they desire, that the God would come to them mildred and harmless? or is it because many Men are of opinion that this God presides over ploughing and sowing?  
Quest. 37. What is the meaning of that place at Tanagria, before the City called Achillaeum?  
Sol. It is reported that Achilles had an enmity against, rather than a kindness for this City, in that he took Stratonica the Mother of Poemander by force of Arms, and slay Achestor the Son of Ephippus: Now Poemander the Father of Ephippus,( whilst Tenegria was inhabited by Villages) being besieged in Stegon( a Village so called) by the Achajans, because he refused to aid them in the Wars left that Country the same Night, and fortified Poemandria, Policritus the Architect coming in, disparaging his Works, and making a ridicule of them, leaped over the Ditch, Poemander falling into a rage, catched up a great ston suddenly to throw at him, which had been hide there a great while, lying over some sacred Nocturnal Relics, this Poemander hurling rashly, flung, and missing Policritus, slay his own Son Leucippus, he was therefore forced by Law to depart out of Baeotia, and become a wandring and begging Pilgrim, neither was that easy for him to do, because of the incursions which the Achaeans made into Tenegrica, wherefore he sent Ephippus his Son to beg aid of Achilles, who by persuasion prevailed with him to come, as also with Tlepolemus the Son of Hercules, and with Peneleus the Son of Hippalmus, all of them their Kindred, by these Poemander was introduced into Chalchis and was absolved by Elephanor from the murder, he ascribed great honour to these Men, and assigned Groves to each of them of which this kept the name of Achilles's Grove.  
Quest. 38. Who among the Baeotians were the Psyloeis, and who the Aeoliae?  
Sol. They say that Minos's Daughters, Leucippa, Arsinoa, and Alcathoa falling mad had a greedy Appetite for Mans flesh, and accordingly, cast Lots for their Children, whereupon it fell to Leucippa's lot to produce her Son Hippasus, to be cut in pieces, the Hubands of these Women that were clothed in course Apparel by reason of sorrow and grief were called Psiloeis, the Women Aeoliae Oionoliae, and to this day the Orchomenians call their posterity so, and it's so ordered that in the yearly Feast called Agrionia that there a'is flight and pursuit of them by the Priest of Bacchus with a drawn Sword in his hand, and it's lawful for him to slay any of them that he takes, Zoilus a Priest of Ortnir slay one, which thing proved unlucky to them, for Zoilus sickening upon a wound that he got, wasted away for a long time and died, whereupon the Occhomenians falling under public accusations and condemnations removed the Priest-hood from their Family, and made choice of the best Man in the whole multitude.  
Quest. 39. Why do the Arcadians ston those that go willingly into Lycaeum, but those that go in unwittingly they carry forth to Eleuthera?  
Sol. Is it as if they obtained their liberty by way of absolution, that this Story gained credit? And this is that which tends to liberty as that, Thou shalt go into the Country of security, or that, thou shalt come to the Seat of Aresan? or is the reason to be rendered according to that fabulous Story? That all the Sons of Lycaon only Eleuther and Lebadus were free from that Conspiracy against Jupiter, but fled into Baeotia, where the Lebadenses use the like civil Polity to that of the Arcadians, Therefore they sand them to Eleutheras, that enter unwittingly into the inacessible Temple of Jupiter. Or is it( as Architimus saith in his remarks on Arcadia) that some that went into the Lycaeum unawares, were delivered up to the Phliasians by the Arcadians, and by the Phliasians to the Megarins, and by the Megarins to the Thebans which inhabit about Eleuthera, where they are detained under Rain, Thunder, and other direful Judgments from Heaven, and upon this account some say this place was called Eleutheras, but the report is not true, that he that enters into the Lycaeum casts no shadow, though it hath had a firm belief, and what if this be the reason of that report; that the Air converted into Clouds looks darkly on them that go in? Or that he that goes in falls down dead? For the Pythagorians say, that the Souls of the deceased do neither give a shadow, nor wink. Or is it that the Sun only makes a shadow, and the Law forbids a Man to enter while the Sun shines? though this they speak enigmatically, but verily he that goes in is called Elaphus[ a Hart] Hence the lacedæmonians delivered up Cantharion, the Arcadians to the Arcadians who went over to the Elians( whilst they waged War with the Arcadians) and passing with his booty through the inaccessible Temple fled to Sparta, when the War was ended, the Oracle requiring them to restore the Hart. [ Elaphus.]  
Quest. 40. Who is Eunostus the Hero of Tenegra and what's the reason that Women might not enter into this Grove?  
Sol. Eunostus was the Son of Elejus who came of Cephissus and Scias, but they say received his name from Eunosta the Nymph that brought him up. This Man as he was honest and just, so and was no less prudent and austere, and they say, that Othna his niece fell in love with him, who was one of the Daughters of Colonus, and when he perceived that she tempted him to lye with her, manifesting his indignation went and accused her to her brethren, but she had cried Whore first, and provoked her Brethren, Ochimus, Leon and Bucolus, to kill Eunostus, by her false suggestion that he would have forced her, wherefore these laid wait for the Young Man and slay him, upon which Elejus secured them. Now Ochna growing penitent and full of terror, as well to discharge the grief she had for her beloved, as out of commiseration towards her brethren, confessed the whole truth to Elejus, and he declares it to Colonus, who condemned them. Whereupon Ochna's brethren fled, but she broken her Neck from some high place,( as Myrtis the Anthredonian Poetress hath  told us) wherefore he kept the Tomb and Grove of Eunostus from the access and approach of Women, in so much that upon Earthquakes, Droughts and other Portends that often there happened, the Tenagrians made diligent search, whether any Woman had not by stealth got nigh to that place, and there are some that report( of which Cleidanus a Man of great famed is one) that Eunostus met them going to the Sea to wash himself because a Woman had entred into his Grove. Diodes also in his Treatise concerning Tombs relates the Edict of the Tenagrians upon the things that Cleidanus declared.  
Quest. 41. Whence is it that in Baeotia there's a River at Eleon called Scamander?  
Sol. Deimachus the Son of Eleon an intimate Friend of Hercules and bore his Part in the siege of Troy, the War proving long( as it seems) took to him Glaucia the Daughter of Scamander, who had fallen in love with him, and got her with Child, and soon after fighting against the Trojans was slain. Glaucia fearing that she might be apprehended fled to Hercules, and acquainted him with her late affection towards Deimachus and the familiarity she had with him, Hercules both out of commiseration to the Woman, as also for joy that there was an Off-spring left of so good a Man and his intimate acquaintance, took Glaucia on Shipboard, and when she was delivered of a Son, brought her into Baeotia and committed her and her Child to the care of Eleon. The Son was name Scamander, and came to reign over that Country, he called the River Inachus by his own Name Scamander, and the next Rivulet he name from his Mother Glaucia, but the Fountain he called by his own Wives name Acidusa, by whom he had three Daughters which they have a veneration for to this day, styling them Virgins.  
Quest. 42. Whence was that Proverbial speech, Let it be ratified?  
Sol. Dinon the Tarentine Praefect, being a Man well skilled in Military affairs, when the Citizens manifested their dislike of a certain opinion of his by lifting up of hands, as the crier was declaring the majority of Votes, he stretched forth his right hand and said this( meaning his own opinion) is better. Thus Theophrastus hath  told the Story, Apolidorus in his Rytinus adds this; that when the crier had said there's the most suffrages, ay but saith Dinon these are the best and ratifies the suffrages of the minority.  
Quest. 43. Why is the City of the Ithakesites called Alalcomenai?  
Sol. It's affirmed by most, that it was because Antecleja in the time of her Virginity was forcibly seized upon by sisyphus and brought forth Ulysses. But Ister the Alexandrian hath acquainted us in his memoirs that Antecleja was married to Laerta, and being brought to a place about Alalcomenaeum, in Baeotia, was delivered of Ulysses, and therefore that place carrys the name of the Metropolis, he mentions also a Town in Ithaca called so.  
Quest. 44. Who are the Monophagites in Aegina?  
Sol. Many of the Aeginites that fought against Troy, were slain in those Wars, but more of them by storm in the Voyaging by Sea, the relations therefore receiving those few that were left, and observing the other Citizens overwhelmed with sorrow and grief, they thought it not convenient to make any public appearances of joy, nor to Sacrifice to the Gods but every one took home to his House his Relations that were escaped, priv●tely to their Feasts and Entertainments, they themselves giving attendance, to their Fathers, Kinsfolks, Brethren, and Acquaintance, none of other Families being admitted thereto. Hence in imitation of these they celebrate a Sacrifice to Neptune which is called the Thiasi, in which they revel without any noise, each Family a part by itself, for the space of sixteen days, without any Servant attending them, then offering Sacrifices to Venus, they finish this solemn Feast, upon this account they are called Monophagi, i.e. such as feed apart by themselves.  
Quest. 45. What is the reason that the Statue of Labraden-Jupiter in Caria is made so as to hold an Ax lifted up, and not a sceptre or Lightning?  
Sol. Because Hercules slaying Hippolita, and taking away from her amongst other Weapons, her Pole-Ax presented it to Omphala, after Omphala the Kings of the Lydians carried it, as part of the sacred regalities which they took by Succession, until Candaules disdaining it, gave it to one of his Favourites to carry, but afterward Gyges revolting, waged War against him. Arselis also came to Gyges his aid from the Malysines with a great strength, and slay Candaules with his Favourite, and carried away the Pole-Ax into Caria with other spoils, where furbishing up the Statue of Jupiter, he put the Ax into his hand, and called it the Labradean God, for the Lydians call an Ax Labra.  
Quest. 46. What is the reason that the Trullians call Orobus [ Pulse] Catherter, i.e. Purgative, and use it especially in expiations and purifications?  
Sol. It was because the Leloges and Minuans in former times driving out the Trallians, possessed themselves of the City and that Country, afterward the Trallians returning and conquered them; as many of the Leloges as were not slain or fled, but by reason of indigency and weakness were left there, these they made no account of whether they lived or died, therefore enacted a Law that any Trallian that slay a Minue, or Leloge, should be guiltless, measuring only a Medimnus, i.e. Six Bushels of Pulse to the Family of the slain Person.  
Quest. 47. Why is it spoken by way of Proverb amongst the Elites, Thou sufferest worse things than Sambicus?  
Sol. It's said that one Sambicus an Elite having many Comrades with him, did break off many of the devoted brazen Vessels placed in Olympia and disposed of them, at length robbed the Temple of Diana the Bishoppess( this Temple is in Elis and called Aristarchaeum) presently after the committing of this sacrilege, he was taken and tormented the space of a year being examined concerning all the Accessarys and so died, hence this Proverb arose from his sufferings.  
Quest. 48. Why is the Temple of Ulysses in Lacedemonia built by the Monument of Leucippis?  
Sol. One Ergienes of the posterity of Diomedes by the persuasion of Temenes stolen the Palladium from Argos, leaguer being conscious of, and accessary to the felony( for he was one of the intimates of Temenes) afterward leaguer by reason of a feud betwixt him and Temenes went over into Lacedemonia and transported the Palladium thither. The Kings receive him readily, and place the Palladium next to the Temple of the Leucipides, and sending to Delphos, consult the Oracle about it's safety and preservation. The Oracle answered that they must make one of them that stolen it th● keeper of it. So they erected there a Monument of Ulysses, for they supposed that that Hero was otherwise related to the City by the Marriage of Penelope.  
Quest. 49. What is the reason that it is a Custom amongst the Chalcidon Women, that if at any time they happen to meet with other Womens Husbands, especially Magistrates, that they cover one Cheek?  
Sol. There was a War between the Chalcidonians and Bythinians frequently moved upon every pretence. Zeipoetus King of the Bithinians, brings out all his Forces, with the addition of the Thracian Auxillarys, and wasts the Country with Fire and Sword; Zeipoetus then pitching his Camp against them at a place called Phallium, the Chalcidonians fighting ill through desperateness and disorder lost about eight thousand Souldiers; but were not all cut off, Zeipoetus in favour of the Byzantines yielding to a cessation of Arms. Now there being a great scarcity of Men in the City of Calcedon, most of the Women were necessitated to mary their Apprentices and Slaves, and others that choose Widowhood rather than Marriage to such, if they had any occasion to go before the Judges or Magistrates, managed their own Affairs; putting a Mask upon one side of their Face, the Married Women( imitating their betters) for modesty sake took up the same Custom.  
Quest. 50. Why do the Argives bring their Sheep to the Grove of Agenor to take Ram?  
Sol. Was it because Agenor took care to have the fairest Sheep, and of all things possessed the most Flocks of Sheep?  
Quest. 51. Why did thc Argive boys on a certain Feast day call themselves Ballacrads in sport?  
Sol. Was it because, they report that the first People that were brought by Inacus out of the hilly Countries into the Plains lived upon Achrades, i.e. Wild Pears? But wild Pears were first discovered by the grecians in Peloponesus, while that Country was called Apia, from Apii wild Pears, which by changing the name came afterwards to be called Aohrades.  
Quest. 52. For what reason do the men of Elis led their Mares out of their borders when they would have them leaped by the Horses?  
Sol. Was it that of all Kings Aenomaus was the greatest lover of Horses, and being most fond of this Creature[ a fine Horse] he imprecated many and great Curses upon Horses that should leap Mares in Elis, wherefore the People fearing his Curse, do abominate this thing.  
Quest. 53. What was the reason of the Custom amongst the Gnossians to take away the Money by foree from those that borrowed it upon Usury?  
Sol. Was it that as Bankrupts they should be liable to all violent Assaulters [ i. e. be outlawed and thereby receive further punishment?  
Quest. 54. What is the cause that in Samos they call upon Venus of Dexicreon?  
Sol. Was this the reason, that the Women of Samos by Lasciviousness and bawdry falling into great debauchery were reformed by Dexicreon a Mountebank using some Charms towards them? Or was it because Dexicreon being the Master of a Ship and Sailing into Cyprus a Trading Voyage, and being about to take in his Lading, was commanded by Venus to lad with Water and nothing else, and Sail back with all possible speed, being persuaded hereto, he took in much Water and set Sail, immediately still Winds and a Calm detaining him, he sold his Water to Merchants and Seamen distressed with Thirst, whereby he gathered up much Money, whereupon he erected a Statue to Venus, and called it by his own Name, if this Story be true, it's manifest that the Goddess intended not only the enriching of one Man, but the saving of many alive by one Man.  
Quest. 55. What is the reason that amongst Samians, when they Sacrifice to Mercury Munificent, they suffer a Man to filch and steal Garments if he will?  
Sol. Because when at the command of the Oracle they transplanted themselves from that iceland into Mychale, they lived ten years upon Robbery, and after this sailing back again into their iceland they conquered their Enemies.  
Quest. 56. Whence is that place in the iceland Samos called Panema?  
Sol. Was it because the Amazens flying before Bacchus from the Coasts of Ephesus fell upon Samos, whereupon Bacchus rigging up his Ships, wafted over and joining battle, slay abundance of them about that place which by reason of the plenty of blood spilled there, the beholders by way of admiration called it Panema, some say that this slaughter was about Plaeum and show their Bones there but others say also that Plaeum was rent off from Samos, by the dreadful and heideous cry that was uttered at their death.  
Quest. 57. Upon what account was Andron [ the Name of a House] in Samos called Pedetes?  
Sol. The Geomorites[ i. e. the Bores] got the Government into their hands, after Demoteles was slain and the dissolution of Monarchical constitution, the Megarines waged War with the Pernithites being a Samite colony, and brought Fetters with them( as they say) to put on the Captives, when the Geomorites were acquainted with these procedings, they immediately sent Aid, setting forth nine prefects, and managing thirty Ships, two of which launching forth and lying before the Haven was destroyed with Lightning, the prefects proceeding on their Voyage in the rest subdued the Megarins, and took six hundred of them alive, the prefects were so elevated with this Victory, that they meditated the subversion of this Geomoran Oligarchy, but the occasion was given by the States themselves, writing to them that they should bring the Megarine Captives bound in their own Fetters; when they received these Letters, they shewed them privately to the Megarines persuading them, to concur with them in a Conspiracy to procure the Peoples liberty, a Consult was held in common between them about this matter, and the result was, that the best way was, to beat off the Rings from the Fetters, and put them on the Megarines and fasten them with Thongs to their Girdles that they might not fall off nor being loose should hinder them in their going. Accordingly they accoutred the Men in this manner, and giving each of them a Cimiter, they soon Sailed back to Samos and Landed, and accordingly lead the Megarines through the Market-place to the Counsel-house, where all the Geomorites were sitting together, and then the sign being given the Megarines fell on and slay those Men, whereupon the City being set at liberty, they admitted the Megarines( as many as would) into the number of Citizens, and erecting a magnificent edisice hung up the Fetters in it.  
Quest. 58. What is the reason that the chief Priest of Hercules in Antimachia at Coos, when he manageth the Sacrifice, is clothed in Womens Apparel, and wears a Mitre upon his head?  
Sol. Hercules setting Sail from Troy with six Ships, was attacked by a Storm, and lost all his Ships but one, with which only he was forced by the Wind upon the cost of Coos, and fell upon a place called Leceter saving nothing besides his Men and armor. There happening to meet with a flock of Sheep, he requested one Ram of the Shepherd( the Man was called Antagoras) who verily being a robust bodied young Man, challenged Heecules to fight with him, and if he were worsted Hercules should carry away the Ram. As soon as this fellow engaged with Hercules, the Meropes came into the aid of Antagoras, and the Grecians coming into assist Hercules a great Fight ensued. Whereat( they say) Hercules overcharged with multitude, betook himself for refuge to a Woman called Tressa, where he was concealed, disguising himself in Womans Apparel. But afterwards conquering the Meropes, and passing under purification, he Married the Daughter of Alciopus, and put on a Gown of flowered[ Silk]. Hence the Priest offers Sacrifice in the place where the Battle was fought, but the Bridegrooms are clothed in Womens Apparel when they embrace their Brides.  
Quest. 59. Whence was the race of Hamaxocylists in Megara?  
Sol. In that licentious Democracy( which introduced the exaction of double Use and sacrilege) the peloponnesians went on Pilgrimage to Delphos through the borders of Megara, and lodged in Aeigyra by the Lake side with their Wives and Children( as the case required) in their Caravans, where a resolute, drunken Company of the Megarins in a riotous and cruel manner overturned their Wagons and overwhelmed them in the Lake; so that many of the Theori[ Pilgrims] were drowned. The Megarins indeed by reason of the disorder of the Government neglected the punishment of this wickedness, but the Amphyctions, taking into consideration the Devotion of this Pilgrimage, punished the Actors of this villainy, some with Banishment, some with Death, thence the Posterity of these Villains were called Hamaxocylists, i.e. overturners of wagons.   

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II. Of the Desire of Riches, or Love of Wealth.  Translated from the Greek, By Mr. Patrick of the Chaterhouse. 
HIppomachus a Master of the Exercises, when some were commending a tall Man that had long Hands, as one that promised fair to be good at Fisticuffs; replied, a fit Man indeed, if the Victors laurel were to be hanged up aloft, and should be his that could best reach it, and take it down: we may say the same to those that are transported with an admiration of, and place their happiness in, having fair Fields, stately Mansion houses, and a great deal of Money lying by them; that they were in the right, if happiness were to be bought and sold. You may see indeed many Persons that choose rather to be Rich, and at the same time very Miserable, than to part with their Money and become happy. But alas! indolency and repose of Spirit, magnanimity, constancy, resolution, and contentment of Mind, these are not a Money-purchase. By having Wealth merely, none can attain to a mean esteem of it, nor by possessing things superfluous, to a sense that we do not need them. From what other evils then can Riches free us, if not so much as from an inordinate desire of them? It's true indeed that by drinking Men alloy their Thirst after drink, and by eating their longings after Food are satisfied, and he that said 
Bestow a Coat, of your good will  
On Hipponax, that's could and chill.  if more clothes had been heaped on than he needed, would have thrown them off, as being ill at ease. But the love of Money is not abated by having Silver and Gold, neither do covetous desires cease, by possessing still more. But one may say to Wealth as he did to an insolent Quack.  
Thy Physick's nought and makes my illness worse,  
My Body needs some ease, and not my Purse.  
When this distemper seizes a Man that wants only Bread and a House to put his head in, ordinary Raiment and such Victuals as come first to hand, it fills him with eager desires after Gold and Silver, Ivory and Emeralds, Hounds and Horses, thus taking off the Appetite and carrying it from things that are necessary, after things that are troublesone and unusual, hard to come by and unprofitable when obtained. For no Man is poor, as to what Nature requires and what suffices it: No Man takes up Money on use to buy Meal or Cheese, Bread or Olives; but you may see one Man run into Debt for the Purchase of a sumptuous House, another for an adjoining Olive-yard, another for Corn-fields or Vineyards, another for Galatian Mules, and another by a vain expense.  
For Horses fitly paired, with prancing feet  

He alludes to Homors Phrase, Illiad. 15.  To draw the rattling Chariot through the street,  
has been plunged over Head and Ears into Contracts and Use-Money, Pawns and Mortgages. Moreover, as they that use to drink after they have quenched their Thirst, and to eat after their hunger is satisfied, vomit up even what they took when they were a Thirst or Hungry; so they that covet things useless and superfluous, enjoy not even those that are necessary. This is the Character of these Men.  
As for those that spend nothing, although they possess much, and yet are always craving more, they may still more increase our wonder at their folly: especially when one calls to mind that of Aristippus, who was wont to say, that when a Man did eat and drink liberally, and yet was never the nearer being filled, in this case he presently goes to the physician, and inquires what's his Disease and his Indisposition, and how he may get rid of it. But if one that has five Beds desires ten, and having Ten Tables is for purchasing as many more, and having Land and Money good store, is not at all filled, but still is bent, even to the breaking his natural rest, upon getting more, and when he has never so much, never has enough, this Man thinks he has no need of a physician to cure him, and in order to it to show him from what cause his distemper arises. Indeed when a Man is a Thirst that hath not drunk at all, we expect that upon his drinking his thirstiness should cease; but as for him that drinks and drinks and so goes on without giving over, we do not think such a one needs further repletion but evacuation, and we advice him by all means to Vomit as knowing that his trouble proceeds nor from the want of any thing, but from some sharp Humour or preternatural heat that is within him.  
Among those persons therefore that are for increasing their substance, and getting more, he that is poor and indigent may perhaps give over his cares, when he has got a House, or found a Treasure, or by a Friends held has paid his Debts and has his Creditors discharge. But as for him that having more than enough, yet still desires to have more, it is not Gold nor Silver, not Horses, Sheep or Oxen, that can cure him of this Disease, but he needs Evacuation and Purgation: for his distemper is not penury and want, but an insatiable desire and thirst after Riches proceeding from a depraved and inconsiderate judgement of things, which if it be not plucked out of Mens Minds, like a thing twisting across and contracting them, they will always be in want of superfluities, that is, be craving things they have no need of.  
When a physician visits a Patient that has thrown himself upon his Bed, and lies here groaning and refusing to eat, he feels his Pulse and asks him some questions, and finding that he is not at all feverish, he tells him it's his Mind that is distempered, and goes his way. When we see therefore a Man pining away for more Means, and sighing sadly at any expenses, forbearing no sordid or painful course that brings him in gain, when yet he hath Houses and Lands, Herds and Slaves, and clothes enough, what shall we call this Mans Disease but Poverty of Mind? for as for want of Money, one friend, as Menander says, by being a Benefactor to him can cure it, but this other of the Mind, all a Mans friends living or dead cannot satisfy it. It was therefore a good saying of Solon, concerning such Persons.  
Those Men, that after Wealth aspire,  
Set no fixed bounds to their desire.  
To those indeed that are wise, the Riches that nature requires are limited, and like a circled drawn from a Center at such a distance, is confined within the compass of their real needs.  
There is also this peculiar mischief in the love of Wealth, that this desire hinders and opposes its own satisfaction, which other desires do procure. For no Man abstains from a good Morsel because he loves Dainties, not from Wine because he thirsts after Wine, as these Men abstain from using Money, because they love Money. Does it not look like madness and a piteous Distemper, for a Man not to make use of a Garment because he shakes with could, to refuse to eat Bread, because he is ready to famish with hunger, and not to use Wealth, because he is greedy of getting it?  
This is the evil case that Thrasonides describes, I have such a thing within by me, I have it in my power, and I will this thing, like those that are madly in Love, but I do it not: when I have locked and sealed up all, or have  told out so much to the Usurers and tradesman, I scrape together and hunt after more, I quarrel and contend with the Servants, the ploughmen and Debtors: O Apollo, hast thou ever seen a more wretched Man, or any Lover more miserable?  
Sophocles being asked by one, whether he was able yet to company with a Woman; Heavens defend, said he, I have got my Liberty and by means of my old Age have escaped those mad and furious Masters: for it is very fit and becoming, that when our pleasures leave us, those desires should do so too, which, as Alcaeus says, 
'twas never any Mans good hap,  
Nor Womens wholly to escape.   
But it is otherwise in the Love of Wealth, which like a hard and severe mistress, compels us to get, what it forbids us to enjoy, and excites an Appetite, but denies the pleasure of its gratification. Stratonicus wittily abused the Rhodian for their profuseness, when he said, that they builded their Houses as if they were immortal, but provided for their Tables as if they were to live but a little while: so covetous Men seem to be profuse by what they possess, when they are sordid wretches if you consider what they use and enjoy; for they endure labour, but taste no pleasure.  
Damades once came to Phocions house and surprised him as he was at Dinner, and when he saw his frugal and slender Diet, I much wonder photion, says he, that you should manage State Affairs and can dine as you do: for this Orator himself, pleaded Causes and harangu'd the People only for his Gut; and looking upon Athens as affording too little a supply for his Luxury, he fetched his Provisions from Macedonia: for which cause Antipater, seeing him when he was an old Man, compared him to a Sacrifice when all was over, and there remained nothing of the Beast but only the Tongue and the Stomach. But who would not wonder at thee, O wretched Man, who being able to live as thou dost, so sordidly, so unlike a Man, bestowing nothing on any Body, being currish to thy Friends, and without any ambition to serve the public, yet afflictest thyself and watchest whole Nights, hirest out thy Labours, liest at catch for Inheritances, crouchest to every one, when thou art so well provided by thy sordid Parsimony to live at ease.  
It's reported of a certain Byzantine, 
Some few words that follow I have not Translated, for there seems to be a defect in the Greek, which makes Interpreters cry out, that the reading is monstrous and unintelligible.  that surprising a Whore-Master with his Wife that was very hard favoured, he cried out, O wretch, what compelled thee to do this, Sapagoras had a Portion with her? It's necessary for Kings, for Procurators under them, for those that covet pre-eminence and Rule over Cities, that they should heap up Treasure; who are forced through Ambition, Pride and Vain-glory to make Feasts, to gratify Friends, to maintain a Retinue, to sand Presents, to feed Armies, to purchase Gladiators. But thou hast so much business lying upon thy hand, tormentest thyself, tumblest up and down, and all this while livest the life of a Snail in thy Shell through Parsimony, and endurest all hardships, receiving no advantage at all. Just like the Bath-keepers ass, that carrys the Wood and fuel for the Fires, and is always filled with the smoke and Ashes of the Stove, but itself is never bathed nor warmed, washed nor cleansed there.  
I have said enough of this sort of Covetousness, which makes a Man live the life of an Ass, or an Ant.  
But there is another sort of it which is more Savage, that calumniates and gets inheritances by bad Arts, that pries into other Mens Affairs, that is full of thoughtfulness and cares, counting how many of their Friends are yet alive, and after all enjoy nothing of what by all these Arts they have heaped up.  
As therefore we have a greater aversion and hatred against the Vipers, poisonous Flies and Spiders, than against Bears and lions, because they kill and destroy Men, but serve themselves no farther of their carcases, which they do not feed upon as those other wild Beasts do; so they that become bad and ill Men through sordidness and parsimony, deserve more of our abhorrence, than those that prove such by luxurious living and excess; for they deprive others of what they are neither able nor inclined to make use of themselves.  
Hence it is, that the Luxurious when they are rich and well provided, give some truce to their Debaucheries; as Demosthenes said to some that were of opinion that Damades ceased to be an ill Man, now, says he, you see him full and glutted like the lions that then hunt not after prey. But as for the other, who in the management of Affairs propose no end to themselves either of pleasure or profit, their covetous desires have no truce or cessation, they being always empty and standing in need of all things.  
But some perhaps may pled on their behalf, that these Men keep and hoard up their Wealth for their Children and Heirs; to whom they p●rt with nothing whilst they are alive, but like those Mice that live in Mines, and pick up and eat the Golden Sands and Oar, you cannot come by any of that Gold, till you anatomize them to find it after they are dead.  
But to what end, I pray, would they leave such a deal of Money and a great Estate to their Children and Heirs? that they forsooth may preserve it also for others, and those others in like manner should hand it down to their Children( just like those Earthen Pipes the Potters make for a Water-course, which retain none of the Water themselves, but one Pipe only conveys it to the next) till some Informing false Accuser or Tyrant appears, who cuts off this Keeper in Trust, and when his breath is stopped, derives and diverts the course of his Wealth into another Channel; or as they say till some one that is the most wicked of the Race, devours and consumes all, that those who went before him had preserved. For not only as Euripides, says, 
Children from Slaves derived and base blood,  
Prove Prodigal and lewd, none come to good.  but it's as true of the Children of the Parsimonious; as Diogenes wittily abused this sort of Men, when he said, that it was better to be[ {αβγδ}] a Ram than a Son of a Citizen of Megara. For under the pretence of training them up and instructing them, they undo and pervert them, implanting in them their own Love of Money and meanness of Spirit, and erecting as it were a Fortress for the securing their inheritance in the Minds of their Heirs.  
For the Instructions and Lessons they give them, are such as these, Gain as much and spend as little as may be: Value yourself, according to what you are worth. But certainly this is not to instruct, but to contract and sow them up, just like a Purse, the better to conceal and keep what is put into it. The Purse indeed becomes foul and musty after the Money is put up in it; but the Children of the Covetous, before they are enriched by their Parents, are replenished with covetous desires, which they derive from them. And indeed they pay them a deserved Reward for Instructions, not loving them because they shall receive a great Estate from them, but hating them, because they have it not so soon as they fain would. For being taught to admire nothing but Wealth, nor knowing any other end of living but to get a great Estate, they account the Life of their Parents to be an hindrance to that of their own, and fancy so much time is taken from their own Age as is added to theirs. Wherefore whilst their Parents are yet living, they secretly always steal their pleasures and enjoy them, and what they bestow upon their Friends or spend upon their Lusts( when they have learnt something by secret information) is fetched as it were from anothers Estate, not their own.  
But when their Parents are dead, and they are once possessed of their Keys and Seals, then their way of living is of another fashion, and they put on another Face and Aspect, grave, severe and morose. You hear no more of their former Pastimes in several Exercises of the Ball, nor of the Academy or the Lyceum 
The place where Plato taught was called the Academy, and where Aristotle taught, the Lyceum. [ as neither minding the Philosophy of Plato or Aristotle] but they are wholly taken up in examining the Servants and looking over Writings, in debating matters with those that receive or owe them Money; their hurry of business and thoughtfulness will not give them leave to dine, and they are forced to make the Night their time of Bathing; the Schools in which they were Educated, and the Water of Dirce, 
A Famous Fountain by Thebes. [ that is, their Poetry] 
Thus I interpret it, because the Theban Poet Pindar uses the Water of Dirce to signify his own Poems, ( pinned. Isthm. Od. 6. in fine) to which our Author seems to allude.  are neglected. If any Man ask him, will you not go and hear the Philosopher? How can I, says he, now that my Father is dead, I am not at leisure. O miserable wretch! What has thy Father left thee to be compared with what he has taken from thee, thy leisure and thy Liberty? And yet it is not so much He that has done it, as the Wealth that flows round thee, and overpowrs thee; which, like the Woman Hesiod 
Lib. 2. {αβγδ}.  speaks of 
Without a Firebrand burns, and unawares,  
Resigns thee up to Dotage and gr●y Hairs,  bringing those cares like untimely wrinkles and old Age on thy Soul, which Spring from covetous desires and multiplicity of business, that shrivel up all thy vigour and gaiety, all sense of honour, kindness and humanity within thee.  
But some will say, do not you see Rich Men live splendidly and spend high? To whom we answer, dost thou not hear what Aristotle says, that some there are that do not use Wealth, and some abuse it? as if neither sort did what was fit and becoming, but what the one sort possessed, did neither advantage nor adorn them, and what the other had, did hurt and dishonour them.  
But let us further consider, what is that use of Riches, for which Men so much admire them: is it the enjoyment of what suffices Nature? Alas! in this respect the Wealthy have no advantage of those that are of a meaner Fortune; but Wealth( as Theophrastus says) may well be neglected and looked upon with less esteem and veneration, if Callias the Richest Man in Athens, and Ismenias the Wealthiest of Thebes, made use but of the same things that Socrates and Epaminondas did: For as Agathon sent away the music from the Room where he Feasted, to the Womens apartment, contenting himself with the Discourses of his Guests, so you would reject and sand away the Purple Beds, and the high prized tables, and all other superfluous things, when you see that the Rich make use of the same things with the poor.  
I do not mean thou shouldst presently 
Hang up the Plough in smoke to live at ease  

Hes. l. 1.  And let the Mules and Oxen's labour cease,  but the impertinent labours of Goldsmiths, Turners, Perfumers and Cooks, when thou resolvest wisely and soberly to banish all useless things.  
But if the things that suffice Nature, lie in ●ommon among those that have and those that want Riches; if rich Men pride themselves only in things superfluous; and thou art ready to praise Scopas of Thessaly, who when one begged somewhat of him he had in his house, as a superfluous thing he had no use for, made answer, but we Rich Men count our felicity and happiness to lie in these superfluities, and not in those necessary things, if your case be thus, have a care you do not seem like one that magnifies and prefers a pomp and public show at a Festival, before Life itself.  
Our Country's Feast of Bacchus, was in old time Celebrated in a more homely manner, tho' with great Mirth and Jollity: one carried in Procession a Vessel of Wine, and a branch of a Vine, afterward followed one leading a Goat another followed him bearing a Basket of dried Figs, and after all came a Phallus. 
An obscene resemblance  But all these are now despised and out of date; the Procession being made with Golden Vessels and costly Garments, driving of Chariots and Persons in Masquerade: and just thus the things that are necessary and useful in Riches are swallowed up by those that are unprofitable and superfluous.  
The most of us commit Telemachus his mistake; for he through unexperience or rather want of judgement, when he saw Nestors House, furnished with Beds and Tables, Garments and Carpets, and well stored with new Wine, did not look upon him as so happy a Man in being thus well provided with things necessary and useful: but when he beholded the Ivory, the Gold and Amber in Menelaus's house, he cried out in amazement, 
Joves stately Hall above, I guess,  

Hom. Odys. lib. 4.  Your Eyes might with such objects bless  
For all that here I view is great, and what  
Cannot so well be  told, as wondered at.  whereas Socrates or Diogenes would have said rather 
What vain, vexations, useless things I've seen  
And good for nothing but to move ones Spleen.  Thou Fool, what is it thou sayest? when thou oughtest to have strip'd thy Wife of her Purple and Gaudy Attire, that she might cease to live Luxuriously and to run mad after Strangers and their Fashions, instead of this, thou adornest and beautifiest thy House that it may appear like a theatre or a Stage to all comers.  
The happiness Riches pretends to is such, that it depends upon spectators and witnesses, else it would signify nothing at all. But it is quiter otherwise when we consider Temperance or Philosophy or such knowledge of the Gods as is requisite, though unknown to all other Mortals. This communicates a peculiar Light and great splendour within the Soul, and causes a joy that dwells with it as an inmate, whilst it enjoys the chief good, though neither Gods nor Men were privy to it. Such a thing in truth is virtue and the Beauty of Geometrical and Astrological Sciences. and does Riches with her Bravery and Necklaces, and all that Gaudery that pleases Girls, deserve to be compared with any of these? When no body observes and looks on, Riches are truly blind and deprived of Light: For if a Rich Man makes a Meal with his Wife or Familiars alone, he makes no stir about Magnificent Tables to eat on, or Golden Cups to drink in, but uses those that come next to hand; and his Wife without any Gold or Purple to adorn her, presents her self in a plain dress: but when he makes a Feast, that is, when the Pomp and theatre is to be fitted and prepared, and the Scene of Riches is to enter, 
Then from the Ships with costly Goods full fraught 
Hom. Illiad. 4.   
The Trevets and the Cauldrons strait are brought  then they provide Lamps, and much ado is made about the drinking Cups, the Servitors to fill Wine are changed, all things are put into a new dress, whatever is made of Gold and Silver or set with Precious Stones is all brought forth, thus plainly declaring that they would be looked upon by all for Rich Men: but there wants Temperance, though he should eat his Meal alone, and that Contentment of Mind which alone makes a Feast.   

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II. How a Man may inoffensively Praise himself, and without being liable to Envy.  Translated from the Greek by Mr. Lancaster Fellow of balliol college in Oxford. 
HE that talks big and arrogantly of himself, Herculianus, is unviersally condemned as a troublesome and ill bread Companion: but the most, and even of those who in words mightily declaim against him, seem to applaud him in their Actions. Euripides could say, 
If Speech grew scarce, and at great rates were sold,  
Commend himself what lavish Fellow would?  
But since the inf'nite Treasure of the Air  
Praise gratis yields, none Truth or falsehood spare  
suffering no damage, tho' they give their ware:  yet he often brings in his Heroes intolerably boasting; and stuffs their most Tragical adventures and passions with improper discourses of themselves. So Pindar declares.  
Unseas'nably to Glory  
Makes a discordant harmony with fury  
but forbears not to extol his own raptures; which, indeed by the confession of all Men, are worthy of the noblest praise.  
But those who are crwoned for Mastery in the Games, or in the Learned Combats, have others to celebrate their Victories; that the Peoples Ears be not grated with the harsh noises of self-applause. And Timotheus is justly censured as unskilfully and irregularly setting forth his Conquest of Phrynis, when he proudly boasted it in writing; and the crier bawled aloud Milesian Timotheus hath vanquished Jonocamptas the Son of ●… arbo.  
'tis true then[ as Xenophon says] A Mans praises ●… have very musical and charming accents in anothers Mouth, but very flat and untuneable in his own. For ●… e brand them as Impudent who commend ●… hemselves; it becoming them to be modest, tho' ●… hey were praised by others: and account them ●… njust in arrogating that to themselves, which ●… neither has the sole propriety of bestowing on ●… hem. Besides, if we then are silent, we seem either angry or envious; but if we second their ●… iscourse, we are presently entangled, and forced ●… contribute more then we intended, speaking ●… Mens faces, what only sounds well behind ●… heir backs; and so undertake rather the base ●… ork of drudging Flattery, then any real Office●●… f true Honour.  
Yet however there is a time when a generous and prudent Man may be the subject of his own discourse, and give a free R●●●tion of things he has worthily done or said, as well as other Truths; taking care that it be not merely for favour or reputation, but upon some emergent occasion, especially, if any considerable advantage may thence accrue. There is indeed a Praise of this kind which bears very excellent and lovely fruit, from whose seeds arise many of the same species very much meliorated, and improved. And therefore it is, that the wise Courtier seeks Glory, not as the reward or solace of his virtue, not embraces it merely as the Companion of his achievements, but because the being accounted an Honourable Person, and Gallant Man, affords a Thousand opportunities of compassing many and more desirable things. For we see, those who are apt to believe, admire and love us, easily receive profit by us, with a great deal of delight; whereas if a Man lie under calumnies and suspicions, he cannot exert his virtue to the benefit of others, without committing a kind of violence upon them.  
There may also be more Reasons then these, which we must inquire into, that while we endeavour to avoid a frivolous and nauseous applauding of ourselves, we chance not to omi●… that sort which may be truly useful.  
The Praise therefore is vain, which a Ma●… heaps on himself, to provoke others also t●… Praise him, and is chiefly contemptible as proceeding from an importunate and unseasonabl●… affectation of esteem.  
For as they who are ready to die for Food, against Nature are compelled to gnaw off their ow●… flesh, and thus put a miserable end to their Famine; so they, who mortally hunger after Praise, unless some one afford 'em a little scantlin Alms of commendation, do violate the Laws of decency, shamelessly endeavouring to supply those wants by an unnatural extoling of themselves.  
But when they do not on the bare consideration of themselves hunt applause, but strive to obscure the worth of others, by fighting against their Praises, and opposing their own works and practices to theirs, they add to their vanity an envious and abhorred baseness: and like him that thrusts his Foot into anothers dance, are stigmatized with a Proverb as ridiculous and pragmatical Clowns.  
Therefore we must diligently beware that amongst the eulogiums of others we foist not in any thing of ourselves, which may seem jealously or enviously detractive from them; neither should we allow others to praise us at such a time, but frankly yield the Honour to those who are then celebrated, if their merit be real; and though the persons be vicious or unworthy, yet must we not take from them, by setting up ourselves: but rather on the other hand reprove the unskilful applauders, and demonstrate their encomiums to be improperly and dangerously conferred.  'tis plain that those Errors must be avoided. 
But self-praise is not liable to disgrace or blame, when 'tis delicately handled by way of Apology to remove a calumny or accusation; Thus Pericles— but ye are angry at me, a Man inferior to none, whether it be in the knowing or interpreting of necessary things, a Man who am a lover of my Country, and above the menaces of Bribes. For in speaking with this Gallantry of himself, he was not only free from arrogance, vanity and ambition, but demonstrated the Greatness and Spirit of that virtue, which could not be dejected itself, and also humbled and tamed the haughtiness of Envy. Such Men as these will hardly be condemned, but those who should vote against them, are won over to their Cause, do receive infinite satisfaction, and are agreeably enspirited with this Noble boasting, especially if that bravery be steady, and the Ground firm on which it stands: This History does frequently discover; For when the Theban Princes accused Pelopidas and Epaminondas, that the time for their Government of Baeotia being expired, they did not forthwith give up their Power, but made an Incursion into Laconia, and repaired, and repeopled Messene, Pelopidas submitting himself, and making many lowly entreaties, very hardly obtained his absolution: But Epaminundas loftily glorying in those Actions, and at last declaring he would willingly be put to Death, so that they would set up his Accusation, Epaminondas hath wasted Laconia, an Enemies Country; hath prosperously settled the Affairs of Messene, and happily established the League and Alliance with Arcadia, against our wills, they admired him; and the Citizens wondering at the cheerful greatness of his courage, dismissed him with unspeakable pleasantness and satisfaction.  
Therefore when Agamemnon thus reproached Diomed, 
[ Ah! Son of Tydaus, who in War was bold  
Skilful in Chariots, why dost thou behold  
The Marshal Ranks and Files with trembling Eyes?  
Why standest thou thus? This was not Tydeus guise.]   
Sthenelus is not much to be condemned for saying 
ourselves much greater then our Ancestors  
We boast.—   
For Sthenelus had not been calunniated himself; but only patronized his abused friend: and so the cause excused that freedom of Speech, which seemed otherwise to have something of the Glorioso.  
But Cicero's magnifying his diligence and prudence in Catalines trial, was not very pleasing to the Romans: yet when Scipio said they ought not to Judge Scipio, who had instated them in the power of Judging all Men, they ascended crowned to the Capital and Sacrificed wirh him. For Scipio was not necessitated to this, but merely spurred by the desire of Glory; and the danger he was in delivered him from Envy.  
Now talking after an high and glorious manner proves advantageous, not only to Persons in dangers of the Law, or such like imminent distress, but to those also who are clouded in a dull series of misfortunes; and that more properly then when they appear splendid in the World. For what addition can words make to those who already seem possessed of real glory, and to lye indulging and basquing in her Beams? But those who at present are incapable of ambition, if they express themselves loftily, they seem only to bear up against the storms of Fortune, to undergird the greatness of their Souls, and to shun that pity and commiseration which supposes a shipwrecked and forlorn Condition. As therefore those who in walking affect a stiffness of Body and a stretched out Neck, are accounted effeminate and foppish, but are commended if in fencing and fighting they keep themselves erect and steady; so the Man grappling with ill Fortune, if he raise himself like a strong Champion to resist her, and by a bravery of Speech transform himself from abject and miserable to bold and noble, he is not to be censured as obstinate and audacious, but honoured as invincible and great. Tho' Homer therefore described Patroclus in the happinesses of life, smooth, and without Envy, yet in death he makes him have something of the Bravo and a Soldiers gallant roughness.  

Insult proud Hector; do: Yet Jove to thee,  
Jove and Apollo gave this Victory.   

Else had full twenty such beset me, They  
Had fallen to my enraged Dart a prey.   
So photion, tho' otherwise very mildred, after the Sentence passed on him, shew'd the greatness of his Mind in many respects; particularly to one of his fellow sufferers who miserable cried out and bewailed his misfortune, What[ says he] is it not a pleasure to thee to die with photion?  
Further a Prudent Man has not less, but greater liberty to speak any thing of himself, when his Merits are rewaraded with injurious and unkind returns, Achilles usually gave the Gods their Glory, and was moderate in such expressions, as 
— If Jove shall grant me to destroy  
This well walled Town.— 'tis Jove must ruin Troy.  But when he was unhandsomely reproached and aspersed with contumelies, he added swelling words to his anger, and those in his own applause: 
I with my Ships twelve Cities overthrew;  
Nor could they stand, tho' at a distant view,  
My Helmets darting rays.—  For Apologies claim a great liberty of Speech, and boasting, as considerable Parts of their defence.  
Themistocles also, having neither been guilty of any thing distasteful in his words nor actions, yet perceiving the Athenians glutted with him, and beginning to neglect him, forbore not to say, Why, O ye happy people, do ye weary out yourselves, by still receiving benefits from the same hands? Upon every storm you fly to the same three, for shelter; yet when it is fair again despoil it of it's leaves, as you go away.  
They therefore who are injured usually recount their good actions to the ingrate: And if they also praise those excellencies which others are pleased to condemn, they are not only pardonable, but altogether without blame. For it is evident they reproach not others, but apologize for themselves.  
This gave Demosthenes a glorious freedom, yet allayed the offensive brightness of his own praises, which almost every where shine through his whole Oration {αβγδ}: he still extoling those Embassies and Decrees, which were so much objected against him.  
Not much unlike this is the insinuating delicacy of an Antithesis; when a Person, being accused for any thing as a Crime, demonstrates it's opposite to be base and vicious. So Lycurgus being upbraided by the Athenians for stoping a Sycophants mouth with Money, and what kind of Citizens[ says he] do you then take me to be, who having so long managed the Affairs of the republic amongst you, am at last found rather to have given Money for the prevention of injustice, than to have received any thing to promote it? And Cicero, Metellus objecting he had cast more by his Evidence against 'em, than ever he had acquitted by his Pleading for 'em, replies, Who therefore will not freely declare, that Cicero has more honesty and faith than Eloquence? Many expressions of this nature are in Demosthenes; particularly, but who might not justly have slain me, if I had endeavoured in word only to sully what the City accounts lovely? Or what, think you, would those unworthy fellows have said, if, whilst I had been curiously poring on other things, the Citys had revolted? And all his forementioned Oration ingeniously dresses these Antithetons and Solutions of Cases with the subtle Ornaments of his own praise. But this may very profitably be learned therein, that delicately tempr'ing the encomiums of his Auditors, with the things relating to himself, he secures himself from being liable to Envy; nor becomes suspected of Self-love.  
There he relates in what manner the Athenians behaved themselves to the Eubaeans, in what manner to the Thebans, and what benefits they conferred upon those of Byzantium and Chersonesus; in all which he confesses his Part was only that of their Minister or Steward. Thus by a Rhetorical deceit he finely and insensibly instills his own praises into his hearers, who pleasingly hang upon his words, and rejoice at the commemoration of those worthy deeds: Now this Joy is immediately seconded by admiration, and admiration is succeeded by a liking and love of that Person, who so wisely administered the Affairs. This Epaminondas seems to have considered, when being reviled by Meneclidas as though he had an higher opinion of himself, then ever Agamemnon had,— if it be so[ says he] O Thebans, 'tis you have puffed me up; you, by whose help alone, I overthrew the Lacedemonian Empire in one day.  
But since for the most part many are exceedingly displeased with those who are the Trumpeters of their own famed, but if they sound forth anothers are delighted, and give them cheerful acclamations; it is hence grown a frequent custom amongst Orators by a seasonable extoling those who have like purposes, actions and manner of life with Theirs, to assure and wheedle over the Auditory to themselves; knowing that though the Panegyrist solemnize anothers worth, yet having the same endowments of virtue, these Encomiums will redound to himself. For as he who reproaches any Man for faults of which he himself is guilty, cannot but perceive he principally upbraids himself: So the virtuous by giving applauses to the virtuous, offer their own praises to the apprehensive, who will presently cry out,— and are not you one of these? Therefore Alexander honouring Hercules, and Androcopes again honouring Alexander, they in effect proposed themselves to be in like manner honoured by others. But Dionysius scoffing Gelon, and, calling him the Gelos of Sicily, was not ware through envy he had happened to infringe the greatness of his Authority and Power. These things the prudent Man must know and observe.  
Now those who are forced upon their own praises, are the more excusable, if they arrogate not the causes wholly to themselves, but ascribe them in part of Fortune, and in part to God. Achilles therefore said well, 
After the Gods of conquering him bestowed  
On me the Power.  and Timoleon did well, who Erected a Fane to Fortune, and dedicated his house to Bonus Genius, to whom he referred the felicity of his Attempts. But best of all Python Aenius, who after he had slain Cotys, coming to Athens, and perceiving that the Orators being very busy in applauding him to the People, displeased many, and stirred them up to Envy, he thus speaks, These things, ye Athenians some of the Gods have done; our hands were only the Instruments of their Work. Sylla also prevented envy by his perpetually praising Fortune, not his prowess; and at last surnamed himself Epaphroditus in acknowledgement that his success proceeded from the care of Venus. For the World will more readily impute whatever a Person has done well, to a lucky chance, or the pleasure of some God, then to his virtue: and will hardly allow him any honour of a prosperous action; though all defects and misadventures they attribute wholly to himself.  
The Laws therefore of Zaleucus were received by the Locrenses with the more willingness and delight, because he had  told 'em, Minerva constantly appeared to him, dictated and instructed him in those Laws; and that they were none of them his own Inventions.  
These kind of excuses may be framed as convenient remedies or preventions when we have to do with Persons of a difficult or envious humour: nor is it amiss to use some little revocations or corrections of what may seem spoken to our praise, even before those who are of a sedate and composed temper. If any commend us as those who have Learning, Riches, or Authority, we should hinder them from choosing such topics; and rather desire them, if they can, to take notice of us as innocent, good and useful. Thus we do not so much collate, as translate praises; and seem not to be puffed up with our applauders, but rather to show they have not praised conveniently, and for truly meritorious things. We hid also inferior with better qualifications; yet not as desiring to be commended, but as teaching to commend aright. Such forms as these may be referred hither; 'tis true I have not walled the City with Stones or Brick; but if ye view my Fortifications you shall find armor, and Horses, and Confederates enough. But more aptly belongs that of Pericles: when his Friends bewailed him in the extremities of death, they put him in mind of his Authority and the great Office he had discharged; as also what Victories, Trophies and Cities he had left the Athenians, but he raising himself a little, reproved them as fixing only upon common acquests, and enlarging rather in the Encomiums of Fortune than of virtue; whereas they neglected the greatest matter and which was more peculiar to himself, That he had never been the occasion of any Athenians wearing black. And hence the Orator may learn if he be a good Man, to transfer the Eulogiums of his Eloquence to his virtuous Life and Manners; and the Commander who is admired and applauded for his conduct or happy Fortune in the Wars may freely propose his Clemency or Justice as more worthy to be praised. Nay further it becomes even an Emperor upon a profusion of such glutting praises as Flatterers are commonly guilty of, to say something of this nature 
No God am I: Why do ye equal me  
Thus to th' immortal powers;—   
If you know me well let my justice or temperance, my equanimity or humanity be rather spoken of. For even envy her self can easily concede the lesser honours to him who refuses the greater; nor will it rob any of true encomiums, not to expect false and vain ones. Therefore several Princes wo permitted not themselves to be called Gods, nor the off-spring of the Gods, have yet assumed the Titles of Philadelphi, Philometores, Evergetae, or Theophili; and none ever doubted to honour them with those glorious yet human appellations.  
Again, they who in their Writings and Sayings are absolute Votaries to Wisdom by no means will be called sophy or Wisemen, but can pleasantly swallow the Epithet of Philosopher, i.e. Students or Lovers of Wisdom, or any other easy name which sounds not big, nor exposes them to envy; and so they beget and preserve a good esteem. But your Rhetorical Sophisters whilst in their Orations they gape for the extraordinary acclamations of Divine, Angelical, Wonderful, they loose even those common ones of Manly or Pretty well.  
Now as skilful Painters that they may not offend the Eye, alloy their overbright and gaudy colours by temp'ring 'em with darker; so there are some who will not represent their own Praises altogether glazing, and immoderately spendid, but cast in some defects, some scapes, or slight faults to take away the danger of displeasure or envy. Epeius intolerably brags I glory in my being much the best— and after Ile crush my Adversaries Body, break his Bones, yet he would seem to qualify all with this ist no enough that I 'm in Fight unskilled? but, to say truth, to excuse his arrogance with so base a Confession is ridiculous. He then who would be an exact Man corrects himself for his forgetfulness, ignorance, ambition, or not giving ear to discipline or instructions. So does Ulysses.—  
But I the Syrens much to hear desired;  
With earnest brow my unwilling friends required  
To loose me from the Mast—  
None could persuade me, such the violent charm?  
Such incentive to my pleasing harm!  
But 't had been better far.—  
And for the most part 'tis a good Antidote against envy to mix amongst our Praises those faults that are not altogether ungenerous and base: Therefore many temper them not only with confessions of Poverty or Unskilfulness, but even of vile descent. So Agathocles carowzing amongst the Sicilian Youth in Golden Bowls very curiously wrought, commanded Earthen Pots to be brought in, See( says he) what Diligence, Laboriousnes and Fortitude can do! Once we made muggen Jugs, but now Vessels of Gold. For his Original was so mean and contemptible, that it was thought he had served in a Potters Shop, who at last governed almost all Sicily.  
These are the outward preventions, or remedies against diseases that may rise from the speaking of ones self. There are some others inward which Cato has recourse to, when he tells us he was envied for neglecting his domestic Affairs, and being vigilant whole Nights in those of his Country, 
How shall I boast? who grow so easily  
Tho' mustered amongst the common Soldiery,  
Great in my Fortune as the bravest he?  and 
But I am loth to loose past labours gains;  
Nor will retreat form a fresh Troop of pains.   
For as they who obtain great Possessions of Houses or Lands gratis, and with little difficulty, are under the Eye of Envy; but not if their Purchases were troublesone and dear; so it is with them who arrive at honour and applause. Well then, since 'tis evident, we may praise ourselves not only inoffensively, and without being liable to Envy, but with great advantage too; that we may not seem to do this for its self, but a further and better end, first consider whether it may prove for the Instruction of the Company by exciting them to a virtuous emulation. For so Nestors relation of his own achievements enflamed Patrochis, and nine others with a vehement desire of single combat, and we know the Counsel that brings persuasive deeds as well as words, a lively exemplar, and an immediate familiar incentive, ensouls a Man with courage; moves, yea vehemently spurs him up to such a resolution of Mind as cannot doubt the possibility and success of the attempt. This was the reason of that Chorus in Laecedemon consisting of Boys, Young-men and Old, which thus sung in Parts.  Oldman. 
Once were young, and bold, and strong;  Boys. 
And we shall be no less ere long:  Young-m. 
We now are such: and dare defy  
The hard'st age that strives for mastery.  
well and politicly in this public entertainment did the Legislator propose to the Youth obvious and domestic examples of such as they saw had already performed the same things he exhorted them to.  
Moreover it is not only available for the exciting of a generous emulation, but sometimes requisite for the silencing and taming an insolent and audacious Man, to talk a little gloriously of ones self: As Nestor in this 
I have conversed with Men move gallant far  
Then you: much your superiors they in all things more  
Nor did they ever to contem Me dare.   
And Aristotle writes to Alexander, that not only those who have mighty Empires may think highly of themselves; but they also who have worthy thoughts and notions of the Gods. Such a remark as this is also profitable against Enemies, and recalls the Spirits: Weak Sons of Misery our strength oppose.  
And such a reflection as that of Agesilaus, who said concerning the King of Persia, when he heard him called the Great, and who is greater then I, unless he be more Just? So Epimanondas answered the Lacedomonians when they had spun out a long accusation against the Thebans, I see then we have forced you one of your wonted humour of short speech.  
The like to these are proper against Adversaries; but amongst our Friends and Fellow Citizens a seasonable glorying is good, not only to humble and throw down their haughtiness; but if they be fearful or astonished, to fetch back their courage, and teach them to rally up themselves again. Therefore Cyrus in Perils and Battels talked at a thundering rate, but otherwise was mildred and gentle in discourse. And Antigonus the second generally was modest and free from blustering, but at the Sea-fight at Cos, one of his Friends saying, see you now how much greater the number of the Enemies Ships is, then ours? He answers and how many soever they be; set me opposite to them all.  
This Homer seems to have considered, who makes Ulysses, when his friends were dismayed at the noise and horrible Waves of Caribdis, to immind them of his former Stratagems and Valour.  
Nor is the Evil greater now, then when  
By force the Cyclops in his spacious Den  
Impris'nd us; yet thence my Policy,  
Or found, or Prowess made a prosperous way.  
For these kind of Praises are not such as the Haranguers to the People or Sophistical Braggers use, nor of those who affect Popular Hummings and Applause; but necessary Pledges of ●… hat Courage and Conduct, which must be given to hearten up our Friends, for we know ●… hat opinion and confidence in him whom we ●… steem endowed with the Fortitude and Experi●… nce of a complete Captain, is in the Crisis of ●… Battle no small advantage to the obtaining of ●… he day.  
We have before declared the opposing him●… elf to the reputation and credit of another ●… o be altogether unbefitting a worthy Man, ●… ut where a vicious Praise becomes hurtful ●… nd corruptive, creating an earnestness after ●… will things, or an evil purpose in great Mat●… ers, it is not unprofitable to refuse it; but ●… ecomes us to direct the Minds of the Com●… any towards better sentiments of things, ●… owing their difference, and wherein it fails. ●… or certainly any one will be pleased, when he sees many voluntarily abstaining from the Vices they heard cried down and reproved, but if baseness be well accounted of, and honour be made to attend on him who pursues Pleasure or Avarice, where is the Nature so happily strong that can resist, much less conquer the Temptation? Therefore a generous and discreet Person must not set himself against the Praises of evil Men, but of evil actions, for they are not by any means to be applauded; and these kind of commendations pervert the judgments of Men, and miserable led them to the imitating and aemulating unworthy practices as laudable. But they may be easily bewrayed by confronting them with opposite Truths. Theodorus the Tragedian is reported to have said to Satyrus the Comedian, 'tis not so wonderful an Art to move the theatres Laughter, as to force its Tears, and if some Philosopher should have retorted, Ay, but friend 'tis not so fit and seemly to make Men weep, as to remove and free them from their Sorrow; 'tis likely by some odd way of commending himself, he would have delighted his hearer, and endeavoured to alter or secure his judgement. So Zeno knew how to speak for himself when the greater number of Theophrastus his Scholars, was opposed to the fewness of his; saying, His Chorus is indeed greater then mine, but mine is sweeter and better taught. And photion, while Leostenes prospered, being asked by the Orators, what good he had done the City, replies— Nothing but thi●… that in my Government of you there have been n●… funeral Orations, though all the deceased were burie●… in the sepulchers of their Ancestors. So Crat●… by way of Antithesis to this Epitaph of the Glutton 
[ What I have eat is mine; in words my will  
I've had, and of my Lust have took my fill.]  well opposes these 
What I have learned, is mine; I'ave had my thought,  
And me▪ the Muses noble Truths have taught.   
This kind of Praise is amiable and advantageous, teaching to admire and love convenient and profitable things, instead of the the superfluous and vain.  
Thus much for the stating of the question, in what cases, and how far self Praise may be inoffensive: Now the Order of the Discourse requires to show how an uncomely and unseasonable affectation of Praise may be avoided.  
Discourse of a Mans self usually sallys from self Love, as from its Fort; and is there observed to lay wait, even in those who are vulgarly thought free enough from ambition. Therefore, as it is one of the Rules of health, to avoid dangerous and unwholesome places, or being in them to take the greater care, so it ought to be a like Rule concerning converse and speaking of ones self. For this kind of Talk has slippery occasions, into which we unawares and indiscernibly are apt to fall.  
For first( as is abovesaid) ambition usually intrudes with some flourishing remarks to adorn her self: for let a Person be commended by his equal or inferior, the Mind of the Ambitious is tickled and rubed at the hearing of his Praise, and immediately he is hurried by an intemperate desire and precipitation after the like; as the Appetite of the hungry is sharpened by seeing others Eat.  
In the second place, the stroy of Mens prosperous Actions, naturally carrys them into the humour of boasting; and Joy so far transports them, that they swell with their own words, when they would give you a Relation of their Victorys, and success in the businesss of the State, or of other their publicly applauded Actions or Orations, they find it difficult not to play the Rhodomontado's, and preserve a mean. In which kind of Error 'tis observable that Soldiers and Mariners are most entangled: nor is it unfrequent with those who return from the Government of Provinces, and management of great Affairs. Such as these when is mention once made of Illustrious and Royal Personages, presently thrust in some Eulogys of themselves, as proceeding from the favour and kind opinion of those Princes; and then fancy they seem not at all to have praised themselves, but only given a bare account, what great Men have said honourably of them. So, another sort, little different from these, think they are not discerned, when they tell you all the familiarities of Kings and Emperors with them, and their particular appear to recount them, not as thereby intending their own Honour, but as bringing in considerable Evidences of singular Affability and Humanity in Persons so excceding great.  
We see then what reason we have to look narrowly to ourselves, that, whilst we confer praises on others, we give no ground for Suspicion, that we may make them but the vehicles of our own; and that in pretending to celebrate Patroclus under his name we mean Romantickly ourselves.  
Further, that kind of discourse which consists in dispraising and finding fault is dangerous, and yields opportunity to those that watch it, for the magnifying their own little worth. Of this old Men are inclinable to be guilty, when by chastising and debasing others for their Vices, they exalt themselves as wonderfully great in the opposite virtues. Indeed to these there must be a very large concession, if they be Reverend not only in Age, but in virtue and Place: For it is not altogether an unprofitable way, since it may sometimes create an extraordinary zeal, and emulation of Honour in those who are thus spurred up. But otherwise that sort of humour is carefully to be shunned; for reproof is often bitter, and wants a great deal of caution to sweeten and correct it. Now this is not done by the tempering our own Praises with the reprehension of another: for he is an unworthy and odious Fellow, who seeks his own Credit through any Mans disgrace, basely endeavouring to build a slight Reputation of his virtue, upon the discovery of anothers crimes.  
Lastly, as they who are naturally inclined to a dangerous sort of Laughter, which is a kind of a violent passion or disease, must preserve especially the smooth Parts of the Body from tickling incentives that may provoke it: So they whose Minds are soft, and propense to the desires of Reputation, must carefully beware that they be not precipitated by the ticklings of anothers Praises into a vapouring of themselves. They ought rather to blushy, if they hear themselves commended; and not put on a brazen face. They ought modestly and handsomely to reprove tieir applauders, as having honoured them too much; and not chide them for having been too sparing in their Praise. Yet in this many offend, putting those who speak advantageously of them in mind of more things of the same nature; endeavouring to make a huge heap of creditable actions, till they spoil not only what they themselves added, but all that their Friends conferred to the promoting their esteem.  
Some there are who flatter themselves till they are stupidly puffed up: others allure a Man to talk of himself, and take him, by casting some little gilded temptation in his way: and ● another sort for a little sport will be putting questions, as those in Menander to the silly Bragadocia Soldier.  
How did you get this wound?  
By a furious Dart.  
For Heav'ns sake, how?  
As from my Scaling Ladder  
I mounted the pround Wall. See here! behold!  
I show you presently—  
But they spoiled all with Laughter.  
We must therefore be watchful that we neither ourselves drop into our own inconvenient Praises; nor he hooked into them by others. Now the best and most certain way of Security is to look back upon such as we can remember guilty of this fault; and consider how absurd and ugly it is accounted by all Men; and that hardly any thing is in converse a greater disturbance then this.  
Hence it is, that though there be no other quality in such persons unpleasing, yet as Nature had taught us to abhor and fly it, we hasten out to get a little fresh Air, and even the very Parasites and indigent Flatterers are uneasy, when the wealthy and great Men, by whose scraps they live, begin to admire and extol themselves. Yet[ they say] these are the pricipal dishes at Feasts; Therefore he in Menander crys out 
They kill me, I'm a macerated Guest  
With their wise saying and their Souldiers brags.  
How base these Glorioso's are!—   
But these faults are not only to be objected against common Soldiers and Upstarts, detaining others with gaudy and proud relations of their own actions; but also to Sophists and Philosophers and Commanders, growing full of themselves, and talking at a fastuous rate.  
Therefore 'tis fit we still remember that anothers dispraise always accompanys the indiscreet Praises of ourselves. That the end of vain glory is disgrace, and that as Demosthenes tells us, the Company will both be offended and judge otherwise of us, then we would seem to be. Let us then forbear to talk of ourselves, unless the profit that we or others may thence probably reap, be considerably great.   

Plutarch's Morals: Concerning the Procreation of the Soul, as discoursed of in Timaeus. The Father to Autobulus, and Plutarch wisheth Health.  Translated from the Greek by John Phillips, Gent. 
SINCE 'tis my Opinion, that it would be requisite for me to collect together, what I have discoursed and written dispersedly in several Treatises, explaining, as we apprehended his Sense and Meaning, what Opinion Plato had concerning the Soul, as requiring a particular Commentary by itself: Therefore, and for that the Subject itself may seem to want the support and alloy of sound Argument, in regard my Sentiments in many things do not comply with Plato's Disciples, I will rehearse the Words as they run originally in the Text itself of Timaeus.  
There being one Substance not admitting of Division, but continuing still the same, and another liable to be divided into several Bodies, out of both these he produced, for a middle Mixture, a third sort of Substance, partaking of the Nature of the Same, and the Nature of the Other diversely opposed; and placed it in the midst between that which was indivisible, and that which was subject to be corporeally divided. Then taking all Three, he blended them into one form, forcibly adapting to the Same, the Nature of the Other, not readily condescending to a Mixture. Now when he had thus mixed them with the Substance, and reduced the Three into one, he again divided this whole Matter into so many parts, as were thought to be necessary; every one of these Parts being composed of the Same, the Other, and the Substance: and thus he began his Division.  
By the way, it would be an endless toil to recite the Contentions and Disputes that have from hence arisen among his Interpreters, and to you indeed superfluous, who are not ignorant yourselves of the greatest part.  
But seeing that Xenocrates won to his Opini●… several of the most eminent Philosophers, while he defined the Substance of the Soul to be a Number made by itself; and that many adhered to Crantor the Solian, who affirmed the Soul to consist of an Essence partly perceptible to the Mind, partly subject to Opinions concerning sensible things, I am apt to believe, that the Perspicuity of these Matters clearly dilucidated, will afford ye a fair entrance into the Knowledge of the Rest. Nor does either of the two Conjectures require many Words of Explanation. In regard the one side pretends, that by the Mixture of the Divisible and Indivisible Substance no other thing is meant than the Generation or Original of Number; seeing that the Unite is undividable, but Multitude is subject to Division: However that out of these is begot the Number of One, terminating Plurality, and putting a Period to Infinity, which they call the unlimited Binarie; which Zaratas, the Scholar of Pythagoras named the Mother; but the Unite, the Father of Number; and that therefore those Numbers were the best which approached nearest in Resemblance to the Unite. Nevertheless, this Number cannot be said to be the Soul: for it neither has the Power to move, neither can it be moved. But the Same and the Other being blended together, of which, this is the Original of Motion and Mutation, the t'other of Rest and Stability; from these two springs the Soul, which is no less Active or Passive itself, to stay, or to be stayed, to move, or to be moved.  
But the Followers of Crantor, supposing the proper Function of the Soul to consist in judging of those things which are discernible to the Understanding, and liable to Sense, as also of the Differences and Similitudes of these things, as well in themselves, as in reference one to another, allege the Soul to be composed of All, to the end she may have a true Knowledge of the whole: Now the things of which she is to make her judgement, are fourfold; The Intelligible Nature always immutable and still the same: The Sensitive Nature, which is Passive and subject to Alteration; the Nature of the Same; and the Nature of the Other, or the diversely Opposite; in regard the two former in some measure participate also of Diversity and Identity. All these Philosophers likewise equally hold, that the Soul does neither derive its Beginning from Time, nor that it is the Product of Generation; but that it is endued with several Faculties and virtues into which Plato, as it were melting and dissolving its Substance for Contemplation's Sake, supposes it, only in discourse to have had its Original from Procreation and Mixture.  
The same was his Opinion concerning the World; for he knew it to be created, and without beginning; but not perceiving it so easy to apprehended how the Structure was reared, or by what Order and Government supported, unless by admitting its Beginning and the Causes thereto concurring, he followed that Method to instruct himself. These things being thus generally by them laid down, Eudorus will allow to neither side any share of probability: and indeed to me, they both seem to have wandered from the Opinion of Plato; if we intend to make the most likely Rule our Guide; which is not to advance our own Conceits, but to come as close as we can to his sense and Meaning. Now as to this same Mixture, as they call it; of the intelligible and sensitive Substance, there is no reason appears, why it should be more the Original of the Soul, than of any other thing that ye can name. For the whole World itself, and every one of its parts pretend to no other Composition than of a sensitive and Intelligible Substance. Of which the one affords Matter and Foundation, the other Form and Figure to the whole Mass. And then again, whate'er there is of material Substance framed and structur'd by participation and assimulation of the intelligible Nature, is not only to be felt, but visible to the Eye; when as the Soul still soars above the reach of all natural Apprehension. Neither did Plato ever assert Number to the Soul, but a perpetually self-moving Nature, the Fountain and Principle of Motion. Only he embellished and adorned the Substance of it with Number, Proportion and Harmony; as being a Subject capable of receiving the most goodly form which those Ornaments could produce. So that I cannot believe it to be the same thing to compose the Soul according to Number, and to affirm the Soul to be Number itself. Nor can it be said to be Harmony, because harmoniously composed, as he has clearly demonstrated in his Treatise of the Soul. But plain it is, that those Philosophers understood not the meaning of The Same, and the Other. For they tell us how the Same contributes Rest, the Other Motion toward the Generation of the Soul. Though Plato himself, in his Treatise entitled the Sophist; disposes and distinguishes Essence, The Same, The Other, together with Motion and Rest, as being fine Things altogether differing one from another; and voided of mutual Affinity. But these Men are generally, as the most part of Plato's Readers, timorously and vainly perplexed, use all their endeavours by wresting and tormenting his sense, to conceal and hid what he has written, as if it were some terrible Novelty not fit for public View, that the World and the Soul had not their Beginning and Composition from Eternity, and therefore were not confined within the boundless immensity of Time for the future: of which we have particularly spoken already. So that now it shall suffice to say no more than this, that these Writers confounded and smother, if they do not rather utterly abolish his eager Contest and Dispute in behalf of the Gods, wherein Plato confesses himself to have been transported with an ambitious Zeal, even beyond the Strength of his Years, against the Atheists of his Time. For if the World had no beginning, Plato's Opinion vanishes; That the Soul, much elder than the Body, is the Principle of all Motion and Alteration, or to use his own Words, their Chieftain and first efficient Cause, whose Mansion is in Nature's most secret Retirement. But what the Soul is, what the Body, and why the Soul is said to have been elder than the Body, shall be made appear in the Progress of this Discourse. The ignorance of which seems to have been the Occasion of so much Doubt and Incredulity, in reference to the true Opinion.  
First, Therefore I shall propose my own Sentiments concerning these things, desiring to gain Credit no otherwise than by the most probable strength of Arguments, explaining and reconciling to the utmost of my Ability, Truth and Paradox together: after which I shall apply both the Explication and Demonstration to the Words of the Text. In my Opinion then, the Business lies thus: The World, saith Heraclitus, neither did any one of all the Gods, nor any mortal Man create. As if he had been afraid, that not being able to make out the Creation by a Deity; we should be constrained to aclowledge some Man to have been the Architect of the Universe. But certainly far better it is in submission to Plato's judgement, both to avow, and in our Songs of Praise to attribute the Glory of the Structure to God. For the Frame itself is the most beautiful of all Master-pieces, and God the most Illustrious of all Causes: But that the Substance and Materials were not created, but always ready at the ordering and disposal of the Omnipotent Builder, to give it Form and Figure, as near as might be approaching to his own Resemblance. For the Creation was not out of nothing, but out of Matter wanting Beauty and Perfection, like the rude Materials of a House, a Garment, or a Statue, lying first in shapeless Confusion. For before the Creation of the World, there was nothing but a confused Heap: Yet was that confused Heap neither without a Body, without Motion, nor without a Soul. The Corporeal part was without Form or Consistence, and the moving part stupid and headlong without reason or Conduct. God neither incorporated that which was incorporeal, nor conveyed a Soul into that which had none before; like a Person either Musical or Poetical, who does not make the Voice, nor the Movement, only he renders the Voice Harmony, and graces the Movement with proper Measures. Thus God did not make the Tangible and Repercutient Solidity of the Corporeal Substance; nor the imaginative or moving Faculties of the Soul. But taking these two Principles, as they lay ready at hand, the one obscure and dark, the other turbulent and senseless, both imperfect without the Bounds of Order and Decency, He so disposed, digested, and embellished the confused Mass, that He brought to perfection a most absolute and glorious Creature. Therefore the Substance of the Body is no other; then that all receiving Nature, the Seat and Nurse of all created Beings. But the Substance of the Soul in Philebus he called an infinite, being the Privation of Number and Proportion; having neither Period nor Measure either of Diminution or Excess, of Distinction or Dissimilitude. But as to that Order he alleges in Timaeus, to be the mixture of Nature with the indivisible Substance, but being applied to Bodies, becomes liable to Division, he would not have it thought to be a Bulk augmented by Unites or Points, nor by Longitude and Breadth, which are Qualities more consentaneous to Bodies than to the Soul, but that disorderly unlimited Principle, moving both itself and other Substances, that which he frequently calls Necessity, and within his Treatise of Laws, he openly stiles the disorderly ill acting, or harm-doing Soul. For such was this Soul of her self, but at length one became wise, that by the participation of Understanding, Ratiocination and Harmony, she might be the Soul of the World: Thus that All-receiving and material Principle, enjoyed both Magnitude, Space and Distance; but Beauty, Form and Measure of Proportion it had none. However all these it obtained, when it came to be embellished and adorned with all the Ornaments of Sea and Land, the Heavens, the Stars, and all those infinite Varieties of Plants and living Creatures. Now as for those who attribute to Matter; and not to the Soul, that which in Timaeus is called Necessity, in Philebus, vast Disproportion and unlimited Exorbitancy of Diminution and Excess, they can never maintain it to be the Cause of Disorder, in regard that Plato always alleges that same Matter to be without any Form or Figures, and altogether destitute of any Quality or effectual virtue properly belonging to it; comparing it to such oils that have no Scent at all, which the Perfumers mix in their Tictures. For there is no likelihood that Plato would suppose that to be the Cause and Principle of Evil, which is altogether feneant in itself, sluggish, and never to be roused on to Action; and yet at the same time brand this Immensity with the harsh epithet of deformed and mischievous, and call it Necessity repugnant and contumatiously rebellious against God. For this same Necessity, which ranverses Heaven( to use his own Phrase in his politics) and turns it the quiter contrary way from Decency and Symmetry, together with, innate Concupiscence, and that inbred Confusion of ancient Nature, hurly burly'd with all manner of Disorder, before they were wrought and kneaded into the graceful Decorum of the World, whence came they to be conveyed into the several Varieties of Forms and Beings, if the Subject, which is the First Matter, were voided of all Quality whatsoever, and deprived of all efficient Cause; more especially the Architect being so good himself, and intending a Frame the nearest approaching to his own Perfections? For besides these, there is no third Principle. And indeed we should stumble into the perplexed Intricacies of the stoics, should we advance Evil into the World out of Non-entity, without either any preceding Cause or Effect of Generation; in regard that among those Principles that have a Being, it is not probable, that either real Good, or that which is destitute of all manner of Quality, should afford Birth or Substance to Evil. But Plato escaped those Pit-falls into which they blundred who came after him; who neglecting what he carefully embraced, the third Principle, and energetick virtue, in the middle betwixt God and the first Matter, maintain the most absurd of Arguments, affirming the Nature of Evils to have crept in spontaneously and adventitiously, I know not how, nor by what strange Accidents. And yet they will not allow an atom of Epicurus so much as a moments Liberty to shift in its Station, which, as they say, would infer Motion out of Non-entity, without any impulsive Cause; nevertheless, themselves presuming all this while to affirm, that 'vice and Wickedness, together with a thousand other Incongruities and Vexations afflicting the Body, of which no Cause can be ascribed to any of the Principles, derived their Being from Consequence. Plato however does not so, who despoiling the first Matter of all manner of Distinction, and separating from God, as far as it is possible, the Causes of Evil, has thus delivered himself concerning the World in his Political Discourses. The World, saith he, received from the illustrious Builder all things beautiful and lovely; but whatsoever happens to be noxious and irregular in Heaven, through its exterior Habit and Disposition, from thence it derives those Inconveniences, and conveys them into the several Creatures. And a little after, in the same Treatise, In process of time, when Oblivion had incroach'd upon the World, the Distemper of its ancient Confusion more prevailed, and the Hazard is, lest being dissolved, it should again be sunk and plunged into the immense Abyss of its former Irregularity. But there can be no dissimilitude in the first Matter, as being voided of Quality and Distinction.  
Of which, when Eudemus, with several others, was altogether ignorant, he seems deridingly to cavil with Plato, and taxes him with asserting the first Matter to be the Cause, the Root and Principle of all Evil, which he had at other times so frequently dignified with the tender Appellations of Mother and Nurse. Whereas Plato gives to Matter only the Titles of the Mother and Nurse; but the Cause of Evil he makes to be the moving Force residing within it, not governed by Order and Reason, though not without a Soul neither, which in his Treatise of the Laws, he calls expressly the Soul repugnant, and in Hostility with that other propitiously and kindly acting. For though the Soul be the Principle of Motion, yet is it the Understanding and Intelligence which measures that Motion by Order and Harmony, and is the Cause of both. God therefore did not wake a sluggish and sleepy Matter into Action, but prevented it by a fixed Establishment from being any longer troubled and disquieted by a senseless and stupid Cause. Neither did he infuse into Nature the Principles of Alteration and passive Subjection to Disorders; but when it was under the Pressure of those unruly Disorders and Alterations, he discharged it of its manifold Enormities and Irregularities, making use of Symmetry, Proportion and Number, as the most proper Instruments, not of Alteration and lawless Motion to distracted the several Beings with Passions and Distinctions, but rather to render 'em fixed and stable, and nearest in their Composition to those things that in themselves continue still the same upon the equal Poise of Diuturnity. And this in my judgement is the sense and Meaning of Plato. Of which, the easy Reconciliation of his seeming Incongruities and Contradiction of himself may serve for the first Proof.  
For indeed no Men of judgement would have objected to the most Bacchanalian Sophisters, more especially to Plato, the Guilt of so much Inconvenience and impudent Rashness in a Discourse by him so elaborately studied, as to affirm the same Nature in one place never to have been created, in another to have been the Effects of Generation in Phaedrus, to assert the Soul Eternal: in Timaeus, to subject it to Procreation. The Words in Phaedrus need no Repetition, as being generally familiar to the Learned, wherein he proves the Soul to be incorruptible, in regard it never had a Beginning; as being that which moves itself. But in Timaeus, God, saith he, did make the Soul a Junior to the Body, as now we labour to prove it to have been subsequent to the Body. For he would have never suffered the more Ancient, because linked and coupled with the Younger, to have been governed by it; only We, guided I know not how, by Chance and inconsiderate Rashness, frame odd kind of Notions to ourselves. But God most certainly composed the Soul excelling the Body in Seniority both of Original and Power to be mistress and Governess of her inferior Servant. And then again he adds, how that the Soul reverting to her self, began the Divine Beginning of an eternal and prudent Life. Now, saith he, the Body of Heaven became visible; but the Soul being invisible, nevertheless participating of Ratiocination and Harmony, by the best of intelligible Beings, she was made the best of things created. Here then he determines God to be the best of sempiternal Beings, the Soul to be the most excellent of temporal existences. By which apparent Distinction, and Antithesis, he denies the Eternity of the Soul, or that it never had a Beginning. And thus what other or better Reconciliation of these seeming Contrarieties, than his own Explanation, to those that are willing to apprehended it. For he declares to have been without beginning the never procreated Soul that moved all things confusedly and in an irregular manner before the Creation of the World. But as for that, which God composed out of this, and that other permanent and choicest Substance both prudent and orderly, and adding of his own, as if it were for Form and Beauty's sake, Intellect to sense, and Order to Motion, constituted Prince and Chieftain of the whole, that he acknowledges to have had a Beginning and to have proceeded from Generation. Thus he likewise pronounces the Body of the World in one respect to be eternal and without Beginning, in another sense to be the Work of the Creation. To which purpose, where he says that the visible Structure, never in repose at first, but restless in a confused and tempestuous Motion, was at length by the hand of God, disposed and ranged into majestic Order, where he says that the four Elements, Fire and Water, Earth and Air, before the stately Pile was by them embellished and adorned, caused a prodigious Fever, and shivering Ague in the whole Mass of Matter, that laboured under the Combats of their unequal Mixtures, by his urging these things he gives those Bodies room in the vast Abyss before the fabric of the Universe. Again, when he says, that the Body was younger than the Soul, and that the World was created, as being of a Corporeal substance that may be seen and felt, which sort of substances must necessary have a Beginning and be created; it is evidently demonstrable from thence, that he ascribes Original Creation to the Nature of Bodies. So far is he from being repugnant or contradictory to himself in these sublimest Mysteries. For he does not contend, that the same Body was created by God, or after the same manner, and yet that it was before it had a Being, which would have been to act the part of a juggler; but he instructs us what we ought to understand by Generation and Creation. Therefore, says he, at first all these things were voided of Measure and Proportion; but when God first began to beautify the whole, the Fire and Water, Earth and Air, having perhaps some Prints and Footsteps of their Forms, lay in a huddle jumbled together, as probable it is, that all things are, where God is absent, which then he reduced to a comely Perfection, varied by Number and Order. Moreover, having  told us before, that it was not a Work of one, but of a twofold Proportion to bind and fasten the bulkie Immensity of the whole, which was both solid and of a prodigious profundity, and then coming to declare how God, after he had placed the Water and the Earth in the midst between the Fire and the Air, incontinently closed up the Heavens into a circular Form. Out of these Materials, saith he, being four in number, was the Body of the World created, agreeing in Proportion, and so amicably corresponding together, that being thus embody'd and confined within their proper Bounds, it is impossible that any dissolution should happen from their own Contending Force, unless He that riveted the whole Frame, should go about again to rend it in pieces: most apparently teaching us, that God was not the Parent and Architect of the Corporeal Substance only, or of the Bulk and Matter, but of the Beauty, the Symmetry and Similitude that adorned and graced the whole. The same we are to believe He thought concerning the Soul; that there is one which was neither the Created by God, neither is it the Soul of the World, but a certain self-moving and restless Efficacy of a giddy, headstrong, irrational and disorderly Agitation and Impetuosity. The other, that which God himself having accouter'd and adorned with suitable Numbers and Proportions, has made Queen: Regent of the created World, her self the Product of Creation also. Now that Plato had this Belief concerning these things, and not for Contemplation's Sake laid down these Suppositions concerning the Creation of the World and the Soul, this among many others, seem to be an evident signification, that as to the Soul, he avers it to be both created and not created, but as to the World he always maintains, that it had a Beginning, and was created, never that it was Incorruptible and Eternal. What Necessity therefore of bringing any Testimonies out of Timaeus. For the whole Treatise from the Beginning to the End, discourses of nothing else but of the Creation of the World. As for the rest we find that Timaeus in his atlantic, addressing himself in Prayer to the Deity, calls God that Being which of old existed in his Works, but now was apparent to Reason. In his politics, his Parmenidean Guest acknowledges the World, which was the handiwork of God, to be replenished with several good things, and that if there be any thing in it which is vicious and offensive, that it is a Mixture of its first ill Habit of Incongruous and Irrational. But Socrates, in his politics, beginning to discourse of Number, which some call by the Name of Wedlock; The Created Divinity, saith he, has a circular Period, which is, as it were, enchased and involved in a certain and perfect Number; meaning in that place by created Divinity no other than the World itself. The first Pair of these Numbers consists of One and Two, the second of Three and 1 2 3 2 5 5 7 8 Four, the third of Five and Six; neither of which Pairs make a Tetragonal Number, either by themselves, nor joined with any other Figures. The fourth of Seven and Eight, which being added all altogether, produce a Tetragonal Number of Thirty Six.  

A Breach in the Original.  
But the Quaternary of Numbers set down by Plato have a more perfect Generation, of even Numbers multiplied by even distances; of odd, by uneven Intervals. This Quaternary contains the Unite, the common Original of all even and odd Numbers. Subsequent to which are two and three, the first plain Numbers, then Four and Nine, the first Tetragonals; and next Eight and Twenty seven, the first Cubical Numbers, substracting the Unite from the rest. Whence it is apparent, that his Intention was not that the Numbers should be placed in a direct Line, one above another, but a part, and oppositely one against t'other, the even by themselves, and the odd by themselves, according to the Schemes in view. In the same manner are similar Numbers likewise to be joined together, which will produce other Numbers remarkable, as well by their Addition, as Multiplication of one another. By Addition thus, two and three make five, four and nine make thirteen, eight and twenty seven, thirty five. Of all which Numbers the Pythagoreans called Five the Nourisher, that is to say, the Breeding or Fostering sound: believing a Fifth to be the first of sounds, expressing the Intervals of a Tone. But as for Thirteen, they call it the Remainder, despairing, as Plato himself did, of being ever able to divide a Tone into equal parts. Then Five and Thirty they named Harmony, as consisting of the two first Cubes, rising from an odd and an even Number; as also out of the four Numbers Six, Eight, Nine and Twelve comprehending both Harmonical and Arithmetical Proportion. Which nevertheless will be more conspicuous being made out in a Scheme to the Eye.  
Admit a Right Angle Parallellogram, A.B.C.D. the lesser side of which A. B. consists of Five, the longer side A. C. contains seven Squares. Let the lesser Division be unequally divided into two and three Squares, marked E. And the larger Division into two unequal Divisions more of three and four Squares, marked F. Thus A.E.F.G. comprehends six, E B.G.I. nine. F.G.C.H. eight, and GIHD. twelve. By this means the whole Parallellogram containing thirty five little square Areas, comprehends all the Proportions of the first concords in music in the number of these little Squares. For six is exceeded by eight in a Sesquiterce proportion, wherein the Diatessaron is comprehended. And six is exceeded by nine, in a Sesquialter proportion, wherein is also included the fifth. Six is exceeded by Twelve in duple Proportion, containing also the Octave; and then lastly, there is the Sesquioctave Proportion of a Tone in eight to nine. And therefore they call that Number which comprehends all these Proportions, Harmony. This Number is 35, which being multiplied by 6, the Product is 120. Which is the Number of Days, they say, which brings those Infants to Perfection that are born at the seven Months end. To proceed by way of Multiplication, twice 3 makes 6. And four times 9 thirty six, and 8 times 27 produces 216. Thus 6 appears to be a perfect Number, as being equal to its Parts, and therefore called Matrimony, by reason of the Mixture of the first Even and Odd. Moreover, it is composed of the Original of Number, which is One, of the first even Number, which is Two, and the first odd Number, which is Three. Then for 36, it is the first, as well Quadrangular as Triangular Number. Quadrangular from 6, and Triangular form 8. The same thing happens from the Multiplication of the two first square Numbers, 4 and 9, as also from the Addition of the three Cubical Numbers. One, Eight, and 27, which being put together make up 36. Lastly, you have the unequal sides of the Parellellogram, by the Multiplication of 12 by 3, or 9 by 4.  
Take then the Numbers of the sides of all these Figures, the 6 of the Square, the 8 of the Triangle, the 9 for the one side of the Parallellogram, and the 12 for the other side, and there you will find the Proportions of all the Concords. For 12 to 9 will be a Fourth, as De la sol re to A la mire below. To 8 it will prove a Fifth, as De la sol re to G sol re ut below. To six it will be an Octave, as D la sol re to D solre. And the two hundred and sixteen is the Cubical Number, proceeding from six, which is its Root, and so equal from the Senarie to its own Perimeter. Now these Numbers aforesaid being endued with all these Properties, the last of them, which is 27, has this peculiar to itself, that being added, to those that preceded, it is equal to All together; besides that, it is the Periodical Number of the Days wherein the Moon finishes her monthly Course, the Pythagoreans make it to be the Limit of all Harmonical Intervals. On the other side, they call Thirteen the Remainder, in regard it misses a Unite to be half of Seven. Now that these Numbers comprehends the Proportions of Harmoniacal Concord, is easily made apparent. For the Proportion of 2 to 1 is duple, which contains the Diapason; as the Proportion of 2 to 3 Sesquialter; which embraces the Fifth: and the Proportion of 4 to 3 Sesquiterce, which comprehends the Diatessaron. The Proportion of nine to three Triple, including the Diatessaron and Diapente, and that of 8 to 2 Quadruple, comprehending the double Diapason. Lastly, there is the Sesquioctave in 8 to 9, which makes the Tone mayor, counting then the Unite which is common as well to the even as the odd Numbers, the whole Series of Figures completes the decade. For the first four Numbers from the Unite, 1, 2, 3, 4, make Ten: and these even Numbers, 1, 2, 4, 8, produce 15, in order the third Triangular or Trigonal Number from Five. On the other side, take the odd Numbers, 1, 3, 9, and add to them 27, the product is 40, by which Numbers the Skilful measure all musical Intervals, of which they called the one a Diesis( or the half of a Semitone Minor) and the other a Tone. Which Number of 40 proceeds from the force of the Quaternary Number by Multiplication. For from the first four Numbers, every one being multiplied four times by itself, the Product will be 4, 8, 12, 16, which being added altogether make 40, comprehending all the Proportions of Harmony. For 16 is a Sesquiterce to 12, Duple to 8, and Quadruple to 4. Again, 12 holds a Sesquialiter proportion to 8, and Triple to 4. In which proportions are contained the Intervals of the Diatessaron, Diapente, Diapason, and double Diapason. Moreover, the Number 40 is equal to the two first Tetragones, and the two first Cubes being taken both together. For the first Tetragones are 1 and 4, the first Cubes are 12 and 27, which being added together make 40. Whence it appears that the Platonic Quaternary, is much more perfect and fuller of Variety than the Pythagoric; but in regard the Numbers proposed did not afford space sufficient for the middle Intervals, therefore there was a Necessity to allow larger Bounds for the Proportions.  
And now we are to tell ye what those Bounds and middle Spaces are. And first concerning the Medieties; of which, that which equally exceeds and is exceeded by the same Number, is called Arithmetical; the other which exceeds, or is exceeded by the same part of its Extremities, is called Subcontrary. Now the extremes, and the middle of Arithmetical Mediety are 6, 9, 12. For 6 is exceeded by 9, as nine is exceeded by 12, that is to say, by the Number three. The extremes of the Subcontrary are 6. The extremes and middle of the Subcontrary are 6, 8, 12, where 6 is exceeded two by 8, and 8 four by 12, yet 2 is equally the Third of 6, as 4 is the third part of 12. So that in the Arithmetical Mediety, the Middle exceeds and is exceeded by the same part; but in the Subcontrary Mediety, one of the extremes wants, the other abounds in the same part of the Extremity, for in the first, 3 is the third part of the Medium in reference to both extremes; but in the latter, the third parts are different, 4 and 2, whence it is called Subcontrary. This they also call Harmony, as being that whose Middle and extremes afford the first Concords: that is to say, between the highest and lowermost lies the Diapason: between the highest and the middle lies the Diapente; and between the middle and lowermost lies the Fourth or Diatessaron. For suppose the higest extreme to be D la sol re, and the lowest extreme De sol re, the middle is G sol re ut, making a Fifth to the uppermost extreme, but a Fourth to the lowermost. So that D la sol re answers to 12, G sol re ut to 8, and D sol re to 6. Now the more readily to find out these Mediums, Eudorus hath taught us an easy Method. For after you have proposed the Extremities, if you take the half part of each, and add them together, the Product shall be the middle alike both in Duple and Triple Proportions, in Arithmetical Mediety. But as for Subcontrary Mediety, in duple proportion, first having fixed the extremes, take the third part of the lesser, and the half of the larger extreme, and the Addition of both together shall be the middle. In triple proportion the half of the lesser, and the third part of the larger extreme shall be the Mediety. As for Example, in triple proportion let 6 be the least extreme, and 18 the biggest; if you take 3, which is the half of 6, and 6 which is the third part of 18, the Product by Addition will be 9, exceeding and exceeded by the same parts of the extremes. In this manner the Mediums are found out. Now these Mediums are so to be disposed and placed to fill up the duple and triple Intervals. For of these proposed Numbers, some have no middle Space, others have no sufficient. Being therefore so augmented that the same Proportions may remain, they will afford sufficient space for the foresaid Mediums. To which purpose, instead of a Unite, they choose the Number six, as being the first Number including in itself a half and third part, and so multiplying all the Figures below it and above it by 6, they made sufficient room to receive the Medium both in double and triple Distances, as in the Example.  
12 2 6 3 18 24 4 9 54 48 8 27 162  
Now Plato having laid down this for a Position, that the Distances of Sesquialters, and Sesquiterces, and Sesquioctaves being once found out, all the Sesquiterce Distances were filled up from those Connexions, in the Sesquioctave Intervals, by leaving such a part of each, so as the Distance left of the part might bear the proportional extremes of Number to Number, as 256 to 243. From hence they were constrained to enlarge their Number and make them bigger, that there might be two Numbers following in order in Sesquioctave proportion; the six not being sufficient to contain two Sesquioctaves, though you should bruise it into ten thousand Unites, which would strangely perplex the Study of these things, Therefore the Occasion itself advised Multiplication. As in the Musical Scale, the Change and Variation of Notes extends itself upward and downward from the first innumerical Proportions of the Base, Eudorus therefore imitating Cranter, made choice of 384 for his first Number, being the product of 64 multiplied by 6, which way of proceeding the Number 64, led them to, containing it's under Sesquioctave 9, in proportion to 72. But it is more agreeable to the Words of Plato to introduce the half. For the remainder of that will bear a Sesquioctave proportion in those Numbers which Plato mentions of 256 to 248, making use of 192, for the first Number. But if the same Number be made choice of doubled, the Overplus or Default will have the same proportion as the doubled Number 512 to 484. For 256 is in Sesquiterce proportion to 192, as 394 to 512. Neither was Cranters Reduction of proportions to this Number without reason, which made his Followers willing to pursue it. In regard that 64 is both a Tetragon from the first Cube, and a Cube from the first Tetragon, and being multiplied by 3, the odd and Trigonal, and the first perfect and Sesquialter Number it produces 192, which also contains its Sesquioctave, as we shall demonstrate. But first of all we shall better understand what this Leimme or Remainder is, and what was the Opinion of Plato, if we do but call to mind what was frequently bandy'd in the Pythagorean Schools. For Interval in music is all that Space which is comprehended by two sounds, varied either by raising the Voice, or serving the String. Of which Intervals that which is called a Tone is the full excess of Diapente above a Diatessaron: And this being divided into two parts according to the Opinion of the musicans, makes two Intervals, both which they call a Semitone. But the Pythagoreans despairing to divide a Tone into equal parts, and therefore perceiving the two Divisions to be unequal, they called the lesser Leimme or Defect, as being lesser then the half. Therefore some there are who make the Dratessaron, which is one of the Concords, to consist of two Tones and a half; others of two Tones and a Leimme. In which Case, Sense seems to govern the musicans, and Demonstration the Mathematicians. The proof by Demonstration is thus made out. For that it is certain from the practise of Instruments, that the Diapason has double proportion; the Diapente a Sesquialter; the Diatessaron a Sesquiterce, and the Tone a Sesquioctave proportion. Now the truth of this will easily appear upon examination, by hanging two Weights double in proportion to two Strings, or by making two Pipes of equal hollowness, double in length, the one to the other. For the bigger of the Pipes will yield the deep sound, as D sol re, to D la sol re: and of the two Strings that which is extended by the double weight, will be acuter then the other, as D la sol re to De sol re: And thus much for a Diapason. In the same manner two Longitudes or Ponderosities being exceeded or extended by three will produce a Diapente; and four by three will yield a Diatessaron: of which, the one carries a Sesquiterce, the other a Sesquialter Proportion. But if the same inequality of weight or length be so ordered, as Nine to Eight, it will produce a Toniac Interval, not perfect Concord, but Harmonical enough: in regard the Strings being struck one after another, will yield so many musical and pleasing Sounds; but altogether a dull and ungrateful Noise. But in Consort being touched either singly or together, thence a delightful Melody will charm the Ear. Nor is all this less demonstrable by Reason. For in music, the Diapason is composed of the Diapente and Diatessaron. But in Numbers, the Duple is compounded of the Sesquialter and Sesquiterce. For 12 is a Sesquiterce to 9, but a Sesquialter to 8, and a Duple to 6. Therefore is the duple proportion composed of the Sesquialter and Sesquiterce, as the Diapason of the Dia●ente and Diatessaron. For here the Diapente exceeds the Diatessaron by Tone, there the Sesquialter exceeds Sesquiterce by a Sesquioctave. Whence it is apparent that the Diapason carries a double Proportion, the Diapente a Sesquialter, the Diatessaron a Sesquiterce, and the Tone a Sesquioctave. This being thus demonstrated, let us see whether the Sesquioctave will admit a Division into two equal parts; which if it will not do, neither will a Tone; however, in regard that 9 and 8, which make the first Sesquioctave, have no middle Interval; but being both multiplied, the Space that falls between causes two Intervals, thence it is apparent, that if those Distances were equal, the Sesquioctave also may be divided into equal parts. Now the double of 9 is 18, of 8, 16; the Intermedium 17; by which means one of the Intervals becomes larger, the other lesser; for the first is from 18 to 17, the second is from 17 to 16. Thus the Sesquioctave proportion not being to be otherwise then unequally divided, consequently neither will the Tone admit of an equal Division. So that neither of these two Sections of a divided Tone are to be called a Semitone, but according as the Mathematicians name it, the Remainder. And this is that which Plato means, when he says, that God having filled up the Sesquiterces with Sesquioctaves, left a part of each: of which the Proportion is the same, as of 256 to 243, the remainder being 1 10/ 243. For admit a Diatessaron in two Numbers, comprehending a Sesquiterce proportion, that is to say, in 256 and 192: Of which two Numbers, let the lesser 192 be applied to the lowermost extreme, and the bigger Number 256, to the uppermost extreme of the Tetrachord. Whence we shall demonstrate, that this space being filled up by two Sesquioctaves, such an Interval remains as lies between the Numbers 256 and 243. For the String being forced a full Tone downward, which is a Sesquioctave, it makes 216, but being screwed a full Tone upward, it makes 243. Which 243 exceeds 216 by 27, and 216 exceeds 192 by 24. And then again, of these two Numbers, 27 is a Sesquioctave to 216, and 24 the Sesquioctave to 192. So the biggest of these two Numbers is a Sesquioctave to the middle, and the Middle to the least; and the distance from the least to the bigest, that is, from 192 to 243, consists of two Tones filled up with two Sesquioctaves. Which being substracted, the remaining Intervals of the whole between 243 and 216 is 13, for which reason they called this Number the Remainder. And thus I am apt to believe the Meaning and Opinion of Plato to be most exactly explained in these Numbers. Others, placing the two extremes of the Diatessaron, the acute part in 288, and the lower sound in 216, in all the rest observe the same Proportions, only that they make use of two Remainders of the two middle Intervals. For the Base being forced downward a whole Tone, makes 243, and the upper Note screwed up a full Tone, begets 256. Moreover 243 carries a Sesquioctave proportion to 216 and 288 to 256, so that each of the Intervals contains a full Tone, and the residue is that which remains between 243 and 216. Which is not a Semitone but something less. For 288 exceeds 256 by 32, and 243 exceeds 216 by 27, and 256 exceeds 243 by 17. Both which Excesses are less then the half. So 'tis plain that the Diatessaron consists of two Tones and the Residue, not of two Tones and a half. And so let this suffice for the demonstration of these things. Nor is it a difficult thing to believe, by what has been already said, wherefore Plato, after he had asserted the differences of Sesquialters, Sesquiterces and Sesquioctaves, when he comes to fill up the Intervals of Sesquiterces with Sesquioctaves, makes not the least mention of Sesquialters; for that the Sesquialter is soon filled up, by adding the Sesquiterce to the Sesquioctave, or the Sesquioctave to the Sesquiterce.  
Having therefore shown the manner how to fill up the Interval, and to place and dispose the Medieties; had never any Person taken the same Pains before, I should have recommended the further Consideration of it to the Recreation of your Fancies; but in regard that several most excellent Musicians have made it their Business to unfold these Mysteries with a Diligence more then usually exact, more especially Cranter, Clearchus, and Theodorus, it shall only suffice to show how these Men differed among themselves. For Theodorus, varying from the other two, and not observing two distinct Files or Rows of Numbers, but placing the Duples and Triples in a direct Line one before another, grounds himself upon that Disposition of the Substance, which is vulgarly called the Disposition in Length, making two parts, as it were out of one, not four out of two. Then he says, that the Interpositions of the Mediums ought to take their Places in that manner, to avoid Trouble and Confusion; transferring out of the first Duple into the first Triple the Intervals which are ordained for the supplement of both. But as for those who take Crantor's Part, they so dispose their Numbers, as to place Planes with Planes, Tetragons with Tetragons, Cubes with Cubes, opposite to one another, not taking them in File, but alternatively odd to even. [ Here is some great defect in the Original.] Which being in themselves permanently the same, afford the Form and Species; but being subject to Corporeal Division, become the Matter and Subject to receive the others Impression, the common Mixture being completed out of both.  
Now the Indivisible Substance, which is always one and the same, is not to be thought to be incapable of Division, by reason of its Smallness, like the most minute of Bodies, called Atoms. But as it is unmixed, and not to be any way affencted, but pure and altogether of one sort, it is said not to consist of Parts, but to be indivisible. By means of which Purity, when it comes in any manner whatsoever, but to approach and gently touch compounded, divisible and differing Substances, all Variety ceases and crowds together into one Habit by sympathy and Similitude. But if any one will that Substance which admits Corporeal Separation, Matter, as a Nature subject to the former, and partaking of it, the Use of that Equivocal Term will nothing disadvantage our Discourse. For they are under a Mistake that believe the Corporeal to be blended with the Indivisible Matter. First, For that Plato does not here make use of any one of its Names, whereas in other Places he calls it the Receptacle and Nurse, capable both to receive and foster the vast Infinity of created Beings; not divisible by Bodies, but ra●her the Body itself, partend and divided into singular Individuals. Then again, what difference would there be, between the Creation of the World and the Soul, if the Composition of both proceeded from Matter and preceptible Substances? Certainly Plato himself, as endeavouring to separate the Generation of the Body from that of the Soul, tells us, that the Corporeal part was by God seated and deposited within it, and that it was outwardly covered and enveloped by it: and after he had thus wrought the Soul to its perfection out of Proportion, he then proceeds to this Argument concerning Matter, of which he had no occasion to make mention before, when he was producing the Soul, as being that which had not its Existence from Matter. The same may be said against the Followers of Posidonius. For they seem not altogether to exempt the Soul from Matter; but imagining the Substance of the extremes to be divisible in reference to Bodies, and intermixing it with the perceptible Substance, defined the Soul to be an Idea of some thing distanc'd according to Number comprehending harmony: seeing that all mathematic Objects are disposed between the first Intelligible, and the first sensible Beings. So that the Soul containing the Sempiternal of things intelligible, and the pathetic Nature of things subjected to sense, it seems but Rational, that it should consist of a Substance between both. But they were ignorant, That God, when the Soul was already brought to perfection, afterwards making use of the extremes and Limitations of Bodies to form and shape the Matter, confined and environed the dissipated and fleeting Substance within the Compass of certain Surfaces composed of Triangles adapted together. Nor is it less, if not much more absurd, to make the Soul an Idea. For the Soul is always in motion, the other incapable of Motion; the one never to be mixed with that which is subjected to sense, the other wrought into the Substance of the Body. Moreover, God could not only be said to imitate an Idea, as his Pattern; but he was the Artificer of the Soul, as of a Work of Perfection. Now that Plato does not assert Number to be the Substance of the Soul, only that it is ordered and proportioned by Number, enough has been already said.  
However this is a common Argument against both the former Opinions, that neither in Corporeal Limits, nor in numbers there is the least Footstep or appearance of the Power by which the Soul assumes to itself to judge of what is subject to sense. For it was the Participation of the Intelligible Principle that endued it with Understanding and the perceiving Faculty. But as for Opinion, Belief, Imagination, and its being affencted with Qualities relating to the Body, there no Man could ever dream, that they proceeded singly either from Unites, or Lines, or Surfaces. For not only the Souls of Mortals have a Power to judge of what is subject to sense, but the Soul of the World also, so says Plato, when it reverts to itself, and happens once to touch upon any fluid and almsgiving Substance; at what time the indivisible part being moved by its whole self, gives notice, to what this or that thing, is still the same; to what Heterogenial, to what end, and where, and how it comes to pass that all things act and suffer both upon, and by each other. Soon after making a Description of the Ten Predicaments, he gives Us a clearer Manifestation of these things. For true Reason, says he, when it is fixed upon what is subject to sense, and the circled of that other Substance, mentioned in the beginning, observing a just and equal Motion, conveys its Intelligence to the whole Soul, then both Opinion and Belief become steadfast and certain; on the other side, when it is settled upon Ratiocination; if the circled of the same Existence, turning readily and easily, furnishes the same happy Intimations, there Knowledge of necessity arrives to Perfection. And indeed in whomsoever these Accomplishments shall be found, whoever shall affirm them to be the Operations of any thing besides the Soul, may deservedly be thought to speak any thing rather than the Truth.  
From whence then does the Soul enjoy this Motion, whereby it recollects by Thought and Apprehension what is subject to sense, different from that other intelligible Motion, which ends in Knowledge, is a difficult Task to resolve; unless we steadfastly assert, that Plato here did not compose the Soul, so singly considered, but the Soul of the World also of the Parts above mentioned, of the more worthy and indivisible Substance, and of the less worthy divisible in reference to Bodies, which is no other than that Motion which gives Heat and vigour to Thought and Fancy, and sympathises with what is subject to Fancy, not created, but existing from Eternity like the other. For Nature, which had the Power of Understanding, had also the Power of Thinking. But the intelligible Power is neither subject to Motion, nor Affection, being established upon a Substance that is still the same. The other movable and fleeting, as being engaged to an unstable, fluctuating and disunited Matter: in regard the sensible Substance was so far from any Order, that it was without Shape, and boundless. So that the Power which is fixed in this was incapable of producing clear and well grounded Notions, nor any certain or well-ordered Movements, but sleepy Dreams and Deliriums, which amuse and trouble corporeal Stupidity; unless by accident they lighted upon the more worthy Substance. For it was in the middle between the Sensible and discerning Faculty, and a Nature conformable and agreeable to both; from the sensible, claiming Substance, and borrowing from judgement its discerning Power. Which the express Words of Plato declare. For this is my Opinion, saith he, in short, that Being, Place and Procreation, were three distinct things before the Heavens were created. By Place he means Matter, as being the Seat and Receptacle; by Being or Existence, the intelligible Nature; and by Generation, the World not being yet created, he only designs that Substance which was subject to Changes and Motions, disposed between the forming Cause, and the Thing formed; transmitting hither those Shapes and Figures which were there contrived and moulded. For which reason it was called Divisible; there being a Necessity of distributing sense to the Sensitive, and Imagination to the Considerative Faculty. For the sensitive Motion being proper to the Soul, directs itself to that which is outwardly sensible. As for the Understanding, it was fixed and immovable of itself, but being settled in the Soul, and becoming its Lord and Governor, whirls about and finishes that Circular Violence which chiefly labours to apply itself to the eternally durable Substance. With great difficulty therefore did they admit a Conjunction, till the Divisible at length intermixing with the Indivisible, and the restlessly hurried with the sleepy and motionless, constrained the diversely opposite to be glad of their Society. Yet the diversely Opposite was not Motion, as neither was the Same Stability, but the Principal of Distinction and Similitude or Identity. For both the one and the other proceed from a different Principle; the Same from the Unite, the Other from the Duad; and these were first intermixed with the Soul, being fastened and bound together by Number, Proportion, and Harmonical Mediums: So that the Other being riveted into the Same, begets Diversity and Disagreement; and the Same being fermented into the Other produces Order; and this is apparent from the first Powers of the Soul; which are judgement and Motion. Motion immediately shows itself in the Heavens, giving us an Example of Diversity in Identity by the Circumvolution of the fixed Stars; and of Identity in Diversity by the Order of the Planets. For in them the Same bears the chiefest sway; in Terrestrial Bodies quiter the contrary. judgement has two Principles; Understanding from the Same, to judge of things in general; and sense from the Other, to judge of things in particular. Reason is a mixture of Both; Consideration in reference to things intelligible; and Opinion in things subject to sense; making use of the interposed Organs of Imagination and Memory. Of which, these in the Same produce the Other, and those in the Other make the Same. For Understanding is the Motion of the Considerative Faculty, toward that which is permanent and stable. Opinion is a Continuance of that which is perceived by sense, upon that which is continually in Motion. But as for Fancy or Imagination, being a Connexion of Opinion with sense, the Same has placed it in the Memory: And the Other moves it again in the Difference between Past and Present, touching at the same time upon Diversity and Identity.  
But now let us take a draft of the corresponding Composition of the Soul from the Structure of the Body of the Universe: There we find the pure and limpid Fire, together with the Earth, whose Nature is such as not to admit of Mixture one with another, but with great difficulty; or rather altogether obstinately refractory to Mixture and Consistency. God therefore placing in the middle between both, the Air next the Fire, the Water next the Earth, first of all tempered the middlemost one with another, and next by the assistance of these two, he brought the two extreme Elements not only to mix with the middlemost, but also to a mutual Closure and Conjunction between themselves. Then he drew together the Same and the Other, not immediately the one adjoining to the other, but placing other Substances between, the Indivisible next the Same, and the Divisible next the Other, disposing each to each in convenient Order, and mixing the extremes with the Middlemost. After which manner he interweav'd and tissu'd the whole into the Form and Composition of the Soul, completing, as far as it was possible, Similitude out of things different and various, and one out of many. Therefore it is alleged by some, that Plato erroneously affirmed the Nature of the Other to be an Enemy to Mixture, as not being only capable to receive it, but a Friend of Change. Whereas that should have been rather said of the Nature of the same, which being Stable and an utter Adversary to Mutability is so far from an easy and willing Condescension to Mixture, that it flies and abhors it, to the end it may preserve itself pure and free from Alteration. But they who make these Objections against Plato, betray their own Ignorance, not understanding that the Same is the Idea of those Things that always continue in the same State and Condition: and that the other is the Idea of those Things which are subject to be variously affencted; and that it is the peculiar Nature of the one to disjoin, and separate into many parts whatever it haapens to lay hold upon; of the other, to cement and assimilate scattered and dissentaneous Substances, till they resume one particular Form and Efficacy. And these are the Powers and virtues of the Soul of the Universe. Which when they once enter into the Organs of corruptible Bodies, there the Form of the Binary and boundless Principle shows itself most briskly, while that of the unmixed and purer Principle lies as it were dormant in Obscurity. And thus it happens, that a Man shall rarely observe any such sort of Human Passion or Motion of the Understanding, where there shall not something appear, either of Desire or Emulation, Joy or Grief( which certainly proceed from the more powerful Sway of the Dual Principle in Terrestrial Bodies, as being subject to Disorder and Exorbitancy.) Several Philosophers therefore will have the Passions to be so many sorts of Reasonings; seeing that both Desire, Grief and Anger are the Effects of judgement. Others allege the virtues themselves to be Passions; Fortitude being subject to Fear, Temperance to Voluptuousness, and Justice to Avarice. Now the Soul being both speculative and practical, contemplating as well Generals as Particulars, and seeming to comprehend the one by the assistance of the Understanding, and the other by the aid of sense, common Reason, which encounters the Same in the Other, and the Other in the Same, endeavours by certain Limits and Distinctions to separate One from Many, and the Divisible from the Indivisible: but cannot accomplish her Design, nor be purely in one or the other, in regard the Principles are so oddly interwoven and intermixed, and confusedly huddled together.  
For this Reason did God constitute a Receptacle for the Same and the Other out of the Indivisible and Divisible Substance to the end there might be Order in Variety. For this was to have a Being, since that without these, the Same cannot be allowed to have either Variety or Motion, or Procreation. Nor the Other be said to have either Order or Consistence, or Generation. For should we grant the Same to be different from the Other, and the Other to be the same with itself, such a Commixture would produce nothing Generative, but would want a Third, if I may so call it, Matter, to receive and be disposed of by both, and this is that Matter which God first composed, when he bounded the movable Nature of Bodies, by the steadfastness of the Understanding. Now then as Voice, merely Voice, is only an insignificant and brutish Noise; as Speech is only the Expression of the Mind by significant Utterance; as Harmony consists of Sounds and Intervals; which being mixed together produce Air and Melody. Thus the passive Nature of the Soul was without Limits and unstable, but afterwards became terminated by that common bound which circumscribes the divisible Variety of Motion, which having comprised the Same and the Other, by the Similitudes and Dissimilitudes of Numbers causing Concord of Disagreement, becomes the Life of the World, sober and prudent, Harmony itself, and Reason by persuasion overruling Necessity, which by several is called Fate or Destiny; by Empedocles Friendship and Discord; by Heraclitus, the opposite straining of the Congruity of the World, like the Strings of a Bow or Harp, whose ends draw several ways; by Parmenides Light and Darkness; by Anaxagoras, Wisdom and Folly; by Zoroastres, God and the Devil, naming one Oromasdes, the other Arimarius. Though as for Euripides, he makes use of the Copulative erroneously for the Disjunctive, where he says, 
— Jove, whether he may be  
Necessity that Natures Force controls,  
Or the Intelligence of Human Souls.   
For indeed the Powers which bears Dominion over the Universe are Necessity and Wisdom. This is that therefore which the Fabulous Egyptian intimate, feigning that when Orus was punished and dismembered; he bequeathed his Spirit and Blood to his Father, but his Flesh and his Fat to his Mother; there being no part of the Soul which remained pure and unmixed, or separate from the rest. For that, according to the Opinion of Heraclitus, Harmony Latent, is of greater Value than that which is visible, as being that wherein the blending Deity concealed and sunk all Varieties and Dissimilitudes. Nevertheless there appears in the irrational part, a turbulent and boisterous Temerity; in the rational part, an orderly and well marshaled Prudence; in the sensitive part, the Constraint of Necessity, but in the Understanding, entire and perfect Command of itself. The limiting and bounding Power sympathizes with the whole and the individual, by reason of the nearness of their Relation. On the other side, the dividing Power fixes itself upon Particulars, by virtue of the divisible Substance: and the whole rejoices at the Mutation of the Same into the Other, as occasion requires. In like manner, the various Inclinations of Men to virtue and 'vice, to Pleasure and toil, as also the Enthusiasms and Raptures of Lovers, the Combats of Honor with lustful Desires, plainly demonstrate the Mixture of the Divine and impassable, with the Mortal and Corporeal Part. Of which Plato himself calls the one Concupiscence of Pleasures natural to ourselves; the other an Opinion introduced from without aspiring to the chiefest Good. For passable Qualities of the Souls which are crossed and hurried to and fro by the Affections arise from her self; but she participates of Understanding, as being infused from without, by the more worthy Principle, which is God. Nor is the Celestial Nature privileged from this. For sometimes it is seen to incline the other way, to the more powerful Revolution of the Same.  
Nay, there shall come a time, as it has happened already, when the Worlds moving Wisdom shall grow dull and drowsy, drowned in Oblivion of its own Duty, while that which is familiar, and agreeable to the Body from the beginning draws and winds back the right hand Motion of the Universe, causing the Wheels to go slow and heavy: Yet shall it not be able however to dash in pieces the whole Movement, for that the Better Part rowzing and recollecting her self, and observing the Pattern and Exemplar of the All-directing Deity, betakes her self to speedy Imitation, and thereby retrieves her Negligence, and reduces all things again into their former Order.  
Thus it is demonstrable by many Proofs, that the Soul was not the sole Workmanship of the Deity, but that having in her self a certain Portion of innate Evil, it was by him digested and beautified, while he confined its Infinity to the Unite, to the end it might be a Substance within the Compass of certain Limits; intermixing Order, Mutation and Variety by the Force of the Same, and the Other; and lastly, working into all these, as far as it was possible, a mutual Community and Friendship by the Assistance of Numbers and Harmony. Concerning which things, although you have heard frequent Discourses, and have likewise red several Arguments and Disputes committed to writing upon the same Subjects, it will not be amiss for me also to give a short Account; after a brief Repetition of Plato's own Words. God, saith he, in the first place withdrew one part from the whole; which done, he took away this half of that; from thence a Third Part, Sesquialter in proportion to the Second, and Triple to the First: Then a Fourth Part, double to the Second; next a Fifth Part, being the Triple of the Third; then a Sixth, the Eighth Part of the Third; and lastly, a Seventh, being the Twenty Seventh Part of the First. This done, he filled up the Duple and Triple Intervals, retrenching also from thence certain other Particles, and placing them in the midst of those Intervals; so that in every Interval there might be two Medieties, the one exceeding and being exceeded by one and the same part of the extremes; the other equally exceeding, and being equally exceeded by the same Number. Now in regard that from these Connexions in the first Spaces there arose the Intervals of Sesquialters, Sesquiterces and Octaves, he filled up all the Sesquiterces belonging to the Octave Interval, leaving a part of every one, and the distance of the Part so taken from Number to Number, having for their Bounds or Limits 256, and 343. Here the Question will be first concerning the Quantity, next concerning the Order, and in the third place, concerning the Force and virtue of the Numbers. As to the Quantity, we are to consider which he takes in double Intervals. As to the Order, whither they are to be placed in one Row, according to the Direction of Theodorus, or as Cranter will have them, in the Form of a Λamda, placing the Unite at the top, and the Duples and Triples apart by themselves in two several Files. Lastly, we are to examine of what Use and virtue they are in the Structure and Composition of the Soul. As to the first, we shall relinquish the Opinion of those who affirm, that it is enough, in Proportions, to consider the Nature of the Intervals, and the Medieties, which fill up their Vacancies: The Demonstration being to be made out of whatsoever Numbers that have Spaces sufficient to receive the aforesaid Proportion. For this being granted, it makes the Demonstration obscure, without the help of Schemes, and drives us from another Theory, which carries with it a delight not unbecoming Philosophy.  
Beginning therefore from the Unite   1   2   3 4   9 8   27 let us place the Duples and Triples apart; and there will be on the one side, 2, 4, 8, on the other, 3, 9, 27. Of which Numbers, including the Unite, two and four make seven, besides that, the Number circumscribing the whole Number, is the Seventh. For not only here, but upon other Occasions, the Sympathy of the Quaternary Number with the Septenary is apparent. For there is this peculiar to that Quaternary Number Thirty six, so much celebrated by the Pythagoreans, for this more particularly worthy Admiration, that it is composed of the four first even Numbers; and the four first odd Numbers.  
The fourth Connexion is made of Numbers put together in order: The first Connexion being of One and Two, the second of Odd. For placing the Unite which is common to both before, he first takes 8, and then 27, as it were pointing out with the Finger where to place each particular sort.  
Even Number. Odd Number. 1 7 2— 2 3— 3 4 9 4— 8 3— 9 32 27 36 36  
These Places are so depraved in the Original, that the Sense is lost.  
But it belongs to others to explain these things more accurately and distinctly, while we content ourselves with only what remains, as peculiarly proper to the Subject in hand. For it was not out of Vain-glory, to boast his Skill in the Mathematical Sciences, that Plato inserted in a Treatise of Natural Philosophy this Discourse of Harmoniacal and Arithmetical Medieties, but believing them both apt and convenient to demonstrate the Structure and Composition of the Soul. For some there are who seek these Proportions, in the swift Motions of the Spheres of the Planets, Others rather in the Distances, others in the Magnitude of the Stars; others more accurate and nice in their Inquiry, seek for the same Proportions in the Diameters of the Epicycles: as if the supreme Architect, for the Sake of These; had adapted the Soul, divided into seven parts, to the Celestial Bodies. Many also there are, who hither transfer the Inventions of the Pythagoreans, tripling the Distances of Bodies from the Middle. This is done by placing the Unite next the Fire; Three, next the Earth which is opposite to our Earth; Nine, next the Earth; 27 next the Moon. Next to Mercury 84. Upon Venus 143, and upon the Sun 729. Which is both a Tetragonal and Cubical Number: from whence it is, that they also call the Sun a Tetragon and a Cube: and by this way of tripling they also reduce the other Stars to Proportion. But these People may be thought to dote, and to wander very much from Reason, if there be any use of Geometrical Demonstration, since by their Mistakes we find that the most probable Proofs proceed from thence; and that though they who most strictly adhere to Probability, do not always make out their Positions so exactly, yet they approach the nearest to Truth, when they say that the Diameter of the Sun, compared with the Diameter of the Earth, bears the Proportion of 42 to 1. The Diameter of the Earth to that of the Moon carrys a triple Proportion. And for that which appears to be the least of the fixed Stars, the Diameter of it is no less then the third part of the Diameter of the Earth, and the whole Globe of the Earth to the whole Globe of the Moon is as seven to Twenty One. The Diameters of Venus and the Earth bear a duple, the Globes or Spheres of both an Octave Proportion. The Distance of the Shadow of the Eccliptick to the Diameter of the Moon holds a Triple Proportion and the Deviation of the Moon from the middle of the Signs either to the one or the other side, is a twelfth Part. Her Positions as to the Sun, either in Triangular or Quadrangular distances gives her the Form when she appears as in the first Quarter, and almost at the Full: but when she comes to be quiter round, that is, when she has run through half the Signs, she then makes as it were a kind of Concord of a Diapason. But in regard the Motions of the Sun are slowest when he arrives at the Solstices, and swiftest when he comes to the Equinoxes, by which he takes from the Day, or adds to the Night, the Proportion holds thus. For the first thirty Days after the Winter Solstice, he adds to the Day a sixth part of the Length, wherein the longest Night exceeded the shortest: the next thirty Days, he adds a third Part; to all the rest, till the Equinox, by Sextuple and triple Distances to even the Irregularity of time.  
Moreover the chaldeans make a Spring to hold the Proportion of a Diatessaron to Autumn; of a Diapente to the Winter, and of a Diapason to the Summer. But if Euripides rightly divided the Year, where he says, 
Six Months the parching Heats of Summer reign;  
And six of hoary Winters could complain:  
Two Months doth vernal Pride the Fields array,  
And two Months more to Autumn Tribute pay.   
Then the Seasons shall be said to change in Octave Proportion.  
Others there are, who fancy the Earth to be in the lowest String of the Harp, according to the most ancient Scale called Proslambanomenos, or Are, and so proceeding, place the Moon in B mi: Mercury and Venus in C fa ut and D sol re; the Sun they likewise place in Elami, as in the midst of the Diapason a Fifth above the Earth, and a Fourth from the Sphere of the fixed Stars. But neither does this pleasant Conceit of theirs come near the Truth, neither do they in any wise approach the Accurateness of Proportion.  
However, they who will not allow these things to depend upon Plato's Sentiments, yet will they grant the same to partake of Musical Proportions. So that there being five Tetrachords of Base and Tenor, of mean Notes conjoined from Alamire with B flat, and Notes disjoined from B sharp to Elimi sharp, and the triple Tetrachord from Elimi to Alamire in G sol re ut cleft in these five Distances they place all the Planets; making the first Tetrachord from the Moon to the Sun, all observing the Solar Motion: the next from the Sun to the fiery Planet of Mars: the third between this and Jupiter, the fourth from thence to Saturn, and the fifth from Saturn to the Sphere of the fixed Stars: So that the Sounds and Notes which bound the five Tetrachords bear the same Proportion with the Intervals of the Planets. This might be more probable among the ancient Musicians, who as well we know confined their Scale to seven standing Notes equal in Number to the Number of the Planets. But the Moders adding the Proslambanomenos or Are, which is a full Tone in descent from B mi, have multiplied the whole Scheme into the double Diapason, and thereby confounded the Natural Order of the Concords, while the Diapente happens to be before the Tetrachordon, with the Addition of the whole Tone in the Base. Whereas Plato makes his Addition in the upper Part. For in his politic Discourses, he says, that every one of the Eight Spheres rolls about a siren, which is fixed upon each of the tuneful Globes, and that they all sing one unvary'd Counterpoint, and unfigur'd without diversity of Modulation, taking every one their peculiar Concords, which together complete a melodious Consort.  
1 Tetrachord: 2. Tet: 3. Tet. 4. Tet. 5. Tet.  
They further add, that their Harmonious plain Song serves them to celebrate several Divine Mysteries no less delightfully useful, while Celestial Voices, according with Heavenly Instruments, may seem to serve as a Recreation to those that are obliged continually to dance the Sacred Rounds of Nature. Nor was there Necessity of a fuller Chorus, in regard that within the Confines of eight Notes, lay the first Bounds and Limits of all Duple and Triple Proportions; The Unite being added to the Separations of the Even and Odd Numbers.  
And certainly from hence it was, that the ancients raised their Invention of nine Muses; of which eight were employed in Celestial Affairs; the Ninth was to take care of things Terrestrial, and to reduce and reform the Inequality and Confusion of Error and jarring Variance.  
Now then consider whether the Soul does not roll and turn and manage the Heavens, and the Celestial Bodies by means of those Harmonious Concords and equal Motions that are wrought and fermented within her; being her self most wise and most just: and such she became by virtue of Harmonical Proportions. Whose Images are imprinted by the Incorporeal into the discernible and visible Parts and Bodies of the World. But the Chief and most predominating Power is mixed in the Soul, which renders her obsequient and obedient to the most supreme and divinest Part of all the rest at the same time, unanimously consenting. For the sovereign Artificer and Creator finding a strange Disorder and erroneous Confusion in the Motions of the discomposed and unruly Soul, which was still at variance with her self, some things he divided and separated, others he brought together, and reconciled to a mutual Sympathy, making use of Harmony and Numbers. By virtue of which the slightest and meanest of insensible Substances, even Sticks and Stones, the Roots of Plants, the Rinds of Trees, the Skins and Excrescences of Beasts, with the Superfluities of their Concoction, according to their various Mixtures, Compositions and Temperatures, some become the charming Objects of the Sight, others afford most pleasing perfumes and wholesome Medicaments for the Succour and Relief of Mankind, while others are wrought and hollowed to sand forth those pleasing Sounds that ravish even the Soul itself with the Reflections of her concealed Beauties and Concinnities. And for this Reason it was that Zeno the Citizen encouraged and persuaded Youth to frequent the theatres, there to observe the Variety of melodious Sounds that proceeded from Horns or Cornets, wooden Haut-boys, Flutes and Reeds, or any other Musical Instruments, to which the Contrivance of Art had rightly applied the Reason of Number and Proportion. Not that we will here maintain with the Pythagoreans that all things resemble Number, for that requires a long Discourse to prove it. But where mutual Society and Sympathy arises from Discord and Dissimilitude, that the Cause of this is Moderation and Order, was a thing not concealed from the less studious Poets; who therefore to Persons full of Humanity, sweet of Disposition, and friendly, gave the epithet of evenly concinnated: On the other side, Men of rugged and malicious Dispositions they called Unevenly tempered, as if Enmity and Discord were nothing but a sort of Disproportion. For this reason, he who writes Pindarus's Elegy gives him this Encomium.  
— So were his Manners framed  
That Strangers still his sweet demeanour famed;  
To all domestic born a Friend so true,  
That they that knew him only Friendship knew.  
The Poets plainly hence inferring Complacency of humour, and the Aptitude of a Person to fit himself to all Tempers to be an Excellency aspiring to virtue itself. Which Pindarus himself also testifies speaking of Alcimedon.  
He fears not Orcus nor the Stygian Night,  
Who acts in Consonance with Truth and Right.  
Nor must we believe that the Theologists, who were the most ancient Philosophers, ordered the Pictures and Statues of the Gods to be made with musical Instruments in their Hands, as if they thought the Gods no better than Pipers or Harpers, but to signify that nothing so much denoted the Structure of the World to be the Master-piece of a God, as the Order and Sympathy of the Creation.  
Now then as it would be absurd and ridiculous for any Man to search for Sesquiterces, Sesquialters and Duples in the Neck or Belly or Sides of a Lute or Harp( though every one of these must also be allowed their Symmetry of Length and Thickness) the Harmony and Proportion of Concords being to be sought for in the Sounds; so 'tis most probable that the Bodies of the Stars, the Distances of the Spheres, and the Swiftness of their Motions and Revolutions, as instrumental Organs, have their sundry Proportions as well one to another, as to the whole fabric, though the Measure of the Quantity be unknown to us. However we are to imagine that the Principle, Effect and Efficacy of these Numbers and Proportions, which the supreme Architect made use of, is that same Agreement, Harmony and Consent of the Soul with itself, by means of which Numbers she replenished the Heavens themselves, when she came to actuate and perform her Office there, with so many infinite Beauties; and governs the Earth by virtue of the several Seasons, and other Alterations wisely and artificially measured and varied as to Mixture and Temperature, as well for the Generation as Preservation of all Terrestrial Productions.    

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II. That a Philosopher ought chiefly to Converse with great Men.  Translated from the Greek by Knightly Chetwood. 
This Epistolary discourse was wrote against an ill bread sort of Philosophers, who neither would take the charge of the Education of great Persons themselves, nor would suffer others to do it, though the Author seems here only to vindicate his Friend, it is in Truth an Apology for himself, who bread up an Emperor, and spent most part of his time( to good purpose) in the greatest Court in the World: This and several other of his Moral Discourses seems to be hastily dictated, so that there is no great choice in his Words, or measure in his Periods, or strict method in the whole: However the Treasure of ancient Learning and good sense, which is to be found in him, as it was frequently made use of by the most Eloquent Greek Fathers, so it is sufficient to recommend his Works to all lovers of Larning and good Manners.  
THE Resolution which you have taken to enter into the Friendship and Familiarity of Soranus, that by the frequent opportunities of conversing with him, you may cultivate and improve a Soil, which gives such early promises of a plentiful Harvest, is an undertaking which will not only oblige his Relations and Friends, but redound very much to the advantage of the public; and( notwithstanding the Peevish Censures of some Morose or Ignorant People) it is so far from being an argument of aspiring and vain-glorious Temper, that it shows you to be a Lover of virtue and good Manners, and a zealous Promoter of the common Interest of Mankind.  
They themselves are rather to be accused of an indirect, but more Vehement sort of Ambition, who would not upon any Terms be found in the Company, or so much as be seen to give a civil Salute to a Person of quality. For how unreasonable would it be to enforce a well disposed Young Gentleman, and one who needs the direction of a wise governor, to such complaints as these, I could wish that instead of these advantages of Fortune, this Title and this Estate to which I was born, that I had been the Son of some Scriviner or pitiful Mechanic, that I might like them, have the Conversation of such a Man as Socrates, enjoy his Company, and hear his instructive Lessons of Morality.  

Aristo of Chios.  So far I am sure was an excellent Philosopher from being of their humour, that when he was censured for exposing and prostituting the Dignity of Philosophy, by his freedom to all comers, he answered, That he could wish that Nature had given understanding to wild Beasts, that they too might be capable of being his Hearers. Shall we then deny that privilege to Men of Interest and Power, which this good Man would have communicated( if it had been possible) to the brute Beasts? But these Men have taken up a false notion of Philosophy, they make it much like the Art of Statuary, whose business is to carve out a lifeless Image, in the most exact figure and proportion, and then to raise it upon its pedestal, where it is to continue for ever, the true Philosophy is of a quiter different nature, it is a spring and principle of Motion where ever it comes; it makes Men active and industrious, it sets every Whoel and Faculty of going, it stores our Minds with axioms and rules, by which to make a sound judgement, it determines the Will to the choice of what is honourable and just: and it wings all our faculties to the swiftest Prosecution of it. It is accompanied with an Elevation and Nobleness of mind, joined with a coolness and sweetness of Behaviour? backed with a becoming assurance and inflexible resolution. And from this diffussiveness of the Nature of good, it follows that the best and most accomplished Men are inclined to converse with Persons of the highest condition. Indeed a physician if he have any good nature and sense of honour, would be more ready to cure an Eye which is to see and to watch for a great many thousands, than that of a private Person; how much more then ought a Philosopher to form and fashion, to rectify and cure the Soul of such an one, who is( if I may so express it) to inform the Body Politic? Who is to think and understand for so many others, to be in a great measure the Rule of Reason, the Standard of Law and Model of Behaviour, by which all the rest will square and direct their Actions? Suppose a Man to have a Talent at finding out Springs, and contriving of aqueducts ( a piece of skill for which Hercules and others of the Ancients are much celebrated in History) surely he could not so satisfactorily employ himself in sinking a Well, or deriving Water to some private Seat, or contemptible Cottage, as to supply Conduits to some fair and populous City, to relieve an Army just perishing with Thirst, or to refesh and adorn with Fountains and cool Streams, the beautiful Gardens of some Glorious Monarch. There is a passage of Homer very pertinent to this purpose, in which he calls Minos {αβγδ} which as Plato interprets it, signifies the Disciple and Companion of Jupiter, it were beneath his Dignity indeed to teach private Men, such as care only for a family, or indulge their useless Speculations; but Kings are Scholars Worthy the Tuition of a God. Who when they are well advised, just, good and magnanimous, never fail to procure the Peace and Prosperity of all their Subjects. The Naturalists tells us that the Eryngium or Eringo hath such a Property with it, that if one of the Flock do but taste it, all the rest will stand stock still in the same place, till the Shepherd had taken it out of his Mouth. Whether this be true or no it is manifest by experience, 
{αβγδ}.  that the Effluvias of Power( the Actions and Examples of great Men) have such a piercing and assimulating quality, that fire itself scarce excels them in Activity. The effects of Philosophy indeed are different according to the difference of inclinations in Men, if indeed it lights on such a one who loves a dull and inactive sort of life, that makes himself the Center, and the little conveniences of life the Circumference of all his thoughts, such a one does Contract the Sphere of her Activity, so that having only made easy and comfortable the life of a single Person, it fails and dies with him: But when it finds a Man of a ruling Genius, one fitted for Conversation, and able to grapple with the difficulties of public business, if it once possess him with Principles of Honesty, Honour and Religion, 
{αβγδ}.  this Man takes a compendious method, by doing good to one to oblige a great part of Mankind. Such was the effect of Anaxagoras his Conversation with Pericles, Plato's with Dion, and of Pythagoras with the principal Statesmen of all Italy. Plato himself took a Voyage when he had the concern of an expedition lying upon him, to see and hear Athenidorous, and Scipio sent for Panetius, 
As Posidonius observes.  when he was Commissioned by the Senate to take a Survey of the manners of the Justice or Injustice, which was practised in their Provinces; and what a pretty sort of return would it have been in Panetius to sand word back— if indeed you were in a private Capacity, John a Nokes or Jack a Stiles, that had a mind to get into some obscure Corner or Cell, to state Cases and resolve Syllogisms, I should very gladly have accepted your Invitation but now because you are the Son of Paulus Aemilius, twice Consul, and Grandson of that Scipio, who was surnamed from his Conquest of Hannibal and Afric, I cannot with honour hold any Conversation with you.  
The Objection which they bring from the two kinds of Discourse, one of which is mental, 
{αβγδ}  the other expressed in words or interpretative of the former, together with the Poetical Trappings which belong to the Distinction are so stale and pedantical, that they are best answered by laughter or silence; however thus much shall be said, that the end of them both is to keep our minds in the first place in a good and even Composure, and next to keep up a good Correspondence with others; for he that hath attained to virtue by the Methods of Philosophy hath his mind always in Tune and good Temper; he is not struck with those Reproaches of Conscience, which cause the acutest Sense of Pain, and are the natural punishments of our Follies; but he enjoys( the great Prerogative of a good Man) to be always easy and in amity with himself.  
No factious lusts, reasons just Powers control,  
Nor kindle Civil Discord in his Soul.  
His Passion does not stand in defiance to his reason, nor do his Reasonings across, and thwart one the other, but he is always consistent to himself; the very Joys of wicked Men are tumultuary and confused, like those who dwell in the Borders of two great Empires at variance, always insecure, and in perpetual alarms; whilst a Good Man enjoys an uninterrupted Peace and Serenity of Mind, which excels the other not only in duration, but in Sense of pleasure too. As for the other sort of Reason, that which consists in expression of itself to others, Pindar says very well, that it was not mercenary in old time, nor indeed is it so now, but by the baseness and ambition of a few is made use of to serve their poor secular Interest; for if the Poets represent Venus her self as much offended with those, who make a Trade and traffic of the Passion of Love; how much more reasonably may we suppose that Urania, and Clio and Caliope have an Indignation against those who set Learning, and Philosophy to Sale? Certainly the gifts and endowments of the Muses ought much rather to be privileged from such mean considerations,— if indeed some have made famed and Reputation one of the ends of their Studies, they used it only as an Instrument to get Friends, since we find by common observation that Men only praise them whom they love, if they sought it for its own praise, they were as much mistaken as Ixion, when he embraced a Cloud instead of Juno; for there is nothing so fleeting, so changeable and inconstant as popular applause, it is but a pompous shadow, and hath no manner of solidity and duration in it; but a wise Man if he design to engage in business and matters of State, will so far aim at famed and Popularity, as that he may be better enabled to benefit others; for it is a difficult and very unpleasant Task to do good to those who are disaffected to our Persons. It is the good opinion men have of us, which disposes Men to give credit to our Doctrine: As Light is a greater good to those who see others by it, then to those who only are seen: So is Honour of a greater benefit to those who know how to use it, than to those who are careless or insensible of it. But even such a one who withdraws himself from the noise of the World, who loves privacy and indulges his own thoughts will show that respect to the good word of the People, as Hippolytus did to Venus, though he abstain from her Mysteries, he will pay his Devotions at a Distance, but he will not be so Cynical and sullen, as not to hear with gladness the commendations of virtuous Men like himself; he will neither engage himself in a restless pursuit of Wealth, Interest or Honour, nor will he on the other hand be so rustic and insensible as to refuse them in a moderate degree; when they fairly come in his way; in like manner he will not court and follow handsome and beautiful Youths, but will rather choose such who are of a teachable Disposition, of a gentle behaviour and lovers of Learning: The Charms and Graces of Youth will not make a Philosopher shy of their Conversation, when the endowments of their Minds, are answerable to to the Features of their Bodies; the case is the same when greatness of place and fortune concur with a well disposed Mind in the same Person, he will not therefore forbear loving and respecting them, nor be afraid of the name of a Courtier, nor think it a Curse that such attendance and dependence should be his Fate.  
Those who chast Venus gifts profanely fly,  
Were born unlovely, unlamented dy.  
The application is easy to the matter in hand.  
A Philosopher therefore, though of a retired humour, will be thus affencted; but such a one who generously designs his Studies for the public Advantage, will cheerfully embrace their advances of Friendship, will hear as well as be heard, lay aside his Scholastical Terms and Distinctions, nor confounded his novices with the barbarous sound of baralypton.  I plow the spacious Berecynthian fields, 
says one boastingly in the Poet; the same Man if he were as much a Lover of Mankind, as of Husbandry, would much rather bestow his Pains on such a Farm, the Fruits of which would serve a great number, then to be always dressing the Olive-yard of some Cynical malcontent, which when all was done would scarce yield oil enough to dress a Salad, or to supply his Lamp in the long Winter Evenings. Epicurus himself, who places happiness in the profoundest quiet, and sluggish inactivity, as the only secure Harbour from the storms of this troublesome World, could not but confess 
Almost the same words with those of our Saviour, It is more blessed to give than to receive. So that a Man can scarcely be a true Epicure without practising some of the Mxaims of Christianity. Agliia, Euphorsyne and Thalia.  that it is both more noble and delightful to do; than to receive a kindness; for there is nothing which produces so human and genuine a sort of pleasure, as that of doing good, he who first gave the Name of the three Graces well understood this, for they all signify* Delectation and Joy. This is so evidently true, that we all receive good turns blushing, and with some confusion, but we are always gay and well pleased, when we are conferring one.  
If then it is so pleasant to do good to a few, how are their Hearts dilated with joy, who are Benefactors to whole Cities, Provinces and Kingdoms? And such Benefactors are they who instill good Principles into those, upon whom so many Millions do depend: On the other hand, those who debauch the minds of great Men, as Sychophants, false Informers, and Flatterers worse then both, manifestly do, are the Center of all the Curses of a Nation, as Men who do not only infuse deadly poison into the Cestern of a private House, but into the public Springs of which so many Thousands are to Drink. The People therefore thought it sufficient punishment for the hangers on of Callias, to have that biting Poet Eupolis expose them in his Comedies: But as for the favourites of those excreable Tyrants, Apollodorus, Phalaris, and Dyenysius, they racked them, they fleed them alive, they roasted them in slow Fires, they looked on them as the very Pests of Society and Disgraces of Human Nature, for to debauch a simplo Person is indeed an ill thing, but to corrupt a Prince is an infinite Mischief: In like manner, he who instructs an ordinary Man, makes him to pass his Life decently and with comfort, but he who instructs a Prince, by correcting his Errors and clearing his understanding, is a Philosopher for the public, by rectifying the very moul and model by which whole Nations are formed and regulated. It is the custom of all Nations to pay a peculiar honour and deference to their Priests, and the reason of it is, because they do not only pray for good things for themselves, their own Families and Friends, but for whole Communities, for the whole state of Mankind, yet we are not so fond as to think that the Priests, make the Gods givers of good things, or inspire a Vein of beneficence into them, but only make their supplications to a being, which of its self is inclinable to answer their requests; but in this a good Tutor hath the privilege above the Priests, he effectually renders a Prince more disposed to Actions of Justice, of Moderation and Mercy, and therefore hath a greater satisfaction of Mind, when he reflects upon it.  
For my own part, I cannot but think that an ordinary Mecanick, for instance, a Maker of Musical Instruments, would be much more attentive and pleased at his work, if his Harp were to be touched by the famous Amphion, and in his hand to serve for the Builder of Thebes, or if that Thaletas the Candidate had bespoke it, who was so great a Master, that by the force of his music he pacified a popular tumult amongst the Lacaedemonians. A good natured Shipwright would ply his work more hearty, if he were to make the Steerage for the Admiral Galley of Themistocles, when he fought for the liberty of Greece, or of Pompey, when he went on his expedition against the Pirates, what exstacy of delight then must a Philosopher be in when he reflects, that his Scholar is a Man of Authority, a Prince or great Potentate, that he is employed in so public a work, giving Laws to him who is to give Laws to a whole Nation, who is to punish 'vice, and to reward the virtuous, with Riches and Honour? The Builder of the Argos certainly would have been mightily pleased, if he had know what Noble Mariners were to row in his Ship, and that at last she should be Translated into Heaven; and a Smith would not be half so much pleased to make the Iron-work for a Coach, as to beat out the Plates on which Solons Laws were to be engraved. In like manner the Discourses and Rules of Philosophy being once deeply stamped and imprinted on the Minds of great Personages, will stick so close, that the Prince shall seem no other then Justice Incarnate and Animated Law: This was the Design of Plato's Voyage into Sicily, he hoped that the Lectures of his Philosophy would serve for Laws to Dionysius, and bring his affairs into a good posture: But the Soul of that unfortunate Prince was like Paper scribbled all over with the Characters of 'vice, it's piercing and corroding quality had stained quiter through, and sunk into the very substance of his Soul: In such Cases, it is the best course to give them over betimes; for it is a great Truth, that 'vice hath its certain Period, after which it becomes desperate and incurable.   

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II. A Discourse concerning Socrates his Daemon.  Translated from the Greek, By T. C. Archidamus. 
I Heard lately, Cephisias, a neat saying of a Painter, comprised in a similitude upon those that came to view his Pictures; for he said, The ignorant and unskilful were like those that saluted a whole Company together; but the Curious and Knowing like those that Complemented each single Person; for the former take no exact, but only one general view of the performance; but those that with judgement examine part by part take notice of every stroke that is either well or ill done in the whole Picture: The same may be applied to real Actions; The duller and lazy sort are abundantly satisfied with a short account, and upshot of any business: But he that is of a generous and noble temper, that is fitted to be a spectator of Virtue, as of a curious piece of Art, is more delighted with the particulars: For upon a general view, much of Fortune is discovered; but when the particulars are Examined, then appear the Art and Contrivance; the boldness in conquering intervening Accidents, and the reason that was mixed with, and tempered the heat and fury of, the undertakers: suppose us to be of this sort, and give us an account of the whole design, how from that very beginning 'twas carried on, what company you kept, and what particular Discourse you had that day: A thing so much desired, that I protest I would willingly go to Thebes to be informed, did not the Athenians already suspect me to lean too much to the Baeotian Interest.  Cephisias. 
Indeed Archidamus, your kind eagerness after this story is so obliging, that, setting aside all other business, I should have come on purpose to give you a relation: But since I am now come upon an Embassy, and have nothing to do till I receive an Answer to my Memorial, to be uncivil, and not satisfy the request of an obliging Friend, would revive the old reproach that hath been cast upon the Baeotians for morose sullenness and hating good Discourse, a reproach which began to die in Socrates his time: But as for the rest of the Company, pray Sir, are they at leisure to hear such a story, for I must be very long, since you enjoin me to add the particular Discourses that past between us.  A. 
You don't know the Men, Cephisias, tho' they are worthy your acquaintance; Men of good Families, and no Enemies to you: This is Lysitheides Thrasibulus's Nephew; this Timotheus the Son of Conon; these Archin's Sons; and all the rest my very good acquaintance, so that you need not doubt a favourable, and obliging Audience.  C. 
Very well; but where shall I begin the story, how much of these Affairs are you acquainted with already?  A. 
We know, Cephisias, how matters stood at Thebes before the Exiles returned, viz. How Archias, Leontidas, and their Associates, having persuaded Phoebidas the Spartan in the time of Peace to surprise that Castle, Banished some of the Citizens, others they awed; took the Power into their own Hands, and tyrannized against all Equity and Law: We understand Melons and Pelopidas's Designs, having( as you know) entertained, and ever since they were banished, conversed with them: We know likewise, that the Spartans fined Phoebidas for taking the Cadmea, and in their expedition to Olynthus cashiered him; but sent a stronger garrison and Lysinoridas and two more to command the Castle: And farther, that Ismenias presently after his trial was basely murdered: For Gorgidas wrote constantly to the Exiles, and sent them all the News; so that you have nothing to do but only to inform us in the particulars of your Friends return, and the seizing of the Tyrants.  C. 
In those days, Archidamus, all that were concerned in the Design, as often as our business required, used to meet at Simias's House, who then lay lame of a blow upon his Shin: This we covered with a pretence of meeting for improvement, and Philosophical Discourse, and to take off all suspicion, many times invited Archias and Leontidas, who were not altogether averse to such Conversation: Besides, Simmias having been a long time abroad, and conversed with different Nations, was lately returned to Thebes, full of all sorts of Stories and strange Relations: To him Archias, when free from Business, would resort with the Youth of Thebes, and sit and hear with a great deal of delight; being better pleased to see us mind Philosophy and Learning than their illegal Actions: Now the same day, in which about night it was agreed that the Exiles should come privately to Town, a Messenger whom none of us all but Charon knew, came from them by Pherenicus's order, and  told us, That twelve, the youngest of the Exiles were now hunting on the Mountain Cytharon, and designed to come at night; and that he was sent to deliver this, and know in whose House they should be received; that as soon as they entred they might go directly thither? This startling us, Charon put an end to all our doubts by offering to receive them in his House: With this Answer the Messenger returned: But Theocritus the Soothsayer grasping me by the Hand, and looking on Charon that went just before us, said, That Charon, Cephisias, is no Philosopher, nor so general, nor so acute a Scholar as thy Brother Epaminondas, and yet you see that nature leading him, under the direction of the Law, to noble Actions, he willingly ventures on the greatest danger for the benefit of his Country; but Epaminondas, who knows more of virtue than any of the Baeotians, is dull and unactive; and though opportunity presents, though there cannot be a fairer occasion, and though he is fitted to embrace it, yet he refuseth to join, and will not make one in this generous attempt. And I replied, Courageous Theocritus, we do, what upon mature deliberation we have approved; but Epaminondas being of a contrary opinion, and thinking it better not to take this course, rationally complies with his judgement, whilst he refuseth to meddle in those matters which his Reason upon our desire cannot approve; and to which his Nature is averse. Nor can I think it prudent to force a Physician to use the Cupping-glass, and Lance, that promiseth to Cure the Disease without them. What( said Theocritus,) doth not he approve of our method? No, I replied, he would have no Citizen put to death without a trial at Law; but if we would endeavour to free our Country without Slaughter and Bloodshed, none would more readily comply; but since we slight his Reasons, and follow our own Course, he desires to be excused, to be guiltless of the Blood and slaughter of his Citizens, and to be permitted to watch an opportunity when he might deliver his Country according to equity and right: For this action may go too far; Pherenichus, 'tis true, and Pelopidas may assault the bad Men, and the oppressors of the People; but Eumolpidas and Samiadas, Men of extraordinary heat and violence, prevailing in the night, will hardly sheathe their Swords till they have filled the whole City with Slaughter, and cut in pieces many of the chief Men. This Discourse of mine to Theocritus, Anaxidorus overhearing( for he was just by) bad us be cautious, for Archias with Lysanoridas the Spartan were coming from the Castle directly toward us: Upon this Advice we left off; and Archias calling Theocritus aside together with Lysanoridas, privately discoursed him a long while, so that we were very much afraid, lest they had some suspicion or notice of our Design, and examined Theocritus about it: In the mean time, Phyllidas,( Archidamus, you know him) who was then Secretary to Archias the General, who knew of the Exiles coming, and was one of the Associates, taking me by the Hand, as he used to do, before the Company found fault with the late Exercises, and wrestling he had seen; but afterward leading me aside, he inquired after the Exiles, and asked whether they were resolved to be punctual at the day. And upon my assuring that they were, then he replied, I have very luckily provided a Feast to day to treat Archias, make him drunk, and then deliver him an easy Prey to the Invaders: Excellently contrived Phyllidas, said I, and prithee endeavour to draw all, or most of our Enemies together: That, said he, is very hard, nay, rather impossible: For Archias being in hopes of the Company of some Noble-woman there, will not yield that Leontidas should be present, so that 'twill be necessary to divide the Associates into two Companies, that we might surprise both the Houses: For Archias and Leontidas being taken off, I suppose the others will presently fly, or staying make no stir, being very well satisfied if they can be permitted to be safe and quiet: So, said I, we will order it; but about what, I wonder, are they discoursing with Theocritus? And Phillidas replied, I cannot certainly tell, but I have heard that some Omens and Oracles portend great Disasters, and Calamities to Sparta; and perhaps they consult him about those matters: Theocritus had just left them, when Phidolaus the Haliartian meeting us, said, Simmias would have you stay here a little while, for he is interceding with Peontedas for Amphitheus, and begs that instead of dying, according to the sentence, he might be banished: Well, said Theocritus, this happens very opportunely, for I had a mind to ask what was seen, and what found in Alcmena's Tomb lately opened amongst you, for perhaps, Sir, you was present when Agesilaus sent to fetch the relics to Sparta: And Phidolaus replied, indeed I was not present at the opening of the Grave, for I was not delegated, being extremely concerned, and very angry with my fellow Citizens for permitting it to be done; there was found some relics of a Body, a small brazen Bracelet, and to earthen Pipkins full of Earth, which now by length of time was grown very hard and petrify'd; upon the Monument there was a brazen Plate full of strange, because very ancient, Letters, for though, when the Plate was washed all the strokes were very easily perceived; yet no body could make any thing of them; for they were a particular, barbarous, and very like the egyptian Character: And therefore Agesilaus( as the story goes) sent a transcript of them to the King of egypt, desiring him to show them to the Priests, and if they understood them, to sand him the meaning and interpretation: But perhaps in this matter Simmias can inform us, for at that time he studied their Philosophy, and frequently conversed with the Priests upon that account: The Haliartii believe the great scarcity, and overflowing of the Pool that followed, were not effects of chance, but a particular judgement upon them for permitting the Grave to be opened: And Theocritus after a little pause, said, nay, there seem some Judgments to hang over the Lacedemonians themselves, as those Omens, about which Lysanoridas just now discoursed me, portend: And now he is gone to Haliartus to fill up the Grave again, and as the Oracle directs, to make some oblations to Alcmena and Aleus, but who this Aleusis, he cannot tell: And as soon as he returns, he must endeavour to find the sepulchre of Dirce, which not one of the Thebans themselves, besides the Captains of the Horse, know; for he that goes out of his Office, leads his Successor to the place alone, and in the dark, there they offer some Sacrifices, but without fire, and leaving no mark behind them, separate from one another, and come home again in the dark: So that I believe, Philodaus, 'twill be no easy matter for him to discover it: For most of those that have been duly elected to that Office, are now in Exile, nay, all beside Gorgidas and Plato, and they will never ask those, for they are afraid of them: And our present Officers are invested in the Castle with the Spear only, and the Seal; but know nothing of the Tomb, and cannot direct him: whilst Theocritus was speaking, Leontidas and his Friends went out, and we going in, saluted Simmias sitting upon his Couch; and very much troubled, because his Petition was denied: He looking up upon us, cried out, Good God! The savage Barbarity of these Men! And was it not an excellent remark of Thales, who when his Friends asked him, upon his return from his long Travels, What strange news he brought home, replied; I have seen a Tyrant an old Man: For even he that hath received no particular injury, yet disliking their stiff Pride, and haughty Carriage, becomes an Enemy to all lawless and unaccountable Powers: But Heaven perhaps will take these things into consideration: But, Cephisias, do you know that stranger that came lately hither, and who he is? And I replied, I do not know whom you mean; Why, said he, Leontidas  told me that there was a man at night seen to rise out of Lysias his Tomb, with a great many Carriages, and a long train of Attendants, and that he had lodged there all night upon Beds made of leaves and boughs; for the next morning such were discovered there, with some relics of burnt Sacrifices, and some milk oblations; and that in the Morning he enquired of every one he met, where Polymny's Sons lived? I wonder, said I, who 'tis, for by your description I guess him to be no mean Man: Well, said Phidolaus, when he comes, we will entertain him, but at the present, Simmias, if you know any thing more of those letters about which we were talking, pray let's have it; for 'tis said that the egyptian Priests took into consideration the writing of a certain Table, which Agesilaus had from us, when he opened Alcmena's Tomb: As for the Table, replied Simmias, I know nothing of it; but Agetoridas the Spartan came to Memphis with Letters from Agesilaus to Conouphis the Priest, whilst I, Plato, and Ellopio the Preparethian studied together at his House: He came by order of the King, who enjoined Conouphis, that if he understood the Writing, to sand him the Interpretation with all speed: And he in three days study having collected all the different sorts of Characters that could be found in the old Books, wrote back to the King, and likewise  told us, That the Writing enjoined the Greeks to institute Games in honour of the Muses: That the Characters were such as were used in the time of Proteus, and that Hercules the Son of Amphityo then learned them: And that the God by this admonished the Greeks to live peaceably, and at quiet, contend in Philosophy to the honour of the Muses, and laying aside their Arms, determine what is right and just by reason and discourse: We then thought that Conouphis spoken right, and that Opinion was confirmed, when as we were sailing from egypt, about Caria, some Delians met us, who desired Plato, being well skilled in Geometry, to solve an odd Oracle lately delivered by Apollo: The Oracle was this; Then the Delians, and all the other Greeks should enjoy some respite from their present Evils, when they had doubled the Altar at Delos: They not comprehending the meaning of the Words: after many ridiculous endeavours( for each of the sides being doubled, they still framed a body, instead of twice, eight times as big) made application to Plato to clear the difficulty: He calling to mind what the egyptian had  told him, said, That the God was merry upon the Greeks, who despised Learning; that he severely reflected on their Ignorance, and admonished them to apply themselves to the deepest parts of Geometry; for this was not to be done by a dull short-sighted intellect, but one exactly skilled in the nature and properties of Lines: It required skill to find the proportion of the two middle Lines, by which alone a body of a cubic Figure can be doubled, all its dimensions being equally increased: that Eudoxus the Cnidian, or Elico the Cyzicenian might do this for them, but that was not the thing desired by the God, for by this Oracle he enjoined all the Greeks to leave of War and Contention, and apply themselves to study, and by Learning and Arts moderating the Passions, live peaceably with one another, and profit the Community: whilst Simmias was speaking, my Father Polymnis came in, and sitting down by him, said, Epaminondas desires you and the rest of the Company, unless some urgent business requires your attendance, to stay for him here a little while, designing to bring you acquainted with this stranger, who is a very worthy Man, and the design upon which he comes, is very genteil and honourable: He is a Pythagorean of the Italian Sect, and comes hither to make some offerings to old Lysis at his Tomb, according to divers Dreams, and very notable appearances that he hath seen: He hath brought a good sum of Money with him, and thinks himself bound to satisfy Epaminondas for keeping Lysis in his old Age; and is very eager, though we are neither willing, nor desire him, to relieve his Poverty: And Simmias glad at this news, replied, you tell me, Sir, of a wonderful Man, and worthy Professor of Philosophy: but why doth he not come directly to us? I think, said my Father, he lay all Night at Lysis his Tomb, and therefore Epaminondas hath now lead him to Ismenias to wash, and when that's done, they will be here: For before he came to our House, he logd'd at the Tomb, intending to take up the relics of the Body, and transport them into Italy, if some Genius at Night had not advised him to forbear: As soon as my Father had ended this discourse, Galaxidorus cried out, Good Gods, how hard a matter is it to find a Man pure from Vanity and Superstition? For some are betrayed into those fooleries by their ignorance and weakness, others, that they may be thought extraordinary Men, and favourites of Heaven, refer all their Actions to some Divine admonition, pretending Dreams, Visions, and the like surprising fooleries for every thing they do: This method indeed is advantageous to those that intend to settle a Common-wealth, or are forced to keep themselves up against a rude and ungovernable multitude, for by this Bridle of Superstition they might manage, and reform the vulgar, but these pretences seem not only unbecoming Philosophy, but quiter opposite to all those fine promises it makes; for that having promised to teach us by reason what is good and profitable, falling back again to the Gods as the princiciples of all our Actions, seems to despise reason, and disgrace that demonstration which is its peculiar glory; and relies on Dreams and Visions; In which the worst of Men are oftentimes as happy as the best: And therefore your Socrates, Simmias, in my opinion, followed the most Philosophical and rational method of Instructions, choosing that plain and easy way as the most genteil, and friendly unto truth, and scattering all those vain pretences which are as it were the smoke of Philosophy, to the Sophisters of the Age: And Theocritus taking him up, said, What Galaxidorus, and hath Melitus persuaded you that Socrates contemned all Divine things, for that was part of his Accusation: Divine things by no means, replied Galaxidorus; but he having received from Pythagoras and Empedocles, Philosophy full of Dreams, Fables, and Superstitions, and perfect raving; endeavoured to bring Wisdom and Things together, and make Truth consist with sober sense: Be it so rejoined Theocritus, but what shall we think of Socrates his Daemon? Was it a mere juggle? For, in my mind, as Homer makes Minerva to stand by Ulysses in all dangers; so the Daemon joined to Socrates even from his Cradle some Vision to guide him in all the Actions of his life; which going before him,  shed a light upon hidden and obscure Matters, and such as could not be discovered by unassisted human understanding; of such things the Daemon often discoursed with him, presiding over, and by Divine instinct directing his intentions. More and greater things perhaps you may learn from Simmias, and other Companions of Socrates, but once when I was present, as I went to Euthyphron's the Soothsayer, it happened Simmias,( for you remember it) that Socrates walked up to Androcides his House, all the way asking questions, and jocosely perplexing Euthyphron: When standing still upon a sudden, and persuading us to do the like, he mused a pretty while, and then turning about, walked through Trunk-makers Street, calling back his Friends that walked before him, affirming that it was his Daemons will and admonition: Many turned back, amongst whom I holding Euthyphron was one; but some of the Youths keeping on the strait way, on purpose as 'twere to confute Socrates his Daemon, took along with them charilus the Piper, who came into my Company to Athens to see Cebes. Now as they were walking through Gravers-row, near the Guild hall, a Herd of dirty Swine met them, and being too many for the Street, and running against one another overthrew some that could not get out of the way, and dirted others; and charilus came home with his Legs and clothes very dirty; so that now and then in merriment they would think on Socrates his Daemon, wondering that it never forsook the Man, and that Heaven took such particular care of him. Then Galaxidorus: and do you think, Theocritus, that Socrates his Daemon has some peculiar, and extraordinary Power? and that it was not some part of the common necessity that by Experience confirmed this Man, and made him in all obscure and in evident matters add some weight to the reason that was on one side? For as one grain doth not incline the balance by itself, yet added to one of two weights that are of equal poise, makes the whole incline to that part; thus an Omen, or the like sign, tho of itself too light to draw a grave and settled resolution to any Action, yet two equal reasons drawing on either side, when that is added to one, the doubt together with the equality is taken off, so that a motion and inclination to the side is presently produced: Then my Father continuing the Discourse, said, You, yourself, Galaxidorus, have heard a Megarian, who had it from Terpsion, sav, That Socrates's Daemon was nothing else but the sneezing either of himself, or others; for if another sneez'd either before, behind him, or on his Right-hand, then he pursued his design, and went on to Action, but if on the Left-hand, he desisted: One sort of Sneezing confirmed him whilst deliberating, and not fully resolved; another stopped him when already upon action; but indeed it seems strange, that if Sneezing was his only Sign, that he should not acquaint his Familiars with it, but pretend that it was a Daemon that encouraged or forbade him; for that this should proceed from Vanity or Conceit, is not agreeable to the veracity and simplicity of the Man, for in those we knew him to be truly great, and far above the generality of Mankind: Nor is it likely so grave and wise a Man should be disturbed at a casual sound or Sneezing, and upon that account leave off what he was about, and give over his premeditated Resolutions. Besides all, Socrates's resolutions seem to be altogether vigorous and steady; as begun upon right Principles, and mature judgement: Thus he voluntarily lived poor all his life, though he had friends that would have been very glad and very willing to relieve him; he still kept close to Philosophy notwithstanding all the discouragements he met with; and at last when his Friends endeavoured, and very ingeniously contrived his escape, he would not yield to their entreaties, but met death with mirth and cheerfulness, and appeared a Man of a steady reason in the greatest extremity. And sure these are not the Actions of a Man, whose designs when once fixed could be altered by an Omen or a Sneeze; but of one, who by some more considerable guidance and impulse is directed to practise things good and excellent: Besides, I have heard, that to some of his Friends he foretold the overthrow of the Athenians in Sicily: And before that time Perilampes the Son of Antipho being wounded and taken Prisoner by us in that pursuit about Delius, as soon as he heard from the ambassadors that came from Athens, that Socrates with Alcibiades, and Paches fled by Rhetiste, and returned safe; he blamed himself very much, and some of his Friends and Captains of the Companies, who together with him were overtaken in their flight about Parneth by our Cavalry, and slain there, for not obeying Socrates his Daemon, and retreating that way which he lead: And this, I believe, Simmias hath heard as well as I. Yes, replied Simmias, many times, and from many Persons: for upon this Socrates his Daemon was very much talked of at Athens. Why then, pray Simmias, said Phidolaus, shall we suffer Galaxidorus drollingly to degrade so considerable a prophetic Spirit into an Omen, or a Sneeze; which the Vulgar and Ignorants, 'tis true, merrily use about small matters, but when any danger appears, then we find that of Euripides verified; None near the edge of Swords will mind such toys,  
To this Galaxidorus rejoined, Sir, if Simmias hath heard Socrates himself speak any thing about this matter, I am very ready to hear it, and not engage you; but yet what you and Polymnis have delivered I could easily demonstrate to be weak and insignificant: For as in physic the Pulse, or a Whelk are themselves but small things, yet are signs of no small things to the Physician, and as the murmuring of the Waves, of a bide, or the driving of a thin Cloud are Signs to the Pilot of a Stormy Heaven, and troubled Sea, thus to a prophetic Soul, a Sneeze or an Omen, though simply considered in themselves no great matter, yet may be Signs and tokens of considerable impending Accidents; for every Art and Science takes care to collect many things from few, and great from small: And as one that doth not know the power of Letters, when he sees a few ill shapen strokes, would not believe that a Man skilled in Letters could red out of them the famous Battels of the Ancients, the rise of Cities, the Acts and Calamities of Kings, and assert that something like those matters of which he red,  told him the particulars; would by this ignorance of his raise a great deal of Mirth and Laughter in the Company: So let us consider, whether or no we ourselves being altogether ignorant of every ones power of Divination by which he guesseth at what is to come, are not foolishly concerned, when 'tis asserted that a wise Man by that discovers some things obscure and inevident in themselves, because, forsooth, he himself declares that 'tis not a Sneeze or Voice, but a Daemon, that leads him on to Action: This, Polymnis, particularly respects you, who cannot but wonder that Socrates, a Man by Meekness, Humility, and Philosophy exalted above the common rank of Mankind, should not call this sign a Sneeze or a Voice, if it were so, but very pretendingly a Daemon, when on the contrary, I should have wondered if a Man so critical and exact in Discourse, and so good at Names, as Socrates, should have said, that it was a Sneeze, and not a Daemon that gave him intimation; as much as if any one should say, that he is wounded by a Dart, and not with a Dart by him that threw it; for any effect is not the effect of the Instrument, but of that whose the Instrument is, and which useth it to that effect; and a sign is an Instrument which he that conjectures by it useth to that conjecture: But as I said before, if Simmias hath any thing about this matter, let us quietly attend; for no doubt he must have a more perfect knowledge of the thing. Content, said Theocritus, but let us first see who these are that are coming, for I think I see Epaminondas bringing in the Stranger upon this Motion; looking toward the Door, we saw Epaminondas with his friend Ismenidorus, Bachylidas, and Melissus the Musician leading the way; and the Stranger following, a Man of no mean presence, his Meekness and good Nature appeared in his looks, and his dress grave and becoming: He being seated next Simmias, my Brother next me, and the rest as they pleased, and all silent; Simmias speaking to my Brother said, Well Epaminondas, by what Name and Title must I salute this Stranger, for those are commonly our first compliments, and the beginning of our better Acquaintance? And my Brother replied, His name, Simmias, is Theanor, by Birth he is a Crotonian, a Philosopher by profession, no disgrace to Pythagoras's famed, for he hath taken a long Voyage from Italy hither, to evidence by generous Actions his eminent proficiency in that School. And the Stranger subjoined: But you Epaminondas hinder the performance of the best Action; for if 'tis commendable to oblige Friends, 'tis not discommendable to be obliged; for a benefit requires a receiver as well as a giver by both 'tis perfected and becomes a good work: For he that refuseth to receive a Favour, as a Ball that's strook fairly to him, disgraceth it by letting it fall short of the designed mark; and what mark are we so much pleased to hit, or vexed to miss, as our kind intentions of obliging a Person that deserves a Favour? 'tis true, when the mark is fixed, he that misseth can blame no body but himself, but he that refuseth or flys a kindness is injurious to the favour in not letting it attain the desired end. I have  told you already what was the occasion of my Voyage, the same I would discover to all present, and make them judges in the case; for after the opposite Faction had expelled the Pythagoreans, and the Cycloneans had burnt the remains of that Society in their School at Metapontum, and destroyed all but Philolaus and Lysis, who being young and nimble scap't the flamme. Philolaus flying to the Lycanians was there protected by his Friends, who rose for his defence, and over-powered the Cyclonii; but where Lysis was, for a long time no body could tell; at last Gorgidas the Leontine sailing from Greece to Italy seriously  told Arkesus, that he met, and discoursed Lysis at Thebes: Arkesus very desirous to see the Man, as soon as he could get a passage designed to put to Sea himself; but age and weakness coming on, he took care that Lysis should be brought to Italy alive, if possible, but if not, the relics of his Body: The intervening Wars, Usurpations, and Seditions hindered his Friends from doing it whilst he lived; but since dead Lysi's Daemon hath made very frequent and very plain discoveries to us of his death; and many that were very well acquainted with the matter  told us how courteously you received, and civilly entertained him; how in your poor family he was allowed a plentiful subsistence for his age; counted a Son, and died in Peace; I a Young Man, and but one single Person, was sent by many and my Elders; by the wealthy to those that want; and by those that offer Money, and require no returns, but friendship and good will. Lysis, 'tis true, is butted nobly, and your respect which is more honourable than a Monument, must be acknowledged, and requited by his familiars and his Friends: When the Stranger had said this, my Father wept a considerable time in memory of Lysis; but my Brother, as he used to do, smiling upon me, said, What do we do Caphisias? we give up our Poverty to Wealth, and yet are silent: By no means, I replied, let us part with our Old Friend, and the excellent breeder of our Youth; but defend her cause, for you are to manage it: And my Father put in, indeed I feared that Caphisias his Body would have assisted Wealth, and given it possession of my House, for that wants fine Attire, that he might appear gay and gaudy to his numerous company of Lovers; and great supplys of Food, that he might be strong to endure Wrestling, and other exercises of the Ring: But since he doth not give up Poverty, since, like a Colour, he doth not lose his hereditary want, since he, a Youth, prides himself in meanness, and is very well content with his present State, what need have we, and what shall we do with Wealth? Caphisias subjoined, shall we guild our Arms? Shall we( as Nicias the Athenian) adorn our Shield with Gold, Purple, and other gaudy variety of Colours, and buy for you, Sir, a Melisian Cloak, and for my Mother a Purple Gown? for I suppose we shall not consume any upon our Belly, or feast more sumptuously than we did before, treating this Wealth as a Guest of Quality and Honour! Away, away Son, replied my Father, let me never see such a change in our course of living: Well, said Caphisias, we would not ly lazily at home, and watch over our unemploy'd Riches: for then the bestowers kindness would be a trouble, and the Possession infamous. What need then, said my Father, have we of Wealth? Upon this account, said Epaminondas, when Jason the Thessalanian General lately sent me a great sum of Money, and desired me to accept it, I was thought rude and unmannerly for telling him, that he was a Knave for endeavouring whilst he himself loved Monarchy, to bribe one of Democratical Principles, and a Member of a Free State. Your good-will, Sir,( addressing to the Stranger) for 'tis generous, and worthy a Philosopher, I accept, and passionately admire; but you offer physic to your Friends, who are in perfect health: If upon a Report that we were distressed and over-powered you had brought Men and Arms to our assistance, but being arrived, had found all in quietness and peace; I am certain you would not have thought it necessary to have left those supplies which we did not then stand in need of: Thus since now you came to assist us against Poverty, as if we had been distressed by it; and find it very peaceable and our familiar inmate, there is need to leave any Money or Arms to suppress that, which gives us no trouble or disturbance. But tell your Acquaintance, that they use Riches well, and have Friends here that use Poverty as well. What was spent in keeping and burying Lysis, Lysis himself hath sufficiently repaid, by many profitable Instructions, and by teaching us not to think Poverty a grievance. What then, said Theanor, is it mean to think Poverty a grievance? Is it not absurd to fly and be afraid of Riches, if no reason, but an Hypocritical pretence, narrowness of Mind, or Pride prompts him to reject the offer? And what reason I wonder would refuse such advantageous and creditable enjoyments, as Epaminondas now doth? But, Sir,( for your answer to the Thessalian about this matter, shows you very ready) pray answer me, do you think it commendable in some cases to give Money; but always unlawful to receive it? Or are the givers and receivers equally guilty of a fault? By no means, replied Epaminondas, but as of any thing else, so the giving and receiving of Money is sometimes commendable, and sometimes base. Well then, said Theanor if a Man gives willingly what he ought to give, is not that Action commendable in him? Yes: And when 'tis commendable in one to give, is it not as commendable in another to receive? Or can a Man more honestly accept a Gift from any one than from him that honestly bestows? No. Well then, Epaminondas, suppose of two Friends, one hath a Mind to present, the other must accept: 'tis true, in a battle we should avoid that Enemy from whom good turns have been formerly received, but in Civilities, we should neither fly, nor thrust back that Friend that makes a kind and genteil offer: And though poverty is not so grievous, yet on the other side, wealth is not so mean and desplicable a thing. Very true, replied Epaminondas, but you must consider, that we have many lusts and desires, and the Objects of those desires many: Some are called Natural, these proceed from the very constitution of our Body, and tend to natural pleasures; others are acquired, and rise from vain opinions and mistaken notions; yet these by the length of time, ill habits, and bad Education are usually improved, get strength, and debase that Soul more than the other natural and necessary Passions. By custom and care any one with the assistance of reason may free himself from many of his natural desires: But Sir, all our Arts, all our Force of Discipline must be employed against the superfluous, and acquired appetites; and they must be restrained or cut off by the guidance, or edge of Reason: For if the contratry applications of Reason can make us forbear Meat and Drink, when hungry or thirsty, how much more easy is it to conquer Covetousness or Ambition, which will be destroyed by a bare restraint from their proper objccts, and a non-attainment of their desired end: And. pray, Sir, are not you of the same opinion? Yes, replied the Stranger. Then, Sir, continued Epaminondas, don't you perceive a difference between the Exercise itself, and the Work to which the Exercise relates? For instance, in a Wrestler, the Work is the striving with his adversary for the Crown, the Exercise is the preparation of his Body by Diet, Wrestling, or the like: So in Virtue, you must confess the work to be one thing, and the Exercise another. Very well, replied the Sranger: Then continued Epaminondas, let us first examine whether to abstain from base unlawful pleasures is the exercise only of ꝯtinence, or the Work, and evidence of that Exercise? The very Work and Evidence, replied the Stranger; but the Exercise of it is not such as you practise, when after Wrestling, where you have raised your Appetites like ravenous Beasts, you stand a long while at a Table covered with plenty and variety of Meats, and then give it to your Servants to feast on whilst you offer mean and spare Diet to your subdued Appetites; for abstinence from lawful pleasures is exercise against unlawful. Very well, replied the Stranger. So, continued Epaminondas, Justice is Exercise against Covetousness and love of Money; but so is not a mere cessation from stealing or robbing our Neighbour: So he that doth not betray his Country or Friends for Gold, doth not exercise against Covetousness( for the Law perhaps deteterrs, and fear restrains him) but he that refuseth just gain, and such as the Laws allows, voluntarily exercises, and secures himself from being bribed or receiving any unlawful present; for when great, hurtful, and base pleasures are proposed, 'tis very hard for any one to contain, that hath not often despised those which he ●ad power and opportunity to enjoy: Thus when base Bribes and considerable advantages are offered, 'twill be difficult to refuse, unless he hath long ago rooted out all thoughts of Gain, and love of Money; for other desires will nourish and increase that Appetite, and he will easily be drawn to any unjust Action, who can scarce forbear reaching out his hand to a proffered present; but he that will not lay himself open to the favours of Friends, the Gifts of Kings, but refuseth even what Fortune Proffers, and keeps off his Appetite that is eager after, and as it were, leaps forward to an appearing treasure, is never disturbed, or tempted to unlawful Actions, but hath great and brave thoughts, and hath command over himself, being conscious of none but generous designs: I and Cepheisias, dear Simmias, being passionate of admirers of such Men beg the Stranger to suffer us to be taught and exercised by Poverty to attain that height of virtue and perfection.  
My Brother having finished this Discourse, Simmias nodding twice or thrice, said, Epaminondas is a great, a great Man, but this Polymnis is the cause of his greatness, who gave his Children the best Education, and bread them Philosophers: But, Sir, you may end this Dispute at leisure among yourselves: As for Lysis( if 'tis lawful to discover it) pray, Sir, do you design to take him out of his Tomb, and transport him into Italy, or leave him here amongst this Friends and Acquaintance, who shall be glad to ly by him in the Grave? And Theanor with a smile answered, Lysis, good Simmias, no doubt is very well pleased with the place, for Epaminondas supplied him with all things necessary and fitting: But the Pythagoreans have some particular Funeral Ceremonies, which, if any one wants, we conclude he did not make a proper and happy Exit: Therefore as soon as we learnt from some Dreams that Lysis was dead( for we have certain marks to know the Apparitions of the living from the Images of the dead) most began to think that Lysis dying in a strange country was not interred with the due Ceremonies, and therefore was to be removed to Italy that he might receive them there: I coming upon this design, and being by the People of the Country directed to the Tomb, in the Evening poured out my Oblations, and called upon the Soul of Lysis to come out, and direct me in this Affair: The Night drawing on, I saw nothing indeed, but thought I heard a voice saying, Move not those relics that ought not to be moved, for Lysis his Body was duly and religiously interred; and his Soul is sent to inform another Body, and committed to the care of another Daemon: And early this Morning asking Epaminondas about the manner of Lysis his burial, I found that Lysis had taught him as far as the incommunicable Mysteries of our Sect; and that the same Daemon that waited on Lysis presided over him, if I can guess at the Pilot from the sailing of the Ship: The paths of Life are large, but in few are Men directed by the Daemons: When Theanor had said this he looked attentively on Epaminondas, as if he designed a fresh search into his nature, and inclinations.  
At the same instant the chirurgeon coming in unbound Simmias his Leg, and prepared to dress it; and Phyllidas entering with Hippostheneides extremely concerned, as his very Countenance discovered, desired me, Charon, and Theocritus to withdraw into a private Corner of the Porch: And I asking Phyllidas, hath any new thing happened? Nothing new to me, he replied, for I knew, and  told you, that Hippostheneides was a Coward, and therefore begged you not to communicate the matter to him, or make him an Associate: We seeming all surprised, Hippostheneides cried out, for Heaven's sake Phyllidas, don't say so, don't think rashness to be bravery, and blinded by that mistake ruin both us and the Commonwealth, but( if it must be so) let the Exiles return again in peace: And Phyllidas in Passion replied, how many, Hippostheneides, do you think are privy to this design? Thirty I know engaged: And why then continued Phyllidas would you singly oppose your judgement th them all; and ruin those measures they had all taken and agreed to? What had you to do to sand a Messenger to desire them to return and not approach to day, when even chance encouraged, and all things conspir●d to promote the design? These words of Phyllidas troubled every one, and Charon looking very angrily upon Hipostheneides, said, Thou Coward! what hast thou done? No harm, replied Hippostheneides, as I'll make appear, if you will moderate your passion, and hear what your gray-headed equal can allege: If Phyllidas, we were minded to show our Citizens a Brave that sought danger, and a Heat that contemned Life, there is day enough before us, why should we wait till the Evening? Let us take our Swords presently, and assault the Tyrants: Let us kill, let us be killed, and be prodigal of our Bood: if this may be easily performed or endured, and if 'tis no easy matter by the loss of two or three Men to free Thebes from so great an armed power as possesses it, and to beat out the Spartan Garrison( for I suppose Phillidas hath not provided Wine enough at his Entertainment to make all Archias his Guard 1500 drunk; or if we dispatch him, yet Arcesius and Crapidas will be sober; and upon the Watch;) why are we so eager to bring out Friends and Familiars into certain destruction; especially since the Enemy hath some notice of their return? For why else should the Thespienses for these three days, be commanded to be in Arms, and follow the orders of the Spartan Generals? and I hear, that to day, after Examination before Archias, when he returns, they design to put Amphitheus to death; and are not these strong proofs that our conspiracy is discovered? Is it not the best way to stay a little, till an atonement is made, and the Gods reconciled? For the Aruspices having sacrificed an Ox to Cere●, said, That the burnt Offering portended a great sedition, and danger to the Commonwealth: and besides, Charon, there is another thing which particularly concerns you; for yesterday Hypadorus the Son of Erianthes, a very honest Man, and my good Acquaintance, but altogether ignorant of our Design, coming out of the Country in my Company, accosted me thus: Charon is an Acquaintance of yours, Hypostheneides, but no great Crony of mine; yet if you please, advice him to take heed of some eminent danger, for I had a very odd Dream relating to some such matter; Last night methought I saw his House in Travail, and he and his Friends extremely perplexed, fell to their Prayers round ab ut the the▪ House: The House groaned, and sent out some inarticulate sounds, at last a raging fire broken out of it, and consumed the greatest gart of the City; and the Castle Cadmea was covered all over with Sm●ak, but not fired: This was the Dream, Charon, that he  told me; I was startled at the present, and that fear increased when I heard that the Exiles intended to come to day to your House, and I am very much afraid that we shall bring mighty mischiefs on ourselves, yet do our Enemies no proportionable harm, but only give them a little disturbance; for, I think the City signifies us, and the Castle, as 'tis now in their Power, them: Then Theocritus putting in, and enjoining Charon, who was eager to reply, silence, said, As for my part Hippostheneides, though all my Sacrifices were of good Omen to the Exiles, yet I never found any greater inducement to go on, then the Dream you mentioned; for you say that a great and bright fire rising out of a Friends House caught the City; and that the Habitation of the Enemies was blackened with smoke, which never brings any thing better than Tears and Disturbance; that in articulate sounds broken out from us, shows that none shall make clear and full discovery; only a blind suspicion shall arise, and our design shall appear, and have its desired effect at the same time, and the Ominous Sacrifices do not respect the public but the Men in Power: Whilst Theocritus was speaking, I said to Hipostheneides, Whom did you employ in this Message? for if it was not long ago we will follow him? Indeed Cepheisias, he replied, 'tis unlikely( for I must tell the truth) that you should overtake him, for he is upon the best Horse in Thebes: You all know the Man, he is Master of the Horse to Melon, and Melon from the very beginning hath made him privy to the Design: And I observing him to be at the Door, said; What Hipostheneides is it Clido, he that last year at Juno's feast wan the single Horse-race? Yes, the very same. Who then, continued I, is that hath stood a pretty while at the Court Gate, and gazed upon us? At this Hippostheneides turning about, cried out, Clido, by Hercules, I'll lay my life some unlucky accident hath happened: Clido observing that we took notice of him, came softly from the Gate towards us, and Hippostheneides giving him a nod, and bidding him deliver his Message to the Company, for they were all sure friends, and and privy to the whole Plot, he began, Sir, I know the Men very well, and not finding you either at home, or in the Market-place, I guessed you were with them, and came directly hither to give you a full account of the present posture of Affairs: You commanded me with all possible speed to meet the Exiles upon the Mountain, and accordingly I went home to take Horse; and called for my Bridle; my Wife said it was mislaid, and stayed along time in the Hostry, tumbling about things, and pretending to look carefully after it; at last when she had tried my Patience, she confessed that her Neighbours Wife had borrowed it last Night; this raised my Passion and I chid her, and she began to curse, and wished me a bad journey, and as bad a return; all which curses, pray God, may fall upon her own head: at last my passion grew high, and I began to cudgel her, and presently the Neighbours and Women coming in, there was fine work, I am so bruised that 'twas as much as I could do to come hither to desire you to employ another Man, for I protest I am amazed, and in a very bad condition: Upon this News we were strangely altered, just before we were angry with the Man, that endeavoured to put it off, and now the time approaching, the very minute just upon us, and it being impossible to be deferred, created very dismal apprehensions: But I speaking to, and taking Hippostheneides by the hand, bad him be of good courage, for the Gods themselves seemed to invite us to Action: presently we partend, Phyllidas went home to prepare his Entertainment, and make Archias drunk as soon as conveniently he could; Charon went to his House to receive the Exiles, and I and Theocritus went back to Simmias again, that having now a good opportunity, we might discourse with Epaminondas; we found them engaged in a notable Dispute, which Galaxidorus and Phidolaus had touched upon before; the Subject of the Inquiry this, What kind of Substance or Power was the famed Daemon of Socrates: Simmias his reply to Galaxidorus his Diseourse we did not hear; but he said, that having once asked Socrates about it, and received no answer, he never repeated the same Question; but he had often heard him declare those to be vain pretenders, who, said they, had seen any Divine Apparition: But to those who affirmed that they heard a voice he would gladly harken, and eagerly inquire into the particulars; and this upon consideration gave us probable reasons to conjecture that this Daemon of Socrates was not an Apparition, but rather a sensible perception of a Voice, or an apprehension of some words, which after an unaccountable manner affencted him: As in a Dream there is no real voice, yet we have fancies and apprehensions of words which make us imagine that we hear some speak: This perception in Dreams is usual, because the Body whilst we are asleep is quiet and undisturbed; but when we are awake, meane●… thoughts creep in, and we can hardly bring our Soul to observe better Advertisements; fo●… being in a hurry of tumultuous passions and distracting business, we cannot compose our mind, or make it listen to the discoveries: But Socrates his Understanding being pure, free from passion, and mixing itself with the body no more then necessity required, was easy to be moved and apt to take an impression from every thing that was applied to it; now that was applied, was not a Voice, but more probably a Declaration of the Daemon, which together with the thing declared was immediately represented to his mind! Voice is like a stroke given to the Soul, which receives speech forcibly entering at the Ears whilst we discourse; but the Understanding of a more excellent nature, affects a capable Soul, by applying the very thing to be understood to it, so that there is no need of another stroke: And the Soul obeys as it stretches or slackens her affections, not forcibly, as if it wrought by contrary passions, but smoothly and gently, as if it moved flexible and loose reins: And sure no body can wonder at this that hath observed what great Ships of burden are turned by a small helm; or seen a Potters Wheell moved round by the gentle touch of one finger: These are lifeless things, 'tis true, but being of a frame fit for motion, by reason of their smoothness they yield to the least impulse: The Soul of Man being stretched with a thousand inclinations, as with Cords, is the most tractable Instrument that is, and if once rationally excited, easy to be moved to the Object that is to be understood: For thence the Passio●s and Appetites begin, and spread to the Understanding, and that being once agitated, they are drawn back again, and so stretch and raise the whole Man: Hence you may guess how great the force of the thing conceived is for the Bones that are insensible, the Nerves, the Flesh that is full of humours, and the heavy Mass composed of all these lying quiet and at rest, as soon as the Soul gives the impulse, and raiseth an Appetite to move toward an Object, is roused, invigorated, and every Member seems a Wing to carry it forward to Action: Nor is it very difficult to conceive the manner of this motion and stirring, by which the Soul having conceived any thing by her Appetites, rouseth the whole Mass; but in as much as a Speech barely apprehended without any sensible voice easily excites, so in my opinion, the understanding of a superior Nature may move the Understanding of a more Divine Soul; for reason may be applied to, and touch reason, as incident light the reflection of the same ray. We, 'tis true, as it were groping in the dark, find out one anothers conceptions by the voice, but the Conceptions of the Daemons carry a light with them, and shine to those that are able to perceive them, so that there is no need of words, such as Men using to one another, see the images of things conceived, only by Signs and Tokens; but cannot perceive the very Images, unless they enjoy a peculiar, and( as I said before) a Divine Light: This may be illustrated from the nature and effect of voice; for the Air being formed into articulate sounds, and made all voice, transmits the Conception to the Soul of the Hearer; so that 'tis no wonder if the Air, that is very apt to take impressions, being fashioned according to the Object, conceived by a more excellent nature, signifies that Conception to some Divine and Extraordinary Men: For as a stroke upon a Brazen Shield, when the noise ariseth out of a hollow, is heard only by those who are in a convenient position, and not perceived by others; so the Specehes of the Daemons though applied indifferently to all, yet only sound, to those who are of a quiet temper and sedate mind, and such as we call Holy and Divine Men: Most believe that Daemons communicate some illuminations to Men asleep; but think it strange and incredible that they should communicate the like to them whilst they are awake, and have their Senses and Reason vigorous; as wise a fancy as 'tis to imagine that a Musician can use his Harp when the strings are slacken, but cannot play when they are screwed up and in tune; for they don't consider that the effect is hindered by the unquietness and incapacity of their own minds, from which inconveniences our Friend Socrates was free, as the Oracle assured his Father whilst he was a Boy; for that commanded him to let young Socrates do what he would, not to force or draw him from his inclinations, but let the boys humour have its free course; that he should beg Jupiters and the Muses blessing upon him, and take no further care; intimating that he had a guide to direct him that was better than ten thousand Tutors and Instructors: This Phidolaus was my Notion of Socrates his Daemon whilst he lived, and since his Death, and I look upon all they mention about Omens, Sneezings, or the like, to be Dreams and Fooleries. But what I heard Timarchus discourse upon the same Subject, lest some should think I delight in Fables, perhaps 'tis best to conceal: By no means, cried Theocritus, let's have it; for though they do not perfectly agree with it, yet I know many Fables border upon truth; but pray first tell us who this Timarchus was, for I was never acquainted with the Man. Very likely Theocritus, said Simmias, for he died when he was very young, and desired Socrates to bury him by Lampocles, Socrates his Son, who was his dear Friend, of the same Age, and died not many days before him; he being eager to know( for he was a fine Youth and a beginner in Philosophy) what Socrates his Daemon was; acquainting none but Cebes and me with his Design, went down into Trophonius's Cave, and performed all the Ceremonies that were requisite to gain an Oracle: There he stayed two nights and one day, so that his Friends despaired of his return, and lamented him as lost; but the next Morning he came out with a very cheerful countenance, and having adored the God, and freed himself from the thronging inquisitive Crowd, he  told us many wonderful things that he had seen and heard; for this was his Relation; As soon as he entred, a thick darkness surrounded him, then after he had prayed, he lay a long while upon the ground, but was not certain whether awake or in a Dream, only he imagined that a smart stroke fell upon his head, and that through the partend Sutures of his Skull, his Soul fled out; which being now loose, and mixed with a purer and more lightsome Air, was very jocund and well pleased, it seemed to begin to breath, as if till then it had been almost choked, and grew bigger than before, like a Sail swollen by the wind; then he heard a small noise whirling round his head, very sweet and ravishing; and looking up he saw no Earth, but certain Islands shining with a gentle fire which interchang'd Colours according to the different variation of the light; innumerable and very large; unequal, but all round: These whirling, 'tis likely, agitated the Aether, and made that sound; for the ravishing softness of it was very agreeable to their even motions: Between these Islands there was a large Sea or lake which shone very gloriously, being adorned with a gay variety of Colours mixed with blew; some few of the Islands swam in this Sea, and were carried to the other side of the Current; others, and those the most, were carried up and down, tost, whirled, and almost overwhelmed.  
This Sea in some places seemed very deep, especially toward the South, in other parts very shallow; it ebbed and flowed, but the Tides were neither high nor strong; in some parts its colour was pure, and Sea-green; in others it looked muddy, and as troubled as a Lake: the Current brings those Islands that were carried over to the other side back again; but not to the same point, so that their motions are not exactly circular, but winding: About the middle of these Islands, Ambient Sea seemed to bend into a hollow, a little less, as it appeared to him, than eight parts of the whole: Into this Sea were two entrances, by which it received two opposite fiery Rivers, running in with so strong a current that it spre●d a fiery white over a great part of the blew Sea; this sight pleased him very much, but when he looked downward, there appeared a vast chasm, round, as if he had looked into a divided sphere, very deep, and frightful, full of thick darkness, which was ever now and then troubled and disturbed: Thence a thousand howling and bellowings of Beasts, crys of Children, groans of Men and Women, and all sorts of terrible noises reached his E●rs; but faintly, as being far off, and rising through the vast hollow; and this terrified him exceedingly: A little while after an invisible thing spoken thus to him; Timarchus, what dost thou desire to understand? And he replied, Every thing; for what is there that is not wonderful and surprising? We have little to do with those things above, they belong to other Gods; but as for Proserpina's Quarter which being one of the four, as Styx divides them, that we govern, you may visit if you please: But what is Styx? The way to Hell, which reaches to the contrary Quarter, and with its head divides the Light; for as you see, it rises from Hell below, about which it rolls and separates the extremest part of the Universe from the Light: There are four Divisions of all things under our Government; the first is of Life, the second of the Motion, the third of Generation, and the fourth of Corruption: The first is coupled to the second by a Unite, in the substance invisible; the second to the third by Understanding, in the Sun; and the third to the fourth by Nature in the Moon: Over every one of these Ties Fate the Daughter of Necessity presides; over the first Atropos; over the second, Clotho; and Lachesis over the third, which is in the Moon, and about which is the whole whirl of Generation; all the other Islands have Gods in them, but the Moon belonging to Earthly Daemons, is raised but a little above Styx: Styx ceases on her once in a hundred seventy seven Revolutions; and when it approaches the Souls are startled, and cry out for fear; for Hell swallows up a great many, and the Moon receives some swimming up from below, which have run through their whole course of Generation; unless they are wicked, and impure; for against such she throws flashes of Lightning, makes horrible noises, and frights them away; so that missing their desired happiness, and bewailing their condition, they are carried down again( as you see) to undergo another Generation. But, said Timarchus, I see nothing but Stars leaping about the Hollow, and some carried into it, and some shining out of it again: These, said the Voice, are Daemons; for thus 'tis; every Soul hath some portion of Reason; a Man cannot be a Man without it; but as much as she mixes with Flesh and Appetite, is changed; and through pain or pleasure becomes irrational; every Soul doth not mix her self alike, for some plunge themselves into the Body, and so in this Life their whole frame is corrupted by Appetite and Passion; others are mixed as to some part, but the purer part still remains without the Body; 'tis not drawn down into it, but it swims above, and touches the extremest part of the Mans head; 'tis like a Cord to hold up, and direct the subsiding part of the Soul, as long as it proves obedient, and is not overcome by the Appetites of the Flesh: That part that is plunged into the Body is called the Soul; but the uncorrupted part is called the Mind, and the Vulgar think 'tis within them, as likewise they imagine the Image reflected from a Glass to be in that; but the more intelligent, who know it to be without, call it a Daemon, therefore those Stars which you see extinguished, imagine to be Souls whose whole substances are plunged into Bodies; and those that recover their light, and rise from below; that shake off the ambient Mist and Darkness, as if it were day and Dirt; to be such as retire from their Bodies after Death; and those that are carried up on high are the Daemons of Wise Men and Philosophers: But pray prie narrowly, and endeavour to discover the tie which every one is united to a Soul. Upon this Timarchus looked as steadfastly as he could, and saw some of the Stars very much agitated, and some less; as the Corks upon a Net; and some whirled round like a Spindle, having a very irregular and uneven motion, and not being able to run in a strait Line: And thus the Voice said, those that have a strait and regular motion belong to Souls that are very manageable, by reason of their Gentiel Breeding, and Philosophical Education; and which upon Earth do not plunge themselves into the foul day, and become irrational: but those that move irrigularly, sometimes upwards, sometimes downward, as striving to break loose from a vexing Chain, are yoakt to, and strive with very untractable conditions, which ignorance and want of Learning makes head-strong and ungovernable: Sometimes they get the better of the Passions, and draw them to the right side; sometimes they are drawn away by them, and sink into sin and folly; and then again endeavour to get out, for the tie as 'twere a Bridle on the irrational part of the Soul, when 'tis pulled back, draws in Repentance for past sins, and shane for loose and unlawful pleasures; which is a pain and stroke inflicted on the Soul by a governing and prevailing Power, till by this means it becomes gentle and manageable, and like a tamed Beast, without blows or torment, it understands the minutest direction of the Daemon; such indeed are but very slowly very hardly brought to a right temper; but of that sort which from the very beginning are governable, and obedient to the direction of the Daemon are of those prophetic Souls, those Intimates of the Gods. Such was the Soul of Hermodorus the Clasomenian, of which, 'tis reported, that for several Nights and Days it would leave his Body, travail over many Countrys, and return after it had viewed things, and discoursed with Persons at a great distance; till at last, by the Treachery of a Woman, his Body was delivered to his Enemies, and they burnt the House while the Inhabitant was abroad; 'tis certain, this is a mere Fable: The Soul never went out of the Body, but it loosened the tie that held the Daemon and permitted it to wander; so that, that seeing, and hearing the various external occurrences brought in the news to it; yet those that burnt his Body, are even till this time severely tormented in the deepest Pit of Hell: But this, Youth, you shall more clearly perceive three Months hence, now depart: The voice continuing no longer, Timarchus( as he said) turned about to discover who 'twas that spoken, but a violent pain, as if his Skull had been pressed together, seized his head; so that he lost all Sense and Understanding, but in a little while recovering, he found himself in the entrance of the Cave, where he at first lay down: This was Timarchus his story, and when at Athens, in the third Month after he had heard the Voice, he died; we amazed at the event,  told Secrates the whole Tale: Socrates was angry with us for not discovering it whilst Timarchus was alive; for he would very gladly have had a more full discovery from his own Mouth: I have done Theocritus with the Story and Discourse; but pray, shall we not entreat the Stranger to discuss this point? For 'tis a very proper Subject for Excellent and Divine Men. What then, said Theanor, shall we not have the opinion of Epaminondas, who is of the same School, and as well learned as myself in these matters? And my Father with a smile said, Sir, that his Humour, he loves to be silent, he is very cautious how he proposeth any thing, but will hear Eternally, and is never weary of an instructive Story: so that Spinterus the Tarentine, who lived with him a long time, would often say, That he never met a Man that knew more, or spake less: Therefore, pray Sir, let us have your thoughts. Then, said Theanor, in my Opinion, that story of Timarchus should be accounted Sacred, and Inviolable, and wonder that any one should disbelieve his rep●rt, as Simmias has related it; Swans, Horses, Dogs, and Dragons we sometimes call Sacred, and yet we cannot believe that Men are Sacred, and F●vourites of Heaven, though we confess {αβγδ} the love of Man, and not {αβγδ}, the love of Birds, to be an attribute of the Deity: now as one that loves Horses doth not take an equal care of the whole kind, but always choosing out some one excellent, rides, trains, feeds, and loves him above the rest; so amongst Men, the Superior Powers choosing as 'twere the best out of the whole Herd, breed them more carefully, and nicely; not directing them, 'tis true, by Reins and Bridles; but by reason imparted by certain Notices. and Signs, which the vulgar and common sort do not understand; for neither do all Dogs know the Huntsman's, nor all Horses the Jocky's signs; but those that are bread to it are easily directed by a Whistle or an hollow, and very readily obey; and Homer seems to have understood the difference I mention, for some of the Prophets he calls Augurs, some Priests, some such as understood the voice of the very Gods, took the same measures, and could foretell things, thus; 
And heal Priam's Son the same decreed,  
On which consulting Gods before agreed:  And in another place.  As I heard lately from th' Immortal Gods: 
For as those that are not near the Persons of Kings or Commanders, understand their Minds by Proclamation, sound of Trumpet, or the like; but their Favourites receive it from their own Mouth; so the Deity converses immediately, but with very few, and very seldom; but to most he gives signs, from which the Art of Divination is gathered; so that the Gods direct the lives of very few, and of such only whom they intend to raise to the highest degree of perfection and happiness: Those Souls( as Hesiod sings) that are not to be put into another Bodv, but are freed from all Union with Flesh, turn Guardian Daemons, and preside over others; for as Wrestlers, when Old Age makes them unfit for Exercise, have some love for it still left, delight to see others wrestle, and encourage them; so Souls that have past all the Stages of Life, and by their Virtue are exalted into Daemons do not slight the endeavours of Man, but being kind to those that strive for the same attainments, and jointly endeavouring after Virtue, encourage and help them on when they see them near their hope, and ready to catch the desired prise; for the Daemon doth not go along with every one; but as in a shipwreck, those that are far from Land, their Friends standing on the Shore, only look upon, and pity; but those that are near, they encourage, and wade in to save; so the Daemon deals with Mankind; whilst we are immersed in worldly Affairs, and are changing Bodies, as fit Vehicles for our conveyance, he lets us alone to try our own strength, patiently to stem the Tide, and get into the Haven by ourselves, but that Soul that hath gone through the trials of a thousand Generations, and now her course is almost finished, strives bravely, and with a great deal of toil and labour, endeavours to ascend; the Deity permits her proper Genius, that is willing to assist: The Daemon thus permitted, presently sets about the work, and upon his approach, if the Soul obeys and hearkens to his directions, she is saved; if not, the Daemon leaves her, and she lies in a miserable condition.  
This Discourse was just ended, when Epaminondas looking upon me, said, Caphisias, 'tis time for you to be at the Ring, your usual Company will expect you; we as soon as we break Company will take care of Theanor: And I replied, Sir, I'll go presently, but I think Theocritus here hath somothing to say to you and me, and Galaxidorus. Let's here it in Gods name, said he, and rising up, lead us into a Corner of the Porch: When we had him in the midst of us, we all began to desire him to make one in the Conspiracy. He replied, That he knew the day appointed for the Exiles return, and that he and Gorgidas had their Friends ready upon occasion; but that he was not for killing any of the Citizens without due Process of Law, although necessity seemed to pled for, and warrant the Execution: Besides 'twas requisite that there should be some unconcerned in the design; for such the Multitude would not be jealous of, but think what they advised was for the good of the Commonwealth, that their Counsels proceeded from the love they had for their country, and not from any design of procuring their own safety: This motion we liked; he return'd to Simmias and his Company, and we went to the Ring, where we met our Friends, and as we wrestled together, communicated our thoughts to one another, and put things in order for Action: There we saw Philip and Archias very spruce, anointed and perfumed going away to the prepared Feast; for Phyllidas fearing they would execute Amphitheus before Supper, as soon as he had brought ●ysanoridas going, went to Archias, and putting him in hopes of the Womans Company he desired, and assuring him she would be at the place appointed, soon trepanned him into stupid carelessness, and sensuality with his fellow Wantons: About Night the Wind rising, the sharpness of the weather increased, and that forced most to keep within doors; we meeting with Damocleides, Pelopidas, and Theopompus, received them, and others met others of the Exiles; for as soon as they were come over Citheron they separated, and the stormy Weather obliged them to walk with their Faces covered, so that without any fear or danger they past through the City: Some as they entered had a flash of Lightning on their Right-hand without a Clap of Thunder, and that portended safety and glory; intimating, that their Actions should be splendid, and without danger: When we were altogether in the House, eight and forty in number, and Theocritus in a little Room by himself offering Sacrifice, there was heard on a sudden a loud knocking at the Gate; and presently one came and  told us that two of Archias his Guard, who had some earnest business with Charon knocked at the Gate; demanding entrance; and were very angry that they were not admitted sooner: Charon surpiz'd, commanded the Doors to be opened presently, and going to meet them with a Garland on his Head, as if he had been Sacrificing or making merry, asked their business; and one of them replied Philip and Archias sent us to tell you, that you must come before them presently: And Charon demanding why they sent for him in such hast, and if all was well: We know nothing more, the Messenger return'd; but what Answer shall we carry back? That, replied Charon, putting off his Garland, and putting on his Cloak, I follow you, for should I go along with you, my Friends would be concerned, imagining that I am taken into Custody. Do so, said they, for we must go and carry the Governors Orders to the City Guard: With this they departed, but Charon coming in and telling us the Story, we were all very much surprised, imagining the design had been discovered; and most suspected Hippostheneides, and thought that he having endeavoured to hinder their coming, and failed; now the time for the dangerous attempt unavoidably approached, grew faint hearted, and made a discovery of the Plot; and this seemed probable, for he did not appear at Charons House with the rest, and so was looked upon by every one to be a Rascal and a Turn-coat; yet we all were of opinion that Charon ought to obey the Governours Orders, and go to them: Then he commanding his Son to be brought to him, the prettiest Youth, Archidamus, in all Thebes, skilled in most Exercises, scarce fifteen years old, but very strong and lusty for his Age; thus said, Friends, this is my only, and my beloved Son, and him I put into your hands, conjuring you by all that's good, if you find me treacherous, to kill, and have no mercy upon him for my sake; but as for your parts, Sirs, be provided against the worst that can come, don't yield your Bodies tamely to be butchered by base Fellows, but behave yourselves bravely, and preserve your Souls invincible for the good and glory of your country: When Charon had ended, we admired the Honesty and Bravery of the Man, but were angry at his suspicion, and bad him take away his Son: Charon, said, Pelopidas, we should have taken it more kindly, if you had removed your Son into ano●… her House, for why should he suffer for being in our company? Nay let us sand him away now, that if we fall, he might live, and grow up to punish the Tyrants, and be a brave Revenger of our Deaths. By no means, replied Charon, he shall stay here, and run the same danger with you all; for 'tis dishonurable to be in the power of his Enemies; and you, my Boy, be daring ●… bove thy Age, and with these brave Citizens venture upon necessary dangers for the defence of Liberty and virtue; for we have good hopes ●… till left, and perhaps some God will protect us ●… n this just and generous undertaking: These words of his, Archidamus drew tears from many; ●… ut he not shedding so much as one, and delivering his Son to Pelopidas went out of the Door, saluting and encouraging every one as he went: But you would have been exceedingly surprised at the serene and fearless temper of the Boy, a Soul as great as that of Achilles's Son, for he did not change Colour, or seem concerned; but drew out, and tried the goodness of Pelopidas his Sword: In the mean time Diotonus one of Cephisedorus his Friends came to us with his Sword gird, and Breast-plate on; and understanding that Archius had sent for Charon, he chid our delay, and urged us to go and set upon the House presently; for so we should be too quick for them, and take them unprovided; or if we did not like that proposal, he said, 'twas better to go out, and confusedly fall on one another, than to coup ourselves up all together in one Room, and like a Hive of Bees be taken by our Enemies: Theocritus likewise pressed us to go on, affirming that the Sacrifices were lucky, and promised safety and success: Upon this whilst we were arming, and setting ourselves in order, Charon came in looking very merrily and jocund; and with a smile said, Courage Sirs, there is no danger, but the design goes on very well, for Archias and Philip, as soon as they heard that according to their order I was come, being very drunk, and weakened in Body and Understanding, with much ado came out to me; and Archias said, Charon, I hear that the Exiles are returned, and lurk privately in Town: At this I was very much surprised, but recovering myself, asked, Who are they, Sir, and where? We don't know, said Archias, and therefore sent for you to inquire whether you had heard any clearer discovery; and I, as 'twere surprised, considering a little with myself, imagined tha●… what they heard was only uncertain report, and that none of the Associates had made this discovery( for then they would have known the House) that 'twas a groundless suspicion and rumour about Town that came to their Ears, and therefore said, I remember, whilst Androclidas was alive, that a great many idle, lying storys were spread abroad to trouble and amuse us; but, Sir, I have not heard one word of this, yet if you please I'll inquire what ground there is for it, and if I find any thing considerable I shall give you notice. Yes, pray said Phillidas, examine this matter very narrowly, slight no particular, be very diligent and careful, foresight is very commendable and safe: when he had said thus, he lead back Archias into the Room where they are now drinking: But, Sirs, let us not delay, but begging the Gods assistance, put ourselves presently upon Action: Upon this we went to prayers, and encouraged one another: 'twas now full Supper time, the Wind was high, and Snow and small Rain fell, so that the Streets and narrow Lanes we passed were all empty: They that were to assault Leontidas and Hypates whose Houses joined, went out in their usual clothes, having no Arms bes●des their Swords; amongst those were Pelopidas, Damocleides, and Cephisedorus; Charon, Melon, and the rest that were to set upon Archias put on breastplates, and shady Fir or Pine Garlands upon their Heads; some dressed themselves in Womens clothes, so that they looked like a drunken company of Mummers: but unlucky fortune, Archidamus, resolving to make our Enemies folly and carelessness as conspicuous as our Eagerness and Courage; and having, as in a Play, intermixed a great many Under-plots, now in the very last Act surprised us with a very unexpected adventure; for whilst Charon, as soon as ever he partend from Archias and Philip was coming back, and setting us forward to execute the design; a Letter from Archias the Chief-Priest of Athens was sent to Archias our governor, which contained a full discovery of the Plot, in what House the Exiles were met, and who were the Associates: Archias being now dead drunk, and quiter beside himself with expectation of the desired Woman, took the Letter, and the Bearer saying, Sir, it contains matter of great concern; matters of concern to morrow, he replied, and clapped it under his Cushion, and calling for the Glass, bad the Servant fill a brimmer, and sent Phyllidas often to the Door to see if the Women were coming: The hopes of this company made them sit long; and we coming opportunely quickly forced our way through the Servants to the Hall; and stood a little at the Door to take notice of every one at Table, our shady Garlands and Apparel disguising our intentions, all sate silent in expectation of what would follow, but as soon as Melon laying his hand upon his Sword, was maing through the midst of them, Cabrichius catching him by the Arm, cried out to Phyllidas, Is not this Melon? Melon loosed his hold presently, and drawing out his Sword made at staggering Archias, and laid him dead upon the Floor; Charon wounded Philip in the Neck, and whilst he endeavoured to defend himself with the Cups that were about him, Lysitheus threw him off his Seat, and ran him through: We persuaded Cabrichius to be quiet, not to assist the Tyrants, but join with us to free his Country, for whose good, he was consecrated governor, and devoted to the Gods; but when being drunk he would not harken to reason, but grew high, began to bustle, and turned( for our Governours always carry a Spear with them) the point of his Spear upon us; I catching it in the midst, and raising it higher than my head, desired him to let it go, and consult his own safety, for else he would be killed; but Theopus standing on his right side, and smiting him with his Sword, said, lie there with those whose Interest you espoused; thou shalt not wear the Garland in Freed Thebes, nor Sacrifice to the Gods any more, from whom in thy Prayers thou hast begged a thousand Mischiefs to the Enemies of thy Country: Cabrichius falling, Theocritus stand by snatched up the Sacred Spear, and kept it from being stained; and some few of the Servants that dared to resist we presently dispatched; the others that were quiet we shut up in the Hall, being very unwilling that they should get abroad, and make any discovery, till we knew whether the other Company had succeeded in their attempt: They managed their business thus, Pelopidas and those with him went softly and knocked at Leontidas his Gate; and a Servant coming to demand their business, they said, they came from Athens, and brought a Letter from Callistratus to Leontidas; the Servant went and acquainted his Master, and was ordered to open the Door; as soon as 'twas unbar'd, they all violently rushed in, and overturning the Servant ran through the Hall directly to Leontidas his Chamber; he presently suspecting what was the matter, drew his Dagger, and stood upon his Guard; an unjust Man, 'tis true, and a Tyrant, but courageous, and strong of his hands; but he forgot to put out the Candle, and get amongst the Invaders in the Dark; and so appearing in the Light, as soon as they opened the Door, he ran Cephisedorus into the Belly: Next he engaged Pelopidas and cried out to his Servants to come and help; but those Simmias secured, nor did they dare to come to handy blows with the strongest and most valiant of the Citizens: There was a smart encounter between Pelopidas and Leontidas, for the passage was very narrow, and Cephisedorus, falling and dying in the midst, no body else could come to strike one blow; at last Pelopidas receiving a slght wound in the Head, with repeated thrusts overthrew Leontidas, and killed him upon Cephisodorus who was yet breathing; for he saw his Enemy fall, and shaking Pelopidas by the hand, and saluting all the rest, he died with a Smile upon his Face: This done, they went to Hypates his House, and entering after the same manner, they pursued Hypates flying under the Roof into a Neighbours House, and caught, and killed him: From thence they marched directly to us, and we met in the Piazzas; and having saluted, and  told one another our success, we all went to the Prison: and Phyllidas calling out the Keeper, said Philip and Archias command you to bring Amphitheus presently before them; but he considering the unseasonableness of the time, and that Phyllidas, as being yet hot, and out of breath, spoken' with more than ordinary concern; suspected the cheat, and replied to Phyllidas, Pray, Sir, did ever the Governours sand for a Prisone● at such a time before? Or ever by you? What Warrant do you bring? As he w●s prating thus, Phyllidas ran him through; a base fellow, and upon whose Carcase, the next day, many Women spit and trampled: We breaking open the Prison door, first called out Amphitheus by name, and then others, as everry one had a mind; they knowing our voice jocundly leaped out of their Straw in which they they lay, with their Chains upon their Legs: The others that were in the Stocks held out their Hands, and begged as not to leave them behind: These being set free, many of the Neighbours came in to us, understanding and rejoicing for what was done: The Women too, as soon as they were acquainted with the flying report, unmindful of the Beotian strictness, ran out to one another, and inquired of every one they met, how things went: Those that found their Fathers, or their Husbands, followed them, and none forbade them, for the Tears and Prayers of the modest Women were a very great incitement to all they met: Our Affairs being in this condition, I understanding that Epaminondas, Gorgidas, and their Friends were drawing into a Body about Minervas Temple, went to them: Many honest worthy Citizens at first joined, and their number continually increased: when I had informed them in the particulars of what was done, and desired them to march into the Market-place to assist their Friends, they proclaimed Liberty, and furnished the multitude with Arms out of the Temples, that were stuffed with spoils; and the neighbouring armourers Shops: Then Hipostheneides with his Friends and Servants appeared, having by chance joined the Trumpeters that were coming to Thebes against Hercules his Feast; strait some gave the Alarm in the Market-place, others in other Parts of the City, distracting their Enemies on all sides, as if the whole City was in Arms: Some lighting smoky Fires, concealed themselves in the Cloud, and fled to the Castle, drawing with them the select band which used to keep Guard about the Castle all Night: The Garrison of the Castle, these being scattered, and in disorder, though they saw us all in confusion, and knew we had no standing compact body, yet would not venture to make a descent, though they were above five thousand strong; they were really afraid, but pretended they dared not move without Lysanoridas his orders, who contrary to his usual custom, was absent from the Castle that day; for which neglect the Spartans( as I was  told) having by a Bribe got him into their hands, put Lysanoridas to death at Corinth. And surrendering the Castle to us upon Articles, marched out with their Garrison.   

Plutarch's Symposiacks. Vol. II. Book I.  Done into English by T. C. 

Question I. Whether midst our Cups 'tis fit to talk learnedly, and Philosophize?  
SOme my dear Sossius Senecio, imagine, that this, Sentence {αβγδ}, was principally designed against the Stewards of a Feast, who are usually troublesone, and press liquour too much upon the Guests. For the doors in Sicily( as I am informed) called the Steward {αβγδ}, a Remembrancer: Others think that this Proverb admonisheth the Guests to forget every thing that is spoken or done in Company; and agreeably to this, the Ancients used to consecrate Forgetfulness with a Ferula to Bacchus; thereby intimating, that we should either not remember any Irregularity committed in Mirth and Company, or apply a glentle and childish Correction to the Faults; but because you are of Opinion, That( as Euripides says) to forget Absurdities indeed is a piece of Wisdom; but to deliver over to Oblivion all sort of Discourse that merry Meetings do usually produce, is not only repugnant to that Endaering Quality that most allow to an Entertainment, but against the known practise of the greatest Philosophers; for Plato, Xenophon, Aristotle, Speusippus, Epicurus, Prytanis, Hieronimus, Dion the academic have thought it a worthy and noble Employment to deliver down to us those Discourses they had at Table; and since 'tis your Pleasure that I should gather up the chiefest of those scattered topics, which both at Rome and Greece midst our Cups and Feasting we have disputed on, in Obedience to your Commands, I have sent three Books, each containing ten Problems, and the rest shall quickly follow, if these find good Acceptance, and do not seem altogether foolish and impertinent.  
The first Question is, Whether at Table 'tis allowable to Phi●osophize? For I remember at a Supper once at Athens, this Doubt was started, Whether at a merry Meeting 'twas fit to use Philosophical Discourse, and how far it might be used? And Aristo presently cried out, What then, for Heavens sake, are there any that banish Philosophy from Company and Wine? And I replied, Yes, Sir, there are, and such, as with a grave Scoff tell us, That Philosophy, like the Matron of the House, should never be heard at a merry Entertainment; and commend the Custom of the Persians, who never let their Wives appear, but Drink, Dance and Wanton with their Whores: This they propose for us to imitate, they permit us to have mimics and music at our Feasts, but forbid Philosophy; she, forsooth, being very unfit to be wanton with us, and we in a bad Condition to be serious; and Isocrates the Retorician, when at a drinking 'bout, some begged him to make a Speech, only return'd, With those things in which I have skill, the Time doth not svit; and in those things with which the Time suits, I have no skill. And Crato cried out, By Bacchus he said right, he might have sworn to it, if he designed to make such long-winded Discourses as would have spoiled all Mirth and Conversation; but I do not think there's the same Reason to forbid Philosophy, as to take away rhetoric from our Feasts; for Philosophy is quiter of another Nature; 'tis an Art of Living, and therefore must be admitted into every part of our Conversation, into all our gay Humors, and our Pleasures, to regulate and adjust them, to proportion the Time, and keep them from Excess; unless, perchance upon the same scoffing Pretence of Gravity, they would banish Temperance, Justice, and Moderation. 'tis true, were we to Feast as those that entertained Orestes, were Silence enjon'd by Law, that might be somewhat, and prove a mean Cloak of Ignorance; but if Bacchus be really {αβγδ}, a loser of every thing, and chiefly takes of all Restraints and Bridles from the Tongue, and gives the Voice the greatest Freedom; I think 'tis foolish and absurd to deprive that time, in which we are usually most talkative of the most useful and profitable Discourse; and in our Schools to dispute of the Offices of Company, in what consists the Excellence of a Guest, how Mirth, Feasting and Wine are to be used, and yet deny Philosophy a place in these Feasts, as if not able to confirm by practise, what by precepts it instructs; and when you affirmed that none ought to oppose what Crato said, but determine what sorts of Philosophical topics were to be admitted as fit Companions at a Feast, and so avoid that just and pleasant Taunt put upon the wrangling Disputers of the Age; Come now to Supper, that we may contend: And when you seemed concerned, and urged us to speak to that Head; I first replied, Sir, we must consider what Company we have; for if the greater part of the Guests are learned Men; as for instance, at Agatho's Entertainment, Socrates, Phaedri, Pausaniae, Eurymachy; or at Callias his Board, Carmidae, Antisthenes, Hermogenes and the like, we will permit them to philosophize, and to mix Bacchus Wine with the Muses( Learning) as well as with the Nymphs( Water;) for the latter make him wholesome and gentle to the Body, and the other pleasant and agreeable to the Soul: And if there are some few illiterate Persons present, they, as Consonants with Vowels, in the midst of the other learned, will participate of somewhat an articulate Sound and signification; but if the greater part consists of such who can better endure the Noise of any bide, Fiddle-string, or piece of Wood, than the Voice of a Philosopher: Pisistratus hath shown us what to do; for he being at difference with his Sons, when he heard his Enemies rejoiced at it, in a full Assembly, he declared, that he had endeavoured to persuade his Sons to submit to him, but since he found them obstinate, he was resolved to yield and submit to their Humors. So a Philosopher midst those Companions that slight his excellent Discourse, will lay aside his Gravity, follow them, and comply with their humour as far as Decencv will permit; knowing very well that Men cannot exercise their rhetoric, unless they speak, but may their Philosophy, even whilst they are silent, or jest merrily; nay, whilst they are piqu'd upon, or Repartee: For 'tis not only( as Plato says) the highest Degree of Injustice, not to be just, and yet seem so; but the top of Wisdom to philosophize, yet not appear to do it, and in Mirth to do the same with those that are serious, and seem in earnest: For as in Euripides, the Bacchae, though unprovided of Iron Weapons, and unarmed, wounded their Invaders with their Boughs, thus the very Jests and merry Talk of true Philosophers move those that are not altogether insensible, and usually reform: I think there are topics fit to be used at Table, some of which Reading and Study gives us, others the present Occasion: Some to incite to Study, others to piety, and great and noble actions others to make us Rivals of the Bountiful and Kind, which if a Man cunningly, and without any apparent Design, inserts, for the Instruction of the rest he will free these Entertainments from many of those considerable Evils which usually attend them. Some that put Borage into the Wine, or sprinkle the Floor with Water in which Vervain and Maiden-hair have been steeped, as good to raise Mirth and Jollity in the Guests, in imitation of Homer's Helena, who with some Medicament diluted the pure Wine she had prepared, do not understand that that Fable coming round from Egypt, after a long way, ends at last in easy and fit Discourse; for whilst they were drinking, Helena relates the Story of Ulysses: 
How Fortunes spite the Hero did control,  
And bore his Troubles with a manly Soul.  For that, in my Opinion, was the Nepenthe, the Care-dissolving Medicament, viz. that Story exactly fitted to the then Disasters and juncture of Affairs: The pleasing Men, though they designedly and apparently instruct, draw on their Maxims rather with persuasive and smooth Arguments, than the violent Force of Demonstrations: You see that even Plato in his Symposium, where he disputes of the Chief End, the chief Good, and is altogether on Subjects Theological, doth not lay down strong and close Demonstrations; he doth not( as he is wont) like a Wrestler, sprinkle his Adversary with Dust, that he might take the firmer hold, and be sure of giving him the Trip; but draws Men on by more soft and pliable attacks, by pleasant Fictions, and pat Examples; besides, the Questions should be easy, the Problems known, the Interrogations plain, familiar, and not intricate and dark, that they might neither vex the Unlearned, nor fright them from the Disquisition: For as 'tis allowable to dissolve our Entertainment into a Dance, but if we force our Guests to jest, or play at Cudgels, we shall not only make our Feast unpleasant, but hurtful and unnatural; thus light and easy Disquisitions do pleasantly and profitably excite us, but we must forbear all Contentions, and( to use Democritus his Word) wrangling Disputes, which perplex the Proposers with intricate and inexplicable Doubts, and trouble all the other that are present: Our Discourse should be like our Wine, common to all, and of which every one may equally partake: And they that propose hard Problems, seem no better fitted for Society, than Aesop's Fox and Crane, For the Fox vexed the Crane with thin Broth poured out upon a plain Table, and laughed at her, when he saw her, by reason of the narrowness of her Bill, and the thinness of the Broth, incapable of partaking what he had prepared; and the Crane in requital, inviting the Fox to Supper, brought forth her Dainties in a Pot with a long and narrow Neck, into which she could conveniently thrust her Bill; whilst the Fox could not reach one bit. Just so when Philosophers midst their Cups dive into minute and logical Disputes they are very troublesone to those that cannot follow them through the same Depths; and those that bring in idle Songs, trifling Disquisitions, common Talk, and mechanical Discourse destroy the very end of Conversation and merry Entertainments, and abuse Bacchus. Therefore, as when Phrynichus and Aeschilus brought Tragedy to discourse of Fictions and Misfortunes, it was asked, What is this to Bacchus? So methinks, when I hear some pedantically drawing a Syllogism into table Talk, I have reason to cry out, Sir, what is this to Bacchus? Perchance one, the great Bowl standing in the midst, and the Chaplets given round, which the God in token of the Liberty he bestows, sets on every head; sings one of those Songs, called {αβγδ}, crooked, or obscure; this is not fit nor agreeable to a Feast. Though some say these {αβγδ}, these crooked or obscure Songs were not dark and intricate Composures; but that the Guests sang the first Song altogether praising Bacchus, and describing the Power of the God; and the second each Man sang singly in his turn, a Myrtle Bough being delivered to every one in order, which they called a {αβγδ}, because he that received it was obliged, {αβγδ}, to sing; and after this a H●rp being carried round the Company, the skilful took it, and fitted the music to the Song, this when the Unskilful could not perform, the Song was called {αβγδ}, crooked or obscure, because hard to them, and in which they could not bear a part. Others say this Myrtle Bough was not delivered in Order, but from Bed to Bed, and when the uppermost of the first Table had sung, he sent it to the uppermost of the second, and he to the uppermost of the third; and so the second in like manner to the second; and from these many Windings, and this Circuit it was called {αβγδ}, crooked.   

Question II. Whether the Entertainer should seat the Guests, or let every Man take his own place?  
MY Brother Timon making a great Entertainment, desired the Guests as they came, to seat themselves; for he had invited Strangers, and Citizens, Neighbours and Acquaintance, and all sorts of Persons to the Feast. A great many being already come, a certain Stranger at last appeared, dressed as fine as Hands could make him; his clothes rich, and an unseemly Train of Foot-boys at his Heels; he walking up to the parlour Door, and staring round upon those that were already seated, turned his Back and scornfully retired; and when a great many stepped after him, and begged him to return, he said, I see no fit place left for me: At that the other Guests( for the Glasses had gone round) laughed abundantly, and desired his Room rather than his Company; but after Supper, my Father addressing himself to me, who sate at another Quarter of the Table, Timon, said he, and I have a Dispute, and you are to be Judge, for I have been upon his Skirts already about that Stranger; for if according to my Directions he had seated every Man in his proper place, we had never been thought unskilful in this Matter, by one Whose Art is great in ordering Horse and Foot; And Story says, that Paulus Aemilius after he had conquered Perses the King of Macedon, making an Entertainment besides his costly Furniture, and extraordinary Provision, was very critical in the Order of his Feast, saying, 'twas the same Mans Task to order a terrible battle, and a pleasing Enter●… ainment, for both of them require Skill in the Art of disposing Right: and Homer often calls the stoutest, ●… nd the greatest Princes {αβγδ}, Dispo●… ers of the People; and you use to say, that the great Creator by this Art of Disposing, turned Disorder into Beauty, and neither taking away ●… ny, or adding any new Being, but setting every ●… hang in its proper Place, out of the most uncomely ●… igure and confused Chaos produced this beaute●… us, this surprising Face of Nature that appears; ●… n these great and noble Doctrines, indeed you in●… truct us; but our own Observation sufficiently ●… ssures, that the greatest Profuseness in a Feast ap●… ears neither delightful nor genteil, unless beautified by Order: and therefore 'tis absurd that Cooks and Waiters should be solicitous what Dish ●… ust be brought first, what next, what placed in ●… he middle, and what last; and that the Garlands ●… nd ointment and music( if they have any) ●… hold have a proper Place and Order assigned, ●… nd yet that the Guests should be seated promis●… uously, and no respect be had to Age, Honour, or the like: No distinguishing Order, by which the Man in Dignity might be honoured, the inferior learn to give place, and the Disposer be exercised in distinguishing what is proper and convenient; for 'tis not rational, that when we walk, or sit down to discourse, the best Man should have the best Place, and not the same Order at Table be observed, or that the Entertainer should in Civility drink to one before another, and yet make no difference in their Seats; at the first dash making the whole Company one {αβγδ}( as they say) a Hodg-podg and Confusion: This my Father brought for his Opinion, and my Brother said, I am not so much wiser than Bias, that since he refused to be Arbitrator between tw●… only of his Friends, I should pretend to be a Judge between so many Strangers and Acquaintance, especially since 'tis not a Money Matter, but about Precedenc●… and Dignity; as if I invited my Friends not to trea●… them kindly, but abuse' em. Menelaus is accounted absurd, and past into a Proverb for pretending to advice when unaskt; and sure he would be more ridiculous, that instead of an Entertainer should set up for a Judge, when no body requests him or submits to his Determination, which is the best and which the worst Man in the Company; fo●… the Guests don't come to contend about Precedency, but to Feast and be merry: Besides,' ti●… no easy Task to distinguish, for some claim Respect by reason of their Age, others from thei●… Familiarity and Acquaintance; and, as those tha●… make Declamations consisting of Comparisons, h●… must have Aristotles {αβγδ}, and Thrasymachus hi●… {αβγδ}( Books that furnish him wit●… Heads of Argument) at his Fingers end, and a●… this to no good purpose, or profitable effec●… but to bring Vanity from the Bar, and the Theatre into our Feasts and Entertainments; and whilst by good Fellowship, we endeavour to remit all other Passions, intend Pride and Arrogance, from which, in my Opinion, we should be more careful to cleanse our Souls, than to wash our Feet from Dirt, that our Conversation might be free, simplo, and full of Mirth: And when by such Meeting we strive to end all Differences that have at any time risen amongst the Invited, we should make them flamme anew, and kindle them again by Emulation; whilst we debase some, and puff up others; and if according as we seat them, we should drink oftener, carve better, and discourse more with some than others, instead of being Friendly we should be Lordly in our Feasts; and if in other things we treat them all equally, why should we not begin at the first part, and bring it into fashion for all to take their Seats promiscuously, without Ceremony or Pride, and to let them see as soon as they enter, that they are invited to a Dinner, whose Order is free and Democratical, and not as particular chosen Men to the Government of a City, where Aristocracy is the Form; since the Richest and the Poorest sit promiscuously together: When this had been offered on both sides, and all present required my Determination; I said, being an Arbitrator, and not a Judge, I shall close strictly with neither side, but go indifferently in the middle between both: If a Man invites young Men, Citizens or Acquaintance, they should( as Timon says) be accustomend to be content with any Place, without Ceremony or Concernment; and this good Nature and Unconcernedness would be an excellent Means to preserve and increase Friendship; but if we use the same Method to Strangers, Magistrates, or Old Men, I have Just reason to fear, that whilst we seem to thrust out Pride at the Fore-door, we bring it in again at the back, together with a great deal of Indifferency and Disrespect. But in this, Custom, and the established Rules of Decency must guide; or else let us abolish all those Modes of respect expressed by Drinking to, or saluting first, which we do not use promiscuously to all the Company, but according to their Worth we honour every one, With better Places, Meat, and larger Cups; As Agamemnon says, setting the place first, as the chiefest sign of Honour; and we commend Alcinous for placing his Guest next himself; 
He stout Laomedon his Son removed,  
Who sate next him, for him he dearly loved;  For to place a suppliant Stranger in the Seat of his beloved Son, was wonderful kind, and extreme courteous. Nay, even amongst the Gods themselves this distinction is observed, for Neptune, though he came last into the Assembly.  Sate in the middle Seat— 
As if that was his proper place: And Miner●● seems to have that assigned her which is next Jupiter himself; and this the Poet intimates, when speaking of Thetis, he says, She sate next Jove, Minerva giving place. And Pindar plainly says, She sits just next the Thunder-breathing Flames. Indeed Timon urges, we ought not to rob many to honour one; now he robs that makes something that is proper, common and suitable Honor to his Worth is each Mans Property: and whilst he endeavours not to affront his Guests, he necessary falls into the Inconvenience, for he must affront every one by defrauding them of their proper Honor. Besides, in my Opinion, 'tis no hard matter to make this Distinction, and seat our Guests according to their Quality; for first it very seldom happens that many of equal Honor are invited to the same Banquet; and then, since there are many honourable Places, you have room enough to dispose them according to Content, if you can but guess that this Man must be seated uppermost, that in the middle, another next yourself, Friend, Acquaintance, Tutor, or the like, appointing every one some place of Honor; and as for the rest, I would supply their Want of Honor with some little Presents, Affability, and kind Discourse. But if their Qualities are not easy to be distinguished, and the Men themselves, hard to be pleased, see what Device I have in that Case; for I seat in the most honourable place, my Father, if invited; if not, my Grand-father, Father-in-law, Uncle, Fellow-Officer, or some body whom the Entertainer hath a more particular reason to esteem. And this is one of the many Rules of Decency that we have from Homer; for in his Poem, when Achilles saw Menelaus and Antilochus contending about the second prise of the Horse-Race, and fearing that their Strife and Fury would increase, gave the prise to another, under pretence of comforting and honouring Eumelus, but indeed to take away the Cause of their Contention. When I had said this, Lamprias sitting( as he always doth) upon a low Bed, cried out, Sirs, will you give me leave to correct this sottish Judge? And the Company bidding him speak freely, and tell me roundly of my Faults, and not spare, he said, And who can forbear that Philosopher, who disposes of Places at a Feast according to the Birth, Wealth, or Offices of the Guests, as if they were in a theatre or Council-house voting for a Law; so that Pride and Arrogance must be admitted even into our Mirth and Entertainments? In seating our Guests we should not have any respect to Honor, but Mirth and Conversation, not look after every Mans Quality, but their Agreement and Harmony with one another, as those do that join several different things in one Composure. Thus a Mason doth not set an Athenian or a Spartan ston, because formed in a more noble Country, before an Asian or a Spanish: Nor a Painter give the most costly Colour the chiefest place; nor a Ship-wright the Corinthian fir, or Cretan Cypress; but so distribute them as they will best serve to the common end, and make the whole Composure, strong, beautiful, and fit for use. Nay, you see even the Deity himself( by our Pindar, named the most skilful Artificer) doth not every where place the Fire above, and the Earth below, as Empedocles hath it, 
The Oysters Coverings do directly prove,  
That heavy Earth is sometimes raised above.  Not having that Place that Nature appoints, but that which is necessary to compound Bodies, and serviceable to the common end, the Preservation of the whole. Disorder is in every thing an Evil, but then its Badness is principally discovered, when 'tis amongst Men whilst they are making merry; for then it breeds Contentions, and a thousand unspeakable Mischiefs, which to foresee and hinder, shows a Man well skilled in good Order, and disposing Right. We all agreed that he had said well, but asked him why he would not instruct us how to order things aright, and communicate his Skill; I am content, says he, to instruct you, if you will permit me to change the present Order of this Feast, and yield as ready Obedience to me as the Thebans to Epaminondas, when he altered the Order of their Battle: We gave him full Power, and he having turned all the Servants out, looked round upon every one, and said, Hear( for I'll tell you first) how I design to order you together: In my Mind, the Theban Pammenes justly taxeth Homer, as unskilful in Love Matters, for setting together, in his Description of an Army, Tribe and Tribe, Family and Family; for he should have joined the Lover and the Beloved, so that the whole Body being united in their Minds, might perfectly agree. This Rule will I follow, not seat one Rich Man by another, a Youth by a Youth, a Magistrate by a Magistrate, and a Friend by a Friend;( for such an Order is of no force, either to beget or increase Friendship and Good-will) but fitting that that wants, with something that is able to supply it; next one that is willing to instruct, I will place one that is as desirous to be instructed, next a morose, one good natured, next a talkative old Man, a Youth patient; and eager for a Story; next a Boaster, a jeering swooth Companion; and next an angry Man, a quiet. If I see a wealthy Fellow bountiful and kind, I'll take some poor honest Man from his obscure place, and set him next, that something might run out of that full Vessel, into the other empty one. A Sophister I'll seat by a Sophister, and one Poet by another: For beggars beggars, Poets envy Poets: I separate the clamorous Scoffers, and the testy, by putting some good Nature between them, that they might not justle so roughly on one another: Wrestlers, Hunters, and Farmers I put in one Company; for some of the same Nature, when put together, fight as Cocks; others are very sociable as Daws: Drinkers and Lovers I set together, not only those, who( as Sophocles says) feel the Sting of Masculine Love, but those that are mad after Virgins or married Women; for they being warmed with the like Fire, as two Pieces of Iron to be joined, will more readily agree; unless perhaps they both fancy the same Person.   

Question III. Upon what account is the Place at the Table called Consular esteemed honourable?  
THis raised a Dispute about the Dignity of Places; for the same is not accounted honourable amongst all Nations: In Persia, the midst, for that's a Place proper to the King himself: In Greece the uppermost, at Rome the lowermost of the middle Bed, and this is called the Consular. The Greeks about Pontus, and ●hose of Heraclea reckon the uppermost of the middle Bed to be the chief: But we were most puzzled about the Place called Consular, for though 'tis esteemed most honourable, yet not because 'tis either the first, or the midst; and its other Circumstances are either not proper to that alone, or very frivolous; though I confess three of the Reasons alleged seem to have something in them: The first, That the Consuls having dissolved the Monarchy, and deducing every thing to a more equal Level, and popular Estate, left the middle, the Kingly Place, and sate in a lower Seat; that by this means their Power and Authority might be less subject to Envy, and not so grievous to their Fellow Citizens. The second, That two Beds being appointed for the invited Guests. The third, and the first place in that is most convenient for the Master of the Feast, from whence, like a Pilot, he can guide and order every thing, and readily overlook the Management of the whole Affair; besides, he is not so far removed, but that he might easily discourse, talk to, and compliment his Guests; for next below him his Wife and Children usually are placed; next above him the most honourable of the Invited, that being the most proper Place, as near the Master of the Feast. The third, 'tis peculiar to this Place, to be most convenient for the Dispatch of of any sudden Business; for the Roman Consul is not such a one as Archias the Governor of Thebes; nor will he say, when Letters of Importance are brought to him at Dinner, serious things to morrow; throw aside the packet, and take the great Bowl; but be careful, circumspectly, and mind it at the very instant; for not only( as the common Saying hath it) Each Throw doth make the Dicer fear. But even midst his Feasting and his Pleasure, a Magistrate should be intent on intervening Business, and he hath this Place appointed, as the most convenient for him to receive any Message, answer it, or sign a Bill; for there the second Bed joining with the first, the turning at the Corner leaves a vacant Space, so that a Notary, Servant or Trumpeter from the Army might approach, deliver his Message and receive Commands; and the Consul having room enough to speak, or use his Hand, neither trouble any one, nor be hindered by any of the Guests.   

Question IV. What manner of Man should a Steward of a Feast be?  
CRato my Son-in-law, and Theon my Acquaintance, at a certain Banquet, where the Glasses had gone round freely, and a little Stir rose, but was suddenly appeased; began to discourse of the Office of the Steward of a Feast; declaring that it was my Duty to wear the Chaplet, assert the decaying privilege, and restore that Office which should take care for the Decency and good Order of the Banquet: This Proposal pleased every one, and they were all an end begging me to do it. Well then, said I, since you will have it so, I make myself Steward and Director of you all, and command the rest to drink every one what he will; but Crato and Theon, the first Proposors and Authors of this Decree, I enjoin to declare in short, what Qualifications fit a Man for this Office; what he should principally aim at, and how behave himself towards those under his Command: This is the Subject, and let them agree among themselves, which Head each shall manage: They made some slight Excuse at first, but the whole Company urging them to obey, Crato began thus, A Captain of a Watch( as Plato says) ought to be most watchful and diligent himself; and the Director of merry Companions ought to be the best; and such a one he is that will not be easily overtaken, or apt to refuse a Glass; but as Cyrus in his Epistle to the Spartans, says, that in many other things he was more fit than his Brother to be a King; and chiefly, because he could bear abundance of Wine: For one that is drunk must have an ill Carriage, and be apt to affront; and he that is perfectly sober, must be unpleasant, and fitter to be a governor of a School than of a Feast: Pericles, as often as he was chosen General, when he put on his Coat, used to say to himself, as 'twere to refresh his Memory, Take heed Pericles, thou dost govern Freemen, thou dost govern Athenians: So let our Director say privately to himself, Thou art a governor over Friends; that he might remember neither to suffer them to be debauched, or stint their Mirth: Besides, he ought to have some Skill in the serious Studies of the Guests, and not be altogether ignorant of Mirth and humour; yet I would have him( as pleasant Wine ought to be) a little severe and rough, for the liquour will soften and smooth him, and make his Temper pleasant and agreeable: For as Xenophon says, That Clearchus his rustic and morose humour in a Battle, by reason of his Bravery and Heat, seemed pleasant and surprising; thus one that is not of a very sour Nature, but grave and severe, being softened by a chirping Cup, becomes more pleasant and complaisant; but chiefly he should be acquainted with every one of the Guests Humors, what alteration the liquour makes in him, what Passion he is most subject to, and what quantity he can bear; for 'tis not to be supposed the different sorts of Water bear various Proportions to different sorts of Wine( which Kings Cup-bearers understanding, sometimes pour in more, sometimes less) and that Man hath no such relation to them; this our Director ought to know, and knowing, punctually observe; so that like a good Musician, screwing up one, and letting down another, he might make between these different Natures, a pleasing Harmony and Agreement; so that he should not proportion his Wine by measure, but give every one what was proper and agreeable, according to the present Circumstances of Time, and strength of Body: But if this is too difficult a Task, yet 'tis necessary that a Steward should know the common Accidents of Age and Nature; such as these, that an old Man will be sooner overtaken than a Youth, one that leaps about, or talks, than he that is silent or sits still; the Thoughtful and melancholy, than the cheerful and Brisk.  
And he that understands these things is much more able to preserve Quietness and Order, than one that is perfectly ignorant and unskilful: Besides, I think none will doubt but that the Steward ought to be a Friend, and have no Pique at any of the Guests, for otherwise in his Injunctions he will be intolerable, in his Distributions unequal, in his Jests apt to scoff and give offence; such a Figure, Theo, as out of Wax, hath my Discourse framed for the Steward of a Feast; and now I deliver him to you; and Theo replied, He's welcome, a very well shaped Gentleman, and fitted for the Office; but whether I shall not spoil him in my particular Application, I cannot tell: In my Opinion he seems such a one as will keep an Entertainment to its primitive Institution, and not suffer it to be changed, sometimes into a Mooting-Hall, sometimes a School of rhetoric, now and then a Diceing-room, a Playhouse, or a Stage; for don't you observe some making fine Orations, and putting Cases at a Supper? Others declaiming, or reading some of their own Compositions, and others proposing Prizes to Dancers and mimics. Alcibiades and Theodorus turned Polition's Banquet into a Temple, representing there the sacred Procession and Mysteries of Ceres; now such things as these in my Opinion ought not to be suffered by a Steward, but he must permit such Discourse only, such Shows, such Merriment as promote the particular End and Design of such Entertainments; and that is, by pleasant Conversation, either to beget or maintain Friendship and Good-will among the Guests; for an Entertainment is only an Introduction to Friendship by a Glass of Wine, and ends in Good-will.  
But now because things pure and unmixed are usually surfeiting and odious, and the very Mixture itself, unless the Simples be well proportioned, and opportunely put together; though it takes off the surfeiting Quality, yet spoils the sweetness and goodness of the Composition; 'tis evident that there ought to be a Director who might take care that the Mirth and Jollity of the Guests be exactly and opportunely tempered. 'tis a common saying, That a Voyage near the Land, and a Walk near the Sea, is the best Recreation: Thus our Steward should place Seriousness and Gravity next Jollity and humour, that when they are merry they should be on the very Borders of Gravity itself; and when grave and serious, they might be refreshed as Sea-sick Persons, having an easy and short Prospect to the Mirth and Jollity that is near; for Mirth may be exceeding useful, and make our grave Discourses smooth and pleasant, 
As near the Bramble oft the lily grows,  
And neighbouring Rue commends the blushing Rose.  But vain and empty Humors that wantonly break in upon our Feasts, are to be expelled, lest Scoffing and Affronts creep in under them, lest in their Questions or Commands they grow scurrilous, and abuse; as for instance, by enjoining Stutterers to sing, Bald-pates to comb their Heads, or a Cripple to rise and dance; as the Company abused Agapestor the academic, one of whose Legs was lame and withered, when in a ridiculing frolic they ordained, that each Man should stand upon his Right-leg and take off his Glass, or pay a Shilling; and he, when it was his turn to command, enjoined the Company to follow his Example, and drink as he did, and having a narrow earthen Pitcher brought in, he put his withered Leg into it, and drank his Glass, and every one in the Company, after a fruitless endeavour to imitate, paid his Shilling; 'twas a good humour of Agapestor's, and thus every little merry Abuse must be as merrily revenged: Besides, he must give such Commands as will both please and profit, putting such as are familiar and easy to the Person, and when performed, will be for his Credit and Reputation: a Songster must be enjoined to sing, an Orator to Speak, a Philosopher to solve a Problem, and a Poet to make a Song; for every one very readily and willingly undertakes that In which he may out-do himself. An Assyrian King by public Proclamation, promised a Reward to him that would find out any new sort of Luxury and Pleasure: And let the Governor, the King of an Entertainment, propose some pleasant Reward for any one that introduceth inoffensive Merriment, profitable Delight and Laughter, not such as attends Scoffs and abusive Jests, but Kindness, pleasant humour, and Good-will, for these Matters not being well looked after and observed, spoil and ruin most of our Entertainments: 'tis the Office of a prudent Man to hinder all sort of Anger and Contention; In the Exchange, that which springs from Covetousness; in the Fencing and Wrestling Schools from Emulation; in Offices and State Affairs from Ambition; and in a Feast and Entertainment from Pleasantness and Joque.   

Qustion V. Why 'tis commonly said, that Love makes a Man a Poet?  
ONe day, when Sossius entertained us, upon singing some Sapphick Verses, this Question was started; how it could be true, 
That Love in all doth vigorous Thoughts inspire,  
And teaches Ignorants to tune the Lyre:  Since Philoxenus on the contrary asserts, that the Cyclops With sweet Tongued Muses cured his Love. Some said that Love was bold and daring, venturing at new Contrivances, and eager to accomplish, upon which account Plato calls it the Enterprizer of every thing; for it makes the reserved Man talkative, the Modest complimental, the Negligent and Sluggish industrious and observant; and what is the greatest Wonder, a close, hard and covetous Fellow, if he happens to be in Love, as Iron in Fire becomes pliable and soft, easy, good natured, and very pleasant, as if there were something in that common Jest; a Lovers Purse is tied with the Blade of a Leek. Others said that Love was like Drunkenness, it makes Men warm, merry, and dilated, and when in that Condition, they naturally slide down to Songs and Words in measure; and 'tis reported of Aeschilus, that he wrote Tragedies after he was heated with a Glass of Wine; and my Grand-father Lamprias in his Cups seemed to out-do himself in starting Questions, and smart Disputing, and usually said, that like Frankincense he exhaled more freely after he was warmed. And as Lovers are extremely pleased with the Sight of their Beloved, so they praise with as much Satisfaction as they behold, and as Love is talkative in every thing, so more especially in Commendation; for Lovers themselves believe, and would have all others think that the Object of their Passion is pleasing and excellent; and this made Candaules the Lydian force Gyges into his Chamber to behold the Beauty of his naked Wife. For they delight in the Testimony of others, and therefore in all Composures upon the Lovely, they adorn them with Songs and Verses, as we dress Images with Gold, that more may hear of them, and that they may be remembered the more. For if they present a Cock, Horse, or any other thing to the beloved, 'tis neatly trimmed and set off with all the Ornaments of Art, and therefore when they would present a compliment, they would have it curious and pleasing, and such as Verse usually appears; Sossius applauding these Discourses, added, perhaps we may make a probable Conjecture from Theophrastus his Discourse of music, for I have lately red the Book, and Theophrastus lays down three Causes of music, Grief, Pleasure, and Enthusiasm; for each of these Changes the usual Tone, and makes the Voice slide into a Cadence: For deep Sorrow hath something tunable in its Groans, and therefore we perceive our Orators in their Conclusions, and Actors in their Complaints be somewhat melodious, and insensibly fall into a Tune. Excess of Joy provokes the more airy Men to frisk and dance, and keep their Steps, though unskilful in the Art; and as Pindar hath it, They shout and roar, and wildly toss their Head; But the graver sort are only excited to sing, raise their Voice, and tune their Words into a Sonnet; but Enthusiasm quiter changes the Body and the Voice, and makes it far different from its usual Constitution: Hence the very Bacchae use Measure, and the inspired give their Oracles in Measure: And we shall see very few Mad-men, but are frantic in rhyme, and rave in Verse. This being certain, if you will but anatomize Love a little, and look narrowly into it, 'twill appear that no Passion in the World is attended with more violent Grief, more excessive Joy, or greater ecstasies and Fury; a Lovers Soul looks like Sophocles his City, 
At once 'tis full of Sacrifice,  
Of joyful Songs, of Groans and Crys:  And therefore 'tis no wonder, that since Love contains all the Causes of music, Grief, Pleasure and Enthusiasm, and is besides industrious and talkative, it should incline us more than any other Passion to Poetry and Songs.   

Question VI. Whether Alexander was a great Drinker?  
SOme said that Alexander did not drink much, but sate long in Company, discoursing with his Friends; but Philinus shew'd this to be an Error from the Kings Diary, where 'twas very often registered, such a Day, and sometimes two Days together the King slept after a Debauch, and this Course of Life made him could in Love, but passionate and angry: which argue a hot Constitution, and some report his Sweat was fragrant, and perfumed his clothes, which is another Argument of Heat, as we see the hottest and driest Climates bear Frankincense and Cassia, for a fragrant Smell, as Theophrastus thinks, proceeds from a due Concoction of the Humors; when the noxious Moisture is conquered by the Heat; and 'tis thought probable that he took a Pique at Calisthenes for avoiding his Table, because of the hard drinking, and refusing the great Bowl called Alexander in his Turn: adding, I will not drink Alexander, to stand in need of Aesculapius: And thus much of Alexander.  
Story tells us that Mithridates the famous Enemy of the Romans, amongst other trials of Skill that he instituted, proposed a Reward to the greatest Eater, and stoutest Drinker in his Kingdom. He won both the Prizes himself, he outdrank every Man living, and for his Excellency that way was called Bacchus: but this Reason for his surname is a vain Fancy, and an idle Story; for whilst he was an Infant, a Flash of Lightning burnt his Cradle, but did his Body no harm, only left a little Mark on his Fore-head, which his Hair covered when he was grown a Boy; and after he came to be a Man, another Flash broken into his Bed-chamber, and burnt the Arrows in a Quiver that was hanging under him; from whence his Diviners presaged that Archers, and light armed Men should win him considerable Victories in his Wars, and the Vulgar gave him this Name, because in those many Dangers by Lightning, he bore some Resemblance to the Theban Bacchus: From hence great Drinkers were the Subject of our Discourse, and the Wrestler Heraclides, or, as the Alexandrians mince it, Heracles, who lived but in the last Age, was accounted one; he, when he could get none to hold out with him, invited some to take their Mornings-draught, others to Dinner, to Supper others, and others after, to take a merry Glass of Wine, so that as the first went off, the second came, and the third and forth Company, and he all the while, without any intermission, took his Glass round, and out-sate all the four Companies.  
Amongst the Retainers to Drusus the Emperor, Tiberius his Son, there was a Physician that drank down all the Court, he, before he sate down, would usually take five or six bitter Almonds to prevent the Operation of the Wine, but when ever he was forbidden that, he knocked under presently; and a single Glass doz'd him. Some think these Almonds have a penetrating, abstersive Quality, and able to cleanse the Face, and clear it from the common Freakles, and therefore when they are eaten, by their bitterness vellicate and fret the Pores, and by that means draw down the ascending vapours from the Head, but in my Opinion a bitter Quality is a drier, and consumes Moisture: And therefore a bitter Taste is the most unpleasant, for, as Plato says, Dryness being an Enemy to Moisture, unnaturally contracts the spongy and tender Nerves of the Tongue, and green Ulcers are usually drained by bitter Injections. Thus Homer, 
He squez'd his Herbs, and bitter Juice applied,  
And strait the Blood was stancht, the Sore was dried.  And he guesses well, that what is bitter to the Taste, is a drier, besides, the Powders Women use to dry up their Sweat, are bitter, and by reason of that Quality astringent. This then being certain, 'tis no wonder that the bitterness of the Almonds hinders the Operation of the Wine, since it dries the inside of the Body, and keeps the Veins from being overcharged: For from their distension and Disturbance, they say Drunkenness proceeds. And this Conjecture is much confirmed from that which usually happens to a Fox; for if he eats bitter Almonds without drinking, his Moisture suddenly fails, and 'tis present Death.   

Question VII. Why Old Men love pure Wine?  
'twas debated why old Men loved the strongest liquours: Some fancying that their natural Heat decayed, and their Constitution grew could, said such liquours were most necessary and agreeable to their Age; but this was mean and obvious, and besides, neither a sufficient, nor a true reason; for the like happens to all their other Senses; for they are not easily to be moved, or wrought on by any Qualities, unless they are in intense Degrees, and make a vigorous Impression; but the reason is, the Laxity of the Habit of their Body, for that being grown lax and weak, loves a smart stroke. Thus their Taste is pleased most with strong Sapors, their Smelling with brisk odours; for strong and unallay'd Qualities make a more pleasing Impression on the Sense: Their Touch is almost senseless to a Sore, and a Wound generally raises no sharp Pain: The like also in their Hearing may be observed, for old Musicians play louder and sharper than others; that they might move their own dull Tympanum with the Sound: For what Steel is to the Edge of a Knife, that Spirit is to the Sense in the Body, and therefore when the Spirits fail, the Sense grows dull and stupid, and cannot be raised, unless by something, such as strong Wine, that makes a vigorous Impression.   

Question VIII. Why Old Men red best at a distance?  
TO my Discourse in the former Problem some Objection may be drawn from the Sense of seeing in old Men; for if they hold a Book at a distance they will red pretty well, nearer they cannot see a Letter; and this Aeschyles means by these Verses, 
Far off thou canst not see, nay, scarce behold  
When near; a proper Scribe now thou art old:  And Sophocles more plainly, 
Old Men are slow in Talk, they hardly hear,  
For off they see, but all are blind, when near.  And therefore, if old Mens Organs are more obedient to strong and intense Qualities; why, when they red, do they not take the Reflection near at hand, but holding the Book a good way off, mix, and so as Wine by Water, weaken it by the intervening Air? Some answered, that they did not remove the Book to lessen the Light, but to receive more Rays, and let all the Space between the Letters and their Eyes be filled with lightsome Air. Others agreed with those that imagine the Rays of Vision mix with one another, for since there is a Cone stretched between each Eye, and the Object, whose Point is in the Eye, and whose Basis is the Object, 'tis probable that for some way each Cone extends a part, and by itself; but when the distance increases, they mix, and make but one common Light, and therefore every Object appears single, and not two, though 'tis seen by both Eyes at once; for the Conjunction of the Cones makes these two Appearances but one; these things supposed, the old Men that hold the Letters near to their Eyes, the Cones not being joined, but each part, and by itself, their Sight is weak; but those that remove it farther, that two Lights being mingled and increased, see better, as a Man with both Hands can hold that for which either singly is too weak: But my Brother Lamprias, though unacquainted with Hieronymus his Notions, invented another Reason. We see, said he, by some Species that come from the Object to the Eye, which at their first rise are thick and great, and therefore when near disturb old Men, whose Eyes are not easily penetrated, and stiff; but when they are separated and diffused into the Air, the thick obstructing Parts are easily removed, and the subtle Remainders coming to the Eye, gently and easily slide into the Pores; and so the disturbance being less, the Sight is more vigorous and clear. Thus a Rose smells most fragrant at a Distance, but if you bring it near the Nose 'tis not so pure nor delightful; and the reason is this, many earthy, disturbing Particles are carried with the Smell, and spoil the Fragrancy when near, but in a longer passage those are lost, and the pure brisk odour, by reason of its Subtlety, reaches and acts upon the Sense: But we, according to Plato's Opinion, assert, that a bright Spirit darted from the Eye, mixes with the Light about the Object, and those two are perfectly blended into one similar Body; now these must be joined in due proportion one to another; for one part ought not wholly to prevail on the other, but both being proportionably and amicably joined, agree in one third common Power. Now this( whether Flux, illuminated Spirit, or Ray) in old Men being very weak, there can be no Combination, no Mixture with the Light about the Object, but it must be wholly consumed, unless by removing the Letters from their Eyes, they lessen the Brightness of the Light, and so it comes to the Sight, not too strong or unmixed, but well proportioned and blended with the other. And this explains, that common Affection of Creatures of seeing in the Dark, for their Eye-sight being weak, is overcome and darkened by the splendour of the Day, because the little Light that flows from their Eyes cannot be proportionably mixed with the stronger and more numerous Beams; but is proportionable and sufficient for the Feeble splendour of the Stars, and so can join with it, and cooperate to move the Sense.   

Question IX. Why fresh Water washes clothes better than Salt?  
THeon the Grammarian, when Metrius Florus gave us an Entertainment, asked Themistocles the stoic, why Chrysippus, though he frequently mentioned some strange Phaenomena in Nature( such as powdered Beef soaked in salt Water grows fresher than before, Fleeces of wool are more easily separated by a gentle, than a quick and violent Force, and Men that are fasting, eat slower than those that took a Breakfast) yet never gave any reason for the appearance: And Themistocles replied, that Chrysippus only proposed such things by the by, as Instances to correct us, who easily assent, and without any reason, to what seems likely, and disbelieve every thing which seems unlikely at the first sight. But why, Sir, are you concerned at this? For if you are speculative, and would inquire into the Causes of things, you need not want Subjects in your own Profession; but pray tell me why Homer makes Nausicae wash in the River rather than the Sea, though it was near, and in all likelihood hotter, clearer, and fitter to wash with than that. And Theon replied, Aristotle hath already given an account for this, from the grossness of the Sea-water; for in this, abundance of rough, earthy Particles are mixed, and those make it salt; and upon this account Swimmers, or any other Weight, sink not so much in Sea-water as in fresh, for the latter being thin and weak, yields to every Pressure, and is easily divided, because 'tis pure and unmixed, and by reason of this subtlety of Parts it penetrates better than Salt-water, and so loosneth from the clothes the sticking particles of the Spot: And is not this Discourse of Aristotle very probable? Probable indeed, I replied, but not true, for I have observed that with Ashes, Gravel, or if those are not to be gotten, with Dust itself, they usually thicken the Water, as if the earthy Particles being rough, would scour better than fair Water, whose thinness makes it weak and ineffectual; and therefore he is mistaken, when he says the thickness of the Sea-water hinders the Effect, since the sharpness of the mixed Particles very much conduces to make it cleansing; for that opens the Pores, and draws out the slain. But since all oily Matter is most difficult to be washed out, and spots a Cloath, and the Sea is oily, that's the reason why it doth not scour as well as fresh; and that 'tis oily even Aristotle himself asserts; for Salt in his Opinion hath some oil in it, and therefore makes Candles, when sprinkled on them, burn the better, and clearer than before: And Sea-water sprinkled on a flamme increaseth it, and is more easily kindled than any other, and this in my Opinion makes it hotter than the fresh; and besides, I may urge another Cause, for the end of Washing is Drying, and that seems cleanest which is driest, and the Moisture that scours,( as Hellebore, with the Humors that it purges) ought to fly away quickly together with the slain: The Sun quickly draws out the fresh Water because it is so light, but Salt-water being rough, lodges in the Pores, and therefore is not easily dried: And Theon replied, you say just nothing, Sir, for Aristotle in the same Book affirms, that those that wash in the Sea, if they stand in the Sun, are sooner dried than those that wash in the fresh Streams. 'tis true, I answered, he says so, but I hope that Homer asserting the contrary, will by you especially be more easily believed, for Ulysses, as he writes, after his shipwreck meeting Nausicae, A frightful Sight, and with the Salt besmeared, said to her Maidens, Retire a while till I have washed my Skin; And when he had leaped into the River, He from his Head did scour the foaming Sea. The Poet knew very well what happens in such a Case; for when those that come wet out of the Sea stand in the Sun, the subtlest and lightest parts suddenly exhale, but the salt and rough Particles stick upon the Body in a Crust, till they are washed away by the fresh Water of a Spring.   

Question X. Why at Athens the Dance of Ajax's Tribe was never determined to be the last?  
WHen we were feasting at Serapions, who gave an Entertainment after the Leontide Tribe by his Order and Directions, had won the prise in the public Dance;( for we were Citizens, and free of that Tribe) a very pertinent Discourse, and proper to the then Occasion happened: It had been a very notable trial of Skill: The King Philopappus being very generous and magnificent in his Rewards, and defraying the expenses of all the Tribes: He was at the same Feast with us, and being a very good humor'd Man, and eager for Instruction, he would now and then freely discourse of ancient Customs, and as freely hear: Marcus the Grammarian began thus; Neanthes the Cyzicenian, in his Book called the Fabulous Narrations of this City, affirms that it was a privilege of Ajax's Tribe, that their Dance should never be determined to be last: 'tis true, he brings some Stories for Confirmation of what he says; but if he falsifies, the Matter is open, and let us all inquire after the reason of the thing: But says Milo, suppose it be a mere Tale. 'tis no strange thing, replied Philopappus, if in our Disquisitions after truth, we meet now and then with such a thing as Democritus the Philosopher did; for he one day eating a Cucumber, and finding it of a Honey Taste, asked his Maid where she bought it; and she telling him in such a Garden, he rose from the Table and bad her direct him to the Place: the Maid surprised, asked him what he meat; and he replied, I must search after the Cause of the Sweetness of the Fruit; and shall find it the sooner if I see the place; and the Maid with a smile replied sit still, pray Sir, for I unwittingly put it into a Honey Barrel: And he, as it were discontented, cried out, shane take thee, yet I'll pursue my purpose, and seek after the Cause, as if this Sweetness were a Taste natural, and proper to the Fruit. Therefore neither will we admit Xeanthes his Credulity and Inadvertency in some Stories as an Excuse, and a good reason for avoiding this Disquisition, for we shall exercise our Thoughts by it, though no other Advantage rises from that Inquiry: Presently every one poured out something in commendation of that Tribe, mentioning every matter that made for its Credit and Reputation: Marathon was brought in as belonging to it; and Armodius with his Associates, by Birth Aphidneans, were also produced as glorious Members of that Tribe: The Orator Glaucias proved that that Tribe made up the Right-wing in the battle at Marathon, from Aeschylus his Elegies, who had himself fought valiantly in the same Encounter; and farther evinced that Callimachus the Field Marshal was of that Tribe, who behaved himself very bravely, and was the principal Cause next to Miltiades, with whose Opinion he concurred, that that battle was fought: To this Discourse of Glaucias I added, that the Edict which impowered Miltiades to led forth the Athenians, was made when the Aeantid Tribe was chief of the Assembly, and that in the battle of Plataee the same Tribe won the greatest Glory; and upon that account, as the Oracle directed, that Tribe offered a Sacrifice for this Victory to the Nymphs Sphragitides, the City providing a Victim, and all other Necessaries belonging to it: But you may observe( I continued) that other Tribes likewise have their peculiar Glories; and you know that mine, the Leontide Tribe, yields to none in any point of Reputation: Besides, consider whether 'tis not more probable that this was granted out of a particular respect; and to please Ajax, from whom this Tribe received its Name, for we know he could not endure to be out-done, but was easily hurried on to the greatest Enormities by his Contentions and passionate humour; and therefore to comply with him, and afford some Comfort in his Disasters, they secured him from the most vexing Grievance that follows the Misfortune of the conquered, by ordering that his Tribe should never be determined to be last.    

Plutarch's Symposiacks. Vol. II. Book. II.  Done into English by T. C. 

Question I. What, as Xenophon intimates, are the most agreeable Questions, and most pleasant raillery at an Entertainment.  
OF the several things that are provided for an Entertainment, some, my Sossius Senecio, are absolutely necessary; such are Wine, Bread, Meat, Stools and Tables: Others are brought in not for necessity but pleasure; such are Songs, Shows, mimics and Buffoons: which when present delight indeed, but when absent are not eagerly desired; nor is the Entertainment looked upon as mean, because such are wanting: Just so of Discourses, some the sober Men admit as necessary to a Banquet; and others for their pretty nice speculations, as more profitable and agreeable than a Fiddle and a Pipe: My former Book gives you Examples of both sorts; of the first, are these; Whether we should Philosophize at Table? Whether the Entertainer should appoint proper Seats, or leave the Guests to agree upon their own? Of the second, Why Lovers are inclined to Poetry? And the Question about Ajax his Tribe: The former I call properly {αβγδ}, Table talk, but both together I comprehend under the general name, Symposiacks: They are promiscuously set down, not in any exact method, but as each single occurred to Memory: And let not my Readers wonder that I dedicate these collections to you, which I have received from others or your own Mouth, for if all learning is not bare remembrance, yet to learn and remember are very commonly one and the same thing. Now each Book being divided into ten Questions, that shall make the first in this, which Socratical Xenophon hath as it were proposed; for he tells us, that Gobias banqueting with Cyrus amongst other things which he found admirable in the Persians, was surprised to hear them ask one another such Qustions, which to be interrogated was more delightful than to be let alone, and pass such jests on one another, that 'twas more pleasant to be jested on, than not; for if some even whilst they praise, offend; why should not their polite and neat facetiousness be admired, whose very raillery is delightful and pleasant to him that is the Subject of it: Here Sopatrus our Entertainer said, I wish I could learn what kind of Questions those are, for to be skilled in, and make right use of, Apposite Questions, and pleasant raillery, I think is no small part of Conversation: A considerable one, I replied, but pray observe whether Xenophon himself, in his descriptions of Socrates's, and the Persian, Entertainments, hath not sufficiently explained them; but if you would have my thoughts first, Men are pleased to be asked those Questions to which they have an answer ready; such are those in which the persons asked have some skill, and competent knowledge; for when the Enquiry is above their reach, those that can return nothing are troubled, as if requested to give something beyond their power; and those that do answer, producing some crude and insufficient demonstrations, must needs be very much concerned, and apt to blunder on the wrong: Now if the Answer be not only easy, but hath something not common, it is more pleasing to him that makes it; and this happens, when their knowledge is greater than the Vulgars, as suppose they are well skilled in points of Astrology or logic: For not only in action, and serious matters, but also in Discourse every one hath a natural disposition to be pleased( as Euripides hath it) To seem far to out-do himself; And all are delighted when Men put such Questions as they understand, and would have others know that they are acquainted with, and therefore Travellers and Merchants are most satisfied, when their company is inquisitive about other Countrys, the unknown Ocean, and the Laws and Manners of the Barbarians; they are very ready to inform them, and describe the Countrys and the Greeks, imagining this to be some recompense for their toil, some comfort for all the dangers they have past: In short, whatever, though unrequested, we are wont to discourse of, we are desirous to be asked, because then we seem to gratify those, whom otherwise our prattle would disturb and force from our Conversation: And this is the common disease of Travellers: The more gentiel and the modest Men love to be asked about those things which they have bravely and successfully performed, and which modesty will not permit to be spoken by themselves before Company; and therefore Nestor did well, when being acquainted with Ullysses his desire of Reputation, he said, 
Tell brave Ulysses, Glory of the Greeks,  
How you the Horses seized;  For Men cannot endure the insolence of those who praise themselves, and repeat their own Exploits, unless the Company desires it, and they are forced to a Relation; therefore it tickles them to be asked about their Embassays, and administrations of the Common-wealth, if they have done any thing notable in either; and upon this account the Envious and ill-natured start very few Qustions of that sort; they thwart and hinder all such kind of Motions, being very unwilling to give any occasion or opportunity for that Discourse which shall tend to the advantage of the Relator. In short, we please those to whom we put them, when we start Questions about those matters which their Enemies hate to hear: Ulysses says to Alcinous, 
You bid me tell what various Ills I bore,  
That the sad tale might make me grieve the more.  And Oedipus says to the Chorus, 'tis pain to raise again a butted grief: But Euripides on the contrary, 
How sweet it is, when we are lul'd in ease  
To think of toils! when well of a disease!  True indeed, but not to those that are still tost, still under a Misfortune: Therefore, be sure never ask any Man about his own Calamitys; 'tis irksome to relate his losses of Children or Estate, or any unprosperous adventure by Sea or Land; but to ask a Man how he carried the Cause, how he was carress'd by the King; how escaped such a Storm, such an Assault; Thieves and the like; this pleaseth him, he seems to enjoy it over again in his relation, and is never weary of the topic. Besides, Men love to be asked about their happy Friends, or Children that have made good progress in Philosophy, the Law, or are great at Court; as also about the disgrace, and open conviction of their Enemys; for of such matters they are most eager to discourse; yet are cautious of beginning it themselves, lest they should seem to insult over, and rejoice at the misery of others: You please a Hunter if you ask him about Dogs, a Wrestler about Exercise; and an Amorous Man about Beautys; the Ceremonious and Superstitious Discourses about Dreams, and what success he hath had by following the directions of Omens, Sacrifices, and the kindness of the Gods; and some Questions concerning those things will extremely please him: He that inquires any thing of an old Man, though the story doth not all concern him, wins his heart, and urges one that is very willing to discourse; 
Neleides Nestor faithfully relate  
How Great Artides died, what sort of fate;  
And where was Menelaus largely tell;  
Did Argos hold him when the Hero fell?  Here is a Multitude of Questions and variety of Subjects; which is much better than to confine and cramp his Answers, and so deprive the Old Men of the most pleasant enjoyment they can have. In short, They that had rather please than distaste, will still propose such Qustions, the Answers to which shall rather get the praise and good-will, than contempt and hatred of the Hearers. And so much of Questions.  
As for Raillery, those that cannot use it cautiously, with art, and time it well, should never venture at it: For as in a slippery place, if you but just touch a Man as you pass by, you throw him down; so when we are in drink, we are in danger of tripping at every little word that is not spoken with due address: And we are more apt to be offended with a joque, than a plain and scurrilous abuse; for we see the latter often slip from a Man unwittingly in Passion, but consider the former as a thing voluntary, proceeding from malice and ill-nature, and therefore we are generally more offended at a sharp jeerer, than a whifling snarler: 'tis evident, that every joque bites, but an abuse is affronting, and purposely designed; for instance, he that calls the Costardmonger, plainly and openly abuseth; but he that says, I remember when you wiped your Nose upon your Sleeve, smartly jeers: Such was Cicero's to Octavius who was thought to be descended from an African, for when Cicero spoken something, and Octavius said he did not hear him, Cicero rejoined, True, for you have a hole through your Ear: And Melanthus when he was ridiculed by a Commedian, said, You pay me now something that you do not owe me; and upon this account jeers vex more; for like Bearded Arrows they stick a long while, and gull the wounded sufferer: Their smartness is pleasant, and delights the Company, and those that are pleased with the saying seem to believe the detracting speaker: For according to Theophrastus a jeer is a Figurative reproach for some fault or misdeameanor, and therefore he that hears it supplys the concealed part, as if he had some knowledge in, and gave credit to the thing; for he that laughs and is tickled at what Theocritus said to one whom he suspected of a Design upon his clothes, asking him if he went to Supper at such a Place: Yes, he replied, I go, but shall likewise lodge there all Night, doth as it were confirm the accusation, and believe the fellow was a Thief; and therefore an impertinent jeerer makes the whole Company seem ill natured and abusive, as being pleased with, and consenting to, the scurrility of the jeer: 'twas one of the excellent Laws of Sparta, That none should be bitter in their jests, and the jeered patiently endure; but if he took offence, the other was to forbear, and pursue the frolic no farther: How is it possible therefore to determine such raillery as shall delight and please the Person that is jested on, when to be smart without offence, is no mean piece of cunning and address? First, then, such as will vex and gull the Conscious, must please those that are clean, innocent, and not suspected of the matter; such a joque is Xenophon's, when he pleasantly brings in a very ugly ill-lookt fellow, and is smart upon him for being Sambaulas minion: Such was that of Aufidius Modestus, who when our Friend Quintus in an Ague complaln'd his hands were could, replied, Sir, you brought them warm from your Province; for this made Quintus laugh, and extremely pleased him; yet it had been a reproach and abuse to a covetous and oppressing governor: Thus Socrates pretending to compare Faces with the beauteous Critobulus, rallied only, and not abused: And Alcibiades again was smart on Socrates, as his Rival in Agathos's affection: Kings are pleased when jests are put upon them as if they were private, and poor men; such were the Flatterers to Philip when he chid him, Sir, don't I keep you? For those that mention faults of which the Persons are not really guilty, intimate those Virtues, with which they are really adorned: But then 'tis requisite that those Virtues should be evident, and certainly belong to them, otherwise the discourse will breed disturbance and suspicion: He that tells a very rich Man that he will procure him a Sum of Money; a temperate sober Man, and one that drinks Water only, that he is foxed, or hath taken a Cup too much; a hospitable, generous, good humoured Man, that he is a niggard and pinch-penny; or threatens an Excellent Lawyer to meet him at the Bar; must make the persons smile, and please the Company: Thus Cyrus was very obliging and complaisant when he challenged his Play-fellows at those sports, in which he was sure to be overcome; and Ismenias piping at a Sacrifice, when no good Omens appeared, the Man that hired him snatched the Pipe, and played very ridiculously himself; and when all found fault, he said, To play satisfactorily, is the gift of Heaven: And Ismenias with a smile replied, Whilst I played the Gods were so well pleased that they are careless of the Sacrifice, but to be rid of thy noise, they presently received it.  
But more, those that jocosely put scandalous names upon things commendable, if opportunely done, please more then he that plainly and openly commends; for those that cover a reproach under fair and respectful words( as he that calls an unjust Man Aristides, a Coward Achilles) gull more than those that openly abuse: Such is that of Oedipus in Sophocles, The faithful Creon her most constant Friend; The familiar Irony in commendations answers to this on the other side; such Socrates used when he called the kind endeavour and industry of Antisthenes to make Men friends, Pimping, Bauds craft, and Allurement. And others that called Crates the Philosopher, who wherever he went was caressed and honoured, {αβγδ}, the Door-opener: Again a complaint that implies thankfulness for a received favour is a pleasant raillery; thus Diogenes of his Master Antisthenes, 
That Man that made me leave my precious Ore,  
clothed me with rags, and forced me to be poor;  
That Man that made me wander, beg my Bread,  
And scorn to have a House to hid my Head;  For it had not been half so pleasant to have said, That Man that made me wise, content and happy: And a Spartan making as if he would find fault with the Master of the Exercises, for giving him Wood that would not smoke, said, He will not permit us to  shed a tear: And he that calls a Hospitable Man and one that treats often, a Kidnapper, and a Tyrant, who for a long time would not permit him to see his own Table; and he whom the King hath raised and enriched, That says the King had a design upon him, and robbed him of his sleep and quiet: Or if he that hath an excellent Vintage should complain of Aeschilus his Chabeiri, for making him want Vinegar as they had jocosely threatened: for such as these have a pungent pleasantness, so that the praised are not offended, nor take it ill.  
besides, he that would be civilly facetious must know the difference between a 'vice and commendable Study, or Recreation; for instance, between the love of Money, or contention, and of Music or Hunting; for Men are grieved if twitted with the former, but if the latter, take it very well. Thus Demosthenes the Mytilenian was pleasant enough, when knocking at a Mans Door that was much given to singing, and playing on the Harp, and being bid come in, said, I will if you will tie up your Harp; but Lysias his flatterer was offensive, for being frighted at a Wooden Scorpion that he threw into his lap, and leaping out of his seat, after he knew the humour, said; And I'll fright your Majesty too; give me a Talent.  
In several things about the Body too the like caution is to be observed; thus he that is jested on for a flat or hookt nose usually laughs at the jest:( Thus Cassanders friend was not at all displeased when Theophrastus said to him, 'tis strange, Sir, that your Eyes don't play, since your Nose is so near, and so well fitted for a Pipe: And Cyrus commanded a long hawk nosed fellow to mary a flat nosed Girl, for then they would very well agree:) A jest on any for his stinking breath, or filthy nose, is irksome; for baldness, it may be born, but for blindness or infirmity in the Eyes, intolerable: 'tis true, Antigonus would joque upon himself, and once receiving a Petition written in great Letters, he said, This Man may red if he were stark blind: But he killed Theocritus▪ the Chian for saying, when one  told him, that as soon as he appeared before the King's Eyes, he would be pardonned; Sir, then 'tis impossible for me to be saved; And Bysantius to Pasiades saying, Sir, your Eyes are weak, replied, You upbraid me with this infirmity, not considering that thy Son carrys the vengeance of Heaven on his back; now Pasiades his Son was Hunch-backt: And Archippus the popular Athenian was much displeased with Melanthius for being smart on his crooked back, for Melanthius had said, that he did not {αβγδ} stand up, but {αβγδ} bend down for the Common-wealth: 'tis true, some are not much concerned at such jeers: Thus Antigonus his Friend when he had begged a Talent, and was denied, desired a Guard, lest some body should rob him of that Talent he was now to carry home: Different tempers make Men differently affencted, and that which troubles one is not regarded by another: Epaminondas feasting with his fellow Magistrates drank Vinegar; and some asking if it was good for his health, replied, I cannot tell that, but I know it makes me remember what I drink at home: Therefore it becomes every Man that would rally, to look into the humours of his Company, and take heed to converse without offence.  
Love, as in most things else, so in this matter causes different effects; for some Lovers are pleased, some displeased at a merry jest; therefore in this case a fit time time must be accurately observed; for as a blast of Wind puffs out a Fire whilst 'tis weak and little, but when thoroughly kindled strengtheners and increaseth it; so Love, before 'tis evident and confessed, is displeased at a discoverer, but when it breaks forth, and blazes in every bodies Eyes, then 'tis delighted with, and gathers strength by the frequent blasts of joque and raillery: When their beloved are present 'twill gratify them most to pass a jest upon their passion, but to fall on any other Subject will be counted an abuse: If they are remarkably loving to their own Wives, or entertain a generous affection for a hopeful youth, then are they proud, then tickled when jeered for such a Love: And therefore Archesilaus when an Amorous Man in his School laid down this Proposition, In my opinion one thing cannot touch another, replied, Sir, you touch this Person, pointing to a lovely Boy that sate near him: Beside, the Company must be considered; for what a Man will only laugh at when mentioned amongst his friends and familiar acquaintance, he will not endure to be  told of before his Wife, Father, or his Tutor; unless perhaps it be something that will please those too; as for instance, if before a Philosopher, one should jeer a Man for going barefoot, or studying all night; or before his Father for carefulness and thrift; or in the presence of his Wife, for his being could to his Companions, and doting upon her: Thus Tygranes, when Cyrus asked him, What will your Wife say when she hears that you are put to servile Offices? replied, Sir, she will not hear it, but be present her self, and see it: Again, those joques are accounted less affronting, which reflect somewhat also on the Man that makes them; as when one poor Man base born Fellow, or a Lover joques upon another; for whatever comes from one in the same circumstances looks more like a piece of Mirth, than a designed Affront; but otherwise it must needs be irksome, and distasteful: Upon this account, when a Slave, whom the King had lately freed and enriched, behaved himself very impertinently in the company of some Philosophers; asking them, How it came to pass that the Broth of Beans, whether white or black was always green; Aridices putting another Question, Why, let the whips be white or not, the wales and marks they made were still read; displeased him extremely, and made him rise from the Table in a great rage and discontent. But Amphias the Tarsian, who was supposed to be sprung from a gardener, joquing upon the Governours Friend, for his obscure and mean birth, and presently overdoing; But 'tis true, I sprung from the same Seed, caused much mirth and laughter: And the Harper very facetiously put a check to Philips ignorance, and impertinence; for when Philip pretended to correct him, he cried out, God forbid, Sir, that ever you should be brought so low as to understand these things better than I; for by this seeming joque he instructed him without giving any offence; and therefore some of the Comedians seem to lay aside their bitterness in every jest that may reflect upon themselves; as Aristophanes when he is merry upon a Bald-pate; and Cratinus in his Play, Pytane upon Drunkenness and Excess: Besides, you must be very careful that the jest should seem to be extempore, taken from some present Question or merry Humour, not far fetched, as if premeditate and designed: For as Men are not much concerned at a reproach or kick in Company, but if when that is ended any one offers the like, they hate and look upon him as an Enemy; so they will easily pardon and indulge a jest, if undesignedly taken from any present circumstance; but if 'tis nothing to the matter in hand, but fetched from another thing, it must look like a design, and be resented as an Affront; such was that of Timagenes to the Husband of a Woman {αβγδ} that often vomited.  {αβγδ}, 
When the Poet had written {αβγδ}; and that to Athenodorus the Philosopher; is the affection to our Children, {αβγδ} music, {αβγδ}; for when the raillery is not founded on some present circumstance, it is an argument of ill nature, and a mischievous temper; and such as these for words, the lightest thing in the World, as Plato says, suffer the heaviest punishment; but those that know how to time, and apply a jest, confirm Plato's opinion, That to rally pleasantly and facetiously is the business of a Scholar and a Wit.   

Question II. Why in Autumn men have better stomacks than in other seasons of the Year?  
IN Eleusine, after the solemn celebration of the Sacred Mysteries, Glaucias the Orator entertained us at a Feast; where after the rest had done, Xenocles his Brother, as his humour is, began to be smart upon my Brother Lamprias for his good Beotian Stomach; and I, in his defence, opposing Xenocles, who was an Epicurean, said, Pray, Sir, do not all place the very height of pleasure in privation of pain and indolence? But Lamprias, who prefers the Lycaeum before the Garden, ought by his practise to confirm Aristotles Doctrine; for he affirms that every Man hath a better Stomach in the Autumn, than in other Seasons of the Year; and gives the reason which I cannot remember at present: So much the better( says Glaucias) for when Supper's done, we will endeavour to discover it ourselves: that being over, Glaucias and Xenocles drew various reasons from the Autumnal Fruit; one said, that it scoured the body, and by his Evacuation continually raised new Appetites, Xenocles affirmed, that ripe fruit had usually a pleasing, vellicating sapour, and thereby provoked the Appetite better than Sauces, or Sweet-meats; for Sick-men of a vitiated Stomach usually recover it by eating Fruit: But Lamprias said, that our natural heat, the principal instrument of Nutrition, in the midst of Summer is scattered, and becomes rare and weak, but as that declines, unites again and gathers strength, being shut in by the ambient could, and contraction of the Pores; and I, for my part, said, in Summer we are more thirsty, and use more moisture than in other Seasons, and therefore Nature( she observes the same method in all her operations) at this change of Seasons employs the contrary, makes us hungry, and to maintain an equal temper in the Body, gives us dry Food to countervail the moisture taken in the Summer; yet none can deny but that the Food itself is a partial cause, for not only new Fruit, Bread, Corn, but Flesh of the same Year is better tasted than those of the former, more forcibly provokes the Guests, and enticeth them to eat on.   

Question III. Which was first, the bide or the Egg?  
WHen upon a Dream I had forborn Eggs a long time on purpose that in an Egg, as some do in a Heart, I might make experiment of a notable Vision that often troubled me, some at Sossius Senecio's Table suspected, that I was tainted with Orpheus or Pythagoras his Opinions, and refused to eat an Egg( as some do the Heart and Brain) imagining it to be the principle of Generation; and Alexander the Epicurean ridiculingly repeated, 
To feed on {αβγδ}; and our Parents Heads,  
Is equal sin:  As if the Pythagoreans meant Eggs by that {αβγδ}, and thought it as unlawful to feed on Eggs as on the Animals that lay them: Now to pretend a Dream, for the cause of my abstaining, to an Epicurean, had been a defence more irrational than the cause itself; and therefore I suffered jocose Alexander to enjoy his Opinion, for he was a pleasant Man, and of excellent company: Soon after he proposed that perplexed Question, that Plague of the inquisitive, Which was first, the bide or the Egg? And my Friend Sylla saying, that with this little Question, as with an engine, we shook the great and weighty truth( the Opinion that the world had a beginning) declared his dislike of such Problems; but Alexander deriding the Question, as slight and impertinent, my Son-in-law Phirmus said, Well, Sir, at present your Atoms will do me some service; for if we must suppose that small things must be the principles of greater; 'tis likely that the Egg was before the bide; for that amongst sensible things is very simplo, and the bide more mixed, and contains a greater variety of parts: 'tis universally true, that a principle is before that whose principle it is; now the Seed is a principle, and the Egg is somewhat more than the Seed, and less than the bide; for as a disposition, a progress in goodness, is something between a tractable Mind, and a habit of Virtue; so an Egg is as it were a progress of Nature tending from the Seed to a perfect Anim●l▪ And as in an Animal they say the Veins and Arteries are formed first, upon the same account the Egg should be before the bide, as the thing containing before the thing contained: Thus Art first makes rude and ill shapen Figures, and afterward perfects every thing with its proper form; and 'twas for this method that the Statuary Polycletis said, Then our work is most difficult when the day is to be fashioned into a Nail; so 'tis probable that the matter not readily obeying the slow motions of contriving Nature, at first frames rude and indefinite Masses, as the Egg, and of these moulded anew, and joined in better order, the Animal afterward is formed: As the Canker is first, and then growing dry and cleaving lets forth a winged Animal, called Psyche; so the Egg is first as it were the subject matter of the Generation; for 'tis certain that in every change, that out of which the thing changes, must be before the thing changing: Observe how Worms and caterpillars are bread in Trees from the moisture corrupted or concocted; now none can say but that the engendering moisture is naturally before all these; for( as Plato says) Matter is as a Mother or Nurse in respect of the Bodies that are formed, and that we call the matter, out of which any thing that is, is made: And with a smile, continued he, I speak to those that are acquainted with the Mystical and Sacred Discourse of Orpheus, who not only affirms the Egg to be before the bide, but makes it the first Being in the whole World: The other parts, because deep mysteries we shall now pass by, but let us look upon the various kinds of Animals, and we shall find almost every one beginning from an Egg, Fowls and Fishes, Land Animals, as Lizards; Amphibious as Crocodiles; some with two Legs, as a Cock; some without any, as a Snake; and some with many, as a Locust. And therefore in the solemn Feast of Bacchus 'tis very well done to dedicate an Egg, as the Emblem of that which begets, and contains every thing in itself.  
To this Discourse of Hermus, Senecio replied, Sir, your last Similitude contradicts your ●●rst; and you have unwittingly opened the World( as the Proverb says the Door) against yourself; for the World was before all, being the most perfect; and 'tis rational that the perfect in Nature should be before the imperfect; as the sound before the maimed, and the whole before the part; for 'tis absurd that there should be a part when there is nothing whose part it is; and therefore no body says the Seeds Man, or Eggs Hen, but the Mans Seed, and Hens Egg; because those being after, and formed in these, pay as it were a debt to Nature, by bringing forth another; for they are not in themselves perfect, and therefore have a ●… tural Appetite to produce such a thing as that ●… t of which they were first formed, and there●… re Seed is defined, a thing produced that is to ●… e perfected by another production: Now no●… king can be perfected by, or wants that which as ●… et is not: Every body sees that Eggs have the ●… ture of a Concretion or Consistence in some Ani●… al or other, but want those Organs, Veins, and ●uscles which Animals, enjoy; and therefore no ●… ory delivers, that ever any Egg was formed imme●… ately from Earth; and the Poets themselves tells ●…, that the Egg, out of which came the Tynda●… dae fell down from Heaven; but even till this ●… me the Earth produceth some Perfect, and Or●… aniz'd Animals; as Mice in Egypt, and Snakes, ●… rogs and grasshoppers almost every where; ●… me external and invigorating Principle assisting ●… the Production: And in Sicily, where in the ●… rvile War much Blood was  shed, and many ●… arcases rotted on the ground, whole swarms of ●… ocusts were produced, and spoyled the Corn ●… ver the whole Isle; such spring from, and are ●… urisht by the Earth, and Seed being formed ●… them, Pleasure and Titillation provoke them ●… mix, upon which some lay Eggs, and some ●… king forth their young alive; and this evidently ●… oves that Animals first sprung from Earth, and ●… terward by copulation, after different ways ●… opagated their several kinds. In short, 'tis ●… e same thing, as if you said, The Womb ●… as before the Woman; for as the Womb is to ●… e Egg, the Egg is to the Chick that is formed ●… it; so that he that inquires how Birds should be ●… hen there were no Eggs, might ask as well ●… owe Men and Women should be before any Organs of Generation were formed: Parts g●…nerally have their subsistence together with th●… whole; particular powers follow particular members, and operations to those powers, and effects t●… those operations: Now the effect to the generativ●… power is the Seed and Egg; so that these mu●… be after the formation of the whole: Therefo●… consider, as there can be no digestion of foo●… before the Animal is formed, so there can be 〈…〉 Seed nor Egg; for those, 'tis likely, are ma●… by some digestion and alterations; nor can it 〈…〉 that before the Animal is the superfluous pa●… of the Food of the Animal should have a Bein●… Beside, though Seed may perhaps pretend to 〈…〉 a Principle, the Egg cannot, for it doth 〈…〉 subsist first, nor hath it the nature of a who●… for 'tis imperfect; therefore we do not affi●… that the Animal is produced without a Princi●… of its Being, but we call the Principle 〈…〉 that power which changes, mixes and temp●… the matter, so that a living Creature is regu●…ly produced: but the Egg is an after producti●… as the Blood or Milk of an Animal after 〈…〉 taking in, and digestion of the Food; for 〈…〉 never see an Egg formed immediately of M●… it is produced in the Bodys of Animals alone, 〈…〉 a thousand living Creatures rise from it; w●… need of many instances? None ever found 〈…〉 Spawn or Egg of an Eel; yet if you empty a and take out all the Mud as soon as other W●… settles in it, eels likewise are presently prod●… Now that must exist first which hath no 〈…〉 of any other thing that it may exist, and 〈…〉 after, which cannot be without the concurrenc●… another thing: And of this priority is our 〈…〉 sent Discourse: Besides, Birds build Nests b●… they lay their Eggs; and Women provide Cradles, swaddling clothes, and the like; yet who say● that the Nest is before the Egg, or the swaddling clothes before the Infant; for the Earth( as Plato says) doth not imitate a Woman; but a Woman, and so likewise all other Females, the Earth. Moreover 'tis probable that the first production out of the Earth, which was then vigorous, and perfect, was self sufficient, and entire, nor stood in need of those Secondines, Membranes and Vessels, which now Nature forms to help the weakness, and supply the defects of Breeders.   

Question IV. Whether or no Wrestling is the oldest Exercise?  
SOsicles of Corone having at the Pythian Games won the prise from all the Poets, gave us an Entertainment; and the time for Running, Cuffing, Wrestling, and the like drawing on, there was a great talk of the Wrestlers, for there were many, and very famous Men came to try their skill. Lysimachus one of the Company, a Procurator of the Amphictions, said, he heard a Grammarian lately affirm, that Wrestling was the most ancient Exercise of all, as even the very name witnessed; for some modern things have the names of more ancient tranfer'd to them, thus to tune a Pipe is called {αβγδ}, and to play on it, {αβγδ}, both these names being trasferred to it from the Harp; thus all places of Exercise they call {αβγδ}, Wrestling Schools, {αβγδ}, Wrestling being the oldest Exercise, and therefore denominating the newer sorts. That, said I, is no good argument, for these {αβγδ}, Wrestling Schools are called so {αβγδ}, not because 'tis {αβγδ}, the most ancient exercise, but because' ti●… the only sort in which they use {αβγδ}, day, Dust and oil; for in these {αβγδ}, Palestrae, there is neither Racing nor Cuffing, but Wrestling only, or {αβγδ}, and this latter comprizes both Wrestling and Cuffing: besides, 'tis unlikely that Wrestling, being more Artificial and Methodical than any other sort of Exercise, should likewise be the most ancient; for mere want of necessity putting us upon new inventions produce simplo and inartificial things first, and such as have more of force in them, than slight and skill. This ended, says Sosicles, you speak right, and I will confirm your Discourse from the very name; for in my opinion, {αβγδ}, Wrestling, is derived from {αβγδ}, i. e. to throw down by slight and artifice: And Philinus said, it seems to me to be deri●'d from {αβγδ}, the Palm of the Hand, for Wrestlers use that part most, as Cuffers do the {αβγδ}, Fist; and hence both these sorts of Exercises have their proper names, the one {αβγδ}, the other {αβγδ}. Besides since the Poets use the words {αβγδ} for {αβγδ} and {αβγδ} to sprinkle; and this Action is most frequent amongst Wrestlers, this Exercise {αβγδ} may receive its name from that word. But more, consider that Racers strive to be distant from one another; Cuffers by the Judges of the Field are not permitted to take hold, and none but Wrestlers come up Breast to Breast, and clasp one another round the Waste, and most of their turnings, liftings, lockings bring them very close, 'tis probable this Exercise is called {αβγδ} from {αβγδ}, or {αβγδ}, to come up close, or to be near together.   

Question V. Why in reckoning up different kinds of Exercise, Homer puts Guffing first, Wrestling next, and Racing last?  
THis Discourse being ended, and Philinus hum'd, Lysimachus began again, What sort of Exercise then shall we imagine to be first? Racing as at the Olympian Games; for here in the Pythian, as every Exercise comes on all the Contenders are brought in, the Boy Wrestlers first, then the Men, and the same method is observed when the Cuffers and Fencers are to Exercise, but there the Boys perform all first, and then the Men: But, says Timon interposing, pray consider whether Homer hath not determined this matter, for in his Poems Cuffing is always put in the first place, Wrestling next, and Racing last: At this Crates the Thessalian surprised, cried out, good God, what things we skip over! But, pray Sir, if you remember any of his Verses to that purpose, do us the favour to repeat them: And Timon replied. That the Funeral Solemnities of Patroclus had this order, I think every one hath heard; but the Poet all along observing the same order, brings in Achilles speaking to Nestor thus, 
With this reward I Nestor freely grace,  
Unfit for Cuffing, Wrestling, or the Race:  And in his answer makes the old man impertinently brag, 
I Cuffing conquered Oinop's famous Son,  
With Anceus wrestled and the Garland won,  
And out-ran Iphiclus.  And again brings in Ulysses challenging the Pheacians.  To Cuff, to Wrestle, or to run the Race: 
And Alcinous answer, 
Neither in Cuffing, nor in Wrestling strong,  
But we are swift of Foot:  So that he doth not carelessly confounded the order, and according to the present occasion, now place one sort first, and now another; but follows the then custom and practise, and is constant in the same; and this was so as long as the ancient order was observed: To this Discourse of my Brothers I subjoined, that I liked what he said, but could not see the reason of this order; and some of the company thinking it unlikely that Cuffing or Wrestling should be a more ancient Exercise than Racing; they desired me to search farther into the matter, and thus I spake upon the sudden, all these Exercises seem to me to be representations of, and trainings to, Feats of Arms, for after all, a man armed at all points is brought in to show that that is the end at which all these Exercises and trainings aim; and the privilege granted to the Conquerors, viz. as they ride into the City to throw down some part of the Wall, hath this meaning; That Walls are but a small advantage to that City which hath men able to fight, and overcome; and in Sparta those that were victors in any of the {αβγδ}, crowned Games, had an honourable place in the Army, and were to fight near the Kings Person: Of all other creatures a Horse only can have a part in these Games, and win the Crown, for that alone is designed by nature, or can be trained to War, and prove assisting in a battle: If these things seem probable, let us consider farther that 'tis the first work of a fighter to strike his Enemy, and ward the others blows; the second, when they come up close, and lay hold of one another to trip and overturn him; and in this, they say, Our Country-men being better Westlers, very much distressed the Spartans at the battle of Leuctra; and Aeschilus describes a warrior thus, One stout, and skilled to wrestle in his Arms: And Sophocles somewhere says of the Trojans, 
They rid the Horse, they could the Bow command,  
And wrestle with a rattling Shield in hand.  But 'tis the third and last, either when conquered, to fly; or when Conquerors, to pursue: And therefore 'tis likely that Cuffing is set first, Wrestling next, and Racing last; for the former bears the resemblance of charging, or warding the blows, the second of close fighting, and repelling, and the third of flying a victorious, or pursuing a routed Enemy.   

Question VI. Why Firr-trees, Pine-trees and the like, will not be grafted upon?  
SOclarus entertaining us in his Gardens, round which the River Chephissus runs, shew'd us several Trees strangely varied by the different Grafts upon their Stocks: We saw an Olive upon a Juniper, a Peach upon a Myrtle, Pear Grafts on an Oak, Apple upon a Plain, a Mulberry on a Fig, and a great many such like which were grown strong enough to bear: Some joqu'd on Soclarus as nourishing stranger kinds of things than the Poets Phinxes, or chimaeras; but Crato set us to inquire why those Stocks only that are of an Oily nature will not admit such mixtures, for we never see a Pine, Fir, or Cypress bear a Graft of another kind: And Philo subjoined, there is, Crato, a reason for this amongst the Philosophers, which the Gardeners confirm and strengthen; For they say, oil is very hurtful to all plants, and any plant dipped in it, like a Bee will soon die: Now these Trees are of a Fat and Oily nature, insomuch that they weep Pitch and Rosin, and if you cut them, Gore, as it were, appears presently in the wound: Besides, a Torch made of them sends forth an Oily Smoke, and the brightness of the flamme shows it to be fat; and upon this account these Trees are as great Enemies to all other kinds of Grafts, as oil itself: To this Crato added, that the Bark was a partial cause, for that being rare, and dry, could not afford either convenient room, or sufficient nourishment to the Grafts; but when the Bark is moist, it quickly joins with those Grafts that are let into the body of the three: Then So●lares added, this too, ought to be considered, that that which receives a Graft of another kind, ought to be easy to be changed, that the Graft may prevail, and make the Sap in the Stock fit, and natural to itself: Thus we break up the Ground, and soften it, that being thus broken it may be more easily wrought upon, and applied to what we plant in it; for things that are hard and rigid cannot be so quickly wrought upon, nor so easily changed: Now those Trees being of very light Wood, do not mix well with the Grafts, because they are very hard either to be changed, or overcome: But more, 'tis manifest, that the Stock which receives the Graft should be instead of a Soil to it, and a Soil should have a breeding faculty; and therefore we choose the most fruitful Stocks to Graft on, as Women that are full of Milk when we would put out a Child to nurse; but every body knows that the fir, Cypress and the like, are no great bearers; for as Men very Fat have few Children( for the whole nourishment being employed in the body, there remains no overplus to make Seed) so these Trees spending all their Sap in their own Stock, flourish indeed, and grow great, but as for Fruit, some bear none at all, some very little, and that too slowly ripens; therefore 'tis no wonder that they will not nourish anothers Fruit, which are so very sparing to their own.   

Quest. VII. About the Fish called Remora or Echeneis?  
CHeremonianus the Trallian, when we were at a very noble Fish dinner, pointing to a little, long, sharp headed Fish, said, the Echeneis( Ship-stopper) is like that, for he had often seen them as he sailed in the Sicilian Sea, and wondered at it's strange force, for it stopped the Ship when under full Sail, till one of the Seamen perceived it sticking to the outside of the Ship, and took it off; some laughed at Cheremonianus for believing such an incredible and unlikely story: Others on this occasion talked very much of Antipathys, and produced a thousand instances of such strange effects, viz. the sight of a Ram quiets an enraged Elephant: A Viper lies stock still if touched with a Beechen leaf: A Wild-Bull grows tame if bound with the twigs of a Fir-tree: And Amber draws all light things to it besides Basil, and such as are dipped in oil; and the Loadstone will not draw a piece of Iron that is rubbed with an Onion: Now all these as to matter of Fact are very evident, but 'tis hard, if not altogether impossible, to find the cause. Then said I, This is a mere shift, and avoiding of the Question, rather than a declaration of the Cause, but if we please to consider, we shall find a great many accidents that are only Consequents of the effect to be unjustly esteemed the causes of it; as for instance, if we should fancy, that by the blossoming of the Chast-tree, the fruit of the Vine is ripened; because this is a common saying, The Chast-tree blossoms, and the Grapes grow ripe; or that the little protuberances in the Candle-snuff thicken the Air, and make it cloudy; or the hookt ness of the Nails to be the cause, and not an accident consequential to an Ulcer in the Lungs; therefore as those things mentioned are but consequents to the Effect, through proceeding from one and the same cause, so one and the same cause stops the Ship, and joins the Echeneis to it; for the Ship continuing dry, nor yet made heavy by the moisture soaking into the Wood, 'tis probable that it lightly glides o'er, and as long as 'tis clean easily cuts the Waves; but when 'tis thoroughly soaked, when weeds, ouze, and filth sticks upon its sides, the stroke of the Ship is more obtuse and weak, and the Water coming upon this clammy Matter, doth not so easily part from it; and this is the reason why they usually calk their Ships: Now 'tis likely that the Echeneis in this case sticking upon the clammy Matter, is not thought an accidental consequent to this cause, but the very cause itself.   

Quest. VIII. Why they say those Horses called {αβγδ}, are very mettlesome?  
SOme say the Horses called {αβγδ}, received that name from the fashion of their Bridle, {αβγδ}, that had pricles like the teeth on a Wolfs Jaw; for being fiery and hard mouthed, the riders used such to tame them; but my Father who seldom speaks but on good reason, and breeds excellent Horses, said, Those that were set upon by Wolves, when Colts, if they escaped, grew swift, and mettlesome; and were called {αβγδ}: Many agreeing to what he said, it began to be enquired why such an accident as that should make them more mettlesome, and fierce; and many of the company thought that from such an assault, fear and not courage was produced; and that thence growing fearful and apt to start at every thing, their motions became more quick and vigorous as they are in Wild-beasts when entangled in a Net: But said I, it ought to be considered whether the contrary be not more probable; for the Colts do not become more swift by escaping the assault of a Wild-beast, but they had never escaped unless they had been swift, and mettlesome before: As Ulysses was not made wise by escaping from the Cyclops, but being so before escaped.   

Question IX. Why the flesh of Sheep bitten by Wolves is sweeter than that of others, and the wool more apt to breed Worms?  
AFter the former Discourse, mention was made of those Sheep that Wolves have bitten, for 'tis commonly said of them, that their Flesh is very sweet, and their Wool breeds Worms: My Son-in-law Patroclias seemed to be pretty happy in his reasoning upon the first part; saying, That the beast by biting it did mollify the Flesh; for Wolves Spirits are so hot and fiery, that they soften and digest the hardest Bones; and for the same reason things bitten by Wolves rot sooner than others: but concerning the wool we could not agree being not fully resolved, whether it breeds those Worms, or only opens a passage for them, separating the Flesh by it's freting roughness, or proper warmth; and that this power proceeded from the Spirits of the biting Wolf, which alter even the very Hair of the Creature that it kills: And this some particular instances seem to confirm, for we know some Huntsmen and Cooks will kill a Beast with one stroke, so that it never breaths after, whilst others repeat their blows and scarce do it with a great deal of trouble: But what is more strange, some as they kill it infuse such a quality that the Flesh rots presently, and cannot be kept sweet above a day; yet others that dispatch it as soon find no such alteration, but the Flesh will keep sweet a long while: And that by the manner of killing, a great alteration is made even in the Skins, Nails, and Hair of a Beast, Homer seems to witness when speaking of a good hid, he says, An Oxes hid that fell by violent blows; For not those that fall by a Disease or old Age, but by a violent death leave us tough and strong Hides; but those that are bitte● by Wild-beasts, their Hoofs grow black, their Hair falls, their Skins putrefy, and are good for nothing.   

Question X. Whether the ancients who provided every one his Mess, or we that set many to the same dish, did best?  
WHen I was chief Magistrate, most of my Suppers consisted of distinct Messes, where every particular Guest had his portion of the Sacrifice allowed him, some were wonderfully well pleased with this order, others blamed it as unsociable, and ungentiel; and were of the opinion, that as soon as I was out of my Office the manner of Entertainments ought to be reformed; for says Agias, we invite one another not barely {αβγδ}, to eat and drink; but {αβγδ}, to eat and drink together. Now this Division into Messes takes away all society, makes many Suppers and many eaters, but not one, {αβγδ}, Sups with another; but as at a Cooks Shop, each man takes his pound of Beef, and sets it before himself, and falls on: And is it not the same thing to provide a different Cup, and different Table for every Guest( as the Demophontidae treated Orestes) as now to set each man his Loaf of Bread, and Mess of Meat, and feed him as 'twere out of his ow● proper Manger? Only 'tis true we are not( as those that treated Orestes were) obliged to be silent, and not discourse: Besides, that all the Guests should have a share in every thing, we may draw an argument from hence, the same discourse is common to us all, the same Songstress sings, and the same Musician plays to all; the same cup is set in the midst, not appropriated to any, 'tis a large Spring of good fellowship, and each man may take as much as his Appetite requires, not like this most unjust distribution of bread and meat, which prides itself forsooth in being equal to all, tho unequal Stomachs; so to a man of a small Appetite 'tis too much, to one of a greater too little. And, Sir, as he that administers the very same Dose of physic to all sorts of Patients must be very ridiculous: So likewise must that Entertainer, who inviting a great many Guests that can neither eat nor drink alike, sets before every one an equal mess, and measure what is just and fit by an Arithmetical, not Geometrical proportion: When we go to a Shop to buy, we all use, 'tis true, one and the same public measure; but to an Entertainment each man brings his own belly which is satisfied with a portion, not because equal to that which others have, but because sufficient for itself: Those {αβγδ},( Entertainments where every one had his single mess) H●●er mentions amongst Souldiers, and in the Camp; we ought not to bring into fashion amongst us; but rather imitate the good fellowship of the Ancients, who to show what reverence they had for all kinds of Society's, not only honoured {αβγδ}, those that lived with them or under the same roof, but also {αβγδ}, those that drank out of the same Cup, or eat out of the same Dish: Let's never mind Homers Entertainments, they were good for nothing but to starve a Man, and the Makers of them, Kings more stingy, and observant than the Italian Cooks; insomuch that in the midst of a battle, whilst they were at Handy blows with their Enemies, they could exactly reckon up how many Glasses each Man drank at his Table; but those that Pindar describes are much better, Where Heroes mixed sate round the noble Board, because they maintained society and good fellowship; for the latter truly mixed and joined friends, the former divided, and aspersed them as persons, tho seemingly very good Friends, who could not so much as eat with one another out of the same dish: To this polite discourse of Agias they urged me to reply: And I said, Agias, 'tis true, hath reason to be troubled at this unusual disappointment, because having so great a belly( for he was an excellent Trencher-man) he had no larger Mess than others: In a common Fish, 'tis true, as Democritus says, there are no Bon●s but that very thing hath introduced {αβγδ}.  
For 'tis equality, as the old woman in Euripides hath it, That fastens Towns to Towns, and Friends to Friends; and Entertainments chiefly stand in need of this, the necessity is from nature, not custom, new, lately introduced, or founded only on opinion; when the same dish lies in common before all, the Man that is slow and eats little, must be offended at the other that is too quick for him, as a slow Ship at the swift sailor: Besides, snatching, contention, shoving, and the like, are not in my mind neighbourly beginnings of Mirth and Jollity; but absurd, doggish, and which often end in anger, or reproaches, not only against one another, but also against the Entertainer himself, or the Carvers of the Feast; but as long as {αβγδ}, Division or Distribution, keep an equality in our Feasts, nothing uncivil or disorderly appeared, and they called the Feasts {αβγδ}, Distributions, the entertained {αβγδ}, and the Carvers {αβγδ}, Distributers, {αβγδ}, from dividing and distributing to every Man his proper Mess: The Lacedemonians had Officers called {αβγδ}, distributers of the Flesh, no mean Men, but the chief of the City, for Lysander himself by King Agesilaus was constituted one of the {αβγδ}, in Asia; but when Luxury crept into our Feasts, Distributing was thrown out, for I suppose they had not leisure to divide these numerous Tarts, Cheese-cakes, Pies, and other delicate varieties; but surprised with the pleasantness of the taste, and tired with the variety, they left off cutting it into portions, and left all in common; and this is confirmed from the present practise; for in our Religious or public Feasts, where the Food is simplo and inartificial, each Man hath his Mess assigned him; so that he that endeavours to discursive the ancient custom, will likewise recover thrift, and almost lost frugality again: But you object, where only property is, community is lost: True indeed, where equality is not, for not the possession of what is proper, and our own, but the taking away of anothers, and coveting that, that is common, is the cause of all injury, and contention; which the {αβγδ}, Laws restraining, and confining within the bounds of proper, receive their name from their Office, being a Power {αβγδ}, distributing equal to every one in order to the common good: Thus every one is not to be honoured by the Entertainer with the Garland, or the chiefest place: Now if propriety in these things doth not in the least hinder, but that things of greater moment, and the only considerable, as discourse and civility may be still common, let us leave off disgracing {αβγδ}, Distributions, or {αβγδ}, the Lot( as Euripides hath it) the Son of Fortune; which hath no respect either to Riches or Honour; but in its inconsiderate Wheel now and then raiseth up the humble and the poor, and makes him Master of himself; and by accustoming the great and rich to endure; and not be offended at equality, pleasingly instructs.    

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II. Of Curiosity, or an Over-busy Inquisitiveness into Things Impertinent.  By Maurice Wheeler, late of Christ-Church, Oxon. 
IF a dwelling House, by reason of its ill situation or contrivance, be neither commodiously light and airy, or too much exposed to ill weather, and unhealthy; 'tis most advisable entirely to quit such an habitation: unless, perhaps, through continuance of time, Neigbourhood of Friends, or any other endearing circumstance, a Man should become much wedded to the place; in which case, it may be possible, by the alteration of Windows, and new placing of Doors, and Stair-cases, either to remove or lessen these inconveniences. By such like remedies, even whole Cities have been much amended, and improved both as to health and pleasantness, and 'tis said of the place of my Nativity particularly, that it lying open to the Western winds, and the beams or the declinng Sun streaming over the top of Parnassus, was by Charon turned toward the East; but 'tis thought that Empedocles the Naturalist, secured that whole Region round about from the Pestilence, by closing up the rift of a certain Mountain, from whence a contagious Southerly damp breathed forth upon the flat of that Country. And now since there are several noxious qualities, and distempered passions that lurk within the Body too, which is the more immediate habitation of the Soul; and which like the dark, and tempestuous weath●r that is without, do cloud and disturb it: Therefore the like method which has been observed in curing the defects, and annoyances of an ill-contriv'd, and unhealthy dwelling, may be followed here, in rendering the Body a more commodious, serviceable, and delightful Mansion for the Soul. Wherein that it may enjoy its desired calmness, and serenity, it will conduce beyond all other expedients whatsoever; that those blind, tumultuous, and extravagant passions should be expelled, or extinguished utterly: Or if that cannot be, yet that they be so far reduced, and moderated, and so prudently applied, and accommodated to their proper objects; that the mischief, and disorder of 'em( at least) may be removed.  
Among these may deservedly be accounted that sort of Curiosity, which by its studious prying into the evils of Mankind, seems to be a Distemper of Mind, that bewrays to manifest symptoms of Envy, and ill-nature.  
Why envious Wretch, with such a piercing ray,  
Blind to thine own, dost others faults survey?  
If the knowledge of ill can reward thy industrious search with so much delight and pleasure; turn the point of thy Curiosity upon thyself, and thine own affairs, and thou shalt within doors find matter enough for the most laborious inquiries, 
Where home-bred ills as great and many be,  
As Thames full tides, or leaves oth' royal three:  So vast a heap of offences shalt thou find in thy own conversation, such variety of perturbations in thy Soul, and manifold failures in thy duty. To take a distinct, and orderly survey of all which, that of Xenophon will be a good direction, who said, That it was the manner of discreet House-keepers to place their Weapons of War, Utensil● for the kitchen, Instruments of Husbandry, and Furniture for Religious, and Sacred Services, each in several, and proper Repositories: So every Man that would make an exact enquiry into, and take a just account of himself; should first make a particular search into the several mischiefs that proceed from each Passion within him, whether it be Envy, or Jealousy, Covetousness, or Cowardice, or any other vicious inclination; and then distribute, and range them all( as it were) into distinct apartments.  
This done, make thy reviews upon them with the most accurate inspection, and that nothing may divert thee from the severest scrutiny; obstruct every prospect that looks towards thy Neighbours Quatrers, and close up all those avenues which may led thee to any Foreign Curiosity; become an Eves-dropper to thine own House, listen to the whispers of thine own Walls, and observe those secret arts of the Female-Closet, the close Intrigues of the Parlour, and the treacherous practices of thy Servants, which thy own Windows will discover to thee. Here this inquisitive, and busy disposition may find an employment, that will be of use and advantage, and is neither ill-natured, nor impertinent; while every man shall call himself to this strict examination: 
Where have I erred? What have I said, or done?  
What duty? When? And how, have I foregone?   
But now, as the Poets feign concerning Lamia, that upon her going to Bed, she lays aside her Eyes among the attirements of her dressing Box, and is at home for the most part Blind, and drowsy too; and only puts on her Ey●s when she goes abroad a gadding: So 'tis with most Men, who through a kind of affencted ignorance, and artifical blindness commonly blunder, and stumble at their own Threshold, are the greatest Strangers to their own personal defects, and of all other, least familiarly acquainted with their own domestic ills and follies; but when they look abroad, their sight is sharpened with all the watchful and laborious Curiosity imaginable, which serves as deforming Spectacles to an evil Eye, that is already envenomed by the malignity of a worse nature.  
And hence it is, that a Person of this busy, meddlesom disposition, is a greater Friend to them he hates, then to himself; for overlooking his own concerns, through his being so heedfully intent on those of other Men; He reproves, and exposes their miscarriages, admonishes them of the Errors▪ and Follies they ought to correct, and af●rights them into greater Caution for the future; so that not only the careless, and unwary, but even the more sober, and prudent Persons, may gain no small advantage from the impertinence, and ill nature of inquisitive People.  
It was a remarkable instance of the prudence of Ulysses, who going into the Regions of departed Souls, would not exchange so much as one word with his Mother there, till he had first obtained an answer from the Oracle, and dispatched the business he came about; and then turning to her, he afforded some small time for a few impertinent questions about the other Women upon the place; asking which was Tyro, and which the fair Chloris, and concerning the unfortunate Epicasta, 
— Why  
Noos'd to a lofty Beam, she would suspended die?  But we through extreme sloth and ignorance, being stupidly careless of our own Affairs, must be idly spending our time and talk, either about our Neighbours Pedigree, how that such a one had a Tapster for his Grand-father, and that his Grand mother was a Laundress; or that another owes three or four hundred pounds, and is not able to pay the interest; nay, and such trivial stuff as we busy ourselves about, where such a Mans Wife has been all this while; and what 'twas, that this and the other fellow have been talking of in a Corner. But the wise Socrates employed his Curiosity to better purpose, when he went about, enquiring by what excellent precepts Pythagoras obtained so great Authority among his followers; and Aristippus meeting Ischomachus at the olympic Games, asked him what those notions were, with which Socrates had so powerfully charmed the minds of his young Scholars; upon the slight information whereof, he was so passionately inflamed with a desire of going to Athens, that he grew pale and lean, and almost languished till he came to drink at the Fountain itself, and had been acquainted with the Person of Socrates, and more fully learned that Philosophy of his, the design of which was to teach Men how to discover their own ills, and apply proper remedies unto them. But to some sort of Men, their own life and actions would appear the most unpleasing spectacle in the world, therefore they fly from the light of their Conscience, and cannot bear the torture of one reflecting thought upon themselves; for when the Soul being once defiled with all manner of wickedness, is scared at its own hideous deformity; it endeavours to run from itself, and ranging here and there, pampers its own malignity with malicious speculations on the ills of others.  
It is observed of the Hen, that loathing the plenty of Meat that is cast before her on a clean floor, she will be scratching in a hole, or spurning the dung-hill, in search of one single musty grain: So this over-busy people neglecting such obvious and common things, into which any Man may inquire, and talk of without offence, cannot be satisfied, unless they rak into the private, and concealed evils of every Family in the Neighbourhood. It was smartly said of the egyptian, who being asked, what 'twas he carried so close? replied; It was therefore covered, that it might be secret: Which answer will serve to check the Curiosity of those impertinent Men, who will be always peeping into the privacies of others; for assuredly, there's nothing usually more concealed, then what is too foul to be seen, nor would it be kept so close, were it either fit or safe it should be known. Without knocking at the door, 'tis great rudeness to enter into anothers house, and therefore in former times were▪ Rappers fitted to the Gates, that by the noise thereof, notice might be given to the Family; for the same purpose are Porters appointed now, lest a stranger coming in unawares, the Mistress, or Daughter of the Family might be surprised busy, or undressed, or a Servant be seen under Correction, or the Maids be over-heard in the heat of their Scolding: but a Person of this prying, busy temper, who would disdain the being invited to a sober and well-governed House, will yet even forcibly intrude himself as a spy into the indecencies of private Families, and those very things which Locks, Bolts, and Doors were intended to secure from common view, he prys into, for no other end, but to discover to all the World. Aristo said, that those winds were the most troublesome, which blew up ones Garments, and exposed ones nakedness; but these inquisitive People deprive us of all the shalter or security of Walls and Doors, and like the wanton air which pervades th● Veil, and steals through the closest guards of Virgin m●desty; they insinuate into those divertisements which are hidden in the retirements of the Night, and strip Men even to their very skin. So as 'tis merrily said by the Comedian concerning clear, that his Body was in one Country, and his Soul in another; the Hands and Feet, Eyes and Thoughts of Inquisitive Persons are straggling about in many places at once: neither the Mansions of the Great; not the Cottages of the Poor; nor the privy Chambers of Princes; nor the recesses of the nuptial Alcove, can escape the search of their Curiosity; they are familiar to the affairs of Strangers, and will be prying into the darkest mysteries of State, although it be to the manifest peril of their being ruined by it. For as to him that will be curiously examining the virtues of Medicinal Herbs, the unwary taste of a venomous plant, conveys a deleterious impression upon the Brain, before its noxious quality can be discerned by the Palate: So they that boldly prie into the ills of great Persons, usually meet with their own destruction, sooner then they can discover the dangerous secret they inquire after. And so it happens, that when the rashly curious Eye, not contented to expatiate in the free and boundless region of reflected light, will be gazing at the imperial seat of brightness: it becomes a Sacrifice to the burning Rays, and streight sinks down in penal darkness.  
It was therefore well said by Philippides the Comedian, who being asked by King Lysimachus what he desired might be imparted to him; replied, Any thing but a secret. And indeed those things in the Courts of Princes, that are most pleasant in themselves, and most delightful to be known; such as Balls, Magnificent Entertainments, and all the shows of Pomp, and Greatness, are exposed to common view, nor do they ever hid those divertisements, and enjoyments, which are the attendants of a prosperous estate: but in what cases soever they seem reserved, as when they are conceiving some high displeasure, or contriving the methods of a revenge, or raging under a fit of jealousy, or suspicious of the disloyal practices of their Children, or dubious concerning the treachery of a Favourite; come not near, nor intermeddle, for every thing is of a dreadful aspect, and of very dangerous access, that is thus concealed. Fly from so black a Cloud, whose darkness condenses into a Tempest; and it will be time enough, when its fury breaks forth with Flash and Thunder, for thee to observe upon whose head the mischief falls.  
But to avoid the danger of this Curiosity, divert thy thoughts to more safe and delightful inquiries; survey the wonders of nature in the Heavens, Earth, the Sea, and Air; in which thou hast a copious choice of materials for the more sublime, as well as the more easy and obvious contemplations. If thy more piercing wit aspires to the noblest inquiries, consider the greater Luminary in it's diurnal motion, in what part of Heaven its Morning beams are kindled, and where those Chambers of the Night are placed, which entertain its declining lustre. View the Moon in all her Changes, the just representation of human vicissitudes; and learn the causes that destroy, and then restore her brightness.  
How from an infant spark sprung out of Night,  
She swells into a perfect Globe of Light;  
And soon, her heauties thus repaired, die  
Washing into their first Obscurity.  
These are endeavoured the great secrets of nature, whose depth may perhaps amaze and discourage thy inquiries; search therefore into things more obvious, why the fruits of Plants are shaped into such variety of Figures? Why some are clothed with the verdure of a perennial spring, and others which sometime were no less fresh and fair, like hasty spend-thrifts, lavish away the bounties of Heaven in one Summers gaiety, and stand naked to the succeeding Frosts. But such harmless speculations will perchance affect thee little, and it may be thou hast that malignity in thy temper, which like venomous Beasts that cannot live out of stink, and putrefaction, must be ever preying upon the follies and miseries of Mankind. Peruse therefore the Histories of the world, wherein thou shalt find such vast heaps of Wickedness and Mischief, made up of the downfalls, and sudden deaths of great Men, the Rapes, and defilements of Women, the Treacheries of Servants, the falseness of Friends, the arts of poisoning, the fatal effects of Envy and Jealousy, the ruin of Families, dethroning of Princes, with many other such direful occurrences, as may not only delight and satisfy, but even cloy and nauseate thy ill-natured curiosity.  
But neither( as it appears) are such antiquated evils any agreeable entertainment to People of this perverse disposition; they harken most to modern Tragedies, and such doleful accidents as may be grateful as well for the novelty, as the horror of the relation. All pleasant and cheerful converse is irksome to 'em; so that if they happen into a company that are talking of Weddings, the Solemnities of Sacred Rites, or Pompous Processions; they make as though they heard not, or to divert, and shorten the discourse, will pretend they knew as much before; yet if any one should relate how such a Wench had a Child before the time, or that a Fellow was caught with another Mans Wife, or that certain People were at Law with each other, or that there was an unhappy difference between near Relations; he no longer sits unconcerned, or minds other things, but 
With ears pricked up, he listens; what, and when,  
And how he asks; pray say, let's hear't again.  And indeed that proverbial saying, Ill news goes quick and far, was occasioned chiefly by these busy ill-natured Men, who very unwillingly hear, or talk of any thing else. For their Ears, like cupping glasses that attract the most noxious humors in the Body, are ever sucking in the most spiteful, and malicious reports; and as in some Cities there are certain Ominous Gates, through which, nothing passes but Scavingers Carts, or the sleads of Malefactors: So nothing goes in at their Ears, or out of their Mouths, but obscene, Tragical, and horrid Relations.  
Howling, and Wo, as in a Jail, or Hell,  
Always infest the places where they dwell.  
This noise is to them like the Syren's Song, and the sweetest melody, the most pleasant hearing in the World.  
Now this Curiosity being an affectation of knowledge in things concealed, must needs proceed from a great degree of spite, and Envy; for Men do not usually hid, but ambitiously proclaim whatever is for their honour or interest to be known; and therefore to prie into what is industriously covered, can be for no other purpose; then that secret delight curious persons enjoy in the discovery of other Mens ill, which is spite; and the relief they gather thence, to ease themselves under their tormenting resentments at anothers Prosperity, which is Envy; both which spring from that Savage, and Brutal disposition, which we call Ill-nature. But how ungrateful it is to mankind to have their Evils enquired into, appears from hence; that some have chosen rather to die, then disclose a secret Disease to their Physician. Suppose then that Needham or Lower, or the immortal Willis, when he was upon Earth, should have gone about from house to house, enquiring whether any there had a Fistula in Ano, or a Cancer in Utero to be cured: Although such a Curiosity as this might in them seem much more tolerable, from the Charity of their Design, and the benefit intended by their Art; yet who would not rebuk the saucy officiousness of that Quack, who should unsent for, thus impudently prie into those privy Distempers, which the modesty, or perhaps the guilt of the Patient could blushy, or abhor to discover, though it were for the sake of a Cure. But those that are of this curious and busy humour, cannot forbear searching into these, and other ills too that are of a more secret nature; and which makes the practise the more exceedingly odious and detestable, the intent is not to remedy, but expose them to the World. It is not ill-taken, if the Searchers, and Offiers of the Customs do inspect Goods openly imported; but only, when with a design of being vexatious and troublesome, they ripp up the unsuspected Packets of private Passengers; and yet even this they are by Law authorised to do, and it is sometimes to their loss if they do it not: but curious and meddlesom People will be ever enquiring into other Mens Affairs, without leave or Commission, though it be to the great neglect and damage of their own.  
It is farther observable concerning this sort of Men, how averse they are to living long in the Country, as being not able to endure the quiet, and calm of a retired solitude: But if by chance they take a short ramble to their Country House, the main of their business there is more to inquire into their Neighbours concerns then their own; that they may know how other Mens Fruit-trees are blasted, the number of cattle they have lost, and what a scanty Harvest they are like to have, and how well their cider keeps; with which impertinent remarks having filled their giddy brains, the worm wags, and away they must to the Town again. Now a true-bred rustic, if he by chance meet with any News from the City, he presently turns his head another way, and in his blunt language thus reflects upon the impertinence of it; 
One can't at quiet eat; nor plough ones land;  
so much us country-voke they bear in hand,  
With Tales; which idle Rascals blow about,  
How Kings( and well, what then?) vall in and out.  But the busy Cit hates the Country, as a dull, unfashionable thing, and voided of mischief; and therefore keeps himself to the Town, that he may be among the Crowds that throng the Courts, Exchange and wharves, and pick up all the idle stories that are dropped in the Coffee-house. Here he goes about pumping, What news d'ye hear? Were not you upon the Exchange to day Sir? The City's in a very ticklish posture, what d'ye think on't? in two or three hours time we may be all together by the ears. If he's riding Post, he will light of his Horse, and even hug, and kiss a fellow that has a story to tell him; and stay never so long till he hears it out; but if any one upon demand, shall answer No News! He replies, as in a passion, What( says he) have you been neither at the Exchange or Coffee-house to day? Have you not been towards the Court lately? Have you not heard any thing from those Gentlemen that newly came out of France? It was( methinks) a good piece of Policy among the Locrians, that if any Person coming from abroad, should but once ask concerning News, he was presently fined for his Curiosity, for as Cooks, and Fish-mongers wish for plenty in the Commodities they trade with: So are inquisite People that deal much in News, ever longing for innovations, alterations, variety of action, or any thing that is mischievous, and unlucky; that they may find store of Game for their restless ill-nature to hunt and prey upon. Charondas also did well in prohibiting by a Law, that none should be brought upon the Stage to be exposed, unless it were for Adultery, or this malignant sort of Curiosity: And indeed there is a near affinity between these two Vices, for Adultery is nothing else but the Curiosity of discovering another Mans secret pleasures, and the itch of knowing what is hidden; and Curiosity is( as it were) a rape and violence committed upon other Peoples privacies.  
And now as the accumulation of notions in the head usually begets multiplicity of Words; for w● ch reason, Pythagoras thought fit to check the too early loquacity of his Scholars, by imposing on them five years silence from their first admission: So the same Curiosity that is thus inquisitive to know, is no less intemperate in talking too, and must needs be as ill-spoken, as 'tis ill-natured. And hence it is that Curiosity does not only become a restraint to the vices, and follies of others, but is a disappointment also to itself; for all Mankind is exceeding shy of inquisitive Persons, no serious business is consulted of, where they are; and if they chance to surprise Men in negotiation of any Affair, 'tis presently laid aside as carefully, as the House-wife locks up her Fish from the Cat, nor( if it be possible to avoid it) is any thing of moment said, or done in their company; but whatever is freely permitted to any other People to see, hear, or talk of, is kept as a great secret from Persons of this busy, impertinent Disposition; and there is no Man but would commit his Letters, Papers and Writings to the care of a Servant, or a Stranger, rather then to an Acquaintance, or Relation of this busy and blabbing humour.  
By the great Command which Bellerophon had over his Curiosity, he resisted the solicitations of a lustful Woman; and( though it were to the hazard of his life,) abstained from opening the Letters, wherein he was designed to be the Messenger of his own destruction. For Curiosity and Adultery,( as was intimated before) are both Vices of Incontinence; only they are aggravated by a peculiar degree of madness, and folly, beyond what is found in most Vices of this nature. And can there any thing be more sottish, then for a Man to pass by the doors of so many common Prostitutes that are ready to seize him in the Streets; and to beleaguer a Nunnery, or attempt breach upon the Lodgings of some coy and recluse Female, that is far more costly, and perhaps far less comely too, then a Hackney, Triobolar Strumpet. But such is plainly the frenzy of curious Persons, who despising all those things that are of easy access, and unenvied enjoyment, such as are the divertisements of the Theatre, conversation of the Ingenious, and the discourses of the Learned: must be breaking open other Mens Letters, listening at their Neighbours doors, peeping in at their Windows, or whispering with their Servants; a practise, which( as it deserves) is commonly dangerous, but ever extremely base, and ignominious.  
Now to dissuade inquisitive persons( as much as possible) from this sneaking, and most dispicable humour, it would contribute much, if they would but recollect, and review all their past observations; for as Simonides using at certain times to open two Chests he kept by him, found that wherein he put rewards, ever full; and the other appointed for thanks, always empty: So if inquisitive People did but now and then look into their Bag of News, they would certainly be ashamed of that vain and foolish Curiosity, which with so much hazard and trouble to themselves, had been gathering together such a confused heap of worthless, and loathsome trash. If a Man in reading over the Writings of the ancients, should rak together all the dross he could meet with; and Collect into one volume all the unfinished scraps of Verse in Homer, the incongruous expressions in the Tragedians, or those obscenities of smutty Archilochus, for which he was scorned, and pointed at, Would not such a filthy Scavinger of Books well deserve that curse of the Tragedian.  
Pox on your Taste! Must you like lice and pleas,  
Be always fed with scabs and nastiness.  
But without this imprecation, the practise itself becomes its own punishment, in the dishonest, and unprofitable drudgery of amassing together such a noisome heap of other Mens vices and follies; a treasure much resembling the City Poneropolis, so called by King Philip, after he had peopled it with a crew of Rogues and Vagabonds. For curious People do so load their dirty Brains with the ribaldry, and Solecisms of other Mens Writings, as well as the defects and blemishes of their lives; that there is not the least room left in their heads for one witty, graceful, or ingenious thought.  
There are a sort of People at Rome, who being unaffected with any thing that is beautiful and pretty, either in the Works of Art or Nature: despise the most curious pieces in Painting or Sculpture, and the fairest Boys and Girls that are there exposed to Sale, as not worth their Money: Therefore they much frequent the Monster-market, looking after People of distorted limbs, and praeter-natural shapes, and for Beasts of the breed of afric, 
Where kinds of unlike form oft blinded be  
Into one hideous deformity.  All which are sights so loathsome, as they themselves would abhor, were they compelled often to behold them. And if they who curiously inquire into those vicious deformities, an● unlucky accidents that may be observed in th●… Lives of other Men, would only bind themselves to a frequent recollection of what they had seen and heard; there would be found very little delight or advantage in such ungrateful and melancholy reflections.  
Now since it is from the use and custom of intermeddling in the Affairs of other Men, that this perverse practise grows up into such vicious habit: therefore the best expedient for the remedy thereof is, that beginning( as it were) at a distance, and with such things as do less excite the itch of of our Curiosity; we gradually bring ourselves to an utter desuetude of enquiring into, or being concerned at any of those things that do not pertain unto us. Therefore let Men first make trial of themselves, in smaller, and less considerable matters; as for the purpose, why should it be thought such a severe piece of self-denial, for any man, as he passes by, to forbear reading the inscriptions that are upon a Monument, or Gravestone, or the Letters that are drawn on Walls and Sign-posts? If it were but considered that there's nothing more, either for delight or benefit, to be learned thereby, but that certain People had a desire to preserve the Memory of their Friends and Relations, by engraving their Names on Brass or Marble; or that some impudent Quack, or rooking Tradesman wants Money, and knows no other way to draw Men to their Shop or Lodgings, but by decoying Billets, and the invitation of a Show-board. The taking notice of which, and such like things, although it may seem for the present harmless; yet there is really a secret mischief wrought by it; while men suffering their minds to rove so inconsiderately at every thing they see, are enured to a foolish Curiosity in busying themselves about things impertinent. For as skilful Huntsmen do not permit their Beagles to fling or change; but led them forth in couples, that their Noses may be kept sharp for their proper Game, 
Be it the Stag lodged in the woody shade,  
Or Fox in borrowed den by Badger made.  So ought Persons of an inquisitive temper to restrain the wanton excursions of their Curiosity, and confine it to observations of Prudence and Sobriety. Thus the lion and Eagle, which walk with their Claws sheathed, to keep them always pointed for their Prey; are an example of that discretion, which Curious Persons should imitate; by carefully preserving those noble faculties of Wit and Undestanding, which were made for useful, and excellent inquiries, from being dulled, and debauched with low, and sottish speculations.  
The second remedy of this Curiosity is, that we accustom ourselves in passing by, not to peep in at other Mens Doors or Windows; for in this case the Hand and Eye are much alike guilty; and Xenocrates said, One may as well go, as look into another Mans House; because the Eye may reach what the hand cannot; and wander, where the foot does not come. And besides, that 'tis neither gen●iel, nor civil thus to gaze about; a well-bred Person will commonly discover very little that is either meet or delightful to look on: But foul Dishes perhaps lying about the Floor, or Wenches in lazy, or immodest postures, and nothing that is decent, or in good order, but as one said upon this occasion.  
For ought here's worth your seeing, Friend, you may  
even turn your prying look another way.  
And yet laying aside this consideration of uncomely sights, this very staring and glancing of the Eyes to and fro, implies such a levity of mind, and so great a defect in good manners, as must needs render the practise in itself very clownish and contemptible. When Diogenes observed Dioxippus a Victor in the olympic Exercises, to wreathe his Neck as he sate in his Chariot, that he might take the better view of a fair dansel that came to see the Sports; Look( says he) what a worthy Gamester goes there, that even a Woman can turn him which ways she lists: But these busy-brain'd People do so twist and turn themselves to every frivolous Show, as if they had acquired a verticity in their heads, by their custom of gazing at all things round about them. Now( methink) 'tis by no means seemly, that the sense,( which ought to behave itself as a Hand-maid to the Soul, in doing its Errands faithfully, returning speedily, and keeping at home with submissive, and reserved Modesty;) should be suffered like a wanton, and ungovernable Servant, to be gadding abroad from her Mistress, and straying about at her pleasure. But this happens according to that of Sophocles, 
As when untamed, and hard-mouth'd Colts disdain  
Both lash and spur, nor will abide the rain:  For so the senses not exercised, and well managed, will at every turn break loose into wild excursions, and hurry reason along with them into the same extravagance.  
It is said of Democritus, that he voluntarily put out his Eyes by the reflection of a burning glass; that( as by the darkening of Windows, sometimes done for the same purpose;) he might not by the allurements of sense be called off from attending to his purely intellectual contemplations: which Story, although it be false, yet this at least is true; that those Men who are most addicted to profound speculations, do least of all others converse with the impressions of sense. And therefore to prevent that interruption, and disturbance, which either noise, or impertinent visits might be to their Philosophical inquiries, they placed their Studies at some distance from Cities, and choose the night( thence called Euphrone) as the fittest season for Meditation.  
Farther, to forbear mixing with a crowd of Fellows that are quarreling in the Market place; or to sit still, while the mad Rabble are rioting in the Streets, or at least to get out of the hearing of it; will not be very difficult to any Man that considers how little there is to be gained by intermeddling with busy and unquiet people; and how great the certain advantage is of bridling our Curiosity, and bringing it under subjection to the commands of reason. And thus, when by this more easy Discipline, a Man hath acquired some power over himself; exercises of greater difficulty are to be attempted: as for instance, to forbear the Theatre upon the tempting famed of some new and much applauded Play; to resist the importunity of a Friend that invites thee to a Ball, an entertainment at the Tavern, or a Consort of music; and not to be transported, if thou chance at a distance to hear the din at a Bull-baiting, or the noise of the Bear-Garden. For as Socrates advices well, that Men should abstain from tasting those meats and drinks, which by their exquisite pleasantness, tempt the palate to exceed the sober measures of thirst and hunger: so are all those oblectations of the Ear and Eye to be avoided, which are apt to entice Men into impertinence, or extravagance. When Araspes had commended the fair Pantheae to Cyrus, as a beauty worth his admiration; he replied, for that very reason I will not see her, lest if by thy persuasion I should see her but once, she her self might persuade me to see her often, and spend more time with her, then would be for the advantage of my own Affairs. So Alexander upon like consideration, would not trust his Eyes in the presence of the beautiful Queen of Persia; but kept himself out of the reach of her Charms, and treated only with her aged Mother. But we alas,( that no opportunity may be lost of doing ourselves all the mischief we can by our Curiosity;) cannot forbear prying into Sedans and Coaches, nor gazing at the Windows, nor peeping under the Belconies, where Women are; nay, must be staring about from the House top to spy out all occasions of our ruin: and are all the while so sottishly inconsiderate, as to apprehended no danger from giving such a boundless licence to our wandring Eyes. Now as in point of Justice and Honesty, it conduces much to prevent our defrauding, and over-reaching of other Men, if we now and then, and in smaller matters voluntarily abate somewhat of our strict deuce; and as 'tis a means to keep Men Chast and Continent towards all other Women, if they sometimes forbear the lawful enjoyment of their own Wives: so will these excesses of Curiosity be cured by the same restraints, if instead of inquiring into what concerns other Men, we can prevail with ourselves so far, as not to hear, or see all that is done in our own Houses; nor to listen to every thing that may be  told us concerning ourselves, or our private Affairs. Oedipus by his Curiosity fell into great mischief, for being of a Parentage to himself unknown, and now at Corinth, where he was a Stranger; he went about asking Questions concerning himself, and lighting on Laius, he slay him, and then by the Marriage of the Queen, who was his own Mother, he obtained the Government. Not contented with the thoughts of being thus happy, he must needs once more( against all the persuasions of his Wife) being inquiring concerning himself; when meeting with an old Man that was privy to the whole contrivance, he pressed him earnestly to reveal the secret: and beginning now to suspect the worst, the old Man cried out Alas! So sad a tale to tell, I dread; But he burning with impatience of knowing all, replies, And I to hear't, but yet it must be said; Thus oddly mixed with pain and pleasure is this restless itch of Curiosity, that like a healing wound, it will hazard the loss of blood, rather then want the seeming ease of being rubbed and and scratched. But such as either by good Nature, or good Discipline are free from this Disease, and have experienced the unvaluable felicity of a calm and undisturbed Spirit, will rather rejoice in being ignorant, then desire to be informed of the Wickedness, and the Miseries that are in the World, and can sit down well satisfied in this Opinion, 
What 'vice and Mischiefs Mankind overflow,  
'tis Wisdom to forget, or not to know.  Wherefore as a farther help to check the impatience of our Curiosity, it will contribute much to practise such Acts of Abstinence as these; If a Letter be brought thee, lay it aside for some time before thou red it, and not( as many do) eagerly fall upon the Seal with Tooth and Nail, as soon as ever it comes to thy hands, as if 'twere scarce possible to open it with sufficient speed; when a Messenger returns, do not hastily rise up and run towards him, as if thou couldst not hear what he had to say, time enough; and if any one makes an offer to tell thee something that is new, say, thou hadst rather it were good and useful.  
When at a public dissertation I sometime made at Rome, Rusticus( who afterwards perished by the mere Envy of Domitian) was one of my Auditors; a Message comes suddenly in with an express from Caesar: Upon which, when I offered to be silent, till he had perused the Paper, he desired me to proceed, nor would so much as look into it, till the discourse was ended, and the Audience dismissed; all that were present much admiring the gravity of the Man. In great Persons, whose power encourages them to greater licentiousness, this vicious Curiosity is hardly curable; for when it is arrived in them to the consistence of an inveterate habit, they will never undergo those previous restraints upon their outward actions, which are necessary to destroy the evil habit within them: For such as are thus injured, will be breaking up other Mens Letters, intruding upon the privacies of their Friends, making bold inquiries into the unfathomable mysteries of Religion, profaning Sacred Places, and Holy Offices, by their coming where, and doing what they ought not, and in a word, prying into the most secret Acts and discourses of Princes; all, or any of which odious practices, it will be hard for any one after long custom to forbear, but especially for great Persons: And indeed Princes themselves, who are concerned to have as particular knowledge of all things as they can, and to whom 'tis in some sort necessary for the ends of Government to maintain Spies, and Intelligencers about them: yet they are usually hated for nothing more, then their retaining this lewd sort of People in quality of Eves-droppers of State, and public Informers. The first that employed this kind of Officers, was Darius in his younger years, when he could not confided in himself, nor durst trust any one else; and the Sycilian Tyrants afterwards planted them in Syracuse, but upon a revolution that happened there; the People first fell upon these Informers, and destroyed them without mercy. Of near affinity with these, are Calumniators, which from a particular occasion imported in the word, were called Sycophants, or Figblabbers; because upon the prohibited exportation of that Fruit, they became Informers against those that broke this order. Much the like sort of people were those at Athens, where a dearth of Grain happening, and the Corn-sellers being commanded to bring out their Stores for public Sale; those that went about listening at the Mills, and prying into Granaries, that they might find matter of Information against Offenders, were thence called Aliterians, or if you please, Millclackers. Now the Profession of these Fellows, as vile and base as it may be accounted; yet the end thereof being only to discover deliberate offences, and such violations of good order, as were mischievous to Society, it is for that reason by far less odious then the ill-natured practise of those inquisitive, and busy Persons, who out of malicious wantonness expose Men to open shane for unavoidable ills, and involuntary lapses. Which consideration superadded to the rest that has been said, is enough to render this sort of malignant Curiosity extremely execrable, and to be highly abhorred, and most carefully avoided by every Man; who would desire for mere Reputations sake, not to be ranked among that profligate Crew of Villains, which are looked upon as the most detestable of all Mankind.   
FINIS.   

THE CONTENTS OF EACH TREATISE AND THE Translators NAMES.  

HOw to know a Friend from a Fletterer, Translated by Mr. tully Sub-Dean of York. page. 1  
That it is not possible to live pleasurably according to the Doctrine of Epicurus, by Mr. Baxter. page. 68  
The Roman Questions, by Dr. chancy. page. 154  
The Greek Questions, by the same hand. page. 224  
Of the Desire of Riches, or Love of Wealth, by Mr. Patrick. page. 257  
How a Man may inoffenfively praise himself, and without being liable to Envy, by Mr. Lancaster. page. 272  
Concerning the Procreation of the Soul as discoursed of in Timaeus, by Mr. Phillips. page. 297  
That a Philosopher ought chiefly to converse with great Men, by Mr. Chetwood. page. 347  
A Discourse concerning Socrates's Daemon, by Mr. Creech. page. 359  
The first Book of the Symposiacks, by T. C. page. 411  
The Second Book of the Symposiacks, by T.C. page. 449  
Of Curiosity or overbusy inquisitiveness into things impertinent by Mr. Wheeler. page. 484