REFLECTIONS On A PAMPHLET, Entitled, PARLIAMENTUM PACIFICUM.  
licenced by the Earl of Sunderland, and printed at London in March, 1688.  
I. PEace is a very desirable thing, yet every State that is peaceable is not blindly to be courted. An Apoplexy is the most peaceable State, in which a mans Body can be laid: yet few would desire to pacify the humours of their Body at that rate. An implicit Faith and Absolute Slavery are the two peaceablest things that can be; yet we confess, we have no mind to try so dangerous an Experiment: and while the Remedies are too strong, we will choose rather to bear our Disease, than to venture on them. The Instance that is proposed, to the Imitation of the Nation, is, that Parliament which called in the late King: and yet that cannot so much as be called a Parliament, unless it be upon a Commonwealth Principle, that the sovereign Power is radically in the People: for its being chosen without the Kings Writ, was such an Essential Nullity, that no subsequent Ratification could take it away: for all People saw, that they could not depend upon any Acts passed by it: and therefore it was quickly dissolved: and ever since it has been called by all the Monarchical Party, A Convention, and not a Parliament. But now in order to the Courting the Commonwealth Party, this is not only called a Parliament, but is proposed as a Pattern to all others, from the beginning to page. 19.  
II. But since this Author will sand us back to that time,& since he takes it so ill that the Memory of the late King should be forgotten. Let us examine that Transaction a little, and then we shall see whether it had not been more for his Honour to let it be forgotten. The King did indeed in his Declaration from Breda promise Liberty of Conscience, on which he insisted in a large and wise Declaration, set out after he was settled on the Throne: but after that he had got a Parliament, chosen all of Creatures depending on himself, who for many years granted him every thing that he desired, a severe Act of Uniformity was passed: and the Kings Promise was carried off by this, that the King could not refuse to comply with so loyal a Parliament. It is well enough known, that those who were then secretly Papists, and who disguised their Religion for many years after this, as the King himself did to the last, animated the Chief-men of our Church, to carry the points of Uniformity as high as was possible; and that both then, and ever since, all that proposed any expedients for uniting us( or as it was afterwards termed, for comprehending the Dissenters) were represented as the Betrayers of the Church. The Design was then clear to some; that so by carrying the Terms of Conformity to a great rigidity, there might be many Nonconformists, and great occasion given for a Toleration, under which Popery might insensibly creep in: for if the Expedients that the King himself proposed in his Declaration, had been stood to, it is well known, that of the 2000. Conscientious Ministers, as he calls them pag. 14 by an Affectation too gross to pass on them, that were turned out, above 1700. had stayed in. Their Practices had but too good success on those who were then at the Head of our Church: whose Spirits were too much soured by their ill usage during the War, and whose Principles lead them to so good an opinion of all that the Court did, that for a great while they would suspect nothing. But at the same time that the Church Party, that carried all before them in that Parliament, were animated to press things so hard, the Dissenters were secretly encouraged to stand out: and were  told, that the King's Temper and Principle, and the Consideration of Trade would certainly procure them a Toleration: and ever since, that Party that thus had set us together by the ears, has shifted sides dexterously enough; but still they have carried on the main Design, which was to keep up the Quarrel in the Intervals of Parliament, Liberty of Conscience was in vogue; but when a Session of Parliament came, and the King wanted Money, then a new severe Law against the Dissenters was offered to the angry men of the Church Party, as the price of it; and this seldom failed to have its effect: so that they were like the Jewels of the Crown, pawned when the King needed Money, but redeemed at the next Prorogation. A Reflection then that arises naturally out of the proceedings in the year 1660. is, that if a Parliament should come, that would copy after that pattern, and repeal Laws and Tests: The Kings offers of Liberty of Conscience, as may indeed be supposed, will bind him till after a short Session or two such a meritorious Parliament should be dissolved, according to the precedent in the year 1660. and that a new one were brought together by the same Methods of changing Charters and making returns, and then the Old Laws de Heretico comburendo might be again revived, and it would be said, that the King's Inclinations are for keeping his Promise and Granting still a Liberty of Conscience, yet he can deny nothing to a Loyal and catholic Parliament.  
III. We pay all possible respect to the King; and have witnessed how much we depended on his Promises, in so signal a manner, that after such real Evidence all words are superfluous. But since the King has shewed so much zeal, not only for his religion in general, but in particular for that Society, which of all the other Bodies in it, we know is animated the most against us, we must crave leave to speak a little freely, and not suffer ourselves to be destroyed by a compliment. The Extirpation of heretics, and the Breach of Faith to them, have been decreed by two of their General Councils, and by a Tradition of several Ages; the Pape is possessed of a Power of dissolving all Promises, Contracts and Oaths; not to mention the private Doctrines of that Society, that is so much in favour, of doing ill that good may come of it, of using Equivocations and Reservations, and of ordering the Intention. Now these Opinions as they have never been renounced by the Body of that Church, so indeed they cannot be, unless they renounce their Infallibility, which is their Basis, at the same time. Therefore tho a Prince of that Communion, may very sincerely resolve to maintain Liberty of Conscience, and to keep his word, yet the blind Subjection into which he is brought by his Religion, to his Church, must force him to break thro all that, as soon as the Doctrine of his Church is opened to him; and that Absolution is denied him, or higher threatenings are made him; if he continues firm to his merciful Inclinations. So that supposing His Majesties Piety to be as great as the Iesuites Sermon, on the 30. of january lately printed, carries it, to the uttermost possibility of Flesh and Blood, then our Fears must still grow upon us, who know what are the Decrees of that Church; and by consequence we may infer to what his Piety must needs carry him: as soon as those things are fully opened to him, which in respect to him, we are bound to believe are now hide from him.  
IV. It will further appear, that these are not injust Inferences: if we consider a little what has been the Observation of all the Promises made for Liberty of Conscience to heretics by R. catholic Princes, ever since the Reformation. The first was, the Edict of Passaw in Germany, procured chiefly by Ferdinands means, and maintained indeed Religiously by his Son Maximilian the Second, whose Inclinations to the Protestant Religion made him be suspected for one himself: but the Iesuites insinuated themselves so far into his younger Brothers Court, that was Archduke of Grats, that this was not only broken by that Family, in their Share, but tho Rodolph and Mathias were Princes of great Gentleness, and the latter of these, was the Protector of the States in the beginning of their War with King Philip the Second, yet the violence with which the House of Grats was possessed, overturned all that: so that the breaking of the Pacificatory Edicts was begun in Rodolph's time, and was so far carried on in Mathias's time, that they set both Bohemia and Hungary in a flamme; and so begun that long War of Germany. 2. The next Promise for Liberty of Conscience was made by Queen Mary of England, but we know well enough how it was observed: the Promises made by the Queen Regent of Scotland, were observed with the same Fidelity: after these came the Pacificatory Edicts in France, which were scarce made when the Triumvirate was formed to break them. The famous Massacre of Paris was an Instance never to be forgot of the Religious Observance of a Treaty, made on Purpose to say the Party asleep, and to bring the whole Heads of it into the Net, this was a much more dreadful St. Bartholomew than that on which our Author bestows that epithet pag. 15. and when all seemed settled by the famous Edict of Nantes, we have seen how restless that Party, and in particular the Society, were till it was broken; by a Prince, that for thirty years together had shewed as great an aversion to the Shedding of Blood, in his Government at home, as any of his Neighbours can pretend to:& who has done nothing in the whole Tragedy that he has acted, but what is exactly comform to the Doctrine& Decrees of his Church: so that it is not himself, but his Religion, that we must blame for all that has fallen out in that Kingdom. I cannot leave this without taking notice of our Author's Sincerity, who page. 18. tells us of the Protestants entering into their League in France, when it is well known that it was a League of Papists against a Protestant Successor, which was afterwards applied to a Popish King, only because he was not zealous enough against heretics. But to end this List of Instances at a Country to which our Author bears so particular a kindness; when the duchess of Parma granted the Edict of Pacification, by which all that was past, was butted; and the Exercise of the Protestant Religion was to be connived at for the future: King Philip the Second did not only ratify this, but expressed himself so fully upon it to the Count of Egmont, who had been sent over to him, that the easy Count returned to Flanders so assured of the King's Sincerity, that he endeavoured to persuade all others to rely as much on his word, as he himself did. It is well known how fatal this Confidence was to him: and( see Meteren lib. 3.) that two years after this that King sent over the Duke of Alva, with that severe Commission, which has been often printed: in which, without any regard had to the former Pacification or Promises, the King declared, that the Provinces had forfeited all their Liberties, and that every man in it had forfeited his life: and therefore he authorized that unmerciful man to proceed with all possible rigor against them. It is also remarkable, that that bloody Commission is founded on the King's Absolute Power, and his zeal for Religion. This is the only Edict that I know, in which a King has pretended to Absolute Power, before the two Declarations for Scotland in the year 1687. so whether they who penned them, took their pattern from this, I cannot determine it. I could carry this view of History much further, to show in many more Instances, how little Protestants can depend on the Faith of Ro. catholics: and that their condition is so much the worse, the more pious that their Princes are. As for what may be objected to all this, from the present State of some Principalities or Towns in Germany, or of the Switsers and Grisons; it is to be considered, that in some of these want of power in the Ro. catholics to do mischief, and the other Circumstances of their affairs, are visibly the only Securities of the Protestants: and whensoever this Nation departs from that, and gives up the Laws, it is no hard thing to guess how short-lived the Liberty of Conscience, even tho settled into a Magna Charta would be.  
V. All that our Author says upon the General Subject of Liberty of Conscience, is only a severe Libel upon that Church, whose principles and practices are so contrary to it. But the Proposition lately made, has put an end to all this dispute; since by an Offer of Repealing the Penal laws, res●rving only those of the Test, and such others as secure the Protestant Religion; the question is now no more, which Religion must be tolerated, but which Religion must Reign and prevail. All that is here offered in opposition to that, is that by this means such a number of persons must be ruined, page. 64. which is as severe a way of forcing people to change their Religion, as the way of D●agoons. I will not examine the particulars of this matter, but must express my joy to find, that all the difficulty which is in our way to a happy quiet, is the supplying such a number of men with the means of their subsistence, which by the execution of the Law for the Test, must be taken from them. This by all that I can learn, will not come to near an hundred thousand pound a year: and indeed the supplying of those of the King's Religion, that want it, is a piece of Charity and Bounty so worthy of him, that I do not know a man, that would envy them the double of this in pensions: and if such a sum would a little Charge the King's Revenue, I dare say, when the Settlement of the Nation is brought to that single point, there would not be one Negative found in either House of Parliament, for the reimbursing the King: so far are we from desiring, either the Destruction, or even the poverty of those that perhaps wait only for an occasion to burn us. I will add one bold thing further, that tho I will be no undertaker, for what a Parliament may do, yet I am confident that all men are so far from any desire of Revenge, but most of all, that the Heroical minds of the next Successors, are above it, that if an Indemnity for that bold violation of the Law, that has been of late both practised and authorized among us, would procure a full Settlement, even this could be obtained: tho an Impunity after such Transgressions, is perhaps too great an Encouragement to offend for the future. But since it is the preservation of the Nation, and not the ruin of any party in it, that is aimed at, the Hardiness of this Proposition, will I hope be forgiven me. It is urged pag. 63. that according to the Dutch pattern at least the Ro. catholics may have a Share in Military Employments, but the difference between our Case and theirs is clear: since some Ro. catholic Officers, where the Government is wholly in the Hands of Protestants, cannot be of such dangerous consequence, as it must needs be under a King that is not only of that persuasion, but is become nearly allied to the Society as the Liege Letter tells us.  
VI. It is true, our Author would persuade us, that the King's dispensing power has already put an end to the dispute: and that therefore it is a seeming sort of perjury, see pag. 48. to keep the Justices of peace still under an Oath of executing those laws, which they must consider no more. Some Presidents are brought from former times, p. 22, 23, 24. of our Kings using the dispensing power in Edward the 3d, Richard the 2d, Henry the 7th, Henry the 8th, Edward the 6th, and Q. Elisabeth's time. It is very true, that the laws have been of late broken through among us with a very high hand: but it is a little too dangerous to upbraid the Justices of Peace with their Oaths, lest this oblige them to reflect on so sacred an engagement: for the worthy Members of Magdalen college are not the only persons in England, who will make Conscience of observing their Oaths: so that if others are brought to reflect too much on what they do, our Authors officiousness in suggesting this to them may prove to be no acceptable piece of service. I will not examine all his Presidents: we are to be Governed by Law, and not by some of the excesses of Government: nor is the Latter end of Edward the Third a time to be much imitated: and of all the parts of the English History Richard the 2ds reign should be the least mentioned: since those excesses of his produced so Tragical a Conclusion as the loss of his Crown and Life. Henry the 6ths feeble and embroiled Reign will scarce support an Argument; and if there were some excesses in Henry the 8ths time, which is ordinary in all great Revolutions, he got all these to be either Warranted, or afterwards confirmed in Parliament. And Q. Elisabeths power in Ecclesiastical matters was founded on a special Act of Parliament, which was in a great measure repealed in the year 1641. and that Repeal was again ratified by another Act in the late Kings time. We are often  told, of the late King's Repealing the Act concerning the size of Carts and Wagons: but all Lawyers know, that some Laws are understood to be Abrogated without a special Repeal, when some Visible Inconvenience enforces it: such as appeared in that mistaken Act concerning Wagons: so the King in that case only declared the Inconvenience which made that Law to be of itself null because it was Impracticable: It is true, the Parliament never questioned this: a man would not be offended if another pulled a flower in his garden, that yet would take it ill if he broken his hedge: and in Holland, to which our Authors pen leads him often, when a river changes its course, any man may break the Dike that was made to resist it, yet that will be no warrant to go, and break the Dike that resists the current of the same River: so if a dispensing power when applied to smaller offences, has been passed over, as an excess of Government, that might be excusable, tho not justifiable, this will by no means prove, that Laws made to secure us against that which we esteem the greatest of evils may be superceded, because twelve men in Scarlet have been hired or practised on to say so, the power of pardoning is also unreasonably urged for justifying the dispensing power; the one, is a grace to a particular person for a crime committed, whereas the other is a warrant to commit crimes: in short, the one is a power to save men, and the other is a power to destroy the Government. But tho they swagger it out now with the Dispensing power, yet road caper vitem may come to be again in season: and a time may come, in which the whole party will have reason to wish that some hare-brained jesuits had never been born, who will rather expose them not only to the Resentments, but even to the Justice of another season, in which as little regard will be had to the dispensing power, as they have to the Laws at present; then accept of reasonable propositions.  
VII. Our Author's kindness to the States of Holland, is very particular, and returns often upon him; and it is no wonder that a State settled upon two such hinges, as the Protestant Religion and public Liberty, should be no small eyesore, to those who intend to destroy both. So that the slackening the Laws concerning Religion, and the Invading that State, seem to be Terms that must always go together. In the first War began the first slackening of them And after the Triple Alliance had laid the Dutch asleep, when the second War was resolved on, which began with that Heroical Attempt on the Smirna Fleet( for our Author will not have the late Kings Actions to be forgotten) at the same time the famous Declaration suspending the Laws in 1672. came out: And now again with another Declaration to the same purpose, we see a return of the same good Inclinations for the Dutch, tho none before our Author has ever ventured in a Book licensed by My Lord President of the Council, to call their Constitution, page. 68. A Revolt that they made from their Lawful Frince, and to raise his style to a more sublime strain, he says P. 66. that their Commonwealth is only the result of an absolute Rebellion, Revolt and Defection from their Trince, and that the laws that they have made, were to prevent any Casual return to their natural allegiance. And speaking of their Obligation, to protect a Naturalised Subject, he bestows this Honour on them, as to say, Pag. 57, 58. Those that never yet dealt so fairly with Princes, may be suspected for such a superfluous Faith to one that puts himself upon them for a Vassal. Time will show how far the States will resent these Injuries: only, it seems our Author thinks, that a sovereigns Faith to protect the Subject is a superfluous thing; a Faith to heretics is another superfluous thing: so that two Suiperfluities, one upon another, must be all that we are to trust to. But I must take notice of the variety of Methods, that these Gentlemen use in their Writings. Here in England, we are always up braided with the Revolt of the Dutch, as a scandalous Imputation on the Protestant Religion: and yet in a late Paper, entitled, an Answer to Pensioner Fagel's Letter, the Services that the Roman catholics did, in the beginning of that Commonwealth, are highly extolled as signal and meritorious: upon which the Writer makes great Complaints, that the Pacification of Gaunt, and the Union at Utrecht, by which the free Exercise of their Religion was to be continued to them, was not observed in most of the Provinces: But if he had taken pains to examine the History of the States; he would have found, that soon after the Union made at Utrecht, the Treaty at colen was set on foot, between the King of Spain and the States, by the Emperors Mediation, in which the Spaniards studied to divide the Ro. catholics of these Provinces from the Protestants, by offering a Confirmation of all the other privileges of these Provinces, excepting only the point of Religion: which had so great an effect, that the Party of the Malcontents was formed upon it: and these did quickly Capitulate in the Walloon Provinces, and after that not only Brabant and Flanders Capitulated, but Reenenburgh that was governor of Groening, declared for the King of Spain, and by some Places that he took both in friesland and Over-Issel, he put these Provinces under Contribution: Not long after that both Deventer and Zutphen were betrayed by Popish Governours: and the War was thus brought within the seven Provinces, that had been before kept at a greater distance from them. Thus it did appear almost every where, that the hatred with which the Priests were inspiring the R. catholics against the Protestants, disposed them to betray all again to the Spanish Tyranny. The new War that Reenenburgh's Treachery had brought into these Provinces, changed so the state of affairs, that no wonder it this produced a change likewise with Relation to that Religion, since it appeared that these Revolts were carried on, and justified upon the Principles of that Church: and the general hatred under which these Revolts brought the Ro. catholics in those Out Provinces, made the greater part of them to withdraw: so that there were not left such numbers of them as to pretend to the free exercise of their Religion. But the War not having got into Holland and Utrecht: and none of that Religion having revolted in those Provinces, the Ro. catholics continued still in the country: and tho the ill Inclination that they shewed, made it necessary for the public Safety, to put them out of the Government, yet they have still enjoyed the common Rights of the country, with the free Exercise of their Religion. But it is plain, that some men are only waiting an Opportunity to renew the old Delenda est carthago: and that they think it is no small step to it, to possess all the World with odious Impressions of the Dutch, as a Rebellious and perfidious State: and if it were possible, they would even make their own Ro: catholic Subjects, Fancy that they are persecuted by them: but tho men may be brought to believe Transubstantiation, in spite of the Evidence of Sense to the contrary; yet those that feel themselves at ease, will hardly be brought to think that they are persecuted, because they are  told so in an ill writ Pamphlet. And for their Rebellion, the Prince that is only concerned in that, finds them now to be his best Allies and Chief Supports, as his predecessors acknowledged them a Free State almost an Age ago. And it being confessed by the Historians of all sides, that there was an express proviso, in the Constitution of their Government, That if their Prince broken such and such Limits, they were no more bound to obey him, but might resist him; and it being no le s certain, that King Philip the Second authorized the Duke of Alva to seize upon all their privileges, their resisting him, and maintaining their privileges, was without all dispute a justifiable Action: and was so esteemed by all the States of Europe; and in particular here in England, as appears by the Preambles of several Acts of Subsidy that were given the Queen in order to the assisting the States, and as for their not dealing Fairly with Princes, when our Author can find such an Instance in their History, as our attempt upon their Smirna Fleet was, he may employ his Eloquence in setting it out: and if notwithstanding all the Failures that they have felt from others, they have still maintained the public Faith, our Author's rhetoric will hardly blemish them. The Peace of Nimmegen and the abandoning of Luxemburgh are perhaps the single Instances in their History, that need to be a little excused. But as the vast expense of the late War brought them into a Necessity that either knows no Law, or at least will harken to none, so we who forced them to both, and first sold the Triple Alliance, and then let go Luxemburgh, do with a very ill grace, reproach the Dutch for these unhappy steps to which our Conduct driven them.  
VIII. If a strain of pert boldness runs thro this whole Pamphlet, it appears no where more Eminently, than in the Reflections the Author makes on Mr. Fagel's Letter: He calls it, page. 62, a pretended Piece, and a Presumption not to be soon pardonned, in prefixing to a surreptitious and unauthorised Pamphlet the reverend name of the Princess of Orange: which in another place( page. 72.) he had reason to imagine, was but a Counterfeit coin, and that those Venerable Characters were but Politically feigned, and a Sacred Title given to it without their Authority. All this coming out with so solemn a Licence, has made me take some pains to be rightly informed in this matter: those whom I consulted, tell me, they have discoursed the Pensioner himself on this Subject; who will very shortly take a sure Method to clear himself of those Imputations, and to do that right to the Prince and Princess, as to show the World that in this matter he acted only by their order. For as Mr. Stewarts Letter, drew the Pensioner's Answer from him, so this Paper licenced as it is, will now draw from him a particular recital of the whole Progress of this Matter. Mr. Albeville knows, that the Princess explained herself so fully to him in the month of May and June 1687. upon the Repeal of the Test, that he himself has acknowledged to several persons, that tho both the Prince and Princess were very stiff in that matter; yet of the two, he found the Princess more inflexible. Afterwards when Mr. Stewart by many repeated Letters pressed his Friend to renew his Importunities to the Pensioner for an Answer; He having also said in his Letters, that he writ by the King's Order and Direction; upon this the Pensioner having consulted the Prince and Princess, drew his Letter first in Dutch, and communicated it to them, and it being approved by them, he turned it into Latin: but because it was to be shewed to the King, he thought it was fit to get it to be put in English, that so their Highnesses might see that Translation of his Letter, which was to be offered to His Majesty: and they having approved of it, he sent it with his own in Latin, and it was delivered to the King. This account was given me by my Friend, who added that it would appear ere long in a more Authentical manner: and by this I suppose the Impudence of those men does sufficiently appear who have the brow to publish such stuff, of the Falsehood of which they themselves are well assured: and therefore I may well conclude that My Lord Presidents Licence was granted by him, with that carelessness with which most Books are red and licenced. Our Author pretends, that he cannot believe that this Letter could flow from a Princess of so sweet a temper, page. 62. and yet others find so much of the sweetness of her Temper in it, that for that very reason, they believe it the more easily to have come from her. No passion nor indiscreet zeal appears in it: and it expresses such an extended Charity and Nobleness of Temper, that these Characters show it comes from one that has neither a narrowness of Soul, nor a fourness of Spirit. In short, she proposes nothing in it, but to preserye that Religion, which She believes the true one: and that being secured, She is willing that all others enjoy all the Liberties of Subjects, and the Freedoms of Christians. Here is Sweetness of Temper and Christian Charity in their fullest extent. The other Reason is so mysteriously expressed, that I will not wrong our Author by putting it in any other words than his own, page. 62. She is certainly as little pleased to promote any thing to the disturbance of a State, to which She still seems so nearly related. She seems still, are two significant words, and not set here for nothing. She seems( in his opinion) only Related to the Crown; that is, She is not really so: but there is something that these Gentlemen have in reserve to blow up this seeming Relation. And She seems still, imports that tho this apparent Relation is suffered to pass at present, yet it must have its period: for this seems still can have no other meaning. But in what does She promote the disturbance of the State, or patronize the Opposers of her Parents? as he says afterwards,( ibid.) Did She Officiously interpose in this matter, or was not her sense asked? And when it was asked, must She not give it according to her Conscience? She is too perfect a pattern in all other things, nor to know well how great a respect and submission She owes her Father: but She is too good a Christian, not to know that her duty to God must go first: and therefore in matters of Religion when her mind was asked, She could not avoid the giving it according to her Conscience, and all the invidious Expressions which he fastens on this Letter, and which he makes so many Arguments, to show that it could not flow from her, are all the malicious and soon discovered Artifices, of one that knew that She had ordered the Letter, and that thought himself safe in this disguise, in the discharging of his malice against her. So ingratefully is She requited by a party for whom She had expressed so much Compassion and Charity. This Author, page. 53 thinks, it is an Indecent forecast to be always erecting such Sch●ams for the next Heir, both in Discourse and Writing, as seem almost to calculate the Nativity of the present: and he would almost make this High Treason. But if it is so, there were many Traitors in England a few years ago; in which the next Heir, tho but a Brother, was so much considered, that the King himself looked as one out of countenance and abandoned; and could scarce find Company enough about him for his entertainment, either in his Bedchamber or in his Walks; when the whole dependence was on the Successor: so if we by turns look a little at the Successor, those who did this in so scandalous a manner, ought not to take it so very ill from us. In a Melancholy State of things, it is hard to deny us, the consolation of hoping that we may see better Days. But since our Author is so much concerned, that this Letter should not be in any manner imputed to the Princess, it seems a little strange, that the Prince is so given up by him, that he is at no pains to clear him of the Imputation. For the happy Union that is between them, will readily make us conclude, that if the Prince ordered it, the Princess had likewise her Share in it. I find but one glance at the Prince in the whole Book, page. 52. when the Author is pleasing himself with the hopes of Protection from the Royal Heir out of a sense of Filial Duty: He concludes, Especially when so nearly allied to the very Bosom of a Prince whose way of worship neither is the same with the National here, and in whose Countries all Religions have been ever alike tolerated. The Phrase of so near an Alliance to the very Bosom of a Prince, is somewhat extraordinary: An Author that will be florid, scorns so simplo an Expression as married: he thought the other was more lotty. But the matter of this Period is more remarkable: it 〈◇〉 as 〈◇〉 the princes way of Worship was ●o different from ours: tho we hear that he goes frequently with the ●rincess to her chapel: and expresses no aversion to any of our Forms, tho he thinks it decent to be more constantly in the Exercises of Devotion that are authorized in Holland: and as for that, that all Religions have been ever alike tolerated there, it is another of our Authors flights. I do not hear that t ere are either Bonzis or Bramans in Holland, or that the Mahometans have their Mosques there: And sure his Friends the Rom. catholics will tell him, that all Religions are not alike tolerated there. Thus I have followed him more largely in this Article, than in any other, it being that of the greatest Importance, by which he had endeavoured to blast all the good effects which the Pensioners Letter has had among us.  
IX. I have now gone over that, which I thought most Important in this Paper: and in which it seemed necessary to inform the public aright, without insisting on the particular Slips of the Author of it, or of the Advantages that he gives to any that would answer him more particularly. I cannot think that any man in the Nation can be now so weak, as not to see what must needs be the effect of the Abolition of the Tests: after all that we see and hear, it is too great an Affront to Mankind to offer to make it out. A mans understanding may really misled him so far as to make him change his Religion, he remaining still an honest Man: but no man can pretend to be thought an honest Man, that betrays the Legal, and now the only Visible Defences of that Religion which he professes. The taking away the Test for public Employments, is to set up an Office at F. Peters's for all Pretenders: and perhaps a Pretender will not be so much as received, till he has first abjured: so that every Vacancy will probably make five or six proselytes: and those Protestants who are already in Employments, will feel their ground quickly sail under them, and upon the first complaint, they will see what must be done to restore them to favour. And as for the two Houses of Parliament, as a great Creation will presently give them the Majority in the House of Lords: so a new set of Charters, and bold Returns, will in a little time give them likewise the Majority in the House of Commons: and if it is to be supposed that Protestants, who have all the Security of the Law, for their Religion, can throw that up; who can so much as doubt that when they have brought themselves into so naked a condition, it will be no hard thing to overturn their whole Establishment: and then, perhaps we shall be  told more plainly, what is now but darkly insinuated to us, by this Author: that the Next Heir seems still to be so nearly related to this State.  
FINIS.