QVERES AND CONIECTVRES. Concerning the present state of this kingdom.  
LONDON Printed for Richard Royston. 1643.   

Quaere's and Conjectures, concerning the the present state of this kingdom.  

1. QVAERE.  
What issue may probably be expected of these great differences amongst us.  

conjecture.  
THere are but three conditions that can possibly befall us; Accommodation, Victory, or the continuance of these civill warres.  
As for accommodation, there are but slender hopes of that, if a man seriously weighs these particulars.  
1. The confidence which both sides have of their own strength together with their several successses.  
2. The mutual sufferings, whereby they have exasperated one another.  
3. The deep engagements of both parties, not onely of their fortunes, friends, persons, but the tie of an Oath( according to several interpretations,) the bond of religion, which of all other do make men more eager and zealous in their prosecution.  
4. The great distance of terms on which they stand, each fide expecting that of the other, which according to their own suppositions cannot be imagined possible, viz.  
1. That such Delinquentrs should be delivered up, who by their own acknowledgement are so prevalent, and of such authority on each side, that they carry all businesses as they themselves please. As if men would consent to their own ruins.  
2. That they may have the chief power and places of the kingdom at their own disposal, which neither side can enjoy with any sufficient security to the other.  
As for victory, it is not easily conceivable upon what ground any judicious man and lover of his country can rationally desire it; or if he should, yet it seems still as difficult to imagine what grounds he can have to hope for it; The strength of both parties being late more equally poised then before. Tis commonly granted, that with his Majesty there are the generality of the Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, throughout the whole kingdom, and a great part of the people every where, who of late do fall off from the other side every day more and more; So that if he should perhaps have the worst in one battle, yet the estates, reputations, abilities, multitudes of those that are engaged on his side in several places,( especially considering his dispersed Armies) would be able to repair it again, and to hold out for a lasting war. As for supply of moneys, 'tis as easily imaginable, how he should get more, as how he should get so much.  
On the Parliaments side, there are, beside some Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, the greatest part of the communality, the Corporations, Forts, and navy. Nor is it without ground suspected, that many of those who fall off from them, do it to save charges, and for fear of future payments. In which kind when his Majesty shall expect their assistance, they are like to prove as useless to him, as they were before to the Parliament. So that though we should suppose, as many of the people to fall off from this side, as may probably be suspected, yet those that are cordially engaged, with such advantages as they are like to keep, will be able to hold out so long in a Civil war, till the whole kingdom be ruined.  
Since therefore there is so little likelihood either of Accommodation or Victory, it must necessary follow, that the most probable expectation is the continuance of these warres.    

2 QVAERE.  
Where lies the fault of this unhappy division.  

CONIECTVRE.  
SInce both parties do in this difference appeal to every mans judgement, therefore I hope 'tis no great presumption to venture upon the determination of this Quaere, and I am sure no extraordinary thing to mistake in it.  
1. Some there are who attribute all to a great design, which hath been a long time acting amongst us for the introducing of Popery. In the prosecution of which, they conceive all these troubles to be raised: But this others dis-relish as groundless, because his Majesty is sufficiently known to be a resolved Protestant, being naturally of such a disposition as will strongly adhere unto those principles which he hath once embraced.  
As for the Bishops( to whose former violences we owe much of our present miseries) though they might perhaps affectionately incline to popery, in those points which seem to promote their own greatness; yet for other things, 'tis likely they did only connive at it in opposition to puritans, whom they esteemed their greatest eenmies; so that though that religion might consequently by this means have increased and stolen in amongst us; yet 'tis not probable that it was by them directly intended and upon design.  
2 Others there are, who( according as they are severally engaged) do ascribe the fault of this division to the several parties of it. The relations of both sides concerning the occasions& passages of this difference being so faire and plausible, that either of them alone were enough to insinuate into the belief of any indifferent man.  
His Majesty tells us, that at the beginning of this Parliament he did in every thing comply with their advice for the promoting of the public good, granting unto them so many acts of grace( beyond any example of his Progenitors) as might abundantly repair those oppressions and grievances, under which they have formerly suffered. But when he had such strong reasons to suspect that there was a prevalent Faction amongst them, combined together for the utter subversion of government, and that they would make laws without his assent, when as first by threats and tumults they had frighted away the mayor part of both Houses, who were otherwise affencted, not without some danger to his own person; then he was forced to withdraw himself, and to provide for his own person in remoter places.  
On the other side, the Parliament aclowledge those many good laws which they have propounded, and his Majesty hath passed; But withal they say, that there is great reason to suspect, that all these acts were but unwillingly assented unto, onely in satisfaction to the exigency of those times, His Majesties bad Counsellors being still as prevalent with him as before, who might afterwards as easily persuade him to the breach of these new act, as they had formerly done to the breach of others: so that all they had done was nothing worth, unless there might be some further course taken for the removal of these evil Counsellors, and the settling of the power of the kingdom in such hands as might preserve the laws, and not destroy them: It being very probable, that those Counsellors, who have now persuaded his Majesty to this opposition of his Parliament, if the Militia had been at their disposal, would themselves have used the power of it, for the suppressing of the Parliament.  
Such plausible pretences are there on both sides, that an honest man may very excusably mistake, especially if he understand these thing onely by Relation from others, and be not himself an inquisitive looker on upon the several passages of them.  
3. To me it seems the most probable conjecture, that mutual jealousy did first make this wound, and mutual bitterness hath since festered and enlarged it.  
Where the truest ground of this jealousy lies, must be found by examining the several parties, whether that change which hath produced our present troubles hath been in the people, or in the Governours. This may seem hard to determine in this particular case, though if a man speak abstractly and in the general: the truth is, it is not so common nor so likely for people to rise up without cause, as for Governors to oppress without cause. And on the other side, when the people have been much entrenched upon in their properties or liberties, it may probably be expected, that when they do show themselves, they should appear exasperated unto a high degree of, fear and impatience.  
The bitterness on both sides hath been occasioned by 1. Violence in opinion. 2. unusual practices.  
There are too many on both sides who are so eager and violent in their opinions, as scarce to allow him for an honest man, who is of a different judgement from them, as if it were possible, that there should be so great a difference betwixt men of the same Religion, where persons of Learning and Piety should not bee engaged on both sides.  
Though a man had as good Iudgement and Affections as he is capable of, yet still they would be liable to the frailties of human nature. Injuries and hard dealing might exasperate him, hopes and preferment might seduce him; conversation, Dependencies, friends, calling, have a great influence upon the mind, and may unawares insinuate strong prejudices. As for the lawfulness of being engaged on either side, I suppose this case hath been so thoroughly discussed pro and con, that that it is now grown as endless as other controversies,& that men of honest affections may be on both sides, on both parties. So that for matter of opinion, there should be a liberty granted for every one to go according to his own evidence.  
But for matter of outward practise, as levying taxes upon the estates of others, and the like; it cannot be reasonably expected, but that every one should be forced unto a conformity to that side, under whose power he is. If a man will not willingly contribute, he must look to have it taken from him; if he will be active in speaking or preaching against them, he must think to be silenced and imprisoned, though in other respects he may be of never so much known honesty and credit, yet he cannot reasonably imagine, that others should prefer his private ways or opinions before that which to them seems most conducible to the public welfare. So that such proceedings by either party( supposing the case undecided, and that these proceedings be not made odious by circumstances) are in themselves excusable upon the grounds of common reason and policy: Which if men would equally consider, it would abate much of that bitterness and violence on either side.    

3. QVAERE.  
What is the best cure and remedy for our distempers.  

CONIECTVRE.  
IF mutual jealousy be the disease, then mutual confidence must be the cure, which is in his power onely to effect, in whose hands are the hearts of all men.  
But for outward applications, the best way of prescribing is to accommodate this difference by some middle way, wherein either party shall remit somewhat of the rigour of those terms on which now they stand. Onely here will be the difficulty, how to frame such an accommodation as may by both sides be esteemed safe and honourable. This perhaps would not be so difficult, if it were not for that which seems to make it very easy, I mean that near relation betwixt King and people, whose mutual concernments should be so intwined, that the honour and safety of the one should be so to the other.  
But as the case now stands, these two must be considered according to their divided interests: And under this notion the chief enquiry must be( supposing the case undecided) which side may suffer with least prejudice to itself, and to the public welfare.  
And here to me it seems for matter of power and safety, that there is less danger in the Kings yielding too much, than in the Parliaments; for experience tells us,( as hath been often observed) that what the people once lose, is scarce ever recovered again; whereas what the King part● with, is afterwards by the subtlety of Statists easily regained.  
And for matter of honour, it is considerable:  
1. That where the fault is least, the dishonour must be least. But now the fault must needs be less in his majesty, who is but one, and may more easily bee deceived by mis-information, than in the Parliament, which being an assembly of so many choice persons, cannot be so liable to mistakes, and consequeetly are not so excusable for them.  
2 It seems necessary, for the public welfare, that the honour of that assembly should be preserved most inviolable, and with the greatest caution, which is so the supreme, that from it there can be no appeal: If this once lose its respect, it will presently lose its power: And then the very constitution of this kingdom is utterly ruined.  
But what then( may some say) shal those persons suffer that are declared Delinquents, for being active on the Kings side? I answer, it cannot stand with his Majesties honor to give them wholly over to punishment, nor with the parliaments to let them wholly escape. In this difficulty therfore it may perhaps be some satisfaction in the formality of Law, that they should be tried& censured, though they were afterwards pardonned.  
If this may seem too hard and unequal, let it be considered, that 'tis no dishonour to yield to necessity, especially such desperate necessity, as that whereunto this kingdom is now reduced.    

4. QVAERIE.  
Whether the likely inconveniences of such an Accommodation as may probably be obtained, be not much to be preferred before those great mischief that may accompany victory, or the continuance of these warres?  

conjecture.  
IF the Protestant Religion may be secured, the Doctrine ratified, and the Discipline in some things reformed, for satisfaction to te●der consciences, as is intended and proffered on both sides. If our Liberties and properties may be ensafed according to those new Acts which have been lately made: then me-thinks men should rather content themselves with thus much, than hazard all by further contentions.  
The chief inconveniences of such an Accommodation would be:  
1. The coming short of so full a Reformation as some men aim at.  
2. The countenancing of those persons that have been the chief instruments and occasions of these miseries, and the discountenancing of others that have been active for the public good.  
The miseries that may ensue upon a victory( not considering the great charges, difficulty, and uncertainty of it are briefly these. 1. The effusion of so much blood as it will cost for the present; besides the mischief of a lasting and desperate division for the future. 2. The extremities and violen●● which further opposition may provoke unto, and such success encourage.  
If it be said, that 'tis better to be cured by a Fever than to die of a Lethargy; I answer, tis true where the Fever is a likely cure, and the lethargy is certain death, but not when both seem equally mortal, or it may be, the cure more dangerous than the disease.  
The mischiefs that will befall us upon the continuance of these civill warres will be as many, as pressing, as our own fears can create, or as our enemies can curse us with. It may deprive us of our arts, learning, our liberties and properties, our Laws, and( it may be) our Religion too; so that we shall have nothing left us to be preserved. Many of our neighbrurs can by their own experience, tell us sad stories of the miseries they have suffered by it already: And if the beginnings of it are so cruel, what may be expected when it shall more generally rage through the whole kingdom, producing famine as it needs must, when the husbandman dares not sow, or cannot reap, and consequently all pestilential diseases which will follow upon course and unwholesome diets?  
Both these particulars have been excellently amplified by the Moderator, in whom you may s●● this Quaere strongly and fully resolved. Both sides do pretend to a defensive war, it will now appear who have least ground for this pretence by their averseness to Accommodation; since doubtless if peace and safety be their chief end, it must needs be far better for them to enjoy this with some inconveniences, than to want it with many more.    
FFNIS.