REVIEW
Review of Life Support: Biocapital and the New
History of Outsourced Labor (University of Minnesota Press, 2015)
Trung
P. Q. Nguyen
University of California, Santa Cruz
tnguy214@ucsc.edu
Value, labor, and commodity remain key modalities through which
arrangements of gendered and racialized socialities become, as feminist
scholars such as Angela Davis (1983), Maria Mies (1986), and Grace
Kyungwon Hong (2006) have shown, sites driving systems of global
capital. How might we interpret these modalities to explain the
commodification of organs and bodies in India, as seen, for example, in
the trafficking of kidneys to the Global North? Or to interpret in the
ways in which low-cost surrogacy programs picture the wombs of women
rendered subaltern as spaces for rent? Or in the making and
enacting (which is to say, selling) of alternate selves in
India’s call
centers? Works by Nikolas Rose (2007) and Melinda Cooper (2008)
identified how emerging biotechnologies stage new ways of extracting
value from bodies, and works by Lawrence Cohen (2001), Kaushik Sunder
Rajan (2006) and Amrita Pande (2010) articulated how shifts in
biocapital structure labor and subjectivity in India
particularly. What are familiar about these arrangements, Kalindi
Vora demonstrates, are the logics that extract life energies from
subaltern subjects to support the lives of the elite. Kidneys,
wombs, and alternate selves—these are some of the affective and
material commodities that Vora addresses to demonstrate not-so-new
divisions and territories of re/productive labor made both possible and
necessary to sustaining global capitalism in biocapitalist times.
Vora's monograph, Life Support:
Biocapital and the New History of Outsourced Labor
(University of Minnesota Press, 2015), maps the very material
arrangements and components of life and living that constitute the
conditions and possibilities of differentiated distributions of life
chances under global capitalism. Vora situates this project
across questions raised in postcolonial studies, critical race studies,
and feminist materialist and science studies, reckoning with modes of
accumulating wealth through increased formal structuring of
reproduction, along with the new forms of subject formations and
socialities that these formalizations enable (Vora, p. 5). She
juxtaposes the embodied figures of Indian outsourced labor through
ethnographic accounts, literature, and representations by and about
call center agents, information technology workers, and gestational
surrogates to argue that an analysis of contemporary relations staged
by global capital requires a sustained attention to the imaginaries,
subjectivities, and technologies shaping the projected capacities and
extractability of certain human lives and human parts in service of
others. Charting objects both material (organs, biological
substance, and activity) and immaterial (subjectivities, imagined
capacities of exchangeability) which constitute and enable social
arrangements under biocapital, Life
Support troubles
what we know about "reproduction," "labor," and
"commodity," attending to global forms of structural violence affirmed
by technologies of population management.
One of the key contributions of Vora's project is the introduction
of the concept of "vital energy," a concept with currency in
object-oriented ontology and materialist feminism, to the
interpretation of postcolonial knowledge production and labor in
science and technology. Contemporary works on vitality by Monica
Greco (2005), Mariam Fraser, Sarah Kember, and Celia Lury (2006), Jane
Bennett (2010), Kember and Joanna Zylinska (2012) describe the
substance of life as relationalities between actants that have the
potential for change, creating new and unprecedented forms of
being. Vora turns vitality to contend with the politics of its
uneven spatial distribution by identifying logics under global
biocapital that commodifies the vitality of some to its accumulation
elsewhere. Describing vital energy as the "substance of activity
that produces life," Vora argues that its transmission from sites of
life depletion to life enrichment under global capital is a
continuation of colonial strategies of accumulation, where affective
and biological labor transmit human vitality (p. 3). From
scholars of biocapital such as Sarah Franklin and Margaret Lock (2003),
Vora illustrates ways biological sciences and technology open up new
strategies of accumulation through the isolation and mobilization of
specific reproductive capacities of body parts to produce and extract
value. Vital energy as commodity makes plain how biocapitalist
accumulation strategies follow antecedent logics of colonial divisions
of labor that extracts not only "economic (monetary) sources of value,
or raw materials and labor-power," but "life itself" (p. 4).
Expanding how we conceive of biocapital, Vora points to the limitations
of a commodity exchange framework, which does not fully capture the
role biological sciences and technology play in the global extraction
of life and transmission of vital energies. She critiques this
framework for not accounting for how colonial imaginaries of
"numerous and prolific and therefore replaceable" Indian populations
persist and endure despite present strategies of accumulation in
outsourced labor (p. 106). Of particular relevance to this
argument is the book's chapter on transnational gestational surrogacy,
in which Vora argues that assisted reproductive technologies (ART)
render surrogacy a low-cost service by restructuring relationships that
laboring-class Indian women have with their wombs and biological
functions, a restructuring that is undergirded by colonial management
of reproduction. Citing studies by David Arnold (1993) and Gyan
Prakash (1999) on the making of governable colonial subjects through
the body, Vora explains that surrogates become subject to governability
through medicalized discourses enabled by ART, disciplining how these
women relate to their bodies. Through interview data, Vora shows
that clinical staff and medical and visual technologies facilitate the
surrogates' reimagined genetics-based, property-oriented view of their
bodies, instructing them that the providers of the egg and sperm are
the actual owners of the child and that the surrogate's uterus is an
empty space for rent. This genetics-based, property-oriented
medical discourse about the body encourages the surrogate to legitimate
"the carrying of ‘someone else's child' without it being seen as
a form
of adultery" and delimits the conditions in which the surrogate would
form an attachment to the child (p. 109). Steering surrogates
toward previously unimaginable relationships without providing a full
understanding of how surrogacy technologies work, clinical
relationships rearticulate colonial projects, foreclosing alternative
ways of inhabiting one's body, which is disciplined into being a proper
subject both for the colonial regime historically, and, for biocapital
currently. Vora shows how, though these means, knowledge
production in the biological sciences and technology become a key
strategy through which vital energies are produced and extracted under
global biocapital.
Gestational labor exemplifies the inseparability of the worker
from the commodity and complicates simple notions of biological
exchange. The surrogates in Vora's work understood it was their
bodies, the "blood and nourishment" coming from them, that were
"building" babies, an understanding that persisted regardless of what
form of official parentage or natal ownership the surrogates were
encouraged to imagine or recognize (p. 110). Where gestation
depends upon and redirects the vital energies of the worker (the
surrogate) to successfully produce the commodity (the child), the
surrogate's thriving is the simultaneous thriving of the
commodity. Because of this inseparability, surrogates are
instructed to take care of "themselves," their vitality thus naming
both biological and social forms of life transmission that cannot be
reduced to exchange. Outsourcing in India, Vora shows, cannot be
solely described through quantitative markings of value: the work of
representation (as demonstrated by surrogacy's renarrations of
inhabiting the body) also points to the life capacities of Indian
embodiment and subjectivity, which become objects of extractability par
excellence. Vital energy, then, names "vitality" as the actual
content which constitutes Marx's conceptualization of value and
exchange, enabling an expansion of Marxist analyses of social
arrangements under capital with differentiated systems and sites of
extraction conditioned by colonial histories of domination and
exploitation.
Life Support connects
colonial histories of life extraction in India with the multiple ways
that biological sciences and new technologies produce re-narrations and
inhabitations of the body, often marshaling feminist critiques of
capital's dependence upon reproduction. The book thus provides an
exciting addition to and productive cohabitation with feminist
materialism, science and technology studies, postcolonial studies, and
critical race and gender studies. Vora provokes us to ask how
vital energy is accumulated through other sites of depletion under
global capital, such as temporary overseas labor, migrant seasonal
work, and the precarious; as well as other ways that biological
sciences and technology might be informed by histories of
coloniality.
Life Support's attention to and theorizations of institutionalized
forms of violence and socialities across material and immaterial
components makes it a welcome addition to the Difference Incorporated
series (edited by Grace Kyungwon Hong and Roderick A. Ferguson through
University of Minnesota Press) alongside recent works on global
arrangements of capital and its rearticulations of violence such as Represent and Destroy: Rationalizing
Violence in the New Racial Capitalism by Jodi Melamed (2011), Humanitarian Violence: The U.S. Deployment
of Diversity by Neda Atanasoski (2013), and From Orphan to Adoptee: U.S. Empire and
Genealogies of Korean Adoption
by SooJin Pate (2014). At a moment when ethical relationships
staged by science and technology must be accountable to the racialized
and gendered realities of postcolonial histories that sustain the
on-going processes of global capital, Kalindi Vora's book stages a
politically urgent and needed intervention by asking us to rethink how
knowledge production reinscribes colonial hierarchies predicated upon
difference and uneven extractions of life energies across the globe.
References
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Bio
Trung PQ Nguyen is currently a
doctoral student and Cota-Robles Fellow in the History of Consciousness
Department at UC Santa Cruz, where he studies sexuality, global
capital, technology, and the afterlives of US war in Southeast Asia. He
received his MA in Asian American Studies at UCLA.