b'\nCopyright N". \n\n\n\nCOPYRIGHT DEPOStK \n\n\n\nA FAM I LY \n\n\n\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, \n\n\n\nFROM THE \n\n\n\nDISCOVERY OF THE AMERICAN CONTINENT \n\n\n\nTO \n\n\n\nTHE PRESENT TIME. \n\n\n\nBY \n\n\n\nBENSON J. LOSSING, LL.D., \n\niVTBOB 07 "PICrrOBIAL FIELD-BOOK OF THE EEVOLUTION," OF THE "WAB OF 1812," AND 01 \n\n" THE CrVIL WAS ; " \xe2\x80\xa2\' HISTOEY OF THE UNITED STATES FOE SCHOOLS J " " UTES \n\nOF EMINENT AMEEI0AN3 ; " " HOME OF WASHINGTON," ETC., KTU \n\n\n\nILLUSTRATED BY FOUR HUNDRED ENGRAVINGS, \n\n\n\nPUBLISHED BY \n\nHARTFORD, CONNECTICUT. \n\n\n\n\n1883. \n\n\n\nCopyright, 1875 and 1881, by \nBENSON J. LOSSING, LL.D. \n\n\n\n\n\n\np" \n\n\n\n,s^ \n\n\n\n/ \n\n\n\n, yr \n\n\n\n^^^>^ \n\n\n\nPREFACE. \n\nThis work Iiaa been prepared with great care, for the purpose of supply- \ning a want long felt by the reading public, and especially by Heads of Fam- \nilies. Every important event in the history of the United States, from the \nAboriginal period to the present time, is presented in a concise, but perspic- \nuous and comprehensive manner, without giving those minute and often \ntedious details, which are valuable to the student, but irksome to the common \nreader. The History of our Republic is herein popularized, and adapted to \nthe use of those who may not find leisure to peruse more extensive worka \nupon the subject. The materials have been drawn from the earlier, most \nelaborate, and most reliable historians and chroniclers of our continent. The \nwork is constructed upon a new plan, which, it is believed, will be found to \nbe the most acceptable yet offered to the public, for obtaining, with facility, \nand fixing in the memory, a knowledge of the great events of our truly won- \nderful history. And having visited a greater portion of the localities made \nmemorable by important occurrences in our country, the writer claims, in \nthat particular, an advantage over his predecessors in this special field, for \nhe has been able to correct errors and give truthful impressions of things and \nevents. An endeavor has also been made to show the cause of every import- \nant event, and thus, by developing the philosophy of our history, to make it \nmore attractive and instructive than a bald record of facts. And wherever \nthe text appeared to need further elucidation, additional facts have been given \nin foot-notes. \n\nThe arrangement of the work is new. It is in six Periods, each com- \nmencing where the history naturally divides into distinct epochs. The first \nPeriod exhibits a general view of the Ahoriginal race who occupied the con- \ntinent when the Europeans came. The second is a record of all the Discov^ \neries and preparations for settlement, made by individuals and governments. \nThe third delineates the progress of all the Settlements until colonial gov- \nernments were formed. The fourth tells the story of these Colonies from \ntheir infancy to maturity, and illustrates the continual development of Dem- \nocratic ideas and Republican tendencies which finally resulted in a political \nconfederation. The fifth has a full account of the important events of the \nWar for Independence, and the sixth gives a concise history of the Re- \npublic from its formation to the present time. The Supplement contains \n\n\n\nVI PKEFACE. \n\nthe Articles of Co?) federation and tlie ISTational Co?istitution. The former \nshows the final result of the efforts of the people of the Colonies, who had \nstruggled together for general independence, to form a national organiza- \ntion, but which signally failed, because in that League of States the suprem- \nacy of each was recognized, and the vitality of unity, which is essential to \nthe existence of a nation, was wanting. The National Constitutif.n is given \nin its original form, and with all of the amendments since adopted, accom- \npanied by explanatory notes. The Supplement also contains a brief outline \nHistory of the Progress of the Nation, in all its aspects, during the first \none hundred years of the existence of our Republic. \n\nThe system of concordance interwoven with the notes throughout the \nentire work, is of great importance to the reader. When a fact is named \nwhich bears a relation to another fact elsewhere recorded in the volume, a \nreference is made to the 2ycige where such fact is mentioned. A knowledge \nof this relationship of separate events is often essential to a clear view of \nthe subject, and without this concordance, a great deal of time would be \nspent in searching for that relationship. "With the concordance the matter \nmay be found in a moment. Favorable examples of the utility of this new \nfeature may be foiind on page 289. If strict attention shall be given to \nthese references, the whole subject will be presented to the mind of the \nreader in a comprehensive aspect of unity not to be obtained by any other \nmethod. \n\nThe engravings are introduced not for the sole purpose of embellishing^ \nthe volume, but to enhance Its utility as an instructor. Every picture is \nintended to illustrate a fact, not merely to beautify the page. Great care \nhas been taken to secure accuracy in all the delineations of men and things, \nso that they may not convey false instruction. Geographical maps have \nbeen omitted, because they must necessarily be too small to be of essential \nservice. History may be read for the purpose of obtaining general infor- \nmation on the subject, without maps, but it should never be studied without \nthe aid of an accurate Atlas. \n\nThe author has endeavored to make this work essentially a Family \nHistory, attractive and instructive ; and the Publishers have generously \nco-worked with him in producing a volume that may justly claim to be \nexcellent in every particular. With these few observations concerning the \ngeneral plan and merits of the Avork, it is presented to the public, with &%> \nentire willingness to have its reputation rest upon its own merits. \n\nB. J. L. \nThe Ridge, Dover, N. Y., \n\n\n\nILLUSTRATIONS \n\n\n\nSTEEL PLATES. \n\n\n\n1. PoBTKiiT OF Washdigton Frontispit \n\n5. De Soto on the Misbissippi to face page \n\n3. Governor Caevee AND Massasoit " " \n\n4. Death OF Wolfe " " S \n\n6. Washington AT Kip\'s Bay " " S \n\n6. Jones boabdino iub "Sebapis". " " S \n\n\n\n1. Washington besignino his Commissiok to face page 15? \n\n8. Hull\'s Surrender " " 4iw \n\n9. Japanese Embassy " \'\xe2\x80\xa2 512 \n\n10. Grant AND Pemberton " " M6 \n\n11. Faeragut IN THE Rigging OF THE Hartford.. " " ?1|> \n\n12. PORTBAIT OF ABEAHAM Ll.NCOLN " " 7\'.!0 \n\n\n\nENGRAVINGS ON WOOD. \n\n\n\n. Sioux Indians 9 \n\n:. Portrait of Red Jacket. 9 \n\n. A Wigwam 13 \n\n..Wampum 13 \n\ni. Indian Hieroglyphics. 13 \n\n\'. Indian Weapons 14 \n\n. Calumets 14 \n\n. Indian Burial-Place 15 \n\n. Indian Totum 15 \n\n. Profile of Blacli Hawk 18 \n\n. Uncas\'s Monument 21 \n\n. Portrait of S. Kirkland 25 \n\n. Southern Indians 30 \n\n. Columbus before the Council 34 \n\n. Portrait of Vespucci 34 \n\n. Northman 34 \n\n. Normiin Ship 35 \n\n. Old Tower at Newport. 35 \n\n. Portrait of Columbus 36 \n\n. Portrait of Isabella 38 \n\n. The Fleet of Columbus 39 \n\n, B.mnerof the Expedition 40 \n\n. Balboa 42 \n\n. Portrait of De Soto 44 \n\n. Portrait of Cabot 46 \n\n, Portrait of Verazani 47 \n\n. Cartier\'s Ship 48 \n\n. Arms of France 48 \n\n, French Nobleman, 1540 49 \n\n. Raleigh\'s Expedition 53 \n\n, Portrait of Raleigh . 55 \n\n, Raleigh\'s Ships 55 \n\n, English Gentleman, 1580 57 \n\n, Portrait of Henry Hudson 59 \n\nThe Half-Moon 59 \n\n, Building Jamestown 61 \n\n, Portrait of Captain J. Smith 61 \n\n. Portrait of Pocahontas 66 \n\nSeal of New Netherland 73 \n\nA Puritan 75 \n\nTheMayflower 77 \n\nGovernor Carver\'s Chair 79 \n\n, Portrait of Lord Baltimore 81 \n\nHooker\'s Emigr.ition... 83 \n\nFirst Meeting-House in Connecticut 86 \n\nPortrait of Roger Williams 90 \n\nPortrait of William Penn 95 \n\n, The Assembly House 97 \n\nOglethorpe, at Savannah 101 \n\nEmbarkation of the Pilgrims 104 \n\nPortrait of Oglethorpe 104 \n\nChurch Tower at Jamestown 112 \n\nFirst Colony Seal, Massachusetts 117 \n\nPortrait of Jolin Winthrop 117 \n\nFirst Money Coined in the United States 122 \n\nPortraitof King Philip 124 \n\nPalisaded Building 127 \n\nPortrait of Captain Church 128 \n\n, Portrait of Cotton Mather 133 \n\nWilliams\'s House 135 \n\nPlan of the Siege of Louisburg 137 \n\nPortrait of Peter Stuyvesant 142 \n\nCity of New York in 1664. 144 \n\nStuyvesant\'s Surrender . 145 \n\nThe Charter Oak 156 \n\nPenn\'s House 162 \n\nPlan of Charleston in 16S0 166 \n\nEarly New England House 176 \n\n\n\n1660. \n\n\n\nPlan of Fort Du Quesne. 186 \n\nPortrait of Braddoek 186 \n\nBurial of Braddoek 187 \n\nPlan of Fort Edward 190 \n\nPortrait of Sir W. Johnson 190 \n\nPlan of Fort William Henry 190 \n\nPortrait of Abercrombie 191 \n\nPlans of Forts at Oswego 192 \n\nBlock House 192 \n\nMap of Lake George. 194 \n\nPortrait of Lord Amherst 196 \n\nPlan of Ticonderoga 196 \n\nRuins of Ticonderoga ^ 197 \n\nPortraitof Lord Howe IS\' \n\nPlan of Crown Point 200 \n\nPlan of Fort Niagara 200 \n\nGeneral Wolfe 201 \n\n\n\n, Military Operations at Quebec 2(i2 \n\n, Monument to Wolfe and Montcalm 202\' \n\nPatrick Henry before the Virginia .Assembly 2(IT \n\nPortrait of James Otis 2i)T \n\nPortraitof Benjamin West 210 \n\nPi.rtrait of David Rittenhouse 211 \n\nPortraitof Patrick Henry 214 \n\nA Stamp 2;5 \n\nPortraitof Cadwallader Colden 216 \n\nPortraitof William Pitt 21T \n\nPortrait of John Dickenson 2\'.9i \n\nPortrait of Samuel Adams Syii \n\nPortrait of Lord North 21i4\'- \n\nFaneuil Hall 22S \n\nSnake Device 226i \n\nPortrait of Cli.irles Thomson 227" \n\nCarpeutc\'s ll.ill 228; \n\n\n\ni:ittle. \n\n\n\n. Portrait oUmsviiL Warren 237\' \n\n. Portrait of Philip Schuyler 239\' \n\n. Plan of the Walls of Quebec 24i \n\n. Portrait of General Montgomery 242 \n\n. Culpepper Flag S-1\'1 \n\n. Union FlaL\' 2\xc2\xab \n\nContinental Monev 24i \n\n. Portrait of General Lee 248 \n\n. Portraitof General Moultrie 249 \n\n. State House, Philadelphia 5JC \n\n. Portrait of Benjamin Rush 251 \n\n. Portrait of General Putnam 2;*:j \n\n. Plan ofthe Battle on Long Island 214 \n\n. Plan of Fort Washington -JM \n\n, Retreat from Long Island 2;*,7 \n\n. The Jersey Prison-Ship 269> \n\n. Plan of tlic Battle at Trenton 263j \n\n. Portraitof Robert Morris 264- \n\n. Portraitof Silas Deane 266. \n\n. Portrait of Benjamin Franklin 26r \n\n. Plan of the Battle at Princeton 269-\' \n\n. Portrait of La Favette 273; \n\n. Plan of the Battle at ihe Brandy wine 27?. \n\n. Chevaux-de-Frise \'i14 \n\n. Plan of the Battle at Germantown 275. \n\n. Portraitof General SU Clair. 276- \n\n, Portraitof Kosciuszko 27T \n\n. Portrait of Joseph Brant 278 \n\n, Portrait of General Burgoyne 278 \n\n. A Treaty 278 \n\n. 3urgovne\'s Surrender 279 \n\n. Operations at Bemis\'s Heights 281 \n\n. Portrait of Francis Hupkinson 284 \n\n. Encampment at Valley Forge 285 \n\n, Portraitof Sir Henry Clinton 287 \n\n. Plan of the Battle at Monmouth 288- \n\n, Portrait of Count D\'Estaing 289- \n\n, P..rtrait of Baron Steuben 291 \n\n, Portraitof General Lincoln 294 \n\n, Plan of Stony Point 298. \n\nPortrait of General Wayne 298 \n\nPortrait of Daniel Boone 299 \n\n, Portrait of George R. Clarke 3li9 \n\nClarke\'s Expedition 301 \n\nPortrait of General Sullivan 304 \n\nPlan of the Siege of Savannah 305. \n\nPortrait of Count Pulaski 305. \n\n, Portraitof John Paul Jones 3oT \n\nA Gun-boat at Boston 30T; \n\n. P.Ttrait of Admiral Hopkins 31"-: \n\n, Cipher Alphabet... 3(>i)> \n\n, Portrait ot Governor Rutledge -. Xl* \n\n, Portraitof Commodore Whipple 310. \n\n, Plan of the Siege of Charleston. 313 \n\nPortraitof David Ramsay 31 i.- \n\n, Portrait of General Gates 3141 \n\nPortraitof General Sumter 315 \n\nPlan of Battle at Sanders\'s Creek 315 \n\nPortraitof Baron De Kalb 316 \n\nPortrait of Colonel Tar eton. 318 \n\nPortrait of General Marion 317 \n\nPortraitof Lord Cornwallis 318 \n\n. Marion\'s Encauipment on the Pedee. 321 \n\nPortrait of GcTernor Trumbull 323 \n\nPortrait of Benedict Arnold. S:\'.\') \n\nTheCaptors\' Medal iSI \n\n\n\nI L L iCr 3 T R A T I X S . \n\n\n\nPortrait ofGeneralGreene \n\nPortrait of General Morgan \n\nPortrait of Colonel Washington \n\nBjrtrait of Colonel Henry Lee \n\nPlan of the Battle at Guilford \n\nPlan of the Battle at Hobkirk\'s Hill \n\nPt>rtrait of Rebecca Motte \n\nPlan of Fort Ninety-Six \n\nPortrait of General Pickens.. \n\nPortrait of Count de Rochanibeau \n\nPortrait of Count de Grasse \n\nPlan of the Siege of Yorktown \n\nPortrait of Benjamin Thompson \n\nPortrait of James Jackson \n\nPortrait of George Clinton \n\nPortraitof John Marshall \n\nPortrait of Genera I Mifilia., \n\nOrder of the Cindnnati \n\nPortrait of Bishop C arroll \n\nFranklin before the Convention \n\nPortrait of Oliver Ellsworth. \n\nPortrait of Alexander Hamilton \n\nPortrait ofRufus Putnam \n\nInauguration of Washington \n\nPortrait of Gouvemeur Morris \n\nPortrait of Washington \n\nPortrait of Robert R. Livingston \n\nPortrait of Tench Coxe \xe2\x80\xa2 \n\nPortraitof General Knox \n\nWayne\'s Defeat of the Indians \n\nPortrait of John Jay \n\nPortrait of Fisher Ames \n\nPortrait of John Adams \n\nPortrait of C. C. Pinckney \n\nPortrait of Martha Washington \n\nPortrait of Thomas Jeflferson \n\nPortrait of Commodore Bainbridge \n\nUnited States Frigate \n\nPortrait of Lieutenant Decatur \n\nMohammedan Soldier \n\nBurning of the Philadelphia at Tripoli \n\nPortrait ofRufus King \n\nPortrait of Aaron Burr \n\nPortrait of Robert Fulton. \n\nFulton\'s first Steamboat \n\nPortrait of William Pinkney \n\nA Felucca Gun-Boat \n\nPortraitof John Randolph \n\nPortrait of James Madison \n\nPortrait of General Dearborn \n\nPortrait of S. Van Rennsselaer \n\nSloopof-War \n\nPortrait of Governor Shelby \n\nPlan of Fort Meigs \n\nPlan of Fort Sandusky \n\nMagorCroghan \n\nPerry on Lake Erie \n\nPortrait of Commodore Perry \n\nPortrait of General Pike \n\nFort Niagara in 1813 \n\nPortrait of Captain Lawrence \n\nPortrait of Commodore Porter \n\nPortrait of General Brown \n\nMap of the Niagara Frontier \n\nPortrait of Commodore Macdonough \n\nPlan of the Battle of New Orleans \n\nPortraitof W. C. C.Claiborne \n\nJackson at New Orleans \n\nPortrait of James Monroe \n\nCapture ofPensacola \n\nPortrait of Edward Livingston \n\nPortrait of John Quincy Adams \n\nPortrait of Dewitt Clinton \n\nPortrait of John C. Calhoun \n\nPortrait of General Jackson \n\nPortraitof Robert Y. Hayne \n\nPortrait of Osceola \n\nMap of the Seat of the Seminole War . . . . \n\nPortrait of Martin Van Buren \n\nPortrait of William H. Harrison \n\nPortraitof John Tyler \n\nPortraitof James K. Polk \n\nPortraitof General Scott \n\nThe Region of Taylor\'s Operations \n\nPortraitof John C. Fremont \n\nPlan of Intrenchments at Vera Cruz \n\nThe Route of Scott\'s Army in Mexico \n\nBombardment of vera Cruz \n\nOperations near Mexico \n\nGeneral Scott entering the City of Mexico., \n\nPortraitof General Taylor \n\nPortrait of Henry Clay \n\nPortraitof .Millard Fillmore \n\nPortraitof Daniel Webster \n\nPortraitof Joseph Smith , \n\nMormon Emigration \n\nPortrait of S. F. B. Morse \n\nPortrait of E. K. Kane \n\nPortrait of Franklin Pierce \n\nPortrait of Santa Anna \n\nAn Ocean Steamship \n\nCrystal Palace, New York \n\nPortraitof James M. Mason \n\nPortraitof James Buchanan \n\nPortrait of John Slide 11 \n\nSouth Carolina Institute \n\n"Wigwam" at Chicago \n\nPalmetto Cockade \n\nPortrait of Jefferson Davis \n\nPoitr.iit tjf Robert Anderson \n\n\n\n. Fort Sumter In 1861. ...\xe2\x80\xa2.\xe2\x80\xa2 \n\n, The Confederate flag \n\n. Harper\'s Ferry in 1861 \n\n, Portraitof Salmon P. Chase \n\n\n\nPortrait of R. E. : \n\nEllsworth Zouave 565 \n\nArsenal at St, Louia. 566 \n\nPortraitof S. Price. 5\xc2\xabS \n\nPortraitof Winfield Scott 663 \n\nRuinsof the Stone-bridge 569 \n\nDefenses of Washington 57J \n\nPortrait of Leonidas Polk 57T \n\nFort Hatteras S80 \n\nFort Pickens 5S1 \n\n\n\n298. Portrait of S. F. Dupont. \n\n\n\nPortrait of W. S. Roseci \nMonument at Stone\'s River. \n\nPortrait of R. Semmes \n\nPortrait of J. C. Pembertoo. \n\nA Louisiana Swamp . \n\nCave-Life in Vicksburg \n\nCorps Badges \n\nPortrait of J. Hooker, \n\nRuins of Chancelloravilie. . . \n\nPortrait of G. G. Meade \n\nScene near Gettysburg, \n\nDrafting ., \n\nAbatis \n\nLibby Prison. \n\nPack Mules \n\nPortrait of G, H. Thomas.. . \n\nThe Chattanooga. \n\nPulpit Rock \n\n\'Ridge. \n\n\n\n., 593 \n.. 595 \n.. 596 \n\n\n\n683 \n\n. Fort Lafayette..\'. 566 \n\n. Portrait of C, Wilkes, 588 \n\n. Portraitof W.H. Seward. 688 \n\n, Portraitof A. E. Bumside 589 \n\n. Portrait of S. A. Curtis 591 \n\n, Texas Ranger \n\n, Portraitof a W.Hal leek \n\n, ViewatFort Donelson \n\n, Portraitof Lewis Wallace \n\n. Island Number Ten \n\n. Portraitof U, S, Grant \n\n, Burning horses at Shiloh., \n\n, Portrait of Beauregard \n\n. A Mortar Boat, \n\n, Portrait of O, M. Mitchel \n\n, Colyer\'s Head-Quarters \n\n, Fort Pulaski breached \n\n, Portrait of D. D. Porter \n\n. Ram Manassas \n\n, The Levee at New Orleans, \n\n, Portrait of G. B, McClellan, \n\n. Monitor and Merrimack \n\n, Portrait of J, E. Johnston \n\n, Portraitof T. J. Jackson \n\n, View on the Chickahominy \n\n. Harrison Mansion \n\n, Thoroughfare Gap \n\n. Monument at Groveton \n\n. Portrait of Philip Kearney \n\n, Battle-Field of South Mountain \n\n, Antietam Battle-ground \n\n, Fredericksburg on fire \n\n. View at Nashville \n\n. Portrait of D. C. Buell \n\n. Graves at luka \n\n\n\n610 \n\n\n\n673 \n\n\n\n685 \n\n\n\n694 \n\n\n\n697 \n\n\n\nPortrait of J. Longstreet, \n\nA Parrott Gutt \n\nTorpedo \n\nThe Swamp Angel \n\nFort de Russy \n\nNew Era, \n\nRed River Dam \n\nPlace where Sedgwick was killed \n\nPortrait of P. H. Sheridan \n\nPontoon Bridge \n\nBelle Isle \n\nThe Butler Medal \n\nView at Cedar Creek \n\nPortrait of W. T. Sherman B9\xc2\xbb \n\nKenesaw Mountain \'00 \n\nPortrait of J. B. Hood \'00 \n\nSherman\'s Quarters in Atlanta "Oil \n\nSherman\'s Quarters in Savannah 70S \n\nThe Albemarle \'M \n\nFranklin Battle-ground \'06 \n\nPortraitof J. A. Winslow \'0\xc2\xbb \n\nBlockade-Runner. \'09 \n\nPortraitof C. L Vallandigham \'H \n\nInterior of Fort Fisher "* \n\nInterior of Fort SteaJman \'1\' \n\nCapitol at Richmond "* \n\nMcLean\'s House \'^9 \n\nPortrait of A. Johnson \'21 \n\nDavis\'s Prison, Fortress Monroe 722 \n\nThe Capitol at Washington \'31 \n\nThe Senate Chamber, in which President Johnson was tried. 733 \n\nPortrait of Joseph R. Hawley 746 \n\nSeal of Centennial Commission \'4T \n\nCentennial Med.il 747 \n\nPortrait ofRulherford B. Hayes 750 \n\nPortrait of James A Garfield 755 \n\nPortrait or Ch-sl^r A.Arthur 769 \n\n\n\nHISTORY \n\nOF \n\nTHE UNITED STATES. \n\n\n\n\nTHE ABORIGINALS. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER I. \n\n\n\nRED JACKET. \n\n\n\nEvery cultivated nation had its heroic \n\nage \xe2\x80\x94 a period when its first physical and \n\nmoral conquests were achieved, and when \n\nfude society, with all its impurities, was fused and refined in the crucible of \n\nprogress. When civilization first set up its standard as a permanent ensign, in \n\nthe western hemiapliore, northward of the Bahamas and the great Gnlf and \n\n\n\n]0 THE ABORIGINALS. \n\nthe contests for possession began between the wild Aboriginals, who thrust no \nBpade into the soil, no sickle into ripe harvests, and those earnest delvers from \nthe Old World, who came with the light of Christianity, to plant a new \nempire, and redeem the wilderness by cultivation \xe2\x80\x94 then commenced the heroic \nage of America. It ended when the work of the Revolution in the eighteenth \ncentury was accomplished \xe2\x80\x94 when the bond of vassalage to Great Britain Avas \nsevered by her colonies, and when thirteen confederated States ratified a Fed- \neral Constitution, and upon it laid the broad foundation of our Republic\' \n\nLong anterior to the advent of Europeans in America, a native empire, \n. little inferior to old Rome in civilization, flourished in that region of our Con- \ntinent Avhich now forms the south-western portion of our Republic, and the \nadjoining States of Central America. The Aztec Empire, which reached the \nacme of its refinement during the reign of Montezuma, and crumbled into frag- \nments beneath the heel of Cortez, when he dethroned and destroyed that mon- \narch,\' extended over the whole region from the Rio Grande to the Isthmus of \nDarien ; and when the Spaniards came, it was gradually pushing its conquests \nnorthward, where all was yet darkness and gloom. To human apprehension, \nthis people, apparently allied by various ties to the wild nations of North \nAmerica, appeared to be the most efficient instruments in the hands of Provi- \ndence, for spreading the light of dawning civilization over the whole Continent. \nYet, they were not only denied this glorious privilege, but, by the very race \nwhich first attempted to plant the seeds of European society in Florida, and \namong the Mobilian tribes,^ and to shed the illumination of their dim Chris- \ntianity over the dreary region of the North, was their own bright light extin- \nguished. The Aztecs and their neighbors were beaten into the dust of \ndebasement by the falchion blows of avarice and bigotry, and nothing remains \nto attest their superiority but the magnificent ruins of their cities and temples, \nand their colossal statuary, which has survived the fury of the Spanish icono- \nclast and the tooth of decay. They form, apparently, not the most insignificant \natom of the chain of events which connects the history of the Aboriginal nations \nof America with that of our Republic. The position of the tribes of the \nNorth is different. From the beginning of European settlements, they have \nmaintained, and do still maintain, an important relation to the white people. \n\nThe first inhabitants of a country properly belong to the history of all sub- \nsequent occupants of the territory. The several nations of red or copper- \ncolored people who occupied the present domain of the United States, when \nEuropeans first came, form as necessary materials for a portion of the history \nof our Republic, as the Frenchmen* and Spaniards,\' by whom parts of the \nterritory Avere settled, and from whom they have been taken by conquest or \npurchase. \n\nThe history of the Indian\' tribes, previous to the formation of settlements \namong them, by Europeans/ is involved in an obscurity which is penetrated \n\n\' Pnge :i60. \' Page 43 3 Page 29. < Paf^e IHi^ \n\n* Page 5i \xc2\xab Page 40. ^ Before the year 1G07. \n\n\n\nTHE ABORIGINALS. \n\n\n\n11 \n\n\n\nonly by vague traditions and uncertain conjectures. Whence came they ? is a \nquestion yet unanswered by established facts. In the Old World, the monu- \nments of an ancient people often record their history. In North America, \nsuch intelligible records are wanting. Within almost every State and Terri- \ntory remains of human skill and labor have been found,\' which seem to attest \nthe existence here of a civilized nation or nations, before the ancestors of our \nnumerous Indian tribes became masters of the Continent. Some of these \nappear to give indisputable evidence of intercourse between the people of the \nOld World and those of America, centuries, perhaps, before the birth of Christ, \nand at periods soon afterward.^ The whole mass of testimony yet discovered \ndoes not prove that such intercourse was extensive ; that colonies from the \neastern hemisphere ever made permanent settlements in America, or remained \nlong enough to impress their character upon the country or the Aboriginals, if \nthey existed ; or that a high degree of civilization had ever prevailed on our \nContinent. \n\nThe origin of the Indian tribes is referred by some to the Phoenicians and \nother maritime nations, whose extensive voyages have been mentioned by \nancient writers, and among whom tradition seemed to cherish memories of far- \noff lands beyond the sea, unknown to the earlier geographers. Others per- \nceive evidences of their Egyptian or Hindoo parentage ; and others find their \nancestors among the "lost tribes of Israel," who "took counsel to go forth \ninto a further country where never mankind dwelt,"\' and crossed from north- \neastern Asia to our Continent, by Avay of the Aleutian Islands, or by Beh- \nring\'s Straits." These various theories, and many others respecting settlement* \nof Europeans and Asiatics here, long before the time of Columbus, unsupported \nas they are by a sufficiency of acknowledged facts, have so little practical value \n\n\' Remains of fortifications, similar in form to those of ancient European nations, have been \ndiscovered. An idol, composed of clay and gypsum, representing a man without arms, and in \nall respects resembling one found in Southern Russia, was dug up near Nashville, in Tennessee. \nAlso fireplaces, of regular structure ; weapons and utensils of copper ; catacombs with nmmmies ; \nornaments of silver, brass, and copper; walls of forts and cities, and many other things which only \na people advanced in civilization could have made. The Aboriginals, themselves, have variou* \ntraditions respecting their origin \xe2\x80\x94 each nation having its distinct records in the memory. Nearly \nall have traditional glimpses of a great and universal deluge; and some say their particular pro- \ngenitor came in a bark canoe aft;er that terrible event. This belief, with modifications, was current \n\nmong most of the northern tribes, and was a recorded tradition of the half-civilized Azteas. \n\nhe latter ascribed all their knowledge of the arts, and their religious ceremonies, to a white and \n1 \'Carded mort;d who came among them; and when his mission was ended, was made immortal by^ \nilie Great Spirit. \n\n2 A Roman coin was found in Missouri ; a Persian coin in Ohio ; a bit of silver in Genesee \ncounty. New York, with the year of our Lord, 600, engraved on it; split wood and ashes, thirty \nioet below the surface of the earth, near Fredonia, New York; and near Montevideo, South. \nAmerica, in a tomb, were found two ancient swords, a helmet and shield, with Greek inscriptions, \nshowhig that they were made in the time of Alexander the Great, 330 years before Christ. Near \nMarietta, Ohio, a silver cup, finely gilded within, Avas found in an ancient mound. Traces of iron \nutensils, wholly reduced to rust, mirrors of isinglass, and glazed pottery, have also been discovered \nin these mounds. Tnese are evidences of the existence of a race far more civilized than the tribe* \nfound by modern Europeans. \n\n3 2 Esdras, xiii. 40^5. \n\n* The people of north-eastern Asia, and on the north-west coast of America, have a near \nresemblance in person, customs, and languages ; and those of the Aleutian Islands present many \nof the characteristics of both. Ledyard said of the people of Eastern Siberia, " Universally and \ncircumstantially they resemble the Aborigines of America," \n\n\n\n13 THE ABORIGINALS. \n\nfor the student of our history, that we will not occupy space in giving a deline- \nation of even their outlines. There are elaborately-written works specially \ndevoted to this field of inquiry, and to those the curious reader is referred. \nThe proper investigation of such subjects requires the aid of varied and exten- \nsive knowledge, and a far wider field for discussion than the pages of a volume \nlike this. So we will leave the field of conjecture for the more useful and \nimportant domain of recorded history. \n\nThe New World, dimly comprehended by Europeans, afibrded materials for \nwonderful narratives concerning its inhabitants and productions. The few \nnatives who were found upon the seaboard, had all the characteristics common \nto the human race. The interior of the Continent was a deep mystery, and \nfor a long time marvelous stories were related and believed of nations of giants \nand pigmies ; of people with only one eye, and that in the centre of the fore- \nhead ; and of whole tribes Avho existed without eating. But when sober men \npenetrated the forests and became acquainted with the inhabitants, it was dis- \ncovered that from the Gulf of Mexico to the country north of the chain of \ngreat lakes which divide the United States and the British possessions, the \npeople were not remarkable in persons and qualities, and that a great similarity \nin manners and institutions prevailed over that whole extent of country. \n\nThe Aboriginals spoke a great variety of dialects, but there existed not \nmore than eight radically distinct languages among them all, from the Atlan- \ntic to the Mississippi, and westward to the Rocky Mountains, namely : Al- \ngonquin, Huron-Iroquois, Cherokee, Catawba, Uchee, Natchez, \nMoBiLiAN, and Dahcotah or Sioux. These occupied a region embraced \nwithin about twenty-four degrees of latitude and almost forty degrees of longi- \ntude, and covering a greater portion of the breadth of the north temperate \nzone. \n\nAll the nations and tribes were similar in physical character, moral senti- \nment, social and political organization, and religious belief. They were all of \na copper color; were tall, straight, and well-proportioned; their eyes black \nand expressive; their hair black, long, coarse, and perfectly straight; their \nconstitutions vigorous, and their powers of endurance remarkable. Bodily \ndeformity was almost unknown, and few diseases prevailed. They were indo- \nlent, taciturn, and unsocial ; brave, and sometimes generous in war ; unflinch- \ning under torture ; revengeful, treacherous, and morose when injured or \noffended ; not always grateful for favors ; grave and sagacious in council ; often \neloquent in speech ; sometimes warm and constant in friendship, and occasion- \nally courteous and polite. \n\nThe men were employed in war, hunting and fishing. The women per- \nformed all menial services. In hunting and fishing the men were assiduous \nand very skillful. They carried the knowledge of woodcraft to the highest \ndegree of perfection; and the slightest indication, such as the breaking of a \ntwig, or the bending of grass, was often sufficient to form a clew to the pathway \nof an enemy or of game. The women bore all burdens during journeys ; \nspread the tents ; prepared food ; dressed skins for clothing ; wove mats for \n\n\n\nTHE acorigixal; \n\n\n\n15 \n\n\n\n\nbeds, made of the bark of trees and the skins of animals : and planted and \ngathered the scanty crops of corn, beans, peas, potatoes, \nmelons, and tobacco. These constituted the chief agri- \ncultural productions of the Aboriginals, under the most \nfavorable circumstances. In these labors the men never \nengaged; thej only manufactured their implements of \n\xe2\x96\xa0war. Their wigwams, or houses, were rude huts, made \nof poles covered with mats, skins, or bark of trees ; and \nall of their domestic arrangements were very simple. \n\nAnd simple, too, were their implements of labor. They were made of stones, \nshells, and bones, with which they prepared their food, made their clothing and \nhabitations, and tilled their lands. Their food consisted of a few vegetables, \nand the meat of the deer, buffalo, and bear, generally roasted upon the \npoints of sticks; sometimes boiled in water heated by hot \nstones, and always eaten without salt. Their dress in summer \nwas a slight covering around the loins. In winter they were \nclad in the skins of wild beasts,\' often profusely ornamented \nwith the claws of the bear, the horns of the buffalo, the feathers \nof birds, and the bones of fishes. Their faces were often tat- \ntooed, and generally painted with bright colors in hideous \ndevices. Their money was little tubes made of shells, fastened \nupon belts or strung in chains, and called wampum^ It was \nused in traffic, in treaties, and as a token of friendship or alliance. Wampum \nbelts constituted records of public transactions in the hands of a chief. \n\nThere was no written language in all the \nNew World, except rude hieroglyphics, or \npicture writings. The history of the \nnations, consisting of the records of warlike \nachievements, treaties of alliance, and \ndeeds of great men, was, in the form of \ntraditions, carefully handed down from \nfather to son, especially from chief to chief \n\n\n\n\n\n<=?25- \n\n\n\nINDIAN HIEROGLYPHICS. \n\n\n\nChildren were taught the simple \n\n\n\n\' They usuaUy wore the skins of the deer, the elk, and the bear, prepared with the fur \non ; sometimes of the buffalo also. \n\n\' "Wampum is yet in use, as money, among some of the Western tribes, and is manufactured, \nwe believe, as an article of commerce on the sea-shore of one of the counties of New Jersey. It is \nmade of the clear parts of the common clam-shelL This part being split off, a hole is drilled in it, \nand the form, which is that of the bead now known as the hugh^ is produced by friction. They are \nabout half an inch long, generally disposed in alternate layers of white and bluish black, and \nvalued, when they become a circulating medium, at about two cents for three of the black beads, \nor six of the white. They were strung in parcels to represent a penny, three pence, a shilling, \nand five shilHngs, of white ; and double that amount in black. A fathom of white was worth \n\xe2\x80\xa2bout two dollars and a hal^ and black about five dollars. They were of less value at the time of \nour war for independence. The engraving shows a part of a string and a leU of wampum. \n\n3 This is part of a record of a war expedition. The figures on the right and left \xe2\x80\x94 one with a \ngun and the other vrith a hatchet \xe2\x80\x94 denote prisoners taken by a warrior. The one without a head, \nand holding a bow and arrow, denotes that one was killed ; and the figure with a shaded part \nbelow the cross indicates a female prisoner. Then he goes in a war canoe, with nine companions, \ndenoted by the paddles, after which a council is held by the chiefs of the Bear and Turtle tribes, \nindicated by rude figures of these animals on each side of a fire. \n\n\n\nTHE ABORIGINALS. \n\n\n\n\nINDIAN WEAPONS.^ \n\n\n\n\njirts practiced among them, such as making wampum, constructing bows, \narrows, and spears, preparing matting and skins for domestic use, and fashion- \ning rude personal ornaments. \n\nIndividual and national pride prevailed among the Aboriginals. They \nwere ambitious of distinction, and therefore war was the chief vocation, as wo \nhave said, of the men.\' They generally went forth in parties of about forty \nbowmen. Sometimes a half-dozen, like knights- \nerrant," went out upon the war-path to seek renown in \ncombat. Their weapons were bows and arrows, hatch- \nets (tomahawks) of stone, and scalping-knives of bone. \nSoon after they became acquainted with the Euro- \npeans, they procured knives and hatchets made of \niron, and this was a great advance in the \nincrease of their power. Some wore \nshields of bark ; others wore skin dresses \nfor protection. They were skillful in stratagem, and seldom met \nan enemy in open fight. Ambush and secret attack were their \nfavorite methods of gaining an advantage over an enemy. Their \nclose personal encounters were fierce and bloody. They made \nprisoners, and tortured them, and the scalps* of enemies were \ntheir trophies of war. Peace was arranged by sachems\' in council ; \nand each smoking the same " pipe of peace," called calumet,\' was calumets. \na solemn pledge of fidelity to the contract. \n\nWith the Indians, as with many oriental nations, women were regarded aa \ninferior beings. They were degraded to the condition of abject slaves, and they \nnever engaged with the men in their amusements of leaping, dancing, target- \nshooting, ball-playing, and games of cha,nce. They were allowed as spectators, \nwith their children, at war-dances around fires, when the men recited the feats \nof their ancestors and of themselves. Marriage, among them, was only a tem- \nporary contract \xe2\x80\x94 a sort of purchase \xe2\x80\x94 the father receiving presents from the \n\n\' It was offensive to a chief or warrior to ask him his name, because it imphed that his brave \ndeeds were unknown. Red Jacket, the great Seneca chief (whose portrait is at the head of this \nchapter), was asked his name in court, in compliance with a legal form. He was very indignant, \nand replied, " Look at the papers which the white people keep the most carefully" \xe2\x80\x94 (land cession \ntreaties) \xe2\x80\x94 " they will tell you who I am." Red Jacket was born near Geneva, New York, about \n1750, and died in 1830. He was the last great chief of the Senecas. For a biographical sketch of \nhim, see Lossing\'s " Eminent Americans." \n\n" Knights-errant of Europe, six hundred years ago, were men clothed in metal armor, who \nwent from country to country, to win fame by personal combats with other knights. They also \nengaged in wars. For about three hundred years, knights-errant and their exploits formed the \nchief amusement of the courts of Europe. It is curious to trace the connection of the spirit of \nknighthood, as exhibited by the one hundred and thirty-five orders that have existed, at \nvarious times, in the Old World, with some of the customs of the rude Aboriginals of North \nAmerica \n\n3 a, bow and arrow; b, a war club; c, an iron tomahawk; d, a stone one; e, a scalping- \nknife. \n\n* They seized an enemy by the hair, and by a skillful use of the knife, cut and tore from the \ntop of the head a large portion of the skin. \n\n\' Sachems were the civil heads of nations or tribes ; chiefs were military leadera \n\n* Tobacco was in general use among the Indians for smoking, when the white men came. The \nmore filthy practice of chewing it was invented by the white people. The calumet was made of \npipe-clay, and was often ornamented with feathers. \n\n\n\nTHE ABORIGINALS. 15 \n\nhusband, in exchange for the daughter, who, generally, after being fondled and \nfavored for a few months, was debased to the condition of a domestic servant, at \nbest. The men had the right to take wives and dismiss them at pleasure ; and, \nthough polygamy was not very common, except among the chiefs, it was not \nobjectionable. Every Indian might have as many wives as he could purchase \nand maintain. The husband might put his wife to death if she proved unfaithful \nto him. The affections were ruled by custom, and those decorous endearments \nand attentions toward woman, which give a charm to civilized society, were \nwholly unknown among the Indians ; yet the sentiment of conjugal love was \nnot always wanting, and attachments for life were frequent. There was no \nsociety to call for woman\'s refining qualities to give it beauty, for they had but \nfew local attachments, except for the burial-places of their dead. \n\nFrom the frozen North to the tropical South, their funeral ceremonies \nand methods of burial were similar. They laid their dead, wrapped in skins, \nupon sticks, in the bottom of a shallow pit, or placed \nthem in a sitting posture, or occasionally folded them \nin skins, and laid them upon high scaffolds, out of the \nreach of wild beasts. Their arms, utensils, paints, \nand food, were buried with them, to be used on their \nlong journey to the spirit-land. By this custom, the \ndoctrine of the immortality of the soul was clearly and \nforcibly taught, not as distinctively spiritual, but as \npossessing the two-fold nature of matter and spirit. Over their graves they \nraised mounds, and planted beautiful wild-flowers upon them. The Algon- \nquins, especially, always lighted the symbolical funeral pyre, for several nights, \nupon the grave, that the soul might perceive and enjoy the respect paid to the \nbody. Relatives uttered piercing cries and great lamentations during the \nburial, and they continued mourning many days. \n\nLike that of the earlier nations of the world, their religion was simple, with- \nout many ceremonies, and was universally embraced. They had no infidels \namong them. The duality of God is the most ancient tenet of Indian faith \xe2\x80\x94 \na prominent tenet, it will be observed, in the belief of all of the more advanced \noriental nations of antiquity. They believed in the existence of two Great \nSpirits : the one eminently great was the Good Spirit,\' and the inferior was an \nEvil one. They also deified the sun, moon, stars, meteors, fire, water, thun- \nder, wind, and every thing which they held to be superior to themselves, but \n\n\n\n\nBURIAL-PLACE. \n\n\n\n\' They believed every animal to have had a great original, or father. The first buffalo, the first \nhear, the first beaver, the first eagle, etc., was the Manitou of the whole race of the different crea- \ntures. They chose some one of these originals as their special Manitou, or guardian, and hence \narose the custom of having the figure of some animal for the arms or symbol \nof a tribe, called totum. For example, each of the Five Nations (see page 12) \nwas divided into several tribes, designated The "Wolf, The Bear, The Turtle, \netc., and their respective toiums were rude representations of these animals. \nWhen they signed treaties with the white people, they sometimes sketched \noutlines of their totmns. The annexed cut represents the totum of Teyenda- \ngages, of the Turtle tribe of the Mohawk nation, as affixed by him to a deed. \nIt would be a curious and pleasant ta.sk to trace tlie intimate connection of \ntWs totemic system with the use of symbolical signet-rings, and other seals of antiquity, and, by suc- \ncession, the heraldic devices of modern times. \n\n\n\n^ \n\n\n\n16 THE ABORIGINALS. \n\nthej never exalted their heroes or prophets above the sphere of humanity. \nThey also adored ^ invisible, great Master of life, in different forms, which \nthey called Manitou, and made it a sort of tutelar deity. They had vague \nideas of the doctrine of atonement for sins, and made propitiatory sacrifices with \ngreat solemnity. All of them had dim traditions of the creation, and of a great \ndeluge which covered the earth. Each nation, as we haVe observed, had crude \nnotions, drawn from tradition, of their own distinct origin, and all agreed that \ntheir ancestors came from the North. \n\nIt can hardly be said that the Indians had any true government. It was a \nmixture of the patriarchal and despotic. Public opinion and common usage \nwere the only laws of the Indian.\' All political power was vested in a sachem \nor chief, who was sometimes an hereditary monarch, but frequently owed his \nelevation to his own merits as a warrior or orator. While in power, he was \nabsolute in the execution of enterprises, if the tribe confided in his wisdom. \nPublic opinion, alone, sustained him. It elevated him, and it might depose \nhim. The office of chief was often hereditary, and its duties were sometimes exer- \ncised even by women. Unlike the system of lineal descent which prevails in \nthe Old World, the heir to the Indian throne of power was not the chief\'s own \nson, but the son of his sister. This usage was found to be universal through- \nout the continent. Yet the accident of birth was of little moment. If the \nrecipient of the honor was not worthy of it, the tifle might remain, but the m- \nJluence passed into other hands. This rule might be followed, with benefit, by \ncivilized communities. Every measure of importance was matured in council, \nwhich was composed of the elders, with the sachem as umpire. His decision \nwas final, and wherever he led, the whole tribe followed. The utmost decorum \nprevailed in the public assemblies, and a speaker was always listened to with \nrespectful silence. \n\nWe have thus briefly sketched the general character of the inhabitants of \nthe territory of the United States, when discovered by Europeans. Although \ninferior in intellectual cultivation and approaches to the arts of civilization, to \nthe native inhabitants of Mexico^ and South America, and to a race which \nevidently occupied the continent before them, they possessed greater personal \nmanliness and vigor than the more southern ones discovered by the Spaniards. \nThey were almost all wanderers, and roamed over the vast solitudes of a fertile \ncontinent, free as the air, and unmindful of the wealth in the soil under their \nfeet. The great garden of the western world needed tillers, and white men \ncame. They have thoroughly changed the condition of the land and the people. \nThe light of civilization has revealed, and industry has developed, vast treas- \nures in the soil, while before its radiance the Aboriginals are rapidly melting \n-like snow in the sunbeams. A few generations will pass, and no representa- \ntive of the North American Indian will remain upon the earth. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 It was said of McGillivray, the half-breed emperor of the Creeks, who died in 1793, that, not- \nwithstanding he called himself "King of kings," and was idolized by his people, "he could neither \nrestrain the meanest fellow of his nation from the commission of a crime, nor punish him after bo \nbad committed it. He might persuade, or advise \xe2\x80\x94 all the good an Indian king or chief can do. \xe2\x96\xa0> \n\na Page A?.. \n\n\n\nTHE ALGONQUINS. 17 \n\nCHAPTER II. \n\nTHE ALGONQUINS. \n\nThe first tribes of Indians, discovered by the French in Canada,\' were m- \nhabitants of the vicinity of Quebec, and the adventurers called them Mon- \ntagners, or Mountain Indians, from a range of high hills westward of that city. \nAscending the St. Lawrence, they found a numerous tribe on the Ottawa \nRiver, who spoke an entirely different dialect, if not a distinct language. \nThese they called Algonquins, and this name Avas afterward applied to that \ngreat collection of tribes north and south of Lakes Erie and Ontario, who spoke \ndialects of the same language. They inhabited the territory now included in \nall of Canada, New England, a part of New York and Pennsylvania, the \nStates of New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia, eastern North Car- \nolina above Cape Fear, a large portion of Kentucky and Tennessee, and all north \nand west of these States, eastward of the Mississippi. \n\nThe Algonquin nation was composed of several powerful tribes, the most \nimportant of which were the Knisteneaux and Athapascas, in the far north, the \nOttawas, Chippewas, Sacs and Foxes, Menomonees, Miamies, Piankeshaws, \nPottowatomies, Kickapoos, Illinois, Shawnees, Powhatans, Corees, Nanticokes, \nLenni-Lenapes, or Delawares, Mohegans, the New England Indians, and the \nAbenakes. There were smaller, independent tribes, the principal of which \nwere the Susquehannocks, on the Susquehanna in Pennsylvania ; the Manna- \nhoacks, in the hill country between the York and Potomac Rivers, and the \nMonocans, on the head waters of the James River in Virginia. All of these \ntribes were divided into cantons or clans, sometunes so small as to aflford only a, \nwar party of forty bowmen. \n\nThe Knisteneaux yet [1883] inhabit a domain extending across the con- \ntinent from Labrador to the Rocky Mountains, and are the hereditary ene- \nmies of the Esquimaux, their neighbors of the Polar Circle. The Athapascas \ninhabit a belt of country from Churchill\'s River and Hudson\'s Bay to within a \nhundred miles of the Pacific coast, and combine a large number of tribes who \nspeak a similar language. They, too, are the enemies of the Esquimaux. The \nextensive domain occupied by these tribes and the Esquimaux, is claimed by \nthe British, and is under the control of the Hudson\'s Bay Company. The \norginal land of the Ottawas was on the west side of Lake Huron, but they \nwere seated upon the river in Canada bearing their name, when the French dis- \ncovered them. They claimed sovereignty over that region, and exacted tribute \nfrom those who passed to or from the domain of the Hurons.^ They assisted \n\n\n\n\' Page 48. \n\n2 Between the Ottawas and Hurons, was a tribe called Missi8saguies, who appear to have left the \nAlgonquins, and joined the Five Nations, south of Lake Ontario. Remnants of this tribe are \n.\xc2\xabtill found in Canada. \n\no \n\n\n\nIS THE ABORIGINALS. \n\nthe latter in a war with the Five Nations\' in 1650, and suffered much. The- \nHurons were almost destroyed, and the Ottawas were much reduced in num- \nbers. Some of them, with the Huron remnant, joined the Chippewas, and, \nfinally, the Avhole tribe returned to their ancient seat [1680] in the northern \npart of the Michigan peninsula. Under their great chief, Pontiac, they were \nconfederated with several other Algonquin tribes of the north-west, in an \nattempt to exterminate the white people, in 1763.\'- Within a fortnight, in the \nsummer of that year, they took possession of all the English garrisons and \ntrading posts in the West, except Detroit, Niagara, ^ and Fort Pitt.^ Peace was \nrestored in 1764-5, the confederation was dissolved, and Pontiac took up his. \nabode with the Illinois, where he was murdered.^ " This murder," says Nicol- \nlet, "which roused the vengeance of all the Indian tribes friendly to Pontiac, \nbrought about the successive wars, and almost extermination of the Illinois na- \ntion." His broken nation sought refuge with the French, and their des\xc2\xabendantg \nmay yet [1883] be found in Canada. \n\nThose two once powerful tribes, the Chippewas and Pottawatomies, were \nclosely allied by language and friendship. The former were on the southern \nshores of Lake Superior ; the latter occupied the islands and main land on the \nwestern shores of Green Bay, when first discovered by the French in 1761. \nThese afterward seated themselves on the southern shore of Lake Michigan \n[1701], where they remained until removed, by treaty, to lands upon the Little \nOsage River, westward of IVfissomn. They are now [1883] the most numerous \nof all the remnants of the Algoxqui:n" tribes. The Chippewas and the Sioux, \nwest of the Mississippi, were, for a long time, their deadly enemies. \n\nThe Sacs and Foxes are really one tribe. They were first discovered by the \nFrench at the southern extremity of Green Bay, in 1680. In 1712 the French \ngarrison of twenty men at Detroit,\'^\' was attacked by the Foxes. The French \nrepulsed them, with the aid of the Ottawas, and almost destroyed the assailants. \nThey joined the Kickapoos in 1722, in driving the Illinois from their lands on \nthe river of that name. The Illinois took refuge with the French, and the \nKickapoos remained on their lands until 1819, when they went \nto the west bank of the Missouri in the vicinity of Fort Leav- \nenworth. The Sacs and Foxes sold their lands to the United \nStates in 1830. Black Hawk, a Sac chief, who, with his \npeople, joined the English in our second war with Great Brit- \nain,^ demurred, and commenced hostilities in 1832.^ The In- \ndians were defeated, and Black Hawk,^ with many of his war- \n\n1 \'. BLACK HAWK. \n\nriors, were made prisoners. \n\nAmong the very few Indian tribes who have remained upon their ancient \n\n\' Chapter HI, p 23. " Page 205. 3 Page 200. < Page 198. \n\n5 He was buried on the site of the city of St. Louis, in Missouri. " Neither mound nor tablet,\' \n\xe2\x96\xa0ays Parkman, " marked the burial-place of Pontiac. For a mausoleum, a city has risen above the \nforest hero, and the race whom he hated with such burning rancor, trample with unceasing foot- \nsteps over his forgotten grave." \n\n6 Page 180. 7 Page 409. 8 Page 463. \n\n9 This picture is from a plaster-cast of the face of Black Hawk, taken when he was a prisoner in. \nNew York, in 1832. See page 463. \n\n\n\n\nTHE ALGONQUINS. 19 \n\nterritory, during all the vicissitudes of their race, are the Menomonees, who \nwere discovered by the French, upon the shores of Green Bay, in 1699. They \nyet [1883] occupy a portion of their ancient territory, while their southern \nneighbors and friends, the Winnebagoes, have gone westward of the Mississippi.\' \n\nThe MiAMiES and Piankeshaws inhabited that portion of Ohio lying be- \ntween the Maumee River of Lake Erie, and the ridge which separates the head \nwaters of the Wabash from the Kaskaskias. They were called Twightwees by \nthe Five Nations, and English. Of all the Western tribes, these have ever \nbeen the most active enemies of the United States.\'^ They have ceded their \nlands, and are now [1883] far beyond the Mississippi. \n\nThe Illinois formed a numerous tribe, twelve thousand strong, when dis- \ncovered by the French. They were seated upon the Illinois River, and consisted \nof a confederation of five families, namely, Kaskaskias, Cahokias, Tamaronas, \nMichigamias, and Peorias. Weakened by internal feuds, the confederacy was \nreduced to a handful, by their hostile neighbors. They ceded their lands in \n1818, when they numbered only three hundred souls. A yet smaller remnant \nare now [1883] upon lands west of the Mississippi. It can not properly be said \nthat they have a tribal existence. They are among the many extinct commun- \nities of our continent. \n\nThe once powerfid Shawnoese occupied a vast region west of the Alleghan- \nies,\' and their great council-house was in the basin of the Cumberland River. \nAt about the time when the English first landed at Jamestown* [1607], they \nwere driven from their country by more southern tribes. Some crossed the \nOh^, and settled on the Sciota, near the present Chilicothe ; others wandered \neastward into Pennsylvania. The Ohio division joined the Eries and Andastes \nagainst the Five Nations in 1672, Suffering defeat, the Shawuoese fled to \nthe country of the Catawbas, but were soon driven out, and found shelter with \nthe Creeks.5 They finally returned to Ohio, and being joined by their Penn- \nsylvania brethren, they formed an alliance with the French against the En- \nglish, and were among the most active allies with the former, during the long \ncontest known in America as the French and Indian War. They continued \nhostilities, in connection with the Delawares, even after the conquest of the \nCanadas by the English.^ They were subdued by Boquet in 1763,^ and again \nby Virginians, at Point Pleasant, at the mouth of the Great Kenawha, in 1774.^ \nThey aided the British durmg the Revolution, and continued to annoy the \nAmericans until 1795, when permanent peace was established.^ They were \nthe enemies of the Americans during their second war with Great Britain, a \npart of them fighting with the renowned Tecumtha. Now [1883] they are but \n\n1 The "Winnebagoes are the most dissolute of all the Indian remnants. In August, 1853, a treaty \nwas made with them to occupy the beautiful country above St. Paul, westward of the Mississippi, \nbetween the Crow and Clear Water Rivers. \n\n* Page 408. \n\n^ The Alleghany or Appalachian Mountains extend from the Catskills, in the State of New York, \nin a south-west direction, to Georgia and Alabama, and have been called " the backbone of the \ncountry." Some geographers extend them to the White Mountains of New Hampshire. \n\n* Page 64. \'\' Page 30. \' Page 203. \n^ Note 1, page 205. * Note 4, page 237. \' Page 374 \n\n\n\n20 THE ABORIGINALS. \n\na miserable remnant, and occupy lands south of the Kansas Rive?\'. The road \nfrom Fort Independence\' to Santa Fe passes through their territory. - \n\nThe PowHATANS constituted a confederacy of more than twenty tribes, in- \ncludino- the Accohannocks and Accomacs, on the eastern shore of the Chesa- \npeake Bay. Powhatan (the father of Pocahontas^), was the chief sachem or \nemperor of the confederacy, when the English first appeared upon the James \nRiver, in 1607. He had arisen, by the force of his own genius, from the po- \nsition of a petty chief to that of supreme ruler of a great confederacy. He gov- \nerned despotically, for no man in his nation could approach him in genuine \nability as a leader and counselor. His court exhibited much barbaric state. \nThrough fear of the English, and a selfish policy, he and his people remained \nnominally friendly to the white intruders during his lifetime, but after his \ndeath, they made two attempts [1622, 1644] to exterminate the Englisii. The \nPowhatans w^ere subjugated in 1644,^ and from that time they gradually di- \nminished in numbers and importance. Of all that great confederacy in Lower \nVirginia, it is believed that not one representative on earth remains, or that \none tongue speaks their dialect. \n\nOn the Atlantic coast, south of the Powhatans, were the Corees, Cheraws, \nand other small tribes, occupying the land once inhabited by the powerful Hat- \nteras Indians.* They were allies of the Tuscaroras in 1711, in an attack upon \nthe English,*^ suffered defeat, and have now disappeared from the earth. Their \ndialect also is forgotten. \n\nUpon the great peninsula between the Chesapeake and Delaware Bays, were \nthe Nanticokes. They were early made vassals, and finally allies, on com- \npulsion, of the Five Nations. They left their ancient domain in 1710, occu- \npied lands upon tlie Susquehanna, in Pennsylvania, until the Revolutionary \nWar commenced, when they crossed the Alleghanies, and joined the British in \nthe west. They are now [1883] scattered among many tribes. \n\nThe Original People, ^ as the Lenni-Lenapes (who are frequently called Del- \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0 United States fort on the Missouri. Santa Fe is in New Mexico, 765 miles south-west of Fort \nIndependence. \n\n2 One of the most eminent of the Shawnoe chiefs, was Cornstalk, who was generally friendly to \nthe Americans, and was always ready to assist in negotiating an honorable peace between them and \nhis own people. But he cordially united with Logan, the Mmgo chiefj against the white people in \n1774; and during the same battle at Point Pleasant, liis voice, stentorian in volmne, was frequently \nheard, calling to his men, "Be strong 1 be strong!" He made his warriors fight without wavering, \nand actually sunk his tomahawk deep into the head of one who endeavored to escape. He was \nmurdered by some exasperated soldiers at Point Pleasant. "When he perceived their intent, he \ncahnly said to his-son, who had just joined him, " My son, the Great Spirit has seen fit tliat we \nsfcould die together, and has sent you hither for that purpose. It is His will ; let us submit." \nTinning to the soldiers, he received the fatal bullets, and his son, who was sitting near bun, was \nshot at the same time. The celebrated Tecumtha \xe2\x80\x94 meaning a tiger crouching for his prey \xe2\x80\x94 who \nendeavored to confederate all the Western tribes in opposition to the white people, was also a \nShawnoe chief See page 408. \n\n^ Page 66. * Page 108. \n\n5 This tribe numbered about three thousand warriors when Raleigh\'s expedition landed on \nRoanoke Island in 1584; when the English made permanent settlements in that vicinity, eighty \nyears later, they were reduced to about fifteen bowmen. \xc2\xab Page 168. \n\nT This name has been applied to the whole Algonquin nation. The Lenni-Lenapes claimed to \nhave come from beyond the Mississippi, conquering a more civilized people on the way, who \ninhabited the great valleys beyond the Alleghany Momitains. \n\n\n\nTHE ALGONQUIN\'S. 21 \n\nawares) named themselves, comprised two powerful nations, namelj, the Minsi \nand the Delawares proper. The former occupied the northern part of New \njersey, and a portion of Pennsylvania, and the latter inhabited lower New Jer~ \nsej, the banks of the Delaware below Trenton, and the whole valley of the \nSchuylkill. The Five Nations subjugated them in 1650. and brought them \nunder degrading vassalage. They gradually retreated westward before the tide \nof civilization, and finally a portion of them crossed the Alleghanies, and settled \nin the land of the Hurons/ on the Muskingum, in Ohio. Those who remained \nin Pennsylvania joined the Shawnoese/^ and aided the French against the En- \nglish, during the French and Indian Vfar.^ In 1768, they all went over the \nmountains, and the great body of them became friends of the British durino^ the \nRevolution. They Avere at the head of the confederacy of Western tribes who \nwere o.\'ushed by Wayne in 1794,-" and the following year they ceded all their \nlands on the Muskingum, and seated themselves near the Wabash. In 1819, \nthey ceded those lands also, and the remnant now [1883] occupy a territory \nnorth of the Kansas River, near its mouth. \n\nThe MoHEGANS were a distinct tribe, on the Hudson River, but the name \nwas given to the several independent tribes who inhabited Long Island, and tlie \ncountry between the Lenni-Lenapes and the New England Indians.^ Of this \nfamily, the Pequods," inhabiting eastern Connecticut, on the shores of Lono- \nIsland Sound, were the most powerful. They exercised authority over the \nMontauks and twelve other tribes upon Long Island. Their power was broken \nby the revolt of Uncas against his chief, Sassacus,\'\' a short time before tlie ap- \npearance of the white people. The Manhattans were seated upon the Hudson, \nin lower Westchester, and sold Manhattan Island, whereon New York now \nstands, to the Dutch.^ The latter had frequent conflicts with these and other \nRiver Indians.\' The Dutch were generally conquerors. The MohaAvks, one \nof the Five Nations," were pressing hard upon them, at the same time, and \nseveral of the Mohegan tribes were reduced to the condition of vassals of that \nconfederacy. Peace was effected, in 1665, by the English governor at New \nYork. In the mean while, the English and Narragansets had \nsmitten the Pequods," and the remaining independent Mohe- \ngans, reduced to a handful, finally took up their abode upon the \nwest bank of the Thames, five miles below Norwich,\'^ at a place \nstill known as Mohegan Plain. Their burial-place was at Nor- \nwich, and there a granite monument rests upon the grave of \nUncas. The tribe is now almost extinct \xe2\x80\x94 " the last of the Mo- \n\nTTKOAS\' MOKVMENT. J^J^^^^,, ^-JJ ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^-^J^ J^-^ ^^^^^^^^^^ \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 23. \xc2\xbb Page 19. \xc2\xbb Fourth Period, Chap. XII. " Pa-e :-)74. \n\n^ Page 22. \xc2\xab Page 86. "\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 87. \xc2\xab Paoe 139. \n\n" Page 140. " Page 23. " Page 87. " Note 4, page 340. \n\n" The last known lineal descendant of Uncas, named Mazeon, was buried in the Indian cemetery, \nat Norwich, in 1827, when the remnant of the Mohegan trllie, then numbering about sixty, were \npresent, and partook of a cold collation prepared for them hj a lady of that city. The most noted \nleaders among the New England Indians known to history, are Massasoit, the father of the re- \nnowned King Philip, Caunbitant, a very distinguished captain; Hobomok; Canonicus; Mianto- \ndomoh ; Ninigret, his cousin ; King Philip, the last of the Wampanoags ; Canonchet, and Anna- \nWan. We shall meet them in future pages. \n\n\n\n\n22 THE ABORIGINALS. \n\nThe Aboriginals who inhabited the country from Connecticut to the Saco \nRiver, were called the New England Indians. The principal tribes were the \nNarragansets in Rhode Island, and on the western shores of Narraganset Bay ; \nthe Pokonokets and Wampanoags on the eastern shore of the same bay, and in \na portion of Massachusetts ; the Nipmucs in the center of Massachusetts ; the \nMassachusetts in the vicinity of Boston and the shores southward; and the \nPawtuckets in the north-eastern part of Massachusetts, embracing the Penna- \ncooks of New Hampshire. These were divided into smaller bands, having \npetty chiefs. The Pokonokets, for example, were divided into nine separate \ncantons or tribes, each having its military or civil ruler, but all holding alle- \ngiance to one Grand Sachem. They were warlike, and were continually \nengaged in hostilities with the Five Nations, or with the Mohegans. The \nEnglish and Dutch effected a general peace among them in 1673. Two years \nafterward [1675], Metacomet (King Philip) aroused most of the New England \ntribes against the English. A fierce war ensued, but ended in the subjugation \nof the Indians and the death of Philip, in 1676.\' The power of the New \nEngland Indians was then completely broken. Some joined the more eastern \ntribes, and others took refuge in Canada, from whence they frequently came to \nthe border settlements on errands of revenge.^ These incursions ceased when \nthe French dominion in Canada ended in 1763.\' When the Puritans came* \n[1620], the New England Indians numbered about ten thousand souls; now \n[1883] probably not three hundred representatives remain ; and the dialects \nof all, excepting that of the Narragansets, are forgotten. \n\nEastward of the Saco River were the Abenakes. The chief tribes were the \nPenobscots, Norridgewocks, Androscoggins, and Passamaquoddies. These, \nwith the more eastern tribes of the Micmacs and Etchemins, were made nom- \ninal Christians by the French Jesuits ;\' and they were all firm allies of the \nFrench until the conquest of Canada by the English, in 1760.* Most of the \nAbenakes, except the Penobscots, withdrew to Canada in 1754. A few \nscattered families of the latter yet [1883] dwell upon the banks of the Penob- \nscot River, and wanderers are seen on the St. Lawrence. Like other New \nEngland tribes, they are rapidly fading, and will, doubtless, be extinct before \nthe dawn of another century. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER III. \n\n^ THE HURON-IROQUOIS. \n\nWe now come to consider the most interesting, in many respects, of all the \naboriginal tribes of North America, called Iroquois by the French. The pre- \nfix "Huron" was given, because that people seemed, by their language, to form \n\n* Page 128. \xc2\xbb Page 130. " Page 202. * Page 114. * Page 130. " Page 203. \n\n\n\nTHE HURON-IROQUOIS. 23 \n\na part of the Iroquois nation, and like them, were isolated in the midst of the \nAlgonquins, when discovered by the Europeans. The great body of the \nIroquois occupied almost the whole territoiy in Canada, south-west of the \n\xe2\x80\xa2Ottowa River, between Lakes Ontario, Erie and Huron ; a greater portion of \n\xe2\x80\xa2the State of New York, and a part of Pennsylvania and Ohio along the south- \n\'Crn shores of Lake Erie. They were completely surrounded by the Algon- \nquins, in whose southern border in portions of North Carolina and Virginia, \nwere the Tuscaroras and a few smaller Iroquois tribes.\' The Hurons occupied \nthe Canadian portions of the territory, and the land on the southern shore of \nLake Erie, and appeared to be a distinct nation ; but their language was found \nto be identical with that of the Iroquois. The Hurons consisted of four smaller \ntribes, namely, the Wyandots or Hurons proper, the Attiouandirons,\' the \nEries, and the Andastes. The two latter tribes were south of the lake, and \nclaimed jurisdiction back to the domains of the Shawnoese.\' \n\nThose "Romans of the Western World," the Five Nations, or Iroquois \nproper, formed a confederacy composed of the Seneca, Cayuga, Onondaga, \nOneida, and Mohawk tribes, all occupying lands within the present State of New \nYork. They fancifully called their confederacy the Long House. The eastern \n\xe2\x80\xa2door was kept by the Mohawks ; the western by the Senecas ; and the Great \nCouncil fire was with the Onondagas, at the metropolis, or chief village, near \nthe present city of Syracuse. The French, as we have observed, gave them \nthe name of Iroquois ; the Algonquins called them Mingoes." At what time \nthe confederacy was formed, is not known. It was strong and powerful when \nthe French discovered them, in 1609, and they were then engaged in bloody \nwars with their kinsmen, the Wyandots.^ \n\n1 The Southern Iroquois were the Tuscaroras, Chowans, Meherrins, and Nottoways. The thre.^ \nlatter were upon the rivers in lower Virginia, called by their respective names, and were knowL \nunder the general title of Tuscaroras. \n\n= Neutral Nation. When the Hurons and Five Nations were at war, the Attiouandirons fled \nto the Sandusky, and built a fort for each of the belligerents when in that region. But their neu- \ntrality did not save them from internal feuds which finally dismembered the tribe. One party \njoined the Wyandots ; the other the Iroquois. \n\n3 Page 19. \n\n4 Mingoes, Minquas, and Maquas, were terms more particularly applied to the Mohawk tribe, \nwho called themselves Kayingehaga, "possessors of the flint." The confederation assumed the \ntitle of Aquinuschioni, " united people ;" or as some say, Konoshioni, " cabin builders." \n\n5 The time of the formation of the confederation is supposed to have been at about the year \n1539. According to their own tradition, it was about two generations before the white people \n.came to trade with them. Clarke, in his history of Onondaga county, has given, from the lips of an \nold chief of the Onondaga tribe, that beautiful legend of the formation of the great confederacy, \nwhich forms tlie basis of Longfellow\'s Indian Edda, " Hi-a-wat-ha." Centuries ago, the story \n\xe2\x96\xa0runs, the deity who presides over fisheries find streams, came from his dwelhng-place in the clouds, \n,to visit the inhabitants of earth. He was delighted with the land where the tribes that afterward \nformed the confederacy, dwelt ; and having bestowed many blessings on that land, he laid aside his \nDivine character, and resolved to remain on earth. He selected a beautiful residence on the shore \nof Te-ungk-too (Cross lake), and all the people called him Hi-a-wat-ha, "the wise man." After a \nwhile, the people were alarmed by the approach of a ferocious band of warriors from the country \n\xe2\x80\xa2north of the great lakes. Destruction seemed inevitable. The inhabitants thronged around the \nlodge of Hi-a-wat-ha, from all quarters, craving his wise advice in this hour of great peril. After \nsolemn meditaJion, he told them to call a grand council of all the tribes. The chiefs and warriors \nfrom far and l 3ar, assembled on the banks of Lake Oh-nen-ta-ha (Onondaga). The council-fire \nblazed three days before the venerable Hi-a-wat-ha arrived. He had been devoutly praying, in \nsOence, to the Great Spirit, for guidance. Then, with his darling daughter, a virgin of twelve \n_years, he entered his v.iiite canoe, and, to the great joy of the people, he appeared on the Oh-nen- \n\n\n\n24 THE ABORIGINALS. \n\nIn the year 1649, the Five Nations resolved to strike a final and decisive \nblow against their western neighbors, and, gathering all their warriors, they \nmade a successful invasion of the Wyandot, or Huron country. Great num- \nbers of the Wyandots were slain and made prisoners, and the whole tribe was \ndispersed. Some of the fugitives took refuge with the Chippewas ; other.s \nfled to Quebec, and a few were incorporated into the Iroquois confederacy. \nYet the spirit of the Wyandots was not subdued, and they claimed and exer- \ncised sovereignty over almost the whole of the Ohio country. They had great \ninfluence among the Algonquin tribes,\' and even as late as the treaty of \nGreenville, in 1795, the principal cession of lands in Ohio to the United \nStates was made by the Wyandot chiefs in council." They, too, are reduced to \na mere remnant of less than five hundred souls, and now [188.3] they occupy \nlands on the Neosho River, a chief tributary of the Arkansas. \n\nBeing exceedingly warlike, the Five Nations made hostile expeditions \nagainst the New England Indians\' in the East, the Eries, Andastes, and \n\nta-ha. A great shout greeted him, and as he landed and walked up the bank, a sound like a \nrushing wind was heard ; a dark spot, every moment increasing in size, was descending from the \nclear sky. Fear seized the people ; but Hi-a-wat-ha stood unmoved. The approaching object was \nan immense bird. It came swiftly to earth, crushed the darling daughter of Hi-a-wat-ha \xe2\x80\x94 was itself \ndestroyed, but the wise man was unharmed. Grief for his bereavement prostrated him in the dust \nfor three days. The council anxiously awaited his presence. At length he came : the subject of \nthe peril from invaders was discussed, and aft,er deliberating a day, the venerable Hi-a-wat-ha \narose and said : \n\n"Friends and Brothers \xe2\x80\x94 You are members of many tribes and nations. You have come here, \nmany of you, a great distance from your homes. "We have met for one common purpose \xe2\x80\x94 to pro- \nmote one common interest, and that is, to provide for our mutual safety, and how it shall best b& \naccomplished. To oppose these foes from the north by tribes, singly and alone, would prove our \ncertain destruction. We can make no progress in that way. We must unite ourselves into one \ncommon band of brothers ; thus united, we may drive the invaders back ; this must be done, and \nwe shall be safe. \n\n" You, the Mohawks, sitting under the shadow of the \xe2\x80\xa2 Great Tree,\' whose roots sink deep \ninto the earth, and whose branches spread over a vast country, shall be the first nation, because \nyou are warUke and mighty. \n\n"And you, Oneidas, a people who recline your bodies against the \'Everlasting Stone,\' that \ncan not be moved, shall be the second nation, because you give wise counsel. \n\n"And you, Oxondagas, who have your habitation at the \'Great Mountain,\' and are over- \nshadowed by its crags, shall be the tliird nation, because you are greatly gifted in speech, and \nmighty in war. \n\n"And you, Catugas, a people whose habitation is the \'Dark Forest,\' and whose home is every- \nwhere, shall be the fourth nation, because of your superior cunning in hunting. \n\n"And you. Senegas, a people who Uve in the \'Open Country,\' and possess much wisdom,, \nshall be the fifth nation, because you understand better the art of raising corn and beans, and \nmaking cabins. \n\n" You, five great and powerful nations, must unite and have but one common interest, and no \nfoe shall be able to disturb or subdue you. If we unite, the Great Spirit wiU smile upon \nus. Brothers, these are the words of Hi-a-wat-ha \xe2\x80\x94 let them sink deep into your hearts. I hava \nsaid it." \n\nThey reflected for a day, and then the people of the "Great Tree," the "Everlasting Stone," \nthe "Great Mountain," the "Dark Forest," and the " Open Country," formed a league like that of \nthe Amphyctioni of Greece. The enemy was repulsed, and the Five Nations became the terror \nof the Continent. Then Hi-a-watha said, \n\n" The Great Master of Breath calls me to go. I have patiently waited his summons. I an;- \nready \xe2\x80\x94 farewell !" \n\nMyriads of singing voices burst upon the ears of the multitude, and the whole air seemed filled \nwith music. Hi-a-wat-ha, seated in his white canoe, rose majestically above the throng, and as all \neyes gazed in rapture upon the ascending wise man, he disappeared forever in the blue vault of \nheaven. The music melted into low whispers, like the soft summer breeze; and there were, \npleasant dreams in every cabin of the Five Nations on that blessed night. \n\n\' Page 17. 2 Page 374. 3 Pagg 22^ \n\n\n\nTHE HURON-IROQUOIS. \n\n\n\n25 \n\n\n\nMiamies in the West,\' and penetrated to the domains of the Catawbas^ and \nCherokees\' in the South. They subjugated the Eries in 1655, and after a con- \ntest of twenty years, brought the Andastes into vassalage. They conquered \nthe Miamies* and Ottawas* in 1657, and made incursions as far as the Roanoke \nand Cape Fear Rivers to the land of their kindred in language, the Tuscaroras, \nin 1701." Thirty years afterward, having been joined by the Tuscaroras, and \nthe name of the confederacy changed to that of the Six Nations, they made \nwar upon the Cherokees and Catawbas.^ They were led on by Hi-o-ka-too, a \nSeneca chief. The Catawbas were almost annihilated by them, after a battle \nof two days. So determined were the Five Nations to subdue the southern \ntribes, that when, in 1744, they ceded a part of their lands to Virginia, they \nreserved a perpetual privilege of a war-path through the territory. \n\nIn the year 1712, the Tuscaroras having been signally defeated by the \nCarolinians,* came northward, and in 1714 joined the Five Nations. From \nthat time the confederacy was known as the Six Nations. They were gen- \nerally the sure friends of the English and inveterate foes of the French.* \n\n\n\n\nc/(f(^^/^\'^^^^^\'^^ \n\n\n\nThey were all friends of the British during the Revolution, except a part of \nthe Oneidas, among whom the influence of the Rev. Samuel Kirkland\'" was \n\n\n\n1 Page 17. \xc2\xab Page 26. 3 Page 27. \xc2\xab Page 17. s Page 17 \n\n6 Page 168. \' Page 17. 8 Page 168. \xc2\xbb Page 192. \n\nJO Samuel Kirkland was one of the most laborious and self-sacriflcing of the earlier missionaries, \nwho labored among the tribes of the Six Nations. He was born at Norwich, Connecticut, in \nDecember, 1741. He was educated at Dr. Wlieelock\'s school, at Lebanon, where he prepared for \nthat missionary work in which he labored forty years. His efforts were put forth chiefly among^ \n\n\n\n26 THE ABORIGINALS. \n\nvery powerful, in favor of the Republicans. The Mohawks were the most \nactive enemies of the Americans ; and thej were obliged to leave the State and \ntake refuge in Canada at the close of the Revolution. The others were allowed \nto remain, and now [1883] mere fragments of that great confederation exist, \nand, in habits and character, they are radically changed. The confederacy \nwas forever extinguished by the sale of the residue of the Seneca lands in \n1838. In 1715, the confederacy numbered more than forty thousand souls ; \nnow [1883] they are probably less than four thousand, most of whom are \nupon lands beyond the Mississippi.\' \n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV. \n\nTHE CATAWBAS. \n\n\n\nIn that beautiful, hilly region, between the Yadkin and Catawba Rivers, on \neach side of the boundary line between North and South Carolina, dwelt thb \nCatawba nation. They were south-westward of the Tuscaroras, and were \ngenerally on good terms with them. They were brave, but not warlike, and \ntheir conflicts were usually in defense of their own territory. They expelled \nthe fugitive Shawnoese in 1672,* but were overmatched and desolated by the \nwarriors of the Five Nations\' in 1701. They assisted the white people of \nSouth Carolina against the Tuscaroras and their confederates in 1712 ;* but \nwhen, three years afterward, the southern tribes, from the Neuse region to that \nof the St. Mary\'s, in Florida, and westward to the Alabama, seven thousand \n\n\n\nthe Oneidas; and, during the Revolution, he was active in restraining them from an alhance with \nthe rest of tlie confederacy against the Patriots. He was exceedingly useful in treaty-malcing; for \nhe had the entire confidence of the Indians. He died at Paris, in Oneida county, in February, \n1808, in the 67th year of his age. See Lossing\'s \'"Eminent Americans" for a more elaborate sl^etcla. \n\' The ciiief men of the Five Nations, Ivnown to the white people, are Garangula, who was \ndistinguislied toward the close of the seveuteentli century for liis wisdom and sagacity in council, \nand was of the Onondaga tribe. Logan, whose celebrated reply to a white messenger has been \npreserved by Mr. Jefferson, was of the Cayuga tribe. To the messenger he said: \'\'I appeal to any \nwhite man to say if he ever entered Logan\'s cabin hungry, and he gave liim no meat ; if ever he \ncame cold and naked and he clothed him not." Then speaking of the craelty of the white people, \nwho, in cold blood had murdered his family, he said : "They have murdered aU the relations of \nLogan \xe2\x80\x94 not even sparing my women and children. This called on me for revenge ; I have sought \nit. I have killed many. I have tiiUy glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the \nbeams of peace. But do not harbor ihe thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt \nfe\xc2\xabr. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan ? No i \none 1" Joseph Brant (Tliayendanega), was the most celebrated of the Mohawk tribe ; and Red \nJacket (Sagoyewatha), was a very renowned Seneca, greatly distinguished for his eloquence. \nComplanter, who Uved till past a century in age, was also a distinguished Seneca chief Red Jacket \nwas very intemperate toward the latter part of his life. On one occasion a lady inquired after his \ncliildren. He had lost fourteen by consumption. Bowing his head, he said: "Red Jacket was \nonce a great man, and in favor with the Great Spirit. He was a lofty pine among the smaller trees \nof the forest. But after years of glory, he degraded himself by drinking the lire-water of the white \nman. The Great Spirit has looked upon him in anger, and His Ughtning has stripped the pine of \nits branches!" 2 Page 19, 3 Page 23, *- Page 168. \n\n\n\nTHE CHEROKEES. 27 \n\nStrong, confederated in an attempt to exterminate the Carolinians,\' the Cataw- \nbas were among them. \n\nThey were again the active allies of the Carolinians in 1760, when the \nCherokees made war upon them,\' and they remained true friends of the white \npeople afterward. They joined the Americans during the Revolution, and \nhave ever since experienced the fostering care of the State, in some degree.^ \nTheir chief village was upon the Catawba River, near the mouth of the Fishing \nCreek, in Yorkville district, South Carolina; and there the remnant of the \nnation, numbering less than a hundred souls, were living upon a reservation, a \nfew miles square, when the late Civil War began. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER V, \n\nTHE CHEROKEES. \n\nOf all the Indian tribes, the Cherokees, who dwelt westward and adjoining \nthe Tuscaroras^ and Catawbas,^ among the high hills and fertile valleys, have \never been the most susceptible to the influences of civilization. They have been \nproperly called the mountaineers of the South. Their beautiful land extended \nfrom the Carolina Broad River on the east, to the Alabama on the Avest, includ- \ning the whole of the upper portion of Georgia from the head waters of the Ala- \ntamaha, to those of the Tennessee. It is one of the most delightful regions of \nthe United States. \n\nThese mountaineers were the determined foes of the Shawnoese,^ and after \nmany conflicts, they finally drove them from the country south of the Ohio \nRiver. They joined with the Catawbas and the white people against the Tus- \n\xe2\x82\xacaroras in 1712,\' but were members of the great confederation against the \nCarolinians in 1715,^ which we shall consider hereafter. \n\nThe Five Nations and the Cherokees had bloody contests for a long time. \nA reconciliation was finally effected by the English about the year 1750, and \nthe Cherokees became the allies of the peace-makers, against the French. \nThey assisted in the capture of Fort Du Quesne in 1758,^ but their irregular- \nities, on their return along the border \'settlements of Virginia, gave the white \npeople an apparent excuse for killing two or three warriors. Hatred v.as en- \ngendered, and the Cherokees soon afterward retaliated by spreading destruction \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 170. 2 Page 204, \n\n\' In 1822, a Catawba warrior made an eloquent appeal to the legislature of South Carolina for \naid. "I pursued the deer for subsistence," he said, "but the deer are disappenring, and I must \nstarve. God ordained me for the forests, and my ambition is the shade. But the strength of my \narm decays, and my feet fail me in the chase. The hand that fought for your hberties is now open \nto you for relief" A pension was granted. \n\n4 Page 25. s Pao-e 204. 6 Pao-e 19. \n\n7 Page 168. s Page 170. 9 Page 18G. \n\n\n\n28 THE ABORIGINALS. \n\nalong the frontiers.\' Hostilities continued a greater portion of three years,, \nwhen peace was established in 1761, and no more trouble ensued. \n\nDurino- the Revolution the Cherokees adhered to the British ; and for eight \nyears afterward they continued to annoy the people of the upper country of the \nCarolinas. They were reconciled by treaty in 1791. They were friends of the \nUnited States in 1812, and assisted in the subjugation of the Creeks.^ Civili- \nzation Avas rapidly elevating them from the condition of roving savages, to agri- \nculturists and artisans, when their removal west of the Mississippi was required. \nThey had established schools, a printing press, and other means for improve- \nment and culture, when they were compelled to leave their farms for a new" \nhome in the wilderness.^ They are in a fertile country, watered by the \nArkansas and its tributaries, and now [1883] number about fourteen thousand \nsouls. They w^ere in a prosperous condition when the late Civil War began.* \n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI. \n\nTHE UCHEES. \n\n\n\nIn the pleasant country extending from the Savannah River, at Augusta, \nwestward to Milledgeville, and along the banks of the Oconee and the head \nwaters of the Ogeechee and Chattahooche, the Europeans found a remnant of \nthe once powerful nation of the Uchees. Their language was exceedingly \nharsK, and totally unlike that of any other people on the continent. They \nclaimed to be descendants of the most ancient inhabitants of the country, and \ntook great pride in the fact ; and they had no tradition of their ever occupy- \ning any other territory than the domain on which they were found. They, \ntoo, have been driven beyond the Mississippi by the pressure of civilization,, \nand have become partially absorbed by the Creeks, with whom less than \n800 souls yet [18S3] remain. They are, in fact, an extinct nation, and \ntheir languajje is almost forccotten. \n\n\n\n\' Pa^e 204. ^ Page 428. \n\n3 A native Cherokee, named by the white people, George Guess (Sequoyah), who was ignorant \nof every language but his own, seeing books in the missionary schools, and being told that the \ncharacters represented the words of the spoken English language, conceived the idea of forming a \nwritten language for his people. He first made a separate character for each word, but this made \nthe whole matter too voluminous, and he formed a syllabic alphabet of eighty-five characters. It \nwas soon ascertained that this was sufficient, even for the copious language of the Cherokees, and \nthis syllabic alphabet was soon adopted, in the preparation of books for the. missionary schools. In \n1826, a newspaper, called the Cherokee Phcenix, printed m the new characters, was established. \nMany of the native Cherokees are now well educated, but the great body of the natives are in ig- \nnorance. \n\n* Note 4. page 32. \n\n\n\nTHE MOBILIAN TRIBES. 29 \n\nCHAPTER YII. \n\nTHE NATCHEZ. \n\nOf this once considerable nation, who inhabited the borders of the Missis- \nsippi, where a modern city now perpetuates their name, very little is known. \nWhen first discovered by the French, they occupied a territory about as large \nas that inhabited by the lichees. It extended north-easterly from the Missis- \nsippi along the valley of the Pearl River, to the upper waters of the Chickasa- \nhaw. For a long time they were supposed to belong to the nation of Mobilian \ntribes, by whom they were surrounded, but their language proved them to be a \ndistinct people. They were sun-worshippers ; and from this circumstance, \nsome had supposed that they had once been in intimate communication with \nthe adorers of the great luminary in Central and South America. In many \nthings they were much superior to their neighbors, and displayed signs of the \nrefinement of a former more civihzed condition. They became jealous of the \nFrench on their first appearance upon the Mississippi, and finally they con- \nspired, with others, to drive the intruders from the country. The French fell \nupon, and almost annihilated the nation, in 1730. They never recovered from \nthe shock, and after maintaining a feeble nationality for almost a century, they \nhave become merged into the Creek confederacy. They now [1S83] number \nless than three hundred souls, and their language, in its purity, is unknown. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII. \n\nTHE MOBILIAN TRIBES. \n\nLike the Algonquins and Iroquois nations, the Mobilian was composed of \na great number of tribes, speaking different dialects of the same lano-uao-e. \nTheir territory was next in extent to that of the Algonquins.\' It stretched \nalong the Gulf of Mexico, from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, more than six \nhundred miles ; up the Mississippi as far as the mouth of the Ohio ; and along \nthe Atlantic to Cape Fear. It comprised a greater portion of the present State \nof Georgia, the whole of Florida, Alabama, and Mississippi, and parts of South \nCarolina, Tennessee, and Kentucky. The nation was divided into three grand \nconfederacies of tribes, namely, Muscogees or Creeks Choctaws, and Chick- \n\n\n\nPage 17. \n\n\n\n30 \n\n\n\nTHE ABORIGINALS. \n\n\n\n\nSOUTHERN INDIANS. \n\n\n\nThe Creek Confederacy extended from the \nAtlantic westward to the high lands which sep- \narate the waters of the Alabama and Tombigbee \nRivers, including a great portion of the States of \nAlabama and Georgia, and the whole of Florida. \nOglethorpe\'s first inter vie v/s\' with the natives at \nSavannah, were with people of this confederacy. \nThe Yamassees, or Savannahs of Georgia and \nSouth Carolina, and the Seminoles of Florida, were of the Creek confederacy. \nThe latter were strong and warlike. They Avere at the head of the Indian \nconfederacy, to destroy the white people, in 1715.^ When the general dis- \npersion followed that abortive attempt, the Yamassees took refuge with the \nSpaniards of Florida. Small bands often annoyed the white frontier settle- \nments of Georgia, but they were not engaged in general hostilities until the \nRevolution, when the whole Creek confederacy^ took part with the British. \n\nThe most inveterate and treacherous enemy of the white people, have ever \nbeen the Seminoles. Bands of them often went out upon the war-path, with \nthe Yamassees, to slay the pale-faces. They joined the British in 1812-14; \nand in 1817 they renewed hostilities.* They were subdued by General Jack- \nson, and afterward remained comparatively quiet until 1835, when they agam \nattacked the white settlements.^ They were subjugated in 1842, after many \nlives and much treasure had been sacrificed." A few of them yet [1883] \nremain in the everglades of Florida, but a greater jiortion of the tribe have \ngone west of the Mississippi, witli the other members of the Creek confederacy. \nThe Creeks proper now [1883] number about fifteen thousand souls. The \nnumber of the whole confederacy is about twenty-four thousand. They \noccupy lands upon the Arkansas and its tributaries, and are among the most \npeaceable and order-loving of the banished tribes. \n\nIn the beautiful country bordering upon the Gulf of Mexico, and extending \nwest of the Creeks to the Mississippi, lived the Choctaws. They were an agri- \ncultural people when the Europeans discovered them ; and, attached to home \nand quiet pursuits, they have ever been a peaceful people. Their wai-s have \nalways been on the defensive, and they never had public feuds with either their \nSpanish, French, or English neighbors. They, too, have been compelled tr \nabandon their native country for the uncultivated wilderness west of Arkansas, \nbetween the Arkansas and Red Rivers. They now [1883] number about thirteen \nthousand souls. They retnin their peaceable character in their new homes. \n\nThe Chickasaw tribe inhabited the country along the Mississippi, from the \nborders of the Choctaw domain to the Ohio River, and eastward beyond the Ten- \nnessee to the lands of the Cherokees^ and Shawnees.^ This warlike people were \nthe early friends of the English, and the most inveterate foes of the French, \n\n\n\n\'Page 102. 2 Page no. \n\n\' This confederacy now [1883] consists of the Creeks proper, Seminoles, Natchez, Hichittiea, \nand Alabamas. The Creeks, like many other tribes, claim to be the Original People. \n\n* Page 448. \' Page 466. \xc2\xab Page 468. ^ Page 27. ^ Page 19. \n\n\n\nTHE DAHCOTAH OR SIOUX TRIBES, 31 \n\n-who had twice [1736-1740] invaded their country. They adhered to the \nBritish during the Revolution, but since that time they have held friendly rela- \ntions with the Government of the United States. The remnant, about four \nthousand in number, are upon lands almost a hundred leagues westward of the \nMississippi. \n\nThus, with almost chronological brevity, we have given an outline sketch \nof the history of the Aboriginal nations with whom the first European settlers \nin the United States became acquainted. They have now no legal habitation \neastward of the Mississippi ; and the fragments of those powerful tribes who \nonce claimed sovereignty over twenty-four degrees of longitude and twenty \ndegrees of latitude, are now [1883] compressed within a quadrangle of about \nnine degrees, between the Red and Missouri Rivers.^ Wliether the grave of \nthe last of those great tribes shall be within their present domain, or in some \nvalley among the crags of the Rocky Mountains, expediency will hereafter \ndetermine. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX. \n\nTHE DAHCOTAH OR SIOUX TRIBES. \n\nThe French were the earliest explorers of the regions of the Middle and \nUpper Mississippi, and they found a great number of tribes west of that river \nwho spoke dialects of the same language. They occupied the vast domain from \nthe Arkansas on the south, to the western tributary of Lake Winnipeg on the \nnorth, and westward to the eastern slopes of the Rocky Mountains. These \nhave been classed into four grand divisions, namely, the Winnebagoes, who \ninhabited the country between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi, among the \nAlgonquins f the Assinniboins and Sioux proper, the most northerly nation ; \nthe MiNETAREE Group in the Minnesota Territory, and \'the Southern Sioux, \nwho dwelt in the country between the Arkansas and Platte Rivers, and whose \nhunting-ground extended to the Rocky Mountains. \n\nThe most uneasy of these tribes were the Winnebagoes, who often attacked \nthe Sioux west of the Mississippi. They generally lived on friendly terms \nwith the Algonquins, after their martial spirit was somewhat subdued by the \nIllinois, who, in 1640, almost exterminated them. They were enemies to the \n\n\' Mr. Bancroft [II., 253] after consulting the most reliable authorities on the subject, makes the \nfollowing estimate of the entire Aboriginal population in 1650- Algonquins, 90,000; Eastern \nSioux, less than 3,000; Iroquois, including then- southern kindred, about 17,000; Catawbas, 3,000, \nCherokees (now more numerous than ever), 12,000; Mobihan tribes, 50,000; Uchees, 1,000; \nNatchez, 4,000 \xe2\x80\x94 in all, 180,000. These were the only nations and tribes then known. With the \nexpansion of our territory westward and southward, we have embraced numerous Indian nations, \nsome of them quite populous, until the number of the estimate above givea has been almost \ndoubled, according to the late census. \n\n* Page 1^ \n\n\n\n32 THEABORIGINALS \n\nUnited States during the second war with Great Britain/ and they confeder- \nated with the Sacs and Foxes in hostilities against the white people, under \nBlack Hawk, in 1832.- The tribe, now [1881] less than four thousand strong, \nare seated upon the Mississippi, about eighty miles above St. Paul, the capital \nof Minnesota. Fear of the white\' people keeps them quiet. \n\nIn the cold, wet country of the North, the Assiniboins yet inhabit their na- \ntive land. Having separated from the nation, they are called " rebels." Their \nneighbors, the Sioux proper, were first visited by the French in 1660, and \nhave ever been regarded as the most fierce and warlike people on the continent. \nThey also occupy their ancient domain, and are now [1883] about fifteen \nthousand strong. \n\nFurther westward are the Minetarees, ]\\Iandans, and Crows, who form the \nMiNETAREE Group. They are classed with the Dahcotahs or Sioux, although \nthe languages have only a slight afiinity. The Minetarees and Mandans num- \nber about three thousand souls each. They cultivate the soil, and live in vil- \nlages. The Crows number about fifteen hundred, and are wanderers and \nhunters. The Mandans are very light-colored. Some suppose them to be \ndescendants of a colony from Wales, who, it is believed, came to America \nunder Madoc, the son of a Welsh prince, in the twelfth century.^ \n\nThere are eight in number of the Southern Sioux tribes, namely, the \nArkansas, Osages, Kansas, lowas, Missouries, Otoes, Omahas, and Puncahs. \nThey are cultivators and hunters. They live in villages a part of the year, \nand are abroad upon their hunting-grounds during the remainder. Of these \ntribes, the Osages are the most warlike and powerful. All of the Southern \nSioux tribes are upon lands watered by the Missouri and the Platte, and their \ntributaries. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER X. \n\nTHE EXTREME WESTERN TRIBES. \n\nWithin a few years, our domain has been widely expanded, and in our \nnewly-acquired possessions on the borders of Mexico and the Pacific coast, and \nthe recently organized Territories in the interior of the continent, are numer- \nous powerful and warlike tribes,^ of whom little is known, and whose history \n\n\' Page 260. 2 Page 287. \n\n\' It is said that Madoc, son of Prince Owen Gwignedd, sailed from Wales, with ten ships and \nthree hundred men, at about the year 1170, on an exploring voyage, and never returned. Many \nlearned conjectures have been expressed, and among them the belief that the expedition reached \nthe American continent, and became the progenitors of the Mandans, or White Indians, of our \nwestern plains. \n\n* The whole number of Indians within the present limits of the United States, in 1881, accord- \ning to ofBcial estimates, was a little less than 300,000. There are about 15,000 in the States east- \nward of the Mississippi, principally in New York, Michigan, and Wisconsin ; the remainder, consist- \ning of Cherokees, Choctaws, and Seminoles, being in North Carolina.. Mississippi, and florida. The \n\n\n\nTHE EXTREME "WESTERN TRIBES. 33 \n\nhas no connection with that of the people of the United States, except the fact \nthat thej were original occupants of the soil, and that some of them, especially \nthe California and Oregon Indians, yet [1881] dispute our right to sovereignty. \nOf these, the Comanches and Apaches of California are the most warhke. The \nPawnees upon the Great Plains toward the Rocky Mountains are very numer- \nous, but not so warlike ; and the Utahs, among the Wasatch and neighboring \nranges, are strong in numbers. Further northward and westward are the \nBlackfeet, Crow, Snake, Nezperces, and Flathead Indians, and smaller clans, \nwith petty chiefs, whose domains stretch away toward the Knisteneaux and \nEsquimaux on the extreme north. \n\nThese tribes are rapidly \'fading in the light of modern civilization, and are \ndestined to total annihilation. The scythe of human progress is steadily cut- \nting its swathes over all their lands ; and the time is not far distant when the \nfoot-prints of the Indians will be no more known within the domain of our Re- \npublic. In future years, the dusky son of an exile, coming from the fir-oflf \nborders of the Slave Lake, will be gazed at in the streets of a city at the mouth \nof the Yellow Stone, with as much wonder as the Oneida woman, with her blue \ncloth blanket and bead- work merchandize is now [1881] in the city of New \nYork. So the Aboriginals of our land are passing away, and even now they \nmay chant in sorrow : \n\n" We, the riglitful lords of yore, \nAre the rightful lords no more ; \nLike the silver mist, we fail, \nLike the red leaves on the gale \xe2\x80\x94 \nFsbd, like shadows, when the dawning \n"Waves the bright flag of the morning." \n\nJ. McLellan, Jr. \n\n" I vriW weep for a season, in bitterness fed, \nFor my kindred are gone to the hills of the dead; \nBut they died not of hunger, or lingering decay \xe2\x80\x94 \nThe hand of the white man hath swept them away." \n\nHenry Rowb Schoolcraft. \n\n\n\nnumber in Minnesota and along the frontiers of the "Western States and Texas (most of them emi- \ngrants from the country eastward of the Mississippi), is estimated at 80,000. Those on the Plains \nand among the Rocky Mountains, not within any organized Territory, at 50,000; in Texas, at \n25,000; in New Mexico, at 30,000; in California, at 18,000; in Utah, at 10,000; in Oregon and \n"Washington Territories, at 20,000 ;\xe2\x80\x94 total, 308,000. For more minute accounts of the Indians, \nsee Heckewelder\'s "History of the Indian Nations;" Schoolcraft\'s "Algic Researches;" \nM\'Kinney\'s "History of the Indian Tribes;" Drake\'s "Book of the Indians;" Catlin\'s "Letters \nand Notes;" Schoolcraft\'s "Notes on the Iroquois." \n\nTo the Department of the Interior of the National Government is intrusted the administration \nof Indian affairs. At this time [1881] the stocks and bonds held by the Department in trust tor \n\n^the Indians, from the income of which annuities are paid to them, amount to more than three \n\n.millions of doUara. \xe2\x80\x9e \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^\'\xe2\x80\xa2^^ I LOLLJBLS EEFUHE THK COUNCIL OP SALAMANCA. \n\n\n\nSECOND PERIOD. \nDISCOVERIES \n\n\n\nCHAPTER I. \n\n\n\nSCANDINAVIAN VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. \n\n\n\nAMERIGO VESPUCCI. \n\n\n\nOne of the most interesting of the un- \nsolved problems of history, is that which re- \nlates to the alleged discovery of America by mariners of north- \nern Europe, almost five hundred years before Columbus left \nPalos, in Spain, to accomplish that great event. The tales and \npoetry of Iceland abound with intimations of such discoveries ; \nand records of early voyages from Iceland to a continent south- \nwestward of Greenland, have been found. These, and the re- \nsults of recent investigations, appear to prove, by the strongest \ncircumstantial evidence, that the New England\' coast was vis- \nited, and that settlements thereon were attempted by Scandi- \nnavian navigators, 2 almost five centuries before the great Genoese \nundertook his first voyage in quest of a western passage to \nIndia. \n\n\' The States of our Union eastward of New York are collectively called New England. P. 74. \n2 The ancients called the territory which contains modern Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Lapland, \nJceland, Fmland, etc., by the general name of Scandinavia. \n\n\n\n\nSCANDINAVIAN VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. \n\n\n\n35 \n\n\n\n\nThe navigators of northern Europe were remarkable for their boldness and \nperseverance. They discovered Iceland in the year 860, and colonized it. \nIn 890 they colonized Greenland, and planted colonies there also. There was \ntraflfic, friendly and lucrative, between the colonists of Iceland and Greenland, \nand the parent Norwegians and Danes, as early as the year 950, and no mar- \niners Avere so adventurous as these Northmen. In \nthe year 1002, according to an Icelandic chronicle, a \nNorwegian vessel, commanded by Captain Lief, sailed \nfrom Iceland for Greenland. A gale drove the voy- \nagers to the coast of Labrador. They explored the \nshores southward to the region of a genial climate, \n"where they found noble forests and abundance of \ngrapes. This, it is supposed, was the vicinity of norman ship. \n\nBoston. Other voyages to the new-found land were \n\nafterward made by the adventurous Scandinavians, and they appear to have \nextended their explorations as far as Rhode Island \xe2\x80\x94 perhaps as far south as \nCape May. \n\nIt is further asserted that settlements in that pleas- \nant climate were attempted, and that the child of a Scan- ^t I \ndinavian mother was born upon the shore of Mount Hope W -^ \nBay, in Rhode Island.* In the absence of actual charts W % \nand maps, to fix these localities of latitude and longitude, " \xe2\x80\xa2 \nof course they must be subjects of conjecture only, for ^^ \\^ \nthese explorers left no traces of their presence here, un- \nless it shall be conceded that the round tower at New- \nport,^ about the origin of which history and tradition are \nsilent, was built by the Northmen. \n\nThe period of this alleged discovery was that of the dark ages, when ig- \nnorance brooded over Europe, like thick night. Information of these voyages \nseems not to have spread, and no records of intercourse Avith a western conti- \nnent later than 1120, have been found. The great discovery, if made, was for- \ngotten, or remembered only in dim traditionary tales of the exploits of the old \n" Sea-Kings"^ of the North. Eor centuries afterward, America was an un- \n\n\n\nTOWER AT NEWPORT. \n\n\n\n1 Tlie old chronicle referred to says that Gudrida, wife of a Scandinavian navigator, gave birth \nto a child in America, to whom she gave the name of Snorre ; and it is further asserted tliat Ber- \ntel Thorwalsden, the great Danish sculptor, was a descendant of this early white American. Tlie \nrecords of these voyages were compiled by Bishop Thorlack, of Iceland, who was also a descendant \nof Snorre. \n\n2 This structure is of unhewn stone, laid in mortar made of the gravel of the soil around, and \noyster-shell Hme. It is a cylinder resting upon eight round columns, twenty-three feet in diameter, \nand twenty-four feet in height It was originally covered with stucco. It seems to have stood \nthere when the white people first visited Rhode Island, and the Narraganset Indians, it is as- \nserted, had no tradition of its origin. There can be httle doubt, all things considered, of its having \nbeen constructed by those northern navigators, who made attempts at settlement in that viciivity. \n\n3 This name was given to bold adventurers of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, who rebelled \nagainst Gorm the Old of Norway, and Harold Fairhair of Denmark, their conquerors, forsook their \ncountry, settled upon the islands of the North Sea, and Greenland, and from tiience went forth \nupon piratical expeditions, even as far south as the pleasant coasts of France. The_y trafficked, as \nwell as plundered ; and finally sweepmg over Denmark and Germany, obtained possession of some \n\n\n\n36 DISCOVERIES. [1492. \n\nknown region. It had no place upon maps, unless as an imaginary island \n\xe2\x96\xa0without a name, nor in the most acute geographical theories of the learned. \nWhen Columbus conceived the grand idea of reaching Asia by sailing westward, \nno whisper of those Scandinavian voyages was heard in Europe. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER II. \n\nSPANISH VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. \n\nThe first half of the fifteenth century was distinguished for great commer- \ncial activity. Sluggish Europe was just awaking from its slumber of ceiituries, \nand maritime discoveries were prosecuted with untiring zeal by the people \ninhabiting the great south-western peninsula covered by Spain, Portugal, and \nFrance. The incentives to make these discoveries grew out of the political \ncondition of Europe, and the promises of great commercial advantages. The \nrich commerce of the East centered in Rome, when that empire overshad- \nowed the known world. When it fell into fragments, the Italian cities con- \ntinued their monopoly of the rich trade of the Indies. Provinces which had \narisen into independent kingdoms, became jealous of these cities, so rapidly \noutstripping them in power and opulence ; and Castile and Portugal, in par- \nticular, engaged in efforts to open a direct trade with the East. The ocean was \nthe only highway for such commerce, toward which the rivals could look with \na hope of success. The errors of geographical science interposed great obsta- \ncles. Popular belief pictured an impassable region of fire beyond Cape Baja- \ndor, on the coast of Africa ; but bold navigators, under the auspices of Prince \nHenry of Portugal, soon penetrated that dreaded latitude, crossed the torrid \nzone, and, going around the southern extremity of Africa, opened a pathway \nto the East, through the Indian Ocean. \n\nThe Portuguese court at Lisbon soon became a \npoint of great attraction to the learned and adven- \nturous. Among others came Christopher Columbus, \nthe son of a wool-carder of Genoa, a mariner of \ngreat experience and considerable repute, and then \nin the prime of life. In person he was tall and \ncommanding, and, in manners, exceedingly winning \nand graceful, for one unaccustomed to the polish of \ncourts, or the higher orders in society. The rudi- \nments of geometry, which he had learned in the \n\n\n\n\nof the best portions of Gaul. They finally invaded the British Islands, and placed Canute upon \nthe throne of Alfred. It was among these people that chivalry, as an institution, originated ; and \nback to tliose " Sea- Kings" we may look for the hardiest elements of progress among the people \nof the United States. \n\n\n\n1609.] SPANISH VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 37 \n\nuniversity of Pavia, had been for years working out a magnificent theory in \nhis mind, and he came to Lisbon to seek an opportunity to test its truth. \n\nFortune appeared to smile beneficently upon Columbus, during his early \nresidence in Lisbon. He soon loved and married the daughter of Palestrello, \na deceased navigator of eminence, and he became possessed of nautical papers \nof great value. They poured new light upon his mind. His convictions \nrespecting the rotundity of the earth, and the necessity of a continent in the \nAtlantic Ocean, to balance the land in the eastern hemisphere ; or at least a \nnearer approach of eastern Asia to the shores of western Europe, than geo- \ngraphical science had yet revealed, assumed the character of demonstrated \nrealities. He was disposed to credit the narratives of Plato and other ancient \nwriters, respecting the existence of a continent beyond the glorious, but long- \nlost, island of Atlantis, in the waste of waters westward of Europe. He was \nconvmced that Asia could be reached much sooner by sailing westward, than \nby going around the Cape of Good Hope.\' He based his whole theory upon \nthe fundamental belief that the earth was a terraqueous globe, which might be \ntraveled round from east to west, and that men stood foot to foot at opposite \npoints. This, it should be remembered, was seventy years before Copernicus \nannounced his theory of the form and motion of the planets [1543], and one \nhundred and sixty years [1633] before Galileo was compelled, before the \ncourt of the Inquisition at Rome, to renounce his belief in the diurnal revolu- \ntion of the earth. \n\nA deep religious sentiment imbued the whole being of Columbus, and he \nbecame strongly impressed with the idea that there were people "beyond the \nwaste of waters westward, unto whom he was commissioned by heaven to \ncarry the Gospel." With the lofty aspirations which his theory and his faith \ngave him, he prosecuted his plans with great ardor. He made a voyage -co \nIceland, and sailed a hundred leagues beyond, to the ice-fields of the polar cir- \ncle. He probably heard, there, vague traditions of early voyages to a western \ncontinent,\' which gave strength to his own convictions ; and on his return, he \nlaid his plans first before his countrymen, the Genoese (who rejected them), \nand then before the monarchs of England* and Portugal. \n\nThe Portuguese monarch appeared to comprehend the grand idea of Colum- \nbus, but it was too lofty for the conceptions of his council and the pedantic \nwise men of Lisbon. For a long time Columbus was annoyed by delays on the \npart of those to whose judgment the king deferred; and attempts were meanly \nand clandestinely made to get from Columbus the information which he pos- \nsessed. While awaiting a decision, liis wife died. The last link that bound \nhim to Portugal was broken, and, taking his little son Diego by the hand, he \n\n\' This point was first discovered by Diaz, a Portuguese navigator, who named it Stormy Cape, \nBut King John, believing it to be that remote extremity of Africa so long sought, named it Gaps \nof Good Hope. Vasco de Gama passed it in 1497, and made his way to the East Indies beyond. \n\n2 His name was suggestive of a mission. Christo or Christ, and Colombo, a pigeon \xe2\x80\x94 carrier- \npigeon. By this combination of significant words in his name, he believed himself to be a Christ, \nor Gospel-bearer, to the heathen, and he often signed his name Clnisto-ferens, or Christ-bearer. \n\n3 Page 34 * Page 46. \n\n\n\n38 DISCOVERIES. [1492. \n\ndeparted on foot to lay his proposition before Ferdinand and Isabella,\' the \nmonarchs of Spain \xe2\x80\x94 occupants of the united thrones of Arragon and Castile. \n\nVery poor, and greatly dispirited, Columbus arrived at the gate of the \nmonastery of Rabida, near the little port from whence he afterward sailed, and \nbegged food and shelter for himself and child. The good Father Marchena \nreceived him kindly, entered warmly into his plans, and was of essential service \nto him afterward. Through him Columbus obtained access to the court ; but \nthe war with the Moors, then raging, delayed an opportunity for an audience \nwith the monarchs for a long time. Yet he was not idle. He employed him- \nself in the alternate pursuits of science, and engagements in some of the military \ncampaigns. He was continually treated with great deference by the court and \nnobility, and at length his importunities were heeded. A council of the learned \nmen of the nation was convened at Salamanca, to consider his plans and propo- \nsitions.\'\' The majority pronounced his scheme vain and impracticable, and \nunworthy of the support of the government. But a minority of the council, \nwiser than the rest, did not acquiesce in this decision, and, with Cardinal Men-, \ndoza and other officers of government, they encouraged the navigator by prom- \nises of their continual support. But he became disgusted by procrastination, \nand abandoning the hope of royal aid, he applied to two wealthy dukes for \nassistance. They refused, and he left with a determination to lay his plans before \nthe King of France. \n\nColumbus had been encouraged by Father Mar- \nchena (who had been Isabella\'s confessor),^ and through \nhis intercession, the navigator was recalled before he \nhad entered France. He sought and obtained a per- \nsonal interview with the queen. To her he revealed \nall his plans ; told her of the immense treasures that \nlay hidden in that far distant India* which might be \neasily reached by a shorter way, and pleaded eloquently \nfor aid in his pious design of carrying the Gospel to the \nheathen of unknown lands. The last appeal aroused \nISABELLA. the religious zeal of Isabella, and with the spirit of the \n\nCrusaders,* she dismissed Columbus with the assurance \n\n1 Isabella was a sister of the profligate Henry the Fourth of Castile and Leon. She was a pious, \nvirtuous, and high-minded woman, tlien almost a phenomenon in courts. She was of middle size, \nand well formed, with a fair complexion, auburn hair, and clear, blue eyes. \n\n2 See the picture at the head of this chapter. The Council was composed of the professors of \nthe university, various dignitaries of the Church, and learned friars. They were nearly all preju- \ndiced against the poor navigator, and he soon discovered that ignorance and bigotry would defeat \nhis purposes. \n\n3 All Roman Catholics are obliged to confess their sins to a priest. Rich and titled persons \noften had a priest confessor for themselves and their families exclusively. \n\n4 Marco Polo and other travelers had related wonderful stories of the beauty and wealth \nof a country beyond the limits of geographical knowledge, and had thus inflamed the avarice and \nambition of tlie rich and powerful. The country was called Zipangi, and also Cathay. It included \nChina and adiacent islands. \n\n5 About TOO years ago, the Christian powers of Europe fitted out expeditions to conquer \nPalestine, with the avowed object of rescuing the sepulcher of Jesus, at Jerusalem, from the hands \nof the Turks. These were called crusades \xe2\x80\x94 holy wars. The lives of two millions of people were \nlost in them. \n\n\n\n\n2609.] SPANISH VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 39 \n\nthat he should have her aid in fitting out an exploring expedition, even if it should \nrequire the pawning of her crown jewels to obtain the money. And Isabella was \nfaithful to her promise. She fitted out two caravels (light coasting ships), and \nColumbus, by the aid of friends, equipped a third and larger one. With this little \nfleet, bearing one hundred and twenty persons, he left Palos, on the Tinto River, \nin AntVilusia, on Friday, the 3d of August, 1492, to explore the stormy Atlantic\' \n\nColumbus started on that perilous voyage without a reliable chart for his \nguidance, and no director in his course but the sun and stars, and the imperfect \nmariner\'s compass, then used only by a few in navigating the pleasant seas of \nthe Old World. After various delays at the Canary Islands, they left them in \nthe dim distance behind, on Sunday, the 9th of September. The broad At- \nlantic, mysterious and unknown, was before them. A voyage of great trial for \nthe navigator was now fairly entered upon. His theory taught him to believe \nthat he would reach Asia in the course of a few days. But weeks wore away \xe2\x80\xa2 \nthe needle^ became unfaithful; alarm and discontent prevailed, and several \ntimes his followers were on the point of compelling him to turn back. \n\nOne pleasant evening (the 11th of October), the perfumes of flowers came \nupon the night breeze, as tokens of approach to land. The vesper hymn to the \nVirgin was sung, and Columbus, after recounting the blessings of God thus far \nmanifested in the voyage, assured the crews that he confidently expected to see \nland in the morning. Yet they hesitated to believe, for twice before they had \nbeen mocked by other indications of land \nbeing near.^ On the high poop of his \nvessel the great navigator sat watching \nuntil midnight, when he saw the glim- \nmer of moving lights upon the verge of \xe2\x96\xa0>, m j,. k ,,; \\ ;,. \\ r \nthe horizon. He called others to con- \'\xe2\x96\xa0 * \' \' , \n\nfirm his vision, for he was fearful of \nmistake. They, too, perceived blazing . \ntorches, and at dawn the next morning , _ \ntheir delighted eyes saw green forests ^\xe2\x80\x9e^ ^^ ~ ~ ^\xe2\x80\x9e \xe2\x80\x9e \n\nt=> J O THE FLEET OF C0LUJn3US. \n\nStretching along the horizon; and as \n\nthey approached, they were greeted by the songs of birds and the murmur of \n\nhuman voices. \n\n1 Columbus was appointed high-admiral of all seas which he might discover, with the attendant \nhonors. Also viceroy of all lands discovered. He was to have one"-tenth of all profits of the first \nvoyage, and by contributing an eighth of the expense of future voyages, was to have an eighth of \nall the profits. Although Isabella paid the whole expense, the contract was signed, also, by her \nhusband. \n\n2 Needle, or pointer, of the mariner\'s compass. This instrument was first known in Europe, at \nAmalfi, about 1302. The Chinese claim to have possessed a knowledge of it more than 1 100 years \nbefore tlie birth of Christ. The needle was supposed to point toward tlie north star at all times. \nThere is a continual variation from this line, now easily calculated, but unknown until discovered \nby Columbus. It perplexed, but did not dismay him. \n\n3 They had seen birds, but they proved to be the petrel, an ocean fowl. Bits of wood and sea- \nweeds had also been seen. These had undoubtedly been seen on the outer verge of the Gulf \nStream, north-east of the Bahamas, where, according to Lieutenant Maury [Physical Geography of \nthe Sea], there may always be found a drift of sea-weed, and sometimes objects that have floated \nfrom the land. \n\n\n\n\n40 \n\n\n\nDISCOVERIES. \n\n\n\n[1492. \n\n\n\n\nBANNEK OF THE \nEXPEDITION. \n\n\n\nArrayed in scarlet, and bearing his sword in one hand,, \nand the banner of the expedition in the other, Columbus \nlanded, with his followers, and in the midst of the gorgeous \n(f^\xc2\xa3Sr scenery and the incense of myriads of flowers, they all knelt \n\n(T I down and chaunted a hymn of thanksgiving to God. The \n\nnatives had gathered in wonder and awe, in the grove near \nby, regarding the Europeans as children of their great \ndeity, the Sun.^ Little did they comprehend the fatal signif- \nicance to them, of the act of Columbus, when, rising from \nthe ground, he displayed the royal standard, drew his sword, \nset up a rude cross upon the spot where he landed, and took \nformal possession of the beautiful country in the name of \nFerdinand and Isabella.^ The land first discovered by Colum- \nbus was one of the Bahamas, called by the natives Guana- \nhama, but since named by the English, Cat Island. The \nnavigator named it San Salvador (Holy Saviour) ; and believing it to be near \nthe coast of further India, he called the natives Indians. This name was after- \nward applied to all the natives of the adjacent continent,^ and is still retained. \n\nThe triumph of Columbus was now complete. After spending some time \nin examining the island, becoming acquamted with the simple habits of the- \nnatives, and unsuccessfully searching for "the gold, and pearls, and spices of \nZipangi,"^ he sailed southward, and discovered several other small islands. He \nfinally discovered Cuba and St. Domingo, where he was told of immense gold- \nbearing regions in the interior. Impressed with the belief that he had dis- \ncovered the Ophir of the ancients, ho returned to Spain, where he arrived ic \nMarch, 1-1:93. He was received with great honors,\' but considerations of State- \npolicy induced the Spanish government to conceal the importance of his dis- \ncovery from other nations. This policy, and the jealousy Avhich the sudden \nelevation of a foreigner inspired in the Spaniards, deprived him of the honor \nof having the New World called by his name. Americus Vespucius," a Flor- \nentine, unfairly won the prize. In company with Ojeda, a companion of Colum- \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0 Almost all the natives of the torrid zone of America worshiped the sun as the chief visible- \ndeity. The great temples of the sun in Mexico and Peru were among the most magnificent struc- \ntures of the Americans, when Eiu-opeans came. \n\n- It was fi common practice tlien, as now, for the discoverer of new lands to erect some monu- \nment, and to proclaim the title of his sovereign to the territories so discovered. The banner of the \nexpedition, borne on shore by Columbus, was a white one, with a green cross. Over the mitial*. \nF. and Y. (Ferdinand and Ysabella) were golden mural crowns. \n\n\' Chapter I, page 9. _ \xc2\xab Note 4, page 38. \n\n^ ColumlDus carried back with him several of the natives, and a variety of the animals, birds,, \nand plants of the New World. Tiiey excited the greatest astonishment. His journey from Palos \nto Barcelona, to meet the sovereigns, was like the march of a king. His reception was still more \nmagnificent. The throne of the monarch was placed in a pubhc square, and the great of the king- \ndom were there to do homage to the navigator. The highest honors were bestowed upon Colum- \nbus ; and the sovereigns granted him a coat of arms bearing royal devices, and the motto, " To- \nCastile and Leon Columbus gave a new world." \n\n6 See tlie protrait of Vespucius at the head of this Chapter. The Italians spell his name Amer- \nigo Vespucci [Am-e-ree-go Ves-pute-se]. He died while in the service of the king of Spain, in \n1514. He had made several voyages to South America, and explored the eastern coast as Car- \nsouthward as the harbor of Rio Janeiro. \n\n\n\n3609.1 SPANISH VOYAGES AND DISCOYERIES. 41 \n\nbus during his first voyage, Amcricus visited the West Indies, and discovered \nand explored the eastern coast of South America, north of the Oronoco, in \n1499. In 1504, he published a glowing account of the lands he had visited,\' \nand that being the first formal announcement to the world of the great discov- \nery, and as he claimed to have first set foot upon the Continent of the West, \nit was called America, in honor of the Florentine. This claim was not \nfounded on truth, for Columbus had anticipated him ; and two years earlier, \nCabot, in command of an expedition from England, discovered Labrador, New- \nfoundland, and portions of the New England coast. \n\nColumbus made three other voyages to the West Indies, ^ established settle- \nments, and in August, 1498, he discovered the continent at the mouth of the \nOronoco. This, too, he supposed to be an island near the coast of Asia, and he \nlived and died in ignorance of the real grandeur of his discoveries. Before \ndeparting on his third voyage, he was appointed Viceroy and High Admiral of \nthe New World. During his absence, jealous and unscrupulous men poisoned \nthe minds of the king and queen with false statements concerning the ambitious \ndesigns of Columbus, and he was sent back to Spain in chains. The navigator \nwas guilty of serious wrongs, but not against his sovereign. He made slaves \nof the natives, and this offended the conscientious Isal)ella. But she was soon \nundeceived concerning his alleged political crimes, and he was allowed to depart \non a fourth voyage. When he returned, the queen was dead, his enemies were \nin power, and he who had shed such luster upon the Spanish name, and added a \nnew hemisphere to the Spanish realm, was allowed to sink into the grave in \nobscurity and neglect. He died at Yalladolid on the 20th of May, 1506. \nHis body was buried in a convent, from whence it was afterward carried to St. \nDomingo, and subsequently to Havana, m Cuba, where it now remains. \n\nIt was an unlucky hour for the nations of the New World when the eyes of \nEuropeans Avere first opened upon it. The larger islands of the West India \ngroup were soon colonized by the Spaniards ; and the peaceful, friendly, gen- \ntle, and happy natives, were speedily reduced to slavery. Their Paradise was \nmade a Pandemonium for them. Bending beneath the weight of Spanish \ncruelty and wrong, they soon sunk into degradation. The women were com- \npelled to intermarry with their oppressors, and from this union came many of \nthe present race of Creoles, who form the numerical strength of Cuba and other \nWest India Islands. \n\nThe wonderful stories of gold-bearing regions, told by the natives, and ex- \naggerated by the adventurers, inflamed the avarice and cupidity of the Span- \niards, and exploring voyages from Cuba, St. Domingo, and Porto Rico, were \nundertaken. The eastern coast of Yucatan Avas discovered in 1506 ; and \nin 1510, Vasco Nunez de Balboa, with a colony, settled upon the Isthmus \n\n\n\n\' First in a letter to Lorenzo de Medici, and then [150\'7] in a volume, dedicated to the Duke of \nLorraine. These publications revealed what the Spanish Government wished to conceal. Note 4, \npage 47. \n\n2 In his second voyage [1493], Coluraljus took with him several horses, a bull, and some cows. \nThese wore the first animals of the kind taken from Europe to America- \n\n\n\n\n42 DISCOVERIES. [1492. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2of Darien. This was the first colony planted on the continent of America. \nCrossing the Isthmus in search of gold in 1513, Balboa saw the Pacific \nOcean in a southerly direction from the top of a high \nmountain, and he called it the " South Sea." In fill] \ncostume, and bearing the Spanish flag, he entered its \nwaters and took possession of the "seas, lands," etc., "of \nthe South," in the name of his sovereign. \n\nIn the year 1512 Florida was discovered by Juan Ponce \nde Leon, an old visionary, who had been governor of \nPorto Rico. With three ships he sailed for the Bahamas \nin search of a fountain which unlettered natives and \nwise men of Spain believed to exist there, and whose \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0^S^.: r_ waters possessed the quality of restoring old age to\' the \n\nBALiioA.i bloom of youth, and of making the recipient immortal. \n\nIt was on Easter Sunday,^ March 27, 1512, the Pasquas de Flores^ of the \nSpaniards, when the adventurer approached the shores of the great southern \npeninsula of the United States and landed near the site of St. Augustine.* The \nforests and the green banks were laden with flowers ; and when, soon after \nlanding, Ponce de Leon took possession of the country in the name of his sov- \nereign, this fact and the holy day were regarded, and he called the beautiful \ndomain, Florida. He continued his searches for the Fountain of Youth all \nalong the coast of the newly-discovered country, and among the Tortugas (Tor- \ntoise) Islands, a hundred miles from its southern cape, but without success ; \najid he returned to Porto Bico, an older if not a Aviser man. He soon afterward \nwent to Spain, where he remained several years. \n\nWhile Ponce de Leon was absent in Europe, some wealthy owners of plant- \nations and mines in St. Domingo, sent Lucas Vasquez d\'Ayllon, one of their \nnumber, with two vessels, to seize natives of the Bermudas, and bring them \nhome for laborers. It was an unholy mission, and God\'s displeasure was made \nmanifest. A storm drove the voyagers into St. Helen\'s Sound, on the coast of \nSouth Carolina, and after much tribulation, they anchored [1520] at the mouth \nof the Combahee Biver. The natives were kind and generous ; and, judging \ntheir visitors by their own simple standard of honor, they unsuspectingly went \nupon the ship in crowds, to gratify their curiosity. While below, the hatches \nwere closed, the sails were immediately spread, and those free children of the \nforest were borne away to work as bond-slaves in the mines of St. Domingo. \nBut the perpetrators of the outrage did not accomplish their designs. One of \nthe vessels was destroyed by a storm ; and almost every prisoner in the other \nrefused to take food, and died. The fruit of this perfidy was a feeling of hos- \ntility to white people, which spread throughout the whole of the Mobilian \ntribes,^ and was a source of much trouble afterward. \n\n\n\n1 This little picture gives a correct representation of those armed Spaniards who attempted con- \nquests in the New "World. Balboa\'s fellow-adventurers became jealous of his fame, and on their \naccusations he was put to death by the Governor of Darien, in 1517. \n\n- The day in which is commemorated in the Ciiristian Church the resurrection of Jesus Clirist. \n\n* Feast of flowers. * Page 51. " Chapter VIII., page 29. \n\n\n\nf609.] SPANISH VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 43 \n\nPonce cle Leon returned to the West Indies soon after D\'Ayllon\'s voyage, \nbearing the commission of Governor of Florida, with instructions to plant settle- \nments tliere. In his attempts to do so, the angry natives, who had heard of the \ntreachery of the Spaniards, attacked him furiously. He was mortally wounded, \nand almost all of his followers were killed. D\' Ayllon was then appointed governor \nof the country which he had discovered and named Chicora. He went thither \nto conquer it, and was received with apparent friendship by the natives on the \nbanks of the Combahee,\' near the spot where his great crime of man-stealing \nhad been perpetrated. Many of his men were induced to visit a village in the \ninterior, when the natives practiced the lesson of treachery Avhich D\'Ayllonhad \ntaught them, and massacred the whole party. The commander himself was \nattacked upon his own ship, and it was with difficulty that he escaped. He died \nof his wounds at St. Domingo. \n\nAnother important discovery was made in 1517, by Francisco Fernandea \nde Cordova, who commanded an expedition from Cuba : the rich and populous \ndomain of Mexico was revealed to the avaricious Spaniards. Cordovas report \nof a people half civilized, and possessing treasures in cities, awakened the keen. \nest cupidity of his countrymen ; and the following year Velasquez, the governoi \nof Cuba, sent another expedition to Mexico, under Juan de Grijalva. That \ncaptain returned with much treasure, obtained by trafficking with the Mex- \nicans. The avarice, cupidity, and ambition of Velasquez were powerfully \naroused, and he determined to conquer the Mexicans, and possess himself \nof their sources of wealth. An expedition, consisting of eleven vessels, and \nmore than six hundred armed men, was placed under the command of Fernando \nCortez, a brave but treacherous and cruel leader. He landed first at Tobasco, \nand then at San Juan de Ulloa,"^ near Vera Cruz [April 12. 1519], where he \nreceived a friendly deputation from Montezuma, the emperor of the nation.\' \nBy falsehood and duplicity, Cortez and his armed companions were allowed to \nmarch to Mexico, the capital. By stratagem and boldness, and the aid of \nnative tribes who were hostile to tlie Mexican dynasty, Cortez^ succeeded, after \nmany bloody contests during almost two years, in subduing the people. The \ncity of Mexico surrendered to him on the 23d of August, 1521, and the vast \nand populous empire of Montezuma became a Spanish province. \n\nFlorida continued to command the attention of the Spaniards, in whose \nminds floated magnificent dreams of immense wealth in cities and mines within \nits deep forests ; and seven years after the conquest of Mexico [1528], Pamphilo \n\n\n\n\' D\'AylloTi named this river, Jordan, for he regarded the country as the new Land of Promise. \n\n^ Pronounced San-whahn-da-OoIoo-ali. \n\n^ Tiie Mexicans at that time were mailing rapid advances in the march of civilization. They \nwere acquainted with many of the useful arts of enlightened nations, and appear to have Iwen as \nfar advanced in science, law, religion, and domestic and public social organization, as were the \nRomans at the close of the Republic. \n\n* Born at Medellon, in Estramadura, Spain, in 1485. He went to St. Domingo in 1504, and \nin 1511 accompanied Velasquez to Cuba. He committed many horrid crimes in Mexico. Yet he \nhad the good tbrtune, unhke the more noble Columbus, to retain the favor of the Spanish monarch \nuntil liis death. When, on his return to Spain, he urged an audience with the emperor, and was \nasked who he was, the bold adventurer replied, " I am the man who has given you more provinces \nthan your father left you towns." He died in Estramadura, m 1554, at the age of 69 years. \n\n\n\n44 DISCOVERIES. [1492, \n\nde Narvaez having been appointed governor of that region, went from Cuba., \nwith three hundred men,\' to conquer it. Hoping to find a wealthy empire, \nlike Mexico, he penetrated the unknown interior as far as the southern borders- \nof Georgia. Instead of cities filled with treasures, he found villages of huts, \nand the monarch of the country living in a wigAvam.\'\' Disappointed, and con- \ntinually annoyed by hostile savages, who had heard of the treachery at the Com- \nbahee," he turned southward, and reaching the shores of Apallachee Bay, near \nSt. Marks, he constructed rude boats and embarked for Cuba. The commander \nand most of his followers perished ; only four escaped, and these wandered from \ntribe to tribe for several yeai-s before reaching a Spanish settlement in Mexico. \nYet the misfortunes of Narvaez did not suppress the spirit of adventure, and \nFlorida (the name then applied to all North America) was still regarded by^ \nthe Spaniards as the new Land of Promise. All believed that in the vast \ninterior were mines as rich, and people as wealthy as those of Mexico and Yu- \ncatan. Among the most sanguine of the possessors of such \nan opinion, was Ferdmand de Soto, a brave and Avealthy \ncavalier, who had gained riches and military honors, with \nPizarro, in Peru.^ He obtained permission of the Spanish \nemperor to conquer Florida at his own expense, and for that \npurpose, was appointed governor of Cuba, and also of Flor- \ni(^a. With ten vessels and six hundred men, all clad in \narmor, he sailed for the New World early in 1539. Leav- \nDE SOTO. ing his wife to govern Cuba, he proceeded to Florida, and. \n\non the 10th of June landed on the shores of Tampa Bay, \nHe then sent most of his vessels back, and made his way, among hostile sav- \nages, toward the interior of the fancied land of gold.^ He wintered on the \nbanks of the Flint River, in Georgia, and in the spring crossed the Appal- \nlachian Mountains, and penetrated the beautiful country of the Cherokees.^ \n\nThis, all things considered, Avas one of the most remarkable expeditions on \nrecord. For several months, De Soto and his followers wandered over the hills, \nand valleys of Alabama, in vain searches for treasure, fighting the fierce Mo- \nbilian tribes,\' and becoming continually diminished in number by battle and \ndisease. They passed the winter of 1541 on the banks of the Yazoo River, in \nthe land of the Chickasaws.* In May of that year, they discovered and crossed \nthe Mississippi River, probably not far below Memphis ; and there, in the pres- \nence of almost twenty thousand Indians, De Soto erected a cross made of a \nhuge pine tree, and around it imposing religious* ceremonies were performed. \n\n\' They took with them about forty horses, the first ever landed upon the soil of the present \nUnited States. These all perished by starvation, or the weapons of the Indians. \n\n2 Page 13. \' Page 42. \n\n* Pizarro was a follower of Balboa. He discovered Peru in 1524, and in connection with Al- \nmagro and Lucque, he conquered it in 1532, after much bloodshed. He was born, out of wedlock, \nin Estramadura, Spain, in 1475. He could neither read nor write, but seemed eminently fitted for \nthe field of effort in which he was enij^aged. He quarreled with Almagro, civil war ensued, and h\xc2\xa9 \nwas murdered at Lima, in Peru, in 1541. \n\n5 De Soto had a large number of horses. He also landed some swine. These rapidly increased. \nin the forests. They were the first of their species seen in America. \n\n\xc2\xab Page 27 i Chapter VIII., p. 29. 8 Page 30. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^^ \n\n\n\nBIE S\xc2\xae!?\xc2\xae \xc2\xa9sr ^niDI; \n\n\n\njrMIE HI \n\n\n\n1609.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH DISCOVERIES. 45 \n\nTo De Soto belongs the honor of first discovering that mightj river of our wide \ncontinent. After resting two days, the adventurers went up the western shore \nof the Mississippi as far as New Madrid. The ensuing summer and winter \nwere spent by them in the wilderness watered by the Arkansas and its tributa- \nries, and m the spring of 1542 they returned to the Mississippi, at the mouth \nof the Wachita, where De Soto sickened and died, after appointing his succes- \nsor.\' In these painful and perilous journeyings, they had marched full three \nthousand miles. \n\nThe death of their leader was a terrible blow to the followers of De Soto. \nThey were now reduced to half their original number : and, abandonino- all \nhopes of finding gold, or a Avealthy people, they sought for Spanish settlements \nin Mexico. For many months they wandered over the prairies, and among the \ntributary streams of the Red River, as far as the land of the Comanches," when \nimpassable mountain ranges compelled them to retrace their steps to the Mis- \nsissippi. At a little below Natchez they remained until the following July \n[1543], engaged in constructing several large boats, in which they embarked. \nReaching the Gulf of Mexico, they crept cautiously along its coast ; and, on the \n20th of September, the little remnant of De Soto\'s proud army, half naked and \nstarving, arrived at a Spanish settlement near the mouth of the Panuco, thirty \nmiles north of Tampico. This was the last attempt of the Spanish cotempo- \nxaries of Columbus to explore, or to make settlements within the present terri- \ntory of the United States, previous to the appearance of the English\' in the \nsame field. They were impelled by no higher motive than the acquisition of \ngold, and treachery anci violence Avere the instruments employed to obtain it. \nThey were not worthy to possess the magnificent country which they coveted \nonly for its supposed wealth in 1 recious metals ; and it was reserved for others, \nwho came afterward, with loftier aims, better hearts, and stronger hands, to \ncultivate the soil, and to establish an empire fi)unded upon truth and justice. \nThe Spaniards did finally become possessors of the southern portion of the Con- \ntinent ; and to this day the curse of moral, religious, and political despotism \nrests upon those regions. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER III. \n\nENGLISH AND Fr.ENCTI DISCOTERTES. \n\nWith all its zealous vigilance, the Spanisli court could not conceal the fact \nthat a New World had been discovered,\' and over Continental Europe and the \n\n1 De Soto\'s followers sunk the body of their leader deep in tlie Mississippi, so that the Indians \nshould not find it. 2 Page 33. \n\n^ Page 46. "While De Soto was engaged in this expedition, another, no less adventurous, was \nundertaken by Coronada, at the command of Mendoza, Viceroy of Mexico. He took with hun, \nfrom the south-eastern shore of the Gulf of California, three hundred and fifty Spaniards, and eight \nhundred Indians. He penetrated the country to the head waters of the Rio del Norte, and onward \ninto the great interior desert, as far as the fortieth degree of north latitude. It was a perilous, but \niruitless expedition. < Page 40. \n\n\n\n\n46 DISCOVERIES. [1492, \n\nBritish Isles, were spread the most extravagant tales of gold-bearing regions \nbeyond the Atlantic Ocean. By means of a papal hull^^ Portugal and Spain \nvainly attempted to secure to themselves a monopoly of oceanic navigation. \nBut in all maritime countries, cupidity and curiosity urged men to brave both \nthe perils of the sea and the thunders of the Vatican, in search of the western \nparadise and the regions of gold. Monarchs and wealthy subjects projected \nnew expeditions. Among those whose zeal in the cause of maritime discovery \nwas newly awakened, was Henry the Seventh of England, who had turned a \ndeaf ear to the appeals of Columbus before his great first voyage.\'^ \n\nThe town of Bristol, in the west of England, was \nthen one of the most important sea-ports in the realm ; \nand among its adventurous mariners who had pene- \ntrated the polar waters, probably as far as Greenland, \nwas Sebastian Cabot, son of a wealthy Venetian mer- \nchant of Bristol, whose father sought the aid of the \nking in making a voyage of discovery. Willing to \nsecure a portion of the prize he had lost, Henry read- \nily yielded to the solicitations of Cabot, and gave him \nSEBASTIAN CABOT. ^^^1 his SOUS a commissiou of discovery, dated March \n\n16, 1496, which was similar, in some respects, to that \nwhich Columbus had received from Ferdinand and Isabella;\' but unlike his \nSpanish cotemporaries, the English monarch did not bear the expenses of the \nvoyage. The navigators were permitted to go, at their own expense, " to search \nfor islands or regions inhabited by infidels, and hitherto unknown to Christen- \ndom," and take possession of them in the name of the King of England. They \nwere to enjoy the sole right of trading thither \xe2\x80\x94 paying to the King, \' \' in lieu \nof all customs and imposts," a fifth of all net profits, and the same proportion \nof the products of all mines. \n\nAccording to recent discoveries made in searching the ancient records of \nEngland, it appears to be doubtful whether the elder Cabot, who was a mer- \nchant and a scientific man, ever voyaged to America. It is certain, however, \nthat his son, Sebastian, accompanied, and, doubtless, commanded, the first \nexpedition, which consisted of two vessels freighted by his father and others of \nBristol and of London, and which sailed from the former port in May, 1498. \nThey steered north-westerly until they encountered immense fields of ice west- \nward of Cape FareAvell, when they turned to the south-west, and on the 3d of \nJuly, of that year, discovered the rugged coast of Labrador. Passing Cape \nCharles, they saw Newfoundland ; and, after touching at several points, prob- \nably as far southward as the coast of Maine, they hastened to England to \nannounce the fact that they had first discovered a great western continent. \n\n> This is the name of special edicts issued by the Pope of Rome. They are written on parch- \nment, and have a great seal attached, made of wax, lead, silver, or gold. The name is derived from \nthe seal, luUa. On one side, are tlie heads of Peter and Paul, and on the other, the name of the Pope \nand the year of his pontificate. Tlie seal of the celebrated golden hull of the Emperor Charles IV., \nwas made of gold. That bull became the fundamental law of the German Empire, at the Diet of \nNuremburg, A. d. 1536. 2 Page 37. ^ jSTote 1, page 39. \n\n\n\n1609.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH DISCOVERIES. 47 \n\nThe skill and energy of young Cabot secured the confidence of his father- \nand friends in his ability to command successfully ; and the following year, \nalthough he was only twenty-one years of age, he was placed in charge of \nanother expedition, fitted out by his family and some Bristol merchants, for the \npurpose of trafiic, and of discovering a north-west passage to India, a desire for \nwhich had now taken hold upon the minds of the commercial world. Ice in the \npolar seas presented an impassable barrier, and he was compelled to go south- \nward. He explored the coast from the frozen regions of Labrador to the sunny \nland of the Carolinas. Nineteen years afterward [1517] he navigated the \nnorthern waters, as far as the entrance to Hudson\'s Bay ; and nine years later \n[1526], while in the service of the monarch of Spain, ^ he explored the coast of \nBrazil, discovered and named the great Hio de la Plata, and penetrated the \nsouthern continent, in boats, upon the bosom of that river, almost four hundred \nmiles. To the Cabots, father and son, belong the imperishable honor of first \ndiscovering the coast of the United States, through at least ten degrees of lati- \ntude. .Italy may claim the glory of having given birth to the two great discov- \nerers, Columbus and Americus Vespucius, whose name our continent now \nbears ; while Sebastian Cabot drew his first breath in England. ^ \n\nThe immense numbers and commercial importance of the cod fishes in th& \nvicinity of Newfoundland, were first discovered and made known by the Cabots ; \nand within five or six years after their first voyages, many fishermen went \nthither from England, Brittany, and Normandy, for those treasures of the deep. \nEvery French vessel that went to America, was on a com- \nmercial errand only, until 1523, when Francis the first fitted \nout four ships, for the purpose of exploring the coasts of the \nNew World. He gave the command to John Verrazani, an \neminent Florentine navigator. Verrazani sailed in Decem- \nber, 1523, but a tempest disabled three of his ships, and he \nwas compelled to go with only one. He proceeded due west / \nfrom the Madeiras on the 27th of January, 1524, and first \ntouched the American Continent, in March following, near terrazani. \n\nthe mouth of the Cape Fear River, in North Carolina. After \nseeking a good harbor for fifty leagues further south, he sailed northward, and \n\n\' Sebastian Cabot was bom at Bristol, in 1467. He was invested with the honorable title of \nChief Pilot of both England and Spain : and to him England is indebted for her first maritime con- \nnection with Russia, by the establishment- of the Russian Trading Company, of which he was \nappointed governor for life. He published a map of the world, and also an account of his southern \nvoyages. He died in 1557, at the age of 90 years. \n\n2 King John of Portugal, like Henry of England, had r "used to aid Columbus, and lost the \ngreat prize. After the return of the navigator, he felt a desire to fit out an expedition for dis- \ncoveries in the New World, but the Pope having given to Spain the whole region westward, \nbeyond an imaginary line three hundred leagues west from the Azores, he dared not interfere with \nthe Spanish mariners. But when the northern voyages of the Cabots became known, King John \ndispatched an expedition in that direction, under Gasper Cortoreal, toward the close of the year \n1500, for the ostensible purpose of seeking a north-west passage to India. Cortoreal coasted along \nthe shores of Labrador several hundred miles, and then freighting his ship with fifty natives whom \nhe had caught, he returned to Portugal, and sold his living cargo, for slaves. Finding the adven- \nture profitable, he sailed for another cargo, but he was never heard of afterward. Almost sixty \nyears later some Portuguese settled in Newfoundland and Nova Scotia, and first imported cattl* \nand swme there. \n\n\n\n\n48 \n\n\n\nDISCOVERIES. \n\n\n\n[1492. \n\n\n\n\nc\\rtier\\s ship. \n\n\n\nexplored the coast from the Carolinas to Newfoundland. He anchored in the \nBays of Delaware and New York,\' the harbor of Newport, and probably that \nof Boston, and held intercourse with the natives, who were sometimes friendly \nand sometimes hostile. Verrazani gave the name of New France to the vast \nregions within the latitudes of the coasts which he had discovered. But at that \ntime the French King was too much engrossed and impoverished by war with \nthe Spanish monarch, to pay much attention to the \nimportant discoveries of Verrazani, or to listen to plans \nfor future expeditions. Ten years elapsed before Admi- \nral Chabon induced Francis to encourage another explor- \ning enterprise, Avhen a plan for making settlements in \nNew France was arranged [lo34j, and James Cartier, a \nmariner of St. Malo, was appointed to the command of \nan expedition. He reached Newfoundland early in \nJune, 1534. After exploring its coasts, \nhe passed through the Straits of Belle- \nisle, into the Gulf beyond, planted a \ncross with the arms of France upon it, on the shore of Gaspc \ninlet, and took possession of the Avhole country in the name of \nhis king. After discovering the mouth of the great river of \nCanada, he sailed for France, in time to avoid the autumn \nstorms on the American coast. \n\nThere was great joy at the French court, in the capital, \nand throughout the whole kingdom, because of the success of \nCartier. He was commissioned for another voyage ; and in \nMay following [1535] he sailed for Newfoundland Avith three \nships, accompanied by several young noblemen of France. \nThey passed the Straits of Belleisle, and entered the Gulf on the day dedicated \nto St. Lawrence ; and, on that account, Cartier gave the name of the martyr to \nthe broad sheet of water over which they were sailing. They passed up the \nriver which afterward received the same name, and mooring their ships at Que- \nbec,\'^ proceeded in a pinnace and boats to Hochelaga, where Montreal now \nstands, then the capital of the Huron king.^ The natives were everywhere \nfriendly and hospitable. \n\nThe land in all that region was very level, except a high mountain in the \nrear of the Indian town. Cartier ascended to its summit, and was so impressed \nwith the glorious view that he called it INIont-Real (royal mountain), which \nname the fine city at its base yet retains. After exchanging presents and \nfriendly salutations with the Indians, they returned to Quebec, and passed the \nsevere winter on board their ships. In the spring, after setting up a cross, and \n\n\n\n\nARMS OF FRANCE. \n\n\n\n\' Some authors say that Verrazani landed where the louver extremity of New York city is, and \ngiving the natives some spirituous liquors, made many of them drunk. The Indians called the \nplace Manna-ha-ta, or "place of dnmkenness," and they were afterward called Manna-ha-tans. \nBut this scene of intoxication probably occurred on board the Half-Moon, the exploring ship of \nHendrick Hudson, See page 59. ^ Pronounced Ke-bec. 3 page 23. \n\n\n\n\n1609.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH DISCOVERIES. 49 \n\ntaking formal possession of the country, thej returned to France, having lost \ntwenty-five seamen Avith the scurvy, a disease until then unknown. Their de- \nparture was disgraced by an act of treachery, which planted the seeds of hatred \nof the white people among the natives of the St. Lawrence. Cartier, under \npretense of friendship, decoyed the hospitable Huron king on board one of his \nvessels and carried him off to France. \n\nThe results of this voyage were little else than a series \nof disappointments. Cartier\'s report of the rigors of the win- \nter and the barrenness of the land in precious stones and \nmetals, was discouraging, and four years elapsed before an- \nother expedition was planned. At length, Francis de la \nRoque, better known as lord of Robertval, in Picardy, ob- \ntained permission of the king to make further discoveries, and \nto plant settlements in New France.\' The king invested \nhim with the empty title of Viceroy of the whole country. \nCartier\'s services being indispensable, he, too, Avas commis- \nsioned, but for subordinate command. He was ready hmy ^\xe2\x80\x9e^,-\xe2\x80\x9e\xe2\x80\x9e ,-, ,\xe2\x80\x9e ^\xe2\x80\x9e ., \n\n\' _ _ \xc2\xab/ O FRE^CH >OBLEMAX \n\nbefore Robertval\'s extensive preparations were completed, i^ 1540. \n\nand being unwilling to bow to the new Viceroy\'s authority, \nhe sailed, with five ships, in June, 1541, some months before the departure of \nhis official superior. He had intended to take the Huron king back with him, \nbut the broken-hearted monarch had died in France. It Avas an unfortunate \noccurrence. The natives received Cartier first Avith coldness, and then showed \nopen hostility. Fearing the Indians, the French built a fort upon the island \nof Orleans, a little below Quebec. There they passed the winter without \naccomplishing any important achievement, and in June folloAving [1542], de- \nparted for France, just as Robertval arriA^ed at NcAvfoundland, with tAvo hun- \ndred persons. Robertval passed up the St. LaAvrence, built tAvo more forts \nnear Quebec, endured a Avinter of great distress, and, abandoning the idea of \nsettlement, returned to France in the spring of 1543. Six years afterward, he \nagain sailed for the St. LaAvrence, and was never heard of again. The discov- \neries of Verrazani and Cartier, and also of French fishermen, served as the found- \nation for a claim by France to the northern portion of the American continent. \nFrance was noAV convulsed by the conflicts of religious opinions. It was \nthe era of the Reformation there. \'^ The doctrines and the teachings of Calvin \nand others, in opposition to the faith and practice of the Roman Catholic \nChurch, had already arrayed great masses of the people in violent hostility to \neach other. The religious Avar Avas an absorbing idea, and for fifty years the \nFrench gOA^ernment made no further attempts at discovery or colonization. \nBut private enterprise sought to plant a French settlement in the land discovered \nby D\'Ayllon.^ The Huguenots, or French Protestants, who maintained the \nfaith of early Christianity, Avere the Aveaker party in number, and felt the heaAy \nheel of oppression. They had a poAverful friend in Jasper Coligny, admiral of \nFrance, but a weak protector in the reigning monarch, Charles the Ninth. \n\nJ Page 48. . 2 Note 14, page 62. 3 Page 42 \n\n\n\n50 DISCOVERIES. [1492. \n\nThe fires of persecution were continuallj burning, and at length Coiignj \nconceived the noble idea of providing a place of refuge for his Protestant \nbrethren, beyond the Atlantic. The king granted him a commission for that \npurpose ; and earlj in 1562 [Feb. 28 J, a squadron, under John Ribault, \nsailed for America. The little Huguenot fleet touched first near the harbor \nof St. Augustine, in Florida.\' Sailing northward, they saw the mouth of the \nbeautiful St. John\'s River [May, 1562], and, it being the fifth month of the \nyear, they named it the " River of May." Making their way along the coast, \nthey discovered Port Royal entrance, were charmed with the beauty of the \nscene, chose the spot for their future home, and built a small fort, which they \nnamed Carolina, in honor of the king. Leaving a garrison of twenty-six men \nto defend it, Ribault went back to France with the ships, for reinforcements. \nBitter disappointment ensued. Civil war was raging in France, and Coligny \nwas almost powerless. The reinforcements were not supplied, and the little \ngarrison, though treated with hospitality by the Indians, became very discon- \ntented. Despairing of relief, they built a frail vessel, and, with insufiicient \nstores, they embarked for France. Tempests assailed them, and famine was \nmenacing them with death, when they were picked up by an English bark, and \nconveyed to Great Britain. Thus perished the first seeds of religious freedom \n\xe2\x80\xa2which the storms of persecution bore to the New World. \n\nThe noble Coligny was not discouraged ; and, during a lull in the tempest \nof civil commotion, another expedition was sent to America, under the com- \nmand of Laudonniere, who had accompanied Ribault on his first voyage. \nThey arrived in July, 1564, pitched their tents on the banks of the St. John\'s \nRiver (River of May), and built another Fort Carolina. But there were ele- \nments of dissolution among these immigrants. Many were idle, vicious, and \nimprovident ; and provisions soon became scarce. Under pretext of returning \nto France, to escape famine, quite a large party sailed, in December, in one of \nthe vessels. They turned pirates, and depredated extensively upon Spanish \nproperty in the West Indies. The remainder became discontented, and Avere \nabout to embark for France, when Ribault arrived with immigrants and sup- \nplies, and took command.^ \n\nSpanish jealousy and bigotry were now aroused, and when the monarch of \nSpain, the narrow Philip the Second, heard of the settlement of the French \nProtestants within his claimed territory, and of the piracies of some of the \nparty, he adopted measures for their expulsion and punishment. Pedro Melen- \ndez, a brave but cruel military chief, was appointed Governor of Florida, on \ncondition that he would expel the Frenchmen from the soil, conquer the natives, \nand plant a colony there within three years. That was an enterprise exactly \nsuited to the character of Melendez. He came with a strong force, consisting \nof three hundred soldiers, furnished by the king, and twenty-two hundred vol- \n\n1 Page 42. \n\n2 James Le Moyne, a skillful painter, was sent with this expedition, with instructions to mako \ncolored drawings of every object worthy of preservation. His illustrations of the costume and cus- \ntoms of the natives are very interestmg, because authentic. \n\n\n\nJ609.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH DISCOVERIES. 51 \n\nunteers \xe2\x80\x94 priests, sailors, mechanics, laborers, women, and children. The fleet \nwas scattered bj storms, and with onlj one third of his original number, Me- \nJendez landed in a fine harbor on the coast of \'Florida. There he laid the \nfoundations of a city, which he named St. Augustine [Sept. 17, 1565], and \nformally proclaimed the king of Spain to be monarch of all North America. \nOn hearing of the arrival of the Spaniards, a large party of the French, under \nRibault, proceeded from the St. John\'s, bj water, to attack them. A tempest \nwrecked every vessel ; and most of the survivors, who fell into the hands of the \nSpaniards, were put to death. In the mean while, Melendez made his way- \nthrough the swamps and forests Avith a strong force, to the defenseless French \n\xe2\x96\xa0settlement, where he massacred about nine hundred men, women, and children, \nand over their dead bodies placed an inscription, avowing that he slew them, not \n" because they were Frenchmen, but Lutherans.\'" Upon that field of blood \nthe monster erected a cross, and laid the foundation of a Christian church to \ncommemorate the deed ! \n\nCharles the Ninth of France was not only a weak monarch, but an enemy \nto the Huguenots. He therefore took no steps to avenge the outrage, per- \npetrated under the sanction of the bigot of Spain. But one of his subjects, a \nfiery soldier of Gascony, named Dominic de Gourges, obtained permission to \ninflict retribution. He had suffered Spanish bondage and Spanish cruelty, and \npanted for revenge. He fitted out three ships at his own expense, and with one \nhundred and fifty men, sailed for Florida. He attacked the Spaniards upon the \nSt. John\'s, surprised and captured Fort Carolina, which they occupied, made \ntwo hundred prisoners, and hanging his captives upon the trees almost upon the \nspot where his countrymen had been murdered, he placed over them the inscrip- \ntion \xe2\x80\x94 " I do not this as unto Spaniards or mariners, but unto traitors, robbers, \nand murderers." Too weak to brave the vengeance of ]\\Ielendez, who was at St. \nAugustine, De Gourges immediately left the coast, and returned to France. \nThe natives were delighted at seeing their common enemies thus destroy- \ning each other. The Spaniards, however, held possession, and a Spanish \nsettlement was ever afterward maintained at St. Augustine, except during a \nfew years. \n\nIt was now more than three quarters of a century since Columbus discov- \nered the West India Islands, and yet no real progress toward a permanent \nEuropean settlement, within the domain of the United States, had been made. \nAlthough the English seem not to have wholly relinquished the idea of plant- \ning settlements in America, it was not until the twentieth year of the brilliant \nreign of Queen Elizabeth, and almost eighty years after the discovery of the \ncontinent by Cabot,- that healthy efforts to found colonies in the New World, \nwere made. Sir Martin Frobisher^ (an eminent navigator) and others had \n\n\' The Protestants were often called by the general name of Lutherajis, because the later Reform- \nation was commenced by the bold opposition of Martin Luther to the corrupt practices of the Romish \nChurch. Note 14, page 62. 2 page 46. \n\n3 Born in Yorkshire, Englnnd ; was trained in the navigator\'s art ; made several voyages for \ndiscovery ; and died of wounds received in a naval battle near Brest, on the French coast, ia \n1594. \n\n\n\n52 DISCOVF]RIES. [1492. \n\nexplored the north- estern coast of North America, to the dreary region north \nof Hudson\'s Bay/ in search of precious metals and a north-west passage to \nIndia,\' but without beneficial results. Newfoundland was visited every year \nby numerous English and French fishing-vessels, and the neighboring continent \nwas frequently touched by the hardy mariners. Yet no feasible plans for col- \nonization were matured. Finally, when the public mind of England was turned \nfrom the cold regions of Labrador and the fancied mineral wealth in its rugged \nmountains, to the milder South, and the more solid benefits to be derived from \nplmitaiions than min s, a new and brilliant era in the history of civilization \nbeofan. This change was produced incidentally by the Huguenot adventurers.\' \nThe remnant of Coligny\'s first colony, who were picked up at sea and taken to \nEngland, informed the queen of the glory of the climate, and the fertility of \nthe soil of Carolina. When De Gourges returned from his foray upon the \nSpaniards,^ Walter Raleigh, then a young man of much promise, was learning \nthe art of war Avith Coligny, in France, and he communicated to his friends in \nEngland that chevalier\'s account of Florida, which was yet a wilderness free \nfor the sons of toil. Enterprise was powerfully aroused by the promises of that \nwarm and beautiful land, and the Protestant^ feeling of England was strongly \nstirred by the cruelties of Melendez. These dissimilar, but auxiliary causes, \nproduced great effects, and soon many minds were employed in planning \nschemes for colonizing the pleasant middle regions of North America. The \nfirst healthy plan for settlement there Avas proposed by the learned Sir Humph- \nrey Gilbert, a step-brother of Walter Raleigh. He had served with honor in \nthe wars of Ireland, France, and the Low Countries, and then was not only prac- \ntically engaged in maritime affairs, but had written and published a treatise on \nthe north-west passage to India. Having lost money in a vain endeavor to \ntransmute baser metals into gold, he resolved to attempt to retrieve his fortune \nby planting a colony in the New World. In June, 1578, he obtained a liberal \npatent or grant from the queen. Raleigh gave him the aid of his hand and for- \ntune ; and early in 1579, Gilbert sailed for America, with a small squadron, \naccompanied by his step-brother. Heavy storms and Spanish war- vessels com- \npelled them to return, and the scheme was abandoned for a time. Four years \nafterward [1583J Gilbert sailed with another squadron ; and after a series of \ndisasters, he reached the harbor of St. John\'s, NcAvfoundland. There he set up \na pillar with the English arms upon it,\xc2\xb0 proclaimed the sovereignty of his \nqueen, and then proceeded to explore the coast southward. After being ter- \nribly beaten by tempests off" the shores of Nova Scotia and Maine, and losing \nhis largest ship, he turned his vessel toward England. At midnight, in Sep- \ntember, during a gale, his own little bark of ten tons went down, with all on \nboard, and only one vessel of the expedition returned to England to relate the \ndreadful narrative. \n\nThe melancholy fate of the second expedition did not dismay the heart of \n\n\' Note 8, page 59. \' Page 47. \' Page 50. \n\n* Page 51. \' Note 14, page 62. \xc2\xab Note 2, page 40. \n\n\n\ni\'lii \n\n\n\n\n\n\n^^S^ \n\n\n\n^:*^^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\'"^^^%%^ \n\n\n\n3t a I e i g f) \' \xc2\xa7 (5 j; p e b i 1 i o n 3 u St o n n o f e . \n\n\n\n1609.] \n\n\n\nENGLISH AND FRENCH DISCOVERIES. \n\n\n\n55 \n\n\n\n\nRaleigh. He was a young man of great spirit, "the most restless, and am- \nbitious, as he was the most versatile and accomplished, of all Elizabeth\'s court- \niers." He now obtained a patent for himself [April, \n1584], which made him lord proprietor of all lands \nthat might be discovered bj him in America, be- \ntween the Santee and Delaware Rivers. He dis- \npatched Philip Amidas and Arthur Barlow, with \ntwo well-furnished ships, to explore the American \ncoast. They approached the shores of Carolina\' \nin July, and landing upon the islands of Wocoken \nand Roanoke, which separate the waters of Pamlico \nand Albemarle Sounds from the Atlantic, they took \npossession of the country in the name of Elizabeth. raleigh. \n\nThey remained a few weeks, exploring the Sounds and trafficking with tho- \nnatives, and then returned to England with two sons of the forest.\'\' The glow- \ning accounts of the newly-discovered country filled Raleigh\'s\' heart with joy ; \nand the queen declared the event to be (what it really was) one of the most \nglorious of her reign. In memorial of her unmarried state, she gave the name \nof Virginia to the enchanting region. Raleigh was knighted, his patent was \nconfirmed by act of Parliament, and the queen gave him a monopoly in the sale \nof sweet wines, as a means for enriching him. \n\nThe ardent and ever hopeful Raleigh now indulged \nin brilliant dreams of wealth and power to be derived \nfrom the New World, and he made immediate prepar- \nations for planting settlements on his- trans- Atlantic \ndomains. He dispatched a fleet of seven vessels on \nthe 19th of April, 1585, under the command of Sir \nRichard Grenvillc. He was accompanied by Ralph \nLane, the appointed governor of the colony, with \nlearned companions ; and also by Manteo, the native \nchief They narrowly escaped shipwreck on the Caro- \nlina coast, in June, and in consequence of that danger, \n\nthey named the land Avhere their peril Avas greatest, Cape J \'^ar. Enterino\' \nOcracock Inlet, they landed upon the island of Roanoke, in Albemarle Sound, \nand there prepared for a permanent residence.\'\' \n\n\n\n\nRALEIGH S SHIPS. \n\n\n\n1 The French Protestants had given the name of Carohna to the region wliev\'^ tliey attempted \nsettlement, and it has ever since retained it. See page 50. \n\n2 Manko and Wanchese, natives of the adjacent continent: probably of the Hatteras tribe. \n\n3 Born in Devonshire, England, 1552. He was one of the most illustrious men of tlie reign of \nQueen Ehzabeth, wliieh was remarkable for brilliant minds. His efforts to plant colonies in Amer- \nica, were evidences of a great genius and indomitable courage and perseverance. He was also a \nfine .\'Beholar, as well as a statesman, mariner, and soldier. His name will ever be held in reverence \nby all who can appreciate true greatness. He wrote a History of the "World, while in prison under \na false charge of high treason, and was beheaded in London, October 29, 1628. \n\n* The picture of the meeting of the English and natives of Roanoke, on page 53, exhibits \ntruthful delineations of the persons and costumes of the Indians found there. They were copied \nand grouped from Harriot\'s " Brief and True Report of the new found land of Virginia," which was \npublished in 1590. Harriot accompanied the expedition as historian and naturalist, remained a. \n\n\n\n56 DISCOVERIES. [1492. \n\nThe English made some fatal mistakes at the outset. Instead of looking to \nthe fruition of seed-time for true riches, thej turned from the Avealthj soil upon \n\xe2\x96\xa0which thej stood, and went upon vain searches for gold in the forests of the \nadjoining continent. Instead of reciprocating the hospitable friendship of the \nnatives, they returned harshness for kindness, and treachery for confidence, \nuntil a flame of revenge was kindled among the Indians which nothing but the \nblood of Englishmen could quench. Schemes for the destruction of the white \nintruders were speedily planned, and tribes in the interior stood ready to aid \ntheir brethren upon the seaboard. As soon as Grenville departed with the \nships, for England, the natives withheld supplies of food, drew the English into \nperilous positions by tales of gold-bearing shores along the Roanoke River, and \nfinally reduced the colony to the verge of ruin. At that moment. Sir Francis \nDrake arrived from the West Indies, with his fleet, and afforded them relief. \nBut misfortune and fear made them anxious to leave the country, and the emi- \ngrants Avere all conveyed to England, in June, 1586, by Drake. A few days \nafter their departure, a well-furnished vessel, sent by Raleigh, arrived ; and a \nfortnight later, Grenville entered the inlet with three ships well provisioned. \nAfter searching for the departed colony, Grenville sailed for England, leaving \nfifteen men upon Roanoke. \n\nThe intrepid Raleigh was still undismayed by misfortune. He adopted a \nwise policy, and instead of sending out mere fortune-hunters,^ he collected a \nband of agriculturists and artisans, with their families, and dispatched them \n[April 26, 1587 J, to found an industrial State in Virginia. He gave them a \ncharter of incorporation for the settlement ; and John White, who accompanied \nthem, was appointed governor of the colony. They reached Roanoke in July ; \nbut instead of the expected greetings of the men left by Grenville, they encoun- \ntered utter desolation. The bones of the fifteen lay bleaching on the ground. \nTheir rude tenements were in ruins, and wild deer were feeding in their little \ngardens. They had been murdered by the Indians, and not one was left. \nManteo^ did not share in the Indian hatred of the white people, and like Massa- \nsoit of New England,^ he remained their friend. By command of Raleigh, he \nreceived Christian baptism, and was invested, by White, with the title of Lord \nof Roanoke., the first and last peerage ever created in America. Yet Manteo \ncould not avert nor control the storm that lowered among the Indian tribes, and \nmenaced the English with destruction. The colonists were conscious that fear- \nful perils were gathering, and White hastened to England toward the close of \nthe year for reinforcements and provisions, leaving behind him his daughter, \nEleanor Dare (wife of one of his lieutenants), who had just given birth to a \nchild [August 18, 1587], whom they named Virgmla. Virginia Dare was \nthe first offspring of English parents born within the territory of the United \nStates.* \n\nyear in A\'irginia, and had correct drawings made of the inhabitants, their dwellings, their gardens, \nand every thing of interest pertaining to their costumes, custom?, and general characteristics. The \npicture may be acceiDted as historically correct. \' Page 52. ^ Note 2, page 55. \n\n3 Page 114. ^ Note 6, page 78. \n\n\n\n\nENGLISH GENTLE* \n\n\n\n1609.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH DISCOVERIES. 57 \n\nThe great Spanish Armada\' was preparing for an invasion of Great Britain, \nwhen White reached England ; and Raleigh, Grenville, and others, were deepl/ \nengaged in public affairs. It was not until the following May \n[1589], that White departed, with two ships, for Virginia. \nAccording to custom, he went by the way of the West Indies, \nand depredated upon Spanish property found afloat. He was \nbeaten in an engagement, lost one of his vessels, and was \nobliged to return to England. Raleigh\'s fortune being mate- \nrially impaired by his munificence in efforts at colonization, he \nassigned his proprietary rights to others ; and it was not until \n1590 that White Avas allowed to return to Roanoke in search \nof his daughter and the colony he had left. Both had then \ndisappeared. Roanoke was a desolation ; and, though Raleigh, \nwho had abandoned all thoughts of colonization, had five times \nsent manners, good and true, to search tor the emigrants, ^^jj^ ^ggo. \n\nthey were never found." Eighty years later, the Corees^ told \nthe English settlers upon the Cape Fear River, that their lost kindred had been \nadopted by the once powerful Hatteras tribe,* and became amalgamated with \nthe children of the wilderness. The English made no further attempts at colo- \nnization at that time ; and so, a century after Columbus sailed for America, \nthere was no European settlement upon the North American Continent. Sir \nFrancis Drake had broken up the military post at St. Augustine [1585], and \nthe Red Men Avere again sole masters of the vast domain. \n\nA dozen years after the failure of Raleigh\'s colonization efforts, Bartholo- \nmew Gosnold, who had been to America, and Avas a friend of the late proprietor \nof Virginia, sailed in a small bark [March 26, 1602] directly across the Atlan- \ntic for the American coast. After a voyage of seven AA^eeks, he discovered the \nContinent near Nahant [May 14, 1602], and sailing southAvard, he landed \nupon a sandy point Avliich he named Cape Cod, on account of the great number \nof those fishes in that vicinity. Continuing southAvard, he discovered Nan- \ntucket, Martha\'s Vineyard, and the group knoAvn as Elizabeth Islands. Upon \none of them, Avhich he named Elizabeth, in honor of his soA\'ereign, Gosnold and \nhis company prepared to found a settlement. Upon an islet, in a tiny laKe, \nthey built a fort and store-house.^ Becoming alarmed at the menaces of the \nIndians and the want of supplies, they freighted their vessel with sassafras \n\n\' This was a great naval armament, fitted out by Spain, for the invasion of England, in the \nsummer of 1588. It consisted of one hundred and fifty ships, two thousand six hundred and fifty \ngreat guns, and thirty thousand soldiers and sailors. It was defeated [.July 20] by Admirals \nI)rake and Howard. \n\n2 While Raleigh was making these fruitless searches, the Marquis de la Roche, a wealthy \nJFrench nobleman, attempted to plant a French colony in America. He was commissioned by the \nKing of France for the purpose, and in 1598 sailed for America with a colony, chiefly drawn from \n-the prisons of Paris. Upon the almost desert island of Sable, near the coast of Nova Scotia, La \nRoclie left forty men, while he returned to France for supplies. He died soon afterward, and for \nseven years the poor emigrants were neglected. When a vessel was finally sent for them, only \ntwelve survived. They were taken to France, their crimes were pardoned by tlie knig, and their \nimmediate wants weresupplied. ^ Pagg 20. * Note 5, page 20. \n\n5 Dr. Jeremy Belknap, the historian of New Hampshire, discovered the cellar of this storehousev \nin 1797. \n\n\n\n58 DISCOYERIES. [1492.- \n\nroots, and returned to England in June, 1602. The glowing accounts of the \ncountry which Gosnold gave, awakened the enterprise of some Bristol mer- \nchants,\' and the following year [1603] they fitted out two vessels for the pur. \npose of exploration and traffic with the natives. The command was given to \nMartin Pring, a friend of both Raleigh and Gosnold. Following the track of \nthe latter, he discovered the shores of Maine, near the mouth of the Penobscot \n[June], and coasting westward, he entered and explored several of the larger \nrivers of that State. He continued sailing along the coast as far as Martha\'s \nVineyard, trading with the natives ; and from that island he returned to En- \ngland, after an absence of only six months. Pring made another voyage to \nMaine, in 1606, and more thoroughly explored the country. Maine was also \nvisited in 1605, by Captain George Weymouth, who had explored the coast of \nLabrador, in search of a north-west passage to India.* He entered the Saga- \ndahock, and took formal possession of the country in the name of King James. \nThere he decoyed five natives on board his vessel, and then sailed for England. \nThese forest children excited much curiosity ; and the narratives of other mari- \nners of the west of England, who visited these regions at about the same time^ \ngave a new stimulus to colonizing efforts. \n\nThe French now began to turn their attention toward the New World \nagain. In 1603, De Monts, a wealthy French Huguenot,^ obtained a commission \nof viceroyalty over six degrees of latitude in New France,* extending from Cape- \nMay to Quebec. He prepared an expedition for settlement, and arrived at \nNova Scotia,\' Avith two vessels, in May, 1604.* He passed the summer there, \ntrafficking with the natives ; and in the autumn he crossed over to the mouth \nof the St. Croix (the eastern boundary of Maine), and erected a fort there. He \nhad left a few settlers at Port Royal (now Annapolis), under Poutrincourt. \nThese De Monts joined the following spring [1605], and organized a perma- \nnent colony. He named the place Port Royal ; and the territory now included \nin Nova Scotia, Ncav Brunswick, and the adjacent islands, he called Acadie.\'\' \nHis effijrts promised much success; but he was thwarted by jealous men. In \n1608, he was deprived of his vice-royal commission, when he obtained a grant \nof the monopoly of the fur trade upon the St. Lawrence, for one year, and \nanother commission, to plant a colony elsewhere in New France. The new \nexpedition Avas placed under the command of Samuel Champlain (who accom- \npanied the viceroy on his first voyage), and on the 3d of June, 1608, he \narrived, with two vessels, at the mouth of the Saguenay, on the St. Lawrence. \nThey ascended the great river, and on the site of Quebec, near where Cartier \nbuilt his fort almost seventy years before,\' they planted the first permanent \n\n\' Page 46. ^ Page 510. 3 Page 49. * Page 48. s Xote 2. page 80. \n\n6 De Monts first brought swine, and other domestic animals, into tliis portion of America. \nSome were also taken from thence to French settlements planted in Canada a few years later. Th\xc2\xbb \ncompany of which he was chief, fitted out four vessels. De Monts commanded "the two here men- \ntioned, assisted by Champlain and Poutrincourt. \n\n" In 1613, Samuel Argall made a piratical visit to these coasts, under the direction of the gov- \nernor of the Virginia colony. He destroyed the remnant of De Monts\' settlement at St. Croix, \nbroke up the peaceful colony at Port Royal, and plundered the people of every thing of value. See \npage 72. . * Page 49. \n\n\n\n1609.] \n\n\n\nENGLISH AND FRENCH DISCOVERIES. \n\n\n\n5^ \n\n\n\n\nHENRY HUDSON. \n\n\n\nFrench settlement in the New World. The following summer, Champlain \nascended the Richelieu or Sorel River, the outlet of Lake Champlain, with a \nwar party of Huron\' and Algonquin\' Indians, and discovered the beautiful lake \nwhich bears his name, in the north-eastern part of the State of New York.\' \n\nThe English were not idle Avhile the French were \nexploring, and making efforts at settlement in the \ndirection of the St. Lawrence. Several private enter- \nprises were in progress, among the most i-uportant of \nwhich was that of a company of London merchants \nwho sent Henry Hudson, an intimate friend of Captain \nSmith,* to search for a supposed north-eastern ocean \npassage to India. He made two unsuccessful voyages \nto the regions of polar ice [1607-8], when the attempt \nwas abandoned. Anxious to win the honor of first \nreaching India by the northern seas, Hudson applied \n\nto the Dutch East India Company\' for aid. The Amsterdam directors afforded \nit, and on the 4th of April, 1609, Hudson departed from Amsterdam, in com- \nmand of the Half-Moon, a yacht of eighty tons. He \nBought a north-eastern passage ; but after doubling the \ncapes of Norway, the ice was impassable. Turning his \nprow, he steered across the Atlantic, and first touching \nthe continent on the shores of Penobscot Bay, he \narrived in sight of the capes of Virginia in August, \n1609. Proceeding northward, he entered the mouths \nof several large rivers, and finally passed the Narrows\xc2\xae \nand anchored in New York Bay. He proceeded almost \nsixty leagues up the river that bears his name, and \n\naccording to the formula of the age, took possession of the country in the name \nof the States General of Holland.\' He returned to Europe\' in November \n\n\n\n\n\' Page 22. 2 Page 17. \n\n3 Champlain penetrated southward as far as Grown Point ; perhaps south of Ticonderoga. It \nwas at about the same time that Hudson went up the river tliat beai\'s his name, as far as Water- \nford , so that these eminent navigators, exploring at different points, came very near meeting in the- \nwOderness. Six years afterward Champlain discovered Lake Huron, and there he joined some \nHuron Indians in an expedition against one of the Five Nations in Western New York. They had \na severe battle in the neighborhood of the present village of Canandaigua. Champlain published \nan account of his first voyage, in IGL\'i, and a continuation in 1620. He published a new edition \nof these m 1632, which contains a history of New France, from the discovery of Verrazani to the- \nyear 1631. Champlain died in 1634. < Page 65. \n\n5 Dutch mariners, following the track of the Portuguese, opened a successful traffic with P]ast- \nem Asia, about the year 1594. The various Dutcli adventurers, in the India trade, were united in \none corporate body in 1602, with a capital of over a million of dollars, to whom were given the \nexclusive privilege of tradmg in the seas east of the Cape of Good Hope. This was the Dutck \nEast India Company. \n\n6 Entrance to New York Bay between Long and Staten Islands. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0^ This was the title of the Government of Holland, answering, in a degree, to our Congress. \n\n8 Hudson, while on another voyage in search of a north-west passage, discovered the great Bay \nin the northern regions, which bears his name. He was there frozen in the ice during the winter \nof 1610-11. While endeavoring to make his way homeward in the spring, his crew became muti- \nnous. They finally seized Hudson, bound his arms, and placing him ana his son, and seven sick \ncompanions, in an open boat, set them adrift upon the cold waters. They were never heard of \nafterward. \n\n\n\n\'QO DISCOVERIES. 11492. \n\n1609, and his report of the goodly hmd he had discovered set in motion those \n\xe2\x96\xa0commercial measures \xe2\x96\xa0which resulted in the founding of a Dutch empire in the \n-New World. \n\nWith these discoveries commenced the epoch of settlements. The whole \nAtlantic coast of North America had been thoroughly or partially explored, the \ngeneral character and resources of the soil had become known, and henceforth \nthe leading commercial nations of Western Europe \xe2\x80\x94 England, France, Spain, \nand Holland \xe2\x80\x94 regarded the transat\'intic continent, not as merely a rich garden \n\xe2\x96\xa0without a Avail, where depredators from every shore might come, and, without \nhinderance, bear away its choicest fruit, but as a land where the permanent \nfoundations of vast colonial empires might be laid, from Avliich parent states \nwould receive almost unlimited tribute to national wealth and national glory. \n\nWhen Ave contemplate these A^oyages across the stormy Atlantic, and con- \nsider the limited geographical knowledge of the navigators, the frailty of their \nvessels^ and equipments, the vast labors and constant privations endured by \nthem, and the dangers to which they Avere continually exposed, Ave can not but \nfeel the highest respect and reverence for all Avho Avere thus engaged in opening \nthe treasures of the Ncav World to the advancing nations of Europe. Although \nacquisitiveness, or the desire for worldly possessions, was the chief incentive to \naction, and gave strength to resolution, yet it could not inspire courage to \nencounter the great dangers of the deep and the Avilderness, nor fill the heart \nwith faith in prophecies of success. These sentiments must have been innate ; \nand those Avho braved the multitude of perils were men of true courage, and their \nfaith came from the teachings of the science of their day. History and Song, \nPainting and Sculpture, have all commemorated their deeds. If Alexander the \nGreat Avas thought Avorthy of having the granite body of Mount Athos hcAvn \ninto a colossal image of himself,\'\' might not Europe and America appropriately \njoin in the labor of fashioning some lofty summit of the Alleghanies^ into a huge \nmonument to the memory of the Navigators avIio lifted the vail of forgetful- \nness from the flice of the Ncav World ?* \n\n1 The first ships were generally of less than one hundred tons burden. Two of the vessels of \n\'Columbus were without decks ; and the one in which Frobisher sailed was only twenty-five tons \nburden. \n\n2 Dinocrates, a celebrated architect, offered to cut Mount Athos into a statue of Alexander the \n\xe2\x96\xa0Great, so large, that it might hold a city in its right hand, and in its left a basin of sufficient capa- \ncity to hold all the waters that poured from tlie mountain. 3 j^ote 3, page 19. \n\n* Page 47 There has been much discussion concerning the claims of certain navigators, to the \nhonor of first discovering the Continmt of America. A " Memoir of Sebastian Cabot," illustrated by \n-documents from the Rolls, published in London in 1832, appears to prove conclusively that he, and \nVLOi his father, was the navigator who discovered North America. John Cabot was a man of science, \nand a merchant, and may have accompanied his son, in his first voyage \\n 1497. Yet, in the patent \n\xe2\x96\xa0of Fel)ruary, 1498, in which the first voyage is referred to, are the words, "the land and isles of late \nfound by the said John, in our name, and by our commandment." The first commission being issued \nin the name of John Cabot, the discoveries made by those employed by him, would of course be in \nhis name. A little work, entitled "Researches respecting Americus Vespncius, and his Voyages," \nprepared by Viscount Santarem, ex-prime minister of Portugal, casts just doubts upon the statements \n\xe2\x96\xa0of Vespucius, concerning his command on a voyage of discovery when, he claims, he discovered \n-South America [page 41] in 1499. He was doubtless an officer under Ojeda; and it is quite cer- \ntain tliat he got possession of the narratives of Ojeda and published them as fiis own. The most \n:accessible works on American discoveries, are Irving\'s "Life of Columbus;" Prescott\'s "Ferdinand \nand Isabella;" Lives of Cabot and Hudson, in Sparks\'s "American Biography," and Histories of the \nUnited States by Graham, Banerofl and Hildrefh. \n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER \n\n\n\nJOHN SMITH. \n\n\n\n^^ There is a distinction to be observed \n\nin considering settlements and colonies. \nThe act of forming a settlement is not \nequivalent to the establishment of a colony or the founding of a State. It is \nthe initiatory step toward such an end, and may or may not exhibit permanent \nresults. A colony becomes such only when settlements assume permanency, \nand organic laws, subservient to those of a parent government, are framed for \nthe guidance of the people. It seems proper, therefore, to consider the era of \nsettlements as distinct from that of colonial organization. \n\nThe period of settlements within the bounds of the thirteen original coloniea \nwhich formed the Confederacy in the War for Independence,\' extends from 1607 \nto 1733. For fifty years previous to the debarkation [1607] at Jamestown," \nfishing stations had been established at various points on the Atlantic coast : \nand at St. Augustine,^ the Spaniards had kept a sort of military post alive. \nYet the time of the appearance of the English in the James River, is the true \npoint from which to date the inception or beginning of our great confederacy of \n\n\n\nPage 229. \n\n\n\n2 Page 64. \n\n\n\nPage 51. \n\n\n\n.(52 SETTLEMENTS. [IBOT. \n\nfree States. Twelve years [1607 to 1619] were spent bj English adven- \nturers in efforts to plant a permanent settlement in Virginia/ For seventeen \nyears [1609 to 1623] Dutch traders were trafficking on the Hudson River, \nbefore a permanent settlement was established in New York.^ Fourteen years \n[1606 to 1620] were necessary to effect a permanent settlement in Massachu- \nsetts f and for nine years [1622 to 1631] adventurers struggled for a foothold \nin New Hampshire.^ The Roman Catholics were only one year [1634-5] in \nlaying the foundation of the Maryland colony.\' Seven years [1632 to 1639] \nwere employed in effecting permanent settlements in Connecticut f eight years \n[1636 to 1643] in organizing colonial government in Rhode Island ;" and about \nfifty years [1631 to 1682] elapsed from the landing of the Swedes on South \nRiver," before Delaware, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania (whose several histo- \nries of settlements are interwoven), presented colonial features.\' Almost sixty \nyears [1622 to 1680] passed by before the first settlements in the Carolinas \nbecame fully developed colonies ;\'" but Georgia, the youngest of the thirteen \nStates, had the foundation of its colonial government laid when Oglethorpe, \nwith the first company of settlers, began to build Savannah in the winter of \n1733." The first permanent settlement within the bounds of the original \ncolonies, was in \n\nVIRGMNIA. [1607\xe2\x80\x941619]. \n\nA century had not elapsed after the discoveries of Columbus [1492]," \nbefore a great social and political revolution had been effected in Europe. \nCommerce, hitherto confined to inland seas and along the coasts, was sending \nits ships across oceans. The art of printing had begun its wonderful work ;\'\' \nand, through its instrumentality, intelligence had become generally diffused. \nMind thus acting upon mind, in vastly multiplied opportunities, had awakened \na great moral and intellectual power, whose presence and strength had not been \nsuspected. The Protestant Reformation\'* had weakened the bonds of spiritual \ndominion, and allowed the moral ficulties fuller play ; and the shadows of feudal \ninstitutions, \'^ so chilling to individual effort, were rapidly disappearmg before \n\n\' Page 71. 2 Page 73. 3 Page 79. * Page 80. \n\n^ Page 82. 6 Page 89. "> Page 91. s page 92. \n\n9 Page 97. \'" Page 99. " Page 103. \'^ pg^g ^q \n\n13 About the year 1450. Eiide printing from engraved blocks was done before that time; but \n\nwhen Peter Schoefier cast the first metal tj\'pes, each letter separately, at about 1450. the art of \n\nprinting truly had birth. John Faust established a printing-ofBce at Mentz, in 1442. John Gutten- \n\nberg invented cut metal types, and\' used them in printing a Bible which was commenced in 1445, \n\nand finished in 1460. The names of these three men are usually associated as the inventors of \n\nprinting. \n\n\'^ Commenced by "Wickhfie, in England, in 1360; by Huss, in Bohemia, in 1405; by Luther, \nIn Germany, in 1517. From tiiis period until 1562, the movement was general throughout Europe, \nIt was an eflbrt to purge the Christian Church of all impurities, by reforming its doctrine and \nritual. The Reformers protested against some of the practices of the Roman Catholic Church, \nand the movement received the title of the Frotestant Reformation. The name of Protestants \nwas first given to Luther and others in 1529. \n\n^^ The nature of feudal laws may be illustrated by a single example: William, the Norman \nconqueror of England, divided the land of that country into parts called baronies, and gave them \nto certain of his favorites, who became masters of the conquered people on their respective estates. \nJor these gifts, and certain privileges, the barons, or masters, were to furnish the king with a stipu- \n\n\n\n1619.] VIRGINIA. 63 \n\nthe rising sun of the new era in the history of the world. Freedom of thought \nand action expanded the area of ideas, and gave birth to those tolerant princi- \nples which lead to brotherhood of feeling. The new impulse developed nobler \nmotives for human action than the acquisition of wealth and power, and these \n;BOon engendered healthj schemes for founding industrial empires in the New \nWorld. Aspirations for civil freedom, awakened by greater religious liberty, \nhad begun the work, especially in England, where the Protestants were already \ndivided into two distinct parties, called, respectively. Churchmen and Puritans. \nThe former supported the throne and all monarchic ideas; the latter were \nmore republican ; and from their pulpits Avent forth doctrines inimical to kingly \npower. These religious differences had begun to form a basis of political \nparties, and finally became prime elements of colonization. \n\nAnother event, favorable to the nevf impulse, now exerted a powerful influ- \nence. A long contest between England and France ceased in 1604. Soldiers, \nan active, restless class in England, were deprived of employment, and would \n\xe2\x80\xa2soon become dangerous to the public peace. While population and general \nprosperity had greatly increased, there was another large class, who, by idle- \nness and dissipation, had squandered fortunes, and had become desperate men. \nThe soldiers needed employment, either in their own art, or in equally exciting \nadventures ; and the impoverished spendthrifts were ready for any thing which \npromised gain. Such Avere the men who stood ready to brave ocean perils and \nthe greater dangers of the Western World, when such minds as those of Fer- \nnando Gorges, Bartholomew Gosnold, Chief Justice Popham, Richard Hakluyt, \nCaptain John Smith, and others, devised new schemes for colonization. The \nweak and timid James the First,* who desired and maintained peace with other \nnations during his reign, was glad to perceive a new field for restless and \nadventurous men to go to, and he readily granted a liberal patent [April 20, \n1606] to the first company formed after his accession to the throne, for planting \nsettlements in Virginia. The English then claimed dominion over a belt of \nterritory extending from Cape Fear, in North Carolina, to Halifax, in Nova \nScotia, and indefinitely westward. This was divided into two districts. One \nextended from the vicinity of New York city northward to the present southern \nboundary of Canada, including the whole of New England, and westward of it, \nand was called North Virginia. This territory was granted to a company \n\xe2\x80\xa2of "knights, gentlemen, and merchants" in the west of England, called the \nPlymoyth Company?\' The other district extended from the mouth of the \nPotomac southward to Cape Fear, and was called South Virginia. It was \n\nlated amount of money, and a stated number of men for soldiers, when required. The \'pwple had no \nvoice in tliis matter, nor in any public affairs, and were made essentially slaves to the barons. Out \nof this state of things originated the exclusive privileges yet enjoyed by the nobUity of Europe. \nExcept in Russia, the people have been emancipated from this vassalage, and the ancient forms of \nfeudal power have disappeared. \n\n\' He was the Sixth James of Scotland, of the house of Stuart, and son of Mary, Queen of Scot- \nland, by Lord Darnlej^ The crowns of England and Scotland were united by his accession to the \nthrone of the former kingdom, in March, 1603. \n\n2 The chief members of the company were Thomas Hanham, Sir John and Raleigh Gilbert (sons \nof Sir Humphrey Gilbert), William Parker, George Popham, Sir John Popham (Lord Chief Justice \nof England), and Sir Fernando Gorges, Governor of Plymouth Fort. \n\n\n\n04 SETTLE MKXTS. [1607. \n\ngranted to a company of " noblemen, gentlemen and merchants," chiefly resi- \ndents of London, called the London Company ^ The intermediate domain of \nalmost two hundred miles, Avas a dividing line, so broad that disputes about \nterritory could not occur, as neither company was allowed to make settlements \nmore than fifty miles beyond its own boundary. \n\nThe idea of popular freedom was as yet the heritage of a favored few, and \nthe political character of the first colonial charter, under which a permanent \nsettlement was made within the territory of the United States, was unfavorable- \nto the best interests of all. The king reserved to himself the right of appoint- \ning all officers, and of exercising all executive and legislative power. The \ncolonists were to pay homage to the sovereign, and a tribute of one fifth of the \nnet products of gold and silver found in Virginia ; yet they possessed no rights \nof self-government. They Avere to be governed by a council of seven appointed \nby the king, who were allowed to choose a president from among themselves. \nThere Avas also a Supreme Council in England, appointed by the king, who had \nthe general supervision of the colonies, under the direction of the monarch. \nThat charter Avas the conception of a narroAV mind, and despotic temper, and \nproved totally inadequate as a constitution of government for a free people. \n\nThe North Virginia, or Plymouth Company, made the first attempt at set- \ntlement, and failed.^ The South Virginia, or London Company, sent Captain \nChristopher Newport, with three vessels and one hundred and five emigrants \n[Dec, 1606 J, to make a settlement upon Roanoke Island, ^ Avhere Raleigh\'s \ncolony had perished alnwst tAventy years before. Among them Avas Bartholo- \nmew Gosnold, the projector of the expedition. They possessed very poor \nmaterials for a colony. There Avas no family among them, and only \' \' tAvelre \nlaborers and a few mechanics." The remainder Averc " gentlemen,"* many of \nwhom were vicious, dissolute men, totally unfit for such an enterprise, and \nquite unworthy to be actors in the glorious CA^ents anticipated by Gosnold and \nhis enlightened associates at home. The voyage Avas a long and tedious one. \nNewport pursued the old route by the Canaries and the West Indies, and did \nnot arrive upon the. American coast until April, 1607, AA\'hen a storm drove his \nvessels into Chesapeake Bay, Avhere he found a good harbor. He named the \ncapes at the entrance, Charles and Henry ^ in honor of the king\'s sons. A \npleasant point of the Virginia peninsula, betAveen the York and James Rivers, \nwhich they next landed upon and enjoyed repose, he named Point Comfort; and \nthe noble PoAvhatan River which he soon afterAvard entered he called James. \nSailing up the broad stream about fifty miles, the immigrants landed upon a \nbeautiful, shaded peninsula,\' where they chose a site for the capital of the new \nempire, and called it Jamestoavn. \n\n1 The cliief members of the company were Sir Thomas Gates. Sir George Somers, Richard Hak- \nluyt (the historian), and Edward Maria Wingfield, who was the first governor of Virginia. \n\n^ Page 13. ^ Page 55. \n\n* Tins name was given to wealthy men, who were not engaged in any industrial pursuit, and \noften spent their lives in idleness and dissipation ; a class whicli, in our day and country, number, \nhappily, very few. Labor is wortliily honored as more noble than idleness. \n\ns this may be called an island, for the marsh which connects it with the mainland is often over- \nflowed. The currents of the river have washed away large portions of the original island. \n\n\n\n1619.] VIRGINIA. Q5 \n\n111 feelings had been engendered before they reached the Canary Islands, \nand violent disputes had arisen during the long voyage. As the silly king had \nplaced the names of the colonial council in a sealed box, with instructions not \nto open it until their arrival in Virginia, there was no competent authority on \nboard to restore harmony. Captain Smith,\' who was the most able man among \nthem, excited the envy of his companions ; and being charged with a design to \nmurder the council, usurp government, and proclaim himself king, he was \nplaced in confinement. On opening the sealed box, it was discovered that \nSmith was one of the council. He was released from confinement; but, \nthrough the influence of Wingfield, an avaricious, unprincipled, but talented \nman, he was excluded from office. Smith demanded a trial upon the absurd \ncharges. The accusation was Avithdrawn, and he took his seat in the council, \nover which Wingfield was chosen to preside. \n\nSoon after landing, Newport, Smith, and twenty others, ascended the \nJames River to the Falls at Richmond, and visited the emperor of the Powhat- \nans,* whose residence was a mile below the foot of the rapids. The title of the \nemperor Avas Powhatan, which signified supreme ruler, as did Pharaoh in the \nancient Egyptian language\xe2\x80\x94 the chief man in Egypt. He was a man of great \nability, and commanded the reverence of the whole confederation. He appeared \nfriendly to the English, notwithstanding his people murmured at their presence ; \nand the visitors returned to Jamestown much gratified. \n\nEarly in June, 1607, Newport sailed for England, to obtain more settlers \nand provisions. The little band of emigrants soon perceived the perils of their \nsituation. A large portion of their provisions had been spoiled during the \nvoyage. They had not planted, therefore they could not reap. The neighboring \ntribes evinced hostility, and withheld supplies. Poisonous vapor arose from \nthe marshes ; and before the close of summer, one half of the adventurers per- \nished by disease and famine. Among the victims was Gosnold. The settlers, \nin their despair, reproached themselves and the leaders of the expedition, and \nlonged to depart for the Old "World. In the midst of their despondency, the \nsurvivors discovered that president Wingfield was living on choice stores, and \nwas preparing to abandon the colony and escape to the West Indies in the pin- \nnace^ left by Newport. Their indignation was thoroughly aroused, and he was \ndeposed. Ratchffe, a man as weak and wicked as Wingfield, was chosen his \nsuccessor. He, too, was speedily dismissed ; and the settlers, with one con- \nsent, wisely turned to Smith as ruler. \n\nIt was a happy hour for the Virginia settlers when Captain Smith took the \nreins of government. All was confusion ; but he soon restored order ; and by \nhis courage and energy, inspired the Indians with awe, and compelled them to \nbring him supplies of food. In October, wild game became plentiful ; and at \nthe beginning of November, the abundant harvest of Indian corn was gathered \n\n\' See portrait at the head of this Chapter. Smith was one of the most remarkable men of hia \ntime. He was bom in Lincolnshire, England ; and after many adventures in Europe, went to \nAmerica. He died in 1631. He wrote a History of Virginia, and several other works \n\n\' Page 20. \' = A small, light vessel, with sails and oara. \n\n5 \n\n\n\n66 SETTLEMENTS. [l607. \n\nby tlie natives, and they supplied the settlers with all they needed. Having \nestabhshed a degree of comfort and prosperity, Smith started, with some com- \npanions, to explore the surrounding country. He ascended the Chickahomminj \nRiver fifty miles from its mouth, and then, with two companions, penetrated \nthe vast forest that covered the land. His companions were slain by the na- \ntives, and he was made a captive. After being exhibited in several villages, he \nwas taken to Opechancanough, Uhe eldest brother of Powhatan, who, regarding \nSmith as a superior being, spared his life, and conducted him to the emperor, \nthen at Weroworomoco, on the York River.* A solemn council decided that \nthe captive must die, and Smith was prepared for execution. His head was \nplaced upon a stone, and the heavy clubs of the executioners were raised to \ncrush it, when Pocahontas, a child v of "ten or twelve years,"\' the favorite \n\n\n\n/\\\\ \n\n\n\n\nPOCAHONTAS. \n\ndaughter of Powhatan, rushed from her father\'s side, and casting herself upon \nthe captive, besought the king to spare his life. PoAvhatan consented, and \nSmith was conducted in safety to Jamestown by a guard of twelve men, after \nan absence of seven weeks. \n\nGod, in his providence, overrules every thing for good. It is seen in this \nevent, for Smith\'s captivity was a public benefit. He had acquired a knowl- \nedge of the Indian character, and of the country and its resources, and also had \nformed friendly relations with the sachems and chiefs. Had his companions \n\n\' Note 5, page 106. \n\n2 At Shelly, nearly opposite the mouth of Queen\'s Creek, Gloucester County, Virginia. \n\n3 Page 70. \n\n\n\nII \n\n\n\n1619.] VIRGINIA. 67 \n\npossessed half as much energy and honesty as Smith, all would have been well. \nEut they were idle, improvident, and dissolute. As usual, he found every \nthing in disorder on his return from the forest. Only forty men were living, \nand a greater portion of them Averc on the point of escaping to the West Indies \nin the pinnace ; but the courage and energy of Smith compelled them to re- \nmain. Conscious of the purity of their ruler and the wickedness of themselves, \nthey hated him intensely, and from that time they plotted for his destruction, \nor the overthrow of his poAver. \n\nCaptain Newport arrived with supplies and one hundred and twenty im- \nmigrants, early in 1608. These were no better than the first adventurers. \nInstead of agriculturalists and mechanics, with families, they were idle "gentle- \nmen," "packed hither," as Smith said, "by their friends, to escape ill destin- \nies." There were also several unskillful goldsmiths, the very men least needed \ndn the colony. Some glittering earth in the vicinity of Jamestown, was by them \nmistaken for gold ; and in spite of the remonstrances of Smith, the whole indus- \ntry of the colony was directed to the supposed treasure. " There was no talk, \nno hope, no work, but dig gold, work gold, refine gold, load gold." Newport \nloaded his vessel with the worthless earth, and returned to England, believing \nhimself exceedingly rich ; but science soon pronounced him miserably poor in \nuseful knowledge and well-earned reputation. \n\nThe gold-fever had taken strong hold upon the indolent dreamers, and \nSmith remonstrated against idleness and pleaded for industry, in vain. He \nimplored the settlers to plow and sow, that they might reap and be happy. \nThey refused to listen, and he turned from Jamestown with disgust. With a \nfew sensible men, he went to explore the Chesapeake in an open boat, and \nevery bay, inlet, and creek, received his attention. He went up the Potomac \nto the falls above Washington city ; and then, after exploring the shores of the \nRappahannock to the site of Fredericsburg, he returned to Jamestown. A \nfew days afterward he returned again to the Chesapeake, carefully explored \neach shore above the mouth of the Potomac, and entered the Patapsco, and ate \nIndian corn on the site of Baltimore. He also went up the Susquchannah to \nthe beautiful vale of Wyoming,\' and penetrated the forests even to the territory \nof the Five Nations,^ and established friendly relations with the dusky tribes. \nWithin three months he traveled full three thousand miles. It was one of the \nmost wonderful of exploring expeditions, considered in all its aspects, ever re- \ncorded by the pen of history ; and the map of the country, which Smith con- \nstructed on his return, is yet in existence in England, and is remarkable for its \ngeneral accuracy. \n\nCaptain Smith returned to Jamestown on the 7th of September, 1608, and \nthree days afterward he was formally made president of the settlement. New- \nport arrived soon afterward, with seventy immigrants, among whom were two \nfemales, the first English women ever seen upon the James River. ^ To the \nsoil they were compelled to look, chiefly, for their food, and Smith exerted all \n\nPage 290 ^ Page 23. \xc2\xbb Page 105. \n\n\n\n68 SETTLEMENTS. [IGOT. \n\nhis energies to turn the little industry of the settlers to agriculture. He suc- \nceeded, in a degree, but he had poor materials out of Avhich to form a healthy, \nself-sustaining commonwealth. He wrote to the Supreme Council\' to send over \na diiferent class of men. \'\'I entreat you," he said, "rather send but thirty \ncarpenters, husbandmen, gardeners, fishermen, blacksmiths, masons, and diggers \nof trees\' roots, well provided, than a thousand such as we have." Yet, with all \nhis exertions, idleness and improvidence prevailed. At the end of two years \nfrom the first landing at Jamestown, and when the settlement numbered twO\' \nhundred strong men, not more than forty acres were under cultivation. To the \nIndians the wdiite people were compelled to look for their chief supply of food. \n\nThe London Company were disappointed, for the anticipations of sudden \nwealth, in which they had indulged, v;ere not realized, and they sought and ob- \ntained a new charter [June 2, 1609], which gave them more ample privileges. \nThe territory of South Virginia^ was extended northward to the head of the \nChesapeake. The Supreme Council was vested with power to fill vacancies in \nits own body, and to appoint a governor for Virginia, whose rule was made ab- \nsolute. The lives, liberties, and property of the settlers were at his disposal, \nand they were compelled to contribute a certain share of their earnings to the \nproprietors. Thus they were mere vassals at will, under a petty despotism, \nwithout any inherent power, then recognized, to cast off the yoke. \n\nUnder that charter. Lord De la Warr (Delaware), an enlightened peer, \nwas appointed governor of Virginia, for life, and soon afterward Newport sailed \nfor America [June 12, 1609], with nine ships, and more than five hundred \nemigrants.\' Sir Thomas Gates, the governor\'s deputy, embarked with New^- \nport, accompanied by Sir George Somers. Gates, Newport, and Somers, \nwere commissioned to administer the government until the arrival of Delaware. \nWhen near the coast, a hurricane dispersed the fleet, and the vessel bearing the \ncommissioners was wrecked on one of the Bermuda Islands. Seven vessels of \nthe squadron reached the James River in safety. The colony would have been \nthe gainer had these never arrived, for a greater portion of the new immigrants \nwere more profligate, if possible, than the first. They were dissolute scions of \nwealthy families, and many of them came to avoid punishment for crimes at \nhome. They regarded Virginia as a paradise for libertines, and believed the \ncolony to be without a head until the arrival of the governor or his deputy. \nSmith, on the contrary, boldly asserted his authority as president, and main- \ntained it until an accident in autumn compelled him to go to England for sur- \ngical aid/ when he delegated his authority to George Percy, brother of the \nduke of Northumberland. \n\nWhen the idle and profligate settlers were released from the control of \n\n\' Page 64. " Page 63. \n\n^ Domestic animals were now first taken to Virginia. They consisted of six mares, one horse, \nsix hundred swine, a few sheep and goats, and five hundred domestic fowls. Two years later one \nhundred cows and some other cattle were brought over, \n\n* While passing dowm the James River, in a boat, from the Falls, Smith\'s bag of powder ignited, \nand the explosion almost kiUed hun. His wounds were so severe as to require the most skillful \nsurgery. \n\n\n\n1619.] , VIRGINIA. 69 \n\nSmith, they gave themselves up to every irregularity of life. Their ample \nstock of provisions was rapidly consumed. The Indians had great respect for \nSmith, and >yere friendly while he remained, but after his departure, they \nopenly showed their contempt for the English, withheld supplies of provisions, \nand conceived a plan for the total extermination of the white intruders. Fam- \nine ensued, and the winter and spring of 1610 were long remembered as "the \nstarving time." Those who went to the cabins of the Indians, for food, were \ntreacherously murdered ; and finally a plan was matured by the natives for \nstriking a blow of utter extermination. Again Pocahontas performed the part \nof a guardian angel.* On a dark and stormy night she hastened to Jamestown, \nrevealed the plot, and was back to her couch before the dawn. Thus, she saved \nthe colonists by placing them on their guard. Yet death hovered over them. \nThe horrors of destitution increased, and the settlement which numbered five \nhundred persons when Smith left, was reduced to sixty within six months after \nhis departure. The commissioners\'\' finally arrived. They constructed a rude \nvessel upon the barren island where they were wrecked, and in it reached \nVirginia, in June, 1610. Instead of being greeted by a flourishing people, \nthey were met by a mere remnant, almost famished. There appeared no way \nto obtain food, and Gates determined to sail immediately for Newfoundland,* \nand distribute the immigrants among the English fishing vessels there. James- \ntown was utterly abandoned, and toward Hampton Roads* the dejected settlers \nsailed in four pinnaces. Early the next morning white sails greeted their \nvision. Lord Delaware had arrived with provisions and immigrants ; and that \nvery night, Jamestown, abandoned to pagans in the morning, was made vocal \nwith hymns of thanksgiving to the true God, by the returned settlers. \n\nGovernor Delaware was a virtuous and prudent man, and under his admin- \nistration the colony began to prosper. Failing health compelled him to return \nto England the following spring [March, 1611J ; and he left the government \nin the hands of Percy, Smith\'s successor, who managed with prudence until the \narrival of Sir Thomas Dale, with supplies.* Dale was an experienced soldier, \nand, assuming the government, he ruled by martial law. Early in September \nfollowing, Sir Thomas Gates arrived with six well-furnished ships, and three \nhundred immigrants. With this arrival came hope for the colony. A large \nportion of the new settlers were sober, industrious men, and their arrival gave \ngreat joy to the four hundred colonists at Jamestown. Gates assumed the \nfunctions of governor, and Dale went up the river to plant new settlements at \nthe mouth of the Appomattox and near the Falls. ^ And now a wise change in \nthe domestic policy of the colony Avas made. Hitherto the land had been \nworked in common, and the product of labor was deposited in public storehouses, \nfor the good of the community. The industrious created food for the indolent, \n\xe2\x80\xa2ind an incentive to eflfort was wanting. That incentive was necessary ; and it \nwas found in the plan of making an assignment of a few acres of land to each \n\n\' Pa^e 66. \' ^ Page 68. ^ Page 47. * Note 3, page 297. \n\n^ Delaware afterward sailed for Virginia, to resume the reins of government, but died on the \nToyage. " Near the present City Point, and Pviehmoud. \n\n\n\n70 SETTLEMENTS. [IGOT \n\nman, to be cultivated for his own private benefit. This regulation gave a pow- \nerful impulse to industry. Larger assignments were made, and soon the com- \nmunitj system was abandoned, and industry on private account created an \nample supply of food for all.\' \n\n! A third charter was obtained by the London Company, on the 22d \nof March, 1612, by which the control of the king was annulled. The \nSupreme Council was abolished, and the whole company, sitting as a demo- \ncratic assembly, elected the officers, and ordained the laws, for the colony. \nYet no political privilege was granted to the settlers. Their very exist- \nence as a body politic, was completely ignored. They had no voice in the \nchoice of rulers and the enactment of laws. Yet they were contented ; and at \nthe beginning of 1613 there were a thousand Englishmen in Virginia. At \nabout this time an event occurred, which proved of permanent benefit to the \nsettlement. Powhatan had continued to manifest hostile feelings ever since the \ndeparture of Smith. For the purpose of extorting advantageous terms of peace \nfrom the Indian king, Captain Argall (a sort of buccaneer),\'-^ bribed an Indian, \nchief, yfiih a copper kettle, to betray the trusting Pocahontas into his hands. \nShe was induced to go on board his vessel, where she was detained as a prisoner \nfor several months, until Powhatan ransomed her. In the mean while, a mutual \nattachment had grown up between the maiden and John Rolfe, a young En- \nglishman of good family. He had instructed her in letters and religion ; and,, \nwith the consent of Powhatan, she received the rite of Christian baptism, and \nbecame the wife of Rolfe, in April, 1613. This union brought peace, and \nPowhatan was ever afterward the friend of the English. \n\nProsperity now smiled upon the settlement, yet the elements of a perma- \nnent State were wanting. There were no families in Virginia, and all the \nsettlers indulged in anticipations of returning to England, which they regarded \nas home. Gates went thither in March, 1614, leaving the administration of \ngovernment with Sir Thomas Dale, who ruled with wisdom and energy for \nabout two years, and then departed, after appointing George Yeardley deputy- \ngovernor. During Yeardley\' s administration, the culture of the tobacco plant\' \nwas promoted, and so rapidly did it gain in favor, that it soon became, not onljr \nthe principal article of export, but the currency of the colony. And now \n[1617J Argall, the buccaneer, was appointed deputy-governor. He was a des- \npot in feelings and practice, and soon disgusted the people. He was succeeded \nby Yeardley, who was appointed governor in 1619 ; and then dawned the natal \nmorning of Virginia as a Republican State. Yeardley abolished martial law, \n\n* A similar result was seen in the operations of the Plymouth colony. See page 116. \n" Note 7, page 58. \xe2\x80\xa2 \n\n^ This plant, yet very extensively cultivated in Virginia and the adjoinuig States, was first \ndiscovered by Sir Francis Drake, near Tabaco, in Yucatan : hence its name. Drake and Raleigh \nfirst introduced it into England. Kmg James conceived a great hatred \'of it, and wrote a treatise \nagainst its use. He forbade its cultivation in England, but could not prevent its importation from \nVirginia. It became a very profitable article of commerce, and the streets of Jamestown were \nplanted with it. Other agricultural productions were neglected, and while cargoes of tobacco were \npreparing for England, the necessaries of life were wanting. The money value of tobacco was about \n*xty-six cents a pound. \n\n\n\n1619.] NEW YORK. 71 \n\nreleased the planters from feudal service to the colony/ and established repre- \nsentative government/ The settlement was divided into eleven boroughs, and \ntwo representatives, called burgesses, were chosen by the people for each. \nThese, with the governor and council, constituted the colonial government. \nThe burgesses were allowed to debate all matters pertaining to the good of the \ncolony ; but their enactments were not legal until sanctioned by the company \nin England. The most important event of that year occurred on the 28th of \nJune. On that day, the first representative assembly ever convened in Amer- \nica, met at Jamestown. Then and thei-e, the foundations of the Virginia \ncommonwealth were laid. The people now began to regard Virginia as their \nhome, and "fell to building houses and planting corn." Within two years \nafterward, one hundred and fifty reputable young women were sent over to \nbecome wives to the planters.\' the tribe of gold-seekers and "gentlemen" was \nextinct, for " it was not the will of God that the new State should be formed \nof such material ; that such men should be the fathers of a progeny born on the \nAmerican soil, who were one day to assert American liberty by their eloquence, \nand defend it by their valor." * \n\n\n\nCHAPTER II. \n\nNEW YORK [1G09 \xe2\x80\x94 1G23]. \n\nIn a preceding chapter,^ we have considered the discovery and exploration \nof the river, bearing his name, by Henry Hudson, then in the service of the \nDutch East India Company. On his return to England [Nov. 1G09], he for- \nwarded to his employers in Amsterdam,\xc2\xae a brilliant account of his discoveries in \nAmerica. Jealous of the maritime enterprise and growing power of the Dutch, \nthe British king would not allow Hudson to go to Holland, fearing he might be \nemployed in making further discoveries, or in planting settlements in America. \nThis narrow and selfish policy of James was of no avail, for the ocean pathway \nto new and fertile regions, once opened, could easily be traversed by inferior \nnavigators. This fact Avas soon demonstrated. In 1610, some wealthy mer- \nchants of Amsterdam, directors of the Dutch East India Company,\'^ sent a ship \nfrom the Texel, laden with merchandise, to traffic with the Indians upon the \nMauritius,* as the present Hudson River was then called. Hudson\'s ship (the \nHalf-Moon\'^^ was also sent hither the same year on a like errand ; and for three \n\n\\ Page 68. \n\n* Yeardley found the people possessed with an intense desire for that freedom which the \nEnghsh constitution gave to every subject of tlie realm, and it was impossible to reconcile that feel- \ning with the exercise of the arbitrary power which had hitherto prevailed. He, therefore, formed \na plan for a popular assembly as similar to the English parliament as circumstances would allow. \n\n3 Page 105. * Bancroft. 5 Page 59. 6 Page 59. \n\n\' Note 5, page 59. s go named, in honor of Prince Maurice, of Nassau. \' Page 59. \n\n\n\n"72 SETTLEMENTS. [160a \n\nyears afterward, private enterprise dispatched many vessels from Holland, to \ntrafific for furs and peltries. Among other commanders came the bold Adrian \nBlock, the first navigator of the dangerous strait in the East River, called \nHell-Gate. Block\'s vessel was accidentally burned in the autumn of 1613, \nwhen he and his companions erected some rude huts for shelter, near the site \nof the Bowling Green, at the foot of Broadway, New York. These huts formed \nthe gerni of our great commercial metropolis. During the ensuing winter \nthey constructed a vessel from the fine timber which grew upon Manhattan \nIsland, and early in the spring they sailed up Long Island Sound on a voyage \nof discovery which extended to Nahant. Block first discovered the Connecticut \nand Thames Rivers, and penetrated Narraganset Bay to the site of Provi- \ndence. ^ \n\nIntent upon gain, Dutch trading vessels now frequently ascended the Mau- \nritius, and a brisk trade in furs and peltries was opened with the Indian tribes, \nalmost two hundred miles from the ocean. The traders built a fort and store- \nhouse upon a little island just below Albany, in 1614, which they called Fort \nNassau; and nine years later. Fort Orange was erected near the river, a little \nsouth of the foot of the present State-street, in Albany, on the site of Albany. \nThere is a doubt about a fort being erected on the southern extremity of Man- \nhattan Island, at this time, as some chroniclers have asserted. It is probable \nthe trading-house erected there was palisaded, as a precautionary measure, for \nthey could not well determine the disposition of the Indians. \n\nOn the 11th of October, 1614, a special charter was granted to a company \nof Amsterdam merchants, giving them the monopoly of trade in the New \nWorld, from the latitude of Cape ]\\Iay to that of Nova Scotia, for three years. \nThe territory was named Neav Netherland, in the charter, which title it held \nuntil it became an English province in 1664.\' Notwithstanding it was included \nin the grant of James to the Plymouth company,* no territorial jurisdiction \nbeing claimed, and no English settlements having been made northward of \nRichmond, in Virginia, the Dutch were not disturbed in their traffic. The \npopular story, that Argall entered the Bay of New York on his return from \nAcadie in 1613, and made the Dutch traders promptly surrender the place to \nthe English crown, seems unsusceptible of proof \n\nSuccess attended the Dutch from the beginning. The trade in furs and \npeltries became very lucrative, and the company made an unsuccessful applica- \ntion for a renewal of their charter. ]\\Iore extensive operations were in contem- \nplation; and on the 3d of June, 1621, the States General of Holland^ \nincorporated the DiUch West India Company, and invested it with almost \nregal powers, for planting settlements in America from Cape Horn to New- \nfoundland ; and in Africa, between the Cape of Good Hope and the Tropic of \nCancer. The special object of its enterprise was New Netherland, and espe- \ncially the region of the Mauritius.^ The company was not completely organized \n\n\' Page 144. 2 Page 63. \n\n3 See Brodhead\'s " History of the State of New York," Appendix E, where the matter is dis- \ncussed at some length. 4 Note 7, page 59. ^ Page 71. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n1620.] MASSACHUSETTS. 73 \n\nuntil the spring of 1623, Avhen it commenced operations with vigor. Its first \nefforts were to plant a permanent colony, and thus establish a plausible pretext \nfor territorial jurisdiction, for now the English had built rude cabins on the \nshores of Massachusetts Bay.\' In April, 1623, thirty families, chiefly Wal- \nloons (French Protestants who had fled to Holland), arrived at Manhattan, \nunder the charge of Cornelius Jacobsen May, who was sent to reside in New \nNetherland, as first director, or governor. Eight of the fam- \nilies went up the Mauritius or Hudson River, and settled at \nAlbany ; the remainder chose their place of abode across the \nchannel of the East River, and settled upon lands now cov- \nered by the eastern portions of Brooklyn, and the Navy \nYard.\'\' Then were planted the fruitful seeds of a Dutch \ncolony \xe2\x80\x94 then were laid the foundations of the future com- \nmonwealth of New York.\' The territory was erected into ^^^"^ eeland.\'\'\'\'\xe2\x84\xa2" \na province and the armorial distinction of a coimi was \ngranted.* \n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III. \n\nMASSACHUSETTS [1G06\xe2\x80\x94 1G20]. \n\nSoon after obtaining their charter, in 1606, the Plymouth Company* \ndispatched an agent in a small vessel, with two captive Indians, to examine \nNorth Virginia. This vessel was captured by a Spanish cruiser. Another ves- \nsel, fitted out at the sole expense of Sir John Popham, and commanded by \nMartin Pring, was sent, and reached America. Pring confirmed the accounts \nof Gosnold and others," concerning the beauty and fertility of the New Eno-land \nregion. The following year [1607], George Popham\' came, with one hundred \nimmigrants, and landing at the mouth of the Sagadahoc or Kennebec [August \n21], they erected there a small stockade, a storehouse, and a few huts. All \nbut forty-five returned to England in the vessels ; those remained, and named \ntheir settlement St. George. A terrible winter ensued. Fire consumed their \nstore-house and some of their provisions, and the keen frosts and deep snows \n\n> Page 18. \n\n^ The first white child born in New Netherland was Sarah Rapelje, daughter of one of the \n"Walloon settlers. Her birth occurred on the 7th of June, 1625. She has a number of descendants \non Long Island. 3 Page 144. \n\n4 Several hundred years ago, there were large districts of country in England, and on the con- \ntinent, governed by Earls, who were subject to the crown, however. These districts were called \ncounties, and the name is still retained, even in the United States, and indicates certain judicial and \nother jurisdiction. New Netherland was constituted a county of Holland, having all the individual \nprivileges appertaining to an earldom, or separate government. The armorial distinction of an carl, \nVT count, was a kind of cap, called coronet, seen over the shield in the above engraved repre- \nsentation of the seal of New Netherland. The figure of a beaver, on the shield, is emblematic of \nthe Hudson River regions (where that animal then abounded), and of one of the grand objects of \nsettlement there, the trade in furs. * Page 03. ^ Page 58. 7 Note 2, page 03. \n\n\n\n74 SETTLEMENTS. [1606. \n\nlocked the waters and the forests against the fisherman and hunter. Famine \nmenaced them, but relief came before any were made victims. Of all the com- \npany, only Popham, their president, died. Lacking courage to brave the perils \nof the wilderness, the settlement was abandoned, and the immigrants went back \nto England [1608] at the very time when the Frenchmen, who Avere to build \nQuebec,\' Avere upon the ocean. Traffic with the Indian tribes was continued, \nbut settlements were not again attempted for several years.^ \n\nOnly the coast of the extensive country was seen by the several navigators \nwho visited it. The vast interior, now called New England, was an unknown \nland, until Captain John Smith, Avith the mind of a philosopher and the courage \nof a hero, came, in 1614, and explored, not only the shores but the rivers \nwhich penetrated the wilderness. Only himself and four London merchants \nhad an interest in the expedition, Avhich proved highly successful, not only in \ndiscoveries, but in trade. With only eight men, Smith examined the region \nbetween Cape Cod and the Penobscot, constructed a map of the country, and \nafter an absence of less than seven months, he returned to England, and laid a \nreport before Prince Charles (afterAvard the unfortunate king who lost his head), \nthe heir apparent to the throne. The prince, delighted A\\uth the whole account, \nconfirmed the title A\\\'hich Smith had given to the territory delineated on the \nmap, and it was named Neav England. Crime, as usual, dimmed the luster \nof the discovery. Hunt, commander of one of the vessels of the expedition, \nkidnapped twenty-scA^en of the Indians, Avith Squanto,^ their chief, as soon as \nSmith had departed, took them to Spain and sold some of them into slavery.\' \nAnd noAV, at various points from Florida to NcAvfoundland. men -stealers of dif- \nferent nations, had planted the seeds of hatred and distrust,\'^ Avhose fruits, in \nafter years Avere wars, and complicated troubles. \n\nAt the close of 1614, the Plymouth company employed Smith to make \nfurther explorations in America and to plant a colony. Lie sailed in the spring \nof 1615, but Avas driven back by a tempest. He sailed again on the 4th of \nJuly following. His creAV became mutinous, and finally his vessel was cap- \ntured by a French pirate, and they were all taken to France. Smith escaped \nto England, in an open boat, and arousing the sluggish energies of the Ply- \nmouth company and others, they planned vast schemes of colonization, and he \nwas made admiral for life. Eager for gains, some of the members, joining \nwith others, applied for a ncAV charter. It AA^as Avithheld for a long time. \nFinally, the king granted a charter [NoA^ember 3, 1620] to forty of the wealth- \niest and most powerful men in the realm, AAdio assumed the corporate title of The \nCouncil of Plymouth, and superseded the original Plymouth Company.\' \nThe vast domain of more than a million of square miles, lying between the fortieth \nand forty-eighth degree of north latitude, and westward to the South Sea,\'\' \n\n\' Page 49. \n\n"^ The celebrated Lord Bacon, and others, fitted out an expedition to Newfoundland in 1610, \nbut it was unsuccessful. ^ Page 114. \n\n* AA^\'hen some benevolent friars heard of Hunt\'s intentions, they took all of the Indians not yet \nsold, to instruct tliera as missionaries. Among them was Squanto. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0* See pages 42 and 49. \'^ Page 63. 7 Page 42. \n\n\n\n1620.] MASSACHUSETTS. 75 \n\nwas conveyed to them, as absolute owners of the soil. It was the finest portion \nof the Continent, and now embraces the most flourishing States and Territories \nof our confederacy. This vast monopoly Avas unpropitious, in all its elements, \nto the founding of an empire. It was not the will of God that mere speculators \nand mercenary adventurers like these should people this broad land. The same \nyear when that great commercial monopoly was formed [1620], a company of \ndevout men and Momen in Holland, who had been driven from England by a. \npersecuting government, came to the wilderness of the New "World, not to seek \ngold and return, but to erect a tabernacle, where they might worship the Great \nGod in honest simplicity and freedom, and to plant in the wilderness the found- \nation of a commonwealth, based upon truth anoi justice. Who were they? \nLet History answer. \n\nBecause the pope of Rome would not sanction an important measure \ndesired by a greater part of the people, King Henry the Eighth of England \ndefied tlie authority of the head of the Church, and, by the Act of Supreniaci/,^ \nParliament also cast oti\'the papal yoke. Yet religious freedom for the people \nwas not a consequence, for the king was vii-tually pope of Great Britair. \nHeresy was a high crime ; and expressions of freedom of thought and opinion \nwere not tolerated. The doctrines and rituals of the Romish church were \nenforced, while the mithority of the pope was denied. The people discovered \nthat in exchanging spiritual masters, they had gained nothing, except that the \nthunders of excommunication^ had lost their effect upon the public mind, and \nthus one step toward emancipation was gained. Henry\'s son, EdA^^a-rd, est-ib- \nlished a more liberal Protestantism in England [1547], and \nsoon the followers of Luther and Calvin* drew the tangible \nline of doctrinal difference which existed between them. The \nformer retained or alloAved many of the ceremonials of the \nchurch of Rome ; the latter were more austere, and demanded \nextreme simplicity in worship, and great purity of life. For \nthis they were called Puritans, in derision ; a name which \nsoon became honorable. WTien Parliament established a \nliturgy for the church, the Puritans refused conformity, for \nthey acknowledged no authority but the Bible in matters of \nreligion. They became a distmct and influential party in \nthe State [1550], and were specially commended by the con- \ntmental reformers. \n\n\n\n\n^ The people, whose proclivities were toward Protestantism, deprecated the influence of the \nqueen (Catharine of Arragon), who was a zealous Roman Catholic, and desired her divorce from \ntlie monarch. The king was very willing, for he wished to marry the beautiful Anne Boleyn. \nPope Julius the Third refused to sanction a divorce, when the king, on whom had been conferred \nthe title of " Defender of the Faith." quarreled with the pontiff, and professed Protestantism. \n\n* An Act of Parliament, adopted in 1534, which declared the king of England the superior head \nof the Church in that realm, and made Protestantism the estabhshed religion of England. \n\n^ The Pope of Rome assumes the right to excommunicate, or expel from Christian communion, \nwhomsoever he pleases. In former times, even kings were not exempt. An excommunicated \nperson lost social caste ; and for centuries this was an iron rod in the hand of ecclesiastics to keep \nthe people in submission to spiritual authority. Happily for mankind, this species of despotism has \nlost its power, and commands the obedience of only the ignorant and enslaved. \n\n* See note 14, page 62. Calvin was the leading French Reformer. \n\n\n\n76 SETTLEMENTS. [1606. \n\nRomanism was re-established in England in 1553, by Mary, the daughter \nand successor of Henry the Eighth, who was a bigoted persecutor of Protestants \nof every name. Lutherans and Calvinists w^ere equally in peril. The fires of \npersecution were lighted, and the first Protestant martyrs were consumed at the \nStake. ^ Her reign was short, and she is known in history as the bloody Mary. \nShe was succeeded by her half-sister, Elizabeth, in 1558, who was a professed \nProtestant, and the flames were extinguished. Elizabeth was no Puritan, \nShe endeavored to reconcile the magnificent rituals of the Romish Church with \nthe simple requisitions of the gospel. There was no affinity, and trouble \nensued. The Puritans, struggling for power, asserted, in all its grandeur, the \ndoctrine of private judgment ni i-eligious matters, and of untrammeled religious \nliberty. From this high position, it was but a step to the broad rock of civil \nfreedom. The Puritan pulpits became the tribunes of the common people, and \nthe preachers often promulgated the doctrine, that the sovereign was amenable \nto public ojniiion iv hen fair ly expressed. This was the very essence of demo- \ncratic doctrine, and evinced a boldness hitherto unparalleled. The jealousy \nand the fears of the queen were aroused ; and after several years of effort, the \nThirty-nine Articles of belief, which constitute the rule of faith in the Church \nof England, were confirmed [1571] by an Act of Parliament. \n\nAnd now bigotry in power began its wicked work. In 1583, a court of \nhigh commission was established, for the detection and punishment of Non- \nConformists,* with powers almost as absolute as the Roman Inquisition. Per- \nsecution began its work in earnest, and continued active for twenty years. The \nPuritans looked to the accession of James of Scotland, nvhich took place in \n1604,\' with hope, but were disappointed. He was the most contemptible mon- \narch that ever disgraced the chair of supreme government in England. A \nbrilliant English writer* says, "He was cunning, covetous, waisteful, idle, \ndrunken, greedy, dirty, cowardly, a great swearer, and the most conceited man \non earth." The pure in heart could expect no consideration from such a man. \nWhen he was fairly seated on the English throne, he said of the Puritans, "I \nwill make them conform or I will harrie them out of the land." There were \nthen more than thirty thousand of them in England. During the first year of \nJames\'s reign, three hundred of their ministers Avere silenced, imprisoned, or \nexiled. The long struggle of the established church Avith the Roman Catholics \non one hand, and the Puritans on the other, was now decided. It had been a \nstruggle of three quarters of a century, not so much for toleration as for \nsupremacy ; and the Church of England was the final victor. During these \ntrials, England lost some of her best men. Among the devout ones who fled \n\n\n\n^ John Rogers, a pious minister, and John Hooper, Bishop of Gloucester, were the first who \nsuffered. \n\n^ This was the title of all those Protestants in England who refused to conform to the doctrines \nand ceremonials of the Established Church. This name was first given in 1572. Ninety years \nafterward [1662], 2,000 ministers of the Established Church, unwilling to subscribe to the Thirty- \nnine Articles, seceded, and were called Dissenters ; a name yet applied to all British Protestants \nwho are not attached to the Church of England. \n\n3 See note 1, page 63. * Charles Dickens. \n\n\n\n1620.] MASSACHUSETTS. 77 \n\nfrom persecution, was the Reverend John Robinson, pastor of a flock gathered \nin the northern counties. Informed that there -was " freedom of religion for all \nmen in Holland,\'\' he fled thither, -with his people, in 1608, and established a \nchurch at Ley den. Thej were soon joined by others from their native country. \nTheir purity of life and lofty independence commanded the admiration of the \nDutch ; and their loyalty to the country from which they had been driven, was \nrespected as a noble virtue. There they learned many of those sound political \nmaxims which lie at the foundation of our own government ; for there those \nprinciples of civil liberty, which lay almost dormant in theory, in England, \nwere found in daily practice. \n\nAt Leyden, the English exiles were charmed by the narratives of the Dutch \nvoyagers to America. They felt that they had now no home, no abiding place \n\xe2\x80\x94 that they were only Pilgrims \xe2\x80\x94 and they resolved to go to the New World, \nfir away from persecutions, where they might establish a colony, with religious \nfreedom for its basis. A deputation went to England in 1617,\' and through the \ninfluence of powerful friends," obtained the consent of the Plymouth Company \nto settle in North Virginia,^ and also a promise from the king that ho would \nwink at their heresy, and let them alone in their new home. They asked no \nmore. Some London merchants formed a partnership with them, and furnished \ncapital for the expedition.^ Captain John Smith, \nthe founder of Virginia and explorer of New En- \ngland, ofiered his services, but on account of his \naristocratic notions, they were declined. Two \nships {Speedivell and May-Flowe?\') were pur- \nchased and furnished,^ and in the summer of 1620, \na portion of the Pilgrims in Holland \xe2\x80\x94 "the \nyoungest and strongest" \xe2\x80\x94 embarked from Delft- \nHaven for England.\xc2\xae Robinson and the larger \nportion of his flock remained at Leyden till a more m\\y-flower \n\nconvenient season,^ and elder Brewster accompanied \n\nthe voyagers as their spiritual guide. The two ships left Southampton, \nin England, on the 5th of August, 1620. The courage of the captain and \ncompany of the Speedwell failed, and the vessels put back to port. The sails \nof the May-Flower were again spread, in the harbor of Plymouth, on the 6th \n\n\n\n\' John Carver and Robert Cushman. \n\n\' Sir Edward Sandys [page 105] was one of their cliief advocates in England. \' Page Ci. \n\n* The services of each emigrant were valued as a capital of ten pounds, and belonged to the \ntompany. All profits were to be reserved tUl the end of seven years, when all the lands, houses, \nand every production of their joint industry, were to be valued, and the amount divided among the \nshareholders, according to their respective interests. This was a community of interest, similar, in \ncharacter, to those which have been proposed and attempted in our day, under the respective titles \nof Communism, Fourierism, and Socialism. It failed to accomphsh its intended purpose, and was \nabandoned. \n\n\' The Speedwell was a vessel of 60 tons; the May-Flowe?- of 180 tons. \n\n\' See engraving on page 104. This is a copy of a picture of Tlie Embarkation of the Pilgrims^ \nin the Rotunda of tlie National Capitol, painted by Professor Robert W. "Weir, of the Military \nAcademy, at West Point, New York. \n\n\' Mr. Robinson was never permitted to see America Notes 3, and 5, page 116, \n\n\n\n\n78 SETTLEMENTS. [1606. \n\nof September, pjkI forty-one men, most of them with families\' (one hundred and \none in all) \xe2\x80\x94 the winnowed remnant of the Pilgrims who left Delft-Haven \xe2\x80\x94 \ncrossed the stormy Atlantic. These were they who came to the New World to \n\'enjoy liberty of conscience and freedom of action, and to lay, broad and deep, a \nportion of the foundations of our happy Republic. After a boisterous passage \nof sixty-three days, thee May-Flower anchored Avithin Cape Cod.^ Before \nproceeding to the shore, the Pilgrims agreed upon a form of government, and \ncommitted it to writing.^ To that^rs^ constitution of (jovernment ever sub- \nscribed by a whole people, the forty-one men affixed their names, and then \nelected John Carver to be their governor.* In the cabin of the May-Floioer \nthe first republican government in America was solemnly inaugurated. That \nvessel thus became truly the cradle of liberty in America, rocked on the free \nwaves of the ocean. \n\nThe May-Plovier was tossed about on the ocean for two long months, and \nthe approach to land was a joyful event for the settlers. Exploring parties \nwere sent out,^ and after many hardships, they selected a place for landing. It \nwas on the 22d day of December, 1620, that the Pilgrim Fathers first set \nfoot upon a bare rock on the bleak coast of Massachusetts Bay, while all \naround, the earth was covered with deep snow.* They called the landing-place \n\n\n\n\' The following are their names: John Carver, "William Bradford, Edward Winslow, WiUiam \nBrew.ster, Isaac AHerton, Captain Miles Standish, John Aldeu, Samuel Fuller, Christopher Martin, \nWilliam Mulhns, William White, Richard Warren, John Howland, Stephen Plopkins, Edward TUly, \nJohn Tilly, Peter Brown, Richard Britteridge, George Soule, Richard Clark, Richard Gardiner, \nFrancis Cook, Thomas Rogers, Thomas Tinker, John Ridgdale, Edward Fuller, John Turner, Fran- \ncis Eaton, James Chilton, John Crackston, John BiUington, Moses Fletcher, Jolin Goodman, Degory \nPriest, Thomas Williams, Gilbert Winslow, Edward Margeson, John AUerton, Thomas English, Ed- \nward Dotey, Edward Leister. Howland was Carver\'s seiwant ; Soule was Winslow\'s servant ; and \nDotey and Leister were servants of Hopkins. \n\n" The foolish statement has often been made, that the Pilgrims intended to land at Manhattan \nIsland (New York), but the commander of the May-Floivtr, having been bribed by the Dutch to do \nso, landed them further east beA\'ond the Dutch possessions. The story is a fable. Coppin, the \npilot, had been on the coast of New England before, and, in navigating the May-Floiver, he only \nfoUoM\'ed his old track. \n\n^ The following is a copy of the instrument: "In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names \nare underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord, king James, by the grace of God, \nof Great Britain, France, and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, etc, having undertaken, for the glory \nof God and the advancement of the Christian faith, and honor ot our king and country, a voyage to \nplant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do, by these presents, solemnly and mutually, \nin the presence of God and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil \nbody politic, for our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by \nvirtue hereof, to enact, constitute, and frame just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, \nand offices from tune to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient tbr the general good \nof the colony ; unto wliich we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we \nhave hereto subscribed our names, at Cape Cod, the 1 1th of November, in the year of the reign of \nour sovereign Lord, Iving James of England, France, and Ireland, the Eighteenth, and of Scotland \nthe Fifty -fourth. Anno Domini, 1620." \n\n* John Carver was born in England, went with Robinson to Holland, and on the 3d of April, \n1621, while governor of the Plymouth colony, he died. \n. * Their leader was Miles Standish, a brave soldier, who had served in the Netherlands. He \nwas very active in the colony as miUtary commander-in-chief, in both fighting and treating with the \nIndians, and is called "The Hero of New England." He was a magistrate many years, and died \nat Duxbury, Massacliusetts, m 1656. \n\n" While the explorers were searching for a landing-place, the wife of Wilham White, a bride but \na short time before leaving Holland, gave birth to a son, "the first Englishman bom in New En- \ngland." They named him Peregrine, and the cradle in which he was rocked is yet preserved. He \ndied in Marshfield in 1704. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n-^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n2!I]SISTIIK[S \xe2\x96\xa0[ \n\n\n\n.msFom c^^\'^riEM ivMiE) MMkSs^s^nir^ \n\n\n\nJ680.] NEW HAMPSHIRE. 79 \n\nNew Plymouth, and there a flourishing village is now spread out/ Dreary, \nindeed, was the prospect before them. Exposure and priva- \ntions had prostrated one half of the men before the first blow \nof the axe had been struck to erect a habitation. Faith and \nhope nerved the arms of the healthy, and they began to build. \nOne by one perished. The governor and his wife died on \nthe 3d of April, 1621 ; and on the first of that month, forty- \nsix of the one hundred immigrants were in their graves. Nine- \nteen of these were signers to the Constitution. At one time chair.* \nonly seven men were capable of assisting the sick. Fortun- \nately, the neighboring tribes, weakened by a pestilence,^ did not molest them. \nSpring and summer came. Game became plenty in the forest, and they caught \nmany fishes from the waters. They sowed and reaped, and soon friends from \nEngland joined them.^ The settlement, begun with so much sorrow and suifer- \ning, became permanent, and then and there the foundations of the common- \nwealth of Massachusetts were laid. \n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER lY. \n\nNEW HAMPSHIRE. [1622-1680.] \n\nThe enterprising Sir Fernando Gorges, who, for many years, had been \nengaged in traffic with the Indians on the New England coast, projected a set- \ntlement further eastward than Plymouth, and for that purpose became associ- \nated with John Mason, a merchant, afterward a naval commander, and always \n"a man of action." Mason was secretary to the Plymouth Council, for New \nEngland,^ and was Avell acquainted with all matters pertaining to settlements in \nthe New World. Gorges and Mason obtained a grant of land in 1622, extend- \ning from the Merrimac to the Kennebec, and inland to the St. Lawrence. \nThey named the territory Laconia. Mason had obtained a grant the previous \nyear, extending from Salem to the mouth of the Merrimac, which he had named \nMariana. The same year, a colony of fishermen, under David Thompson, \nseated themselves at Little Harbor, on the Piscataqua River, just below Ports- \nmouth. Another party, under two brothers named Hilton, London fishmong- \ners, commenced a settlement, in 1623, a few miles above, at Dover ; but these \nirere only fishing stations, and did not flourish. \n\n\n\n\' " Plymouth Rock " is famous. It was broken into two pieces. One part remained in its oriff - \ninal position at Hedge\'s Wiiarf, Plymouth ; the other was taken to the centre of the town and \nsurrounded by an iron railiug. In 1880, this portion, which had been dragged into Plymouth by \n\'<!0 yoke of oxen, iu 1774, and over which the Whigs [note 4, page 226] erected a liberty pole, \nwas returned to its original position . \n\n^ This was the throne upon which sat the first Christian monarch of New England. Governor \nCarver was at the head of a new State, and, as chief magistrate, held the same relative position an \nking James of England, whose seat was richly ornamented and covered with a canopy of silk and \ngold. 3 Page 114. \xe2\x80\xa2\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 115. \xc2\xbb Page 74 \n\n\n\ngo SETTLEMENTS. [1634. \n\nIn the year 1629, the Rev. Mr. Wheelwright (a brother-in-law of the cele- \nbrated Anne Hutchinson, Avho was banished from the Massachusetts colony on \na charge of sedition, in 1637) purchased from the Indians the wilderness be- \ntween the Merrimac and the Piscataqua, and founded Exeter. The same year \nMason obtained from Gorges exclusive ownership of that same portion of La- \nCONIA. He named the domain New Hampshire, and in 1631 built a house \nupon the site of Portsmouth, the name which he gave to the spot.\' Other set- \ntlements upon the Piscataqua, and along the present coast of Maine, as far aa \nPortland, Avere attempted. At the latter place a company had a grant of land \nforty miles square, and formed an agricultural settlement in 1631, called \nLlGONiA.^ Pemaquid Point was another settlement, which remained an inde- \npendent community for almost forty years. Trading houses were established \nas far east as Machias, but they were broken up by the French, and the west- \nern limits of Acadie were fixed at Pemaquid Point, about half way from \nthe Penobscot to the Kennebec. The several feeble and scattered settlements^ \nin New Hampshire formed a coalition with the flourishing Massachusetts colony \nin 1841, and remained dependencies ot that province until 1680, when they \nwere separated by order of the king, and New Hampshire became a royal prov- \nince. Its first government consisted of a governor and council appointed by \n\xe2\x99\xa6\xe2\x80\xa2.he king, and a house of representatives elected by the people. Then was \nfounded the commonwealth of New Hampshire\xc2\xab \n\n\n\nCHAPTER y. \n\nMARYLAND. [1634.] \n\nA LARGE portion of the American colonies were the fruitful growth of the \nseeds of civil liberty, wafted hither by the fierce gales of oppression in some \n\n\' Mason had been governor of Portsmouth, in Hampshire County, England, and these names \nwere given in memoiy of his former residence. \n\n* The people of these eastern settlements, which formed the basis of the present commonwealth \nof Maine, did not like the government attempted to be established by the proprietor, and, taking \npohtical power into their own hands, placed themselves under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts in \n1652. The territory was erected into a county, and called Yorkshire. In 1621, king James, as \nsovereign of Scotland, placed the Scottish seal to a charter granting to Sir WiUiam Alexander, after- \nward [1633] earl of Stirling, the whole territory eastward of the State of Maine, under the title of \nNova Scotia, or New Scotland. The French had already occupied places along the coast, and called \nthe country Acadie. The Scotch proprietor never attempted settlements, either in this territory or in \nCanada which Charles the First had granted to him, and the whole country had passed into the hands \nof the French, by treaty. The earl died in 1640, and all connection of his family with Nova Scotia \nceased. His title was held afterward by four successors, the last of whom died in 1739. In 1759, \nWilliam Alexander (General Lord Stirling during our War for Independence) made an unsuccessful \nclaim to the title. The next claimant was Alexander Humphrey, who commenced operations in \nthe Scottish courts in 1815, and by forgeries and frauds was partially successful. The whole was \nexposed in 1833. Humphrey was in this country in 1852, pressing his claims to the monopoly of \nthe Eastern Fisheries, by virtue of the grants of kings James and Charles more than two hundred \nyears ago.) \n\n\n\n1634.] MARYLAND. 81 \n\nform. Maryland, occupying a space between North and South Virginia.* was \nfirst settled by persecuted Roman Catholics from England and Ireland- While \nking James worried the Puritans on one hand, for non-conformity,^ the Roman \nCatholics, at the other end of the religious scale, were subjected to even more \nsevere penalties. As the Puritans increased in numbers and influence, their \ncry against the Roman Catholics grew louder and fiercer ; and, while defend- \ning themselves from persecution with one hand, they were inflicting as severe a \nlash upon the Romanists with the other. Thus subjected to twofold opposition, \nthe condition of the Roman Catholics became deplorable, and, in common with \nother sufierers for opinion\'s sake, their eyes were turned toward free America. \nAmong the most influential professors of Catholicism was George Calvert, an \nactive member of the London Company,^ and Secretary of State at the time \nwhen the Pilgrims^ were preparing to emigrate to America. He was so much \nmore loyal in action to his sovereign than to his faith, that he did not lose the \nking\'s favor, although frankly professing to be a Roman Catholic ; and for his \nservices he was created an Irish peer in 1625, with the title of Lord Baltimore. \nHe also obtained from James, a grant [1622] to plant a Roman Catholic colony \non a portion of Newfoundland. He called the territory Avalon, but his schsme \nwas not successful. The barren soil, and French aggressors from Acadie, were \ntoo much for the industry and courage of his colonists, and the settlement was \nabandoned. \n\nFoiled in his projects in the east. Lord Baltimore went to Virginia in 1628, \nwith a view of establishing a colony of his brethren there. But he found the \nVirginians as intolerant as the crown or the Puritans, and he turned his back \nupon their narrow prejudices, and went to examine the beautiful, unoccupied \nregion beyond the Potomac. He was pleased with the country, and applied for \na charter to establish a colony there. The London Company was now dis- \nsolved,^ and the soil had become the property of the monarch. King Charles \nthe First, then on the throne, readily granted a charter, but before it was com- \npleted, Lord Baltimore died. This event occurred on the 25th of April, 1632, \nand on the 20th of June following, the patent was issued to Cecil, liis son and \nheir. In honor of the queen, Henrietta jNIaria,\'\' the \nprovince was called Maryland. The territory de- \nfined in the charter extended along each side of \nChesapeake Bay, from the 30th to the 40th degree \nof north latitude, its western line being the waters of \nthe Potomac. \n\nIt is believed that the Maryland charter was \ndrawn by the first Lord Baltimore\'s own hand. It \nwas the most liberal one yet granted by an English \nmonarch, both in respect of the proprietor and the \nsettlers. The government of the province was inde- ^^^^^\' second lord baltimorr \n\n\n\n\n\' Page 63. \xc2\xbb JTote 2, page 76. ^ == Page 63. \xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2 Page "77. ^ Page 107 \n\n" She was a Roman Catholic, and sister of Louis the Thirteenth of France. \n\n\n\n82 SETTLEMENTS. [1632. \n\npendent of the crown, and equality in religious rights and civil freedom was \nsecured to every Christian sect. Unitarians, or those who denied the doctrine \nof the Trinity, as well as all unbelievers in Divine revelation, were not covered \nby this mantle of toleration. The king had no power to levy the smallest tax \nupon the colonists, and all laws were invalid until sanctioned by a majority of \nthe freemen, or their deputies. Under such a wise and liberal charter the \ncolony, when planted, flourished remarkably, for those persecuted by the \nPuritans in New England, and the Churchmen in Virginia, there sought \nrefuge, and found peace. \n\nEmigration to Maryland commenced in 1633. The first company, mostly \nProtestants, sailed for America on the 2d of December of that year, under \nLeonard Culvert, brother of the proprietor, and axpointed govei\'nor of \nthe province. They arrived in March, 1634, and after sailing up the Potomac, \nas far as Mount Vernon, tliey descended the stream, almost to \'its mouth. \nThey landed upon an estuary of the Chesapeake, purchased an Indian village, \nand laid the foundation of a town [April, 1634 J, which they named St. Mary.\' \nThe honesty of Calvert, in paying for the land, secured the good will of the \nIndians ; and, unlike the first settlers of most of the other colonies, they experi- \nenced no sufferings from want, or the hostilities of the Aboriginals.\' \n\nPopular government was first organized in Maryland on the 8th of March, \n1635, when the first legislative assembly was convened at St. Mary. Every \nfreeman being allowed to vote, it was a purely democratic legislature. As the \nnumber of colonists increased, this method of making laws was found to be in- \nconvenient, and in 1639, a representative government was established, the \npeople being allowed to send as many delegates as they pleased. The first rep- \nresentative assembly made a declaration of rights, defined the powers of the \nproprietor, and took measures to secure to the colonists all the civil liberties \nenjoyed by the people of Old England. Then was founded the commonwealth \nof Maryland. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI. \n\nCONNECTICUT. [1632 \xe2\x80\x94 1639.] \n\nAdrian Block," the Dutch navigator, discovered and explored the Con- \nnecticut River, as far as the site of Hartford, in 1614, and named it Versche, \n\n\' Trading posts were established a little earlier than this, within the Maryland province. In \n1631, WiUiam Claybome obtained a license from the king to traffic with the Indians ; and when \nCalvert and his company came, he had two settlements, one on Kent Island, nearly opposite An- \nnapohs, and another at the present Havre de Grace, at the mouth of the Susquehannah. He refused \nto acknowledge the authority of Baltimore, and trouble ensued. He collected his people on the \neastern shore of Maryland in 1635, with a determination to defend his claims by force of arms; and \nin May quite a severe skirmish ensued between his forces and those of the colonists. Clayborne\'s \nmen were taken prisoners, and he fled to Virginia. He was declared guilty of treason, and sent to \nEngland for trial. His estates were forfeited ; but, being acquitted of the charge, he returned to \nMaryland and incited a rebellion. See page 151. " Page 72. \n\n\n\n\nHnoKKR\'s EMTr,R\\TioN\' TO Coxxi \n\n\n\n1639.] CONNECTICUT. 85 \n\nor Fj-esh Water River.* Soon afterward Dutch traders were upon its banks, \nand might have carried on a peaceful and profitable traffic with the Indians, had \nhonor and honesty marked their course. But the avaricious agent of the Dutch, \nimprisoned an Indian chief on board his vessel, and would not release him until \none hundred and forty fathoms of wampum^ had been paid. The exasperated \nIndians menaced the traders, and near the site of Hartford, at a place yet known \nas Dutch Point, the latter commenced the erection of a fort. The Indians were \nfinally conciliated, and, at their request, the fort was abandoned for awhile. \n\nA friendly intercourse was opened between the Dutch of New Netherland \nand the Puritans in 1627.^ With the guise of friendship, but really for the \npurpose of strengthening the claims of the Dutch to the Connecticut valley, by \nhaving an English settlement there under the jurisdiction of New Netherland, \nGovernor Minuit^ advised the Puritans to leave the barren land of Massachusetts \nBay, and settle in the fertile region of the Fresh Water River. In 1631, a \nMohegan chief, then at war with the powerful Pequods,^ desirous of having a \nstrong barrier between himself and his foes, urged the English to come and \nsettle in the Connecticut valley. The Puritans clearly perceived the selfish \npolicy of both parties, and hesitated to leave. The following year [1632], \nhowever. Governor Winslow, of the Plymouth colony, * visited that fertile region, \nand, delighted with its appearance, resolved to promote emigration thither. \nIn the mean while, the Council of Plymouth^ had granted the soil of Connecticut \n[1630] to the Earl of Warwicke, who, in 1631, transferred his interest to Lord \nSay-and-Seal, Lord Brooke, John Hampden, and others. The eastern bound- \nary of the territory was " Narraganset River," and the western (like all other \ncharters at that time) was the South Sea, or Pacific Ocean.* The Dutch \nbecame appris d of these movements of the English ; and perceiving no advan- \ntage (but detriment) to themselves, they purchased of the Indians the land at \nHartford and vicinity, completed their fort, and placed two cannons upon it, in \n1633, with the intention of preventing the English ascending the river. \n\nAlthough the Plymouth people were aware jf the preparations made by \nthe Dutch, to defend their claim, they did not hesitate, and in October, 1633, \nCaptain William Holmes. and a chosen company arrived in the Connecticut \nRiver, in a sloop. Holmes bore a commission from Governor Winslow to make \na settlement, and brought with him the frame of a house. When he approached \nthe Dut(4h fort, the commander menaced him with destruction if he attempted \nto pass it. Holmes was not intimidated, and sailing by unhurt, he landed at \nthe site of Windsor, and there erected his house. Seventy men Avere sent by \nthe Dutch the following year, to drive him from the country. They were kept \nat bay, and finally a parley resulted in peaceful relations.\' Holmes\'s colony \nflourished, and in the autumn of 1635, a party of sixty men, women, and chil- \ndren, from the Puritan settlements, commenced a journey through the wilder- \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0 Connecticut is the Englishorthoaraphy of the Indian word Quon-eh-ta-cut, which signifies "the \nJong river." ^ Probalaly about four hundred dollars. See note 2, page 13. \n\n\' Page 75. * Page 139. " Page 21. \xc2\xbb Page 79. \n\nPage 74. " Page 42. \'\' See note 2, page 142. \n\n\n\ngg st:ttlemexts. [1632. \n\nness [Oct. 25] to join Iiim. Yv^itli tlicii- cattle/ they made their slow and drear j \n\nway a hundred miles through dark forests and dismal swamps ; and when they \n\narrived upon the banks of the Connecticut [Nov. 25], the ground was covered \n\nwith deep snow, and the river was frozen. It was a winter of great trial for \n\nthem. Mmnj cattle perished. ^ A vessel bearing food for the colony was lost \n\non the coast, and the settlei\'S were compelled to subsist upon acorns, and scanty \n\nsupplies of Indian corn from the natives. Many of them made their way to the \n\nfort, then just erected at Saybrook, near the mouth of the river, and returned \n\nto Boston by water. Spring opened, and the necessities of \n\n^ I those who remained were supplied. They erected a small \n\nhouse for Arorship on the site of Hartford, and in April, \n\n" x^> 1636, the first court, or organized government was held \n\n,\xe2\x80\x94 .^ ^ -1H ^,-. there. At about the time when this company departed, a \n\n" ^ ^ ^ \'\' " \',^j^ son of Governor Winthrop,\' of Massachusetts, Hugh Peters, \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0^ \'-^ and Henry Vane, arrived at Boston from England, as com- \n\n\xe2\x80\x9e,^^^ , missioners for the proprietors of Connecticut, with instruc- \n\ntions to build a fort at the mouth of the river of that name, \n\nand to plant a colony there. Tli\xc2\xab fort was speedily built, and the settlement \n\nwas named Saybrook, in honor of the two peers named in the charter.\'\' \n\nAnother migration of Puritans to the Connecticut valley, more important, \nand with better results, now took place. In June, 1636, Rev. Thomas Hooker, \nthe " li"-ht of the western churches,"" with other ministers, their families, and \nflocks, in all about one hundred, left the vicinity of Boston for the new land \nof promise. It was a toilsome journey through the swamps and forests. They \nsubsisted upon berries and the milk of their coavs which they took with them, \nand on the 4th of July, they stood upon the beautiful banks of tl: j Connecticut. \nOn the 9 th, INIr. Hooker preached and administered thecommuniOn in the little^ \nmeeting-house at Hartford, and there a great portion of the company settled. \nSome chose Wethersfield for a residence ; and others, from Roxbury, went up \nthe river twenty miles, and settled at Springfield. There Avere now five dis- \ntinct English settlements upon the Connecticut River, yet they were scattered \nand Aveak. \n\nClouds soon appeared in the morning sky, and the settlers in the Connecti- \ncut valley perceived the gathering of a fearful storm. The poAverful Pequod \nIndians" became jealous of the Avhite people, because they appeared 4o be the \nfriends of their enemies, the INIohegans on the Avest, and of their more poAverful \nfoes, the Narragansetts, on the east. They first commenced petty annoyances ; \nthen kidnapped children, murdered men in the forests, and attacked families on \n\n\n\n\' This was tlie first introduction of cattle into Connecticut. \n\n* The loss in cattle was estimated at about one thousand dollars. \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 117. \' Page 85. \n\n^ Thomas Hooker was a native of Leicestershire, England, where he was born in 1S86. He \nwas silenced, because of his non-conformity, in 1630, when he left the ministry, and founded a \ngrammar scliool at Cambridge. He was compelled to flee to Holland, fi\'om ^sdience he came to \nAmerica with Mr. Cotton, in 1633. He was a man of great benevolence, and was eminently use- \nful. He died in July, 1647, at the age of sixty-one years. \xe2\x80\xa2= Page 21. \n\n\n\n1639.] CONNECTICUT, 87 \n\nthe outskirts of the settlement at Saybrook. Their allies of Block Island\' cap- \ntured a Massachusetts trading vessel, killed the captain\' [July. 1036], and \nplundered her. The Puritans in the east were alarmed and indignant, and an \ninefficient expedition from Boston and vicinity penetrated the Pequod country. \nIt did more harm than good, for it resulted oiily in increasing the hatred and \nhostility of the savages. The Pequods became bolder, and finally sought an \nalliance with their enemies, the Narragansetts, in an effort to exterminate the \nwhite people. At this critical moment a deliverer appeared when least expected. \nRoger Williams, who for his tolerant opinions had been banished from \nMassachusetts, 3 was now a friendly resident in the country of the Narragan- \nsetts. and heard of the proposed alliance. Forgetting the many injuries he had \nreceived, he warned the doomed people of the Bay colony, of impending danger. \nAt the risk of his own life, he descended Nan-aganset Bay in an open canoe, \non a stor-my day, and visited Miantonomoh, the renowned sachem, at his \nseat near Newport, while the Pequod embassadors were there in council. The \nlatter menaced Williams Avith death ; yet that good man remained there three \ndays, and effectually prevented the alliance.** And more \xe2\x80\x94 he induced the Nar- \nragansetts to renew hostilities with the Peqviods. By this generous service the \ninfant settlements were saved from destruction. \n\nAlthough foiled in their attempt at alliance, the Pequods were not dis- \nheartened. During the ensuing winter they continued their murderous depre- \ndations. In the spring, the authorities of the English settlements on the \nConnecticut declared war against the Pequods [May, 1637], and the Massachu- \nsetts and Plymouth colonies agreed to aid them. Soon, Captain Mason, who \nWas in command of the fort at Saybrook,\'\' and Captain John Underbill, a brave \nand restless man, sailed in some pinnaces, wuth about eighty white men and \nseventy Mohegan Indians under Uncas,*^ for Narraganset Bay. There Mian- \ntonomoh, with two hundred warriors, joined them, and they marched for the \nPequod country. Their ranks were swollen by the bravo Niantics and others, \nuntil five hundred "bowmen and spearmen" were in the train of Captains \nMason and Underbill. \n\nThe chief sachem of the Pequods, was Sassacus, a fierce warrior, and the \nterror of the New England tribes.\' He could summon almost two thousand \nwarriors to the field ; and feeling confident in his strength, he was not properly \nvigilant. His chief fort and village on the IMystic River, eight miles north- \neast of New London, was surprised at dawn the 5th of June, 1G37, and \nbefore sun-rise, more than six hundred men, women, and children, perished by \nfire and sword. Only seven escaped to spread the dreadful intelligence abroad. \nand arouse the surviving warriors. The Narragansetts turned homeward, and \nthe English, aware of great peril, pressed forward to Groton on the Thames, \n\n\n\n\' This island, which lies nearly south from the eastern border of Connecticut, was visited Ijv \nAdrian Block, the Dutch navigator, and was called by his name. At the time in question, it was \nthickly populated with fierce Indians. \n\n\'\' John Oldham, the first overland explorer of the Connecticut River. ^ Page 89. \n\n* Page 91. ^ Page 85. ^ Page 21. ^ Page 22. \n\n\n\n88 SETTLEMENTS. [1632. \n\nand there embarked for Saybrook. Thej had lost only two killed, and les3 \nthan twenty Avounded. \n\nThe brave Sassacus had hardly recovered from this shock, when almost a \nhundred armed settlers, from Massachusetts, under Captain Stoughton, arrived \nat Saybrook. The terrified Pequods made no resistance, but fled in dismay \ntoward the Avilderness westward, hotly pursued by the English. Terrible was \nthe destruction in the path of the pursuers. Throughout the beautiful country \non Long Island Sound, from Saybrook to New Haven, wigwams and cornfields \nwere destroyed, and helpless Avomen and children were slain. With Sassacus \nat their head, the Indians flew like deer before the hounds, and finally took \nshelter in Sasco SAvamp, near Fairfield, Avhere, after a severe battle, they all \nsurrendered, except Sassacus and a fcAV followers. These fled to the MohaAvks,* \nwhere the sachem Avas treacherously murdered, and his people were sold into \nslavery, or incorporated Avith other tribes. The blow was one of extermination, \nrelentless and cruel. " There did not remain a sannup or squaAv, a Avarrior or \nchild of the Pequod name. A nation had disappeared in a day." The New \nEngland tribes- Avere filled Avith aAve, and for forty years tbe colonists Avere \nunmolested by them. \n\nWith the return of peace, the spirit of adventure revived. In the summer \nof 1637, John Davenport, an eminent non-conformist\' minister of London, with \nTheophilus Eaton and EdAvard Hopkins, rich merchants Avho represented a \nwealthy company, arrived at Boston. They Avere cordially received, and \nurgently solicited to settle in that colony. The Hutchinson conti\'oversy* Avas \nthen at its height ; and perceiving the religious agitations of the people, they \nresolved to found a settlement in the wilderness. The sagacious Puritans, \nwhile pursuing the Pequods, had discovered the beauty and fertility of the \ncountry along the Sound from the Connecticut to Fairfield, and Davenport and \nhis companions heard their report Avith joy. Eaton and a fcAV others explored \nthe coast in autumn, and erecting a hut* near the Quinipiac Creek (the site of \nNew Haven), they passed the Avinter there, and selected it for a settlement. \nIn the spring [April 13, 1638] Davenport and others followed, and under a \nwide-spreading oak,^ the good minister preached his first sermon. They pur- \nchased the lands at Quinipiac of the Indians, and, taking the Bible for their \nguide, they formed an independent goA^ernment, or " plantation covenant,\'\' upon \nstrictly religious principles. Prosperity blessed them, and they laid the found- \nations of a city, and called it Neav Havex. The folloAving year, the settlers \nat Windsor, Hartford, and Wethersfield, met in convention at Hartford [Jan- \nuary 24, 1639 J, and adopted a AA\'ritten constitution, Avhich contained very liberal \nprovisions. It ordained that the governor and legislature should be elected \nannually, by the people, and they were required to take an oath of allegiance \nto the commonwealth, and not to the king. The General Assembly, alone, \n\n\n\nPage 23. ^ Page 22. \' Note 2, page T6. * Page 120. \n\nOn the corner of Church and George-streets, New Haven. \n\nAt the intersection of George and College-streets, New Haven. \n\n\n\n1636.] P.IIODE ISLAND. \' 89 \n\ncould make or repeal laws ; and in ev^er j matter the voice of the people was \nheard. This was termed the Connecticut Colony ; and, notwithstanding it \nand the New Haven colony were not united until 1665, now was laid the found- \nation of the commonwealth of Connecticut, which was governed by the \nHartford Constitution for more than a century and a half \n\n\n\nCHAPTER YII. \n\nRHODE ISLAND. [IG3G\xe2\x80\x94 IG43.] \n\nThe seed of the Rhode Island commonwealth was planted by bravo hands, \nmade strong by persecution. The first settler in Ilhode Island was William \nBlackstone, a non-conformist minister,\' who was also the first resident upon the \npeninsula of Shawmut, where Boston now stands.\'* Not liking the " lords \nbrethren" in Massachusetts any more than the "lords bishops" of England, \nfrom whose frowns he had fled, he withdrew to the wilderness, and dwelt high \nup on the Seekonk or Pawtucket River, which portion of the stream still bears \nhis name. There he planted, and called the place Rehoboth.\' Although he \nwas the first se^/f/er, Blackstone was not the founder of Rhode Island. He \nalways held allegiance to INIassachusetts, and did not aspire to a higher dignity \nthan that of an exile for conscience\' sake. \n\nRoger Williams, an ardent young minister at Salem, \xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2 became the instru- \nment of establishing the foundations of a now commonwealth in the Avilderness. \nWhen he was banished from Mass. chusetts, toward the close of 1635,^ he \ncrossed the borders of civilization, and found liberty and toleration among the \nheathen. After his sentence,\'^ his bigoted persecutors began to dread the influ- \nence of his enlightened principles, if he should plant a settlement beyond the \nlimits of existing colonies, and they resolved to detain him. Informed of \ntheir scheme, he withdrew from Salem in the dead of Avinter [Jan., 1636], and \nthrough deep snows he traversed the forests alone, for fourteen weeks, sheltered \nonly by the rude wigwam of the Indian, until he found the hospitable cabin^ of \n\n* Note 2, page 76. = Page 118. \n\n\' Room. The name was significant of his aim \xe2\x80\x94 he wanted room outside of the narrow confines \nof what he deemed Puritan intolerance. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0* Roger WLlIiams was born in Wales, in 1599, and was educated at Oxford. Persecution drove \nhim to America in 1 63 1, when he was ciiosen assistant minister at Salem. His extreme toleration \ndid not find there a genial atmosphere, and he went to Plymouth. There, too, he was regarded \nwith suspicion. He returned to Salem in 1634, formed a separate congregation, and in 1635, the \ngeneral court of Massachusetts passed sentence of banishment against him. He lalDored zealously \nin founding the colony of Rhode Island, and had no difficulty with any people who came there, \nexcept the Quakers. He died at Providence, in April, 1683, at the age of eighty-four years. \n\n^ Page 119. \n\n\' Williams was allowed six weeks after the pronunciation of his sentence to prepare for his \ndeparture. \n\nMassasoit had become acquainted -with the manner of building cabins adopted by the settlers \nat fishing-stations on the coast, and had constructed one for himself. They were much more com- \nfortable than wigwams. See page 13. \n\n\n\n90 \n\n\n\nSETTLEMENTS. \n\n\n\n[1636. \n\n\n\nMassasoit, the chief sachem of the Wampanoags,\' at Mount Hope. There he \nwas entertained until the buds appeared, Avhen, being joined bj five friends from \nBoston, he seated himself upon the Seekonk, some distance below Blackstone"s \nplantation. He found himself within the territory of the Plymouth Company.\' \nGovernor Winslow^ advised him to cross into the Narragansett country, where \nhe could not be molested. With his companions he embarked in a light canoe, \npaddled around to the head of Narraganset Bay, and upon a green slope, near \na spring/ they prayed, and chose the spot for a settlement. Williams obtained \n\n\n\n\na grant of land from Canonicus, chief sachem of the Narragansetts, and in com- \nmemoration of " God\'s merciful providence to him in his distress," he called the \nplace Providence. \n\nThe freedom enjoyed there was soon spoken of at Boston, and persecuted \nmen fled thither for refuge. Persons of every creed were allowed full liberty \nof conscience, and lived together happily. The same liberty was allowed in \npolitics as in religion; and a pure democracy was established there. Each \nsettler was required to subscribe to an agreement, that he would submit to such \nrules, "not affecting the conscience," as a majority of the inhabitants should \nadopt for the public good. Williams reserved no political power to himself, and \nthe leader and follower had equal dignity and privileges. The government was \n\n\n\n\' Page 22. ^ Page 63. => Page 85. \n\n* This spring is now [1881] beneath some fine sycamores on tlie west side of Benefit street, in \nProvidence. \n\n\n\n1643.] RHODE ISLAND. 91 \n\nentirely in the hands of the people. Canonicus, the powerful Narragansett \nchief, became much attached to Williams, and his influence among them, as we \nhave seen,\' Avas very great. He saved his persecutors from destruction, jet \nthey had not the Christian manliness to remove the sentence of banishment, and \nreceive him to their bosoms as a brother. He could not compress his enlarged \nviews into the narrow compass of their creed ; and so, while they rejoiced in \ntheir deliverance, they anathematized their deliverer as a heretic and an outcast. \nBut he enjoyed the favor of God. His settlement was entirely unmolested \nduring the Pequod war," and it prospered Avonderfully. \n\nRoger Williams opened his arms wide to the persecuted. Early in 1638, \nwhile Mrs. Hutchinson was yet in prison in Boston,^ her husband, with Wil- \nliam Coddington, Dr. John Clarke, and sixteen others, of concurrent religious \nviews, ^ accepted the invitation of Williams to settle in his vicinity. Mianto- \nnomoh gave them the beautiful island of Aquiday^ for forty fathoms of white \nwampum.\'\' They called it Isle of Rhodes, because of its fancied resemblance to \nthe island of that name in the Levant, and upon its northern verge they planted \na settlement, .and named it Portsmouth. A covenant, similar to the one used \nby Williams,\'\' was signed by the settlers ; and, in imitation of the Jewish form \nof government under the judges, Coddington was chosen judge, or chief ruler, \nwith three assistants. Others soon came from Boston ; and in 1639, Newport, \ntoAvard the lower extremity of the island, was founded. Liberty of conscience \nwas absolute ; love was the social and political bond, and upon the seal which \nthey adopted Avas the motto, Amor vincit omnia \xe2\x80\x94 "Love is all-powerful." \nAlthough the Rhode Island and the Providence plantations were separate in \ngovernment, they Avere united in interest and aim. Unwilling to acknowledge \nallegiance to either Massachusetts or Plymouth,^ they sought an independent \ncharter. For that purpose Roger Williams Avent to England in 1643. The \nAvhole parent country Avas then convulsed with civil Avar.^ After much delay, \nhe obtained from Parliament (which Avas then contending fiercely with the \nking) a free charter of incorporation, dated March 24, 1644, and all the settle- \nments Avere united under the general title of Rhode Island and Providence \nPlantations. Then was founded the commonAvealth of Rhode Island. \n\n\n\n^ Page 87. "" Page 87. \' Page 120. " Note 2, page 120. \n\n^ This was the Indian name of Rhode Island. It is a Narragansett word, signifying Peaceable \nIsk. It is sometimes spelled Aquitneck, and Aquitnet. \n\n* Note 2, page 13. They also gave the Indians ten coats and twenty hoes, on condition that \nthey should leave the island before the next winter. \n\n^ Page 90. The following is a copy of the government compact : " We, whose names are \nTmderwritten, do swear solemnly, in the presence of Jehovah, to incorporate ourselves into a body \npohtic, and, as He sliall help us, will submit our persons, lives, and estates, unto our Lord Jesus \nChrist, the King of kings, and Lord of Hosts, and to all those most perfect and absolute laws of His, \ngiven us in His holy TV\'ord of truth, to be guided and judged thereby." \n\n* This unwillingness caused the other New England colonies to refuse the application of Rhode \nIsland to become one of the Confederacy, in ] 643. See page 121. \n\n\xc2\xbb Note 3, page 108. \n\n\n\n92 SETTLEMENTS. [1631. \n\nCHAPTER YIII. \n\nDELAWARE, NEW JERSEY, AND PENNSTLVANIA. [1G31\xe2\x80\x94 1682.] \n\nIt is difficult to draw the line of demarcation between the first permanent \nsettlements in the provinces of Delaware, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, for \nthey bore such intimate relations to each other that they may be appropriately \nconsidei-ed as parts of one episode in the history of American colonization. We \nshall, therefore, consider these settlements, in close connection, in one chapter, \ncommencing with \n\nD E L A w A R :: . \n\nIt was claimed by the Dutch, that the territory of New Netherland\' ex- \ntended soithward to Cape Henlopen. In June, 1629, Samuel Godyn and \nothers purchased of the natives the territory between the Cape and the mouth \nof the Delaware River. The following year, two ships, fitted out by Captain \nDe Vries and others, and placed under the command of Peter Heyes, sailed \nfrom the Texel [Dec. 12, 1630] for America. One vessel was captured ; the \nother arrived in April, 1631 ; and near the present town of Lewiston, in \nDelaware, thirty immigrants, with implements and cattle, seated themselves. \nHeyes returned to Holland, and reported to Captain De Vries.\' That mariner \nvisited America early the following year [1632], but the little colony left by \nHeyes was not to be found. Difficulties with the Indians had provoked savage \nvengeance, and they had exterminated the white people. \n\nInformation respecting the fine country along the Delaware had spread \nnorthward, and soon a competitor for a place on the South River, as it was \ncalled, appeared. Usselincx, an original projector of the Dutch West India \nCompany,^ becoming dissatisfied with his associates, visited Sweden, and laid \nbefore the enlightened monarch, Gustavus Adolphus, well-arranged plans for a \nSwedish colony in the New World. The king Avas delighted, for his attention \nhad already been turned toward America ; and his benevolent heart was full of \ndesires to plant a free colony there, which should become an asylum for all \npersecuted Christians. While his scheme was ripening, the danger which \nmenaced Protestantism in Germany, called him to the field, to contend for the \nprinciples of the Reformation.^ He marched from his kingdom with a strong \narmy to oppose the Imperial hosts marshaled under the banner of the Pope on \nthe fields of Germany. Yet the care and tumults of the camp and field did not \nmake him forget his benevolent designs ; and only a few days before his death, \n\n* Page 72. \n\n^ De Vries was an eminent navigator, and one of Godyn\'s friends. To secure his valuable \nservices, the purchasers made him a partner in their enterprise, with patroon [page 139] privileges, \nand the first expedition was arranged by him. He afterward came to America, and was one of \nthe most active men in the Dutch colonies. On liis return to Holland, he published an account of \nhis voyages. ^ Page 72. * Note 14, page 62. \n\n\n\n1682.] NEW JERSEY. 93 \n\nat the battle of Lutzen [Nov. 6, 1632], Gustavus recommended the enterprise \nas "\xe2\x96\xa0 the jewel of his kingdom." \n\nThe successor of Gustavus was his daughter Christina, then only six years \nof age. The government was administered by a regency,\' at the head of which \nwas Axel, count of Oxenstierna. He was the earliest and most ardent sup- \nporter of the proposed great enterprise of Gustavus ; and in 1634 he issued a \ncharter for the Swedish West India Company. Peter Minuit,^ who had been \nrecalled from the governorship of New Netherland, and was also dissatisfied \nwith the Dutch West India Company, went to Stockholm, and offered his serv- \nices to the new corporation. They were accepted, and toward the close of 163T \nhe sailed from Gt)ttenburg with fifty emigrants, to plant a colony on the west \nside of the Delaware. He landed on the site of New Castle, in April, 1638, \nand purchased from the Indians^ the territory between Cape Henlopen and the \nFalls of the Delaware, at Trenton. They built a church and fort on the site \nof Wilmington, called the place Christina, and gave the name of New Sweden \nto the territory. The jealousy of the Dutch was aroused by this " intrusion," \nand they hurled protests and menaces against the Swedes.* The latter contin- \nued to increase by immigration ; new settlements were planted ; and upon Tin- \nicum Island, a little below Philadelphia, they laid the foundations of a capital \nfor a Swedish province. ^ The Dutch West India Company"^ finally resolved to \nexpel or subdue the Swedes. The latter made hostile demonstrations, and \ndefied the power of the Dutch. The challenge was acted upon ; and toward \nthe close of the summer of 1655, governor Stuyvesant, with a squadron of seven \nvessels, entered Delaware Bay.\'\' In September every Swedish fort and settle- \nment was brought under his rule, and the capital on Tinicum Island was \ndestroyed. The Swedes obtained honorable terms of capitulation ; and for \ntwenty-five years they prospered under the rule of the Dutch and English pro- \nprietors of New Netherland. \n\nNEW JERSEY. \n\nAll the territory of Nova C^sarea, as New Jersey was called by the \nEnglish, was included in the New Netherland charter,^ and transient trading \nsettlements were made [1622], first at Bergen, by a few Danes, and then on \nthe Delaware. Early in 1623, the Dutch built a log fort near the mouth of \nTimber Creek, a few miles below Camden, and called it Nassau. ^ In June, \n\n\' A regent is one who exercises the power of king or emperor, during the absence, incapacity, \nor childhood of the latter. For many years, George the Third of England was incapable of ruHng \non account of his insanity, and his son who was to be his successor at his death, was called the \nPrince Regent, because Parhament had given him power to act as king, in the place of his father. \nIn the case of Christina, three persons were appointed regents, or rulers. \n\n= Page 139. ^ ^j^^ Dgi^wares. See page 20. \xc2\xab Page 143. \n\nThis was done about forty years before William Penn became proprietor of Pennsylvania. \n\n^ Page 72. \' Page 143. \xc2\xab Page 72. \n\nIt was built under the direction of Captain Jacobus May, who had observed attempts made \nby a French sea-captain to set up the arms of France there. The fort was built of logs, and was \nlittle else than a rude block-house, with palissades. [See note 1, page 127.] A little garrison, left to \nprotect it, was soon scattered, and the fort was abandoned. \n\n\n\n94 SETTLEMENTS. [1631. \n\n1623, four coviples, who had been married on the voyage from Amsterdam, \nwere sent to plant a colony on the Delaware. They seated themselves upon \nthe site of Gloucester, a little below Fort Nassau, and this was the commence- \nment of settlements in West Jersey. \n\nSeven years later [1630] Michael Pauw bought from the Indians the lands \nextending from Hoboken to the Raritan, and also the whole of Staten Island, \nand named the territory Pavonia.\' In this purchase, Bergen was included. \nOther settlements were attempted, but none were permanent. In 1631, Cap- \ntain Heyes, after establishing the Swedish colony at Lewiston,\'- crossed the \nDelaware, and purchased Cape INIay^ from the Indians ; and from that point to \nBurlington, traders\' huts were often seen. The English became possessors of \nNew Netherland in 1664, and the Duke of York, to whom the province had \nbeen given,* conveyed to Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret [June 24, \n1664], all the territory between the North and South (Hudson and Delaware) \nRivers, and northward to the line of forty-one degrees and forty minutes, under \nthe title of Nova Ccesarea or New Jersey. Soon afterward several families \nfrom Long Island settled at Elizabethtown,^ and there planted the first fruitful \nseed of the New Jersey colony, for the one at Gloucester withered and died. \nThe following year, Philip Carteret, who had been appointed governor of the \nnew province, arrived with a charter, fair and liberal in all its provisions. It \nprovided for a government to be composed of a representative assembly" chosen \nby the people, and a governor and council. The legislative powers resided in \nthe assembly ; the executive powers were intrusted to the governor and his \ncouncil. Then [1665] was laid the foundation of the commonwealth of New \nJersey. \n\nPENNSYLVANIA. \n\nA new religious sect, called Quakers,\' arose in England at about the com- \nmencement of the civil wars [1642 \xe2\x80\x94 1651] which resulted in the death of \nCharles the First. Their preachers were the boldest, and yet the meekest of \nall non-conformists.\'^ Purer than all other sects, they were hated and perse- \ncuted by all. Those who came to America for " conscience\' sake" were perse- \ncuted by the Puritans of New England,* the Churchmen of Virginia and \nMaryland, and in a degree by the Dutch of New Amsterdam ; and only in \nRhode Island did they enjoy freedom, and even there they did not always dwell \nin peace. In 1673, George Fox, the founder of the Quaker sect, visited all his \nbrethren in America. He found them a despised people everywhere, and his \n\n\' Until the period of our "War for Independence, the point of land in Pavonia, on which Jersey \nCity, opposite New York, now stands, was called Paulus\' Hook. Here was the scene of a bold \nexploit by Americans, under Major Henry Lee, in 1779. See page 298. \n\n* Page 92. ^ Named in honor of Captain Jacobus Mey, or May. * Page 159. \n\n* Page 159. \' Note 3, page 159. \n\n\' This name was given by Justice Burnet, of Derby, in 1650, who was admonished by George \nFox, when he was cited before the magistrate, to tremble and quake at the Word of the Lord, at the \nsame time Fox quaked, as if stirred by mighty emotions. See page 122. \n\n" Note 2, page 76. \xe2\x80\xa2 Page 76 \n\n\n\n1682.] \n\n\n\nPEXXSTLVAXIA. \n\n\n\n95 \n\n\n\nheart yearned for an asylum for his brethren. Among the most influential of \nhis converts was William Penn/ son of the renowned admiral of that name. \nThrough him the sect gained access to the ears of the nobility, and soon the \nQuakers possessed the western half of New Jersey, by purchase from Lord \nBerkeley.*\' The first company of immigrants landed in the autumn of 1675, \nand named the place of debarkation Salem.^ They established a democratic \nform of government ; and, in November, 1681. the first legislative assembly of \nQuakers ever convened, met at Salem. \n\n\n\n\nWhile these events were progressing, Penn, who had been chief peace-maker \n-when disputes arose among the proprietors and the people, took measures to \nplant a new colony beyond the Delaware. He applied to Charles the Second \nfor a charter. The king remembered the services of Admiral Penn,^ and gave \nhis son a grant [March 14, 1681] of " three degrees of latitude by five degrees \n\n\n\n\' \'Williani Penn. was born in London, in October, 1644, and was educated at Oxford. He was \nremarkable, in his youth, for brilliant talents ; and while a student, having heard the preaching of \nQuakers, he was drawn to them, and sutfered expulsion from his father\'s roof, in consequence. He \nwent abroad, obtained courtly manners, studied law after his return, and was again driven from \nhome for associating with Quakers. He then became a preacher among them, and remained in \nthat connection until hfs death. After a^fe of great activity and considerable suffering, he died in \nEngland, in 1718, at the age of seventy-rour years. "^ Page 119. \n\n\' Now the capital of Salem county. New Jersey. \n\n* He was a very efficient naval commander, and by his skill contributed to the defeat of the \nDutch in 1664. The king gave him the title of Baion for his services. Note 15, page 62. \n\n\n\n96 sp:ttlements, [1631. \n\nof longitude west of the Delaware," and named the province Penfisyhatiia, in \nhonor of the proprietor. It included the principal settlements of the Swedes. \nTo these people, and others within the domain, Penn sent a proclamation, filled \nwith the loftiest sentiments of republicanism. William Markham, who bore the \nproclamation, was appointed deputy-governof of the province, and with him \nsailed [May, 1681] quite a large company of immigrants, who Avere members \nor employees of the Coinpanij of Free Traders, \' who had purchased lands of \nthe proprietor. In May, the following year, Penn published a frame of gov- \nernment, and sent it to the settlers for their approval. It was not a constitu- \ntion, but a code of wholesome regulations for the people of the colony.\' He \nsoon afterAvard obtained by grant and purchase [Aug. 1682] the domain of the \npresent State of Delaware, which the Duke of York claimed, notwithstanding it \nwas clearly not his own. It comprised three counties, Newcastle, Kent, and \nSmssex, called The Territories. \n\nPenn had been anxious, for some time, to visit his colony, and toward the \nclose of August, 1682, he sailed in the Welcome for America, with about one \nhundred emigrants. The voyage was long and tedious ; and when he arrived \nat Newcastle, in Delaware [Nov. 6], he found almost a thousand new comers \nthere, some of whom had sailed before, and some after his departure from En- \ngland. He was joyfully received by the old settlers, who then numbered almost \nthree thousand. The Swedes said, "It is the best day we have ever seen;" \nand they all gathered like children around a father. A few days afterward, he \nproceeded to Shackamaxon (now Kensington suburbs of Philadelphia), where, \nunder a wide-spreading elm, as tradition declares, he entered into an honorable \ntreaty with the Indians, for their lands, and established with them an everlast- \ning covenant of peace and frieudship. " We meet," said Penn, " on the broad \npathway of good f:\\ith and good will; no advantage shall be taken on either \nside ; but all shall be openness and love." And so it wi\'^. \n\n"Thou\'lt find," said the Quaker, " in me and in mine, \nBut friends and brothers to thee and thine, \nWho abuse no power and admit no line \n\n\'Twijit the red man and the white. \n\nAnd briglit was tlie spot where tlie Qualcer came, \nTo leave his hat, his drab, and his name, \nThat will sweetly sound from the trump of Fame, \nTill its final blast shall die." \n\nOn the day after his arrival, Penn received from the agents of the Duke of \nYork,\' in the presence of the people, a formal surrender of The Territories ; \n\n\n\n\' Lands in the new province were offered for about ten cents an acre. Quite a number of pur- \nchasers united, and called themselves The Company of Free Traders, with whom Penn entered into \nan agreement concerning the occupation of the soil, laA\'ing out of a city, &c. \n\n"^ It ordained a General Assembly or court, to consist(jf a governor, a council of seventy, chosen \nby the freemen of tlie colony, and a house of delegates, to consist of not less than two hundred \nmembers, nor more than five hundred. Tliese were also to be chosen by the people. The proprietor, \nor his deputy (the governor), was to preside, and to have a three-fold voice in the council ; that is, on \nall questions, he was to have tluree votes for every one of the councillors. \' Page 144. \n\n\n\n1682.] \n\n\n\nTHE CAROLINAS. \n\n\n\nand after resting a few days, he proceeded to visit \nhis brethren in New Jersey, and the authorities \nat New York. On his return, he met the General \nAssembly of the province at Chester,\' when he \ndeclared the union of The Territories with Pennsyl- \nvania. He made a more judicious organization of the \nlocal government, and then were permanently laid the \nfoundations of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania. \n\n\n\n97 \n\n\n\n\nTHE ASSEMBLY HOUSE. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX \n\n\n\nTHE CAROLINAS. [1622 \xe2\x80\x94 1680.] \n\nUnsuccessful effort^ at settlement on the coast of Carolina, were made \nduring a portion of the sixteenth century. These we have already considered.\' \nAs early as 1609, some dissatisfied people from Jamestown settled on the \nNansemond; and in 1622, Porey, then Secretary of Virginia, with a few \nfriends, penetrated the country beyond the Roanoke. In 1630, Charles the \nFirst granted to Sir Robert Heath, his attorney-general, a domam south of \nVirginia, six degrees of latitude in width, extending from Albemarle Sound to \nthe St. John\'s River, in Florida, and, as usual, westward to the Pacific Ocean. \nNo settlements were made, and the charter was forfeited. At that time. Dis- \nsenters or Nonconformists\' suffered many disabilities in Virginia, and looked to \nthe wilderness for freedom. In 1653, Roger Green and a few Presbyterians \nleft that colony and settled upon the Chowan River, near the present village of \nEdenton. Other dissenters followed, and the colony flourished. Governor \nBerkeley, of Virginia,* wisely organized them into a separate political commu- \nnity [1663], and William Drummond," a Scotch Presbyterian minister, was \nappointed their governor. They received the name of Albemarle County \nColony^ in honor of the Duke of Albemarle, who, that year, became a proprietor \nof the territory. Two years previously [1661], some New England\' adventur- \ners settled in the vicinity of Wilmington, on the Cape Fear River, but many \nof them soon abandoned the country because of its poverty. \n\nCharles the Second was famous for his distribution of the lands in the New \nWorld, among his friends and favorites, regardless of any other claims, Abo- \n\n\n\n\' The picture ia a correct representation of the building at Chester, in Pennsylvania, wherein \nitie Assembly met. It was yet standing in 1860. Not far from the spot, on the shore of the Dela- \nware, at the mouth of Chester Creek, was also a solitary pine-tree, which marked the place where \nPenn landed. \n\n\' Pages 55 to 57 inclusive. \' Note 2, page 76. * Page 78. \n\n* Drummond was afterward executed on account of his participation in Bacon\'s revolutionary \nacta. See note 5, page 112. \' Paga 108. \n\n7 \n\n\n\n98 SETTLEMENTS. tl622. \n\nriginal or European. In 1663, he granted the whole territory named in Sir \nRobert Heath\'s charter, to eight of his principal friends,\' and called it Caro- \nlina.^ As the ChoAvan settlement was not within the limits of the charter, the \nboundary was extended northward to the present line between Virginia and \nNorth Carolina, and also southward, so as to include the whole of Florida, \nexcept its peninsula. The Bahama Islands were granted to the same proprie- \ntors in 1667.^ Two years earlier [1665], a company of Barbadoes planters \nsettled upon the lands first occupied by the New England people, near the \npresent Wilmington, and founded a permanent settlement there. The few \nsettlers yet remaining were treated kindly, and soon an independent colony, with \nSir John Yeamans* as governor, was established. It was called the Clarendon \nCounty Colony^ in honor of one of the proprietors. Yeamans managed \nprudently, but the poverty of the soil prevented a rapid increase in the popula- \ntion. The settlers applied themselves to the manufacture of boards, shingles, \nand staves, which they shipped to the West Indies ; and that business is yet the \nstaple trade of that region of pine forests and sandy levels. Although the \nsettlement did not flourish, it continued to exist ; and then was founded the \ncommonwealth of North Carolina. \n\nThe special attention of the proprietors was soon turned toward the more \nsoutherly and fertile portion of their domain, and in January, 1670, they sent \nthree ships with emigrants, under the direction of William Sayle^ and Joseph \nWest, to plant a colony below Cape Fear. They entered Port Royal, landed \non Beaufort Island at the spot where the Huguenots built Fort Carolina in \n1564," and there Sayle died early in 1671. The immigrants soon afterwai-d \nabandoned Beaufort, and sailing into the Ashley River,\' seated themselves on \nits western bank, at a place a few miles above Charleston, now known as Old \nTown. There they planted the first seeds of a South Carolina colony. West \nexercised authority as chief magistrate, until the arrival of Sir John Yeamans, \nin December, 1671, who was appointed governor. He came with fifty families, \nand a large number of slaves.\xc2\xae Representative government was instituted in \n1672^ under the title of the Carteret County Colony. It was so called in \nhonor of one of the proprietors.\'" Ten years afterward they abandoned the spot ; \n\n\n\n\' Lord Clarendon, his prime minister ; General Monk, just created Duke of Albemarle ; Lord \nAshley Cooper, afterward Earl of Shaftesbury ; Sir George Carteret, a proprietor of New Jersey ; \nSir William Berkeley, Governor of Virginia; Lord Berkeley, Lord Craven, and Sir John Colleton. \n\n^ It will be perceived [note 1, page 55] that the name of Carolina^ given to territory south of \nVirginia, was bestowed in honor of two kings named Charles, one of France, the other of England. \n\n^ Samuel Stephens succeeded Drummond as governor, in 1667; and in 1668, the first popular \nAssembly in North Carolina convened at Edenton. \n\n* Yeamans was an impoverished English baronet, who had become a planter in Barbadoes, to \nmend his fortune. He was successfial, and became wealthy. \n\n^ Sayle had previously explored the Carolina coast. Twenty years before, he had attempted to \nplant an "Eleutharia," or place dedicated to the genius of Liberty [see Eleutheria, Anthon\'s Class- \nical Dictionary], in the isles near the coast of Florida. \n\n\xc2\xab Page 50. \' Page 166. \n\n\xc2\xae This was the commencement of negro slavery in South Carolina. Yeamans brought almost \ntwo hundred of tliem from Barbadoes. From the commencement, South Carolina has been a \nplanting State. \xc2\xbb Note 5, page 165. \n\n*" He was also one of the proprietors of New Jersey. See page 119. \n\n\n\n3680.J GEORGIA. 99 \n\nand upon Oyster Point, at the junction of Ashley and Cooper Rivers,\' nearer \nthQ sea, they founded the present city of Charleston." Immigrants came from \nvarious parts of Europe ; and many Dutch families, dissatisfied with the English \nrule at New York,^ went to South Carolina, where lands were freely given \nthem ; and soon, along the Santee and the Edisto, the wilderness began to \nblossom under the hand of culture. The people would have nothing to do with \na government scheme prepared by Shaftesbury and Locke,* but preferred simple \norganic laws of their own making. Then were laid the foundations of the com- \nmonwealth of South Carolina, although the history of the two States, under \nthe same proprietors, is inseparable, until the period of their dismemberment, \nin 1729.5 \n\n\n\nCHAPTER X. \n\nGEORGIA. [1-733.] \n\nGeorgia was the latest settled of the thirteen original English colonies in \nAmerica. When the proprietors of the Carolinas surrendered their charter^ to \nthe crown in 1729, the whole country southward of the Savannah River, to \nthe vicinity of St. Augustine, was a wilderness peopled by native tribes,\' and \nclaimed by the Spaniards as part of their territory of Florida.\xc2\xae The English \ndisputed this claim, and South Carolina townships were ordered to be marked \nout as far south as the Alatamaha. The dispute grew warm and warlike, and \nthe Indians, instigated by the Spaniards, depredated upon the frontier English \nsettlements.\' But, while the clouds of hostility were gathering in the firma- \n.ment, and grew darker every hour, it was lighted up by a bright beam of be- \nnevolence, which proved the harbinger of a glorious day. It came from England, \nwhere, at that time, poverty was often considered a crime, and at least four \nthousand unfortunate debtors were yearly consigned to loathsome prisons. The \nhonest and true, the noble and the educated, as well as the ignorant and the \nvile, groaned within prison walls. Their wailings at length reached the ears \nof benevolent men. Foremost among these was James Edward Oglethorpe,\'" a \nbrave soldier and stanch loyalist, whose voice had been heard often in Parlia- \nment against imprisonment for debt. \n\nA committee of inquiry into the subject of such imprisonments, was ap- \n\n\' These were so called in honor of Ashley Cooper, Earl of Shaftesbury. The Indian name of \nthe former was Ke-a-wah, and of the latter E-ti-ioan. \n\n^ Charleston was laid out in 1680 by John Culpepper, who had -been surveyor-general for \nNorth Carolina. See page 166. ^ Page 164. * Pa^e 1\xc2\xab4. ^ Page 171. \n\n" Page 171. \'\' Page 29. \xc2\xab Page 42. \xc2\xab Page 170. \n\n\'" See portrait, page 104. General Oglethorpe was bom in Surrey, England, on the 21st of De- \ncember, 1698. He was a soldier by profession. In 1745, he was made a brigadier-general, and \nfought against Charles Edward, the Pretender, who was a grandson of James the Second, and \nclaimed rightful heirship to the throne of England. Oglethorpe refused the supreme command of \n\xe2\x96\xa0the British army destined for America m 1775. He died, June 30, 1785, aged eighty-seven yeajs. \n\n\n\n100 SETTLEMENTS. fl\'^SS. \n\npointed bj Parliament^ and General Oglethorpe was made chairman of it. Hia \nreport, embodying a noble scheme of benevolence, attracted attention ^nd \nadmiration. He proposed to open the prison doors to all virtuous men within, \nwho would accept the conditions, and with these and other sufferers from pov- \nerty and oppression, to go to the wilderness of America, and there establish a \ncolony of freemen, and open an asylum for persecuted Protestants\' of all lands. \nThe plan met warm responses in Parliament, and received the hearty approval \nof George the Second, then [1730] on the English throne. A royal charter for \ntwenty-one years was granted [June 9, 1732] to a corporation " in trust for \nthe poor," to establish a colony Avithin the disputed territory south of the Sa- \nvannah, to be called Georgia, in honor of the king.* Individuals subscribed, \nlarge sums to defray the expenses of emigrants hither ; and within two yeara \nafter the issuing of the patent. Parliament had appropriated one hundred and \neighty thousand dollars for the same purpose.^ \n\nThe sagacious and brave Oglethorpe was a practical philanthropist. He \noffered to accompany the first settlers to the wilderness, and to act as governor \nof the new province. With one hundred and twenty emigrants he left England \n[Nov., 1732], and after a passage of fifty-seven days, touched at Charleston \n[Jan., 1733], where he was received with great joy by the inhabitants, as one \nwho was about to plant a barrier between them and the hostile Indians and. \nSpaniards.\'\' Proceeding to Port Royal, Oglethorpe landed a large portion of \nhis followers there, and with a few others, he coasted to the Savannah River. \nSailing up that stream as far as Yamacraw Bluff, he landed, and chose the spot \nwhereon to lay the foundation of the capital of a future State.* \n\nOn the 12th of February, 1733, the remainder of the immigrants arrived \nfrom Port Royal. The winter air was genial, and with cheerful hearts and \nwilling hands they constructed a rude fortification, and commenced the erection \nof a town, which they called Savannah, the Indian name of the river." For \nalmost a year the governor dwelt under a tent, and there he often held friendly \nintercourse with the chiefs of neighboring tribes. At length, when he had \nmounted cannons upon the fort, and safety was thus secured, Oglethorpe met \n\n\n\n\' Note 14, page 62. \n\n"^ The domain granted by the charter extended along the coast from the Savannah to the Ala- \ntamaha, and westward to the Pacific Ocean. Tlie trustees appointed by the crown, possessed all \nlegislative and executive power ; and, therefore, while one side of the seal of the new province \nexpressed the benevolent character of the sclieme, by the device of a group of toOing silivworms, \nand the motto, Non sibi, sed aliis ; the other side, bearing, between two urns the genius of \n" Georgia Augusta," with a cap of liberty on her head, a spear, and a horn of plenty, was a false \nemblem. There Avas no political liberty for the people. \n\n^ Brilliant visions of vast vintages, immense productions of silk for British looms, and all the \nwealth of a fertile tropical region, were presented for tlie contemplation of the commercial acumen \nof the business men of England. These considerations, as well as the promptings of pure benev- \nolence, made donations liberal and numerous. \xe2\x96\xa0* Page 99. \n\n* Some liistorians believe that Sir Walter Raleigh, while on his way to South America, in 1595, \nwent up the Savannah River, and held a conference witli the Indians on this very spot. This, \nprobably, is an error, for nothing appears in tlie A^ritings of Raleigh or his cotemporaries to warrant \nthe inference that he ever saw the North American continent. \n\n* The streets were laid out with great regularity; public squares were reserved; and the houses- \nwere all built on one model \xe2\x80\x94 twenty-four by sixteen feet, on the ground. \n\n\n\n\nOglethorpe\'s first Interview with the Indiak\'\', \n\n\n\nill \n\n\n\n1733.] GEORGIA. 103 \n\nfifty chiefs in council [May, 1733], with To-mo-chi-chi,^ the principal sachem \nof the lower Creek confederacy.^ at their head, to treat for the purchase of \nlands. Satisfactory arrangements were made, and the English obtained sover- \neignty over the whole domain [June 1, 1733J along the Atlantic from the Sa- \nvannah to the St. John\'s, and westward to the Flint and the head Avaters of the \nChattahoochee. The provisions of the charter formed the constitution of gov- \nernment for the people ; and there, upon Yamacraw Bluff, where the flourishing \ncity of Savannah now stands, was laid the foundation of the commonwealth of \nGeorgia, in the summer of 1733. Immigration flowed thither in a strong and \ncontinuous stream, for all were free in religious matters ; yet for many years \nthe colony did not flourish.^ \n\nWonderful, indeed, were the events connected with the permanent settle- \nments in the New World. Never in the history of the race Avas greater hero- \nism displayed than the seaboard of the domain of the United States exhibited \nduring the period of settlements, and the development of colonies. Hardihood, \nfaith, courage, indomitable perseverance, and untiring energy, were requisite \nto accomplish all that was done in so short a time, and upder such unfavorable \ncircumstances. While many of the early immigrants were mere adventurers, \nand sleep in deserved oblivion, because they were recreant to the great dutj \nwhich they had self-imposed, there are thousands whose names ought to be per- \npetuated in brass and marble, because of their faithful performance of the \nmighty task assigned them. They came here as sowers of the prolific seed of \nhuman liberty ; and during the colonizing period, many of them carefully nur- \ntured the tender plant, while it was bursting into vigorous life. We, who are \nthe reapers, ought to reverence the sowers and the cultivators with grateful \nhearts. \n\n\' To-mo-chi-chi was then an aged man, and at his first interview with Oglethorpe, he presented \nhim with a buffalo skin, ornamented with the picture of an eagle. " Here," said the chief^ " is a little \npresent : I give you a buffalo\'s skin, adorned on the inside with the head and feathers of an eagle, \nwhich I desire you to accept, because the eagle is an emblem of speed, and the buffalo of strength. \nThe Enghsh are swift as the bird, and strong as the beast, since, like the former, tliey flew over \nvast seas to the uttermost parts of the earth ; and like the latter, they are so strong that nothing \ncan withstand them. The feathers of an eagle are soft, and signify love ; the buflido\'s skin is \nwarm, and signifies protection ; \xe2\x80\x94 therefore I hope the EngUsh will protect and love our little fam- \nilies." Alas ! the wishes of the venerable To-mo-chi-chi were never realized, for the white people \nmore often j)lundered and destroyed, than loved antl protected the Indians. \n\nTo-mo-chi-chi died on the 5th of October, 1*739, at his own town, four miles from Savannah, \naged about ninety-seven years. He loved General Oglethorpe, and expressed a desire that his \nbody might be laid among ttie Euglisli at Savannah. It was buried tliere with public honors. \xe2\x80\x94 Sea \nthe Gentleman\'s Magazine^ 1740, page 129. \n\n^ Page 30. \' \' Pages 171 and 173. \n\n\n\n\nJAMES EDWARD OGLETHORPE. \n\n\n\nFOURTH PERIOD. \nTHE COLONIES, \n\n\n\nCHAPTER I. \n\nHaving briefly traced the interesting \nevents which resulted in the founding of sev- \neral colonies by settlements we will now con- \nsider the more important acts of establishing permanent commonwealths, all of \nwhich still exist and flourish. The colonial history of the United States is \ncomprised within the period commencing when the several settlements along the \nAtlantic coasts became organized into political communities, and ending when \nrepresentatives of these colonies met in general congress in 1774,\' and confeder- \nated for mutual welfare. There was an earlier union of interests and efibrts. \nIt was when the several English colonies aided the mother country in a long \nwar against the combilied hostilities of the French and Indians. As the local \nhistories of the several colonies after the commencement of that war have but \nlittle interest for the general reader, we shall trace the progress of each colony \nonly to that period, and devote a chapter to the narrative of the French and \nIndian war.\'\' \n\n\n\nPase 228. \n\n\n\nPage 179 \n\n\n\n1619.J VIRGINIA. 105 \n\nAs we have already observed, a settlement acquires the character of a \ncolon]) only Avhen it has become permanent, and the people, acknowledging \nallegiance to a parent State, are governed by organic laws.\' According to \nthese conditions, the earliest of the thirteen colonies represented in the Con- \ngress of 1774, was \n\nVIRGINIA. [1G19.] \n\nThat was an auspicious day for the six hundred settlers in Virginia when \nthe gold-seekers disappeared," and the enlightened George Yeardley became \ngovernor, and established a representative assembly [June 28, 1619]^ \xe2\x80\x94 the first \nin all America.^ And yet a j)rime element of happiness and prosperity Avas \nwanting. There were few white women in the colony. The wise Sandys, the \nfriend of the Pilgrim Fathers ^\'^ was then treasurer of the London Company,^ \nand one of the most influential and zealous promoters of emigration. During \nthe same year when the Puritans sailed for America [1620], he sent more than \ntwelve hundred emigrants to Virginia, among whom were ninety young women, \n"pure and uncorrupt," who were disposed of for the cost of their passage, as \nwives for the planters.* The following year sixty more were sent. The fam- \nily relation was soon established ; the gentle influence of woman gave refine- \nment to social life on the banks of the Powhatan ;^ new and powerful incentives \nto industry and thrift were created ; and the mated planters no longer cherished \nthe prevailing idea of returning to England.^ Vessel after vessel, laden with \nimmigrants, continued to arrive in the James River, and new settlements were \nplanted, even so remote as at the Falls, ^ and on the distant banks of the Poto- \nmac. The germ of an empire was rapidly expanding with the active elements \nof national organization. Verbal instructions would no longer serve the pur- \nposes of government, and in July, 1621, the Company granted the colonists \na written Constitution.,"^ which ratified most of the acts of Yeardley." Pro- \nvision was made for the appointment of a governor and council by the Company, \nand a popular Assembly, to consist of two burgesses or representatives from \neach borough, chosen by the people. This body, and the council, composed \nthe General Assembly, Avhich was to meet once a year, and pass laws for the \n\n\n\n\\ Pago Gl. - Page 71. = Page 71. " Page 77. ^ Page 64. \n\n\'\xe2\x96\xa0 Tobacco had alreadj^ become a circulating medium, or currency, in Virginia. The price of a \nwife varied from 120 to 150 pounds of this product, equivalent, in money value, to about $90 and \n$112 each. The second " cargo" were sold at a still higher price. By the Iving\'s special order, one \nhundred dissolute vagabonds, called "jail-birds" by tlie colonists, were sent over tiie same year, and \nfiold as bond-servants for a specified time. In August, the same year, a Dutch trading vessel en- \ntered the James River witli negro slaves. Twenty of them were sold mto perpetual slavery to the \nplanters. This was the commencement of negro slavery in the English colonies [note 4. page 177]. \nThe slave population of the. United States in 1860, according to the census, was about 4,000,000. \n\n\' Page 64. \n\n" Most of the immigrants liitherto were possessed of the spirit of mere adventurers. They camg \nto America to repair shattered fortunes, or to gain wealth, with the ultimate object of returning to \nEngland to enjoy it. The creation of families made the planters more attached to the soil of Vir- \nginia. \n\n" Near the site of the city of Richmond. The fells, or rapids, extend about six miles. \n\n*" The people of the May-floiuer formed a loritten Constitution for themselves [page 78]. That \nof Virginia was modeled after the Constitution of England. i\' Page 70. \n\n\n\n106 THE COLONIES. [1619, \n\ngeneral good." Such laws were not valid until approve^ by the Company, \nneither were any orders of the Company binding upon the colonists until \nratified by the General Assembly. Trial by jury was established, and courts \nof laAv conformable to those of England were organized. Ever afterward claim- \ning these 2>rivile(jes as rights, the Virginians look back to the summer of 1621 \nas the era of their civil freedom. \n\nThe excellent Sir Francis Wyatt, who had been appointed governor under \nthe Constitution, and brought the instrument with him, w^as delighted with the \naspect of affairs in Virginia. But a dark cloud soon arose in the summer sky. \nThe neighboring Indian tribes^ gathered in solemn council. Powhatan, the \nfriend of the English after the marriage of his daughter,\' was dead, and an \nenemy of the white people ruled the dusky nation.\'\' They had watched the \nincreasing strength of the English, with alarm. The white people were now \nfour thousand in number, and rapidly increasing. The Indians read their des- \ntiny-;-annihilation \xe2\x80\x94 upon the face of every new comer ; and, prompted by the \nfirst great law of his nature, self-preservation, the red man resolved to strike a \nblow for life. A conspiracy Avas accordingly formed, in the spring of 1622, to \nexterminate the white people. At mid-day, on the 1st of April, the hatchet \nfell upon all of the more remote settlements ; and within an hour, three hun- \ndred and fifty men, women, and children, were slain. ^ Jamestown*^ and neigh- \nboring plantations Avere saved by the timely warning of a converted Indian.\'\' \nThe people were on their guard and escaped. Those far away in the forests \ndefended themselves bravely, and when they had beaten back the foe, they fled \nto Jamestown. Within a few days, eighty plantations Avere reduced to eight. \n\nThe people, thus concentrated at Jamestown by a terrible necessity, pre- \npared for vengeance. A vindictive war ensued, and a terrible blow of retalia- \ntion Avas given. The Indians upon the James and York Rivers Avere slaughtered \nby scores, or Avere driven far back into the Avilderness. Yet a blight Avas upon \nthe colony. Sickness and famine followed close upon the massacre. Within \nthree months, the colony of four thousand souls Avas reduced to tAventy-five- \nhundred ; and at the beginning of 1624, of the nine thousand persons Avho had \nbeen sent to Virginia from England, only eighteen hundred remained. \n\nThese disheartening events, and the selfish action of the king, discouraged \nthe London Company.\xc2\xae The holders of the stock had now become very numer- \nous, and their meetings, composed of men of all respectable classes, assumed a \n\n\' This was the beginning of the Virginia House of Burgesses, of which we shall often speak in \nfuture eliapters ^ The Powhatans. See page 20. ^ Page 70. \n\n" Powhatan died in 1618, and was succeeded in office by his younger brother, Opechancan- \nougli [see page 66]. This chief hated the English. He was the one who made Captain Smith a \nprisoner. \n\n* Opechancanough was wily and exceedingly treacherous. Only a few days before the mas- \nsacre, he declared that "sooner the skies would fall tlian his friendship witii tlie English would be \ndissolved." Even on tlie day of the massacre, the Indians entered the houses of the planters with \nusual tokens of friendship. ^ Page 64. \n\n\' This was Chanco, who was informed of the bloody design the evening previous. He desired \nto save a white friend in Jamestown, and gave him tlie information. It was too late to send word \nto the more remote settlements. Among tliose who fell on this occasion, were six members of the \nfr)aiicil, and several of the wealthiest inhabitants. \' Page 64. \n\n\n\n1G88.] VIRGINIA. 107 \n\npolitical character, in which two distinct parties were represented, namely, the \nadvocates of liberty, and the supporters of the royal prerogatives. The king \nwas offended by the freedom of debates at these meetings, and regarded them \nas inimical to royalty, and dangerous to the stability of his throne.\' He deter- \nmined to regain what he had lost by granting the liberal third charter\'\' to the \ncompany. He endeavored first to control the elections. Failing in this, he \nsought a pretense for dissolving the Comjjany. A commission was appointed \nin May, 1623, to inquire into their affairs. It was composed of the king\'s \npliant instruments, who, having reported in favor of a dissolution of the Com- \npany, an equally pliant judiciary accomplished his designs in October following, \nand a cfiio loarrantd\' was issued. The Company made but little opposition, for \nthe settlement of Virginia had been an unprofitable speculation from the be- \nginning ; and in July, 1624, the patents were cancelled.^ Virginia became a \nroyal province again, ^ but no material change was made in the domestic affairs \nof the colonists. \n\nKing James, with his usual egotism, boasted of the beneficent results to the \ncolonists which .would flow from this usurpation, by which they were placed \nunder his special care. He appointed Yeardley,^ with twelve councillors, to \nadminister the government, but wisely refrained from interfering with the \nHouse of Burgesses.\'\' The king lived but a few months longer, and at his \ndeath, which occurred on the 6th of April, 1625, he was succeeded by his son, \nCharles the First. That monarch was as selfish as ho was weak. He sought \nto promote the welfiire of the Virginia planters, because he also sought to reap \nthe profits of a monopoly, by becoming himself their sole factor in the manage- \nment of their exports. He also allowed them political privileges, not because he \nwished to benefit his subjects, but because he had learned to respect the power \nof those far-off colonists ; and he sought their sanction for his commercial \nagency.** \n\nGovernor Yeardley died in November, 1627, and was succeeded, two years \nlater [1629], by Sir John Harvey, a haughty and unpopular royalist. He was \na member of the commission appointed by James ; and the colonists so despised \nhim, that they refused the coveted monopoly to the king. After many and \nviolent disputes about land titles, the Virginians deposed him [1635] and \nappointed commissioners to proceed to England, with an impeachment. Harvey \naccompanied the commission. The king refused to hear complaints against the \n\n\n\n\' These meetings were quite frequent ; and so important wf re the members, in pohtical affaire, \nthat they could influence the elections of members of Parliament. In 1623, the accomplished \nNicholas Ferrar, an active opponent of the court party, was elected to Parliament, by the influence \nof the London Company. This fact, doubtless, caused the king to dissolve the Company that year. \n\n"\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 70. \n\n^ A writ of quo warranto is issued to compel a person or corporation to appear before the king, \nand show by what authority certain privileges are held. \n\n* The Company had expended almost $700,000 in establishing the colony, and this great sum \nwas almost a dead loss to the stockholders. ^ Page 63. \n\n\'\xe2\x96\xa0 Page 70. "> Note 1, page 106. \n\n* In June, 1628, the king, in a letter to the governor and council, asked them to convene an \nassembly to consider his proposal to contract for the whole crop of tobacco. He thus tacitly \nacknowledged the legality of the republican assembly of Virginia, hitherto not sanctioned, but only \npermitted. \n\n\n\n^08 THE COLONIES. [1619. \n\naccused, and he was sent back clothed with full powers to administer the gov- \nernment, independent of the people. He ruled almost four years longer, and was \nsucceeded, in November, 1639, by Sir Francis Wyatt, who administered gov- \nernment well for about two years, when he was succeeded [1641] by Sir William \nBerkeley,\' an able and elegant courtier. For ten years Berkeley ruled with \nvigor, and the colony prospered wonderfully.\'^ But, as in later years, commo- \ntions in Europe now disturbed the American settlements. The democratic \nrevolution in England,^ which brought Charles the First to the block, and \nplaced Oliver Cromwell in power, now [1642] began, and religious sects in \nEngland and America assumed political importance. Puritans* had hitherto \nbeen tolerated in Virginia, but now the Throne and the Church were united in \ninterest, and the Virginians being loyal to both, it was decreed that no minister \nshould preach except in conformity to the constitution of the Church of En- \ngland.^ Many non-conformists*\' were banished from the colony. This was a \ndark cloud upon the otherwise clear skies of Virginia, but a darker cloud was \ngathering. The Indians were again incited to hostilities by the restless and \nvengeful Opechancanough,\' and a terrible storm burst upon the English, in \nApril, 1644. For two years a bloody border warfare was carried on. The \nking of the Powhatans^ was finally made captive, and died while in prison at \nJamestown, and his people were thoroughly subdued. The power of the con- \nfederation was completely broken, and after ceding large tracts of land to the \nEnglish, the chiefs acknowledged allegiance to the authorities of Virgmia, and \nso the political life of the Powhatans passed away forever." \n\nDuring the civil war in England [1641 \xe2\x80\x94 1649], the Virginians remained \nloyal ; and when republican government was proclaimed, they boldly recognized \nthe son of the late king, although in exile, as their sovereign.\'" The republican \nparliament was highly incensed, and took immediate measures to coerce Vir- \nginia into submission to its authority. For that purpose Sir George Ayscue \nwas sent with a powerful fleet, bearing commissioners of parliament, as repre- \nsentatives of the sovereignty of the commonwealth, and anchored in Hampton \nRoads in March, 1651. \n\n" William Berkeley was bom near London ; was educated at Oxford ; became, by travel and \neducation, a polished gentleman; was governor of Virginia almost 40 years, and died in July, 1677. \n\n* In 1648, the number of colonists was 20,000. "The cottages were filled with children, as the \nports were with ships and immigrants." . \n\n^ For a long time the exactions of the king fostered a bitter feeling toward him, in the hearts \nof the people. In 1641 they took up arms against their sovereign. One of the chief leaders of the \npopular party was Oliver Cromwell. The war continued until 1649, when the royalists were sub- \ndued, and the king was beheaded. Parliament assumed all the functions of government, and ruled \nuntil 1653, when Cromwell, the insurgent leader, dissolved that body, and was proclaimed supremo \nruler, with the title of Protector of the Commonwealth of England. Cromwell was a son of a \nwealthy brewer of Huntingdon, England, where he was born in 1599. He died in September, \n1658. * Page 75. * Page 75. \n\n* Note 2, page 76. \' Note 5, page 106. * Page 20. \n\n" They relinquished all claim to the beautiful country between the York and James Rivers, \nfrom the Falls of the latter, at Richmond, to the sea, forever. It was a legacy of a dying nation \nto their conquerors. After that, their utter destruction was swift and thorough. \n\n*" Afterward the profligate Charles the Second. His mother was sister to the French king, and \nto that court she fled, with her children. It was a sad day for the moral character of England \nwhen Charles was enthroned. He was less bigoted, but more licentious than any of the Stuarts \nwho governed Great Britain for more than eighty years. \n\n\n\n1688.] VIRGINIA. 109 \n\nThe Virginians had resolved to submit rather than fight, yet they made a \nshow of resistance. They declared their willingness to compromise with the \ninvaders, to which the commissioners, surprised and intimidated by the bold \nattitude of the colonists, readily consented. Instead of opening their cannons \nupon the Virginians, they courteously proposed to them submission to the \nauthority of parliament upon terms quite satisfactory to the colonists. Liberal \npolitical concessions to the people were secured, and they were allowed nearly \nall those civil rights which the Declaration of Independence,\' a century and a \nquarter later, charged George the Third with violating. \n\nVirginia was, virtually, an independent State, until Charles the Second \nwas restored to the throne of his father [May 29, 1660], for Cromwell made no \nappointments except that of governor. In the same year [1652] when the par- \nliamentary commissioners came, the people had elected Richard Bennet to fill \nBerkeley\'s place. He was succeeded by Edward Digges, and in 1656, Crom- \nwell appointed Samuel Mathews governor. On the death of the Protector \n[1658], the Virginians were not disposed to acknowledge the authority of his \nson Richard,^ and they elected Mathews their chief magistrate, as a token of \ntheir independence. Universal suffrage prevailed ; all freemen, without excep- \ntion, were allowed to vote ; and Avhite servants, when their terms of bondage \nended, had the same privilege, and might become burgesses. \n\nBut a serious change came to the Virginians, after the restoration of Charles \nthe Second. When intelligence of that event reached Virginia, Berkeley, \nwhom the people had elected governor in 1660, repudiated the popular sover- \neignty, and proclaimed the exiled monarch " King of England, Scotland, Ire- \nland, and F/rj/mia." This happened before he was proclaimed in England.^ \nThe Virginia republicans were ofiended, but being in the minority, could do \nnothing. A new Assembly was elected and convened, and high hopes of favor \nfrom the monarch were entertained by the court party. But these were speed- \nily blasted, and in place of great privileges, came commercial restrictions to \ncripple the industry of the colony. The navigation act of 1651 was re-enacted \nin 1660, and its provisions were rigorously enforced.\'\' The people murmured, \n\n\n\n\' See Supplement. \n\n\' Cromwell appointed his son Richard to sncced him in office. Lacking the vigor and ambition \nof his father, he gladly resigned the troublesome legacy into the hands of the people, and, a little \nmore than a year afterward, Charles the Second was enthroned. \n\n\' When informed that Parliament was about to send a fleet to bring them to submission, the \nVirginians sent a message to Charles, then in Flanders, inviting him to come over and be king of \nVu-ginia. He had resolved to come, when matters took a turn in England favorable to his restora- \ntion. In gratitude to the colonists, lie caused the arms of Virginia to be quartered with those of \nEngland, Scotland, and Ireland, as an independent member of the empire. From this circumstance \nVirginia received the name of The Old DoTninion. Coins, with these quarterings, were made aa \nlate as 1773. \n\n* The first Navigation Act, by the Republican Parliament, prohibited foreign vessels trading to \nthe English colonies. This was partly to punish the sugar-producing islands of the West Indies, \nbecause the people were chiefly loyalists. The act of 1660 provided that no goods should be \ncarried to or from any English colonies, but in vessels built within the English dominions, whose \nmasters and at least three fourths of the crews were Englishmen ; and that sugar, tobacco, and \nother colonial commodities should be imported into no part of Europe, except England and her \ndominions. The trade between the colonies, now struggling for prosperous life, was also taxed for \nthe benefit of England. \n\n\n\n110 THE COLONIES. , [1619. \n\nbut in vain. The profligate monarch, who seems never to have had a clear \nperception of right and wrong, but Avas governed by caprice and passion, gave \naway, to his special favorites, large tracts of the finest portions of the Virginia \nsoil, some of it already well cultivated.\' \n\nWeek after week, and month after month, the Royalist party continued to show \nmore and more of the foul hand of despotism. The pliant Assembly abridged \nthe liberties of the people. Although elected for only two years, the members \nassumed to themselves the right of holding ofiice indefinitely, and the repre- \nsentative system was thus virtually abolished. The doctrines and rituals of \nthe Church of England having been made the religion of the State, intolerance \nbegan to grow. Baptists and Quakers^ were compelled to pay heavy fines. \nThe salaries of the royal ofiicers being paid from duties upon exported tobacco, \nthese ofiicials were made independent of the people.\' Oppressive and unequal \ntaxes were levied, and the idle aristocracy formed a distinct and ruling class. \nThe "common people" \xe2\x80\x94 the men of toil and substantial worth \xe2\x80\x94 formed a \nrepublican party, and rebellious murmurs were heard on every side. They \ndesired a sufficient reason for strengthening their power, and it soon appeared. \nThe menaces of the Susquehannah Indians,* a fierce tribe of Lower Pennsylva- \nnia, gave the people a plausible pretense for arming during the summer of \n1675. The Indians had been driven from their hunting-grounds at the head \nof the Chesapeake Bay by the Senecas,^ and coming down the Potomac, they \nmade war upon the Maryland settlements.^ They finally committed murders \nupon Virginia soil, and retaliation\' caused the breaking out of a fierce border \nwar. The inhabitants, exasperated and alarmed, called loudly upon Governor \nBerkeley to take immediate and energetic measures for the defense of the col- \nony. His slow and indecisive movements were very unsatisfactory, and loud \nmurmurs were heard on every side. At length Nathaniel Bacon,.* an energetic \nand highly esteemed republican, acting in behalf of his party, demanded per- \nmission for the people to arm and protect themselves.^ Berkeley\'s sagacity \nperceived the danger of allowing discontented men to have arms, and he refused. \nThe Indians came nearer and nearer, until laborers on Bacon\'s plantation, near \nRichmond, were murdered. That leader then yielded to the popular will, and \nplaced himself at the head of four or five hundred men, to drive back the \nenemy. Berkeley, jealous of Bacon\'s popularity, proclaimed him a traitor \n\n\' In 1673, the king gave to Lord Culpepper and the Earl of Arlington, two of his profligate \nfavorites, "all the dominion of land and water called Virginia," for the term of thirty years. \n\n* Note 7, page 94. \n\n\' One of the charges made against the King of England in the Declaration of Independence, \nmore than a hundred years later, was that he had "made judges dependent on his will alone for \nthe tenure of their offices and the amount and payment of their salaries." * Page 17. \n\n" Page 23. ^ Page 82. \n\n\' John Washington, an ancestor of the commander-in-chief of the American armies a century \nlater, commanded some troops against an Indian fort on the Potomac. Some chiefs, who were \nsent to his camp to treat for peace, were treacherously slain, and this excited the fierce resentment \nof the Susquehanuahs. \n\n"* He was born in England, was educated a lawyer, and in Virginia was a member of the coun- \ncil. He was about thirty years of age at that time. \n\n\xc2\xb0 King Philip\'s war was then raging in Massachusetts, and the white people, everywhere, were \nalarmed. See page 124. \n\n\n\n1688.] VIRGINIA. HI \n\n[May, 1676 J, and sent troops to arrest him. Some of his more timid followers \nreturned, but sterner patriots adhered to his fortunes. The people generally \nsympathized with him, and in the lower counties they arose in open rebellion. \nBerkeley Avas obliged to recall his troops to suppress the insurrection, and in \nthe mean while Bacon drove the Indians\' back toward the Rappahannock. He \nwas soon after elected a burgess,\'\' but on approaching Jamestown, to take his \nseat in the Assembly, he was arrested. For fear of the people, who made hos- \ntile demonstrations, the governor soon pardoned him and all his followers, and \nliypocritically professed a personal regard for the bold republican leader. \n\nPopular opinion had now manifestly become a power in Virginia ; and the \npressure of that opinion compelled Berkeley to yield at all points. The long \naristocratic Assembly was dissolved ; many abuses were corrected, and all the \nprivileges formerly enjoyed by the people were restored.^ Fearing treachery \nin the capital. Bacon withdrew to the Middle Plantation,* where he was joined^ \nby three or four hundred armed men from the upper counties, and was pro- \nclaimed commander-in-chief of the Virginia troops. The governor regarded the \nmovement as rebellious, and refused to sign Bacon\'s commission. The patriot \nmarched to Jamestown, and demanded it without delay. The frightened governor \nspeedily complied [July 4, 1676], and, concealing his anger, he also, on compul- \nsion, signed a letter to the king, highly commending the acts and motives of the \n" traitor." This was exactly one hundred years, to a day, before the English \n\xe2\x80\xa2colonies in America declared themselves free and independent, the logic of \nwhich the King of Great Britain was compelled, reluctantly, to acknowledge, a \nfew years later. The Virginia Assembly was as pliant before the successful \nleader as the governor, and gave him the commission of a general of a thousand \nmen. On receiving it. Bacon marched against the Pamunkey Indians.^ When \nhe had gone, Berkeley, faithless to his professions, crossed the York River, and \nat Gloucester summoned a convention of royalists. All the proceedings of the \nRepublican Assembly were reversed, and, contrary to the advice of his friends, \nthe governor again proclaimed Bacon a traitor, on the 29th of July. The \nindignation of the patriot leader was fiercely kindled, and, marching back to \nJamestown, he lighted up a civil war. The property of royalists was confis- \ncated, their wives were seized as hostages, and their plantations were desolated. \nBerkeley fled to the eastern shore of the Chesapeake. Bacon proclaimed his \nabdication, and, dismissing the republican troops, called an Assembly in his \nown name, and was about to cast off all allegiance to the English Crown, when \n\n\n\n* Page 40. \n\n" The chief leaders of the republican party at the capital, -were "William Drummond, who had \nbeen governor of North Carolina [page 97], and Colonel Richard Lawrence. \n\n\' This event was the planting of one of the roost vigorous and fruitful germs of American \naatioiiality. It was the first bending of power to the boldly-expressed will of the people. \n\n\' Williamsburg, four miles from Jamestown, and midway between the York and James Rivers, \nwas then called the Middle Plantation. After the accession of WiUiam and Mary [seepage 113], \na town was laid out in the form of the ciphers WM., and was named "Williamsburg. Governor \nNichoisoa made it the capital of the province in 1G98. \n\n^ This was a small tribe on the Pamimkey River, one of the chief tributaries of the Yoii; \nliiver. \n\n\n\n\n;112 THE COLONIES. [1619. \n\nintelligence was received of the arrival of imperial troops to quell the rebellion.\' \nGreat was the joj of the governor, when informed of the arrival of the hoped- \nfor succor, for his danger was imminent. With some royalists and English \nsailors under Major Robert Beverlej, he now [Sept. 7] returned to Jamest<)wn. \nBacon collected hastily his troops, and drove the governor and his friends down \nthe James River. Informed that a large body of royalists and imperial troops \nwere approaching, the republicans, unable to maintain their position at James- \ntown, applied the torch [Sept. 30] just as the night shadows came over the \nvillage.^ When the sun arose on the following morning, \n^ \' the first town built by Englishmen in America,* was a \n\nheap of smoking ruins. Nothing remained standing \nbut a few chimneys, and that old church tower, which \nnow attracts the eye and heart of the voyager upon the \nbosom of the James River. This work accomplished. \nBacon pressed forward with his little army toward the \nYork, determined to drive the royalists from Virginia. \nciiLKcu TOWER. ^^^ ^^^ "^\'^^ smittcn by a deadlier foe than armed men. \n\nThe malaria of the marshes at Jamestown had poisoned \nhis veins, and he died [Oct. 11, 1676] of malignant fever, on the north bank \nof the York. There was no man to receive the mantle of his ability and influ- \nence, and his departure was a death-blow to the cause he had espoused. His \nfriends and followers made but feeble resistance, and before the first of Novem- \nber, Berkeley returned to the Middle Plantation^ in triumph. \n\nThe dangers and vexations to Avhich the governor had been exposed during \nthese commotions, rendered the haughty temper of the baron irascible, and he \nsignalized his restoration to power by acts of wanton cruelty. Twenty-two of \nthe insurgent leaders had been hanged,^ when the more merciful Assembly im- \nplored him to shed no more blood. But he continued fines, imprisonments, and \nconfiscations, and ruled with an iron hand and a stony heart until recalled by \nthe king in April, 1677, who had become disgusted Avith his cruel conduct.^ \nThere was no printing press in Virginia to record current history,\' and for a \n\n* This was an error. The fleet sent with troops to quell the insurrection, did not arrive until \nApril the following year, when all was over. Colonel Jeflreys, the successor of Berkeley, came \nwith the fleet. \n\n\' Besides the church and court-house, Jamestown contained sixteen or eighteen houses, built \nof brick, and quite commodious, and a large number of humble log cabins. \n\n^ The church, of which the brick tower alone remains, was built about 1620. It was probably \nthe third church erected in Jamestown. The ruin is now [188o] a few rods from the encroaching \nbank of the river, and is about thirty feet in height. The engraving is a correct representation of \nits present appearance. In the grave-yard adjoining are fragments of several monuments. \n\n* Note 4, page 111. \n\n* The first man executed was Colonel Hansford, He has been justly termed the first martyr in \nthe cause of liberty in America. Drummond and Lawrence were also executed. They were con- \nsidered ringleaders and the prime instigators of the rebellion. \n\n" Charles said, "The old fool has taken more lives in that naked country than I have taken for \nthe murder of my father." \n\n\' Berkeley was an enemy to popular enlightenment. He said to commissioners sent fi\'om En- \ngland in 1671, "Thank God there are no fi-ee schools nor imnting press; and I hope we shall not \nhave thesp hundred years ; for learning has brought disobedience, and heresy, and sects into the \nworld, and printing ha-s divulged these, and libels against the best government." Despots are \nalways afraid of the printing press, for it is the most destructive foe of tyranny. \n\n\n\n1688.] VIRGINIA. Hg \n\nhundred years the narratives of the rojalists gave hue to the whole affair. \nBacon was always regarded as a traitor^ and the effort to establish a free gov- \nernment is known in history as Bacon\'s Rebellion. Such, also, would have \nbeen the verdict of history, had Washington and his compatriots been unsuc- \ncessful. Too often success is accounted a virtue, hnt failure, a crime. \n\nLong years elapsed before the effects of these civil commotions were effaced. \nThe people were borne down by the petty tyranny of royal rulers, yet the prin- \nciples of Republicanism grew apace. The popular Assembly became winnowed \nof its aristocratic elements ; and, notwithstanding royal troops were quar- \ntered in Virginia,\' to overawe the people, the burgesses were always firm in the \nmaintenance of popular rights.\'\' In reply to Governor Jeffreys, when he ap- \npealed to the authority of the Great Seal of England, in defense of his arbitrary \nact in seizing the books and papers of the Assembly, the burgesses said, " that \nsuch a breash of privilege could not be commanded under the Great Seal, be- \ncause they could not find that any king of England had ever done so in former \ntimes." The king commanded the governor to " signify his majesty\'s indigna- \ntion at language so seditious;" but the burgesses were as indifferent to royal \nfrowns as they were to the governor\'s menaces. \n\nA libertine from the purlieus of the licentious court now came to rule the \nliberty-loving Virginians. It was Lord Culpepper, who, under the grant of \n1673,3 had been appointed governor for life in 1677. He arrived in 1680. His \nprofligacy and rapacity disgusted the people. Discontents ripened into insur- \nrections, and the blood of patriots again flowed." At length the king himself \nbecame incensed against Culpepper, revoked his grant\' in 1684, and deprived \nhim of office. Effingham, his successor, was equally rapacious, and the people \nwere on the eve of a general rebellion, when king Charles died, and his brother \nJames^ was proclaimed [Feb. 1685] his successor, with the title of James the \nSecond. The people hoped for benefit by the change of rulers, but their bur- \ndens were increased. Again the wave of rebellion was rising high, when the \nrevolution of 1688 placed AYilliam of Orange and his wife Mary upon the \nthrone.\'\' Then a real change for the better took place. The detested and \ndetestable Stuarts were forever driven from the seat of power in Great Britain. \nThat event, wrought out by the people, infused a conservative principle into- \nthe workings of the English constitution. The popular will, expressed by Par- \n\n\' These troops were under the command of a wise veteran, Sir Henry Chicheley, wlio managed \nwith prudence. They proved a source of much discontent, because their subsistence was drawn \nfrom the planters For the same cause, disturbances occurred in New York ninetv vears afterward. \nSee page 218. \' Page 71. ^ Note"^l, page 110. \n\n* By the king\'s order, Culpepper caused several of the insurgents, who were men of influence,. \nto be hanged, and a "reign of terror," miscalled tranquiUiiy, followed. \n\n* Arlington [note 1, page 110] had already disposed of his interest in the grant to Culpepper. \n\n* James, Duke of York, to whom Charles gave the New Netherlands in 1664. See page 144. \n\n\' James the Second, by his bigotry (he was a Roman Catholic), tyranny, and oppression, ren- \ndered himself hateful to his subjects. William, Prince of Orange, Stadtholder of Holland, who had \nmarried Mary, a Protestant daughter of James, and his eldest child, was invited by the incensed \npeople to come to the English throne. He came with Dutch troops, and landed at Torbay on the \n5th of November, 1688. James was deserted by his soldiers, and he and his family sought safety \nin flight. Wilhara and Mary were proclaimed joint monarchs of England on the 13th of February,. \n1689. This act consummated that revolution which Voltaire styled " the era of English liberty." \n\n8 \n\n\n\n114 THE COLONIES. [1620. \n\nliament, became potential ; and the personal character, or caprices of the mon- \narch, had comparatively little influence upon legislation. The potency of the \nNational Assembly was extended to similar colonial organizations. The powers \nof governors were defined, and the rights of the people were understood. Bad \nmen often exercised authority in the colonies, but it was in subordination to the \nEnglish Constitution ; and, notwithstanding commercial restrictions bore heav- \nily upon the enterprise of the colonies, the diffusion of just political ideas, and \nthe growth of free institutions in America, were rapid and healthful. \n\nFrom the revolution of 1688, down to the commencement of the French and \nIndian Avar, the history of Virginia is the history of the steady, quiet prog- \nress of an industrious people, and presents no prominent events of interest to \nthe general reader.* \n\n\n\nCHAPTER II. \n\nMASSACHUSETTS. [1620.] \n\n"Welcome, Englishmen !\xe2\x80\xa2 welcome, Englishmen!" were the first words \nwhich the Pilgrim Fathers^ heard from the lips of a son of the American \nforest. It was the voice of Samoset, a Wampanoag chief, who had learned a \nfew English words of fishermen at Penobscot. His brethren had hovered \naround the little community of sufferers at New Plymouth^ for a hundred days, \nwhen he boldly approached [March 26, 1621 J, and gave the friendly saluta- \ntion. He told them to possess the land, for the occupants had nearly all been \nswept away by a pestilence. The Pilgrims thanked God for thus making their \nseat more secure, for they feared the hostility of the Aborigines. When Sam- \noset again appeared, he was accompanied by Squanto,* a chief who had recently \nreturned from captivity in Spain ; and they told the white people about Mas- \nsasoit, the grand sachem of the Wampanoags, then residing at jSIount Hope. \nAn interview was planned. The old sachem came with barbaric pomp,^ and he \nand Governor Carver" smoked the calumet\' together. A preliminary treaty of \nfriendship and alliance was formed [April 1, 1621], which remained unbroken \n\n\n\n\' The population at that time was about 50,000, of whom one half were slaves. The tobacco \ntrade had become very important, the exports to England and Ireland being about 30,000 hogs- \nheads that year. Almost a nundred vessels annually came from those countries to Virginia for \ntobacco. A powerful militia of almost 9,000 men was organized, and they no longer feared their \ndusky neighbors. The militia became expert in the use of tire-arms in the woods, and back to this \nperiod the Virginia rifleman may look for the foundation of his feme as a marksman. The province \ncontained twenty-two counties, and forty-eight parishes, with a church and a clergyman in each, \nand a great deal of glebe land. But there was no printing press nor book-store in the colony. A \npress was first established in Virginia in 172a. \n\n^ Page 77. \' Page 78. \xc2\xab Page 74. \n\n* Massasoit approached, with a guard of sixty warriors, and took post upon a neighboring hOL \nTlierfe he sat in state, and received Edward Winslow as embassador from the English. Leaving \nWinslow with his warriors as security for his own safety, the sachem went into New Plj-mouth and \ntreated with Governor Carver. Note 5, page 14. \xc2\xae Page 78. \' Page 14. \n\n\n\n1755.] MASSACHUSETTS. 115 \n\nfor fifty years.* Massasoit rejoiced at his good fortune, for Canonicus, the head \nof the powerful Narragansetts,"* was his enemy, and he needed strength. \n\nThree days after the interview with the Wampanoag sachem [April 3], \nGovernor Carver suddenly died. Wilham Bradford," the earliest historian of \nthe colony, was appointed his successor. He was a wise and prudent man, and \nfor thirty years he managed the public afiairs of the colony with great sagacity. \nHe was a man just fitted for such a station, and he fostered the colony with \nparental care. The settlers endured great trials during the first four years of \ntheir sojourn. They were barely saved from starvation in the autumn of 1621, \nby a scanty crop of Indian corn.^ In November of that year, thirty-five im- \nmigrants (some of them their weak brethren of the Speediveliy joined them, and \nincreased their destitution. The winter was severe, and produced great suffer- \ning ; and the colonists were kept in continual fear by the menaces of Canonicus, \nthe great chief of the Narragansetts, who regarded the English as intruders. \nBradford acted wisely with the chief, and soon made him sue for peace.\xc2\xae The \npower, but not the hatred, of the wily Indian Avas subdued, yet he was com- \nj)elled to be a passive friend of the English. \n\nSixty-three more immigrants arrived at Plymouth in July, 1622. They \n)had been sent by Weston, a wealthy, dissatisfied member of the Plymouth Com- \npany,\' to plant a new colony. Many of them were idle and dissolute ;\' and \nafter living upon the slender means of the Plymouth people for several weeks, \nthey went to Wissagusset (now Weymouth), to commence a settlement. Their \nimprovidence produced a famine ; and they exasperated the Indians by begging \nand stealing supplies for their wants. A plot was devised by the savages for \ntheir destruction, but through the agency of Massasoit,^ it was revealed [March, \n1623] to the Plymouth people ; and Captain Miles Standish, with eight men, \nhastened to Wissagusset in time to avert the blow. A chief and several war- \nriors Avere killed in a battle ;\'" and so terrified were the surrounding tribes by \n\n\n\n\xc2\xbb Page 124. "" Page 22. \n\n\' William Bradford was born at Ansterfield, in the north of England, in 1588. He followed \nRobinson to Holland ; came to America in the Mayfloiver [see page 77] ; and was annually elected \n^govertior of the colony from 1621 until his death in 1657. \n\n\' "While Captain Miles Standish and otliers were seeking a place to land [see page 78], they \nfound some maize, or Indian corn, in one of the deserted huts of the savages. Afterward, Samoset \n.and others taught them how to cultivate the gram (then unknown in Europe), and this supply serv- \ning for seed, providentially saved them from starvation. The grain now first received the name of \nIndian corn. Early in September [1621], an exploring party, under Standish, coasted northward to \n\xe2\x80\xa2Shawmut, the site "of Boston, where they found a few Indians. The place was deUghtful, and for a \nwhile, the Pilgrims thought of removing thither. ^ Page 77. \n\n^ Canonicus dwelt upon Connanicut Island, opposite Newport. In token of his contempt and \ndefiance of the Enghsh, he sent [Feb., 1622] a bundle of arrows, wrapped in a rattlesnake\'s skin, \nto Governor Bradford. The governor accepted the hostile challenge, and then returned the skin, \nfilled with powder and shot. These substances were new to the savages. They regarded them \nwith superstitious awe, as possessing some evil influence. They were sent from village to village, \nand excited general alarm. The pride of Canonicus was humbled, and he sued for peace. The \nexample of Canonicus was followed by several chiefs, who were equally alarmed. \' l?age 63. \n\n" There was quite a number of indentured servants, and men of no character ; a population \nwholly unfit to found an independent State. \n\n\xc2\xb0 In gratitude for attentions and medicine during a severe illness, ifassasoit revealed the plot to \nEdward Winslow a few da3\'S before the time appointed to strike the blow. \n\n" Standish carried the chiefs head m triumph to Plymouth. It was borne upon a pole, and was \nplaced upon the palissades [note 1, page 127] of the little fort which had just been erected. The \n\n\n\n116 THE COLONIES. [162a \n\nthe event, that several chiefs soon appeared at Plymouth to crave the friendship \nof the English. The settlement at Wissagusset was broken up, however, and \nmost of the immigrants returned to England. \n\nSocial perils soon menaced the stability of the colony. The partnership of \nmerchants and colonists\' was an unprofitable speculation for all. The commu- \nnity system^ operated unfavorably upon the industry and thrift of the colony, \nand the merchants had few or no returns for their investments. Ill feelings, \nwere created by mutual criminations, and the capitalists commenced a series of \nannoyances to force the workers into a dissolution of the league.^ The partner- \nship continued, however, during the prescribed term of seven years, and then \n[1627] the colonists purchased the interest of the London merchants for nine \nthousand dollars. Becoming sole proprietors of the soil, they divided the whole \nproperty equally, and to each man was assigned twenty acres of land in fee. \nNew incentives to industry followed, and the blessings of plenty, even upon \nthat unfruitful soil, rewarded them all.^ At about the same time, the govern- \nment of the colony became slightly changed. The only officers, at first, were \na governor and an assistant. In 1624, five assistants were chosen ; and in \n1630, a deputy-governor and eigliteen assistants were chosen by the freemen. \nThis broad democracy prevailed, both in Church and State, for almost fifteen \nyears, when a representative government was instituted [1639], and a pastor \nw^as chosen as spiritual guide." \n\nJames the First died in the spring of 1625 ; and his son and successor, \nCharles the First, inherited his fiither\'s hatred of the Nonconformists. \xc2\xab Many \nof their ministers were silenced during the first years of his reign, and the un- \neasiness of the great body of Nonconformists daily increased. Already, White, \na Puritan minister of Dorchester, in the west of England, had persuaded sev- \neral influential men of that city to attempt the establishment of a new asylum \nfor the oppressed, in America. They chose the rocky promontory of Cape \nAnne for the purpose [1624], intending to connect the settlement with the fish- \ning business ; but the enterprise proved to be more expensive than profitable, \n\n.good Robinson [page 77], when he heard of it, wrote, " Oh, how happy a thing it would have beeiv \n"that you had converted some before you killed any." \n\n* Page 77. " Note 1, page 70. \n\n^ The merchants refused Mr. Robinson a passage to America ; attempted to force a minister \nupon the colonists who was friendly to the Estabhshed Church ; and even sent vessels to interfere \nwith the infant commerce of tlie settlers. \n\n* The colonists unsuccessfully tried the cultivation of tobacco. They raised enough grain and \nvegetables for their own consumption, and relied upon traffic in furs with the Indians, for obtaining \nthe means of paying for cloths, implements, etc., procured from England. In 1627, they made the \nfirst step toward the establishment of the cod fisherj^, since become so important, by constructing a \nsalt work, and curing some fish. In 1624, Edward "V7inslow imported three cows and a bull, and \nsoon those invaluable animals became numerous in the colony. \n\n^ The colonists considered Robinson (who was yet in Leyden), as their pastor ; and rehgious \nexercises, in the way of prayer and exhortation, were conducted by Elder Brewster and others. \nOn Sunday afternoons a question would be propounded, to which all had a right to speak. Evea \nafter they adopted the plan of having a pastor, the people were so democratic in religious matters, \nthat a minister did not remain long at Plymouth. The doctrine of " private judgment" was put ia \nfull practice ; and the religious meetings were often the arena of intemperate debate and confusion. \nIn 1629, thirty-five persons, the remainder of Robinson\'s congregation at Leyden, joined the Pil- \ngrims at Plymouth, among whom was Robinson\'s family ; but the good man never saw New En- \ngland himself. * Note 2, page 76. \n\n\n\n1755.] \n\n\n\nMASSACHUSETTS. \n\n\n\n117 \n\n\n\nand it was abandoned. A few years afterward, a company purchased a tract \nof land [March 29, 1628] defined as being " three miles north of any and every \npart of the Merrimac River," and "three miles south of \nany and every part of the Charles River," and westward to \nthe Pacific Ocean.\' In the summer of 1628, John Endi- \ncot, and a hundred emigrants came over, and at Naumkeag \n(now Salem) they laid the foundations of the Colony of \nMassachusetts Bay. The proprietors received a charter from \nthe king the following year [March 14, 1629], and they \n\xe2\x80\xa2were incorporated by the name of "\xe2\x96\xa0 The Governor and Com- \npany of the Massachusetts Bay in New England^ \n\nThe colony at Salem increased rapidly, and soon began to spread. In July, \n1629. " three godly ministers" (Skelton, Higginson, and Bright) came with \n\n\n\n\nFIRST COLONY SEAL. \n\n\n\n\ntwo hundred settlers, and a part of them laid the foundations of Charlestown, at \nMishawam. A new stimulus was now given to emigration by salutary arrange- \n\n\n\n\' This was purchased from the Council of Pl^vmouth. The chief men of the company were \nJohn Humphrey (brother-in-law to the earl of Lincoln), John Endicot, Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John \nYoung, Thomas Southcote, Simon Whitcomb, John Winthrop, Thomas Dudley, Sir Richard Salton- \nstall, and others. Eminent men in New England afterward became interested in the enterprise. \n\n* The administration of affairs was intrusted to a governor, deputy, and eighteen assistants, who \nwere to be elected annually by the stockholders of the corporation. A general assembly of the \nfreemen of the colony was to be held at least four times a year, to legislate for the colony. The \nking claimed no jurisdiction, for he regarded the whole matter as a trading operation, not as the \nfounding of an empire. The instrument conferred on the colonists all the rights of English subjects, \n*nd afterward became the text for many powerful discourses against the usurpation of royalty. \n\n\n\n118 THE COLONIES. [1620.. \n\nments. On the 1st of September, the members of the company, at a meeting in \nCambridge, England, signed an agreement to transfer the charter and govern- \nment to the colonists. It was a wise and benevolent conclusion, for men of for- \ntune and intelligence immediately prepared to emigrate when such a democracy \nshould be established. John Winthrop* and others, with about three hundred \nfamilies, arrived at Salem in July [1630] following. Winthrop had been \nchosen governor before his departure, with Thomas Dudley for deputy, and a \ncouncil of eighteen. The new immigrants located at, and named Dorchester, \nRoxbury, Watertown, and Cambridge ; and during the summer, the governor \nand some of the leading men, hearing of a spring of excellent water on the pen- \ninsula of Shawmut, went there, erected a few cottages, and founded Boston, \nthe future metropolis of New England.\'^ The peninsula was composed of three \nhills, and for a long time it was called Tri-Mountain.\' \n\nAs usual, the ravens of sickness and death followed these first settlers. \nMany of them, accustomed to ease and luxury in England, suffered much, and \nbefore December, two hundred were in their graves.^ Yet the survivors Avere \nnot disheartened, and during the winter of intense suffering which followed, \nthey applied themselves diligently to the business of founding a State. In \nMay, 1631, it was agreed at a general assembly of the people, that all the \nofficers of government should thereafter be chosen by the freemen^ of the colony ; \nand in 1634, the pure democracy w^as changed to a representative government, \nthe second in America.* The colony flourished. Chiefs from the Indian tribes \ndined at Governor Winthrop\' s table, and made covenants of peace and friend- \nship with the English. Winthrop journeyed on foot to exchange courtesies with \nBradford at Plymouth,\'\' a friendly salutation came from the Dutch in New \nNetherland," and a ship from Virginia, laden with corn [May, 1632]. sailed \ninto Boston harbor. A bright future was dawning. \n\nThe character of the Puritans^ who founded the colony of Massachusetts- \nBay, presents a strange problem to the scrutiny of the moral philosopher. Vic- \ntims of intolerance, they were themselves equally intolerant when clothed with \npower.\'" Their ideas of civil and religious freedom were narrow, and their prac- \n\n\n\n\' He was bom in England in 1558, and was one of the most active men in New England from \n1630 until his death in 1649. His journal, giving an interesting account of the colony, has been. \npubhshed. \n\n"^ The whole company under Winthrop intended to join the settlers at Charlestown, but a pre- \nvailing sickness there, attributed to unwholesome water, caused them to locate elsewjiere. The \nfine spring of water wMch gushed from one of the tliree hills of Shawmut, was regarded with great \nfavor. \' From this is derived the word Tremont. \n\n* Among these was Higginson, Isaac Johnston (a principal leader in the enterprise, and the \nwealthiest of the founders of Boston), and his wife the "Lady Arabella," a daughter of the earl of \nLincoln. She died at Salem, and her husband did not long survive her. \n\n* None were considered freemen unless they were members of some church within the \ncolony. From the beginning, the closest intimacy existed between the Church and State in Massa- \nchusetts, and that intimacy gave rise to a great many disorders. This provision was repealed in \n1665. ^ Page 71. \' Page 115. * Page 72. ^ Page 75. \n\n\'" Sir Richard Saltonstall, who did not remain long in America, severely rebuked the people of \nMassachusetts, in a letter to the two Boston ministers, Wilson and Cotton. " It doth a little grieve \nmy spirit," he said, "to hear what sad things are reported daily of your tyranny and persecutions \nm New England, as that you fine, whip, and imprison men for their consciences." Thirty yeara \nlater [1665], the king\'s conimissioner at Picataqua, in a manuscript letter before me, addressed to \n\n\n\n1755.] MASSACHUSETTS. 119 \n\ntical interpretation of the Golden Rule, was contrary to the intentions of Him \nwho uttered it. Yet they were honest and true men ; and out of their love of \nfreedom, and jealousy of their inherent rights, grew their intolerance. They \nregarded Churchmen and Roman Catholics as their deadly enemies, to be kept \nat a distance.\' A wise caution dictated this course. A consideration of the \nprevailing spirit of the age, when bigotry assumed the seat of justice, and super- \nstition was the counselor and guide of leading men, -should cause us to \n\n" Be to their faults a little blind, \nAnd to their virtues, very kind." \n\nRoger Williams, himself a Puritan minister, and victim of persecution in \nEngland, was among those who first felt the power of Puritan intolerance. He \nwas chosen minister at Salem, in 1634, and his more enlightened views, freely \nexpressed, soon aroused the civil authorities against him. He denied the right \nof civil magistrates to control the consciences of the people, or to withhold their \nprotection from any religious sect whatever. He denied the right of the king \nto require an oath of allegiance from the colonists ; and even contended that \nobedience to magistrates ought not to be enforced. He denounced the charter \nfrom the king as invalid, because he had given to the white people the lands of \nother owners, the Indians.* These doctrines, and others more theological, \' he \nmaintained with vehemence, and soon the colony became a scene of great com- \nmotion on that account. He was remonstrated with by the elders, warned by \nthe magistrates, and finally, refusing to cease what was deemed seditious \npreaching, he was banished [November, 1635] from the colony. In the dead \nof winter he departed [January, 1636] for the wilderness, and became the \nfounder of Rhode Island." \n\nPolitical events in England caused men who loved quiet to turn their \nthoughts more and more toward the New World; and the year 1635 was \nremarkable for an immense immigration to New England. During that year \nfull three thousand new settlers came, among Avhom Avere men of wealth and \ninfluence. The most distinguished were Hugh Peters* (an eloquent preacher), \n\n\n\nthe magistrates of Massachusetts, say, " It is possible that the charter which you so much idoliza \nmay be forfeited until you have cleared yourselves of those many injustices, oppressions, violences, \nand blood for which you are complained against." \n\n\' Lyford, who was sent out to the Pilgrims, by the London partners, as their minister, was re- \nfused and expelled, because he was friendly to the Church of England. John and Samuel Browne, \nresidents at Salem, and members of Endicot\'s council, were arrested by that ruler, and sent to En- \ngland as " factious and evil-conditioned persons," because they insisted upon the use of the Liturgy, \nor printed forms of the English Church, in their wot-ship. \n\n" See page 22. This was not strictly true, for, until King Pliilip\'s war [page 124], in 1675, not \na foot of ground wag occupied by the New England colonists, on any other score but that of fair \npurchase. \n\n* He maintained that an oath should not be tendered to an unconverted person, and that no \nChristian could lawfully pray with such an one, though it were a wife or child ! In the intem- \nperance of his zeal, Williams often exhibited intolerance himself, and at this day would be called a \nbigot. Yet his tolerant teachings in general had a most salutary effect upon Puritan exclusiveness. \n\n\' Page 89. \n\n^ Peters afterward returned to England, was very active in public affairs during the civil war, \nand on the accession of Cliarles the Second, was found guilty of favoring the death of the king\'s \nfather, and was executed in October, 1660, \n\n\n\n120 THE COLONIES. \n\nand Henry Vane, an enthusiastic young man of twenty-five. In 1636, Vane \nwas elected governor, an event whicli indirectly proved disastrous to the peace \nof the colony. The banishment of Roger Williams had awakened bitter relig- \nous dissensions, and the minds of the people Avere prepared to listen to any \nnew teacher. As at Plymouth, so in the Massachusetts Bay colony, religious \nquestions were debated at the stated meetings.^ Women were not allowed to \nengage in these debates, and some deemed this an abridgment of their rights. \nAmong tliese was Anne Hutchinson, an able and eloquent woman, who estab- \nlished meetings at her own house, for her sex, and there she promulgated \npeculiar views, which some of the magistrates and ministers pronounced sedi- \ntious and heretical,^ These views were embraced by Governor Vane, several \nmagistrates, and a majority of the leading men of Boston.^ Winthrop and \nothers opposed them, and in the midst of great excitement, a synod was\xc2\xbb \ncalled, the doctrines of Mrs. Hutchinson were condemned, and she and her \nfamily were first imprisoned in Boston, and then banished [August, 1637] \nfrom the colony.\' Vane lost his popularity, and failing to be elected the fol- \nlowing year, he returned to England.^ Some of Mrs. Hutchinson\'s followers \nleft the colony, and established settlements in Rhode Island.\' \n\nThe great abatement of danger to be apprehended from the Indians, caused \nby the result of the Pequod war,\' was favorable to the security of the colony, \nand it flourished amazingly. Persecution also gave it sustenance. The non- \nconformists in the mother country sufiered more and more, and hundreds fled to \nNew England. The church and the government became alarmed at the rapid \ngrowth of a colony, so opposed, in its feelings and laws, to the character of \nboth. Efforts were put forth to stay the tide of emigration. As early as 1633, \na proclamation for that purpose had been published, but not enforced ; and a \nfleet of eight vessels, bearing some of the purest patriots of the realm, was \ndetained in the Thames [Feb. 1634], by order of the privy council.* Believing \nthat the colonists "aimed not at new discipline, but at sovereignty," a demand \nwas made for a surrender of the patent to the king.* The people were silent, \n\n^ Note 5, page 116. \n\n" She taught that, as the Holy Spirit dwells in every believer, its revelations are superior to the \nteachings of men. It was the doctrine of " private judgment" in its fullest extent. She taught that \nevery person had the right to judge of the soundness of a minister\'s teaching, and this was consid- \nered " rebellion against the clergy." She taught the doctrine of Ekdion, and aVerred that the elect \nsaints were sure of their salvation, however vicious their lives might be. \n\n^ Her brother, Rev. John "Wheelwright, was an eloquent expounder of her views. The theo- \nlogical question assumed a political phase, and for a long time influenced the public affairs of the \ncolony. \n\n* Mrs. Hutchinson and her family took refuge within the Dutch domain, near the present village \nof New Rochelle, in New York. There she and all her family, except a daughter, were murdered \nby the Indians. Note 2, page 141. \n\n* Yane was a son/ of the Secretary of State of Charles the First. He was a republican during \nthe civil war [note 3, page 108], and for this, Charles the Second had him beheaded in June, 1662. \n\n* Page 91. \' Page 87. \n\n* [Note 1, page 400.] It was asserted, and is believed, that Oliver Cromwell and John Hamp- \nden were among the passengers. There is no positive evidence that such was the fact. \n\n* The general patent for New England was surrendered by the Council of Plymouth, in June, \n1635, without consulting the colonists. The inflexible courage of the latter prevented the evil that \nmight have ensued by this faithless act of a company which had made extensive grants; and they \nfirmly held the charter given to them by the king. \n\n\n\n1755.] MASSACHUSETTS. 121 \n\nbut firm. When a rumor reached them [September 18, 1634] that an arbitrary \ncommission/ and a general governor was appointed for all the English colonies \nin America, the Massachusetts people, poor as they were, raised three thousand \ndollars to build fortifications for resistance. Even a quo warranto [April, \n1638]^ did not afiect either their resolution or their condition. Strong in their \nintegrity, they continued to strengthen their new State by fostering education,\' \nthe " cheap defense of nations," and by other wise appliances of vigorous efibrts. \nThe civil war^ which speedily involved the church and the throne in disaster, \nwithdrew the attention of the persecutors from the persecuted. The hope of \nbetter times at home checked immigration, and thereafter the colony received \nbut small accessions to its population, from the mother country. \n\nThe ties of interest and warmest sympathy united the struggling colonists \nof New England. Natives of the same country, the ofispring of persecution \xe2\x80\x94 \nalike exposed to the weapons of hostile Indians and the depredations of the \nDutch and French,\' and alike menaced with punishment by the parent govern- \nment \xe2\x80\x94 they were as one people. They were now [1643] more than twenty \nthousand in number, and fifty villages had been planted by them. The civil \nwar in England" threatened a total subversion of the government, and the Puri- \ntans began to reflect on the establishment of an independent nation eastward of \nthe Dutch dominions.\'\' With this view, a union of the New England colonies was \nproposed in 1637, at the close of the Pequod war. It was favorably received \nby all, but the union was not consummated until 1643, Vydien the colonies of Ply- \nmouth,\xc2\xae Massachusetts," Connecticut and New Haven\'" confederated for mutual \nTvelfare. Rhode Island asked for admittance into the Union [1643}, but was \nrefused," unless it would acknowledge the authority of Plymouth. Local juris- \ndiction was jealously reserved by each colony, and the fatal doctrine of State \nSupremacy was thus early developed. It was a confederacy of States like our \nearly Union.\'- The general affairs of the confederacy were managed by a \nIjoard of commissioners, consisting of two church-members from each colony, \nwho were to meet annually, or oftener if required. Their duty was to con- \nsider circumstances, and recommend measures for the general good. They \nhad no executive jjower. Their propositions were considered and acted upon by \nthe several colonies, each assuming an independent sovereignty. This confed- \n\n\n\n\' The Archbishop of Canterbury and associates received full power to establish governments and \nlaws over the American settlements ; to regulate religious matters ; inflict punishments, and even \nto revoke charters. \'^ Note 3, page 107. \n\n^ In 1636, the General Court at Boston appropriated two thousand dollars for the estabhshment \nof a college. In 1638, Rev. John Harvard bequeathed more than three thousand dollars to the \ninstitution which was then located at Cambridge, and it received the name of "Harvard College," \nnow one of the first seminaries of learning in the United States. In 1647, a law was passed, \nrequiring every township, which contained fifty householders, to have a school-house, and employ \na teacher ; and each town containing one thousand freeholders to have a grammar-school \n\n* Note 3, page 108. \n\n\' The Dutch of New Netherland [page 72], stiU claimed jurisdiction upon the Connecticut \nRiver, and the French settlers in Acadie, eastward of New England, were becoming troublesome to \nthe Puritans. \n\n\xc2\xb0 Note 3, p. 108. \' Page 72. \' Page 78. \'Page 117. \n\n\'" Page 89. " Page 91. " Page 267. \n\n\n\n122 THE COLONIES. [1620. \n\neracj remained unmolested more than forty years\' [1643 \xe2\x80\x94 1686], during which \ntime the government of England was changed three times. \n\nThe colony of Massachusetts Bay was always the leading one of New En- \ngland, and assumed to be a " perfect republic." After the Union, a legislative \nchange took place. The representatives had hitherto held their sessions in the \nsame room with the governor and council ; now they convened in a separate \napartment ; and the distinct House of Representatives, or democratic branch \nof the legislature, still existing in our Federal and State Governments, was \nestablished in 1644. Unlike Virginia,^ the colonists of New England sympa- \nthized with the English republicans, in their efforts to abolish royalty. \nArdently attached to the Parliament, they found in Cromwell,^ when he \nassumed supreme authority, a sincere friend and protector of their liberties. \nNo longer annoyed by the frowns and menaces of royalty, the energies of the \npeople were rapidly developed, and profitable commerce was created between \n\nMassachusetts and the West Indies. This \n\n\n\n\n\'"""^^ JtyTrr^\'N. trade brought bullion, or uncoined gold and \nV^\\\\^*M*^,^^ silver, into the colony ; and in 1652, the \n\n\n\nit=;ii^7r^T-\' 1^1 authorities exercised a prerogative of in- \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0%^\\, \xe2\x80\xa2^/^l dependent sovereiarnty, by establishins; a \n\nX^^ikv"^ mmt, and commg silver money, the first \n\nX...0....\'-"" within the territory of the United States. \n\nFIRST MONEY COINED IN TUE LNITEJJ w \xe2\x80\xa2 .\\ .x1 x \xe2\x80\xa2 xl, \n\nSTATES. During the same year, settlements m the \n\npresent State of Maine, imitating the act of \nthose of New Hampshire,* eleven years earlier [1641], came under the juris- \ndiction of Massachusetts. \n\nAnd now an important element of trouble and perplexity was introduced. \nThere arrived in Boston, in July, 1656, two zealous religious women, named \nMary Fisher and Ann Austin, who were called Quakers. This was a sect \nrecently evolved from the heaving masses of English society," claiming to be \nmore rigid Puritans than all who had preceded them. Letters unfavorable to \nthe sect had been received in the colony, and the two women were cast into \nprison, and confined for several weeks.^ With eight others who arrived during \n\n\' When James the Second came to the throne, the charters of all the colonies were taken away \nor suspended. When local governments were re-established after the Revolution of 1688, there no- \nlonger existed a necessity for the Union, and the confederacy was dissolved. \n\n^ Page 108. \' Note 3, page 108. \n\n* In October, 1651, the general court or legislature of Massachusetts ordered silver coins of tha \nvalues of threepence, sixpence, and a shilling sterling, to be made. The mint-master was allowed \nfifteen pence out of every twenty shillings, for his trouble. He made a large fortune by the busi- \nness. From the circumstance that the efifigy of a pine-tree was stamped on one side, these coins, \nnow very rare, are called pine-tree money. The date [1652] was not altered for thirty years Mas- \nsachusetts was also the first to issue paper money in the shape of treasury notes. See page 132. \n\n^ Page 80. \n\n" The founder of the sect was George Fox, who promulgated his peculiar tenets about 1650. \nHe was a man of education and exalted purity of character, and soon, learned and influential men, \nbecame his co-workers. They still maintain the highest character for morality and practical Chris- \ntianity. See note 7, page 94. \n\n\' Their trunks were searched, and the religious books found in them were burned by the hang- \nman, on Boston Common. Suspected of being witches [note 7, page 132], their persons wer& \nexamined in order to discover certain marks which would mdicate their connection with the Evil One. \n\n\n\n1755.] MASSACHUSETTS. 123 \n\nthe year, thej were sent back to England/ Others came, and a special act \nagainst the Quakers was put in force [1657], but to no purpose. Opposition \nincreased their zeal, and, as usual with enthusiasts, precisely because they were \nnot wanted, they came. Tliey suffered stripes, imprisonments, and general \ncontempt ; and finally, in 1658, on the recommendation of the Federal Com- \nmissioners," Massachusetts, by a majority of one vote, banished them, on pain \nof death. The excuse pleaded in extenuation of this barbarous law was, that \nthe Quakers preached doctrines dangerous to good government.\' But the death \npenalty did not deter the exiles from returning ; and many others came because \nthey courted the martyr\'s reward. Some were hanged, others were publicly \nwhipped, and the prisons were soon filled with the persecuted sect. The sever- \nity of the law finally caused a strong expression of public sentiment against it. \nThe Quakers were regarded as true martyrs, and the people demanded of the \nmagistrates a cessation of the bloody and barbarous punishments. The death \npenalty was abolished, in 1661 ; the fanaticism of the magistrates and the \nQuakers subsided, and a more Christian spirit of toleration prevailed. No \nlonger sufferers for opinion\'s sake, the Quakers turned their attention to the \nIndian tribes, and nobly seconded the efforts of Mahew and Eliot in the propa- \ngation of the gospel among the pagans of the forest.^ \n\nOn the restoration of monarchy in 1660, the judges who condemned Charles \nthe First to the block, were outlawed. Two of them (William Goffe and Edward \nWhalley) fled to America, and were the first to announce at Boston the acces- \nsion of Charles the Second. Orders were sent to the colonial authorities for \ntheir arrest, and officers were dispatched from England for the same purpose. \nThe colonists effectually concealed them, and for this act, and the general sym- \npathy manifested by ISew England for the republican party, the king resolved \nto show them no favor. They had been exempt from commercial restrictions \nduring Cromwell\'s administration ; now these were revived, and the stringent \nprovisions of a new Navigation Act^ were rigorously enforced. The people \nTainly petitioned for relief; and finally, commissioners were sent [August, \n1664] "to hear and determine all complaints that might exist in New England, \nand take such measures as they might deem expedient for settling the peace \nand security of the country on a solid foundation." ^ This was an unwise \n\n\' Mary Fisher went all the way from London to Adrianople, to carry a divine message to the \nSultan. She was regarded as insane ; and as the Moslems respect such people as special favorites \n^f God, Mary Fisher was unharmed in the Sultan\'s dominions. * Page 121. \n\n\' The Quakers denied all human authority, and regarded the power of magistrates as delegated \ntyranny. They preached purity of life, cliarity in its broadest sense, and denied the nglit of any \nman to control the opinions of another. Conscience, or "the liglit within," was considered a suf- \nScient guide, and they deemed it their special mission to denounce "hireling ministers" and "per- \nsecuting magistrates," in person. It was tliis offensive boldness which engendered the violent \nhatred toward the sect in England and America. \n. ^ \xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2 John Eliot has been truly called the Apostle to the Indians. He began his labors soon after \nhis arrival in America, and founded the first church among the savages, at Natic, in 1660, at which \ntime there were ten towns of converted Indians in Massachusetts. Thirty-five years later, it was \nestimated that there were not less than three thousand adult Christian Indians in the Islands of \nMartha\'s Vineyard and Nantucket, alone. ^ Note 4, page 109. \n\n\' Tliese were Colonel Richard Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr, George Cart-wTight and Richard Maver- \nick. They came with a royal fleet, commanded by Colonel Nicolls, which had been sent xo ; \nEnglish authority over the possessions of the Dutch, in New Netherland. See page 14-1. \n\n\n\n124 MASSACHUSETTS. [162(V \n\nmovement on the part of the mother country. The colonists regarded the \nmeasure with indignation, not only as a violation of their charters, but as an \nincipient step toward establishing a system of domination, destructive to their \nliberties. Massachusetts boldly protested against the exercise of the authority \nof the commissioners within her limits, but at the same time asserted her loyalty \nto the sovereign. The commissioners experienced the opposition of the other \nNew England colonies, except Rhode Island. Their acts were generally disre- \ngarded, and after producing a great deal of irritation, they were recalled in \n1666. The people of Massachusetts, triumphant in their opposition to royal \noppression, ever afterward took a front rank in the march toward complete \nfreedom. The licentious king and his ministers were too much in love with \nvoluptuous ease, to trouble themselves with far-off colonies ; and while Old \nEngland was suffering from bad government, and the puissance of the throne \nwas lessening in the estimation of the nations, the colonies flourished in purity, \npeace, and strength, until Metacomet^ the son of the good Massasoit,^ \niindled a most disastrous Indian Avar, known in history as \n\n\n\nKING PHILIP\'S WAR. \n\nMassasolt kept his treaty with the Plymouth \ncolony" faithfully while\' he lived. Metacomet, or \nPhiUp,^ resumed the covenants of friendship, and \nkept them inviolate for a dozen years. But as \nspreading settlements Avere reducing his domains acre \nby acre, breaking up his hunting grounds, diminish- \ning his fisheries, and menacing his nation with servi- \ntude or annihilation, his patriotism was aroused, and \nhe willingly listened to the hot young warriors of his \ntribe, who counseled a war of extermination against \nKING PHILIP. the English. At Mount Hope^ the seat of the chief \n\nsachems of the Wampanoags, in the solitudes of the \nprimeval forests, he planned, with consummate skill, an alliance of all the New \nEngland tribes,^ against the European intruders. \n\nAt this time, there were four hundred " praying Indians," as the converts \nto Christianity were called, firmly attached to the white people. One of them, \nnamed John Sassamon, who had been educated at Cambridge, and was a sort of \nsecretary to Philip, after becoming acquainted with the plans of the sachem, \n\n^ Page 114. \' Page 114. \n\n^ Massasoit had two sons, whom Governor Price named Alexander and PhiHp, in comphment \nto their bravery as warriors. Alexander died soon after the decease of his fatlier ; and Philip \nbecame chief sachem of the Wampanoags. \n\n* Mount Hope is a conical hill, 300 feet in height, and situated on the west side of Mount Hope \nBav, about two miles from Bristol, Rhode Island. It was called Pokanoket by the Indians. \n\n* The tribes which became involved in this war numbered, probably, about twenty-five thousand \nsouls. Those along the coast of Massachusetts Bay, who had sufiered terribly by a pestilence just \nbefore the Pilgrijis came [page 77], had materially increased in numbers ; and other tribes, besides \nthe New England Indians proper [page 22], became parties to the conflict. \n\n\n\n\n1755.] MASSACHUSETTS. 125 \n\nrevealed them to the authorities at Plymouth. For this he was slain by his \ncountrymen, and three Wampanoags were convicted of his murder, on slender \ntestimony, and hanged. The ire of the tribe was fiercely kindled, and they \nthirsted for vengeance. The cautious Philip was overruled by his fiery young \nmen, and remembering the wrongs and humiliations he had personally received \nfrom the English,\' he trampled upon solemn treaties, sent his women and chil- \ndren to the Narragansetts for protection, and kindled the flame of war. Mes- \nsengers were sent to other tribes, to arouse them to co-operation, and with all \nthe power of Indian eloquence, Metacomet exhorted his followers to curse the^ \nwhite men, and swear eternal hostility to the pale faces. He said, in effect : \n\n"Away I away ! I will not hear \n\nOf aught but death or vengeance now ; \nBy the eternal skies I swear \n\nMy knee shall never learn to bow ! \nI will not hear a word of peace, \n\nNor clasp in friendly grasp a hand \nLinked to that pale-browed stranger race, \nThat works the ruin of our land. \n****** \n\nAnd tiU your last white foe shall kneel, \n\nAnd in his coward pangs expire, \nSleep \xe2\x80\x94 but to dream of brand and steel ; \n\n"Wake \xe2\x80\x94 but to deal in blood and fire!" \n\nAlthough fierce and determined when once aroused, no doubt Philip com- \nmenced hostilities contrary to the teachings of his better judgment, for he was \nsagacious enough to foresee failure. " Frenzy prompted their rising. It was \nbut the storm in which the ancient inhabitants of the land were to vanish away. \nThey rose without hope, and therefore they fought without mercy. To them, \nas a nation, there was no to-morrow." \n\nThe bold Philip struck the first blow at Swanzey, thirty-five miles south- \nwest from Plymouth. The people were just returning from their houses of \nworship, for it was a day of fasting and humiliation [July 4, 1675], in antici- \npation of hostilities. Many were slain and captured, and others fled to tha \nsurrounding settlements, and aroused the people. The men of Plymouth, \njoined by those of Boston and vicinity, pressed toward Mount Hope. Philip \nwas besieged in a swamp for many days, but escaped with most of his warriors, \nand became a fugitive with the Nipmucs,^ an interior tribe of Massachusetts. \nThese espoused his cause, and with full fifteen hundred warriors, he hastene(?\' \ntoward the white settlements in the far-off valley of the Connecticut. In the \nmean while the little army of white people penetrated the country of the Narra^ \ngansetts,^ and extorted a treaty of friendship from Canonchet,* chief sachem of \n\n* In 1671, Philip and his tribe being suspected of secretly plotting the destruction of the Ea \nglish, were deprived of their fire-arms. He never forgot the injury, and long meditated revenge. \n\n* Page 22. \' Page 22. \n\n* Son of Miantonomoh, whose residence was upon a hill a Uttle north of the city of Newport, \nR. I. That hill still bears the name of Miantonomoh, abbreviated to " Tonomy HiU." Page 91. \n\n\n\n12Q THE COLONIES. [1620. \n\nthat powerful tribe. Hearing of this, Philip was dismayed for a moment. But \nthere Avas no hope for him, except in energetic action, and he and his followers \naroused other tribes, to a war of extermination, by the secret and efficient \nmethods of treachery, ambush, and surprise. Men in the fields, fiimilies in \ntheir beds at midnight, and congregations in houses of worship, were attacked \nand massacred. The Indians hung like the scythe of death upon the borders \nof the English settlements, and for several months a gloomy apprehension of the \nextermination of the whole European population in New England, prevailed.\' \n\nDreadful were the scenes in the path of the Wampanoag chief. From \nSpringfield northward to the present Vermont line, the valley of the Connecti- \ncut was a theater of confusion, desolation, and death, wherever white settle- \nments existed. Almost the whole of a party of twenty Englishmen"^ sent to \ntreat with the Nipmucs, were treacherously slain by the savages in ambush \n[Aug. 12, 1675], near Quaboag, now Brookfield. That place was set on fire, \nwhen a shower of rain put out the flames, and the Indians were driven away by \na relief party of white people.^ The village was partially saved, but imme- \ndiately abandoned. Soon afterward a hot battle was fought near Deerfield* \n[Sept 5], and a week later [Sept. 12] that settlement also was laid in ashes. \nOn the same day (it was the Sabbath), Hadley, further down the river, waa \nattacked while the people were worshiping In the midst of the alarm and con- \nfusion, a tall and venerable-looking man, with white, floAving hair and beard, \nsuddenly appeared, and brandishing a glittering sword, he placed himself at the \nhead of the affrighted people, and led them to a charge which dispersed and \ndefeated the foe. He as suddenly disappeared, and the inhabitants believed \nthat an angel from heaven had been sent to their rescue. It was Gofie, the \nfugitive English judge,^ who was then concealed in that settlement. \n\nThe scourge, stayed for a moment at Hadley, swept mercilessly over other \nsettlements. On the 23d of September, the paths of Northfield Avere wet with \nthe blood of many valiant young men under Captain Beers ; and on the 28th, \n" a company of young men, the very flower of Essex," under Cixptain Lathrop, \nwere butchered by almost a thousand Indians on the banks of a little stream \nnear Deerfield, which still bears the name of Bloody Brook. Others, who \n\xe2\x82\xacame to their rescue, were engaged many hours in combat Avith the Indians \nuntil crowned Avith victory. Yet the Indians still prevailed. Philip, en- \ncouraged by success, now resolved to attack Hatfield, the chief settlement of the \n\n\n\n\' The white population in New England, at this time, has been estimated at fifty-five thousand. \nHaverhOl, on the Merrimac, was the frontier town in the direction of Mame; and Northfield, on the \nborders of Vermont, was the highest settlement in the Connecticut valley. "Westfield, one hundred \nmiles west of Boston, was the most remote settlement in that direction. \n\n^ Captains Wheeler and Hutchinson were sent from Boston to endeavor to reclaim the Nipraucs. \nApprised of their coming, the Indians lay in ambush, and fired upon them from tlie deep thickets \nof a swamp. \n\n^ Under Major "Willard. The Indians set fire to every house except a strong one into which \nthe people had secured themselves, and were besieged there two days. The Indians set fire to this \nlast refuge, when rain extinguished the flames. \n\n* Between 180 white people and 700 Indians. [See, also, page 135.] * Page 123. \n\n\n\n1755.] MASSACHUSETTS. 127 \n\nwhite people above Springfield. The Springfield Indians joined him,\' and with \nalmost a thousand warriors, he fell upon the settlement, on the 29th of Octo- \nber, 1675. The English were prepared for his reception, and he was repulsed \nwith such loss, that, gathering his broken forces on the eastern bank of the \nConnecticut,^ he marched toward Rhode Island. The Narragansetts, in viola- \ntion of the recent treaty,^ received him, became his allies, and went out upon \nthe war path late in autumn. A terrible, retributive blow soon fell upon the \nsavages, when fifteen hundred men of Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Connecti- \ncut, marched to punish Canonchet and his tribe, for their perfidy. The snows \nof early winter had fiillen, and at least three thousand Indians had collected in \ntheir chief fort in an immense swamp, \xe2\x80\xa2* where they were supplied with provi- \nsions for the winter. It was a stormy day in December [Dec. 19], Avhcn the \nEnglish stood before the feeble palissades of the savages. These offered but \nlittle opposition to the besiegers ; and within a few hours, five hundred wig- \nwams, with the winter provisions, were in flames. Hundreds of men, women, \nand children, perished in the fire. A thousand warriors were slain or wounded, \nand several hundreds w^ere made prisoners. The English lost eighty killed, \nand one hundred and fifty wounded. Canonchet was made prisoner, and slain ; \nbut Philip escaped, and with the remnant of the Narragansetts, he took refuge \nagain with the Nipmucs. \n\nThe fugitive Wampanoag was busy during the winter. He vainly solicited \nthe Mohawks^ to join him, but he was seconded by the tribes eastward of Mas- \nsachusetts,"^ who also had wrongs to redress. The work of desolation began \nearly in the spring of 1676, and within a few weeks the war extended over a \nspace of almost three hundred miles. Weymouth, Groton, Medfield, Lancas- \nter, and Marlborough, in Massachusetts, Avere laid in ashes ; Warwick and \nProvidence, in Rhode Island, were burned ; and everywhere, the isolated dwell- \nings of settlers were laid waste. But internal feuds weakened the power of the \nsavages ; and both the Nipmucs\'\' and the Narragansetts- charged their misfor- \ntunes to the ambition of Philip. The cords of alliance were severed. Some \nsurrendered to avoid starvation ; other tribes wandered oif and joined those in \n\xe2\x82\xacanada f while Captain Benjamin Church," the most famous of the partisan \n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 They had been friendly until now. They plotted the entire \ndestruction of the Springfield settlement ; but the people defended \nthemselves bravely within their palisaded Iiouses. Many of the \nstrong houses of frontier settlements were thus fortified. Truiilcs \nof trees, eight or ten inches in diameter, were cut in uniform lengths, \nand stuck in the ground close together. The upper ends ^^-ere \nsharpened, and the whole were fastened together with green witlies \nor other contrivances. "~^^ \n\n^ Page 82. = Page 125. pvusu^h. blii uim.s \n\n* This swamp is a small distance south-west of the village of Kingston, in "Waslungtou County, \nRhode Island. The fort was on an island which contains about five acres of tillalile land, in the \nnorth-west part of the swamp. The Stonington and Providence railway passes along the northern \nverge of the swamp. ^ Page 23. \n\n^ Page 22. The tribes of Maine were then about four thousand strong- \n\n\' Page 22. \xc2\xab Page 22. \xc2\xbb Page 22. \n\n" Benjamin Churcli was born at Plymouth, Massachusetts, in 1639. He continued hostilities \n\nAgainst the eastern Indians until 1704. He fell from his hgrse, and died soon afterward, at Little \n\nCompton, Jan. 17, 1718, aged 77 years. \n\n\n\n128 THE COLONIES. [1620. \n\nofficers of the English colonies, went out to hunt and to destroy the fugitives. \nDuring the year, between two and three thousand Indians were slain or had \nsubmitted. Philip was chased from one hiding-place to another, but for a long \ntime he would not yield. He once cleft the head of a warrior who proposed \nsubmission. But at length, the " last of the Wampanoags" bowed to the press- \nure of circumstances. He returned to the land of his fathers\' [August, 1676], \nand soon his wife and son were made prisoners. This calamity crushed him, \nQ.nd he said, " Now my heart breaks ; I am ready to die.\'\' A few days after- \n\n\n\n\n^.ci^rh^^ .^^^lu-y^ \n\n\n\nward, a faithless Indian shot him, and Captain Church cut off the dead sachem\'s \nhead.* His body Avas quartered ; and his little son was sold to be a bond-slave \nin Bermuda.^ So perished the last of the princes of the Wampanoags, and \nthus ended, in the total destruction of the power of the New England Indians, \nthe famous King Philip\'s War." \n\nThe terrible menaces of the Indian war, and the hourly alarm which it \noccasioned, did not make the English settlers unmindful of their political posi- \n\n\' Note 4, page 124. \n\n\' The rude sword, made by a blacksmith of the colony, with which Captain Church cut oflT \nPhilip\'s head, is in the possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society. \n\n\' The disposal of the boy was a subject of serious deliberation. Some of the elders proposed \nputting him to death; others, professing more mercy, suggested selling him as a slave. The most \nprofitable measure appeared the most merciful and the child was sold into bondage. The head of \nPhilip was carried in triumph to Plymouth, and placed upon a pole \n\n* The result of tliis war was vastly beneticial to the colonists, for the fear of savages, which \nprevented a rapid spread of settlements, was removed. From this period may be dated the real, \nunimpeded growth of New England. \n\n\n\n1755.] MASSACHUSETTS. 129 \n\ntion, nor hopeless respecting the future. While the Massachusetts colony was \nyet weak in resources, from the effects of the war/ and the people were yet \nengaged in hostilities with the eastern tribes,- it made territorial accessions by \npurchase, and at the same time boldly asserted its chartered rights. For many \nyears there had been a controversy between the heirs of Sir F. Gorges^ and \nJohn Mason, and the Massachusetts colony, concerning a portion of the present \nterritory of Maine and New Hampshire, which, by acts of the inhabitants, had \nbeen placed [1641 and 1652] under the jurisdiction of the authorities at Bos- \nton.^ The judicial decision [167T] was in favor of the heirs, and Massachu- \nsetts immediately purchased [May 1, 1677] their interest for six thousand dol- \nlars.^ New Hampshire was detached three years afterward [1680], and made \na royal province \xe2\x80\x94 the first in New England ; but Maine, which was incorpo- \nrated with Massachusetts in 1692, continued a part of that commomvealth until \n1820. \n\nNow rapidly budded that governmental tyranny which finally drove all the \nAmerican colonies into open rebellion. The profligate king continued to draw \nthe lines of absolute rule closer and closer in England, and he both feared and \nhated the growing republics in America, especially those in the East. They \nwere ostensibly loyal portions of his realm, but were really independent sover- \neignties, continually reacting upon the mother country, to the damage of the \n\'\xe2\x80\xa2 divine right" of kings. Charles had long cherished a desire to take their \ngovernments into his own hands, and he employed the occasion of the rejection \nof Edward Randolph (a custom-house officer, who had been sent to Boston \n[1679] to collect the revenues, and otherwise to exercise authority"), to declare \nthe Massachusetts charter void. He issued a quo warranto in 1683,^ and pro- \ncured a decision in his favor in the High Court of Chancery, on the 28th of \nJune, 1684, but he died on the 26th of February following, before his object \nwas effected. \n\nCharles\'s successor, James the Second, ^ continued the oppressive measures \nof his brother toward the New England colonies. The people petitioned and \nremonstrated, and were treated with contempt. Their hardships in conquering \na wilderness, and their devotion to the English constitution, had no weight \nwith the royal bigot. ^ He also declared the charter of Massachusetts forfeited, \nand appointed Joseph Dudley president of the country from Bhode Island to \nNova Scotia. Sir Edmund Andros arrived at Boston soon afterward [Dec. \n\n\' During the war, New England lost six hundred men ; a dozen towns were destroyed ; six \nhundred dwellings were burned ; every twentieth lamily was houseless ; and every t\\\\ entieth man, \nwho had served as a soldier, had perished. The cost of the war equaled five hundred thousand \ndollars \xe2\x80\x94 a very large sum at that time. \n\n* Page 22. ^ Page 79. * Page 80, and note 2, page 80. \n\n\xc2\xb0 The portion of Maine then purchased, was the tract between the Piscataqua and the Kenne. \nbee. That between the Kennebec and the Penobscot belonged to the Duke of York, and the terri- \ntory between tlie Penobscot and the St. Croix, was held by the French, pursuant to a treaty. \n\n\xc2\xae Randolph appears to have been a greedy adventurer, and was, consequently, a faithful servant \nof his royal master in oppressing the colonists. He exaggerated the number and resources of the \npeople of New England, and thus excited the king\'s fears and cupidity. Previous to Randolph\'s \nappointment, the colonies had dispatched agents to England, to settle impending difficulties ami- \ncably. They failed, and Randolph came in the same vessel in which they returned. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0" Note 3, page 107. \'* Page 113. \' Note 7, page 113. \n\n\n\n130 TJI^ COLONIES. [1620. \n\n30, 1686], clothed with authority to govern all New England. He came with \na smiling face, and deceitful lips. He appears to have been a tyrant by nature, \nand came to execute a despot\'s will. He soon made bare the rod of oppression, \nand began to rule with a tyrant\'s rigor.\' The people were about to practice \nthe doctrine that \'\xe2\x96\xa0\'\xe2\x96\xa0resistance to tyrants is obedience to God,\'\'^^ when intelli- \ngence reached Boston [April 14, 1689], that James was driven from the \nthrone [1688] and was succeeded by William and Mary, of Orange.* The \ninhabitants of Boston seized and imprisoned Andros and fifty of his political \nassociates [April 28, 1689], sent them to England under a just charge of mal- \nadministration of public aifairs, and re-established their constitutional govern- \nment. Again republicanism was triumphant in Massachusetts. \n\nThe effects of the revolution in England were also sorrowful to the Amer- \nican colonies. That revolution became a cause of war between England and \nFrance. James (who was a Roman Catholic) fled to the court of Louis the \nFourteenth, king of France, and that monarch espoused the cause of the fugi- \ntive. Hostilities between the two nations commenced the same year, and the \nquarrel extended to their respective colonies in America. The conflict then \ncommenced, and which was continued more than seven years, is known in his- \ntory as \n\nKING- WILLIAM\'S "WAR. \n\nThe colonists suffered terribly in that contest. The French Jesuits,^ who \nhad acquired great influence over the eastern tribes,^ easily excited them to \nrenew their fierce warfare with the English. They also made the savages their \nallies ; and all along the frontier settlements, the pathway of murder and des- \nolation was seen. Dover, a frontier town, was first attacked by a party of \nFrench and Indians, on the 7th of July, 1689, when the venerable Major \nWaldron\'^ and twenty others of the little garrison were killed. Twenty-nine \nof the inhabitants were made captive, and sold as servants to the French in \nCanada. In August following, an Indian war party, instigated by Thury, a \nJesuit, fell [August 12] upon an English stockade\'\' at Pemaquid (built by \nAndros), and captured the garrison. A few months later, Frontenac sent a \n\n* Among other arbitrary acts, Andros laid restraints upon the freedom of the press, and mar- \nriage contracts; and, to use a modern term, he "levied black mail;" that is, extorted money, by \nmenaces, wlienever opportunity offered. He advanced the fees of all officers of the government to \nan exorbitant degree ; and Unally threatened to make the Church of England the established relig- \nion in all America \n\n" This was Cromwell\'s motto ; and Thomas Jefferson had it engraved upon his private seal. \n\n* Note 7, page 113. \n\n* This was a Roman Catliolic religious order, founded by Ignatius Loyola, a Spaniard, hi 1539. \nThey have ever been remarkable for their great devotion to their cause, their self-denial, and mas- \nterly sagacity in the acquirement and maintenance of power. Their missionaries preached Chris- \ntianity in every part of the habitable globe. They came with tlie first French adventurers to Amer- \nica, and under their influence, whole tribes of Indians eastward of Massachusetts and in Canada were \nmade nominal Christians. This was one of the ties which made the savages such faitliful alUes to \nthe French in the contests between them and the English, previous to ] 763. \' Page 22. \n\n\xc2\xb0 "VValdron was eighty years of age. He had played false with tlie New Hampshu-e Indians \nduring King Philip\'s war, and they now sought revenge. They tortured him to death. \n^ Note 2, page 183. \n\n\n\n1755.] MASSACHUSETTS. 131 \n\nparty of three hundred French and Indians from Montreal, to penetrate the \ncountry toward Albany. On a gloomy night in winter, when the snow was \ntwenty inches in depth, they fell upon Schenectada [Feb. 18, 1690], a frontier \ntown on the Mohawk, massacred many of the people, and burnt the village. \nEarly in the spring, Saliuou Falls [March 28], Casco [May 27], and other \neastern villages, were attacked by another party of the same mongrel foe, the \n\nnatural ferocity of the Indians being quickened by the influence of tln\' \n\nJesuits who accompanied them.\' \n\nAll the colonies were aroused, by these atrocities, to a sense of their danger \nin having such foes intent upon their destruction ; and the New England people \nresolved on speedy retaliation. In May, Massachusetts fitted out an expedi- \ntion, under Sir William Phipps, a native of Pemaquid, consisting of eight or \nnine vessels, with about eight hundred men. Phipps seized Port Royal,- in \nAcadie, and obtained sufficient plunder from the inhabitants to pay the expenses \nof the expedition. In June, Port Royal was again plundered by English pri- \nvateers from the West Indies. Encouraged by these successes, the colonies of \nNew England and New York coalesced in efforts to conquer Canada.^ It was \narranged to send a land expedition from New York, by way of Lake Cham- \nplain, against Montreal,* and a naval expedition against Quebec* The com- \nmand of the former was intrusted to the son of Governor Winthrop of Connect- \nicut,^ and the expenses were borne jointly by that colony and New Y^\'ork.\' Sir \nWilliam Phipps commanded the latter, which Massachusetts alone fitted out. \nIt consisted of thirty-four vessels, with two thousand men. Both were unsuc- \ncessful. Some of Winthrop\'s troops, with Indians of the Five Nations,^ under \nColonel Schuyler, pushed toward the St. Lawrence, and were repulsed [Aug., \n1690] by Frontenac, the governor of Canada. The remainder did not go be- \nyond Wood Creek (now Whitehall), at the head of Lake Champlain, and all \nreturned to Albany.^ Phipps reached Quebec about the middle of October, \nand landed the troops ; but the city was too strongly fortified\'" to promise a \n\nMassa- \n\n\' In this warfare, instigated by the Jesuits, was found a ready defence for tlie intoli\'- \nrance of the Protestant majority in Maryland [page 152], the disabilities of Roman Cath- \nolics in Virginia, New York, and New England, and their exclusion from the privileges \nof freemen in tolerant Rhode Island. The colonists believed that the most potent operations \nof the Jesuits were in secret, and came to regard every Roman Catiiolic as the natural \nenemy of Protestants, and as laboring to destroy every measure tending to human freedoi?!. \n\n\' Page 58. \' Page 204. * Page 48. \n\n\' Page 48. ^ Page 86. \n\n\' Jklilborne, son-in-law of Jacob Leisler, the democratic governor of New York [page 148], un- \ndertook to provide subsistence for the army, which marched from Albany early in July. \n\n" Page 23. \n\n" Leisler was so much incensed at this failure, that he caused the arrest of Winthrop, at Albany \nThere had ever been a jealous rivalry between the people of New York and Connecticut ; and tlio \nleud whicli continually prevailed among the mixed troops, was the chief cause of the miscarriage of \nthe enterprise. \n\n\'" Phipps, having no chart to guide him, was nine weeks cautiously making his way around \nAcadie and up the St. Lawrence. In the mean while, a swift Indian runner, from Pemaquid, sped \nacross the country, and informed the French, at Quebec, of the approach of Pliipps, in time for \nthem to v/ell prepare for defense. \n\n" This repulse was considered so important by the French, that king Louis had a commemor- \native rr-edal struck, with the legend \xe2\x80\x94 " Fkance Victorious in the New "World." \n\n\n\n132 THE COLONIES. [1-620! \n\nchusetts was obliged to issue bills of credit, or paper monej, to defray the \nexpenses of this expedition/ \n\nSir William Phipps was sent to England soon after his return, to solicit aid \nin further warfare upon the French and Indians, and also to assist in efforts to \nprocure a restoration of the charter of Massachusetts, taken away bj King \nJames.\'^ Material assistance in prosecuting the war. was refused; and King \nWilliam instead of restoring the old charter, granted a new one, and united \ntinder it the colonies of Plymouth, INIassachusetts, Maine, and Nova Scotia,\' by \nthe old name of Massachusetts Bay Colony^ and made it a royal province. \nPhipps was appointed governor by the king, and returned to Boston with the- \ncharter, in May, 1692. But the new constitution was offensive to the people, \nfor they were allowed scarcely any other political privileges than they already \npossessed, except the right to choose representatives. The king reserved the \nright to appoint the governor, his deputy, and the secretary of the colony, and \nof repealing the laws within three years after their passage. This abridgment \nof their liberties produced general dissatisfaction, and alienated the affections of \nthe people from the mother country. It was one of a series of fatal steps taken \nby the English government, which tended toward the final dismemberment of \nthe empire in 1776.^ Yet one good resulted from the change. The theocratic \nor religious element in the government, which fostered bigotry and intolerance, \nlost its power, for toleration was guarantied to all Christian sects, except Roman \nCatholics ; and the right of suffrage was extended to others than members of \nCongregational churches.^ \n\nA very strange episode in the history of Massachusetts now occurred. A \nbelief in witchcraft" destroyed the peace of society in many communities, and \nshrouded the whole colony in a cloud of gloom. This belief had a strong hold \nupon the minds of the people of old England, and of their brethren in America . \nExcitement upon the subject suddenly broke out at Dan vers (then a part of \nSalem), in March, 1692, and spread like an epidemic. A niece and daughter \nof the parish minister exhibited strange conduct ; and under the influence of \ntheir OAvn superstitious belief, they accused an old Indian servant-woman in the \nfamily of bewitching them. Fasting and prayer, to break the "spell," were \nof no avail, for the malady increased. The alarm of the family spread to the \n\n\' Note 4, page 122. The total amount of the issue was $133,338. "^ Page 129. \n\n\xc2\xb0 New Scotland, the name given to the country which- the French called Acadie. See note 2, \npage 80. ^ Page 251. * Note 5, page 118. \n\n^ A belief in witchcraft, or the exercise of supernatural power, by men and women, has been \nprevalent for ages. Punishment of persons accused of it, was first sanctioned by the Church of Rome \na Uttle more than three hundred years ago. \xe2\x96\xa0 Certain tests were instituted, and thousands of innocent \npersons were burned alive, drowned, or hanged, in Europe. Within three months, in 1515, five hun- \ndred persons were burned in Geneva, in Switzerland. In the diocese of Como, one thousand were \nburned in one year. In 1520, an incredible number, from among all classes, suffered death in \nPrance. And within fifty or sixty years, during the sixteenth century, more than one hundred \nthousand persons perished in the flames in Germany alone. Henry the Eighth of England made \nthe practice of witchcraft a capital offense; and a hundred years later, " witch-detectors" traversed \nthe country, and brought many to tlie stake. Enlightened men embraced the belief; and even Sir \nMatthew Hale, the most distinguished of England\'sjudges, repeatedly tried and condemned persons \naccused of witchcraft. The English laws against witchcraft were adopted in New England ; and as \nearly as 1648, four persons had suffered death for the alleged offense, in the vicinity of Boston. \n\n\n\n1755.] - MASSACHUSETTS. 133 \n\ncommunity ; and soon a belief prevailed throughout the colony, that evil spirits, \nhaving ministering servants among men, overshadowed the land. Old and ill- \nfavored women were first accused of practising the art of witchcraft ; but at \nlength neither age, sex, nor condition afforded protection from the accuser\'s \ntongue. Even the wife of Governor Phipps did not escape suspicion. Magis- \ntrates were condemned, many pious persons were imprisoned, and Mr. Bur- \nroughs, a worthy minister, was executed. Men of strong minds and scholarly \nattainments were thoroughly deluded. Among these was the eminent Cotton \nMather, whose father before him had yielded to the superstition, and published \n\n\n\n\n(^oUr(rn 7na4uY. \n\n\n\n\xc2\xab,n account of all the supposed cases of witchcraft in New England. Cotton \nMather, on account of his position as a leading divine, and his talents, prob- \nably did more than any other man to promote the spread of that fearful delusion, \n\xe2\x96\xa0which prevailed for more than six months. During that time, twenty persons \n-suffered death, fifty-five were tortured or frightened into a confession of witch- \ncraft, and when a special court, or legislature, was convened in October, 1692, \none hundred and fifty accused persons were in prison. A reaction, almost as \nsudden as the beginning of the excitement, now took place in the public mind. \nThe prison doors were opened to the accused, and soon many of the accusers \nshrunk abashed from the public gaze.\' Standing in the light of the present \n\xe2\x80\xa2century, we look back to " Salem witchcraft," as it is called, with amazement. \n\n\' The belief in witchcraft did not cease with the strange excitement ; and Cotton Mather and \n\xe2\x80\xa2other popular men, wrote \\\\\\ its defense. Culef a citizen of Boston, exposed ^Mather\'s credulity, \nwhich greatly irritated the minister. He first called his opponent "a wjaver turned minister;" \nbut as his tormentor\'s blows fell thick and fast, in a series of letters, Mather called him " a coal from \n\n\n\n134 THE COLONIES. [1C20. \n\n"King "William\'s war" ^ continued until 1697, when a treaty of peace,, \nmade at Ryswick, in the west of Holland, on the 20th of September of that \nyear, terminated hostilities.\'\' Up to that time, and later, the New England \npeople suffered greatly from their mongrel foe. Remote settlements in the \ndirection of Canada and Nova Scotia continued to be harassed. Almost a hun- \ndred persons were killed or made captive [July 28, 1694] at Oyster River \n(now Durham), ten miles from Portsmouth, in New Hampshire. Two yeara \nlater [July 25, 1696], Baron St. Castine, and a large force of French and \nIndians, captured the garrison at Pemaquid, and exchanged the prisoners for \nFrench soldiers in the hands of the English.\' In March, 1697, Haverhill, \nthirty miles from Boston, was attacked, and forty persons were killed or carried \ninto captivity ;* and during the following summer, more remote settlers were \ngreat sufferers. A respite now came. The treaty at Ryswick produced a lull \nin the storm of cruel warfare, which had so long hung upon the English fron- \ntiers, continually menacing the colonists with wide-spread destruction.^ It was \nvery brief, however, for pretexts for another war were not long wanting. \nJames the Second died in Septemberj 1701, and Louis the Fourteenth, who \nhad sheltered the exile,^ acknowledged his son, Prince James (commonly \nknown as the Pretender), to be the lawful heir to the English throne. This \noffended the English, because the crown had been settled upon Anne, second \ndaughter of James, who was a Protestant. Louis had also offended the English \nby placing his grandson, Philip of Anjou, upon the tlirone of Spain, and tlms \n\nhell," and prosecuted him for slander. The credulous clergyman was glad to withdraw the suit. \nCotton Mather was bom in Boston, in February\', 1633, and was educated at Harvard College. He \nwas very expert in the acquirement of knowledge, and at the age of nineteen years, he received \nthe degree of Master of Arts. He became a gospel minister at twenty-two, and holding a ready \npen, he wrote much. Few of his writings have survived him. With all his learning, he was but a \nchild in that which constitutes true manhood, and he is now regarded more as a pedant \nthan as a scholar. Ho died in February, 1728. For the benefit of young men, we will \nhere introduce an anecdote connected with him. It was thus related by Dr. Franklin, to Samuel, a \nson of Cotton Mather: "The last time I saw your father was in the beginning of 1724, when I \nvisited him after my first trip to Pennsylvania. Ho received me in his library ; and on my taking^ \nleave, showed me a shorter way out of the house through a narrow passage, which was crossed by \na beam overhead. We were still talking as I withdrew, he accompanying me behind, and I turn- \ning partly toward Mm, wlien he said hastily, \'Stoop! stoop!\' I did not understand until I felt my \nhead hit against the beam. He was a man that never missed an occasion of giving instruction, \nand upon this he said to me, \' You are young, and have the world before you ; stoop as you go \nthrough, and you will escape many hard tliumps.\' This advice, thus beat into my head, has fre- \nquently been of use to me; and I often think of it when I see pride mortified, and misfortunes \nbrought upon people by carrying their heads too high." \' Page 130. \n\n^ This war cost England one hundred and fifty millions of dollars, in cash, besides a loan of one \nliundred millions more. This loan was the commencement of the enormous national debt of En- \ngland, now [1881] amounting to about four thousand millions of dollars. \n\n^ They also took the English fort of St. John\'s, Newfoundland, and several other posts on that \nisland. \n\n* Among their captives was a Mrs. Dustan, her child, and nurse. Her infant was soon killed, \nand she and her nurse were taken to Canada. A little more than a month afterward, Mrs. D., her \ncompanion, and another prisoner, killed ten of twelve sleeping Indians, who had them m custody, \nand made their way back to Haverhill. \n\n* Just before the conclusion of this treaty, a Board of Trade and Plantations was established by \nthe English government, whose duty it was to have a general oversight of the American colonies. \nThis was a permanent commission, consisting of a president and seven members, called Lords of \nTrade. This commission was always an instrument of oppression in the hands of royalty, and, as \nwill be seen, was a powerful promoter of that discontent which led to the rebellion of tbo rolonie* \nm 1775. " Page 130. \n\n\n\n1755.J MASSACHUSETTS. 135 \n\nextended the influence of France among the dynasties of Europe. These, and \nsome minor causes, impelled England again to declare war against France.\' \nHostilities commenced in 1702, and continued until a treaty of peace -was con- \ncluded at Utrecht, in Holland, on the 11th of April, 1713. As usual, the \nFrench and English in America were involved in this Avar ; and the latter suf- \nfered much from the cruelties of the Indians who were under the influence of \nthe former. This is known in America as \n\nQUEEN ANNE\'S WAR. \n\nIt was a fortunate circumstance for the people of New^ York that the Five \nNations had made a treaty of neutrality with the French in Canada [Aug. 4, \n1701 J, and thus became an impassable barrier against the savage hordes from \nthe St. Lawrence. The tribes from the Merrimac to the Penobscot had made \na treaty of peace with New England, in July, 1703, but the French induced \nthem to violate it ; and before the close of summer, the hatchet fell upon the \npeople of the whole frontier from Casco to Wells. Blood flowed in almost \nevery valley; and early the next spring [March, 1704], a \nlarge party of French and Indians, under Major Hertel de \nRouville, attacked Deerfield, on the Connecticut River, \napplied the torch, ^ killed forty of the inhabitants, and car- \nried one hundred and twelve away to the wilderness. \nAmong these was Rev. John Williams, the minister, whose \nlittle daughter, after a long residence with the Indians, williams\'s house. \nbecame attached to them, and married a Mohawk chief. ^ \nSimilar scenes occurred at intervals during the whole progress of the war. \nRemote settlements were abandoned, and the people on the frontier collected in \nfortified houses,* and cultivated their fields in armed parties of half a dozen or \nmore. This state of things became insupportable to the English colonists, and \nin the spring of 1707, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire, \ndetermined to chastise the French on their eastern borders. Connecticut \nrefused to join in the enterprise, and the three colonies alone prepared an arma- \nment. Early in June, a thousand men under Colonel Marsh, sailed from Nan- \ntucket for Port Royal,\' in Acadie, convoyed by an English man-of-war. The \nFrench were prepared for them, and nothing was effected except the destruction \nof considerable property outside the fort. Three years later, an armament left \n\n\n\n\n* It is known in European history as the War of the Sjmm\'sh Succession. \n\n\' The only house that escaped the flames was that of the Rev. John "Williams, represented in \nthe engraving. It stood near the centre of the village, until \\vithin a few years. \n\n\' Mrs. Williams and other captives, who were unable to-travel as rapidly as the Indians, M^ero \nmurdered. On his arrival in Canada, Mr. Williams was treated with respect by the French, and \nafter two years of captivity, was ransomed, and returned to Massachusetts. The chief object of "^ho \nexpedition to Deerfield, appears to have been to carry off the bell tliat hung in Williams\'s church. \nThat bell was purchased the year previous for the church of Saut St. Louis, at Caughuawaga, near \nMontreal The vessel in which it was brought from Havre was captured by a New England pri- \nvateer, and the bell was purchased for the Deerfield meeting-house. Father Nicolas, of the church \nat Caughnawaga, accompanied the expedition, and the bell was carried in triumph to its original \ndestination, where it still remains. * Note 1, page 127. * Page 53. \n\n\n\n136 I\'HE COLONIES. [1G20. \n\nBoston [September, 1710], and, in connection with a fleet from England, under \nColonel Nicholson, demanded and obtained a surrender of the fort and garrison \n[Oct. 13 J, at Port Royal. The name of the place was then changed to Anna- \npolis, in honor of the Queen, Anne, and Acadie was annexed to the English \nrealm under the title of Nova Scotia, or New Scotland, \n\nIn Jul J, the following year [1711], Sir Hovendon Walker arrived at Bos- \nton, with an English fleet and army, designed for the conquest of Canada. \nNew England promptly raised additional forces, and on the 10th of August, \nfifteen men-of-war and forty transports, bearing almost seven thousand troops, \ndeparted for the St. Lawrence to attack Quebec. Walker, like Braddock,\' \nhaughtily refused to listen to experienced subordinates, and lost eight of his \nships, and almost a thousand men, on the rocks at the mouth of the river, on \nthe night of the 2d of September. Disheartened by this calamity. Walker \nreturned to England with the remainder of his fleet, and the colonial troops \nwent back to Boston. On hearing of this failure of the naval expedition, a \nbody of troops marching from Albany to attack Montreal, retraced their steps.\' \nHostilities were now suspended, and in the spring of 1713, a treaty of peace \nwas concluded [April 11] at Utrecht. The eastern Indians sent a flag to Bos- \nton, and sued for peace ; and at Portsmouth the Governor of Massachusetts and \nNew Hampshire entered into a pacific compact [July 24] with the chiefs of the \ntribes. \n\nA long peace now ensued, and for thirty years succeeding the close of \n\'Qiieeji Aline s War, the colonists enjoyed comparative repose. Then, again, \nthe selfish strifes of European monarchs awakened the demon of discord, and its \nbloody footsteps were soon apparent along the northern frontiers of the English \ncolonies in America. The interim had been a period of much political agitation \nin Massachusetts, during which a great stimulus had been given to the growth \nof republican principles. Disputes, sometimes violent, and sometimes in a con- \nciliatory spirit, had been carried on between the royal governors and the repre- \nsentatives of the people ; the former contending for prerogatives and salaries \nwhich the people deemed inadmissible,"* These internal disputes were arrested \nwhen they heard that France had declared hostility to England [March 15, \n1744], and the colonists cheerfully prepared to commence the contest known in \n\nAmerica as \n\nKING GEORGE\'S AVAR,^ \n\nThis war was not productive of many stirring events in America. The \nprincipal and very important one was the capture of the strong fortress of \n\n\' King "William liad no children; and Anne, the daughter of James the Second (who was mar- \nried to Prince George of Denmark), succeeded him as sovereign of England in 1702. "^ Page 186. \n\n* These were four thousand in number, under the command of General Nicholson. They were \nfurnished by New York and Connecticut. , \n\n* The chief topic of controversy was the payment of salaries. Governors Shute, Burnet and \nBelcher, all contended for a permanent salary, but the people claimed the right to vote such salary, \neach year, as the services of the governor appeared justly to demand. A compromise was finally \neffected by an agreement to vote a certain sum each year. The subject of salaries was a cause of \ncontention with the royal governors, until the Revolution. \n\n* The husband of Queen Anne died several years previous to her death, which occurred in \nAugust, 1704. George, Elector of Hanover, in Germany, was immediately proclauned King of \n\n\n\n1755.] \n\n\n\nMASSACHUSETTS. \n\n\n\n137 \n\n\n\nLouisburg, on the island of Cape Breton. It had been constructed bj the \nFrench after the treaty of Utrecht, at an expense of five and a half millions of \ndollars, and because of its strength, was called The Gibraltar of America. \nWilliam Shirley,\' a soldier and energetic statesman, was Governor of Massa- \nchusetts when hostilities were proclaimed. He immediately perceived the \nimportance of Louisburg in the coming contest, and plans for its capture were \nspeedily perfected by the Legislature of jSIassachusetts. - Rhode Island, New \nHampshire, and Connecticut furnished their proper quota of troops. New \nYork sent artillery, and Pennsylvania provisions. Thus common danger was \nextending the idea of a necessity for a union of the Anglo-American colonies, \nlong before it assumed a practical form in 1754.^ \n\nAfter vainly waiting for some time in the expectation \nof aid from Commodore Warren (then in the West In- \ndies), the colonial forces, thirty-two hundred strong, \nunder the general command of William \nPepperell,\' sailed [April 4, 1745] for \nLouisburg.^ At Canseau they were un- \nexpectedly joined by the fleet of Warren \n[May 9], and on the 11th of May the \ncombined forces, four thousand \nstrong, landed at Gabarus Bay, \na short distance from their des- \ntination. The sudden appear- \nance of this formidable arm- \nament, was the first intimation captuee op louisburg in 1745. \nto the French, that an attack \nwas meditated, and great consternation prevailed in the fortress and town. A \n\n\n\n\nEngland, by the title of George the Fu^t. His son George succeeded him in 1727, and also \nretained the title and privileges of Elector of Hanover. A contest arose between Maria Theresa, \nEmpress of Hungary, and the Elector of Bavaria, for the throne of Austria. The King of England \nespoused the cause of the empress, in 1743, and the King of France took part witli her opponent. \nThis led France to declare war against England \xe2\x80\x94 a contest known in America as King George\'s \nWar, but in Europe, the War of the Austrian Succession. \n\n\' "WiUiam Shirley was born in England ; made governor of Massachusetts in 1 741 ; was after- \nward made governor of one of the Bahama Islands, and died at Roxbury, near Boston, in 1771. \nHe appears conspicuous in history during a portion of the contest known in America as Tlie French \nand Indian War. \n\n^ Shirley proposed an expedition, but the Legislature hesitated. The measure was finally \nagreed upon by a majority of only one vote. ^ Page 183. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0* Pepperell was a native of Maine, and a wealthy merchant. He was afterward made a bar- \nonet. He died in 1759. \n\n* Louisburg is on the east side of the island of Cape Breton, with a fine, deep harbor. The land- \ning-place of the British, position of the camp, etc., will be seen by reference to the map. The Royal \nBattery was taken hj four hundred men. When they approached, the French thought the whole \nEnglish army was upon them. They immediately spiked their guns (that is, drove iron spikes into \nthe touch-holes of the cannons, so as to make them useless), and fled In the upper part of the map \nis a profile of the fortifications at Louisburg. It is given here so as to illustrate certain terms which \nmay be used hereafter : a, the glacis, is the extreme outside slope of the works ; h, the banquet, or \nstep upon which the soldiers stand to fire over the parapet ; c, a covered way into the fort, under the \nbanquet; d, counterscarp, a bank or wall, outside the ditch, e;f, the parapet, a protection for the men \n\xe2\x80\xa2and guns from balls from without; g, the inner banquet; h, ramparts \xe2\x80\x94 the most solid embankment \n\xc2\xabf the fortress ; i the last slope in the interior of the fort, called talus. \n\n\n\n138 THE COLONIES. [1G20. \n\ndirect approach was difficult on account of a morass, and a combined attack by \nsea and land was carefully arranged. The land forces encamped in a curve in \nrear of the town, and detachments secured the French outposts, one after an- \nother. Cannons were dragged on sledges over the morass, \' trenches were dug, \n1)atteries were erected, and a regular siege was commenced, on the 31st of May. \nIn the mean while. Commodore Warren captured a French ship of seventy-four \nguns, and secured, as prisoners, over five hundred men, with a large quantity \nof military stores. While the siege was in progress, other English vessels o \' \nwar arrived, and the fleet and army agreed to make a combined attack on ih > \n29th of June. Despairing of successful resistance, the French surrendered the \nfortress, the city of Louisburg, and the island of Cape Breton, on the 28th of \nJune, 1745.^ \n\nThe pride of France was greatly mortified by this daring and successful \nexpedition, and the following year [1746] the Duke D\'Anville was sent with a \npowerful naval armament\' to recover the lost fortress, and to desolate the En- \nglish settlements along the seaboard. Storms wrecked many of his vessels, and \ndisease soon wasted hundreds of his men ; and D\'Anville, thoroughly dispirited, \nabandoned the enterprise without striking a blow.\'\' Two years afterward a \ntreaty of peace was concluded at Aix-la-Chapelle, in western Germany, when \nit was agreed that all prisoners should be released, and all acquisitions of prop- \nerty or territory, made by either party, were to be restored. Both of the \nprincipal parties were heavy losers by the contest ;5 while the strength of the \ncolonists, yet to be called forth in a more important struggle, was revealed aid \nnoted. \n\nOld national animosities, religious differences, and recent causes for irrita- \ntion, had inspired the English and French with intense mutual hatred, when \nthe treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was signed on the 18th of October, 1748. The \nallegiance of Massachusetts and its sister colonies to the British crown, and the \nacknowledged duty of obedience, restrained the resentment of the American \npeople, while England and France were at peace. Soon, disputes about local \nboundaries began," and it was not long before preparations for war between the \ntwo races, were visible in America. Then came that final bloody struggle be- \ntween the English and French, for dominion in the New World, known as the \nFrench and Indian War J This we shall consider hereafter. \n\n\n\n\' The artillery was commanded by Richard Gridley, who was tlie engineer of the continent;.! \narmy at Boston in 1775 and 17 7G. See page 234. \n\n* The prizes and stores obtained by the English amounted, in value, to little less than five mi:- \nlions of dollars. \n\n^ It consisted of forty ships of war, fifty-six transports, thirty-five hundred men, and forty thou- \nsand muskets for the use of the French and Indians in Canada. \n\n* D\'Anville, with two or three vessels, anchored at Chebucto (now Halifax, Nova Scotia), whero \nhe died, it is believed, by poison. His lieutenant also committed suicide, in consequence of morti- \nfied pride. These disasters to the French fleet were regarded by the people of New England as spe- \ncial manifestations of Providence in their fiivor. Public thanksgivings were oflered ; and no ona \ndoubted the right of the English to the whole of Acadie. \n\n* Parliament afterward reimbursed to the colonies the cost of their preparations against Canada^ \namounting to more than a million of dollars. See page 199. \n\n* Page 180. \' Page 179. \n\n\n\n1756.J NEW YORK. ]39 \n\nCHAPTER III. \n\nNEW YORK. [162 3.] \n\nThe State of New York commenced its political career when Peter Minuit,\' \nrecently appointed Governor of New Netherland,* arrived at New Amsterdam \n(as the germ of the present city of New York was called), in May, 1626. He \nimmediately purchased of the Indians, for about twenty-four dollars, the whole \nof the island of Manhattan,^ on which the city of New York now stands, and \nbegan vigorously to perfect the founding of a State similar to those of Holland. \nHe erected a strong fortification near the site of the present Battery, and called \nit Fort Amsterdam.* By conciliatory measures, he gained the confidence of \nthe Indians ; and he also opened a friendly correspondence with the Puritans at \nPlymouth.^ The English reciprocated the friendly expressions of the Dutch ; \nat the same time, they requested the latter not to send their trappers quite as \nfar eastward as Narraganset Bay, to catch otters and beavers.^ \n\nFor the purpose of encouraging emigration to New Netherland, the Dutch \nWest India Company\'\' offered, in 1629, large tracts of land, and certain priv- \nileges, to those persons who should lead or send a given number of emigrants \nto occupy and till the soil.\'^ Directors of the company^ availed themselves of \nthe privilege, and sent Wouter (Walter) Van T wilier to examine the country \nand select the lands. Immigrants came ; and then were laid the foundations \nof the most noted of the manorial estates of New York.\'" The proprietors were \ncalled patroons (patrons), and held a high political and social station in the \nNew World. \n\nThe agent of the Patroons seems to have performed his duty well, and he \n\xe2\x80\xa2was appointed governor of the colony, in 1633. The beginning of Van Twil- \nler\'s administration was marked by difficulties with the English on the Con- \n\n\n\n* Page 93. "" Page 72. \' Note 1, page 48. * Soe picture on page 144. * Page 78, \n\n* Trade in furs was the chief occupation of tlie Dutch of New Netherland at this time. They \nbecame expert trappers, and were seen as far east as Nantucket, and even Cape Cod. The trade \nsoon became profitable to the Company. The first year\'s remittance of furs to Amsterdam was \nvalued at $11,000. This trade greatly increased; and before the troubles with the Indians in 1640, \nthe value of furs sent to Holland, annually, was more than $60,000. \' Pao-e 72. \n\n^ The land was to be fairly purchased of the Indians, and then the title was to bo confirmed by \nthe Dutch government. The privileges granted to the purchasers made them, in a degree, feudal \nlords [note 15, page 62l, yet they were exempted fi-pm paying tribute to supreme authority. \n\n^ Killian Van Rensselaer, who purchased a tract at Fort Orange (Albany) ; Samuel G-odyn and \nSamuel Bloemart, who selected lands in West Jersey, on the Delaware ; and Michael Pauw, whose \ndomain included Jersey City and vicinity. See page 94. \n\n\'" Van Rensselaer. A larger portion of the land in Albany and Rensselaer counties, once \nportions of the first Patroon\'s estates, has passetl out of the possession of the family. ^Vfter \n1840, many scenes of violence and bloodshed were witnessed on those lands, growing out of \ndisputes with tenants, when they were called upon to pay even the almost nominal rent which \nwas demanded. Social and political questions arose and produced two strong parties. The \nopposition of the tenantry was termed Anti-Rentism. Conciliatory measures were finally \nproposed by a purchaser of a large portion of the ancient manor, in Albany county, by which \nthe tenants were allowed to buy the land, and obtain a title in fee-simple. In time, the Avhole \nestate will thus pass into the hands of numerous new owners. These angry disputes have al- \nready become items of past history. \n\n\n\n140 THE COLONIES, [1623. \n\niiecticut River.\' He was more distinguished for his marriage connection with \nVan Rensselaer, one of the Patroons, than for any administrative qualities. \nYet circumstances favored the advancement of the colony, and he ruled quite \nsatisfactorily, especially to the company, whose interests he faithfully served. \nHe was succeeded in office, in May, 1638, by Sir William Keift, at the mo- \nment when the Swedish colony\'\' were seating themselves upon the banks of the \nDelaware. Keift was a bold, rapacious, and unscrupulous man, and soon \nbrought serious trouble upon the people. He began a tyrannous rule by con- \ncentrating executive power in his own hands ; and his administration was a \n\xc2\xabtormy and unfortunate one. The sum of its record is a tale of continual strife \nwith the Swedes on the Delaware,^ the English on the Connecticut, \xe2\x96\xa0*\xe2\x96\xa0 the Indiana \nall around him, and the colonists at his door. His difficulties with the Indiana \nproved the most disastrous of all, and finally wrought his own downfall. Pre- \nvious to his arrival, the intercourse of the Dutch with the natives had been \nquite friendly.^ The fur trade was extending, and trappers and traders were \nall abroad among the native tribes. These carried a demon of discord with \nthem. They furnished the Indians with mm, and quarrels and murders en- \nsued. The avaricious Keift also demanded tribute of wampum^ and beaver- \nskins fi-om the River tribes ; and in a short time their friendship for the Dutch \nbecame weakened. \n\nA crisis came. Some Raritan\' Indians in New Jersey were accused of rob- \nbery. Keift sent an armed force to punish them [July, 1640], and blood \nflowed. Several Indians were killed, and their crops were destroyed. Savage \nvengeance did not slumber long. The Raritans murdered four planters on \nStaten Island [June, 1641], and destroyed considerable property.^ An expe- \ndition sent to punish the offenders was unsuccessful. Soon afterward, a young \nWestchester Indian, whose uncle had been murdered by a Hollander, near \nwhere the Halls of Justice now stand, ^ revenged the murder, according to the \ncustoms of his people,\'" by killing an inoffensive Dutchman living at Turtle \nBay.\'\' His tribe refused to surrender him on the demand of Keift, and the \ngovernor determined to make war upon all the offending savages. \n\nThe people of New Nether land had already begun to murmur at Keift\' s \ncourse, and they charged the troubles with the Indians directly upon him. Un- \nwilling to assume the entire responsibility of a war, himself, the governor called \na meeting [Aug. 23, 1641] of the heads of families in New Amsterdam for \n\xe2\x96\xa0consultation. They promptly chose "twelve select men" [August 29], with De \n\n\' Page 85. * Page 93. \' ^ Page 93. * Page 85. \n\n* The Dut^\'h had made a settlement, and built a fort at Albany [page 12], and made a treaty of \nfriendship with the Mohawks [page 23]. This the River Indians, in the vicinity of New Amster- \ndam, did not like, for the Mohawks were their oppressors. \xc2\xb0 Note 2, page 13. \n\n\' A tribe of the Lenni-Lenapes. Page 16. \n\n^ This plantation belonged to De Vries [note 2, page 92], who was a friend of the Indians. \n\n* On Center street. New York city. There was once a fresh-water pond there, surrounded by \nthe forest. \n\n\'" The Indians had a custom concerning an avenger of hlood, similar to that of the Jews. It was \nthe duty and the privilege for the next of kin to the murdered man, to avenge his blood by killing \nthe murderer. The Indians took the life of any of the tribe of the offender. \n\n" At the foot of Forty-fifth street, on the East River. \n\n\n\n1755.] NEW YORK. 14X \n\nVries\' at their head, to act for them ; and this was the first representative \nassembly ever formed among Europeans on Manhattan Island. Thej did not \nagree with the governor\'s hostile views ; and Keift finding them not onlj op- \nposed to his war designs, but that they were also taking cognizance of alleged \ngrievances of the people, dissolved them, in February, 1642. Finally, the \ncommission of other murders by Indians, and the presence of a body of Mo- \nhaAvks, who had come down to exact tribute from the River tribes, concurred \nwith the changed opinions of some leading citizens of New Amsterdam, to \nmake Keift resolve to embrace this opportunity to chastise the savages. A \nlarge number of them had fled before the Mohawks, and sought shelter with \nthe Hackensacks, near Hoboken, and there craved the protection of the Dutch. \nNow was offered an opportunity for a wise and humane governor to make a \ncovenant of peace and friendship ; but Keift could not be satisfied without a \nflow of blood. At midnight, in February, 1643, a body of Hollanders and INIo- \nhawks crossed the Hudson, fell upon the unsuspecting fugitives, and before the \ndawn, they massacred almost a hundred men, women, and children. Many \nwere driven from the cliffs at Hoboken into the freezing flood ; and at sunrise \nthe bloody marauders returned to New Amsterdam with thirty prisoners, and \nthe heads of several Indians. \n\nThe fiery hatred and vengeance of all the surrounding tribes were aroused \nby this massacre, and a fierce war was soon kindled. Villages and farms were \ndesolated, and white people were butchered wherever they were found by the \nincensed Indians.* The Long Island tribes,^ hitherto friendly, joined their kin- \ndred, and the very existence of the Dutch colony was menaced. Fortunately \nfor the settlers, that eminent peace-maker, Roger Williams,* arrived [1643], to \nembark for England,^ and he pacified the savages, and secured a brief repose for \nthe colony. But the war was soon renewed, and for two years the colony suf- \nfered dreadfully. Having no competent leader, they employed Captain John \nUnderbill,\'^ who successfully beat back and defeated the Indians, and hostilities \nceased. The Mohawks came and claimed sovereignty over the River Indians, \nmade a treat}\'- of peace with the Dutch, and the hatchet was buried. \n\nThe conduct of Governor Keift was so offensive to the colonists and the \nCompany, that he was recalled, and he sailed for Europe in 1647, in a richly \nladen vessel. It was wrecked on the coast of Wales, and there he perished. \nHe had already been succeeded in office [May, 27, 1647], by Peter Stuyvesant, \nlately governor of Cura^oa, a soldier of eminence, and possessed of every requis- \nite for an efiicient administration of government. His treatment of the Indians \nwas very kind and just, and they soon exhibited such friendship for the Dutch, \nthat Stuyvesant was falsely charged with a design to employ them in murder- \ning the English in New England.^ Long accustomed, as a military leader, to \n\n\' Note 2, page 92. \n\n* It was during this frenzy of revenge that Mrs. Hutchinson, who had been banished from Mas- \nsachusetts, and had taken up her residence near the present New Rochelle, "Westchester County, \nNew York, was murdered, with all her family. The stream upon which she lived is yet known as \nHutchinson\'s River. \' Page 21. \xe2\x96\xa0* Page 8,7. " Page 91. \xc2\xae Page 87. \n\n\' See page 121. This idea prevailed, because during almost the entire winter of 1652-3, Ninigret \n\n\n\n142 \n\n\n\nTHE COLONIES, \n\n\n\n[1623. \n\n\n\narbitrary rule, he was stern and inflexible, but he had the reputation of an \nhonest man. He immediately commenced much needed reforms ; and during \nhis whole administration, which was ended bj the subjugation of the Dutch by \nthe English,* in 1664, he was the fliithful mid energetic defender of the integ- \n\n\n\n\nrity of the province against its foes. By prudent management he avoided col- \nlisions Avith the English, and peaceably ended boundary disputes" with them in \nthe autumn of 1650. This cause for irritation on his eastern frontier being \nremoved, Stuyvesant turned his attention to the growing power of the Swedes, \non the Delaware. \n\nGovernor Stuyvesant built Fort Casimir, on the site of the present New \n\n\n\nand two other Narragansett sachems had been in New Amsterdam, and on very friendly terms with \nStuyvesant. These sachems, who were true friends of the English, positively disclaimed all bad \nintentions on the part of Stuyvesant, and yet historians of the present day repeat the slander. \n\n^ Page 144. \n\n" See page 85. He went to Hartford, and there made a treaty which fixed the eastern bound- \nary of New Netherland nearly on the line of the present division between New Tork and Connecti- \ncut, and across Long Island, at Oyster Bay, thirty miles eastward of New York. The Dutch claims \nto lands on the Connecticut River were extinguished by this treaty. From the beginning of diffi- \nculties, the Dutch were clearly iu the right. This was acknowledged by impartial and just New \nEnglanders. In a manuscript letter before me, from Edward Winslow to Governor Winthrop, dated \nat "Marshfield, 2d of 6th month, 1644," in which he replies to a charge of being favorable to the \nDutch, in some respects, he says that he had asserted in substance, that he " would not defend the \nHartford men\'s cause, for they had hitherto (or thus long) wronged the Dutch." \n\n\n\n1755.] NEW YORK. 143 \n\nCastle, in Delaware, in 1651. This was soon seized bj the Swedes, and the \ngarrison made prisoners. The States-General\' resolved to prevent further \ntrouble with these enterprising neighbors of the Dutch, and for this purpose, \ngave Stuyvesant full liberty to subjugate the Swedes. At the head of six hu.n- \ndred men, he sailed for the Delaware, in August, 1655, and by the middle of \nOctober, he had captured all the Swedish fortresses, and sent the governor \n(Risingh) and several other influential men, to Europe. Some of the settlers \nwithdrew to Maryland and Virginia, but the great body of them quietly sub- \nmitted, took an oath of allegiance to the States-General of Holland, and con- \ntinued in peaceable possession of their property. Thus, after an existence of \nabout seventeen years [1638 \xe2\x80\x94 1655 j, New Sweden- disappeared by absorp- \ntion into New Netherland. \n\nNew trouble now appeared, but it was soon removed. "While Stuyvesant \nand his soldiery were absent on the Delaware, some Indians, who were not yet \nreconciled to the Dutch, menaced New Amsterdam.\' The return of the gov- \nernor produced quiet, for they feared and respected him, and, for eight years, \nthe colony was very little disturbed by external causes. Then the Esopus \nIndians suddenly fell upon the Dutch settlements [June, 1663 j at Wiltwyck \n(now Kingston, in Ulster County),^ and killed and captured sixty-five of the in- \nhabitants. Stuyvesant promptly sent a sufficient force to chastise them ; and so \nthoroughly was the errand performed, that the Indians sued for peace in ]May, \n1664, and made a treaty of friendship. \n\nExternal difficulties gave Stuyvesant little more trouble than a spirit opposed \nto his aristocratic views, which he saw manifested daily around him. While he \nhad been judiciously removing all cause for ill-feeling with his neighbors, there \nwas a power at work within his own domain which gave him gi-eat uneasiness. \nThe democratic seed planted by the Twelve, in Keift\'s time,^ had begun to grow \nvigorously under the fostering care of a few enlightened Hollanders, and some \nPuritans who had settled in New Netherland. The latter, by their api^lause \nof English institutions, had diffused a desire among the people to partake of the \nblessings of English liberty, as they understood it, and as it appeared in New \nEngland. Stuyvesant was an aristocrat by birth, education, and pursuit, and \nvehemently opposed every semblance of democracy. At the beginning he found \nhimself at variance with the people. At length an assembly of two deputies \nfrom each village in New Netherland, chosen by the inhabitants, convened at \nNew Amsterdam [December, 1653], without the approbation of the governor. \nIt was a spontaneous, and, in the eyes of the governor, a revolutionary move- \nment. Their proceedings displeased him ; and finding argument of no avail, he \nexercised his official prerogative, and commanded obedience to his will. The \npeople grew bolder at every rebuff", and finally they not only resisted taxation, \nbut openly expressed a willingness to bear English rule for the sake of enjoy inn- \nEnglish liberty. \n\nThe opportunity for a change of rulers was not long delayed. A crisis in \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 Note 1, page 59. \xc2\xbb Page 93. \' Page 139. * Page 283. * Pa-o UO. \n\n\n\n144 THE COLONIES. [1623. \n\ntliG affairs of New Netlierland now approached. Charles the Second, of En- \ngland, -without any fair pretense to title, gave the whole territory of New \nNetherland [March 22, 1664 J to his brother James, Duke of York,\' The duk& \nsent an English squadron, under the command of Colonel Richard Nicolls,\' to \nsecure the gift ; and on the 8d of September, 1664, the red cross of St. George^ \nfloated in triumph over the fort, and the name of New Amsterdam was changed \nto New York." It was an easy conquest, for, while the fortifications and other \nmeans of defense were very weak, the people were not unwilling to try English \nrule. Stuyvesant began to\' make concessions to the people, when it was toa \nlate, and when his real strength, the popular will, had departed from him. He \nhesitated long before he would sign the articles of capitulation ; and thus, until \nthe end, he Avas fliithful to his employers, the Diitch West India Comjoany.^ \nWith the capital, the remainder of the province passed into the hands of the \nEnglish ; and early in October, 1664, New Netherland was acknowledged a \npart of the British realm, and Nicolls, the conqueror became governor." Let \nus now consider \n\nNEW YORK UNDER THE ENGLISH. \n\nVery soon after the \n\nconquest the people of \n\nNew York^ perceived \n\nthat a change of masters \n\nCITY OF NEW YORK IN 1664. did not Guhance their \n\nprosperity and happiness. \nThey were disappointed in their hopes of a representative government ; and \ntheir taxes, to support a governinont in which they had no voice, were increased. \nLovelace, the successor of Nicolls, in 1667, increased their burdens ; and when \nthey sent a respectful protest to him, he ordered the paper to be burned by \ntlie common hangman. Like a petty tyrant, he declared that the people \nshould have " liberty for no thought but how to pay their taxes." But the \npeople did think of something else, and were on the eve of open rebellion when \n\n\' Pnge 94. ^ Note 6, pn.j^e 123. \n\n\' Tlie royal standard of England is sometimes so named because it bears a red cross, wliich is \ncalled the "cross of St. George," the patron saint of Great Britain. After the union with Scotland \n[note 1, page 63], the cross of St. Andrew (in the form of an X), was added, and is now seen on \nthe British flag. In the centre are the royal arms. This Union, as the figure is called, was borne \nupon the American flags, sometimes, until after the Leclaration of Independence, in 1776. It was \nupon the flag of thirteen stnpes, alternate red and white, which Washington caused to be unfurled \nat Cambridge, on the first day of that year. See page 245. \n\n* The name of Fort Orange settlement [note 9, page 139], was changed to Albany, one of the \nduke\'s titles. * Page 72 \n\n* We have elsewhere noticed the fact, that before Nicolls was dispatched, the duke, being cer- \ntain of victory, sold that part of New Netherland now included in New Jersey, to other parties. \n[See page 94.] Long Island, which had been previously granted to the Earl of Stirling, was pur- \nchased by the Dutch, in total disregard of the claims of Connecticut. The colonies on the Delaware \nremained under the jurisdiction of New York, and were governed by deputies. \n\n\' The above picture is a correct view of the city of New York more than two hundred years ago. \nIt is now [1883] the largest city on the American continent. On the left of the picture is seen Fort \nAmsterdam, with the church and Governor\'s house within it, and a windmill. The point of \nIManhattan Island, from the present Battery Place to the foot of Wall-street, is here seen. \n\n\n\n\n\nStuyvesant Surrf-vdeking tiis Fori- to the English \n\n\n\n1755.] NEW YORK. 147 \n\n-the clouds of national war overshadowed local difficulties. War again com- \nmenced between England and Holland in 1672, and in July the following year, \na Dutch squadron sailed up the Bay of New York, and, in the absence of the \ngovernor, took possession of the fort and town [August 9th, 1673] without \ngiving a shot. The easy conquest was the work of treason ; yet, as the royal \nlibertine (Charles the Second) on the throne of England doubtless shared in the \nbribe, the traitor went unpunished. \' New Jersey and the Territories of Dela- \nware^ yielded, and for sixteen months [from July, 1673, to November, 1674] \nNew York was again New Netherlands. When the two nations made a treaty \nof peace, the province was restored to the English, and remained in their pos- \nsession until our Independence Avas declared in 1776.^ These changes raised \nsome doubts concerning the validity of the duke\'s title, and the king gave him \nanother grant in July, 1674. Sir Edmond Andros* was appointed governor \nunder the new charter, and continued arbitrary rule with increased rigor. ^ \n\nAt the close of 1683, Governor Andros returned to England, when the \nduke (who was a Roman Catholic) appointed Thomas Dongan, of the same \nfaith, to succeed him. In the mean while, the duke had listened to the judicious \nadvice of William Penn, and instructed Dongan to call an assembly of repre- \nsentatives. They met [October 17, 1683], and with the hearty concurrence of \nthe governor, a Charter of Liberties was established,* and the permanent \nfoundation of a representative government was laid. The people rejoiced in the \nchange, and were heartily engaged in the efforts to perfect a wuse and liberal \ngovernment, when the duke was elevated to the throne, as James the Second, \non the death of Charles, in February, 1685. As king, he refused to confirm \nthe privileges which, as duke, he had granted ; and having determined to intro- \nduce the Roman Catholic religion into the province as the established church, \nhe commenced by efforts to enslave the people. A direct tax was ordered ; the \nprinting press \xe2\x80\x94 the right arm of knowledge and freedom \xe2\x80\x94 was forbidden a \nplace in the colony ; and the provincial offices were filled by Roman Catholics. \nThese proceedings gave pain to the liberal-minded Dongan ; and when the king, \nin his religious zeal, instructed the governor to inti-oduce French priests among \nthe Five Nations,\' he resisted the measure as highly inexpedient.* His firm- \n\n\n\n\' The traitor was Captain John Manning, the commandant of the fort. He was, doubtless, \nbribed by the Dutch commander; and the fact that the king screened him from punishment, gave \nthe color of truth to the charge that the monarch shared m the bribe- * Page 96. \n\n\' Page 251. " Page 129. \n\n^ The duke claimed the country from the Connecticut River to Cape Henlopen. Andros \nattempted to exercise authority eastward of the line agreed upon by the Dutch and tlie Connecticut \npeople [note 2, page 142], and went to Saybrook in the summer of 1676, with an armed party, to \nenforce the claim. He met with such resistance, that he was compelled to return to New York \nwithout accomplishing his design. See page 116. \n\n" The Assembly consisted of the governor and ten councillors, and seventeen deputies elected \nby the freeholders. They adopted a Declaration of Rights, and asserted the principle, so nobly \nfought for a hundred years later, that taxation and representation are inseparable ; in other words \xe2\x80\x94 \nthat taxes can not be levied without the consent of the people, expressed by their representatives. \nAt this time the colony was divided into twelve counties. \' Page 23. \n\n* This measure would have given ilie French, in Canada, an influence over the Indians that \nmight have proved fatal to English power on the Continent. The Five Nations remained the fast \nfriends of the EngUsh, and stood as a powerful barrier against the French, when the latter twice \n-invaded the Iroquois territory, in endeavors to reach the English, at Albany. \n\n\n\n148 THE COLONIES. [1623. \n\nness gave the people confidence, and they were again on the eve of open rebel- \nlion, when the intelligence of the flight of James, and the accession of William \nand INIary\' reached them. They immediately appointed a committee of safety, \nand with almost unanimous voice, sanctioned the conduct of Jacob Leisler (an \ninfluential merchant and commander of the militia), avIjo had taken possession, \nof the fort in the name of the new sovereigns, and by order of the inhabitants. \nAfraid of the people, Nicholson, the successor of Dongan, fled on board a vessel \nand departed, and the people consented to Leisler\' s assuming the functions of \ngovernor until a new one should be appointed. The aristocracy and the magis- \ntrates were ofiended, and denouncing Leisler as a usurper, they accused him \nof treason, when Governor Sloughter arrived, in 1691. \n\nLeisler, in the mean Avhile, conducted affairs with prudence and energy. \nHaving the sanction of the people, he needed no further authority ; and when a \nletter from the British ministers arrived [December, 1689], directed to Gov- \nernor Nicholson, "or, in his absence, to such as, for the time being," conducted \naffairs, he considered it as fairly addressed to himself. Milborne, his son-in-law, \nacted as his deputy, and was included in the accusations of the magistrates, \nwho had now retired to Albany. They held Tort Orange\'\' until the invasion \nof the French, in February, 1690,^ when they felt the necessity of claiming \nthe protection of the government at New York. They then yielded, and \nremained comparatively quiet until the arrival of Richard Ingoldsby, Sloughter\' s \nlieutenant, early in 1691. That officer announced the appointment of Henry \nSloughter as governor; and without producing any credentials of authority, he \nhaughtily demanded of Leisler [February 9, 1691] the surrender of the fort. \nOf course Leisler refused compliance ; but as soon as Sloughter arrived [March \n29], he sent a messenger to announce his desire to surrender all authority into \nhis hands. Leisler\' s enemies had resolved on his destruction; and when he \ncame forward to deliver the fort, in person, he and his son-in-law were seized \nand cast into prison. They were tried on a charge of treason, found guilty, \nand condemned to suffer death. Sloughter withheld his signature to their \ndeath warrant ; but, when made drunk at a dinner party prepared for the pur- \npose, he put his name to the fatal instrument. Before he became sober, Leisler \nand Milborne were suspended upon a gallows on the verge of Beekman\'s swamp \nMay 26, 1691], where Tammany Hall \xe2\x80\x94 fronting on the City Hall Park. New \nYork \xe2\x80\x94 now stands. These were the proto-martyrs of popular liberty in \nAmerica.* \n\nHenry Sloughter was a weak and dissolute man, yet he came with an earn- \nest desire to promote the welfare of the colonists. He convened a popular \nassembly, and formed a constitution, which provided for trial by jury, and an \nexemption from taxes, except by the consent of the representatives of the peo- \nple. Light was thus dawning hopefully upon the province, when delirium \n\n\' Note "7, page 113. \' Note 9, page 139. \n\n\' At this time, Schenectada was desolated. See page 131. \n\n* Their estates were confiscated ; but after a lapse of several years, and when the violence of \nparty spirit had subsided, the property was restored to their families. \n\n\n\n1755.] NEW YORK. 149 \n\ntremens^ at the close of a drunken revel, ended the administration and the life \nof the governor [August 2, 1691], in less than three months after the murder \nof Leisler and Milborne. He was succeeded bj Benjamin Fletcher, a man of \nviolent passions, and quite as weak and dissolute, who became the tool of the \naristocracy, and was hated by the people. Party spirit, engendered by the \ndeath of Leisler, burned intensely during the whole administration of Fletcher ; \nand at the same time the French and Indians, under the guidance of Frontenac, \nthe able Governor of Canada,\' were traversing the northern frontiers of the \nprovince. Fletcher prudently listened to the advice of Major Schuyler," of \nAlbany, respecting the Indians; and under his leadership, the English, and \ntheir unwavering allies, the Five Nations, successfully beat back the foe to \nthe St. Lawrence, and so desolated the French settlements in 1692, in the \nvicinity of Lake Champlain,^ that Frontenac was glad to remain quiet at \nMontreal. \xe2\x80\xa2 \n\nA better ruler for New York now appeared. The Earl of Bellomont, an \nhonest and energetic Irish peer, succeeded Fletcher in 1698 ; and the following \nyear. New Hampshire* and Massachusetts* were placed under his jurisdiction. \nHe commenced reform with great earnestness, and made vigorous efforts to sup- \npress piracy," which had become a fearful scourge to the infant commerce of \nthe colonists. With Robert Livingston\' and others, he fitted out an expedition \nunder the famous Captain Kidd, to destroy the buccaneers. Kidd, himself, was \nafterward hung for piracy [1701], and the governor and his sons were charged \nwith a participation in his guilt. At any rate, there can be little doubt that \nwealthy men in the colony expected a share in the plunder, and that Kidd, as a \nscape-goat for the sins of the others, avjis the victim of a political conspiracy.* \n\nUnfortunately for the colony, death removed Bellomont, on the 16th of \nMarch, 1701, when his liberal policy was about to bear fruit. He was suc- \nceeded by Edward Hyde (afterward Lord Cornbury),\' a libertine and a knave, \nwho cursed the province with misrule for seven years. He was a bigot, too, \nand persecuted all denominations of Christians, except those of the Church of \nEngland. He embezzled the public moneys, involved himself in heavy debts, \nand on all occasions was the practical enemy of popular freedom. The people \n\n\' From 1678 to 1682, and again from 1689 to 1698, when he died, at the age of 77. \n\n"^ Peter Schuyler. He was mayor of Albany, and acqtoired unbounded influence over the Five \nNations of Indians. See page 23. \n\n^ Schuyler\'s force was about three hundred Mohawks, and as many English. They slew about \nthree hundred of the French and Indians, at the north end of the lake. * Page 79. * Pao-e 117 \n\n" Because Spain claimed the exclusive right to the West India seas, her commerce in that\xc2\xb0region \nTvas regarded as fair plunder. Privateer commissions were readily granted by the English, French, \nand Dutch governments ; and daring spirits from all countries were found under their flags. The \nbuccaneers, as they were called, became very numerous and powerful, and at length depredated \nupon English commerce as well as Spanish. Privateers, or those legally authorized to seize the prop- \nerty of an enemy, became pirates, or sea robbers. Privateering is only legalized piracy. \n\n\' An immigrant from Scotland, and ancestor of the Livingston family in this country. He was \nconnected, by marriage, with the Van Rensselaer and Schuyler families; and in 1685, he received \nfrom governor Doagan a grant of a feudal prmcipality (see patroon, page 139) on the Hudson, yet \nknown as Livingston\'s Manor. \n\n* King William himself was a shareholder in the enterprise for which Kidd was fitted out. Kidd \nappeared publicly in Boston, where he was arrested, then sent to England, tried, and executed. \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 161. \n\n\n\n150 THE COLONIES. [1623-. \n\nfinally demanded and obtained his recall, and the moment his official career \nceased, in 1708, his creditors cast him into prison, where he remained until his \naccession to the peerage, on the death of his father.\' From this period until \nthe arrival of "William Cosby, as governor [1732], the royal representatives,^ \nunable to resist the Avill of the people, as expressed by the Assembly, allowed, \ndemocratic principles to grow and bear fruit.^ \n\nThe popular will and voice now began to be potential in the administration \nof public affairs. Rip Van Dam, "a man of the people," was acting governor \nwhen Cosby came. They soon quarreled, and two violent parties arose \xe2\x80\x94 the \ndemocratic, which sided with Van Dam, and the aristocratic, which supported \nthe governor. Each party had the control of a newspaper," and the Avar of \nwords raged violently for a long time. The governor, unable to compete with \nhis opponent, finally ordered the arrest of Zenger [November, 1734], the pub- \nlisher of the democratic paper, on a charge of libel. After an imprisonment of \nthirty-five weeks, Zenger was tried by a jury, and acquitted, in July, 1735. \nHe was defended by Andrew Hamilton, of Philadelphia, who was presented by \nthe magistrates of the city of New York with a gold box, as a token of their \nesteem for his noble advocacy of popular rights. Then was distinctly drawn \nthe line of demarcation between republicans and royalists (Whigs and Tories),\' \nwhich continued prominent until the war of the revolution was ended in 1783. \n\nFrom the arrival of Cosby until the commencement of the French and \nIndian war," the history of New York is composed chiefly of the records of \nparty strife, and presents very little matter of interest to the general reader. \nOnly one episode demands special attention, namely, the excitement and results \nincident to a supposed conspiracy of the negroes, in 1741, to burn and plunder \nthe city, murder the inhabitants, and set up a government under a man of their \nown color. Several incendiary fires had occurred in rapid succession, and a \nhouse had been robbed by some slaves. The idea of a regular and horrid con- \nspiracy at once prevailed, and, as in the case of the Salem Witchcraft,\'\' an \nintense panic pervadejjl all classes, and many innocent persons suffered. ^ This- \nis known in history as The Negro Plot. \n\n\n\n\' According to an unjust law of England, a peer of the realm (who is consequently a member \nof the House of Lords [note 2, page 218]) can not be arrested for debt. Tliis law, enacted in th\xc2\xa9 \nreign of Henry the Eighth, still prevails. \n\n* Lord Lovelace, Ingoldsby, Hunter, Schuyler, Burnet, and Montgomerie. \n\n\' "We have already noticed (page 135) the breaking out of Queen Anne\'s War, in 1702, and thw \nsuccessful expeditions fitted out and sent in the direction of Montreal in 1709 and 1711. The debt \nwhich these expeditions laid upon New York, was felt for many years. \n\n* The New York Weekly Journal (democratic), by John Peter Zenger; The New York Gazette \n(aristocratic), by William Bradford. The latter owned the first press ever set up in the province. \nHe commenced printing in New York in 1696. See note 3, page 179. \n\n" Note 4, page 226. \' Page 179. \' Page 132. \n\n* Before the panic was allayed, four white people were hanged; and eleven negroes wera \nburned, eighteen were hanged, and fifty were sent to the West Indies and sold. \n\n\n\n1755.] . MARYLAND 151 \n\nCHAPTER IV. \n\nMARYLAND. [163 9.] \n\nWhen the first popular assembly convened at St. Mary, for legislative pur- \nposes, on the 8th of March, 1635,^ Maryland had then its colonial birth. Its \nsturdy growth began when, in 1639, the more convenient form of representa- \ntive government was established. It was crude, but it possessed the elements \nof republicanism. The freemen chose as many representatives as they pleased, \nand others were appointed by the proprietor. These, with the governor and \nsecretary, composed the legislature. At this first session a Declaration of \nRights was adopted, the powers of the governor were defined, and all the privi- \nleges enjoyed by English subjects were guarantied to the colonists.\'\' \n\nVery soon the Indians in the vicinity, becoming jealous of the increasing \nstrength of the white people, began to evince hostility. Frequent collisions \noccurred ; and in 1642, a general Indian war commenced in the region between \nthe Potomac and the Chesapeake. It Was terminated in 1645, but the quiet \nof the province was soon disturbed again. Clayborne had returned from \nEngland\' [1645], and speedily fanned the embers of discontent into a flame of \nopen rebellion. He became too powerful for the local authorities, and Governor \nCalvert^ was obliged to flee to Virginia. During a year and a half, the insur- \ngents held the reins of government, and the horrors of civil war brooded over \nthe colony. The rebellion was suppressed in the summer of 1647, and in \nAugust, Calvert resumed his office. \n\nIn the year 1649, a very important law, known as The Toleration Act, was \npassed by the Assembly. Religious freedom was guarantied by the charter,* \nyet, as much animosity existed between the Protestants\' and Roman Catholics, \nthe Assembly\' thought proper to give the principle the solemn sanction of law. \nBy that act every professed believer in Jesus Christ and the Trinity, was \nallowed free exercise of his religious opinions, and no man was permitted to \nreproach another on account of his peculiar doctrines, except under the penalty \nof a fine, to be paid to the person so insulted. Thither persecuted Churchmen \nof New England, and oppressed Puritans of Virginia, fled and found an asylum. \nThis act, short of full toleration as it was (for it placed Unitarians beyond the \npale of its defense), is the pride and glory of the early legislature of Maryland ; \nyet it was not the first instance in America, as is often alleged, when religious \ntoleration received the sanction of law.* Rhode Island has that honor. \n\n\' Page 82. " Page 82. " Note 1, page 82. \n\n* Page 81. * Page 81. \' Note 14, page liJ. \n\n\' Bozman, in his History of Maryland (II. 350 \xe2\x80\x94 356), maintains that the majority of the mena- \nbers of the Assembly of 1649, were Protestants. The records of Maryland prove it. \n\n"* In May, 1647, the General Assembly of Rhode Island, convened at Portsmouth, adopted a \ncode of laws which closed with the declaration that "all men might walk as their consciences per- \nsuaded them, without molestation \xe2\x80\x94 every one in the name of his God." This was broader tolera- \ntion than the Maryland act contemplated, for it did not restrict men to a belief in Jesus Clmst. \n\n\n\n152 THE COLONIES. [1639. \n\nBeing favored by events in the mother country, republicanism grew steadily \nin the new State. Royalty was abolished in England [1649 J, and for more \nthan ten years the democratic idea was prevalent throughout the realm. Lord \nBaltimore, the proprietor of Maryland, professed republicanism on the death of \nthe king, but he had been too recently a royalist to secure the confidence of \nParliament. Stone, his lieutenant, was removed from office [April 16, 1651] \nby commissioners (of whom Clayborne was one), who were sent to administer the \ngovernment of the colony. He was soon afterward [July 8] restored. On the \ndissolution of the Long Parliament [1653J\' Cromwell restored full power to the \nproprietor, but the commissioners, who withdrew to Virginia, returned soon \nafterward, and compelled Stone to surrender the government into their hands. \n\nThe colonial government had been re-organized in the mean while. The \nlegislative body was divided into an Upper and Lower House in 1650 ; the \nformer consisting of the governor and his council, appointed by the proprietor, \nand the latter of representatives chosen by the people. At the same session a \nlaw was passed prohibiting all taxes, unless levied with the consent of the free- \nmen. Political questions were freely discussed by the people ; and soon the \ntwo chief religious sects were marshaled in opposition, as prime elements of \npolitical parties. So great had been the influx of Protestants, that they now \n[1654] outnumbered the Roman Catholics as voters and in the Assembly. They \nacknowledged the authority of Cromwell, and boldly questioned the rights and \nprivileges of an hereditary proprietor.^ The Roman Catholics adhered to Lord \nBaltimore, and bitter religious hatred was fostered. The Protestants finally \ndisfranchised their opponents, excluded them from the Assembly, and in Novem- \nber, 1654, passed an act declaring Roman Catholics not entitled to the protec- \ntion of the laws of Maryland. \n\nThis unchristian and unwise act of the Protestant party, was a great wrong \nas well as a great mistake. Civil war ensued. Stone returned to St. Mary,* \norganized an armed force composed chiefly of Roman Catholics, seized the colo- \nnial records, and assumed the office of governor. Skirmishes followed, and \nfinally a severe battle was fought [April 4, 1655] not far from the site of \nAnnapolis, in which Stone\'s party was defeated, with a loss of about fifty men, \nkilled and Avounded. Stone was made prisoner, but his life was spared. Four \nother leading supporters of the proprietor were tried for treason and executed. \nAnarchy prevailed in the province for many months, when the discordant ele- \nments were brought into comparative order by the appointment of Josiah Fen- \ndall [July 20, 1656] as governor. He was suspected of favoring the Roman \nCatholics, and Avas soon arrested by order of the Protestant Assembly. For \ntwo years bitter strife continued between the people and the agents of the \n\n\' Wlien Charles the First was beheaded [note 3, pa^e 108], the Parliament assumed supreme \nauthority, and remained in permanent session. Cromwell, with an army at his back, entered that \nassembly in the autumn of 1653, ordered them to disperse, and assumed supreme power himselfj \nunder the title of Lord Protector. That British legislature is known in history as the Long Parliar \nment. \n\n^ According to the original charter, the heirs and successors of Lord Baltimore were to be pro- \nprietors forever. \' Page 82. \n\n\n\n1755.] MARYLAND. 153 \n\nproprietor, when, after concessions by the latter, Fendall was acknowledged \ngovernor, on the 3d of April, 1658. His prudence secured the confidence of \nthe people, but the death of Cromwell, in September, 1658, presaging a change \nin the English government, gave them uneasiness. After long deliberation, \nthe Assembly determined to avoid all further trouble with the proprietor, by \nasserting the supreme authority of the people. They accordingly dissolved the \nUpper House [March 24, 1660],\' and assumed the whole legislative power of \nthe State. They then gave Fendall a commission as governor for the people. \n\nThe restoration of monarchy in England took place in June, 1660,"^ and the \noriginal order of things w^as re-established in Maryland. Lord Baltimore, hav- \ning assured the new king that his republican professions\' were only temporary \nexpedients, was restored to all his proprietary rights, by Charles. Fendall was \ntried, and found guilty of treason, because he accepted a commission from the \nrebellious Assembly. Baltimore, however, wisely proclaimed a general pardon \nfor all political oftenders in Maryland ; and for almost thirty years afterward, \nthe province enjoyed repose. A law, which established absolute political equal- \nity among professed Christians, was enacted ; and after the death of the second \nLord Baltimore [Dec. 10, 1675], his son and successor confirmed it. Under \nthat new proprietor, Charles Calvert, Maryland was governed mildly and pru- \ndently, and the people were prospering in their political quietude, when the \nRevolution in England* shook the colonies. The deputy governor of Maryland \nhesitated to proclaim William and Mary,^ and this was made a pretense, by a \nrestless spirit, named Coode,^ for exciting the people. He gave currency to the \nabsurd report that the local magistrates and the Roman Catholics had leagued \nwith the Indians\' for the destruction of all the Protestants in the colony. A \nsimilar actual coalition of Jesuits\'* and savages on the New England frontiers^ \ngave a coloring of truth to the story, anA the old religious feud instantly burned \nagain intensely. The Protestants formed an armed association [Sept., 1689], \nand led on by Coode, they took forcible possession of St. Mary, and by capitu- \nlation, received the provincial records and assumed the government. They \ncalled a Convention, and invested it Avith legislative powers. Its first acts were \nto depose the third Lord Baltimore, and to re-assert the sovereign majesty of \nthe people. \n\nPublic afiairs were managed by the Convention until 1691, when the king \nunjustly deprived Baltimore of all his political privileges as proprietor [June \n11], and made Maryland a royal province.\'" Lionel Copley was appointed the \nfirst royal governor, in 1692. New laws were instituted \xe2\x80\x94 religious toleration \n\n\n\n\' Page 152. \' Note 2, page 109. \' Page 152. * Note 7, page 11.3. ^ Page 113. \n\n* Coode had been a confederate in a former insurrection, but escaped conviction. \n\n^ A treaty with the Indians liad just been renewed, and the customary presents distributed \namong them. These things Coode falsely adduced as evidences of a coalition with the savages. \n\n" Note 5, page 130. 9 Page 130. \n\n\'\xc2\xb0 King William had an exalted idea of royal prerogatives, and was as much disposed as the \nStuarts (the kings of England from James the Fir.st to James the Second) to suppress democracy in \nthe colonies. He repeatedly vetoed (refused his assent) to Bills of Rights enacted by the colonial \nAssemblies ; refused his assent to local laws of the deepest interest to the colonists ; and instructed \nhis governors to prohibit printing in the colonies. Note 7, page 112. \n\n\n\n-^(^^ THE COLOXIES. [1639. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0was abolislicd \xe2\x80\x94 the Church of England Avas made the established religion, to be- \nsupported by a tax on the people ; and in the State founded by Roman Cath- \nolics, the members of that denomination Avere cruelly disfranchised, with the \nconsent of their sovereign. A few years later [1716], the proprietary rights \nof Lord Baltimore (now deceased) were restored to his infant heir, and the \noriginal form of government was re-established. Such continued to be the poli- \ntical complexion of the colony, until the storm of the Revolution in 1776, swept \naway every remnant of royalty and feudalism, and the State of Maryland was \nestablished. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER Y. \n\nCONNECTICUT. [1639.] \n\nTiiE Connecticut Colony* formed a political Constitution on the 24th of \nJanuary, 1639, and in June following, the New Haven Colony performed \nthe same important act.\' The religious element was supreme in the new organ- \nization : and, in imitation of the Constitution of the Plymouth settlers, non& \nbut church members were allowed the privileges of freemen\' at New Haven. \nThey first appointed a committee of twelve men, Avho selected seven of their \nmembers to be " pillars" in the ncAV State. These had power to admit as many \nothers, as confederate legislators, as they pleased. Theophilus Eaton was \nchosen governor,* and the Bible was made the grand statute-book of the colony. \nMany of the New Haven settlers being merchants, they sought to found a com- \nmercial colony, but heavy losses by th* wreck of vessels\' discouraged them, and \nthey turned their special attention to agriculture. Prudence marked the course \nof the magistrates of the several colonies in the Connecticut valley," and they \nwere blessed with prosperity. But difiiculties with the Dutch respecting terri- \ntorial boundaries,\' and menaces of the neighboring Indians, gave them uneasi- \nness, and made them readily join the New England confederation in 1643.* \nThe following year the little independent colony at Saybrook" j)urchased the \nland of one of the proprietors of Connecticut,*" and became permanently annexed \nto that at Hartford." \n\nThe future appeared serene and promising. The treaty made with Gov- \nernor Stuyvesant, at Hartford, in 1650,\'^ gave token of future tranquillity. But \nthe repose was soon broken by international war. England and Holland drew \nthe sword against each other in 1652 ; and because it was reported that Nini- \ngret, the wily sachem of the Narragansetts,** had spent several weeks at New \n\n\' Page 89. "^ Pago 89. The people assembled in a barn to form a new Constitution. \n\n" Note 5, page 118. \n\n* He was annually chosen to fill the office, until his death, which occurred in 165". \n\n* In 1647, a new ship belonging to the colony foundered at sea. It was laden with a valuable \ncargo, and the passengers belonged to some of the leading families in the colony. \n\n\xc2\xab Page 86. \' Page 85, and note 2, page 142. * Page 121. \xc2\xbb Page S6. \n\n* Page 85. " Page 88. " Note 2, page 142. \xc2\xbb^ Note 7, page 14L \n\n\n\n1755.] CONNECTICUT. I55 \n\nAmsterdam in the winter of 1652-3\' tlie belief prevailed in New England, as \nwe have already observed, that Stuy vesant was leaguing with the Indians for \nthe destruction of the English.- Great excitement ensued, and a majority of \nthe commissioners decided, ^ in 1653, upon war with the Dutch. Immediate \nhostilities were prevented by the refusal of Massachusetts to furnish its quota \nof supplies. The Connecticut colonies (who were more exposed to blows from \nthe Dutch than any other) applied to Cromwell for aid, and he sent four ships \nof war for the purpose. Before their arrival," a treaty of peace was concluded \nbetween the two nations, and blood and treasure were saved. The Assembly \nat Hartford took possession of all property then claimed by the Dutch ; and \nafter that the latter abandoned all claims to possessions in the Connecticut \nvalley. \n\nOn the restoration of Charles the Second, in 1660, the Connecticut colony \nexpressed its loyalty, and obtained a charter. At first, Charles was disposed \nto refuse the application of Winthrop,* the agent of the colony, for he had \nheard of the sturdy republicanism of the petitioners. But when Winthrop \npresented his majesty with a ring Avhich Charles I. liad gi\\ en to his grand- \nfather, the heart of the king was touched, and he granted a charter [May 30,. \n1662] which not only confirmed the popular Constitution of the colony, but \ncontained more liberal provisions than any yet issued from the royal hand." It \ndefined the eastern boundary of the province to be Narraganset Bay, and the \nwestern, the Pacific Ocean. It thus included a portion of Rhode Island, and \nthe whole New Haven Colony.^ The latter gave a reluctant consent to the \nunion in 1665, but Rhode Island positively refused the alliance. A charter \ngiven to the latter the year after one was given to Connecticut [1663],* covered \na portion of the Connecticut grant in Narraganset Bay. Concerning this \nboundary the two colonies disputed for more than sixty years. \n\nThe colony of Connecticut suffered but little during King Philip\'s Wae,\xc2\xbb \nwhich broke out in 1675, wi\'Ji the exception of some settlements high up on \nthe fresh water river.\'" Yet it furnished its full quota of men and supplies, and \nits soldiers bore a conspicuous part in giving the vigorous blows which broke \nthe power of the New England Indians." At the same time, the colonists \nwere obliged to defend their liberties against the attempted usurpations of Ed- \nmund Andros, then governor of New York.\'\'\' He claimed jurisdiction to the \n\n\xc2\xbb This report was set afloat by Uneas, the mischievous Mohegan sachem [page 87], who hated \nthe Narragansetts. It had no foundation in truth. See, also, page 21. \n\n\' Page 141 3 pj^^g 121. \n\n* Roger Williams, then in England, managed to delay the sailing of the fleet, and thus, again, \nthat eminent peace-maker prevented bloodshed. Page 87. \n\n. \' John Winthrop, son of Governor Winthrop, of Massachusetts. He was chosen governor of \nConnecticut in 1657, and held the office several years. Such was his station when he appeared in \nEngland to ask a charter of the king. Hopkins (who was one of the founders of the New Haven \ncolony) was chosen the first governor of the Connecticut colony, and for several years he and \nHaynes were alternately chosen chief magistrates. \n\n\xc2\xb0 This original charter is now [1883] in the office of the Secretary of the State of Connecticut. It \ncontains a portrait of Charles the Second, handsomely drawm in India ink, and forming part of an \nInitial letter. This was the instrument afterward hidden in the great oak mentioned on the next p;ige. \n\' Page 88. Thus the several settlements were united under the general name of Connecticut \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 156. " Page 124. \'\xc2\xbb Page 85. \xc2\xbb Page 22. " Page 147. \n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2^^Q THE COLONIES. [1639. \n\nmouth of the Connecticut River, and in July, 1675, he proceeded to Saybrook \nwith a small naval force, to assert his authority. He was permitted to land ; \nbut when he ordered the garrison in the fort to surrender, and began to read his \ncommission to the people. Captain Bull, the commander, ordered him to be \nsilent. Perceiving the strength and determination of his adversary, Andros \nwisely withdrew, and greatly irritated, returned to New York. \n\nDuring the next dozen years, very little occurred to disturb the quiet and \nprosperity of Connecticut. Then a most exciting scene took place at Hartford, \nin which the liberties of the colony were periled. Edmund Andros again ap- \npeared as a usurper of authority. He had been appointed governor of New \nEngland in 1686,\' and on his arrival he demanded a surrender of the charters \nof all the provinces. They all complied, except Connecticut. She steadily \nrefused to give up the guaranty of her political rights ; and finally Andros pro- \nceeded to Hartford with sixty armed men, to enforce obedience. The Assem- \nbly were in session when he arrived [Oct. 31, 1687], and received him court- \neously. He demanded the surrender of the charter, and declared the colonial \ngovernment dissolved. Already a plan had been arranged for securing the safety \nof that precious instrument, and at the same time to preserve an appearance of \nloyalty. The debates were purposely protracted until the candles were lighted, \nat evening, when the charter was brought in and laid \nupon the table. Just as Andi\'os stepped forward to \ntake it, the candles were suddenly extinguished. The \ncharter was seized by Captain Wadsworth, of the mil- \nitia, and under cover of the night it was effectually \nconcealed in the hollow trunk of a huge oak, standing \nnot far from the Assembly chamber.\' When tlie can- \ndles were relighted, the members were in perfect \norder, but the charter could not be found. Andros \nwas highly incensed at being thus foiled, but he \nwisely restrained his passion, assumed the government, and with his own hand \nwrote the word Finis after the last record of the Charter Assembly. The gov- \nernment was administered in his own name until he was driven from Boston in \n1689,\' when the charter was taken from the oak [May 19, 1689J, a popular \nAssembly Avas convened, Robert Treat was chosen governor, and Connecticut \nagain assumed her position as an independent colony. \n\nPetty tyrants continued to molest. A little more than foilr years later, the \nConnecticut people were again compelled to assert their chartered liberties. \nColonel Fletcher, then governor of New York,^ held a commission which gave \nhim command of the militia of Connecticut.^ As that power was reserved to \n\n- Page 129. \n\n\' That tree remained vigorous until ten minutes before one o\'clock in the morning, August 21, \n1856, when it was prostrated during a heavy storm, and nothing but a .\xc2\xab*^ump remains. It stood \non the south side of Charter-street, a few rods from Main-street, in the city of Hartford. The cavity \nin which the charter was concealed, had become partially closed. \n\n\xc2\xbb Pnge 130. _ \xe2\x96\xa0* Page 147. \n\n^ Tlie .declared object of this commission was to enable Fletcher to call forth *:he Connecticut \nmilitia wlicii proper, to repel an expected invasion of Northern New York, by the French and \nIndians. \n\n\n\n\nTHE CHARTER OAK. \n\n\n\n1755.] RHODE ISLAND. 157 \n\nthe colony by the charter, the Legislature refused to acknowledge Fletcher\'s \nauthority. In November, 1693, he repaired to Hartford, and, notwithstanding \nthe Legislature was in session, and again promptly denied his jurisdiction, he \nordered the militia to assemble. The Hartford companies, under Captain \nWadsworth,\' were drawn up in line ; but the moment Fletcher attempted to \nread his commission, the drums were beaten. His angry order of " Silence!" \nwas obeyed for a moment ; but when he repeated it, Wadsworth boldly stepped \nin front of him, and said, " Sir, if they are again interrupted, I \'11 make the sun \nshine through you in a moment." Fletcher perceived the futility of a parley, \nor further assumption of authority ; and, pocketing his commission, he and his \nattendants returned to New York, greatly chagrined and irritated. The mat- \nter was compromised when referred to the king, who gave the governor of Con- \nnecticut militia jurisdiction in time of peace, but in the event of war, Colonel \nFletcher should have the command of a certain portion of the troops of that \ncolony. \n\nAnd now, in the year 1700, Connecticut had a population of about thirty \nthousand, which rapidly increased during the remainder of her colonial career. \nDuring Queen Anne^s Wai\\\'^ and the stirring events in America from that \ntime until the commencement of the French and Indian War,\' when her people \nnumbered one hundred thousand, Connecticut went hand in hand with her sis- \nter colonies for mutual welfare ; and her history is too closely interwoven with \ntheirs to require further separate notice. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER YI . \n\nRHODE ISLAND. [1644.] \n\nWhen the Providence and Rhode Island plantations were united under \nthe same government in 1644, the colony of Rhode Island commenced its inde- \npendent career." That charter was confirmed by the Long Parliament^ in \nOctober, 1652, and this put an end to the persevering efforts of Massachusetts \nto absorb " Williams\'s Narraganset Plantation." That colony had always \ncoveted the beautiful Aquiday,* and feared the reaction of Williams\'s tolerant \nprinciples upon the people from whose bosom he had been cruelly expelled.\'\' A \ndispute concerning the eastern boundary of Rhode Island was productive of \nmuch ill feeling during the progress of a century, when, in 1741, commission- \ners decided the present line to be the proper division, and wrangling ceased. \n\n\' Page 156. \xc2\xab Page 135. \xc2\xab Page 179. \n\n* Page 91. A general assembly of deputies from the several towns, met at Portsmouth on the \n29th of May, 1647, and organized the new government by the election of a president and other offi- \ncers. At that time a code of laws was adopted, which declared the government to be a democracy, \nand that "all men might walk as their conscience persuaded them." Page 151. \n\n\' Note 1, page ISG * Note 5, page 91. \'\' Page 91. \n\n\n\n158 TSE COLONIES. [1644. \n\nNor was Rhode Island free from those internal commotions, growing out of relig- \nious disputes and personal ambition, Avhich disturbed the repose of other colonies. \nThese Avere quieted toward the close of 1653, when Roger Williams was chosen \npresident. Cromwell confirmed the royal charter on the 22d of May, 1655, \nand during his administration the colony prospered. On the accession of \nCharles the Second,\' Rhode Island applied for and obtained a new charter \n[July 8, 1663], highly democratic in its general features, and similar, in every \nrespect, to the one granted to Connecticut.^ The first governor elected under \nthis instrument, Avas Benedict Arnold ; =* and by a colonial law, enacted during \nhis first administration, the privileges of freemen were granted only to free- \nholders and their eldest sons. \n\nBowing to the mandates of royal authority, Rhode Island yielded to Andros, \nin January, 1687 ; but the moment intelligence reached the people of the acces- \nsion of William and Mary* [May 11, 1689], and the imprisonment of the petty \ntyrant at Boston,^ they assembled at Newport, resumed their old charter, and \nre-adopted their seal \xe2\x80\x94 an michoi\\ with Hope for a motto. Under this charter, \nRhode Island continued to be governed for one hundred and -fifty-three years, \nwhen the people, in representative convention, in 1842, adopted a constitution.* \nNewport soon became a thriving commercial town ; and^Avhen, in 1732, John \nFranklin established there the first newspaper in the colony, it contained five \nthousand inhabitants, and the whole province about eighteen thousand.\' Near \nNewport the celebrated Dean Berkeley purchased lands in 1729; and with \nhim came John Smibert, an artist, who introduced portrait painting into Amer- \nica.* Notwithstanding Rhode Island was excluded from the Ncav England \nconfederacy," it always bore its share in defensive efibrts ; and its history is \nidentified with that of New England in general, from the commencement of \nKing William\'s War." \n\n\' Page 109. \n\n" Page 154. This charter guarantied free toleration in religious matters, and the legislature of \nthe colony re-asscrted the principle, so as to give it the popular force of law. The assertion, made \nby some, that Roman CathoUcs were excluded from votmg, and that Quakers were outlawed, is \nerroneous. \n\n^ He was governor several times, serving in that ofBce, altogether, about eleven years. He was \nchief magistrate of the colony when he died, in 1678. * Page 130. \n\n" Page 130. * Page 477. \n\n\' Of these, about one thousand were Indians, and more than sixteen hundred were negroes. \n\n* Berkeley preached occasionally in a small Episcopal church at Newport, and presented the \ncongregation with an organ, the first ever heard in America. Smibert was a Scotchman, and \nmarried and settled at Boston. His picture of Berkeley and his family is still preserved at Tale \nCollege [page 178], in New Haven. Berkeley (afterward made bishop of a diocese in Ireland) made \ngreat efforts toward the establishment of the Arts and Learning, in America. Failing in his project \nof founding a new University, he became one of the most liberal benefactors of Yale College. In \nview of the future progress of the colonies, he wrote that prophetic poem, the last verse of which. \ncontains the oft-quoted line \xe2\x80\x94 \n\n"AYestward the course of Empire takes its way." \n\n* Page 121. *\xc2\xbb Page 130. \n\n\n\n1755.] NEW JERSEY. 150 \n\nCHAPTER YII. \n\nNEW JERSEY. [1GG4.] \n\nThe settlements in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware, wo have \nconsidered together in the same chapter,\' as constituting a series of events hav- \ning intimate relations with each other. The history of the colonial organization \nof the first two, is separate and distinct. Delaware was never an independent \ncolony or State, until after the Declaration of Independence, in 1776. The \nfounding of the New Jersey colony occurred when, in 1664, the Duke of York \nsold the territory to Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret,^ and the new \nproprietors began the Avork of erecting a State. They published a form of \nagreement which they called " Concessions,"^ in which liberal offers were made \nto emigrants who might settle within the territory. Among other provisions, \nthe people Avere to be exempt from the payment of quit-rents and other burdens, \nfor the space of five years. Allured by the liberality of the " Concessions," as \nwell as by the salubrity of the climate and the fertility of the soil, many families \ncame from Long Island in 1664, and settled at Elizabethtown ;* and in August, \nthe following year, Philip Carteret (l^rother of one of the proprietors) was \nappointed governor, and arrived at Elizabethtown with a number of settlers. \n\nAt first all was peaceable. Nothing disturbed the repose of the colony \nduring the five years\' exemption from rents ; but when, in 1670, the specified \nhalfpenny, for the use of each acre of land, was required, murmurs of discon- \ntent were loud and universal. Those who had purchased land from the Indians, \ndenied the right of the proprietors to demand rent from them ; and some of the \ntowns had even denied the authority of the Assembly, at its first sitting, in \n1668. The whole people combined in resisting the payment of quit-rents; \nand after disputing with the proprietors almost two years, they revolted, called \na new Assembly, appointed a dissolute, illegitimate son of Sir George Carteret, \ngovernor, in May, 1672, and in July following, compelled Philip Carteret to \nleave the province. Preparations were in progress to coerce the people into \nsubmission, when New Jersey, and all other portions of the territory claimed \nby the Duke of York, fell into the hands of the Dutch,^ in August, 1673. On \nthe restoration of the territory to the English,\xc2\xae in November, 1674, the Duke \nof York procured a new charter,\' and then, regardless of the rights of Berkeley \nand Carteret, he appointed Edmund Andros, "the tyrant of New England," " \n\n\' Page 92. \n\n\' Page 94. The province was called New Jersey, in honor of Carteret, who was governor of \nthe island of Jersey, in the British Channel, during the civil war. He was a staunch royalist, and \nwas the last commander to lower the royal flag, wlien the Parliament had triumphed. \n\n^ This was a sort of constitution, which provided for a government to be composed of a governor \nand council appointed by the proprietors, and an Assembly chosen by the freeholders of the prov- \nince. The legislative power resided in the Assembly; the executive in the governor. The Council \nand the Assembly were each restricted to twelve members. \n\n* So called, in honor of Elizabeth, wife of Sir George Carteret. \n\n* Page 147. ^ Page 147. \' Page 147. \xe2\x80\xa2 Pago 130. \n\n\n\n160 THE COLOXIES. [1664. \n\ngovernor of the whole domain. Carteret demurred, and the duke partially \nrestored his rights ; not, ho^vever, -without leaving Andros a sufficient pretenso \nfor asserting his authority, and producing annoyances. Berkeley had become \ndisn-usted, and sold his interest in the province [March 28, 1674] to Edward \nByllinge, an English Quaker. Pecuniai-y embarrassment caused Byllinge to \nassign his interest to William Penn, and two others,\' in 1675. These purchas- \ners, unwilling to maintain a political union wuth other parties, successfully \nneo-otiated with Carteret for a division of the province, which took place on the \n11th of July, 1676. Carteret received the eastern portion as his share, and \nthe Quakers the western part. From that time the divisions were known as \nEast and West Jersey. \n\nThe West Jersey proprietors gave the people a remarkably liberal consti- \ntution of government [March 13, 1677] ; and in 1677, more than four hundred \nQuakers came from England and settled below the Raritan. Andros required \nthem to acknowledge the authority of the Duke of York. They refused ; and \nthe matter was referred to the eminent Sir William Jones (the oriental scholar) \nfor adjudication, who decided against the claims of the duke. The latter sub- \nmitlcd to the decision, released both provinces from allegiance to him, and the \njERi:"EYt5 became independent of foreign control. The first popular assembly \nin West Jersey met at Salem, in November, 1681, and adopted a code of laws \nfor the government of the people.\' \n\nSoon after the death of Carteret, in December, 1679, the trustees of his \nestate offered East Jersey for sale. It Avas purchased by William Penn and \neleven of his brethren, on the 11th of February, 1682, who obtained a new \ncharter, and on the 27th of July, 1683, appointed Robert Barclay,^ a very \neminent Quaker preacher, from Aberdeen, governor for life. A large number \nof his sect came from Scotland and England ; and others from New England \naha Long Island settled in East Jersey to enjoy prosperity and repose. But \nrepose, as well as the administration of Barclay, was of short duration,; for \nwhen James succeeded Charles,* he appeared to consider his contracts made \nwhile duke, not binding upon bis honor as kbig. He sought to annul the \nAmerican charters, and succeeded, as we have seen, in subverting the govern- \nments of several,^ through the instrumentality of Andros. The Jerseys were \nsufferers in this respect, and were obliged to bow to the tyrant. When he was \ndriven from the country in 1689,\xc2\xae the provinces were left without regular gov- \nernments, and for more than twelve years anarchy prevailed there. The claims \nof the proprietors to jurisdiction, were repudiated by the people; and in 1702, \nthey gladly relinquished the government by surrendering it, on the 25th of \n\n^ These purchasers immediately sold one half of their interest to the Earl of Perth, from whom \nthe present town of Perth Amboy derives a part of its name. Amboy, or Amho, is an Indian \nname. \n\n" A remarkable law was enacted at that session. It provided that in all criminal cases, except \ntreason, murder, and theft, the aggrieved party should have power to pardon the ofifender. \n\n\' He was the author of " An Apology for Quakers," a work highly esteemed by his sect. It \nwas written in Latin, and translated into several contmental languages. _ Barclay and Penn wero \nintimate personal friends, and travelled much together. He died in Ury, in 1690, aged 42 vears. \n\n* Page 113, ^ Pages 129, 156, and 158. \xc2\xb0 Page\'lSO. \n\n\n\n1755.] PENNSYLVANIA. 161 \n\nApril, to the crown.\' The two provinces were united as a royal domain, and \nplaced under the government of Lord Cornburj, the licentious ruler of New \nYork,\'\' in July following. \n\nThe province of New Jersey remained a dependency of New York, with a \ndistinct legislative assembly of its own, until 1738, when, through the efforts \nof Lewis Morris,^ the connection was for ever severed. Morris was appointed \nthe first royal governor of New Jersey, and managed public affairs with ability \nand general satisfaction. From that period until the independence of the colo- \nnies was declared, in 1776, the history of the colony presents but few events of \ninterest to the general reader. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII. \n\nPENNSYLVANIA. [1682.] \n\nThe colonial career of Pennsylvania began when, in the autumn of 1682, \nWilliam Penn arrived,^ and by a surrender by the agents of the Duke of York, \nand a proclamation in the presence of the popular Assembly, the Territories \nwhich now constitute the State of Delaware were united with his province.^ \nAlready, Penn had proclaimed his intention of being governed by the law of \nkindness in his treatment of the Indians ; and when he came, he proceeded to \nlay the foundation of his new State upon Truth and Justice.^ Where the Ken- \nsington portion of the city of Philadelphia now stands, as we have elsewhere \nmentioned, he met the Delaware chiefs in council, under the leafless branches \nof a wide-spreading elm,^ on the 4th of November, 1682, and there made with \nthem a solemn covenant of peace and friendship, and paid them the stipulated \nprice for their lands. The Indians were delighted, and their hearts melted with \ngood feeling. Such treatment was an anomaly in the history of the intercourse \nof their race with the white people. Even then the fires of a disastrous war \nwere smouldering on the New England frontiers. ^ It was wonderful how the \nsavage heart, so lately the dwelling of deepest hatred toward the white man, be- \ncame the shrine of the holiest attribute of our nature. "We will live in love \n\n\n\n\' The proprietors retained their property in the soil, and their claims to quit-rents. Their \norganization has never ceased ; and unsold, barren tracts of land in West Jersey are still held by \nthat ancient tenure. ^ Page 149. \n\n^ Son of an officer in Cromwell\'s array, who purchased an estate near New York, ivnown as \nMorrisiana He died in 1746. Apart of that estate yet [1883] remauis in possession of the Morris \nfamUy. \xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 96. ^ Page 96. \n\n\xc2\xae By his direction, his agent, "William Markham, had opened a friendly correspondence with the \nIndians, and Penn himself had addressed a letter to them, assxiring them of his love and brotherly \nfeelings toward them. \n\n\' The Penn Society of Philadelphia erected a monument upon the spot where the venerable elm \nstood, near the intersection of Hanover and Beach-streets, Kensington district. The tree was blown \ndown in 1810, and was found to be 283 years old. The monument is upon the site of the tree, and \nbears suitable inscriptions. " King Philip\'s War, page 92. \n\n\n\n\n162 THE COLONIES. [1682. \n\nwith William Penn and his children/\' they said, "as long as the moon and the \nsun shall endure." Thej were true to their promise \xe2\x80\x94 not a drop of Quaker \nblood was ever shed bj an Indian. \n\nHaving secured the lands, Penn\'s next care was to found a capital city. \nThis he proceeded to do, immediately after the treaty with the Indians, upon \nlands purchased from the Swedes, lying between the Delaware and the Schuyl- \nkill Rivers. The boundaries of streets were marked upon the trunks of the \nchestnut, walnut, pine, and othe\'r forest trees which covered the land,\' and the \ncity was named Philadelphia, which signifies brotherly love. Within twelve \nmonths almost a hundred houses were erected,^ and the Indians came daily \nwith wild fowl and venison, as presents for their \' \' good \nFather Penn." Never was a State blessed with a more \npropitious beginning, and internal peace and prosperity \nmarked its course while the Quakers controlled its coun- \ncils. \n\nThe proprietor convened a second Assembly at Phil- \nadelphia, in INIarch, 1683, and then gave the people a \n" Charter of Liberties," signed and sealed by his own \nhand. It was so ample and just, that the government \nwas really a representative democracy. Free religious toleration was ordained, \nand laws for the promotion of public and private morality were framed.\' Un- \nlike other proprietors, Penn surrendered to the people his rights in the appoint- \nment of officers ; and until his death, his honest and highest ambition appeared \nto be to promote the happiness of the colonists. Because of this happy relation \nbetween the people and the proprietor, and the security against Indian hostili- \nties, Pennsylvania outstripped all of its sister colonies in rapidity of settlement \nand permanent prosperity. \n\nIn Auo-ust, 1684, Penn returned to England, leaving five members of the \nCouncil with Thomas Lloyd, as president, to administer the government during \nhis absence. Soon afterward, the English Revolution occurred [1688] and \nkino- James was driven into exile.* Penn\'s personal regard for James contin- \nued after his fall ; and for that loyalty, which had a deeper spring than mere \npolitical considerations, he was accused of dissaffection to the new government, \nand suffered imprisonments. In the mean while, discontents had sprung up in \n\n\n\n\' This fact was the origin of the names of Chestnut, "Wahmt, Pine, Spruce, and other streets in \nPhiladelphia. For many years after the city was laid out, these living street-marks remained, and \nafforded shade to the inhabitants. \n\n= Markham, Penn\'s agent, erected a house for the proprietor\'s use, in 1682. It is yet [1883] \nstanding in Letitia court, the entrance to which is from Market-street, between Front and Second- \nstreets. Another, and finer house, was occupied by Penu in 1700. It yet remains on the corner \nof Norris\'s alley and Second-street. It was the residence of General Arnold in 1778. Note 3, \npage 287. \n\n^ It was ordained " that to prevent lawsuits, three arbitrators, to be called Peace Makers, should \nbe appointed by the county courts, to hear and determine small differences between man and man ; \nthat children should be taught some useful trade ; that factors wronging their employers should \nmake satisfaction, and one third over ; that all causes for irreligion and vulgarity should be repress- \ned ; and that no man should be molested for his religious opinions. \n\n* Note 7, page 113. \n\n\n\n1T55.] THE CAROLIKAS. 163 \n\nPennsylvania, and the \'\'three lower counties on the Delaware,*\' offended at \nrthe action of some of the Council, withdrew from the Union\'^ in April, 1691. \nPenn yielded to their washes so far as to appoint a separate deputy governor \nfor them. \n\nAn important political change now occurred in the colony. Penn\'s jjrovin- \n\xe2\x80\xa2 cial government was taken from him in 1692 [Oct. 31], and Pennsylvania was \n, placed under the authority of Governor Fletcher, of New York, who reunited \nithe Delaware counties [May, 1693], to the parent province. All suspicions of \nPenn"s disloyalty having been removed in 1694, his chartered rights were \nrestored to him [Aug. 30], and he appointed his original agent, William Mark- \nham, deputy governor. He returned to America in December, 1699, and was \npained to find his people discontented, and clamorous for greater political priv- \nileges. Considering their demands reasonable, he gave them a new charter, or \nframe of government [Nov. 6, 1701], more liberal in its concessions than the \nformer. It was cheerfully accepted by the Pennsylvania people, but those of \nthe Delaware territories, whose delegates had already withdrawn from the \nAssembly [Oct. 20], evidently aiming at independence, declined it. Penn \nacquiesced in their decision, and allowed them a distinct Assembly. This satis- \n:fied them, and their first independent legislature was convened at Newcastle in \n1703. Although Pennsylvania and Delaware ever afterward continued to have \nseparate legislatures, they were under the same governor until the Revolution \nin 1776. \n\nA few weeks after adjusting difficulties, and granting the new charter, Penn \nreturned to England [Dec, 1701], and never visited America again. His \ndeparture was hastened by the ripening of a ministerial project for abolishing \n,^\\l the proprietary governments in America. His health soon afterward de- \n<;lined, and at his death he left his American possessions to his three sons \n(Thomas, John, and Richard), then minors, who continued to administer the \ngovernment, chiefly through deputies, until the War for Independence in 1776. \nThen it became a free and independent State, and the commonwealth purchased \nall the claims of Penn\'s heirs in the province, for about five hundred and eighty \nthousand dollars.\' \n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX. \n\nTHE CAROLINAS. [1665 \xe2\x80\x94 1680.] \n\nNotwithstanding the many failures w^hich had dampened the ardor of \nEnglish speculators, who had engaged in planting settlements in America, hope \nstill remained buoyant. Success finally crowned the efforts in New England \n\n\n\n* Page 96. 2 p^g^ 95 \n\n\' On account of the expenses incurred in Pennsylvania, Penn was compelled to borrow $30,000, \n\nand mortgage his province as security. This was the commencement of the State debt of Penuayl- \n\nvania. \n\n\n\n164 THE COLONIES. \n\nand further south, and the proprietors of the Carolinas, when settlements- \nwithin that domain became permanent/ and tides of emigration from various, \nsources flowed thitherward, began to have gorgeous visions of an empire in \nAmerica, that should outshine those of the Old World. It then became their \nfirst care to frame a constitution of government, with functions adequate to the \ngrand design, and to this task, the earl of Shaftesbury, one of the ablest states- \nmen of his time, and John Locke, the eminent philosopher, were called. They \ncompleted their labors in March, 1669, and the instrument was called the \nFundamental Constitutions?^ It was in the highest degree monarchical in its \ncharacter and tendency, and contemplated the transplantation, in America, of \nall the ranks and aristocratic distinctions of European society.\' The spirit of \nthe Avhole thing was adverse to the feelings of the people, and its practical \ndevelopment was an impossibility ; so, after a contest between proprietors and \ncolonists, for twenty years, the magnificent scheme was abandoned, and the \npeople were allowed to govern themselves, in their own more simple way." The \ndisorders which prevailed when the first attempts Avere made to impose this \nscheme of government upon the people, soon ripened into rebellion, especially in \nthe Albemarle^ or northern colony.* Excessive taxation and commercial restric- \ntions bore heavily upon the industry of the people, and engendered wide-spread \ndiscontent. This was fostered by refugees from Virginia, after Bacon\'s rebel- \nlion, in 1676,* who sought shelter among the people below the Roanoke. They \nscattered, broad-cast, over a generous soil, vigorous ideas of popular freedom, \nand a year after Bacon\'s death,\'\' the people of the Albemarle County Colony\'^ \nrevolted. The immediate cause of this movement was the attempt of the acting \ngovernor to enforce the revenue laws against a New England vessel. Led on \nby John Culpepper, a refugee from the Carteret County Colony of South \nCarolina,^ the people seized the chief magistrate [Dec. 10, 1677] and the pub- \nlic funds, imprisoned him and six of his council, called a new Assembly, ap- \npointed a new magistrate and judges, and for two years conducted the affairs of \ngovernment independent of foreign control. Culpepper went to England to \nplead the cause of the people, and was arrested and tried on a charge of treason. \n\n\' Pages 97 and 98. \n\n* It consists of one Inindred and twenty articles, and is supposed to have been the production, \nchiefly, of the mind of Shaftesbury. \n\n^ There were to be two orders of nobility : the higher to consist of landgraves, or earls, the \nlower of caciques, or barons. The territory was to be divided into counties, each containing 480,000 \nacres, with one landgrave, and two caciques. There were also to be lords of manors, who, like the \nnobles, might hold courts and exercise judicial functions. Persons holding fifty acres were to be \nfreeholders ; the tenants held no pohtical franchise, and coiJd never attain to a higher rank. The \nfour estates of proprietors, earls, barons, and commons, were to sit in one legislative chamber. The \nproprietors were always to be eight in number, to possess the whole judicial power, and have the \n\' supreme control of all tribunals. The commons were to have four members in the legislature to \nevery three of the nobility. Thus an aristocratic majority was always secured, and the real repre- \nsentatives of the people had no power. Every religion was professedly tolerated, but the Church \nof England, only, was declared to bo orthodox. Such is an outline of the absurd scheme proposed \nfor governing the free colonies of the Carolinas. \n\n* A governor, with a council of twelve \xe2\x80\x94 six chosen by the proprietors, and six by the Assembly \n^and a House of Delegates chosen by the freeholders. \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 97. \xc2\xab Page 110. \' Page 112. \n\n* Page 97. * Page 98. \n\n\n\n1680.] THE CAROLINAS. 165 \n\nShaftesbury procured his acquittal, and he returned to the Carolinas.\' Quiet \nwas restored to the colony, and until the arrival of the unprincipled Seth \nSothel (one of the proprietors), as governor, the people enjoyed repose. Thus \nearly the inhabitants of that feeble colony practically asserted the grand politi- \ncal maxim, that taxation loithoiit representation is tyranny," for the defense \nof which our Revolutionary fathers fought, a century afterward. \n\nGovernor Sothel arrived in North Carolina in 1683. Martin says that \n*\' the dark shades of his character were not relieved by a single ray of virtue ;" \nand Chalmers asserts that " the annals of delegated authority included no name \nso infamous as Sothel." He plundered the people, cheated the proprietors, and \non all occasions prostituted his office to purposes of private gain. After endur- \ning his oppression almost six years, the people seized him [1689], and were \nabout sending him to England to answer their accusations before the proprietors, \nwhen he asked to be tried by the colonial Assembly. The favor was granted, \nand he was sentenced to banishment for one year, and a perpetual disquali- \nfication for the office of governor. He withdrew to the southern colony, where \nwe shall meet him again.^ His successor, Philip Ludwell, an energetic, incor- \nruptible man, soon redressed the wrongs of the people, and restored order and \ngood feelings. Governors Harvey and Walker also maintained quiet and good \nwill among the people. And the good Quaker, John Archdale, Avho came to \ngovern both Carolinas in 1695, placed the colony in a position for attaining \nfuture prosperity, hitherto unknown. \n\nWhile these events were transpiring in the northern colony, the people of \nthe Carteret^" or southern colony, were steadily advancing in wealth and num- \nbers. Their first popular legislature of which we have records, was convened \nin 1674,5 but it exhibited an unflivorable specimen of republican government. \nJarring interests and conflicting creeds produced violent debates and irreconcil- \nable discord. For a long time the colony was distracted by quarrels, and \nanarchy prevailed. At length the Stono Indians gathered in bands, and plun- \ndered the plantations of grain and cattle, and even menaced the settlers with \ndestruction. The appearance of this common enemy healed their dissensions, \nand the people went out as brothers to chastise the plunderers. They com- \npletely subdued the Indians, in 1680. Many of them were made prisoners, \nand sold for slaves in the West Indies, and the Stonos never afterward had a \ntribal existence. \n\nWearied by the continual annoyance of the Indians, many English fiimilies \n\n\n\n\' Culpepper afterward became surveyor-general of the province, and in 1680, he was employed \nin laving out the new city of Charleston." [See next page.] His previous expulsion from the southern \ncoloay, was on account of his connection with a rebellious movement in 1672. \n\n" Page 211. \' Page 167. \xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x96\xa0 Page 98. \n\n^ The settlers brought with them an unfinished copy of the " Fundamental Constitutions\'\'\' but \nthey at once perceived the impossibility of conformity to that scheme of government. They held a \n"parliamentary convention" in 1672, and twenty delegates were elected by the people to act with \nthe governor and the council, as a legislature. Thus early, representative government was estab- \nlished, but its operations seem not to have been very successful, and a legislature proper, of which \n-we have any record, was not organized until 1674, when an upper and a lower House was estab- \nwiished, and laws for the province were enacted. \n\n\n\n166 \n\n\n\nTHE COLONIES. \n\n\n\n[166 &.. \n\n\n\ncrossed the Ashley, and seated themselves upon the more eligible locality of \nOyster Point, where they founded the present city of Charleston,\' in 1680.. \n\nThere a flourishing village soon appeared ; \nand after the subjugation of the savages,* \nthe old settlement Avas abandoned, and now \nnot a vestige of it remains upon the culti- \nvated plantation at Old Town, where it. \nstood. The Dutch settlers\'* spread over- \nthe country along the Edisto and San- \ntee, and planted the seeds of future flour- \n\n\n\n\nCHARLESTON IN IGSO. \n\n\n\nton and vicinity. Nor did they \n\n\n\ndifferent parts of Europe and from New \nEngland swelled the population of Charles- \nneglect political affairs. While they were- \nvigilant in all that pertained to their material interests, they were also aspir- \nants, even at that early day, for political independence. \n\nAnother popular legislature was convened at Charleston in 1682. It ex- \nhibited more harmony than the first, ^ and several useful laws were framed. \nEmigration Avas now pouring in a tide of population more rapid than any of the \ncolonies below New England had yet experienced. Ireland, Scotland,^ Holland, \nand France, contributed largely to the flowing stream. In 1686-7, quite a, \nlarge number of Huguenots, who had escaped from the fiery persecutions which \nwere revived in France by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes,^ landed at \nCharleston. English hatred of the French\' caused the settlers to look Avith \njealousy upon these refugees, and for more than ten years [1686 to 1697] the \nlatter Avere denied the rights of citizenship. \n\nShaftesbury\'s scheme of government AA\'as as distasteful to the people of \nSouth Carolina, as to those of the northern colony,^ and they refused to accept \nit. They became very restive, and seemed disposed to cast off all allegiance tO\' \nthe proprietors and the mother country. At this crisis, James Colleton, a \nbrother of one of the proprietors, was appointed governor [1686]. and was \nvested Avith full powers to bring the colonists into submission. His administra- \ntion of about four years was a very turbulent one. He was in continual colli- \n\n* Note 1, page 165, The above engraving illustrates the manner of fortifying towns, as a de- \nfense against foes. It exhibits the walls of Charleston in 1680, and the location of churches in \n1704. The points marked a a a, etc., are bastions for cannons. P, English church; Q, French^ \nchurch ; R, Independent church ; S, Anabaptist church ; and T, Quaker meeting-house. \n\n^ Page 165. \n\n^ They had founded the village of Jamestown several miles up the Ashley River. \n\n* Page 164. \n\n* In 1684, Lord Cardrosa, and ten Scotch families, who had suffered persecution, came to South \nCarolina, and settled at Port Royal. The Spaniards at St. Augustine claimed jurisdiction over Port \nRoyal ; and during the absence of Cardon [1686], they attacked and dispersed the settlers, and des- \nolated their plantations. \n\n" In the city of Nantes, Henry the Fourth of Prance issued an edict, in 1598, in favor of the \nHuguenots, or Protestants, allowing them free toleration. The profligate Louis the Fourteenth, \nstung with remorse in his old age, sought to gain the favor of Heaven by bringing his whole people \ninto the bosom of the Roman Gatliolic Church. He revoked the famous edict in 1686, and instantly \nthe fires of persecution were kindled throughout the empire. Many thousands of the Protestants- \nleft France, and Ibund refuge in other countries. \' Page 180. * Page 97- \n\n\n\n1755.] THE CAROL IN AS. 167 \n\nsion with the people, and at length drove them to open rebellion. They seized \nthe public records, imprisoned the secretary of the province, and called a new \nAssembly. Pleading the danger of an Indian or Spanish invasion,\' the gov- \nernor called out the militia, and proclaimed the province to be under martial \nlaw.\' This measure only increased the exasperation of the people, and he waa \nimpeached, and banished from the province by the Assembly, in 1690. \n\nWhile this turbulence and misrule was at its height, Sothel arrived from \nNorth Carolina, pursuant to his sentence of banishment, ^ and the people un- \nwisely consented to his assumption of the office of governor.* They soon \nrepented their want of judgment. For two years he plundered and oppressed \nthem, and tj^en [1692] the Assembly impeached and banished him also. Then \ncame Philip Ludwell to re-establish the authority of the proprietors, but the \npeople, thoroughly aroused, resolved not to tolerate even so good a man as he, \nif his mission was to enforce obedience to the absurd Fundamental Constitu- \ntions.^ After a brief and turbulent administration, he gladly withdrew to Vir- \nginia, and soon afterward [1693], the proprietors abandoned Shaftesbury\'s \nscheme, and the good Quaker, John Archdale, was sent, in 1695, to administer \na more simple and republican form of government, for both the Carolinas. His \nadministration was short, but highly beneficial ;^ and the people of South Car- \nolina always looked back to the eiforts of that good man, with gratitude. He \nhealed dissensions, established equitable laws, and so nearly effected an entire \nreconciliation of the English to the French settlers, that in the year succeeding \nhis departure from the province, the Assembly admitted the latter [1697] to all \nthe privileges of citizens and freemen. From the close of Archdale\'s adminis- \ntration, the progress of the two Carolina colonies should be considered as separ- \nate and distinct, although they were not politically separated until 1729.\'^ \n\nNORTH CAROLINA. \n\nWe may properly date the permanent prosperity of North Carolina from the \nadminstration of Archdale," when the colonists began to turn their attention to \nthe interior of the country, where richer soil invited the agriculturist, and the \nfur of the beaver and otter allured the adventurous hunter. The Indians along \nthe sea-coast were melting away like frost in the sunbeams. The powerful \nHatteras tribe," which numbered three thousand in Raleigh\'s time, were reduced \nto fifteen bowmen ; another tribe had entirely disappeared ; and the remnants \nof some others had sold their lands or lost them by fraud, and were driven back \nto the deep wilderness. Indulgence in strong drinks, and other vices of civiliz- \n\n\' The Spaniards at St. Augustine had menaced the English settlements in South Carolina, and, \nas we have seen [note 5, page 1 6G], had actually broken up a little Scotch colony at Port Royal. \n\' Note 8, page 170. \' Page 165. \n\n* On his arrival, Sothel took sides with the people against Colleton, and thus, in the moment of \ntheir anger, he unfortunately gained their good will and confidence. \' Page 1 64. \n\n* The culture of rice was introduced into South Carolina during Archdale\'s administration. \nSome seed was given to the governor by the captain of a vessel from Madagascar. It was distrib \nuted among several planters, and thus its cultivation began. \n\n\' Page 171. 8 p.,gg igg_ 9 jq-Qte 5, page 20. \n\n\n\n168 THE COLONIES. [1665. \n\nation, had decimated them, and their beautiful land, all the way to the Yadkin \nand Catawba, Avas speedily opened to the sway of the white man. \n\nAt the commencement of the eighteenth century, religion began to exert an \ninfluence in North Carolina. The first Anglican\' church edifice was then built \nin Chowan county, in 1705. The Quakers\' multiplied; and in 1707, a com- \npany of Huguenots,^ who had settled in Virginia, came and sat down upon the \nbeautiful banks of the Trent, a tributary of the Neuse River. Two years later \n[1709 j, a hundred German families, driven from their homes on the Rhine, by \npersecution, penetrated the interior of North Carolina, and under Count Graf- \nfenried, founded settlements along the head waters of the Neuse, and upon the \nRoanoke. While settlements Avere thus spreading and strengthening, and gen- \neral prosperity blessed the province, a fearful calamity fell upon the inhabitants \nof the interior. The broken Indian tribes made a last effort, in 1711, to regain \nthe beautiful country they had lost. The leaders in the conspiracy to crush \nthe "vshite people, were the Tuscaroras^ of the inland region, and the Corees\' \nfurther south and near the sea-board. They fell like lightning from the clouds \nupon the scattered German settlements along the Roanoke and Pamlico Sound. \nIn one night [Oct. 2, 1711], one hundred and thirty persons perished by the \nhatchet. Along Albemarle Sound, the savages swept with the knife of mur- \nder in one hand, and the torch of desolation in the other, and for three days \nthey scourged the white people, until disabled by fatigue and drunkenness. \nThose who escaped the massacre called upon their brethren of the southern \ncolony for aid, and Colonel Barnwell, with a party of Carolinians and friendly \nIndians of the southern nations,*\' marched to their relief. He drove the Tus- \ncaroras to their fortified town in the present Craven county, and there made a \ntreaty of peace with them. His troops violated the treaty on their way back, \nby outrages upon the Indians, and soon hostilities were renewed. Late in the \nyear [Dec, 1712], Colonel Moore\'\' arrived from South Carolina with a few white \nmen and a large body of Indians, and drove the Tuscaroras to their fort in the \npresent Greene county, wherein [March, 1713] he made eight hundred of them \nprisoners. The remainder of the Tuscaroras fled northward in June, and join- \ning their kindred on the southern borders of Lake Ontario, they formed the \nsixth nation of the celebrated Iroquois confederacy in the province of New \nYork.8 A treaty of peace was made with the Corees in 1715, and North Car- \nolina never afterward suffered from Indian hostilities.^ \n\nSOUTH CAROLINA. \n\nAlthough really united, the two colonies acted independently of each other \nfrom the close of the seventeenth century. Soon after the commencement of \n\n\' The established Church of England was so called, to distinguish it from the Romish Church. \n\' Page 122. ^ Page 49. ^ Page 25. \' Page 20. \n\n* Tliey consisted of Creeks, Catawbas, Cherokees, and Tamassees. See pages 26 to 30, inclusive. \n\xe2\x96\xa0" A son of James Moore, who was governor of South Carolina in 1700. * Page 23. \n\n^ The province issued bills of credit (for the first time) to the amount of about forty thousand \ndoUars, to defray the expenses of the war. \n\n\n\n1755.] THE CAROLINAS. 169 \n\nQueen Anne\'s War\' [May, 1702], Governor Moore of South Carolina, proposed \nan expedition against the Spaniards at St. Augustine.^ The Assembly assented, \nand appropriated almost ten thousand dollars for the service. Twelve hundred \nmen (one half Indians) were raised, and proceeded, in two divisions, to the \nattack. The main division, under the governor, went by sea, to blockade the \nharbor, and the remainder proceeded along the coast, under the command of \nColonel Daniels. The latter arrived first, and attacked and plundered the \ntown. The Spaniards retired within their fortress with provisions for four \nmonths ; and as the Carolinians had no artillery, their position Avas impreg- \nnable. Daniels was then sent to Jamaica, in the West Indies, to procure bat- \ntery cannon, but before his return, two Spanish vessels had appeared, and so \nfrightened Governor Moore that he raised the blockade, and fled. Daniels \nbarely escaped capture, on his return, but he reached Charleston in safety. \nThis ill-advised expedition burdened the colony with a debt of more than \ntwenty-six thousand dollars, for the payment of which, bills of credit were \nissued. This was the first emission of paper money in the Carolinas. \n\nA more successful expedition was undertaken by Governor Moore, in De- \ncember, 1703, against the Apalachian^ Indians, who Avere in league with the \nSpaniards. Their chief villages were betAveen the Alatamaha and SaA^annah \nRivers. These were desolated. Almost eight hundred Indians were taken \nprisoners, and the Avhole territory of the Apalachians Avas made tributary to the \nEnglish. The province had scarcely become tranquil after this chastisement of \nthe Indians, Avhen a new cause for disquietude appeared. Some of the proprie- \ntors had long cherished a scheme for establishing the Anglican Church,^ as the \nState religion, in the Carolinas. When Nathaniel Johnson succeeded Governor \nMoore, he found a majority of churchmen in the Assembly, and by their aid, \nthe Avishes of the proprietors A\\-ere gratified. The Anglican Church was made \nthe established religion, and Dissenters^ were excluded from all public ofiices. \nThis Avas an usurpation of chartered rights ; and the aggrieved party laid the \nmatter before the imperial ministry. Their cause was sustained ; and by order \nof Parliament, the colonial Assembly, in November, 1706, repealed the law of \ndisfranchisement, but the Church maintained its dominant position until the \nRevolution. \n\nThe ire of the Spaniards was greatly excited by the attack upon St. Augus- \ntine,"^ and an expedition, composed of five French and Spanish vessels,\'\' with a \nlarge body of troops, Avas sent from Havana to assail Charleston, take posses- \nsion of the proAdnce, and annex it to the Spanish domain of Florida. ^ The \nsquadron crossed Charleston bar in May, 1706, and about eight hundred troops \nwere landed at different points. The people seized their arms, and, led by the \ngovernor and Colonel Rhett, they drove the invaders back to their vessels, after \n\n\' Page 135. ^ Page 51. \n\n\xc2\xb0 A tribe of the Mobilian family [page 29] situated south of the Savannah Piiver. \n* Note 1, page 168. ^ Note 2, page 76. ^ Page 51. \n\n\' It will be remembered [see page 135] that in 1702, England declared war against France, and \n*hat Spain was a party to the quarrel. * Page 42. \n\n\n\n170 THE COLONIES. [1665. \n\nkilling or capturing almost three Inindred men. They also captured a French, \nvessel, with its crew. It was a complete victory. So the storm which appeared \nso suddenly and threatening, was dissipated in a day, and the sunshine of peace \nand i^rosperity again gladdened the colony. \n\nA few years later, a more formidable tempest brooded over the colony,, \nwhen a general Indian confedei-acy was secretly formed, to exterminate the \nwhite people by a single blow. AVithin forty days, in the spring of 1715, the \n^ndian tribes from the Cape Fear to the St. Mary\'s, and back to the moun- \ntains, had coalesced in the conspiracy ; and before the people of Charleston had \nany intimation of danger, one hundred white victims had been sacrified in the \nremote settlements. The Creeks,^ Yamassees,- and Apalachians\'^ on the south, \nconfederated with the Cherokees,\'* Catawbas", and Congarees\'\' on the west, in all. \nsix thousand strong ; while more than a thousand warriors issued from the \nNeuse region, to avenge their misfortunes in the wars of 1712-13,\' It was a \ncloud of fearful portent that hung in the sky; and the people Avere filled with \nterror, for they knew not it what moment the consuming lightning might leap- \nforth. At this fearful o-isis, Governor Craven acted with the utmost wisdom \nand energy. He took measures to prevent men from leaving the colony ; to \nsecure all the arms and ammunition that could be found, and to arm faithful \nnegroes to assist the white people. He declared the province to be under martial \nlaw,* and then, at ths head of twelve hundred men, black and white, he marched \nto meet the foe, who w^ere advancing with the knife, hatchet, and torch, in \nfearful activity. The Indians were at first victorious, but after several bloody \nencounters, ^,he Yamassees and their southern neighbors were driven across the- \nS&vannah [May, 1715], and halted not until they found refuge under Spanish \nguns at St. Augustine. The Cherokees and their northern neighbors had not \nyet engaged in the war, and they returned to their hunting grounds, deeply \nimpressed with the strength and greatness of the white people. \n\nAnd now the proprietary government of South Carolina was drawing to Ov \nclose. The governors being independent of the people, were often haughty and \nexacting, and the inhabitants had borne the yoke of their rule for many years,, \nwith great impatie->ce. While their labor was building u]) a jDrosperous State,, \nthe proprietors re^\'ased to assist them in times of danger, or to reimburse \ntheir expenses irv \'.he protection of the province from invasion. The whole \nburden of debt ncurred in the war w^ith the Yamassees was left iipon the \nshoulders of thf people. The proprietors not only refused to pay any portion^ \nof it, but enftvri\'ed their claims for quit-rents with great severity. The people \nsaw no hope hi the future, but in royal rule and protection. So they met \nin convention; resolved to forswear all allegiance to the proprietors; and on \nGovernov Johnson\'s refusal to act as chief magistrate, under the king, they \n\n\n\n1 Pase 30. - Piio-e 30. s Note 3, page 168. * Page 27. ^ pagc 26. \n\n6 This was a small tribe that inhabited the country in the vicinity of the present city of Colum- \nbia, in South Carolina. \n\n\' Page 168. \n\n8 Martial law may be proclaimed by rulers, in an emergency, and the civil law, for the time \nbeing, is made subservient to the military. Tlie object is to allow immediate and energetic action \nfor repelling invasions, or for other purposes. \n\n\n\nl"755.] GEORGIA. 171 \n\nappointed [December 21, 1719] Colonel Moore\' governor of the colony. The \nmatter was laid before the imperial government, when the colonists were sus- \ntained, and South Carolina became a rojal province." \n\nThe people of North Carolina\' also resolved on a change of government; \nanJ after a continued controversy for ten years, the proprietors, in 1729, sold \nto the king, for about eighty thousand dollars, all their claims to the soil and \nincomes in both provinces. North and South Carolina Avere then separated. \nGeorge Burrington Avas appointed the first royal governor over the former, and \nRobert Johnson over the latter. From that period until the commencement of \nthe French and Indian war," the general history of the Carolinas presents but \nfew features of interest, except the efforts made for defending the colony against \nthe Spaniards and the Indians. The peoiole gained very little by a change of \nowners ; and during forty-five years, until the revolution made the people \nindependent, there was a succession of disputes with the royal governors. \n\n\n\nC II A P T E R X . \n\nGEORGIA. [1732.] \n\nThe colony founded by Oglethorpe on the Savannah River rapidly \nincreased in numbers, and within eight years, twenty-five hundred immigrants \nwere sent over, at an expense to the trustees\' of four hundred thousand dollars. \nYet prosperity did not bless the enterprise. Many of the settlers were unac- \ncustomed to habits of industry, and were mere drones ; and as the use of slave \nlabor was prohibited, tillage was neglected. Even the industrious Scotch, Ger- \nman, and Swiss families who came over previous to 1740, could not give that \nvitality to industrial pursuits, which was necessary to a development of the \nresources of the country. Anxious for the permanent growth of the colony, \nOglethorpe went to England in 1734, and returned in 1736, with about three \nhundred immigrants. Among them were one lAndred and fifty Highlanders, \nwell skilled in military affairs. These constituted the first army of the colony \nduring its early struggles. John Wesley, founder of the Methodist denom- \nination, also came with Oglethorpe, to make Georgia a religious colony, and to \nspread the gospel among the Indians. He was unsuccessful ; for his strict \nmoral doctrines, his fearless denunciations of vice, and his rigid exercise of \necclesiastical authority made him quite unpopular among the great mass of the \ncolonists, Avho winced at restraint. The eminent George Whitefield also visited \nGeorgia in 1738, when only twenty-three years of age, and succeeded in estab- \nlishing an orphan asylum near Savannah, which flourished many years, and \n\n\' Note 7, page 168. \n\n" The first governor, by royal appointment, was Francis Nicholson, who had been \ngovernor of New York [page 144], Maryland, Virginia, and Nova Scotia. \n\n^ Page 167. . * Page 179. \' Page 100, \n\n\n\nj^Y\'2 THE COLONIES. [1132. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0was a real blessing. \' The Christian efforts of those men, prosecuted with the \nmost sincere desire for the good of their fellow-mortals, were not appreciated. \nTheir seed fell upon stonj ground, and after the death of Whitefield, in 1770, \nhis " House of Mercy" in Georgia, deprived of his sustaining influence, became \na desolation. \n\nA cloud of trouble appeared in the Southern horizon. The rapid increase \nof the new colony excited the jealousy of the Spaniards at St. Augustine, and \nthe vigilant Oglethorpe, expecting such a result, prepared to oppose any hos- \ntile movements against his settlement. He established a fort on the site of \nAugusta, as a defence against the Indians, and he erected fortifications at \nDarien, on Cumberland Island, at Frederica (St. Simon\'s Island), and on the \nnorth bank of the St. John, the southern boundary of the English claims. \nSpanish commissioners came from St. Augustine to protest against these prepar- \nations, and to demand the immediate evacuation of the whole of Georgia, and \nof all South Carolina below Port Royal.\' Oglethorpe, of course, refused com- \npliance, and the Spaniards threatened him with war. In the winter of 1736-7, \nOglethorpe went to England to make preparations to meet the exigency. He \nreturned in October following, bearing the commission of a brigadier, and lead- \ning a regiment of six hundred well-disciplined troops, for the defense of the \n\xe2\x80\xa2whole southern frontier of the English possessions." But for two years their \nservices were not much needed ; then war broke out between England and \nSpain [November, 1739], and Oglethorpe prepared an expedition against St. \nAugustine. In May, 1740, he entered Florida with four hundred of his best \ntroopa, some volunteers from South Carolina, and a large body of friendly \nCreek Indians f in all more than two thousand men. His first conquest was \nFort Diego, tAventy miles from St. Augustine. Then Fort Moosa, within two \nmiles of the city, surrendered ; but when he appeared before the town and for- \ntress, and demanded instant submission, he was answered by a defiant refusal. \nA small fleet under Captain Price blockaded the harbor, and for a time cut off \nsupphes from the Spaniards, but swift- winged galleys^\' passed through the block- \nading fleet, and supplied the garrison with several weeks\' provisions. Ogle- \nthorpe had no artillery with which to attack the fortress, and being warned by \nthe increasing heats of summCT, and sickness in his camp, not to wait for their \nsupplies to become exhausted, he raised the siege and returned to Savannah. \n\nThe ire of the Spaniards was aroused, and they, in turn, prepared to invade \nGeorgia in the summer of 1742. An armament, fitted out at Havana and St. \nAugustine, and consisting of thirty-six vessels, with more than three thousand \ntroops, entered the harbor of St. Simon\'s, and landed a little above the town \nof the same name, on the 16th of July, 1742, and erected a battery of twenty \nguns. Oglethorpe had been apprised of the intentions of the Spaniards, and \n\n\n\n\' Note 5, page 166. \n\n^ His commission gave him the command of the militia of South CaroUna also, and he stood as \na guard between the English and Spanish possessions of the southern country. \' Page 30. \n\n^ A low built vessel propelled by both sails and oars. The war vessels of the ancients were all \ngalleys. See Norman vessel, page 35. \n\n\n\n1732.] GEORGIA. 17^5 \n\nafter unsuccessfully applying to the governor of South Carolina for troops and \nsupplies, he marched to St. Simon\'s, and made his head- quarters at his princi- \nfortress at Frederica." He was at Fort Simon, near the landing place of the \ninvaders, with less than eight hundred men, exclusive of Indians, when the \nenemy appeared. He immediately spiked the guns of the fort, destroyed his \nstores, and retreated to Frederica. There he anxiously awaited hoped-for rein- \nforcements and supplies from Carolina, and then he successfully repulsed several \ndetachments of the Spaniards, who attacked him. He finally resolved to make \na night assault upon the enemy\'s battery, at St. Simon\'s. A deserter (a \nFrench soldier) defeated his plan ; but the sagacity of Oglethorpe caused the \nmiscreant to be instrumental in driving the invaders from the coast. He bribed \na Spanish prisoner to carry a letter to the deserter, which contained information \nrespecting a British fleet that was about to attack St. Augustine." Of course \nthe letter was handed to the Spanish commander, and the Frenchman was \narrested as a spy. The intelligence in Oglethorpe\'s letter alarmed the enemy, \nand while the oflBcers were holding a council, some Carolina vessels, with sup- \nplies for the garrison at Frederica, appeared in the distance. Believing them \nto be part of the British fleet alluded to, the Spaniards determined to attack \nthe Georgians immediately, and then hasten to St. Augustine. On their march \nto assail Frederica, they were ambuscaded in a swamp. Great slaughter of the \ninvaders ensued, and the place is still called Bloody Marsh. The survivors \nretreated in confusion to their vessels, and sailed immediately to St. Augustine.\' \nOn their way, they attacked the English fort at the southern extremity of Cum- \nberland Island,* on the 19th of July, but were repulsed with the loss of two \ngalleys. The whole expedition was so disastrous to the Spaniards, that the \ncommander (Don Manuel de Monteano) was dismissed from the service. Ogle- \nthorpe\'s stratagem saved Georgia, and, perhaps, South Carolina, from utter \nruin. \n\nHaving fairly established his colony, Oglethorpe went to England in 1743, \nand never returned to Georgia, where, for ten years, he had nobly labored to \nsecure an attractive asylum for the oppressed.* He left the province in a tran- \nquil state. The mild military rule under which the people had lived, was \nchanged to civil government in 1743, administered by a president and council, \nunder the direction of the trustees," yet the colony continued to languish. \nSeveral causes combined to produce this condition. We have already alluded \nto the inefficiency of most of the earlier settlers, and the prohibition of slave \nlabor.\' They were also deprived of the privileges of commerce and of traffic \n\n\' The remains of Fort Frederica yet formed a very picturesque ruin on the plantation of \nW. W. Hazzard, Esq., of St. Simon\'s Island, in 1856. \n\n"^ Oglethorpe addressed the Frenchman as if he was a spy of the English. He directed the \ndeserter to represent the Georgians as in a weak condition, to advise the Spaniards to attack them \nimmediately, and to persuade the Spaniards to remain three days longer, within which time six \nBritish men-of-war, and two thousand men, from Carolina, would probably enter the harbor of St. \nAugustine. \n\n\' They first burned Fort Simon, but in their haste they left several of their cannons and a \nquantity of provisions behind them. \n\n* Fort William. There was another small fort on the northern end of the island, called Fort \nAndrew. * Page 100. ^ Page 100. \' Page 171. \n\n\n\n174 THE COLONIES. [1492. \n\nWith the Indians ; and were not allowed the ownership, in fee, of the lands \nwhich thej cultivated/ In consequence of these restrictions, there were no \nincentives to labor, except to supply daily wants. General discontent pre- \nvailed. They saw the Carolinians growing rich by the use of slaves, and by \ncommerce with the West Indies. Gradually the restrictive laws were evaded. \nSlaves Avere brought from Carolina, and hired, first for a short period, and then \nfor a hundred years, or for life. The price paid for life-service was the money \nvalue of the slave, and the transaction was, practically, a sale and purchase. \nThen slave-ships came to Savannah directly from Africa ; slave labor was gen- \nerally used in 1750, and Georgia became a planting State. In 1752, at the \nexpiration of the twenty-one years named in the patent,\'^ the trustees gladly \nresigned the charter into the hands of the king, and from that time until the \nHevolution, Georgia remained a royal province. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER XI. \n\nA RETROSPECT. [1492\xe2\x80\x941756.] \n\nIn the preceding pages we have considered the principal events which \noccurred within the domain of our Republic from the time of first discoveries, \nin 1492, to the commencement of the last inter-colonial war between the En- \nglish and French settlers, a period of about two hundred and sixty years. \nDuring that time, fifteen colonies were planted,^ thirteen of which were com- \nmenced within the space of about fifty-six years \xe2\x80\x94 from 1607 to 1673. By the \nunion of Plymouth and Massachusetts,* and Connecticut and New Haven,^ the \nnumber of colonies was reduced to thirteen, and these were they which went \ninto the revolutionary contest in 1775. The provinces of Canada and Nova \nScotia, conquered by the English, remained loyal, and to this day they continue \nto be portions of the British empire. \n\nIn the establishment of the several colonies, which eventually formed the \nthirteen United States of America, several European nations contributed vig- \norous materials ; and people of opposite habits, tastes, and religious faith, became \ncommingled, after making impressions of their distinctive characters where their \ninfluence was first felt. England furnished the largest proportion of colonists, \nand her children always maintained sway in the government and industry of the \nwhole country ; while Scotland, Ireland, Germany, Holland, France, Sweden, \nDenmark, and the Baltic region, contributed large quotas of people and other \ncolonial instrumentalities. Churchmen and Dissenters,^ Roman Catholics and \n\n\n\n\xc2\xbb Page 116. \xc2\xbb Page 100. \n\n\' Virginia, Plymouth, Massachusetts Bay, New Hampshire, Connecticut, New Haven, Rhods \nIsland, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, Pennsylvania, North and South Carolina, and \nGeorgia. * Page 132. * Page 89. * Note 2, page 76. \n\n\n\n1756.] A RETROSPECT. 175 \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0Quakers,\' came and sat down by the side of each other. For a while, the dis- \nsonance of nations and creeds prevented entire harmony ; but the freedom en- \njoyed, the perils and hardships encountered and endured, the conflicts with \npagan savages on one hand, and of hierarchica? and governmental oppression \non the other, Avhich they maintained for generations, shoulder to shoulder, dif- \nfused a brotherhood of feeling throughout the Avhole social body of the colonists, \nand resulted in harmony, sympathy, and love. And when, as children of one \niamily, they loyally defended the integrity of Great Britain (then become the \n\'\xe2\x80\xa2mother country" of nearly all) against the aggressions of the French and In- \ndians" [1756 to 1763], and yet were compelled, by the unkindness of that \nmother, to sever the filial bond^ [1776], their hearts beat as with one pulsation, \nand they struck the dismembering blow as with one hand. \n\nThere was a great diversity of character exhibited by the people of the sev- \neral colonies, differing according to their origin and the influence of climate and \npursuits. The Virginians and their southern neighbors, enjoying a mild cli- \nmate, productive of tendencies to voluptuousness and ease, were from those \n-classes of English society where a lack of rigid moral discipline allowed free \nliving and its attendant vices. They generally exhibited less moral restraint, \nmore hospitality, and greater frankness, and social refinement, than the people \nof New England. The latter were from among the middle classes, and in- \ncluded a great many religious enthusiasts, possessing more zeal than knowl- \nedge. They were extremely strict in their notions ; very rigid in manners, \nand jealous of strangers. Their early legislation, recognizing, as it did, the \nmost minute regulations of social life, often presented food for merriment.^ \nYet their intentions were pure ; their designs were noble ; and, in a great de- \ngree, their virtuous purposes were accomplished. They aimed to make every \nmember of society a Christian, according to their own pattern ; and if they \ndid not fully accomplish their object, they erected strong bulwarks against those \n\n\n\n\' Note 6, page 122, and note 3, page 123. \n\n" Hierarchy is, in a general sense, a priestly or ecclesiastical government. Such was the original \nform of government of the ancient Jews, when the priesthood held absolute rule. \n\n\' Period IV., chapter xii., page 179. \xe2\x96\xa0* Page 251. \n\n* They assumed the right to regulate the expenditures of the people, even for wearing-apparel, \naccording to their several incomes. The general court of Massachusetts, on one occasion, required \nthe proper officers to notice tlie " apparel" of the people, especially their " ribands and great boots." \nDrinking of healths, wearing funeral badges, and many other things that seemed improper, were \nforbidden. At Hartford, the general court kept a constant eye upon the morals of the people. Free- \nmen were compelled to vote under penalty of a fine of sixpence ; the use of tobacco was prohibited \nto persons under twenty years of age, without the certificate of a physician ; and no others were \nallowed to use it more than once a day, and then they must be ten miles from any house. The \npeople of Hartford were all obliged to rise in the morning when the watchman rang his bell. These \nare but a few of the hundreds of similar enactments found on the records of the New England \ncourts. In 1646, the Legislature of Massachusetts passed a law, which imposed the penalty of a \nflogging upon any one who should kiss a woman in the streets. More than a hundred years after- \nward, this law was enforced in Boston. The captain of a British man-of-war happened to return \nfrom a cruise, on Sunday. His oveijoyed wife met him on the wharf, and he kissed her several \ntimes. The magistrates ordered him to be flogged. The punishment incurred no ignominy, and he \nassociated freely with the best citizens. When about to depart, tlie captain invited the magistrates \nand others on board his vessel to dine. When dinner was over, he caused all the magistrates to \nbe flogged, on deck, in sight of the town. Then assuring them that he considered accounts settled \nbetween him and them, he dismissed them, and set sail. \n\n\n\n176 \n\n\n\nTHE COLOXIES. \n\n\n\n[1492. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nlittle vices which compose great private and public \nevils. Dwelling upon a parsimonious soil, and pos- \nsessing neither the means nor the inclination for \nsumptuous living, indulged in by their southern breth- \nren, their dwellings were simple, and their habits \nfrugal. \n\nIn New York, and portions of Pennsylvania and \nNew Jersey, the manners, customs, and pursuits ot \n\nthe Dutch prevailed even a century after the English \nconquest of New Netherland\' [1664], and society had become \npermeated by English ideas and customs. They were plodding \nmoney-getters ; abhorred change and innovation, and loved ease. \nThey possessed few of the elements of progress, but many of th& \nsubstantial social virtues necessary to the stability of a State, and \nthe health of society. From these the Swedes and Finns upon the \nDelaware\' did not differ much ; but the habits of the Quakers, \nwho finally predominated in West Jersey^ and Pennsylvania,* \nwere quite different. They always exhibited a refined simplicity \nand equanimity, without ostentatious displays of piety, that won \nesteem ; and they were governed by a religious sentiment without \nfanaticism, which formed a powerful safeguard against vice and \nimmorality. \n\nIn Maryland,^ the earlier settlers were also less rigid moralists than the \nNew Englanders, and greater formalists in religion. They were more refined, \nequally industrious, but lacked the stability of character and perseverance \nin pursuits, of the people of the East. But at the close of the period we have \nbeen considering [1756], the peculiarities of the inhabitants of each section \nwere greatly modified by inter-migration, and a general conformity to the ne- \ncessities of their several conditions, as founders of new States in a wilderness. \nThe tooth of religious bigotry and intolerance had lost its keenness and its \npoison, and when the representatives of the several colonies met in a general \nCongress\' [Sept., 1774], for the public good, they stood as brethren before one \naltar, while the eloquent Duche laid the fervent petitions of their hearts before \nthe throne of Omnipotence.^ \n\nThe chief pursuit of the colonists was, necessarily, agriculture ; yet, during \nthe time we have considered, manufactures and commerce were not wholly neg- \nlected. Necessity compelled the people to make many things which their \npoverty would not allow them to buy ; and manual labor, especially in the New \nEngland provinces, was dignified from the beginning. The settlers came where \na throne and its corrupting influences were unknown, and where the idleness \nand privileges of aristocracy had no abiding-place. In the magnificent forests \n\n\n\n\' This is a picture of one of the oldest houses in New Ene:land, and is a favorable specimen of \nthe best class of frame dweUings at that time. It is yet [1883] standing, we beUeve, near Medfield, \niu Massachusetts. \' Page 144. = Page 93. " Page 160. \n\n" Page 161. \' Page 81. \' Page 228. * Page 228. \n\n\n\n1156.] A RETROSPECT, 177 \n\nof the New World, where a feudal lord\' had never stood, they began a life full \nof youth, vigor, and labor, such as the atmosphere of the elder governments of \nthe earth could not then sustain. They were compelled to be self-reliant, and \nwhat they could not buy from the workshops of England for their simple ap- \nparel and furniture, and implements of culture, they rudely manufactured," and \nwere content. \n\nThe commerce of the colonies had but a feeble infancy ; and never, until \nthey were politically separated from Great Britain [1776 J, could their inter- \nchange of commodities be properly dignified with the name of Commerce. En- \ngland early became jealous of the independent career of the colonists in respect \nto manufactured articles, and navigation acts,^ and other unwise and unjust \nrestraints upon the expanding industry of the Americans, were brought to bear \nupon them. As early as 1636, a Massachusetts vessel of thirty tons made a \ntrading voyage to the West Indies; and two years later [1638], another vessel \nwent from Salem to New Providence, and returned with a cargo of salt, cotton, \ntobacco, and negroes.* This was the dawning of commerce in America. The \neastern people also engaged quite extensively in fishing ; and all were looking \nforward to wealth from ocean traffic, as well as that of the land, when the pass- \nage of the second Navigation Act,^ in 1660, evinced the strange jealousy of \nGreat Britain. From that period, the attention of Parliament was often \ndirected to the trade and commerce of the colonies, and in 1719, the House of \nCommons declared "that erecting any manufactories in the colonies, tended to \nlessen their dependence upon Great Britain." Woolen goods, paper, hemp, \nand iron were manufactured in Massachusetts and other parts of New England, \nas early as 1732 ; and almost every family made coarse cloth for domestic use. \nHeavy duties had been imposed upon colonial iron sent to England ; and the \ncolonists, thus deprived of their market for pig iron, were induced to attempt \nthe manufacture of steel and bar iron for their own use. It was not until \nalmost a century [1750] afterward that the mother country perceived the folly \nof her policy in this respect, and admitted colonial pig iron, duty free, first into \nLondon, and soon afterward into the rest of the kingdom. Hats were manufac- \n\n\n\n\' Note 15, page 62. \n\n\' From the beginning of colonization there were shoemakers, tailors, and blacksmiths in the sev- \neral colonies. Chalmers says of New England in 1673: "There be fine iron works which cast no \nguns ; no house in New England has above twenty rooms ; not twenty in Boston have ten rooms \neach ; a dancing-school was set up here, but put down ; a fencing-school is allowed. There be no \nmusicians by trade. All cordage, sail-cloth, and mats, come from England ; no cloth made there \nworth four shillings per yard ; no alum, no copperas, no salt, made by their sun." \n\n\' The first Navigation Act [1651] forbade all importations into England, except in English \nBhips, or those belonging to English colonies. In 1660, this act was confirmed, and unjust additions \nwere made to it. The colonies were forbidden to export their chief productions to any country ex- \ncept to England or its dependencies. Similar acts, aU bearing heavily upon colonial commerce, \nwere made law, from time to time. See note 4, page 109. \n\n* This was the first introduction of slaves into New England. The first slaves introduced into \nthe English colonies, were those landed and sold in Virginia in 1620. [See note 6, page 105.] They \nwere first recognized as such, by law, in Massachusetts, in 1641 ; in Connecticut and Rhode Island, \nabout 1650; in New York, in 1656; in Maryland, in 1663 ; and in New Jersey, in 1665. There \nwere but few slaves in Pennsylvania, and those were chiefly in Philadelphia. There were some \nthere as early as 1690. The people of Delaware held some at about the same time. The introduc- \ntion of slaves into the Carolinas was coeval with their settlement, and into Georgia about the year \n1750, when the people generally evaded the prohibitory law. Page 174. * Note 4, page 109. \n\n12 \n\n\n\nl^g THE COLO X IE S. [1492. \n\ntured and carried from one colony to the other in exchange ; and at about the \nsame time, brigantines and small sloops were built in Massachusetts and Penn- \nsylvania, and exchanged with West India merchants for rum, sugar, wines, and \nsilks. These movements Avere regarded with disfavor by the British Govern- \n\xe2\x80\xa2ment, and unwisely considering the increase of manufactures in the colonies to \nbe detrimental to English interests, greater restrictions were ordained. It was \nenacted that all manufactories of iron and steel in the colonies, should be con- \nsidered a "common nuisance," to be abated within thirty days after notice \nbeing given, or the owner should suffer a fine of a thousand dollars.\' The ex- \nportation of hats even from one colony to another was prohibited, and no hatter \nwas allowed to have more than two apprentices at one time. The importation \nof sugar, rum, and molasses was burdened wdtli exorbitant duties ; and the Caro- \nlinians were forbidden to cut down the pine-trees of their vast forests, and con- \nvert their wood into staves, and their juice into turpentine and tar, for commer- \ncial purposes.\'\' These unjust and oppressive enactments formed a part of that \n" bill of particulars" which the American colonies presented in their account \nwith Great Britain, when they gave to the world their reasons for declaring \nthemselves " free and independent States." \n\nFrom the beginning, education received special attention in the colonies, \nparticularly in New England. Schools for the education of both white and \nIndian children were formed in Virginia as early as 1621 ; and in 1692, Wil- \nliam and Mary College was established at Williamsburg.\' Harvard College, at \nCambridge, Massachusetts, was founded in 1637. Yale College, in Connecti- \ncut, was established at Saybrook in 1701,* and was removed to its present loca- \ntion, in New Haven, in 1717. It was named in honor of Elihu Yale, pres- \nident of the East India Company, and one of its most liberal benefactors. The \ncollege of New Jersey, at Princeton, called Nassau Hall, was incorporated in \n1738 f and King\'s (now Columbia) College, in the city of New York, was \nfoudned in 1750. The college of Philadelphia was incorporated in 1760. \nThe college of Rhode Island (now Brown University) was established at War- \nren in 1764. Queen\'s (now Rutger s) College, in New Jersey, was founded \nin 1770; and Dartmouth College, at Hanover, New Hamshire, was opened in \n\n\n\nA law was enacted in 1750, which prohibited the "erection or contrivance of any mill or other \n\nengine for slitting or rolling iron, or any plating forge to work with a tilt-hammer, or any furnac* \nfor making steel in the colonies." Such was the condition of manufacturera in the United States \none hundred years ago. Notwithstanding we are eminenily an agricultural people, the census of \n1H70 showed that we had, in round numbers, $2,000,000,000 invested in manufactures. The value \nof raw material was estimated at $2,400,000,000. The amount paid for labor during that year, \nwas nearly $700,000,000, distributed among 2,000.000 operatives. The value of manufactured \narticles was estimated at more than $4,000,000,000. Fully 20 per cent, must be added for 1880. \n\n\' For a hundred years the British government attempted to confine the commerce of the colo- \nnies to the interchange of their a.i;rieultural products for English manufactures only. The trade of the \ngrowing colonies was certainly worth sectiring. From 1738 to 1748, tlie average value of exports \nfrom Great Britain to the American colonies, was almost three and a quarter millions of dollars \nannually. \n\n\' The schools previously established did not flourish, and the funds appropriated for their sup- \nport were given to the college. \n\n* In 1700, ten ministers of the colony met at Saybrook, and each contributed books for the \nestablishment of a college. It was incorporated in 1701. See note 8, page 158. \n\n* It was a feeble institution at first. In 1747, Governor Belcher became its patron. \n\n\n\n1756.] THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. 179 \n\n1771. It will be seen that the colonies could boast of no less than nine col- \nleges when the War for Independence commenced \xe2\x80\x94 three of them under the \n^supervision of Episcopalians, three under Congregationalists, one each under \nPresbyterians, the Reformed Dutch Church, and the Baptists. But the pride \nand glorj of New England have ever been its common schools. Those received \nthe earliest and most earnest attention. In 1636, the Connecticut Legislature \n\xe2\x80\xa2enacted a law which required every town that contained fifty families, to main- \ntain a good school, and every town containing one hundred householders, to \nhave a grammar school.\' Similar provisions for general education \xe2\x80\xa2 soon pre- \nvailed throughout Ncav England ; and the people became remarkable for their \nintelligence. The rigid laws which discouraged all frivolous amusements, \ninduced active minds, during leisure hours, to engage in reading. The sub- \njects contained in books then in general circulation, were chiefly History and \nTheology, and of these a great many \\r3re sold. A traveler mentions the fact, \nthat, as early as 1686, several booksellers in Boston had " made fortunes by \ntheir business."^ But newspapers, the great vehicle of general intelligence to \nthe popular mind of our day, were very few and of little worth, before the era \nof the Revolution.\' \n\nSuch, in brief and general outline^ were the American people, and such their \npolitical and social condition, at the commencement of the last inter-colonial \nAvar, which we are now to consider, during which they discovered their strength, \nthe importance of a continental union, and their real independence of Greai \nBritain. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER XII. \n\nTHE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. [1756\xe2\x80\x941763.] \n\nWe are now to consider one of the most important episodes in the history \nof the United States, known in Europe as the Seven Years\' War, and in \n\n* These townships were, in general, organized religious communities, and had many interests in \ncommon. \n\n* Previous to 1753, there had been seventy booksellers in Massachusetts, two in New Hamp- \nshire, two iH Connecticut, one in Rhode Island, two in New York, and seventeen in Pennsylvania* \n\n\' The first newspaper ever printed in Amei\'ica was the Boston News Letter, printed in 1704 \nThe next was established in PhUatlelphia, in 1719. The first in New York was in 1725 ; in Mary- \nland, in 1728 ; in South Carolina, in 1731 ; in Rhode Island, in 1732 ; in Virginia, in 1736 ; in New \nHampshire, in 1753; in Connecticut, in 1755; in Delaware, in 1761; in North Caiolina, in 1763; \nin Georgia, in 1763; and in New Jersey, in 1777. In 1875, there were published in the United \nStafeR. 6,793 newspapers and maa-azines. liavinsr a circulation of 2,000,000,000 of copies annually. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2 We have no exact enumeration of the iuhabitauts of the colonies; but Mr. Bancroft, after a \ncareftil examination of many official returns and private computations, estimates the nimiber of \nwhite people in the colonies, at the commencement of the French and Indian War, to have been \nabout 1,165,000, distributed as follows: In New England (N. H., Mass., R. I., and Conn.), 425,000; \nin the middle colonies (N. Y., N. J., Penn., Del., and Md.), 457,000 ; and in the southern colonies \n(Va., N. and S. Carolina, and Geo.), 283,000. The estimated number of slaves, 260,000, of whom \nabout 11,000 were in New England; middle colonies, 71,000; and the southern colonies, 178,000. \nOf the 1,165,000 white people. Dr. Franklin estimated that only about 80,000 were of foreign birth, \nshowing the fact that emigration to America had almost ceased. At the beginning of the Revoltt \ntion, in 1775, the estimated population of the thirteen colonies was 2,803,000. The documents d \n\xe2\x96\xa0 Congress, in 1775, gives the round number of 3,000,000. \n\n\n\n180 THE COLONIES. [1756;. \n\nAmerica as the Frexch and Indian War. It may with propriety be con- \nsidered introductory to the War for Independence, which resulted in the birtk \nof our Republic. The first three inter-colonial wars, or the conflicts in America^ \nbetween the English and French colonies, already noticed,\' originated in hostil- \nities first declared by the two governments, and commenced in Europe. The. \nfourth and last, which resulted in establishing the supremacy of the English in^^ \nAmerica, originated here in disputes concerning territorial claims. For a hun- \ndred years, the colonies of the two nations had been gradually expanding andi \nincreasing in importance. The English, more than a million in number, occu- \npied the seaboard from the Penobscot to the St. Mary, a thousand miles in- \nextent, all eastward of the great ranges of the Alleghanies, and far northward ^ \ntoward the St. Lawrence. The French, not more than a hundred thousand \nstrong, made settlements along the St. Lawrence, the shores of the great lakes, \non the Mississippi and its tributaries, and upon the borders of the Gulf of Mex- \nico. They early founded Detroit [1683], Kaskaskia [1684], Vincennes [1690]^ \nand New Orleans [1717]. The English planted agricultural colonies; the- \nFrench were chiefly engaged in trafiic with the Indians. This trade, and the \noperations of the Jesuit^ missionaries, who were usually the self-denying pio- \nneers of commerce in its penetration of the wilderness, gave the French great \ninfluence over the tribes of a vast extent of country lying in the rear of the \nEnglish settlements. 3 \n\nFrance and England at that time were heirs to an ancient quarrel. Ori^n-. \n\xe2\x80\xa2ting far back in feudal ages, and kept alive by subsequent collisions, it burned \nrigorously in the bosoms of the respective colonists in America, where it was \ncontinually fed by frequent hostilities on frontier ground. They had ever \nregarded each other with extreme jealousy, for the prize before them was. \nsupreme rule in the New World. The trading posts and missionary stations- \nof the French, in the far north-west, and in the bosom of a dark wilderness, \nseveral hundred miles distant from the most remote settlement on the English, \nfrontier, attracted very little attention, until they formed a part of more exten- \nsive operations. But when, after the capture of Louisburg,\'\' in 1745, the French \nadopted vigorous measures for opposing the extension of British power in Amer^ \nica: when they built strong vessels at the foot of Lake Ontario\'\' \xe2\x80\x94 made treaties \nof friendship with the Delaware* and Shawnee\' tribes ; strengthened Fort Niag- \nara ;\' and erected a cordon of fortifications, more than sixty in number, between. \nMontreal and New Orleans \xe2\x80\x94 the English were aroused to immediate and effective \naction in defense of the territorial claims given them in their ancient charters. \nBy virtue of these, they claimed dominion westward to the Pacific Ocean, south \nof the latitude of the north shore of Lake Erie ; while the French claimed a title \nto all the territory watered by the Mississippi and its tributaries, under the \nmore plausible plea, that they had made the first explorations and settlements \n\n\' King WiUiam^s War (page 130); Queen Anne^s War (page 135); and King George\'s War (page- \n136). * Note 4, page 130. \' Chiefly of the Algonquin nation. Page 17. \n\n* Page 138. * At Fort Frontenac, now Kingston, Upper Canada. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 20. \' Page 19. \xc2\xbb Page 200. \n\n\n\nn63.] THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. 181 \n\nin that region.\' The claims of the real owner, the Indian, were lost sight of \nin the discussion.^ \n\nThese disputes soon ended in action. The territorial question was speedily \nbrought to an issue. In 1749, George the Second granted six hundred thou- \nsand acres of land, on the south-east bank of the Ohio River, to a company \ncomposed of London merchants and Virginia land speculators, with the exclusive \nprivilege of traffic with the Indians. It was called The Ohio Company. \nSurveyors were soon sent to explore, and make boundaries, and prepare for \nsettlements; and English traders went even as far as the country of the \nMiamies^ to traffic with the natives. The French regarded them as intruders, \nand, in 1753, seized and imprisoned some of them. Apprehending the loss of \ntraffic and influence among the Indians, and the ultimate destruction of their \nline of communication between Canada and Louisiana, the French commenced \nthe erection of forts between the Alleghany River and Lake Erie, near the \npresent western line of Pennsylvania.* The Ohio Company complained of \nthese hostile movements ; and as their grant lay within the chartered limits of \nVirginia, the authorities of that colony considered it their duty to interfere. \nRobert Dinwiddle, the lieutenant-governor, sent a letter of remonstrance to M. \nDe St. Pierre, the French commander.^ George Washington was chosen to be \nthe bearer of the dispatch. He was a young man, less than twenty-two years \nof age, but possessed much experience of forest life. He already held the com- \nmission of adjutant-general of one of the four militia districts of Virginia. \nFrom early youth he had been engaged in land surveying, had become accus- \ntomed to the dangers and hardships of the wilderness, and was acquainted with \nthe character of the Indians, and of the country he was called upon to traverse. \n\nYoung Washington, as events proved, was precisely the instrument needed \nfor such a service. His mission involved much personal peril and hardship. \nIt required the courage of the soldier, and the sagacity of the statesman, to \nperform the duty properly. The savage tribes through which he had to pass, \nwere hostile to the English, and the French he was sent to meet were national \n\xe2\x80\xa2enemies, wily and suspicious. With only two or three attendants," Washington \nstarted from Williamsburg late in autumn [Oct. 31, 1753], and after journey- \ning full four hundred miles (more than half the distance through a dark wilder- \nness), encountering almost incredible hardships, amid snow, and icy floods, and \nhostile Indians, he reached the French outpost at Venango on the 4th of De- \n\n\' Page 180. \n\n^ "When the agent of the Ohio Company went into the Indian country, on the borders of the \nOhio River, a messenger was sent by two Indian sachems, to make the significant inquiry. "Where \nis the Indian\'s land ? The English claim it all on one side of the river, the French on the other; \nwhere does the Indian\'s land lay?" ^ Page 19. \n\n* Twelve hundred men erected a fort on the south shore of Lake Erie, at Presque Isle, now \nErie ; soon afterward, another was built at Le BoeufJ on the Venango (French Creek), now the vil- \nlage of Waterford; and a third was erected at Venango, at the junction of French Creek and the \nAlleghany River, now the village of Franklin. \n\n^ Already the governors of Virginia and Pennsylvania had received orders from the imperial \ngovernment, to repel the French by force, whenever they were " found within the undoubted limits \nof then- province." \n\n\xc2\xb0 He was afterward joined by two others at Wills\' Creek (now Cumberland), in Maryland. \n\n\n\n182 THE COLONIES. [llSff. \n\ncember. He was politely received, and his visit was made the occasion of great \nconviviality by the officers of the garrison. The free use of wine made the \nFrenchmen incautious, and they revealed to the sober Washington their hostile \ndesigns against the English, which the latter had suspected. He perceived the \nnecessity of dispatching business, and returning to Williamsburg, as speedily \nas possible ; so, after tarrying a day at Venango, he pushed forward to the \nhead-quarters of St. Pierre, at Le Boeuf. That officer entertained him politely \nduring four days, and then gave him a written answer to Dinwiddle\'s remon- \nstrance, enveloped and sealed. Washington retraced his perilous pathway \nthrough the wilderness, and after an absence of eleven weeks, he again stood in \nthe |)resence of Governor Dinwiddle, on the 16th of January, 1754, his mission \nfulfilled to the satisfaction of all. His judgment, sagacity, courage, and execu- \ntive force \xe2\x80\x94 qualities which eminently fitted him for the more important duties \nas chief of the Revolutionary armies, more than twenty years afterward [1775] \n\xe2\x80\x94 were nobly developed in the performance of his mission. They were publicly \nacknowledged, and were never forgotten. \n\nAlready the Virginians were restive under royal rule, and at that time \nwere complaining seriously of an obnoxious fee allowed by the Board of Trade, \nin the issue of patents for lands. The House of Burgesses refused, at first, to \npay any attention to Dinwiddle\'s complaints against the French ; but at length \nthey voted fifty thousand dollars for the support of troops which had been \nenlisted to march into the Ohio country. The revelations made to Washington, \nand the tenor of St. Pierre\'s reply, confirmed the suspicions of Dinwiddle, and \nshowed the wisdom of the legislative co-operation. St. Pierre said he Avas acting \nin obedience to the orders of his superior, the Marquis Du Quesne,* at Montreal, \nand refused to withdraw his troops from the disputed territory. Dinwiddle \nimmediately prepared an expedition against the French, and solicited the co-op- \neration of the other colonies. It was the first call for a general colonial union \nagainst a common enemy. All hesitated except North Carolina. The legisla- \nture of that colony promptly voted four hundred men, and they were soon on \nthe march for Winchester, in Virginia. They eventually proved of little use, \nfor becoming doubtful as to their pay, a greater part of them had disbanded \nbefore reaching Winchester. Some volunteers from South Carolina and New \nYork, also hastened toward the seat of future war. The Virginians responded , \nto the call, and a regiment of six hundred men was soon organized, with Colonel \nJoshua Fry as its commander, and Major Washington as his lieutenant. The \ntroops rendezvoused at Alexandria, and from that city, Washington, at the head \nof the advanced corps, marched [April 2, 1754] toward the Ohio. \n\nPrivate and public interest went hand in hand. While these mihtary prep- \narations were in progress, the Ohio Comjmny had sent thirty men to construct \na fort at the confluence of the Alleghany and Monongahela Rivers, now the site of \nPittsburg. They had just commenced operations [April 18], when a party of \nFrench and Indians, under Contrecoeur, attacked and expelled them, completed \n\n* Pronounced Du Kane. \n\n\n\n1763.] THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. 183 \n\nthe fortification, and named it Du Quesne, in honor of the governor-general of \nCanada.\' When intelligence of this event reached Washington on his march, \nhe hastened forward with one hundred and fifty men, to a point on the Monon- \ngahela, less than forty miles from Fort Du Quesne. There ho was informed \nthat a strong force was marching to intercept him, and he cautiously fled back \nto the Great Meadows, where he erected a stockade,^ and called it Fort Neces- \nsity.\' Before completing it, a few of his troops attacked an advanced party of \nthe French, under Jumonvifle. They were surprised on the morninf? of \nMay 28, and the commander and nine of his men were slain. Of the fiflv \nwho formed the French detachment, only about fifteen escaped. This was the \nfirst blood-shedding of that long and eventful conflict known as the French and \nIndian War. Two days afterward [May 30], Colonel Fry died, and the \nwhole command devolved on Washington. Troops hastened f-^rward to join the \nyoung leader at Fort Necessity, and with about four hundred men, he proceeded \ntoward Fort Du Quesne. M. de Villiers, brother of the slain Jumonville, had \nmarched at about the same time, at the head of more than a thousand Indians \nand some Frenchmen, to avenge the death of his kinsman. Advised of his \napproach, Washington fell back to Fort Necessity, and there, on the 3d of July, \nhe was attacked by almost eiglit hundred foes. After a conflict of about ten \nhours, de Villiers proposed an honorable capitulation." Washington sio-ned it \non the morning of the 4th, and marching out of the stockade with the honors \nof war, departed, with his troops, for Virginia. \n\nIt was during this military campaign, that a civil movement of great import- \nance was in progress. The English and French governments had listened to \nthe disputes in America with interest. At length the British ministry, per- \nceiving war to be inevitable, advised the colonies to secure the continued \nfriendship of the Six Nations," and to unite in a plan for general defense. \nAll the colonies were invited to appoint delegates to meet in convention at \nAlbany, in the summer of 1754. Only seven responded by sending delegates." \nThe convention was organized on the 19th of June. ^ Having renewed a treaty \nwith the Indians, the subject of colonial union was brought forward. A plan \nof confederation, similar to our Federal Constitution, drawn up by Dr. Franklin, \nwas submitted.* It was adopted on the 10th of July, 1754, and Avas ordered to \nbe laid before the several colonial Assemblies, and the imperial Board of Trade,\' \n\n\' Page 182. ~ \n\n^ Stockade is a general name of stniftnrcs for defense, formed by driving strong posts in the \n\nground, so as to make a safe inclosure. It is the same as a palisade. See picture on \'page 127. \n\' Near the national road from Cumberland to Wlieeling, in the south-eastern part of Fayette \n\ncounty, Pennsylvania. The Great Meadows are on a fertile bottom about four miles from the foot \n\nof Laurel Hill, and fifty from Cumberland. \n\n* A mutual restoration of prisoners was to take place, and the English were not to erect any \nestablishment beyond tlie mountains, for the space of a year. The English troops were to marcli, \nunmolested, back to Virginia. 6 p^ge 25. \n\n* New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, and \nMaryland. \n\n\' James Delancy, of New York was elected president. There were twenty-five delegates in all. \n\n* Franklin was a delegate from Pennsylvania. The idea of union was not a new one. William \nPenn suggested the advantage of a union of all the English colonies as early as 1700; and Coxe, \nSpeaker of the New Jersey Assembly, advocated it in 1722. Now it first found tangible expressioa \nunder the sanction of authority. \xc2\xbb Note 5, page 134. \n\n\n\n184 THE COLONIES. [1756. \n\nfor ratification.\' Its flxte was singular. The Assemblies considering it too \naristocratic \xe2\x80\x94 giving the royal governor too much power \xe2\x80\x94 refused their assent ; \nand the Board of Trade rejected it because it was too democratic? Although \na legal union was not consummated, the grand idea of political fraternization \nthen began to bud. It blossomed in the midst of the heat of the Stamp Act \nexcitement eleven years later [1765], and its fruit appeared in the memorable \nCongress of 1774. \n\nThe convention at Albany had just closed its labors, when the Indians com- \nmenced murderous depredations upon the New England frontiers [August and \nSeptember, 1754] ; and among the tribes west of the Alleghanies, French emis- \nsaries were busy arousing them to engage in a war of extermination against the \nEnglish. Even in full view of these menaces, some of the colonies were tardy \nin preparations to avert the evil. Shirley was putting forth energetic efforts in \nMassachusetts ; New York voted twenty-five thousand dollars for military serv- \nice, and Maryland thirty thousand dollars for the same. The English govern- \nment sent over fifty thousand dollars for the use of the colonists, and with it a \ncommission to Governor Sharpe of Maryland, appointing him commander-in- \nchief of all the colonial forces. Disputes about military rank and precedence \nsoon ran high between the Virginia regimental officers, and the captains of \nindependent companies. To silence these, Dinwiddle unwisely dispensed with \nall field officers, and broke the A^irginia regiments into separate companies. This \narrangement displeased Washington ; he resigned his commission, and the year \n1754 drew to a close without any efficient preparations for a conflict with the \nErench.\' \n\nCAMPAIGN OF 1755. \n\nYet war had not been declared by the two nations ; and for more than a \nyear and a half longer the colonies were in conflict, before England and France \nformally announced hostility to each other. In the mean while the British \ngovernment, perceiving that a contest, more severe than had yet been seen, \nmust soon take place in America, extended its aid to its colonies. Edward \nBraddock, an Irish officer of distinction, arrived in Chesapeake Bay, with two \nregiments of his countrymen, on the 20th of February, 1755. He had been \n\n\' It proposed a general government to be administered by one chief magistrate, to be appointed \nby the crown, and a council of forty-eight members, chosen by the several legislatures. This coun- \ncU, answering to our Senate, was to have power to declare war, levy troops, raise money, regulate \ntrade, conclude peace, and many other things necessary for the general good. The delegates from \nCormecticut alone, objected to the plan, because it gave the governor-general veto power, or the \nright to refuse his signature to laws ordained by the Senate, and thus prevent them becoming stat- \nutes. \n\n" The Board of Trade had proposed a plan which contained all the elements of a system for the \nutter enslavement and dependence of the Americans. They proposed a general government, composed \nof the governors of the several colonies, and certain select members of the several councils. These \nwere to have power to draw on the British Treasury for money to carrv on the impendmg war : the \nsum to be reimbursed by taxes imposed upon the colonists by Parliament. The colonists preferred \nto do their own fighting, and levy their own taxes, independent of Great Britain. \n\n^ According to a return made to the Board of Trade at about this time, the population of tlK- colo- \nnies amounted to one million four hundred and eighty-five thousand, six hundred and thirty-four. \nOf these, two hundred and ninety-two thousand seven hundred and thirty-eight were : \n\n\n\n1763,] THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. 185 \n\nappointed commander-in-chief of all the British and provincial forces in Amer- \nica ; and at his request, six colonial governors\' met in convention at Alexandria, \nin April following, to assist in making arrangements for a vigorous campaign. \nThree separate expeditions were planned ; one against Fort du Quesne, to be \nled by Braddock;\'a second against Niagara and Frontenac (Kingston), to be \ncommanded by Governor Shirley ; and a third against Crown Point, on Lake \nChamplain, under General William Johnson,* then an influential resident among \nthe Mohawk nation of the Iroquois confederacy." Already a fourth expedition \nhad been arranged by Shirley and Governor Lawrence of Nova Scotia, designed \nto drive the French out of that province, and other portions of ancient Acadie.* \nThese extensive arrangements, sanctioned by the imperial government, awakened \nthe most zealous patriotism of all the colonists, and the legislatures of the sev- \neral provinces, except Pennsylvania and Georgia, voted men and supplies for \nthe impending war. The Quaker Assembly of Pennsylvania was opposed to \nmilitary movements ; the people of Georgia were too poor to contribute. \n\nThere was much enthusiasm in New England, and the eastern expedition \nfirst proceeded to action. Three thousand men, under General John Winslow,\' \nsailed from Boston on the 20th of May, 1755, and landed at the head of the \nBay of Fundy. There they were joined by Colonel Monckton with three hun- \ndred British regulars\' from the neighboring garrison, and that officer, having \nofficial precedence of Winslow, took the command. They captured the forts in \npossession of the French there, in June, without difficulty, and placed the whole \nregion under martial rule.^ This was the legitimate result of war. But the \n\xe2\x80\xa2cruel sequel deserves universal reprobation. The total destruction of the French \nsettlements was decided upon. Under the plea that the Acadians would aid \ntheir French brethren in Canada, the innocent and happy people were seized in \ntheir houses, fields, and churches, and conveyed on board the English vessels. \nFamilies were broken, never to be united ; and to compel the surrender of those \nwho fled to the woods, their starvation was insured by a total destruction of \ntheir growing crops. The Acadians were stripped of every thing, and those \nwho were carried away, were scattered among the English colonies, helpless \nbeggars, to die heart-broken in a strange land. In one short month, their \nparadise had become a desolation, and a happy people were crushed into the dust. \n\nThe western expedition, under Braddock, was long delayed on account of \n-difficulties in obtaining provisions and wagons. The patience of the commander \nwas sorely tried, and in moments of petulance he used expressions against the \ncolonists, which they long remembered Avith bitterness. He finally commenced \nhis march from Will\'s Creek (Cumberland) on the 10th of June, 1755, with \nabout two thousand men, British and provincials. Anxious to reach Fort du \n\n\' Shirley, of Massachusetts ; Din-widdie, of Virginia ; Delancey, of New York ; Sharpe, of Mary- \nland ; Morris, of Pennsylvania ; and Dobbs, of North Carolina. Admiral Keppel, commander of the \nBritish fleet, was also present. \' \' Page 190. \' Page 25. " Page 58. \n\n^ He was a great grandson of Edward Winslow, the third governor of Plymouth. He was a \nmajor-general in the Massachusetts militia, but on this occasion held the office of lieutenant-colonel. \n\n" This term is used to denote soldiers who are attached to the regular army, and as distinguished \nfrom volunteers and militia. The latter term applies to the great body of citizens who are liable ta \n40 perpetual military duty only in time of war. \' Note 8, page 170. \n\n\n\n186 \n\n\n\nTHE coloxie; \n\n\n\n[1756.. \n\n\n\n\nFORT DU QTTESNE. \n\n\n\nQuesne before the garrison should receive re-inforcements, he made forced \nmarches with twelve hundred men, leaving Colonel Dunbar, \nhis second in command, to follow with the remainder, and \nthe wagons. Colonel Washington\' had consented to act aa \nBraddock\'s aid, and to him was given the command of the \nprovincials. Knowing, far better than Braddock, the perils \nof their march and the kind of warfare thej might expect, he \nventured, modestly, to give advice, founded upon his experi- \nence. But the haughty general would listen to no suggestions, \nespecially from a provincial subordinate. This obstinacy resulted in his ruin. \nWhen Avithin ten miles of Fort du Quesne, and while marching at noon-day, on \nthe 9th of July, in fancied security, on the north side of the Monongahela, a \nvolley of bullets and a cloud of arrows assailed the advanced guard, under \nLieutenant-Colonel Gage.^ They came from a thicket and ravine close by, \nwhere a thousand dusky warriors lay in ambush. Again Washington asked \npermission to fight according to the provincial custom, but was refused. \nBraddock must maneuver according to European tactics, or not at all. For \nthree hours, deadly volley after volley fell upon the British columns, while \nBraddock attempted to maintain order, where all was confusion. The slain \nsoon covered the ground. Every mounted officer but Washington was killed or \nmaimed, and finally, the really brave Braddock himself, after having several \nhorses shot under him, was mortally wounded.^ Washington remained unhurt.^ \nUnder his direction the provincials rallied, while the regulars, seeing their gen- \neral fall, were fleeing in great confusion. The provincials covered their retreat \nso gallantly, that the enemy did not follow. A week after- \nward, Washington read the impressive funeral service of the \nAnglican Church,^ over the corpse of Braddock, by torch- \nlight [July 15, 1755] ; and he was buried, where his grave \nmay novf [1867] be seen, near the National road, between the \nfifty-third and fifty-fourth mile from Cumberland, in Mary- \nland. Colonel Dunbar received the flying troops, and marched \nto Philadel|)hia in August, Avith the broken companies. Wash- \nington, with the southern provincials, went back to Virginia. \nThus ended the second expedition of the campaign of 1755. \n\n\' Page 181. ^ Afterward General Gage, commander-in-chief of the British troops at \n\nBoston, at the beginning of the Revolution. Page 226. \n\n^ Braddock was shot by Thomas Faucett, one of tlie provincial soldiers. His plea was self- \npreservation. Braddock had issued a positive order, that none of the English should protect tliem- \nselves behind trees, as the French and Indians did Faucett\'s brother had taken such position, and \nwhen Braddock perceived it, he struck him to the earth with his sword. Thomas, on seeing his \nbrother fall, shot Braddock in the back, and then the provincials, fighting as they pleased, were \nsaved from utter destruction. \n\n* Dr. Craik, who was with "Washington at this time, and also attended him in his last illness, \nsays, that while in the Ohio country with him, fifteen years afterward, an old Indian chief came, aa \nhe said, " a long way" to see the Virginia colonel at whom he fired his rifle fifteen times during the \nbattle on the Monongahela, without hitting him. Washington was never wounded in battle. On \nthis occasion he had two horses shot under him. and four bullets passed through his coat. Writing- \nof this to his brother, he remarked, " By the all-powerftil dispensations of Providence, I have been \nprotected beyond all human probability or expectation, * * * although death was leveling my \ncompanions on every side." \' Note 1, page 168. See picture on page 187. \n\n\n\n\nGEX. BRADDOCK. \n\n\n\n\nBurial op Buaduook. \n\n\n\n1763.] THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. 189 \n\nThe third expedition, under Governor Shirley, designed to operate against \nthe French posts at Niagara and Frontenac, experienced less disasters, but was \nquite as unsuccessful. It was late in August before Shirley had collected the \nmain body of his troops at Oswego, from whence he intended to go to Niagara \nby water. His force was twenty -five hundred strong on the 1st of September, \nyet circumstances compelled him to hesitate. The prevalence of storms, and \nof sickness in his camp, and, finally, the desertion of the greater part of his \nIndian allies,\' made it perilous to proceed, and he relinquished the design. \nLeaving sufficient men to garrison the forts which he had commenced at \nOswego,\' he marched the remainder to Albany [Oct. 24], and returned to \nMassachusetts. \n\nThe fourth expedition, under General Johnson, prepared for attacking \nCrown Point, ^ accomplished more than that of Braddock\' or Shirley, but failed \nto achieve its main object. In July [1755], about six thousand troopa, \ndrawn from New England, New York, and New Jersey, had assembled at the \nhead of boat navigation on the Hudson (now the village of Fort Edward), fifty \nmiles north of Albany. They were under the command of General Lyman,* \nof Connecticut ; and before the arrival of General Johnson, in August, with \ncannons and stores, they had erected a strong fortification, which was afterward \ncalled Fort Edward.^ On his arrival, Johnson took command, and with th& \nmain body of the troops, marched to the head of Lake George, about fifteen \nmiles distant, where he established a camp, protected on both sides by an im- \npassable swamp. \n\n"While the provincial troops were making these preparations, General the \nBaron Dieskau (a French officer of much repute), with about two thousand \nmen, chiefly Canadian militia and Indians, was approaching from Montreal, \nby way of Lake Champlain, to meet the English.^ When Johnson arrived at \nLake George, on the 7th of September, Indian scouts informed him that Dies- \nkau was disembarking at the head of Lake Champlain (now the village of \n\n\' Tribes of the Six Nations [page 25], and some Stockbridge Indians. The latter were called \nHousatonics, from the river on which they were found. They were a division of the Mohegan \n[page 21] tribe. \n\n\' Fort Ontario on the east, and Fort Pepperell on the west of Oswego River. Fort Pepperell \nwas afterward called Fort Oswego. See map, page 192. The house was built of stone, and the \nwalls were three feet thick. It was within a square inclosure composed of a thick wall, and two \nstrong square towers. \n\n\' Upon this tongue of land on Lake Champlain, the French erected a fortification, which they \ncalled Fort St. Frederick. On the Vermont side of the lake, opposite, there was a French settle- \nment as early as 1731. In allusion to the chimiiies of their houses, which remained long after tha \nsettlement was destroyed, it is still known as Chimney Point. \n\n\xe2\x99\xa6 Page 185. \n\n* Bom in Durham, Connecticut, in the year 1716. He was a graduate of Tale College, and be- \ncame a lawyer. He was a member of the colonial Assembly in 1750, and performed important \nservices during the whole war that soon afterward ensued. He commanded the expedition that \ncaptured Havana in 1762; and at the peace, in 1763, he became concerned in lands in the Missis- \nsippi region. He died in Florida in 1775. \n\n\' It was first called Fort Lyman. Johnson, meanly jealous of General Lyman, changed the \nname to Fort Edward. \n\n\' Dieskau and his French troops, on their way from France, narrowly escaped capture by Ad- \nmiral Boscawen, who was cruising, with an English fleet, ofif Newfoundland. They eluded his fleet \nduring a fog, and went in safety up the St. Lawrence. \n\n\n\n190 \n\n\n\nTHE COLONIES. \n\n\n\n[175\xc2\xab. \n\n\n\n\nWhitehall), preparatory to marching against Fort Edward. The next scouts \nbrought Johnson the intelligence that Dieskau\'s Indians, \nterrified by the English cannons when they approached \nFort Edward, had induced him to change his plans, and \nthat he was marching to attack his camp. Colonel \nEphraim Williams, of Deerfield, Massachusetts, was imme- \ndiately sent [Sept. 8J, with a thousand troops from that \ncolony, and two hundred Mohawk^,\' under the famous chief, \n\n^_^ _^ ^^^ Hendrick, to intercept the enemy. They met in a narrow \n\nk^ lm\'"^^^^^ defile, four miles from Lake George. The English sud- \nr.nT.-n r.T.w.T,r^ dculv fcll into an ambuscade. Williams and Hendrick \n\nwere both killed,\'^ and their followers fell back in great con- \nfusion, upon Johnson\'s camp, hotly pursued by the victors. One of the Mas- \nsachusetts regiments, which fought bravely in this action, was commanded by \nTimothy Ruggles, who was president of the Stamp Act Congress,^ held at New \nYork in 1765, but who, when the Revolution broke out, was active on the side \nof the Crown. \n\nThe commander-in-chief was assure<l of the disaster before the flying fugi- \ntives made their appearance. He immediately cast up a breastwork of logs and \nlimbs, placed upon it two canr^is which he had received from Fort Edward \ntwo days before, and when the enemy came rushing on, \nclose upon the heels of the English, he was prepared to \nreceive them. The fugitives had just reached Johnson\'s \ncamp when Dieskau and his flushed victors appeared. \nUnsuspicious of heavy guns upon so rude a pile as John- \nson\'s battery exhibited, they rushed forward, with sword, \npike, and tomahawk, and made a spirited attack. One \nvolley from the English cannons made the Indians flee in \nterror to the shelter of the deep forests around. The Ca- \nnadian militia also fled, as General Lyman and a body of \ntroops approached from Fort Edward ; and, finally^ the French troops, after \ncontinuing the conflict several hours, and losing their commander,^ withdrew, \nand hastened to Crown Point. Their baggage was captured by some New \nHampshire troops from Fort Edward, and the defeat was complete. \n\nGeneral Johnson erected a fortification on the site of his camp, at the head \nof the lake, and called it Fort William Henry. It was constructed under the \ndirection of Richard Gridley,\'who commanded the artillery in the siege of \nLouisburg, ten years before.^ Being informed that the French were strength- \n\n\n\n\nSIR WILLIAM JOHNSON. \n\n\n\n\' Page 23. \n\n* WhQe on his way north, Williams stopped at Albany, made his will, and bequeathed certain \nproperty to found a free school for western Massachusetts. That was the foundation of "Williams\' \nCollege" \xe2\x80\x94 his best monument. The rock near which his body was found, on the right side of the \nroad from Glenn\'s Falls to Lake George, still bears his name ; and a collection of water on the bat- \ntle-ground, is called Bloody Pond. \' Page 215. \n\n* Dieskau was found mortally wounded, carried into the English camp, and there tenderly \ntreated. He was afterward conveyed to New York, from whence he sailed to England, where ho \ndied. * Note 1, page 137. \n\n\n\n1763.] \n\n\n\nTHE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. \n\n\n\n191 \n\n\n\nening their works at Crown Point, and were fortifying Ticonderoga,\' he thought \n\nit prudent to cease offensive operations. He garrisoned Fort Edward and Fort \n\nWilliam Henrj, returned to Albany, and as the season was \n\nadvanced [October, 1755 J, he dispersed the remainder of his \n\ntroops. For his services in this campaign, the king conferred \n\nthe honor of knighthood upon him, and gave him twenty-five \n\nthousand dollars with which to support the dignity. This \n\nhonor and emolument properly belonged to General Lyman, \n\nthe real hero of the campaign.^ Johnson had Sir Peter Warren \n\nand other friends at court, and so won the unmerited prize. \n\n\n\n\nFORT WILLIAM \nHENKY. \n\n\n\nCAMPAIGN OF 11 \n\n\n\nThe home governments now took up the quarrel. The campaign of 1755, \nhaving assumed all the essential features of regular war, and there appearing \nno prospect of reconciliation of the belligerents, England formally proclaimed \nhostilities against France, on the 17th of May, 1756, and the latter soon after- \nward [June 9] reciprocrated the action. Governor \nShirley, who had become commander-in chief, after the \ndeath of Braddock, wa& superseded by General Aber- \ncrombie^ in the spring of 1756. He came as the lieu- \ntenant of Lord Loudon, whom the king had appointed \nto the chief command in America, and also governor of \nVirginia. Loudon was an indolent man, and a remark- \nable procrastinater, and the active general-in-chief was \nAbercrombie, who, also, was not remarkable for his \nskill and forethought as a commander. He arrived \nwith several British regiments early in June. The \nplan of the campaign for that year had already been arranged by a convention \nof colonial governors held at Albany early in the season.\' Ten thousand men \nwere to attack Crown Point;\'\' six thousand were to proceed against Niagara;* \nthree thousand against Fort du Quesne f and two thousand were to cross the \ncountry from the Kennebec, to attack the French settlements on the Chaudiere \nRiver. \n\nThe command of the expedition against Crown Point was intrusted to Gen- \neral Winslow,^ who had collected seven thousand men at Albany, when Aber- \n\n\n\n\nABERCROMBIE. \n\n\n\n! Pag3 196. \n\n\' Lyman urged Johnson to pursue the French, and assail Crown Point. The Mohawks burned \nfor an opportunity to avenge the death of Hendriek. But Johnson preferred ease and safety, and \nspent the autumn in constructing Fort Wilham Henry. He meanly witliheld all praise from Ly- \nman, in his dispatches to government. Johnson was born in Ireland, in 1714. He came to Amer- \nica to take charge of the lands of his uncle, Admiral Warren [page 137], on the Mohawk River, \nand gained great influence over the Indians of New York. He died at his seat (now the villaga \nof Johnstown) in the Mohawk valley, in 1774. \n\n^ A strong party in England, irritated by the failures of the campaign of 1755, cast the blame \nof BraddoL\'k\'s defeat and other disasters, upon the Americans, and finally procured the recall of \nShirley. He completely vindicated his character, and was afterward appointed governor of the \nBahama Islands. * Page 200. * Page 200. ^ Page 186. \' Page 185. \n\n\n\n192 \n\n\n\nTHE COLONIES. \n\n\n\n[r,56. \n\n\n\ncrombie arrived. Difficulties immediately occurred, respecting military rank,, \nand caused delay. They were not adjusted when the tardy Loudon arrived, at \nmidsummer ; and his arrogant assumption of superior rank for the royal oflBcers, \nincreased the irritation and discontent of the provincial troops. When these \nmatters were finally adjusted, in August, the French had gained such positive \nadvantages, that the whole plan of the campaign was disconcerted. \n\nBaron Dieskau\' was succeeded by the Marquis de Montcalm, in the com- \nmand of the French troops in Canada. Perceiving the delay of the English, \nand knowing that a large number of their troops was at Albany, short of pro- \nvisions, and suffering from small -pox, and counting wisely upon the inefficiency \nof their commander-in-chief, he collectsd about five thousand Frenchmen, Ca- \nnadians, and Indians, at Frontenac,*^ and crossing Lake Ontario, landed, with \nthirty pieces of cannon, a few miles east of Oswego. Two days afterward, he \nappeared before Fort Ontario [Aug. 11, 1756], on the east side of the river, \nthen in command of Colonel Mercer. After a short but brave resistance, the \ngarrison abandoned the fort [Aug. 12], and withdrew to an older fortification, \non the west side of the river.^ Their commander was killed, and they were \nsoon obliged to surrender themselves [Aug. 14] prisoners \nof war. The spoils of victory for Montcalm, were four- \nteen hundred prisoners, a large amount of military stores, \nconsisting of small arms, ammunition, and provisions ; one \nhundred and thirty-four pieces of cannon, and several ves- \nsels, large and small, in the harbor. After securing them, \nhe demolished the forts, ^ and returned to Canada. The \nwhole country of the Six Nations was now laid open to \nthe incursions of the French. \nThe loss of Oswego was a severe blow to the English. When intelligence \nof that event reached Loudon, he recalled the troops then on their way toward \nLake Champlain ; and all the other expeditions were abandoned. Forts Wil- \nliam Henry^ and Edward^ were strengthened ; fifteen hundred volunteers and \ndrafted militia, under Washington, were placed in stockades\' for the defense of \nthe Pennsylvania and Virginia frontiers ; and on the western borders of the \nCarolinas several military posts were established as a protection against the \n\n\n\n0^^ \n\n\nm \n\n\n^^ri \n\n\n^(t \n\n\ns^^ \n\n\nf^^ \n\n\nOSWECO^^^ \n\n\n^BttlM \n\n\nm \n\n\n\n\n\nFOKTS AT OSWEGO. \n\n\n\n\' Page 189, " Note 5, page 180. \n\n* A palisaded block-house, built by order of Governor Burnet in \n1727, near the spot where Fort Pepperell was erected. A redoubt \nor block-house is a fortified building, of peculiar construction, well cal- \nculated for defense. They were generally built of logs, in the form \nrepresented in the engraving. They were usually two stories, with \nnarrow openings through which to fire muskets from within. They \nwere sometimes prepared with openings for cannons. \n\n* This was to please the Six Nations, who had never felt con \ntented with this supporter of power in their midst. The demolition \nof these forts, induced the Indians to assume an attitude of neutrality, \nby a solemn treaty. \n\n* Page 191. It commanded a view of the lake from its head ta \nthe Narrows, fifteen miles. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 190. The Hudson is divided at Fort Edward, mto two channels, by Roger\'s Island,. \n;pon which the provincial troops out of the fort, usually encamped. \' Note 2, page 183. \n\n\n\n\nBLOCK house. \n\n\n\n1763.] THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. 193 \n\nCherokees\' and Creeks,\' whom French emissaries were exciting to hostilities \nagainst the English. Hitherto, since the commencement of hostilities, some of \nthe colonial Assemblies had been slow to make appropriations for the support \n01 the war. Pennsylvania and South Carolina, actuated bj different motives, \nhad held back, but now the former made an appropriation of thirty thousand \npounds, to be issued in paper, and the latter granted four thousand pounds \ntoward enlisting two companies for the public service. \n\nThe most important achievement of the provincials during that year, wa3 \nthe chastisement of the Indians at Kittaning, their chief town, situated on the \nAlleghany River. During several months they had spread terror and desola- \ntion along the western frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia, and almost a \nthousand white people had been murdered or carried into captivity. These acts \naroused the people of Pennsylvania, and Dr. Franklin undertook the military \ncommand of the frontier, with the rank of colonel. Plis troops were voluntary \nmilitia. Under his directions, a chain of forts and blockhouses was erected \nalong the base of the Kittaning mountains, from the Delaware to the Maryland \nline. Franklin soon perceived that he was not in his right place, and he \nabandoned military life forever. The Indians continuing their depredations, \nColonel John Armstrong of Pennsylvania,\' accompanied by Captain Mercer* of \nVirginia, with about three hundred men, attacked them on the night of the 7th \nof September [1756], killed their principal chiefs, destroyed their town, and \ncompletely humbled them. Thus ended the campaign of 1756. The French \nstill held in possession almost all of the territory in dispute, and of the most \nimportant of their military posts. They had also expelled the English from \nOswego and Lake George, and had compelled the powerful Six Nations to \nmake a treaty of neutrality. On the whole, the campaign of 1756 closed with \nadvantages on the part of the French. \n\nCAMPAIGN OP 1757. \n\nA military council was held at Boston on the 19th of January, 1757, when \nLord Loudon proposed to confine the operations of that year to an expedition \nagainst Louisburg,^ and to the defense of the frontiers. Because he was com- \nmander-in-chief, wiser and better men acquiesced in his plans, but deplored his \nwant of judgment and executive force. The people of New England, in par- \nticular, were greatly disappointed when they ascertained that the execution of \ntheir favorite scheme of driving the French from Lake Champlain was to be \ndeferred. However, the general ardor of the colonists was not abated, and the \ncall for troops was so promptly responded to, that Loudon found himself at the \nhead of six thousand provmcials on the first of June. The capture of Louis- \nburg was Loudon\'s first care. He sailed from New York on the 20th of that \nmonth, and on arriving at Halifax ten days afterward [June 30], he was joined \n\n\n\n7. " Page 30. \n\ni a general in the war for Independence, twenty years later. See note 1, page 249 \n\n69. \' Pago 13\'L \n\n\n\n194 \n\n\n\nTHE COLONIES. \n\n\n\n[1756. \n\n\n\nby Admiral Holborne, "with a powerful naval armament and five thousand land \ntroops, from England. Thej were about to proceed to Cape Breton/ wn^n \nthey were informed that six thousand troops were in the fortress at Louisburg," \nand that a French fleet, larger than Holborne\'s, was lying in that harbor. \nThe latter had arrived and taken position while Loudon was moving slowly, \nwith his characteristic indecision. The enterprise was abandoned, and Loudon \nreturned to New York [Aug. 31], to hear of defeat and disgrace on the north- \nern frontier, the result of his ignorance and utter unskillfulness. \n\nMontcalm had again borne away important trophies of victory. Toward \nthe close of July, he left Ticonderoga with about eiglit thousand men (of whom \ntwo thousand were Indians), and proceeded to besiege Fort William Henry, at \nthe head of Lake George.^ The garrison of three thousand men was commanded \nby Colonel Monro, a brave English officer, who felt strengthened in his position \nby the close proximity of his chief. General Webb, who was at the head of four \nthousand troops at Fort Edward,* only fifteen miles distant. But his confidence \nin his commanding general was sadly misplaced. When Montcalm demanded a \nsurrender of the fort and garrison [August 4, 1757], Monro boldly refused, and \nsent an express to General Webb, for aid. It was not furnished. For six days \nMontcalm continued the siege, and expresses were sent daily to Webb for rein- \nforcements, but in vain. Even when General Johnson,^ with a corps of \nprovincials and Putnam\'s Rangers,* had, on reluctant permission, marched \nseveral miles in the direction of the beleaguered fort, Webb \nrecalled them, and sent a letter to Monro, advising him to \nsurrender. That letter was intercepted by Montcalm,\'\' and \nwith a peremptory demand for capitulation, he sent it to \nMonro. Perceiving further resistance to be useless, Monro \nyielded. Montcalm was so pleased with the bravery dis- \nplayed by the garrison, that he agreed upon very honorable \nterms of surrender, and promised the troops a safe escort to \nFort Edward. His Indians, expecting olood and booty, \nwere enraged by the merciful terms, and at the moment \nwhen the English entered the forests a mile from Fort Wil- \nliam Henry, the savages fell upon them with great fury, \nslaughtered a large number, plundered their baggage, and \npursued them to within cannon shot of Fort Edward. \nMontcalm declared his inability to restrain the Indians, and \nexpressed his deep sorrow. The fort and all its appendages were burned \nor otherwise destroyed.* It was never rebuilt ; and until 1854, nothing marked \n\n\' Note 5, page 137. \' Pago 137. \' Page 191. " Page 190. ^ Page 190. \n\n* Israel Putnam, afterward a major-general in the army of the Revolution. He now held the \ncommission of major, and with Major Rogers and his rangers, performed important services durmg \nthe wliole French and Indian War. \n\n\' It is said that Montcalm was just on the point of raising the siege and returning to Ticon- \nderogct, when Webb\'s cowardly letter fell into his hands. Tlie number and strength of Jolmson\'s \ntroop^ -lad been greatly exaggerated, and Montcalm was preparing to flee. \n\n" Major Putnam visited the ruins wliile the fires were yet burning, and he described the scene \nds very appalling. The bodies of murdered Englishmen were scattered in every direction, some of \n\n\n\n1// 1 \n\n\n\\ \n\n\n\\ / CromiPoini \n\n\n11 o \n\n\n\\ \n\n\n1* \n\n\n^,.^^ \n\n\nIf5 \n\n\n1 Jloyerx)(%;A | \n\n\nf \n\n\n\n\n\n\n^^^^^^^iEL-\\ \n\n\n\nLAKE GEORGE AND \nVICINITY. \n\n\n\n1763.] FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. 195 \n\nits site but an irregular line of low mounds on the border of the lake, a short \ndistance from the village of Caldwell. Since then a hotel has been erected \nupon the spot, for the accommodation of summer tourists. Thus ended the \nmilitary operations of the inefficient Earl of Loudon, for the year 1757. \n\nThe position of aifairs in America now alarmed the English people. The \nresult of the war, thus flir, was humiliating to British pride, while it incited \nthe French to greater efforts in the maintenance of their power in the West. \nIn the Anglo-American\' colonies there was much irritation. Thoroughly \nimbued with democratic ideas, and knowing their competency, unaided by royal \ntroops, to assert and maintain their rights, they regarded the interferences of \nthe home government as clogs upon their operations. Some of the royal gov- \nernors were incompetent and rapacious, and all were marked by a haughty \ndeportment, offensive to the sturdy democracy of the colonists. Their demands \nfor men and money, did not always meet with cheerful and ample responses ; \nand the arrogant assumption of the English officers, disgusted the commanders \nof the provincial troops, and often cooled the zeal of whole battalions of brave \nAmericans. Untrammeled by the orders, exactions, and control of imperial \npower, the Americans would probably have settled the whole matter in a single \ncampaign; but at the close of the second year of the war [1756] the result \nappeared more uncertain and remote than ever. The people of England had \nperceived this clearly, and clamored fior the dismissal of the Aveak and corrapt \nministry then in power. The popular will prevailed, and William Pitt, by far \nthe ablest statesman England had yet produced, was called to the control of \npublic affairs in June, 1757. Energy and good judgment marked every move\xc2\xab\' \nment of his administration, especially in measures for prosecuting the war in \nAmerica. Lord Loudon was recalled,^ and General Abercrombie^ was appointed \nto succeed him. A strong naval armament was prepared and placed under the \ncommand of Admiral Boscawen ; and twelve thousand additional English troops \nwere allotted to the service in America.* Pitt addressed a letter to the several \ncolonies, asking them to raise and clothe twenty thousand men. He promised, \nin the name of Parliament, to furnish arms, tents, and provisions for them ; \nand also to reimburse the several colonies all the money they should expend in \nraising and clothing the levies. These liberal offers had a magical effect, and \nan excess of levies soon appeared. New England alone raised fifteen thousand \nmen;^ New York furnished almost twenty-seven hundred, New Jersey one \n\nthem half consumed among the embers of the conflagration. Among the dead were more than one \nhundred women, many of whom had been scalped [note 4, page 14] by the Indians. \n\n* This is the title given to Americans who are of English descent. Those who are descendants \nof the Saxons who settled in England, are called Anglo-Saxons. \n\n^ Pitt gave as a chief reason for recalling London, that he could never hear from him, and did \nnot know what he was about. Loudon was always arranging great plans, but executed nothing. \nIt was remarked to Dr. Franklin, when he made inquiries concerning him, tl:at he was "hke St. \nGeorge on the signs \xe2\x80\x94 always on horseback, but never rides forward." ^ Page 191. \n\n* Pitt had arranged such an admirable militia system for home defense, that a large number of \nthe troops of the standing army could be spared for foreign service. \n\n* Public and private advances during 1758, in Massachusetts alone, amounted to more than a \nmillion of dollars. The taxes on real estate, in order to raise money, were enormous; in many \ninstances equal to two thirds of the income of the tax-payers. Yet it was levied hy their own repre- \neentaiives, and they did not murmur. A few years later, an almost nominal tax in the form of duty \n\n\n\n196 \n\n\n\nTHE COLONIES. \n\n\n\n[1766. \n\n\n\nthousand, Pennsylvania almost three thousand, and Virginia over two thousand. \nSome came from other colonies. Royal American troops (as they were called) \norganized in the Carolinas, were ordered to the North ; and when Abercrombie \ntook command of the army in the month of May, 1758, he found fifty thousand \nmen at his disposal ; a number greater than the whole male population of the \nFrench dominions in America, at that time.* \n\n\n\n\nLORD AJIIIEKST. \n\n\n\nCAMPAIGN OP 1758. \nThe plan of the campaign of 1758, was comprehensive. Louisburg," Ticon- \nderoga, and Fort du Quesne,\' were the principal points of operations pecified in \nit. This was a renewal of Shirley\'s scheme, and ample \npreparations were made to carry it out. The first blow \nwas directed against Louisburg. Admiral Boscawen \narrived at Halifax early in May, with about forty armed \nvessels bearing a land force of over twelve thousand men, \nunder General Amherst* as chief, and General Wolfe\'^ as \nhis lieutenant. They left Halifax on the 28th of May, \nand on the 8th of June, the troops landed, without much \nopposition, on the shore of Gabarus Bay, near the city \nof Louisburg.\xc2\xae The French, alarmed by this demonstra- \ntion of power, almost immediately deserted their outposts, \nand retired within the town and fortress. After a vigorous resistance of almost \nfifty days, and when all theiifc shipping in the harbor was destroyed, the French \nsurrendered the town and fort, together Avith the island of Cape Breton and \nthat of St. John (now Prince Edward), and their dependencies, by capitulation, \non the 26th of July, 1758. The spoils of victory were more than five thousand \nprisoners, and a large quantity of munitions of Avar. By this victory, the \nEnglish became masters of the coast almost to the mouth of the St. Lawrence. \nWhen Louisburg fell, the power of France in America began to wane, and from \nthat time its decline Avas continual and rapid. \n\nActivity noAV prevailed everyAvhere. While Amherst \nand Wolfe Avere conquering in the East, Abercrombie and \nyoung HoAve were leading seven thousand regulars, nine \nthousand provincials, and a heavy train of artillery, \nagainst Ticonderoga, then occupied by Montcalm wdth \nalmost four thousand men. Abercrombie\'s army had ren- \ndezvoused at the head of Lake George, and at the close \nof a calm Sabbath evening [July, 1758] they went down \nthat beautiful sheet of water in flat-boats, and at dawn \n\n\n\n"/ V C "^ 1 A \n\n\n\nTICONDEROGA- \n\n\n\ntipon an article of luxury, levied witlwut their consent, excited the people of that colony to rebellion. \nSee page 109. \n\n* The total number of inhabitants in Canada, then capable of bearing arms, did not exceed \ntwentr thousand. Of them, between four and five thousand were regular troops. \n\n* Page 229. \' Page 186. \n\n* Lord Jeffrey Amherst was born in Kent, England, in 1717. He was commander-in-chief of \ntTne army in England, during a part of our war for independence, and aflerward. He died in 1797, \naged eigbty vears. ^ Note 8, page 200. " Note 5, page 137. \n\n\n\n1763.] \n\n\n\nTHE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. \n\n\n\n197 \n\n\n\n\nLORD HOWE. \n\n\n\n[Julj 6] landed at its northern extremity. The whole \ncountry from there to Tieonderoga was then covered \nwith \'^ dense forest, and tangled morasses lay in the \npathway of the English army. Led by incompetent \nguides, they were soon bewildered, and while in this \nconditioL they were suddenly attacked by a French \nscouting party. The enemy was repulsed, but the vic- \ntory was a\'^^ the expense of the life of Lord Howe.\' He \nfell at the head of the advanced guard, and a greater \npart of the troops, who considered him the soul of the \nexpedition, retreated in confusion to the landing-place. \n\nIn the midst of the temporary confusion incident to the death of Howe, \nintelligence reached Abercrombie that a reinforcement for Montcalm was \n\napproaching. Deceived concern- \ning the strength of the French \nlines across the neck of the pen- \ninsula on which the fortress stood," \nhe pressed forward to the attack \nwithout his artillery, and ordered \nhis troops to scale the breast- \nworks [July \'8], in the foce of \nthe enemy\'s fire. These* proved \nmuch stronger than he antici- \npated,^ and after a bloody con- \nflict of four hours, Abercrombie \nfell back to Lake George, leav- \ning almost two thousand of his men dead or wounded, in the deep forest.^ He \nhastened to his former camp at the head of the lake, and then, on the urgent \nsolicita\'don of Colonel Bradstreet, he detached three thousand men under that \nofficer, to attack the French post at Frontenac^ They went by Avay of Oswego \n\n\n\n\nEUINS OF TICONDEROGA. \n\n\n\n\' Lord Howe was brother of Admirnl Lord Howe, who commanded the British fleet on the \nAmerifjHH coast, in 1776-77, and of Sir WiUiam Howe, the commander of the land forces. He was \ngreatly beloved by the troops; and Mante, who was in the service, remarks: "With him the soul \nof the expedition seemed to expire." He was only thirty-four years of age when he fell. The \nlegislature of Massachusetts Bay appropriated one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars for a \nmonument to his memory, in Westminster Abbey. His remains were conveyed to Albany by \nCaptain (afterward General) Philip Schuyler, and there placed in a vault belonp,ing to the family \nof that officer. They were afterward removed to a place under the chancel of St. Tctcr\'s Church, \non State-street, Albany, where they remain. At the time of their removal, it was ibund that Lord \nHowe\'s hair, whicli was very short when he was killed, had grown several inches, and exhibited \nbeautiful smooth and glossy locks. \n\n* The diagram (p. 196) shows the general form of the principal works. The ground on which \nTieonderoga stood is about one hundred feet above the level of the lake. Water is upon three sides, \nand a deep morass extends almost across the fourth, forming a narrrow neck, where the French liad \nerected a strong line of breastworks with batteries. This Hne was about a mile north-west of the \nfortress, which occupied the point of the peninsula. The ruins of the fort, deluieated in the above \nsketch, are yet [IS67] quite picturesque. \n\n* The breastworks were nine feet in height, covered in front by sharpened branches of feUed \ntrees, pointing outward like a mass of bayonets. \n\n* Among the wounded was Captain Cliarles Lee, afterward a general in the army of the Revo* \nlutioa See note 4, page 243. \' Pago 180. \n\n\n\nJ9S THE COLONIES. [1756. \n\nand Lake Ontario, and two days after landing [August 27, 1758], tliej cap- \ntured the fort, garrison, and shipping, without much resistance.\' Bradstrect \nlost only three or four men in the conflict, but a fearful sickness broke out in \nhis camp, and destroyed about five hundred of them. With the remainder, he \nfelowly retraced his steps, and at the carrying-place on the IMohawk, where the \nvillage of Rome now sto.nds, his troops assisted in building Fort Stanwix.^ Aber- \ncrombie, in the mean while, after garrisoning Fort George, ^ returned with the \nremainder of his troops to Albany. \n\nThe expedition against Fort du Quesne,* in the West, was commanded by \nGeneral Joseph Forbes, who, in July, had about six thousand men at his dis- \nposal, at Fort Cumberland and Raystown, including the Virginia troops under \nColonel Washington, the Carolina Royal Americans, and an auxiliary force of \nCherokee Indians. Protracted sickness, and perversity of will and judgment \non the part of Forbes, caused delays almost fatal to the expedition. Contrary \nto the advice of Washington, he insisted, under the advice of some Pennsylvania \nland speculators, in constructing a new road, further north, over the mountains, \ninstead of following the one made by Braddock. His progress was so slow, that \nin September, when it was known that not more than eight hundred men were \nat Fort du Quesne,^ Forbes, with six thousand troops, was yet east of the Al- \nleghanies. Major Grant, at the head of a scouting party ot Colonel Bouquet\'s \nadvanced corps, was attacked [Sept 21], defeated, and made prisoner. Still \nForbes moved slowly and methodically, and it was Kovember [Nov. 8], before \nhe joined Bouquet with the main body, fifty miles from the point of destina- \ntion. The approach of winter, and discontent of the troops, caused a counsel \nof war to decide upon abandoning the enterprise, when three prisoners gave \ninformation of the extreme weakness of the French garrison. Washington \nwas immediately sent forward, and the whole army prepared to follow. In- \ndian scouts discovered the Virginians when they were within a day\'s march \nof the fort, and their fear greatly magnified the number of the provincials. \nThe French garrison, reduced to five hundred men, set fire to-the fort [Nov. \n24], and fled down the Ohio in boats, in great confusion, leaving every thing \nbehind them. The Virginians took possession the following day. Forbes \nleft a detachment of four hundred and fifty men, to repair and garrison the \nfort, and then hastened back to go into winter quarters. The name of Fort \ndu Quesne was changed to Fort Pitt, in honor of the great English statesman.\xc2\xae \n\n\' They made eight hundred prisoners!, and seized nine armed vessels, sixty cannons, sixteen \nmortars, a large quantity of ammunition and stores, and goods designed for traffic vv\'ith tlie Indians. \nAmong Bradstreet\'s subalterns, was Nathaniel Woodlmll, afterward a general at the commencement \nof the war for Independence. [See note 3, page 252.] Stark, Ward, Pomeroy,Gridley, Putnam, \nSchuyler, and many others who were distinguished in the Revolutionary struggle, were active par- \nticipants in the scenes of the French and Indian War. \n\n=" Page 278. \n\n\' Fort George was erected about a mile soutli-cast of the ruins of Fort William Henry, at the \nbead of Lake George. The ruins of the main work, or citadel, are still [18G1J quite prominent. \n\n* Page 186. \n\n\' The capture of Fort Frontenac spread alarm among the French west of that important post, \nbecause their supplies from Canada wero cut olT. It so affected the Indians with fear, that a greater \npart of those who were allied to the French, deserted them, and Fort du Quesne was feebly gar- \nrisoned. * Page 195. \n\n\n\n1763.] THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. 199 \n\nWith this event, closed the campaign of 1758, which resulted in great gain \nto the English. They had effectually humbled the French, by capturing three \nof their most important posts,\' and by weakening the attachment of their \nIndian allies. Miiny of the Indians had not only deserted the French, but at \na great council held at Easton, on the Delaware, during the summer of that year \nthey had, with the Six Nations,\'^ made treaties of friendship or neutrality \nwith the English.^ The right arm of French success was thus paralyzed, and \npeace was restored to the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia. \n\nCAMPAIGN OF 1759. \n\nFour years had elapsed since the commencement of this inter-colonial war. \nThe final struggle was now at hand. Encouraged by the success of the cam- \npaigns just closed, Pitt conceived the magnificent scheme of conquering all \nCanada, and destroying, at one blow, the French dominion in America. That \ndominion was now confined to the region of the St. Lawrence, for more distant \nsettlements in the west and south, were like weak colonies cut off from the \nparent country. Pitt had the rare fortune to possess the entire confidence and \nesteem of the Parliament and the colonists. The former w^as dazzled by his \ngreatness ; the latter Avere deeply impressed with his justice. He had promptly \nreimbursed all the expenses incurred by the piovincial Assemblies during the \ncampaign,^ amounting to almost a million of dollars, and they as promptly sec- \nonded his scheme of conquest, which had been communicated to them under an \noath of secresy. The unsuccessful Abercrombie^ was succeeded by the success- \nful Amherst,* and early in the spring of 1759, the new commander-in-chief \nfound twenty thousand provincial troops at his disposal. A competent land and \nnaval force was also sent from England to co-operate with the Americans, and \nthe campaign opened with brilliant prospects for the colonies. The general \nplan of operations against Canada was similar to that of Phipps and Winthrop \nin 1690.^ A strong land and naval force, under General Wolfe, was to ascend \nthe St. Lawrence, and attack Quebec. Another force, under Amherst, was to \ndrive the French from Lake Champlain, seize Montreal, and join Wolfe at \nQuebec ; and a third expedition, commanded by General Prideaux, was to cap- \nture Fort Niagara, and then hasten down Lake Ontario to Montreal. \n\nOn the 22d of July, 1759, General Amherst appeared before Ticonderoga \nwith eleven thousand men. The French commander had just heard of the \narrival of Wolfe at Quebec [June 27], and offered no resistance. The garrison \nleft the lines on the 23d of July, and retired witliin the fort, and three days \nafterward [July 26j they abandoned that also, partially demolished it, and fled \nto Crown Point. Amherst pursued them, and on his approach, they took to \ntheir boats [Aug. 1], and went down the lake to Isle Aux Noix,^ in the Sorel \n\n* Louisburg, Frontenac, and Du Quesne. Others, except Quebec, were stockades. Note 2, \npage 183. ^ Page 25. \n\n3 The chief tribes represented, were tlie Delawares. Sliawnees, Nanticokes, Mohegans, Conoys, \nand Monseys. The Twightwces. on the Ohio [page 19], had always remained the friends of the \nEngHsh. * Page 195. * Page 191. \n\n* Page 196. \' Page 131. \xe2\x80\xa2 Pronounced Noo-dh. \n\n\n\n200 \n\n\n\nTHE COLONIES. \n\n\n\n[1756 \n\n\n\n\nRiver. Amheist remained at Crown Poin^ long enough to construct a sufficient \nnumber of rude boats to convey his troops, artillery, and bag- \ngage, and then started to drive his enemy before him, across the \nSt. Lawrence. It Avas now mid-autumn [Oct. 11], and heavy \nstorms compelled him to return to Crown Point, and place his \ntroops in Avinter quarters.\' While there, they constructed that \nJ strong fortress, whose picturesque ruins, after the lapse of almost \nciiuu.N iuiM/ ^ imndred years, yet [18G7] attest its strength. \nAccompanied by Sir William Johnson, as his lieuten- \nant, Prideaux collected his forces (chiefly provincial-,)\' \nat Oswego, and sailed from thence to Niagara. He \nlanded without opposition, on the 17th of July, and im- \nmediately commenced the siege. On the same day he \nwas killed, by the bursting of a gun, and was succeeded \nin command ] v General Johnson. The beleaguered gar- \nrison, in daily expectation of reinforcements which had \nbeen ordered from the southern and Avestern forts, held \nout braA^ely for three Aveeks, Avhen, on the 24th of July, \nthe expected troops appeared. They were almost three \nhalf being French regulars, and the remainder Indians, many of them from the \nCreek* and Cherokee\' nations. A scA^ere conflict ensued. The relief forces \nwere completely routed, and on the folloAving day [July 25], Fort Niagara and \nits dependencies, and the garrison of scA^en hundred men, were surrendered to \nJohnson. The connecting link of French military posts betAveen Canada and \nLouisiana\'"\' Avas eifectually broken, never again to be united. Encumbered with \nhis nrisoners, arid unable to procure a sufficient number of vessels for the pur- \npose, Johnson could not proceed to Montreal, to co-operate with Amherst and \nWolfe on the St. LaAvrence, according to the original plan.\'\' He garrisoned \nFort Niagara, and returned home. \n\nAnimated Avith high hopes, Wolfe\' left Louisburg, with eight thousand \ntroops, under a convoy of tAventy-two line-of-battle ships, and as many frigates \n\n\n\n\nFORT NIAGARA. \n\n\n\nthousand strons;, \n\n\n\n* \'WIulo at Crown Point, Major Rogers, at tlio head of his celebrated Rangers, went on an ex- \npedition against tlie St. Francis Indians^ who had long been a terror to the frontier settlements of \nNew England. The village was destroyed, a large number of Indians were slain, and the Rangers \nwere completely victorious. They suffered from cold and hunger while on their return, and many \nwere left dead in the forest before tlie party reached the nearest settlement at Bellows Falls. \nRogers went to England after the war, returned in 1775, joined the British army at New York, \nand soon went to Ihigland again, where he died. \n\n* The above diagram shows the general form of the military works at Crown Point. These, \nlike the ruins at Ticonderoga, are quite picturesque remains of the past. AAA shove\'s the position \nof the strong stone barracks, portions of which are yet standing. W shows tlie place of a very deep \nwell, dug through the so\\id rock. It was filled up, and so remained until a few years ago, when \nsome money-diggers, foolishly believing there was treasure at the bottom, cleaned it out. They \nfound nothino: but a few scraps of iron and other rubbish. ^ \n\n\' Johnson\'s influence over the Six Nations, made many of them disregard the treatyof neutral- \nity made with Montcalm [note 4, page 1921. and a considerable number accompanied him to \nNiagara * Page 30. ^ Page 27. ^ Page 180. \' Page 199. \n\n^ James Wolfa was the son of a British general, and was born in Kent, England, in 172G. Be- \nfore he was twenty years of age, he was distinguished in battle. Ho was now only thirty-three \nyears old. \xe2\x80\xa2 \n\n\n\n1763.] \n\n\n\nTHE FRENCH AND INDIAN "WAR. \n\n\n\n201 \n\n\n\n\nGEXERAi, WOLFE. \n\n\n\nand smaller armed vessels, commanded by Admirals Holmes and Saunders, and, \non the 27th of June, landed upon Orleans Island, a few miles below Quebec. \nThat city then, as now, consisted of an Upper and Lower Town, the former \nwithin fortified walls, upon the top and declivities of a \nlatter lying upon a narrow beach at the edge of the \nwater. Upon the heights, three hundred feet above the \nwater, was a level plateau called the Plains of Abra- \nham. At the mouth of the St. Charles, which here \nenters the St. Lawrence, the French had moored several \nfloating batteries.^ The town was strongly garrisoned , \nby French regulars, and along the north bank of the \nSt. Lawrence, from the St. Charles to the Montmorenci \nRiver, was the main French army, under Montcalm,^ in \na fortified camp. It was composed chiefly of Canadian \nmilitia and Indians. ;(\' \n\nOn the 80th of July, the English, after a slight skirmish, took possession \nof Point Levi, opposite Quebec, and throwing hot shot from a battery, they \nalmost destroyed the Lower Town. They could not damage the strong fortifi- \ncations of the city from that distance, \nand Wolfe resolved to attack the \nFrench camp. He had already land- \ned a large force, under Generals \nTownshend and ]\\Iurray, and formed \na camp [July 10, 1750], below the \nRiver Montmorenci. General Monck- \nton, with grenadiers^ and other troops., \ncrossed from Point Levi, and landed \nupon the beach [July 81], at the base \nof the high river bank, just above that stream, Murray and Townshend were \nordered to force a passage across the Montmorenci, and co-operate with him, \nbut Monckton was too eager for attack to await their coming. lie unwisely \nrushed forward, but was soon repulsed, and compelled to take shelter behind a \nblock-house^ near the beach, just as a heavy thunder-storm, which had been \ngathering for several hours, burst upon the combatants. Night came on before \nit ceased, and the roar of the rising tide warned the English to take to their \nboats. Five hundred of their number had perished. \n\nTwo months elapsed, and yet the English had gained no important advan- \ntages. "Wolfe had received no intelligence from Amherst, and the future ap- \n\n\n\n\nIIIUTARY OPERATIOXS AT QUEBEC. \n\n\n\n\' These were a kind of flat-boats, with proper breastworks or other defenses, and armed with \ncannons. \n\n^ He was descended from a noble fimilv. He was appointed governor of Canada in 1T5G. Hia \nremains are beneath the Ursuline convent at Quebec. \n\n\' Grenadiers are companies of tlie regular army, distinguished from the rest by some peculiarity \nof dress and accoutrements, and always composed of the tallest and most muscular men iu the serv- \nice. They are generally employed in bayonet charges, and sometimes carry grenades, a kind of \nsmall bomb-shell. * Note 3, page 192. \n\n\n\n202 THE COLONIES. [176& \n\npeared gloomy. The exposure, fatigue, and anxietj which he had endured \nproduced a violent fever, and at the beginning of September [1759J, he lay \nprostrate in his tent. He called a council of war at his bedside, and, on the \nsuggestion of ToAvnshend, it Avas resolved to scale the heights of Abraham,\' and \nassail the town on its weakest side. Wolfe heartily approved of the design. \nA plan Avas speedily matured, and feeble as he was, the commander-in-chief \ndetermined to lead the assault in person. The camp at the Mon:morenci was \nbroken up [Sept. 8], and the attention of Montcalm was diverted from the real \ndesigns of the English, by seeming preparations to again attack his lines. The \naffair was managed so secretly and skillfully, that even De Bourgainville, who \nhad been sent up the St. Lawrence by Montcalm, with fifteen hundred men, \nto watch the movements of the English, had no suspicion of their designs. \n\nAll preparations having been completed, the English ascended the river, in \nseveral vessels of the fleet, on the evening of the 12th of September. They \nwent several miles above the intended landing-place. Leaving the ships at \nmidnight, they embarked in flat boats, with mufiled oars, and moved silently \ndown to the mouth of a ravine, a mile and a half from the city, and landed.^ \nAt dawn [Sept. 13], Lieutenant- Colonel Howe^ led the van up the tangled \nravine, in the face of a sharp fire from a guard above. He was followed by the \ngenerals and the remainder of the troops, with artillery; and at sunrise the \nwhole army stood in battle array upon the Plains of Abraham. It was an \napparition little anticipated by the vigilant Montcalm. He \nperceived the peril of the city ; and marching his whole army \nimmediately from his encampment, crossed the St. Charles, and \nbetween nine and ten o\'clock in the morning, confronted the \nEno-lish. A general, fierce, and bloody battle now ensued. Al- \nthough twice severely wounded, Wolfe kept his feet; and as \nthe two armies closed upon each other, he placed himself at the \nhead of his grenadiers, and led them to a charge. At that mo- \nment a bullet entered his breast. He was carried to the rear, \nand a fcAV moments afterward, Monckton, who took the com- \n\xe2\x80\x9eo^\xe2\x80\x9e,,,\xe2\x80\x9e^ .,.,\xe2\x80\x9e, ,\xe2\x80\x9eji.Emand, also fell, severely wounded. Townshend continued the \nAnu MONTvjALM. j-j^^jg Moutcalm soon received a flital wound ;* and the French, \nterribly pierced by English bayonets, \'and smitten by Highland broadswords, \nbroke and lied. Wolfe died just as the battle ended, with a smile upon liis lips, \nbecause his ears hoard the victory-shouts of his army. Five hundred French- \n\n\n\n\n> Tlie declivity from Cape Diamond, on which tho chief fortress stands, along the St. Lawrence \nto the cove below Sillcry, was called by the general name of the Heights of Abraham, the ptains of \nthat name being on tlie top. See map on page 201. \n\n\' Tliis place is known as Wolfts Cove; and tlie ravine, which here breaks the steepness of the \nrocky sliore, and np which the Kimlish clambered, is called Wnlfe\'s Bovine. \n\n^ Afterward General Sir William Howe, the commander-in-chief of the English forces in Amer- \nica, whi-n the Revolution had fairly Commenced. Page 247. \n\n4 He was carried into the citv, and when tnld that he must die, he said, "So much the better; \nI shall then bo .spared the mortification of seeing the surrender of Quebec." His remains are yet \nin Quebec; those of Wolfe were conveved to England. Peoiile of tlie two nations have long dwelt \npeaceably together in tliat ancient city, and they have united m orect.ng a tall granite obelisk, \ndedicated to the linked memory of Wolfe and Montcahn. \n\n\n\nlit \n\n\n\n\n\\v \n\n\n\n\nTSIE^IPIEI (S)W "WOILIFJE: \n\n\n\n1763.] THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. 208 \n\nmen were killed, and (including the wounded) a thousand were taken prisonera. \nThe English lost six hundred, in killed and wounded. \n\nGeneral Townshend now prepared to besiege the citj. Threatened famine \nwithin aided him; and five days after the death of Wolfe [Sept. 18, 1759], \nQuebec, with its fortifications, shipping, stores, and people, was surrendered to \nthe English, and five thousand troops, under General Murray, immediately took \npossession. The fleet, with the sick and the French prisoners, sailed for \nHalifax. The campaign now ended, yet Canada was not conquered. The \nFrench yet held Montreal, and had a considerable land and naval force above \nQuebec. \n\nCAMPAIGN OF 17G0. \n\nNotwithstanding these terrible disasters, the French were not dismayed, \nand early in the spring of 1760, Vaudreuil, then governor-general of Canada, \nsent M. Levi, the successor of Montcalm, to recover Quebec. lie Avcnt down \nthe St. Lawrence, with six frigates and a strong land force. General Murray \nmarched out, and met him at Sillery, about three miles above Quebec, and \nthere, on the 4th of April, was fought one of the most sanguinary battles of the \nwar. Murray was defeated. He lost all his artillery, and about a thousand \nmen, but succeeded in retreating to the city with the remainder. Levi now \nlaid siege to Quebec, and Murray\'s condition was becoming perilous, from the \nwant of supplies, when an English squadron, with reinforcements and provisions, \nappeared [May 9] in the St. Lawrence. Levi supposed it to be the whole \nBritish fleet, and at once raised the siege [May 10], and flod to Montreal, after \nlosing most of his shipping. \n\nNow came the final struggle. The last stronghold of the French was now \nto be assailed ; and Vandreuil gathered all his forces at ]\\Iontreal for the \nconflict. Amherst had made extensive preparations during the summer ; and \nearly in September [Sept. 6-7], three English armies met before the doomed \ncity. Amherst, at the head of ten thousand troops, and a thousand warriors \nof the Six Nations, under General Johnson,* arrived on the 6th, and was \njoined, the same day, by General Murray, and four thousand troops, from \nQuebec. The next day. Colonel Haviland arrived, with threo thousand troops, \nfrom Crown Point,"^ having taken possession of Isle Aux-Noix^ on the way. \nAgainst such a crushing force, resistance would be vain ; and Vandreuil im- \nmediately signed a capitulation [Sept. 8, 1760], surrendering Montreal, and \nall other French posts in Canada, into the hands of the English.* The regular \ntroops, made prisoners at Montreal, were to be sent to Franco ; and the Cana- \ndians were guarantied perfect security in person, property, and religion.^ \nGeneral Gage" was appointed governor at Montreal ; and Murray, with four \nthousand men, garrisoned Quebec. \n\n\' Page 190. ^ Page 198. \' Xot- 8, pngo 107. \n\n* The chief posts surrendered were Presque Isle (now Eric, Pennsylvania), Detroit, and Mac- \nkinaw. \n\n* They were chiefly Roman Catholics, and that is yet the prevailing religion in Lower Canada. \n\n* Pages 186 and 226. \n\n\n\n204 THE COLONIES. [1756. \n\nTho conquest of Canada produced great joy in the Anglo-American \ncolonies,\' and in none was it more intense than in that of New York, \nbecause its Avhole northern frontier lay exposed to the enemy. The exultation \nwas very great in New England, too, for its eastern frontiers were now relieved \nfrom the terrible scourge of Indian warfare, by which they had been desolated \neix times within a little more than eighty years. In these wars, too, the \nIndians had become almost annihilated. The subjugation of the French seemed \nto be a guaranty of peace in the future, and the people everywhere assembled \nto utter public thanksgiving to HiM who rules the nations. \n\nAlthoum-h the war had ceased in America, the French and English contin- \nued it upon the ocean, and among the West India Islands, with almost con- \ntuaual success for the latter, until 1763, when a definitive treaty of peace," \nagreed upon tho year before, was signed at Paris [February 10, 1763], by \nwhich France ceded to Great Britain all her claimed possessions in America, \neastward of the Mississippi, north of the latitude of Iberville River.\' At the \nsame time, Spain, with whom the English had been at war for a year previously, \nceded [February 10. 1763] East and West Florida to the British crown. And \nnow, England held undisputed possession (except by the Indians) of the whole \nContinent, from the shores of the Gulf of Mexico to the frozen North, and from \nocean to ocean.* \n\nThe storm of war still lowered in the southern horizon, when the French \ndominion ceased in Canada. While tho English were crushing the Gallic power \nin the north, the frontier settlements of the Carolinas were suffering dreadfully \nfrom frequent incursions of Indian war parties. French emissaries were busy \namong the Cherokees, hitherto the treaty friends of the English ; and their \ninfluence, and some wrongs inflicted upon the Indians by some frontier Virginia \nRangers, produced hostilities, and a fierce war was kindled in March, 1760." \nThe whole western frontier of the Carolinas was desolated in the course of a few \nweeks. Tho people called aloud for help, and Amherst heeded their supplica- \ntions. Early in April, Colonel INIontgomery, with some British regulars and \nprovincial troops, marched from Charleston, South Carolina, and laid waste a \nportion of the Cherokee country.\'^ Those bold aboriginal highlanders Avere not \nsubdued; but when, the following year. Colonel Grant led a stronger force \nagainst thcm,^ burned their towns, desolated their fields, and killed many of \ntheir warriors, they humbly sued for peace [June, 1761], and ever afterward \nremained comparatively quiet. \n\nThe storm in the South had scarcely ceased, when another, more porten- \ntous and alarming, gathered in the North-west. Pontiac, a sagacious chief of \n\n\' Note 1. page 193. ^ Franco and England, Spain and Portugal, were parties to this treaty. \n\n\' New Orleans, and the whole of Louisiana, was ceded by France to Spain at the same time, \nand she relinquislied her entire possessions in North America. In 1800, Spain, by a secret treaty,\' \nretroceded Louisiana to France; and in 1803, Napoleon sold it to the United States for fifteen mil- \nlions of dollars. S^e page 390. \n\n* The cost, to England, of this Seven Tears\' War, as the conflict was called in Europe, was five \nhundred and sixty millions of dollars. \' Page 27. " Page 27. \n\n\' Marion, Moultrie, and several other men, afterward distinguished in the war for Independ- \nence, accompanied Grant on tliis occasion. \n\n\n\n1763.] THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. \n\n\n\n205 \n\n\n\nthe Ottawas/ who had been an earlj allj of the French, secretly confetlerated \nseveral of the ALGOiNQuiN tribes, in 17G3, for the purpose of expelling the \nEnglish from the country west of the Alleghanies.^ After the fall of Montreal \nPontiac had professed an attachment to the English ; and as there seemed safety \nfor settlers west of the mountains, immigration began to pour its livino- stream \noyer those barriers. Like Philip of Mount Ilope,^ Pontiac saw, in the future, \nvisions of the displacement, perhaps destruction, of his race, by the pale-faces ; \nand he determined to strike a blow for life and country. So adroitly were his \nplans matured, that the commanders of the western forts had no suspicions of \nhis conspiracy until it was ripe, and the first blow had been struck, in the \nmonth of June. Within a fortnight, all the posts in possession of the English, \nwest of Oswego, fell into his hands, except Niagara,\' Fort Pitt,*^ and Detroit. \nColonel Bouquet saved Pittsburg;\' Niagara was not attacked; and Detroit, \nafter sustaining a siege of almost twelve months, -was relieved by Colonel Brad- \nstreet,8 who arrived there with reinforcements, in May, 1764. The Indians \nwere now speedily subdued, their power was broken, and the hostile tribes sent \ntheir chiefs to ask for pardon and peace. The haughty Pontiac refused \nto bow to the white people, and took refuge in the country of the Illinois, \nwhere he was treacherously murdered\' in 1769. This was the last act in the \ndramaof the French and Indian War." \n\nIn our consideration of the history of the United States, we have now \narrived at a point of great interest and importance. We have traced the growth \nof the colonies through infancy and youth, as their interests and destinies gradu- \nally commingled, until they really formed one people," strong and lusty, hke \n\n\n\n\' Page 18. \n\n^ The confederation consisted of the Ottawas, Miamies, "f^yandots, Chippewas, Pottawatomies, \nMississaguies, Shawnoese, Outagamies or Foxes, and Winnebagoes. The Senecas, the most westerly \nclan of the Six Nations, also joined in the conspiracy. = Page 203. \n\n* Page 124. ^ Page 200. \xc2\xab Page 198*. \n\n\' Henry Bouquet was a brave English ofBcer. He was appointed lloutenant-colonel in 1756, \nand was in the expedition against Fort du Quesne (page 198). In 1763, Amherst sent him from \nMontreal, with provisions and military stores for Fort Pitt. His arrival was timely, and he saved \nthe garrison from destruction. The following year he commanded an expedition against the Indians \nin Ohio, and was successful. His journal was published after the war. ^ Page 198. \n\n" An English trader bribed a Peoria Indian to murder him, for which he gave him a barrel of \nrum. The place of his death was Cahokia, a small village on the east side of the Mississippi, a httle \nbelow St. Louis. Pontiac was one of the greatest of all the Indian chiefs known to the white peo- \nple, and deserved a better fate. It is said, that during the war of 1763, he appointed a commissary, \nand issued Ijills of credit. So highly was he esteemed by the French Inhabitants, that these were \nreceived by them. Montcalm thought much of him ; and at the time of his death, Pontiac was \ndressed in a French uniform, presented to him by that commander. See page 202. Pontiac was \nburied where the city of St. Louis now stands, and that busy mart is his monument, though not his \nmemorial. \n\n\'\xc2\xb0 The work most accessible to the general reader, in which the details of colonial events may \nbe found, is Graham\'s Colonial History of the \' United States, in two volumes octavo, published by \nBlanchard and Lea, Philadelphia. \n\n" It must not be understood, that there was yet a perfect unity of feeling among the various \ncolonists. Sectional interests produced sectional jealousies, and these worked much mischief, even \nwhile soldiers from almost every colony were fighting shoulder to shoulder [page 190] in the conti- \nnental army. Burnaby, who traveled in America at this period, expressed tlie opinion, that \nsectional jealousy and dissimilarity would prevent a permanent union ; yet he avers that the peoplo \nwere imbued with ideas of independence, and that it was frequently remarked among them, that \n" the tide of dominion was running westward, and that America was destined to be the mistress of \nthe world." TJ;e colonists themselves were not uruuiudful of the importance of their position, and \n\n\n\n206 THE COLONIES. [1756. \n\nthe mature man, prepared to vindicate natural rights, and to fashion political and \nsocial systems adapted to their position and wants. We view them now, con- \nscious of their physical and moral strength, possessing clear views of right and \njustice, and prepared to demand and defend both. This is the point in the \nprogress of the new and growing nation to which our observation is now \ndirected, when the great question was to be decided, whether independent self- \ncontrol should be enjoyed, or continued vassalage to an ungenerous parent \nshould be endured. Our next topic will be the events connected with the \nsettlement of that question. It is a topic of highest significance. It looms up \nin the panorama of national histories like some giant Alp, far above its fellows, \nisolated in grandeur, yet assimilated in sympathy with all others. \n\nthey gave freely of their substance to carry on the contest for the mastery. Probably, the " Seven \nYears\' War\'\' cost the colonies, in the aggregate, full twenty millions of dollars, besides the flower \nof their youth ; and, in return. Parliament granted them, during the contest, at different periods, \nabout five millions and a half of dollars. Parliament subsequently voted one million of dollars to \nthe coloniee, but, on account of the troubles arising from the Stamp Act and kindred measures, min- \nisters withheld the sum. \n\nThe following is a list, taken from official records, of " The grants in Parliament for Rewards, \nEncouragement, and Indemnification to the Provinces m North America, for their Services and Ex- \npenses during the last [seven years\'] "War : \n\n" On the 3d of February, 1756, as a free gift and reward to the colonies of New England, New \nYork, and Jerse.y, for their past services, and as an encouragement to continue to exert themselves \nwith vigor, $575,000. \n\n"May 19th, 1757. For the use and relief of the provinces of North and South Carolina, and \nVirginia, in recompense for services performed and to be performed, $250,000. \n\n"June 1st, 1758. To reimburse the province of Massachusetts Bay their expenses in furnishing \nprovisions and stores to the troops raised by them in 1756, $136,900. To reimburse the province \nof Connecticut their expenses for ditto, $68,680. \n\n"April 30th, 1759. As a compensation to the respective colonies for the expenses of clothing, \npay of troops, etc., $1,000,000. \n\n"March 31st, 1700. For the same, $1,000,000. For the colony of New York, to reimburse \ntheir expenses in furnishing provisions and stores to the troops in 1756, $14,885. \n\n"Jan. \'20th, 1761. As a compensation to the respective colonies for clothmg, pay of the troops, \netc., $1,000,000. \n\n"Jan. 26th, 1762. Ditto, $666,666. \n\n"March 15th, 1763. Ditto, $666,666. \n\n"April 22d, 1770. To reimburse the province of New Hampshire their expenses in furnishing \nprovisions and stores to the troops in the campaign of 1756, $30,045. Total, $5,408,842." \n\nIn a pamphlet, entitled Rights of Britain and Claims of America, an answer to the Declara- \ntion of the Continental Congress, setting forth the causes and the necessity of their taking up arms, \nprinted in 1776, is a table showing the annual expenditures of the British government in support of \nthe civil and military powers of the American colonies, from the accession of the family of Hanover, \nin 1714, until 1775. The expression of the writer is, "Employed in the defense of America." This \nisincon-ect; for the wars with the French on this continent, which cost the greatest amount of \nmoney, were wars for conquest and territory, though ostensibly for the defense of the Anglo-Amer- \nican colonies against the encroachments of their Gallic neighbors. During the period alluded to \n(sixty years), the sums granted for the army amounted to $43,899,625; for the navy, $50,000,000; \nmoney laid out in Indian presents, in holding Congresses, and purchasing cessions of land, \n$30,500,000 ; making a total of $123,899,625. Within that period the following bounties on \nAmerican commodities were paid: On indigo, $725,110; on hemp and flax, .<^27,800; on naval \nstores imported into Great Britain from America, $7,293,810; making the total sum paid on ac- \ncount of bounties, $8,047,320. The total amount of money expended in sixty years on account of \nAmerica^ $131,946,945. \n\n\n\n\nPATRICK HENRY BEFORE THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY. \n\n\n\n\n^\'A \n\n\n\nPERIOD. \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION. PRELIMINARY EVENTS. \nrtGl\xe2\x80\x94lllo. \n\n\n\nJAMES OTIS. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER I. \n\nPrinciples, like the ultimate particles of \nmatter, and the laws of God, are eternal, inde- \nstructible, and unchangeable. They have \nexisted in the moral realm of our world since the advent of man ; and devious \nas may be their manifestations, according to circumstances, they remain the \nsame, inherently, and always exhibit the same tendencies. When God gave to \nman an intelligent soul, and invested him with the prerogatives of moral free \nagency, then was born that instinctive love of liberty which, through all past \ntime, has manifested itself in individuals and in societies; and in every age, the \nconsciences of men have boldly and indignantly asked, in the presence of \noppression, \n\n"If I\'m design\'d yon lordling\'s slave, \n\nBy Nature\'s laws designed ; \n"Why was an independent wish \n\nE\'er planted in my mind ? \nIf not, why am I subject to \n\nHis cruelty or scorn? \nOr why has man the wiU and pow\'r \n\nTo make his fellow mourn?" \' \n\n* Bums. \n\n\n\n208 THE REVOLUTION. [1761. \n\nNations, like men, have thus spoken. The principles of civil and religious \nliberty, and the inalienable rights of man which thej involve, Avere recognized \nand asserted long before Columbus left Palos for the New World/ Their \nmaintenance had shaken thrones and overturned dynasties before Charles the \nFirst was brought to the block f and thej had lighted the torch of revolution long \nbefore the trumpet-tones of James Otis^ and Patrick Henry* aroused the Anglo- \nAmericans\' to resist British aggression. From the earliest steps in the progress \nof the American colonies, we have seen the democratic theories of all past reform- \ners developed into sturdy democratic practice ; and a love of liberty Avhich had \ngerminated beneath the heat of persecution in the Old World, budded and \nblossomed all over the New, Avherever English hearts beat, or English tongues \ngave utterance. Nor did English hearts alone cherish the precious seedling, \nnor English tongues alone utter the noble doctrines of popular sovereignty ; but \nin the homes of all in this beautiful land, whatever country gave the inmates \nbirth, there was a shrine of freedom, and a refuge for the oppressed. Here \nking-craft and priest-craft never had an abiding-place, and their ministers were \nalways weak in the majestic presence of the popular will. \n\nUpon the bleak shores of Massachusetts Bay ; upon the banks of the Hud- \nson, the Delaware, the Potomac, and the James ; and amid the pine-forests or \nbeneath the palmettos of the Carolinas, and the further South, the colonists, \nfrom the very beginning, had evinced an impatience of arbitrary rule ; and \nevery manifestation of undue control by local magistrates or distant monarchs \xe2\x80\x94 \nevery effort to abridge their liberties or absorb their gains, stimulated the \ngrowth of democratic principles. These permeated the whole social and politi- \ncal life in America, and finally evolved from the crude materials of royal \ncharters, religious covenants, and popular axioms, that galaxy of representative \ngovernments which, having the justice of the English Constitution, the truth \nof Christian ethics, and the wisdom of past experience for their foundation, \nwere united in "the fullness of time," in that symmetrical combination of free \ninstitutions known as the Republic of the United States of America. \n\nIt is a common error to regard the Revolution which attended the birth of \nthis Republic, as an isolated episode in the history of nations, having its causes \nin events immediately preceding the convulsion. It was not the violent result \nof recent discontents, but the culmination of a long series of causes tending to \nsuch a climax. The parliamentary enactments which kindled the rebellion in \n1775, were not oppressive measures entirely novel. They had their counter- \nparts in the British statute books, even as early as the restoration of monarchy \n[1660J\xc2\xb0 a hundred years before, when navigation laws,^ intended to crush the \ngrowing commerce of the colonies were enacted. They were only re-assertions \nof tyrannical legislative power and royal prerogatives, to which the colonies, in \nthe weakness of their infancy and early youth, were compelled to submit. Now \nthey had grown to maturity, and dared to insist upon receiving exact justice, \n\n\' Page 39. "^ Note 3, page 108. \' Page 212. * Note 1, page 214. \n\n\xc2\xbb Note 1, page 103. * Page 109. \' Note 4, page 109. \n\n\n\n1775.] PRELIMINARY EVENTS. 209 \n\nThey had recently emerged from an exhausting war, which, instead of weaken- \ning them, had taught them their real moral, political, and physical strength. \nThey had also learned the important lesson of power in union, and profited by \nits teachings. Having acquired a mastery over the savages of the wilderness, \nand assisted in breaking the French power on their frontiers, into atoms,\' they \nfelt their manhood stirring within them, and they tacitly agreed no longer to \nsubmit to the narrow and oppressive policy of Great Britain. Their industry \nand commerce were too expansive to be confined within the narrow limits of \nthose restrictions which the Board of Trade," from time to time, had imposed, \nand they determined to regard them as mere ropes of sand. For long and \ngloomy years they had struggled up, unaided and alone, from feebleness to \nstrength. They had built fortifications, raised armies, and fought battles, for \nEngland\'s glory and their own preservation, without England\'s aid, and often \nwithout her sympathy. ^ And it was not until the growing importance of the \nFrench settlements excited the jealousy of Great Britain, that her ministers \nperceived the expediency of justice and liberality toward her colonies, in order \nto secure their loyalty and efficient co-operation.* Compelled to be self-reliant \nfrom the beginning, the colonists were made strong by the mother\'s neglect ; \nand when to that neglect she added oppression and scorn, they felt justified in \nusing their developed strength in defense of their rights. \n\nThe colonists had grown strong, not only in material prosperity, percep- \ntions of inalienable rights, and a will to be free, but in many things in which \nthe strength and beauty of a State consist, they exhibited all the most prom- \ninent developments of a great nation. A love for the fine arts had been grow- \ning apace for many years ; and when the Revolution broke out, West^ and \nCopley,* natives of America, were wearing, in Europe, the laurel-crowns of \nsupreme excellence as painters. Literature and science were beginning to be \nhighly appreciated, and the six colonial colleges\' were full of students. God- \nfrey, the glazier, who invented the quadrant, had flourished and passed away ;* \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0 Page 203. " Note 5, page 134. \n\n\' Georgia, alone, received parliamentary aid [page 100], in the establishment of settlements. In \nall the other colonies, where vast sums were expended in fitting out expeditions, purchasing the \nSOU of the Indians, and sustaining the settlers, neither the crown nor parliament ever contributed \na farthing of pecuniary aid. The settling of Massachusetts alone, cost a million of dollars. Lord \nBaltimore spent two hundred thousand dollars in colonizing Maryland ; and William Penn became \ndeeply involved in debt, in his efibrts to settle and improve Pennsylvania. * Page 197. \n\n* Benjamin West was born in Chester county, Pennsylvania, in 1738. His parents were \nQuakers. He commenced art-life as a portrait-painter, when wealthy men furnished hun with \nmeans to go to Italy. He soon triumphed, went to England, was patronized by the king, and \nbecame the most eminent historical painter of his age. He died in London in 1820, in the eighty- \nsecond year of his age. \n\n\xc2\xb0 John Singleton Copley was also bom in 1738. in the city of Boston. He became a pupil of \nSmibert [note 8, page 158], and became an eminent portrait-painter. His famOy relations identified \nhim with the Royalists at the commencement of the Revolution, and he went to England to seek \nemployment, where he was patronized by West. There he painted two memorable pictures; C-J \nfor the House of Lords, the other for the Ho>:se of Commons. These established his fame, and led to \nfortune. His son became lord chancellor of England, and was made a peer, with the title of Lord \nLyndhurst. Copley died in England, in 1815, at the age of seventy-seven years. \n\n\' Page 178. \n\n* Thomas Godfrey was a native of Pennsylvania, and was bom in 1704. He was the real \ninventor of the quadrant known as Hadley\'s. See Lossing\'s Eminent Americans. \n\n\n\n210 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION. \n\n\n\n[116L \n\n\n\nBartram, the farmer, had become "American Botanist to his Majesty;"\' \nFranklin, the printer, was known, wherever civilization had planted her ban- \nners, as the lightning-tamer and profound moral philosopher ; and Rittenhouse, \nthe clock-maker, had calculated and observed the transit of Venus, and oon- \n\n\n\n\ni/]mf\' ftw/ \n\n\n\n\n\n\nstmcted that Planetarium which is yet a wonder in the world of mechanism.\' \nTheology and the legal profession, had taken high ground. Edwards^ had \nwritten his great work on The \'Freedom of the Will, and was among the \ndead ; and already Otis,* Henry,^ Dickenson," Rutledge,^ and other lawyers, \nhad made their brilliant marks, and were prepared to engage in the great strug- \ngle at hand. All classes of men had noble representatives in the colonies, when \nthe conflict commenced. \n\nThere was no cause for complaint on the part of the colonists, of the willful \nexercise of tyrannical power, for purposes of oppression, by Great Britain. \n\n\' See Lospin.a:\'s Eminent Americans. \n\n* David Rittenhouse was born in Roxboroug:li, Pennsylvania, in 1732. As he exhibited great \nmechanical genius, his father apprenticed him to a clock-maker, and he became one of the most \neminent mechanicians and mathematicians of his time. He discovered that remarkable feature in \nalgebraic analysis, called fluxions, and applied it to the mechanic arts. He constructed a machine \nwhich represented the motions of the solar system. That Planetarium is now in the possession of \nthe College of New Jersey, at Princeton Rittenhouse succeeded Franklin as president of the \nAmerican Philosophical Society. He died in 1793, at the age of sixty-four years. \n\n\' Jonathan P]dwards was one of the most eminent of American divines. He was born in East \nWindsor, Connecticut, in 1703, and died at Princeton, New Jersey, while president of the college^ \nin 1768. * Page 212. \' Page 214,. ^ Page 219. \' Page 310. \n\n\n\n1775.] \n\n\n\nPRELIMINARY EVENTS. \n\n\n\n211 \n\n\n\nThere was no motive for such a course. But they reasonably complained of \nan unjust and illiberal policy, which accomplished all the purposes of absolute \ntyranny. The rod of iron was often covered with velvet, and was wielded as \noften by ignorant, rather than by wicked, hands. Yet the ignorant hand, with \n\n\n\n\n-the concealed rod, smote as lustily and offensively, as if it had been a wicked \none, and the rod bare. The first form of governmental and proprietary oppres- \nsion\' was in the appointment of local rulers. The people were not represented. \nin the appointing power. Then came commercial restrictions,\' prohibitions to \nmanufacture, 3 imposts upon exchanges,\'\' and direct taxation, by enactments of \nparliament, in which the colonists were not represented. At the beginnmg, \nthey had asserted, ai^d during their whole progress they had maintained, that \nimportant pohtical maxim, that taxation without representation, is tyranny. \nThis was the fundamental doctrine of their political creed\xe2\x80\x94 this was the test of \nall parliamentary measures \xe2\x80\x94this was the strong rock upon which the patriots \nof the Revolution anchored their faith and hope. \n\nWhen the French and Indian War was closed by the treaty of Paris, \n\n\' Three forms of government had existed, namely, clmrter, proprietary, and royal. The New \nEngland governments were based upon royal charters ; New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and \nthe Carolinas, were owned and governed by individuals or companies, and the remamder were \nimmediately subject to the crown. Not^\\ithstandiug this diversity in the source of government, the \nanti-monarchical spirit pervaded the people of all, from the beghmmg, and gave binh to popular \nlegislative assemblies. \n\n\xc2\xab Note 3, page 177. \xc2\xbb Pag\xc2\xab-s 177 and 178. Page 178. \n\n\n\n212 THE REVOLUTION. [1761. \n\nin 1763, the colonists looked forward to long years of prosperity and \nrepose. A young monarch/ virtuous and of upright intentions, had been \nrecently [1761] seated upon the British throne. Having confidence in his \nintegrity, and having lately felt the justice of the government, under the direc- \ntion of Pitt,\'^ they were disposed to forget past grievances ; and being identified \n\xe2\x96\xa0with the glory of England, now become one of the first powers on the earth, \nthey were fond of their connection. But the serenity of the political sky soon \ndisappeared, and it was not long before violent tempests were raging there. \nEven before the treaty at Paris, a cloud had arisen which portended future \ntrouble. The war had exhausted the British treasury,^ and ministers devised \nvarious schemes for replenishing it. They had observed the resources of the \ncolonists, as manifested by their efibrts during the recent struggle,* and as they \nwere relieved from further hostilities by the subjugation of Canada\' [1759], \nthe government looked to them for aid. Instead of asking it as a favor ^ it was \ndemanded as a right ; instead of inviting the colonial Assemblies to levy taxes \nand make appropriations, government assumed the right to tax their expanding \ncommerce ; and then commenced a vigorous enforcement of existing revenue \nlaws, which had hitherto been only nominally oppressive.\' \n\nOne of the first acts which revealed the intentions of Parliament to tax the \ncolonies by enforcing the revenue laws, was the authorization, in 1761, of \nWrits of Assistance. These were general search-warrants, which not only \nallowed the king\'s ofiicers who held them, to break open any citizen\'s store or \ndwelling, to search for and seize foreign merchandise, on which a duty had not \nbeen paid, but compelled sherifis and others to assist in the work. The people \ncould not brook such a system of petty oppression. The sanctities of private \nlife might be invaded, at any time, by hirelings, and the assertion, based upon \nthe guaranties of the British Constitution, that "every Englishman\'s house is \nhis castle," would not be true. These writs were first issued in Massachusetts, \nand immediately great excitement prevailed. Their legality was questioned, and \nthe matter was brought before a court held in the old town hall in Boston. \nThe advocate for the Crown (Mr. Gridley) argued, that as Parliament was the \nsupreme legislature for the whole British nation, and had authorized these \nwrits, no subject had a right to complain. He was answered by James Otis/ \n_^ i . \n\n* George the Third. He was crowned m 1761, at the age of twenty years. He reigned ahnost \nsixty years, and died in 1820. \' Page 195. ^ Note 4. page 204. \n\n* French and Indian War. * Page 204. \n\n\' Commercial restrictions were imposed upon the colonies as early as 1651 [note 4, page 109]. \nIn 1660, 1672, 1676, 1691, and 1692, attempts were made by parliament to derive a revenue by a \ntariif-taxation upon the colonies. In 1696 a proposition was made to levy a direct tax upon the \ncolonies. Then, not only in Britain, but in America, the power of parliament (wherem the colonista \nwere not represented), to tax those colonies, was strenuously denied. \n\n\' James Otis was born in Barnstable, Massachusetts, in 1725, and became the leader of the \nEevolutionary party in that province, at the beginning. He was wounded by a blow from a cudgel, \nin the hands of a British official in 1769, and never fairly recovered. For years he was afflicted \nwith occasional lunacy, and presented but a wreck of the orator and scholar. The following anec- \ndote is related of Mr. Otis, as illustrative of his ready use of Latin, even during moments of mental \naberration. Men and boys, heartless or thoughtless, would sometimes make themselves merry at \nhis expense, when he was seen in the streets afflicted with lunacy. On one occasion he was pass- \ning a crockery store, when a young man, who had a knowledge of Latin, sprinkled some water \n\n\n\n.1775.] PRELIMINARY EVENTS. 213 \n\nthe younger, then advocate-general of the province. On that occasion, the \nintense fire of his patriotism beamed forth with inexpressible brilliancy, and his \neloquence was like lightning, far-felt and consuming. On that day the trumpet \nof the Revolution was sounded. John Adams afterward said. "The seeds of \npatriots and heroes were then and there sown ;\'"and when the orator exclaimed, \n" To my dying day I will oppose, with all the power and faculties God has given \nme, all such instruments of slavery on one hand, and villany on the other," the \nindependence of the colonies was proclaimed.\' From that day began the triumphs \nof the popular will. Very few writs were issued, and these were ineffectual. \n\nYoung King George unwisely turned his back upon Pitt,* and listened to \nthe councils of Bute,\' an unprincipled Scotch adventurer, who had been his \ntutor. Disastrous consequences ensued. Weak and corrupt men controlled \nhis cabinet, and the pliant Parliament approved of illiberal and unjust measures \ntoward the colonists. The Sugar bill,* which had produced a great deal of ill- \nfeeling in the colonies, was re-enacted ; and at the same time, George Grenville, \nthen prime minister, proposed "certain stamp duties on the colonies." The \nsubject was ieft open for consideration almost a year, when, in the spring of \n1765, in defiance of the universal opposition of the Americans, the famous \nStamp Act, which declared that no legal instrument of writing should be valid, \nunless it bore a government stamp, became a law.^ Now was executed, without \nhesitation, a measure which no former ministry had possessed courage or reck- \nlessness enough to attempt.* \n\nupon him from a sprinkling-pot with which he was wetting the floor of the second story, at the samo \ntime saying, Pluit tantum^ nescio quantum. Scis ne tu? "It rains so much, I know not how much. \nDo you know?" Otis immediately picked up a missile, and, hurling it through the window of the \ncrockery store, it smashing everything in its way, exclaimed, Fregi tot, nescio quot. Scis Tie tuf \n\xe2\x96\xa0"I have broken so many, I know not how many. Do you know?" Mr. Otis, according to his \nexpressed desire, was kiUed by lightning in 1782. See portrait at tlie head of this chapter. \n\n\' Later than this [1768], Otis wrote to a friend in London, and said: "Our fathers were a good \npeople ; we have been a free people, and if 3\'ou will not let us remain so any longer, we shall be a \ngreat people, and the present measures can have no tendency but to hasten with great rapidity, \nevents which every good and honest man would wish delayed for ages." He evidently alluded to \nthe future independence of the colonies. \n\n* Pitt, disgusted by the ignorance and assurance of Bute and the misplaced confidence of the \nking, resigned his office, and retired to his country seat at Hayes. The king esteemed him highly, \nbut was too much controlled by Bute to follow his own inclinations. It was not long, however, \nbefore public affairs became so complicated, that the king was compelled to caU upon the great \ncommoner to untangle them. \n\n\' Bute was a gay Scotch earl, poor and proud. He became a favorite with the mother of George \nthe Third, was appointed his tutor, and acquired such influence over the mind of the prince, that on \nhis accession to the throne, he made him his chief minister and adviser. The English people were \nmuch incensed ; and the unwise measures of the early years of George\'s reign, were properly laid \nto the charge of Bute. A placard was put up in London, with the words, " No Scotch minister \xe2\x80\x94 \nno petticoat government." The last clause referred to the influence of the queen mother. \n\n* A bill which imposed a duty upon sugar, cofiee, indigo, &c., imported into the colonies from \nthe "West Indies. \n\nThe stamps -vvrere upon blue paper, in the form seen in the engraving on page 213, and wero \nto be attached to every piece of paper or parchment, on which a legal instrument was written. \nPor these stamps government cliarged specific prices: for example, for a common property deed, \none shilling and sixpence ; for a diploma or certificate of a college degree, two pounds, &c., &c. \n\n^ During Robert "Walpole\'s administration [1732], a stamp duty was proposed. He said, "I \nwill leave the taxation of America to some of my successors, who have more courage than I have." \n-Sir "William Keith, governor of Pennsylvania, proposed such a tax in 1739. Franklin thought it \njust, when a delegate in the Colonial Congress at Albany, in 1754 [page 183]. But when it wa\xc2\xab \n\'proposed to Pitt in 1759, he said, "I will never burn my fingers with an American Stamp Act." \n\n\n\n^ \n\n\n\n214 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION. \n\n\n\n[1761. \n\n\n\nThe colonists had watched with anxiety the growth of this new genn of \noppression ; and the intelligence of the passage of the Act produced general \nand intense indignation in America. The hearts of the people were yet thrilled \nby the eloquent denunciations of Otis ; and soon Patrick Henry sent forth a^ \n\n\n\n\nresponse equally eloquent from the heaving bosom of the Virginia Assembly.* \nThe people, in cities and villages, gathered in excited groups, and boldly \nexpressed their indignation. The pulpit denounced the wicked scheme, and \n\n* Patrick Henry was a very Boanerp:es at the openinjr of the Revolution. He was born in \nHanover County, Virginia, in 1736. In youth and manhood ho was exceedingly indolent and dulL \nAt the age of twenty-seven, his eloquence suddenly beamed forth in a speech in court, in his native \ncounty, and he soon became a leading man in Virginia. He was elected the first Republican gov- \nernor of his State, in 1776, and held that office again in 1784. He died in 1799, at the age of \nalmost sLxty-three years. At the time alluded to in the text, Henry introduced a series of resolu- \ntions, highly tinctured with rebellious doctrines. He asserted the general rights of all the colonies; \nthen the exclusive right of the Virginia Assembly to tax the people of that province, and boldlj \ndeclared that the people were not bound to obey any law relative to taxation, which did not pro- \nceed from their representatives. Tlie last resolution declared that whoever should dissent from the \ndoctrines inculcated in the others, should be considered an "enemy of the colonies." The mtroduc- \ntion of these resolutions produced great excitement and alarm. Henry supported them with all the \npower of his wonderful eloquence. Some rose from their seats, and otliers sat in breathless sOence. \nAt length, when alluding to tyrants, he exclaimed, "Caesar had his Brutus, Charles the First his \nCromwell, and George the Third" \xe2\x80\x94 there was a cry of " Treason ! Trea.son !" He paused a moment, \nand said \xe2\x80\x94 " may profit by their example. If that be treason, make the most of it." [See picture \nat the head of this chapter.] A part of his resolutions were adopted, and these formed the first \ngauntlet of defiance cast at the feet of the British monarch. Their power was felt throughout the. \nlani \n\n\n\n\n1115.\'] PRELIMINARY EVENTS. 215 \n\nassociations of So7is of Liberty^ in everj colonj put forth their energies in \ndefense of popular freedom. The press, then assuming great power, spoke out \nlike an oracle of Truth. In several cities popular excite- \nment created mobs, and violence ensued. The Staniji \nwere seized on their arrival, and secreted or burnt \nStamp distributors" were insulted and despised; and on \nthe first of November, 1765, when the law was to taki \neffect, there were no officials courageous enough t- \nenforce it. \n\nThe people did not confine their opposition to expres- \nsions at indignation meetings, and acts of violence. The \npublic sentiment took a more dignified form, and assumed \nan aspect of nationality. There was a prevailing desire \n\nfor a general Congress, and several colonies, in the midst of the great excite- \nment, appointed delegates for that purpose. They met in the city of New \nYork, on the 7th of October, 1765,^ continued in session fourteen days, and in \nthree well -written documents," they ably set forth the grievances and the rights \nof the colonists, and petitioned the king and parliament for a redress of the \nformer, and acknowledgment of the latter. The proceedings of this Second \nColonial Congress^ were applauded by all the provincial Assemblies, and the \npeople of America were as firmly united in heart and purpose then, as they \nwere after the Declaration of Independence, more than ten years later. \n\nAt length the momentous day \xe2\x80\x94 the first of November \xe2\x80\x94 arrived. It was \nobserved as a day of fasting and mourning. Funeral processions paraded the \nstreets of cities, and bells tolled funeral knells. The colors of sailing vessels \nwere placed at half-mast, and the newspapers exhibited the black-line tokens \nof public grief The courts were now closed, legal marriages ceased, ships \nremained in port, and for some time all business was suspended. But the lull \nin the storm was of brief duration: The people were only gathering strength \nfor more vigorous achievements in defense of their rights. The Sons of Lib- \nerty put forth new efforts ; mobs began to assail the residences of officials, and \nburn distinguished royalists, in effigy.* INIerchants entered into agreements \n\n\' These associations were composed of popular leaders and others, who leagued with the \navowed determination to resist oppression to tlie uttermost. After tlieir organization in the differ- \nent colonies, the}- formed a sort of national league, and by continual correspondence, aided eflectu- \naUy in preparing the way for the Revolution. \n\n\' Men appointed by the crown to sell the government stamps, or stamped paper. \n\n* Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maiyland, and South \nCarolina, were represented. The Assemblies of those not represented, declared their readiness to \nagree to whatever measures the Congress miglit adopt. Timothy Ruggles, of Massachusetts (wha \nafterward commanded a corps of Tories) [note 4, page 22-i], presided. \n\n* A Declaration of Rights, written by John Cruger, of New York ; a Memorial to hath Houses oj \nParliament, by Robert R. Livingston, of New Yorlc ; and a Petition to ih& king, by James Otis, of \nMassachusetts. ^ Page 183. \n\n\' Public indignation is thus sometimes manifested. A figure of a man intended to represent \nthe obnoxious individual, is paraded, and tlien hung upon a scaffold, or burned at a stake, as an \nintimation of the desers^ed fate of the person thus represented. It was a common practice in En- \ngland at the time in question, and has been often done in our own country since. Nowhere was \npopular indignation so warmly manifested as in New York. Cadwallader Colden, a venerable \nScotchman of eighty years, was acting-governor of New York. He refused to dehver up the \n\n\n\n216 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION. \n\n\n\n[1761. \n\n\n\nHot to import goods from Great Britain while the obnoxious Act remained a law ; \nand domestic manufactures were commenced in almost every family/ The \nwealthiest vied with the middling classes in economy, and wore clothing of \ntheir own manufacture. That wool might not become scarce, the use of sheep \n\n\n\n\nflesh for food, was discouraged. Soon, from all classes in America, there went \nto the ears of the British ministry, a respectful but firm protest. It was \nseconded by the merchants and manufacturers of London, whose American \ntrade was prostrated,\'^ and the voice, thus made potential, was heard and heeded \nin high places. \n\nstamped paper on the demand of the people, when tl.iey proceeded to hang him in efSgy, near the \nspot where Leisler was executed [page 148] seventy-five years before. They also burned his fine \ncoach in front of the fort, near the present Bowling Green, and upon the smokmg pile they cast hi3 \neffigy- Golden was a man of great scientific attainments. He wrote a History of the Five Nations \n[page 23], and was in constant correspondence -with some of the most eminent philosophers and \nscholars of Europe. A life of Golden, from the pen of John W. Francis, M.D., L.LD., may be found \nin the American Medical and Philosophical Register, 1811. He died in September, 1776. \n\n\' The newspapers of the day contain many laudatory notices of the conformity of wealthy \npeople to these agreements. On one occasion, forty or filty young ladies, who called themselves \n"Daughters of Liberty," met at the house of the Rev. Mr. Morehead, in Boston, with their spinning- \nwheels, and spun two hundred and thirty-two skeins of yarn, during the day, and presented them \nto the pastor. It is said "there were upward of one hundred spinners in Mr. Morehead\'s Society." \n"Within eighteen months," wrote a gentleman at Newport, R. I., "four hundred and eighty-seven \nyards of cloth, and thirty-six pairs of stockings, have been spun and knit in the family of James \nNixon, of this town." \n\n\' Half a million of dollars were due them by the colonists, at that time, not a dime of which, \ncould be collected under the existing state of things. \n\n\n\n\n1.115.] PflELIMINARY EVENTS. 217 \n\nWhile these events were in progress, Grenville had been succeeded in office \nby the Marquis of Rockingham, a friend of the colonies, and an enlightened \nstatesman. William Pitt,\' who had been called from his retirement by the \nvoice of the people, hoping much from the new ministry, appeared in Parlia- \nment, and was there the earnest champion of the Amer- \nicans. Justice and expediency demanded a repeal of the \nStamp Act, and early in January, 1766, a bill for that \npurpose was introduced into the House of Commons, and \n\xe2\x80\xa2was warmly supported by Pitt, Colonel Barrc, and others. \nThen Edmund Burke first appeared as the champion of \nright; and during the stormy debates on the subject, \nwhich ensued, he achieved some of those earliest and \nmost wonderful triumphs of oratory, which established his \nfame, and endeared him to the American people.\'\' The \nobnoxious act was repealed on the 18th of March, 1766, when London ware- \nhouses were illuminated, and flags decorated the shipping in the Thames. In \nAmerica, public thanksgivings, bonfires, and illuminations, attested the general \njoy ; and Pitt,^ who had boldly declared his conviction that Parliament had no \nHght to tax the colonies without their consent,* was lauded as a political Mes- \nsiah. Non-importation associations were dissolved, business was resumed, and the \nAmericans confidently expected justice from the mother country, and a speedy \nreconcihation. Alas ! the scene soon changed. \n\nAnother storm soon began to lower. Pitt, himself tenacious of British \nhonor, and doubtful of the passage of the Repeal Bill without some concessions, \nhad appended to it an act, which declared that Parliament possessed the power \n" to bind the colonies, in all cases whatsoever." The egg of tyranny which \nlay concealed in this " declaratory act," as it was called, was not perceived by \nthe colonists, while their eyes were filled with tears of joy ; but when calm re- \nflection came, they saw clearly that germ of future oppre*5sions, and were \nuneasy. They perceived the Repeal Bill to be only a truce in the war upon \nfreedom in America, and they watched every movement of the government \nparty with suspicion. Within a few months afterward, a brood of obnoxious \nmeasures were hatched from that egg, and aroused the fiercest indignation of \nthe colonists. \n\nThe American people, conscious of rectitude, were neither slow nor cautious \n\n* Note 2, page 213. \n\n\' Edmund Burke was born in Ireland, in 1730. He became a lawyer, aD<5 was a very popular \n"Writer, as well as a speaker. He was in public office about thirty years, and died in 1797. \n\n^ William Pitt was born in England in 1708, and held many high offices of trust and emolu- \nment. During an exciting debate in Parliament, on American affairs, in the spring of 1778, he \nswooned, and died within a montn afterward. \n\n* " Taxation," said Pitt, "is no part of the governing or legislative power. Taxes are the vol- \nuntary gift or grant of the common=! alone." "I rejoice," he said, "that America has resisted. \nThree millions of people, so dead to all the feelings of liberty, as voluntarily to become Isaves, would \nhave been fit instruments to make slaves of the rest." And Colonel Barre declared that the colon- \nists were planted Ijy English oppression, grew by neglect, and in all the essential elements of a free \npeople, were perfectly independent of Great Britain. He then warned the government to act justlj, \n\xc2\xabr the colonies would be lost to Great Britain forever. \n\n\n\n218 THE REVOLUTION. [1761. \n\nin exhibiting their indignation, and this boldness irritated their oppressors. A \nlarge portion of the House of Lords/ the whole bench of bishops/ and many of \nthe Commons, were favorable to coercive measures toward the Americans. Not \ndoubting the power of Parliament to tax them, they prevailed on the ministry \nto adopt new schemes for replenishing the exhausted treasury^ from the coffers \nof the colonists, and urged the justice of employing arms, if necessary, to en- \nforce obedience. Troops were accordingly sent to America, in June, 1766 ; \nund a Mutiny Act was passed, which provided for their partial subsistence by \nthe colonies.* The appearance of these troops in New York, and the order for \nthe people to feed and shelter the avowed instruments of their own enslavement, \nproduced violent outbreaks in that city, and burning indignation all over the \nland. The Assembly of New Yoi\'k at once arrayed itself against the govern- \nment, and refused compliance with tlie demands of the obnoxious act. \n\nIn the midst of the darkness, light seemed to dawn upon the Americans. \nEarly in the month of July, Pitt was called to the head of the British ministry, \nand on the 30th of that month, he was created Earl of Chatham. He opposed \nthe new measures as unwise and unjust, and the colonists hoped for reconcilia- \ntion and repose. But Pitt could not always prevent mischief During his \nabsence from Parliament, on account of sickness, the Chancellor of the Ex- \nchequer (Charles Townshend) coalesced with Grenville in bringing new tax- \nation schemes before that body.^ A bill was passed in June, 1767, for levying \nduties upon tea, glass, paper, painters\' colors, etc., which should be imported \ninto the colonies. Another was passed, in July, for establishing a Board of \nTrade in the colonies, independent of colonial legislation, and for creating resi- \ndent commissioners of customs to enforce the revenue laws.\' Then another, a \nfew days later, which forbade the New York Assembly to perform any legisla- \ntive act whatever, until it should comply with the requisitions of the Mutmy \nAct. These taxation schemes, and blows at popular liberty, produced excite- \nment throughout the colonies, almost as violent as those on account of the \nStamp Act.\' The colonial Assemblies boldly protested ; new non-importation \nassociations were formed ; pamphlets and newspapers were filled with inflam- \nmatory appeals to the people, defining their rights, and urging them to a united \nresistance / and early in 1768, almost every colonial Assembly had boldly ex- \n\n\' Every peer in the British realm is a legislator bj virtue of his title ; and when they are assem- \nbled for legislative duties, they constitute the House of Lords, or upper branch of the legislature, \nanswering, in some degree, to our Senate. \n\n^ Two archbishops, and twenty-four bishops of England and Wales, have a right to sit and vote \nin the House of Lords, and have the same political importance as the peers. By the act of union \nbetween Ireland and England, four "lords jpiritual" from among the archbishops and bishops of the \nformer country, have a seat in the House of Lords. The "lords temporal and lords spiritual" con- \nstitute the House of Lords. The House of Commons is composed of meu elected by the people, and \nanswers to the House of Representatives of our Federal Congress. = Page 212. \n\n* This act also allowed military officers, possessing a warrant from a justice of the peace, to \nbreak into any house where lie might suspect deserters were concealed. Lilie the Writs of Assist- \nance [page 212], this power might be used for wicked purposes. \n\n^ In January, 1767, Grenville proposed a direct taxation of the colonies to the amount of twenty \nthousand dollars. \n\n* Note 6, page 212, and note 5, page 134. \' Page 215. \n\n* Among the most powerfiil of tliese appeals, were a series of letters, written by John Dicken- \nson, of Philadelphia, and entitled Letters of a Pennsylvania farmer. Like Paine\'s Crisis, ten yeaxi \n\n\n\n17\'75.] \n\n\n\nPRELIMINARY \n\n\n\nEYENTS. 21^ \n\npressed its conviction, that Parliament had no right to tax the colonies. These \nexpressions were in response to a circular issued by Massachusetts [Feb., 1768] \nto the several Assemblies, asking their co-operation in obtaining a redress of \ngrievances. That circular greatly offended the Ministry ; and the governor of \n\n\n\n\n"<5-Ji;.\\ ,^v ^ \n\n\n\n\nMassachusetts was instructed to command the Assembly, in the king\'s name, to \nrescind the resolution adopting it. The Assembly, on the 30th of June follow- \ning, passed an almost unanimous vote not to rescind/ and made this very order \nan evidence of the intentions of government to enslave the colonists, by restrain- \ning the free speech and action of their representatives. \n\nThe British Ministry, ignorant and careless concerning the character and \ntemper of the Americans, disregarded the portentous warnings which every \nvessel from the New World bore to their ears. Having resolved on employing \nphysical force in the maintenance of obedience, and not doubting its potency. \n\n\n\nlater [note 4, page 250], these Letters produced a wide-spread and powerful effect on the public \nmind. James Otis asserted, in a pamphlet, that "taxes on trade [tariffs], if desio^ned to raise a \nrevenue, were as much a violation of their rights as any other tax." John Dickenson was born in \nMaryland, in November, 1732. He studied law in England for three years, and made his first ap- \npearance in pubUc life, as a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly. He was a member of tho \nStamp Act Congress [page 215], and of the Continental Congress [page 226]. He was an eloquent \nspeaker, and elegant writer. He was opposed to the independence of the colonies, but acquiesced, \nand was an able member of the convention that framed the Federal Constitution. He remained long \nin public life, and died in 1808, at the age of seventy-five years. \n\n\' James Otis and Samuel Adams were the principal speakers on this occasion. " "When Lord \nHillsboroutjh [colonial secretary] knows," said the former, "that we will not rescind oxir acts, he \nshould appeal to Parliament to rescind theirs. Let Britons rescind their measures, or the colonies \n*re lost to them forever." \n\n\n\n220 THE REVOLUTION. [1161. \n\nthey became less regardless of even the wrms of justice, and began to treat the \ncolonists as rebellious subjects, rather than as free British brethren. Ministers \nsent orders to the colonial Assemblies, warning them not to imitate the factious \ndisobedience of Massachusetts ; and the royal governors were ordered to enforce \nsubmission by all means in their power. The effect of these circulars was to \ndisgust and irritate the Assemblies, and to stimulate their sympathy for Massa- \nchusetts, now made the special object of displeasure. \n\nIt was in the midst of the general excitement, in May, 1768, that the new \ncommissioners of customs arrived at Boston. They were regarded with as \nmuch contempt as were the tax-gatherers in Judea, in the time of our Saviour.\' \nIt was difficult to restrain the more ignorant and excitable portion of the pop- \nulation from committing personal violence. A crisis soon arrived. In June, \n1768, the sloop Liberty^ belonging to John Hancock, one of the leaders of the \npopular mind in Boston,^ arrived at that port with a cargo of Madeira wine. \nThe commissioners demanded the payment of duties, and when it was refused, \nthey seized the vessel. The news spread over the town, and the people re- \nsolved on immediate and effectual resistance. An assemblage of citizens soon \nbecame a mob, who dragged a custom-house boat through the town, burned it \nupon the Common, assailed the commissioners, damaged their houses, and com- \npelled them to seek safety in Castle William, a small fortress at the entrance \nto the harbor.\' Alarmed by these demonstrations of the popular feeling. Gov- \nernor Bernard unwisely invited General Gage,^ then in command of British \ntroops at Halifax, to bring soldiers to Boston to overawe the inhabitants.\' They \ncame in September [Sept. 27, 1768], seven hundred in number, and on a quiet \nSabbath morning, landed under cover of the cannons of the British ships which \nbrought them, and with drums beating, and colors flying, they marched to the \nCommon," with all the parade of a victorious army entering a conquered city. \nReligion, popular freedom, patriotism, were all outraged, and the cup of the \npeople s indignation was full.\'^ The colonists were taught the bitter, but neces- \nsary lesson, that armed resistance must oppose armed oppression.^ \n\nLike the Assembly of New York, that of Massachusetts refused to afford \n\n\n\n^ The \'publicans, or toll-gatherers of Judea, being a gtanding monument of the degradation of the \nJews under the Roman yoke, were abhorred. One of the accusations against our Saviour was, that \nhe did " eat with publicans and sinners." \' Page 231. \n\n\' About three miles south-east from Boston. The fortress was ceded to the United States in \n1*798; and the following j^ear it was visited by President Adams, and named Fort Independence, its \npresent title. In connection with Castle "William, we find the first mention of the tune of " Yankee \nDoodle." In the Boston Journal of the Times, September 29, 1768, is the following: "The fleet \nwas brought to anchor near Castle William ; that night there was throwing of sky-rockets ; and \nthose passing in boats observed great rejoicings, and that the Yankee Doodle Song was the capital \npiece in the band of music." * Page 186. \n\n\'\' The British ministry had already resolved to send troops to Boston to subdue the rebellioufl \npropensities of the people. \n\n" A large public park on the southern slope of Beacon HilL \n\n\'\' As the people refused to supply the troops with quarters, they were placed, some in the State \nHouse, some in Faneuil Hall [page 225], and others in tents on the Common. Cannons were \nplanted at different points; sentinels challenged the citizens as they passed; and the whole town \nbad the appearance of a camp. \n\n* There were, at that time, full two hundred thousaa\'d men in the colonies capable of bearing \n\n\n\nms.] PRELIMINARY EVENTS. 221 \n\nfood and shelter for the royal troops in that province, and for this offense, Par- \nliament, now become the supple instrument of the crown, censured their dis- \nobedience, approved of coercive measures, and, by resolution, prayed the king \nto revive a long obsolete statute of Henry the Eighth, by which the governor \nof the refractory colony should be required to arrest, and send to England for \ntrial, on a charge of treason, the ringleaders in the recent tumults. The colo- \nnial Assembly indignantly responded, by re-asserting the chartered privileges \nof the people, and denying the right of the king to take an offender from the \ncountry, for trial. And in the House of Commons a powerful minority battled \nmanfully for the Americans. Burke pronounced the idea of reviving that old \nstatute, as "horrible." "Can you not trust the juries of that country?" he \nasked. "If you have not a party among two millions of people, you must \neither change your plans of government, or renounce the colonies forever." \nEven Grenville, the author of the Stamp Act, opposed the measure, yet a ma- \njority voted in favor of the resolution, on the 26th of January, 1769. \n\nThe British troops continued to be a constant source of irritation, while, \nmonth after month, the colonies were agitated by disputes with the royal gov- \nernors, the petty tyranny of lesser officials, and the interference of the imperial \ngovernment with colonial legislation. The Assembly of Massachusetts, encour- \naged by the expressed sympathy of the other colonies, firmly refused to appro- \npriate a single dollar for the support of the troops. They even demanded their \nwithdrawal from the city, and refused to transact any legislative business while \nthey remained. Daily occurrences exasperated the people against the troops, \nand finally, on the 2d of March, 1770, an event, apparently trifling in its char- \nacter, led to bloodshed in the streets of Boston. A rope-maker quarreled with \na soldier, and struck him. Out of this affray grew a fight between several sol- \ndiers and rope-makers. The latter were beaten, and the result aroused the \nvengeance of the more excitable portion of the inhabitants. A few evenings \nafterward [March 5], about seven hundred of them assembled in the streets, \nfor the avowed purpose of attacking the troops.* A sentinel was assaulted near \nthe custom-house, when Captain Preston, commander of the guard, went to his \nrescue with eight armed men. The mob dared the soldiers to fire, and attacked \nthem with stones, pieces of ice, and other missiles. One of the soldiers who \nreceived a blow, fired, and his six companions also discharged their guns. \nThree of the citizens were killed, and five were danger- \nously wounded.\' The mob instantly retreated, when all \n\n\' These were addressed by a tall man, disguised by a white wig and \na scarlet cloak, who closed his harangue by shouting, " To the main \nguard! to the main guard!" and then disappeared. It was always be- \nlieved that the tall man was Samuel Adams, one of the most inflexible \npatriots of the Revolution, and at that time a popular leader. He was \na descendant of one of the early Puritans [page 75], and was bom in \nBoston in 1722. He was one of the signers of the Declaration of Inde- \npendence ; was afterward governor of Massachusetts ; and died in \n1803. A purer patriot than Samuel Adams, never lived. SAMUEL ADAMS. \n\n* The leader of the mob was a powerful mulatto, named Crispus \nAttucks. He and Samuel Gray and James Caldwell, were killed instantly ; two others received \nmortal wounds. \n\n\n\n\n222 THE REVOLUTION. [1761. \n\nthe bells of the city rang an alarum, and in less than an hour several thou- \nsands of exasperated citizens were in the streets. A terrible scene of blood \nwould have ensued, had not Governor, Hutchinson assured the people that \njustice should be vindicated in the morning. They retired, but with firm re- \nsolves not to endure the military despotism any longer. \n\nThe morning of the 6th of March was clear and frosty. At an early hour \nGovernor Hutchinson was called upon to fulfill his promise. The people de- \nmanded the instant removal of the troops from Boston, and the trial of Captain \nPreston and his men, for murder. These demands were complied with. The \ntroops were removed to Castle William [March 12, 1770], and Preston, ably \ndefended by John Adams and Josiah Quincy, two of the popular leaders, was \ntried and acquitted, with six of his men, by a Boston jury. The other two sol- \ndiers were found guilty of manslaughter. This result was a comment on the \nenforcement of the statute of Henry the Eighth, highly favorable to the Amer- \nicans. It was so regarded in England, and was used with good efiect by the \nopposition in Parliament. It showed that in the midst of popular excitement, \nthe strong conservative principles of justice bore rule. The victims of the riot \nwere regarded as martyrs to liberty,\' and for many years, the memory of the \n"Boston Massacre," as it was called, was kept alive by anniversary orations in \nthe city and vicinity. \n\nPerceiving the will and the power of the colonists in resisting taxation with- \nout their consent, the British ministry now wavered. On the very day of the \nbloody riot in Boston [March 5], Lord North, who was then the English prime \nminister, proposed to Parliament a repeal of all duties imposed by the act of \n1767,^ except that upon tea. An act to that effect was passed a month after- \nward [April 12]. This concession was wrung from the minister partly by the \nclamor of English merchants and manufacturers, who again felt severely the \noperations of the non-importation associations in America. As tea was a lux- \nury. North supposed the colonists would not object to the small duty laid upon \nthat article, and he retained it as a standing assertion of the right of Parliament \nto impose such duties. The minister entirely mistook the character of the peo- \nple he was dealing with. It was not the petty amount of duties of which they \ncomplained, for all the taxes yet imposed were not in the least burdensome to \nthem. They were contending for a great principle^ which lay at the foundation \nof their liberties ; and they regarded the imposition of a duty upon one article \nas much a violation of their sacred rights, as if ten were included. They ac- \ncepted the ministerial concession, but, asserting their rights, continued their \nnon-importation league against the purchase and use of tea.^ \n\n^ They were buried with great parade. All the bells of Boston and vicinity tolled a funeral \nknell while the procession was moving ; and as intended, the affair made a deep impression on the \npublic mind. , " Page 218. \n\n^ Even before North\'s proposition was made to Parliament, special agreements concerning the \ndisuse of tea, had been made. Already the popular feeling on this subject had been manifested to- \nward a Boston merchant wlio continued to sell tea. A company of half-grown boys placed an efBgy \nnear his door, wath a finger upon it pointing toward his store. "While a man was attempting to \npull it down, he was pelted with dirt and stones. He ran into the store, and seizing a gun, dis- \ncharged its contents among the crowd. A boy named Snyder was killed, and Christopher Gore \n\n\n\nm \n\n\n\n1V.-5.] PRELIMINARY EVENTS. 223 \n\nThe spirit of opposition was not confined to the more northern and eastern \ncolonies. It was rife below the Roanoke, and was boldly made manifest when \noccasion required. In 1771, the Carolinas, hitherto exempted from violent out- \nbursts of popular indignation, although never wanting in zeal in opposing the \nStamp Act, and kindred measures, became the theater of great excitement. To \ngatisfy the rapacity and pride of royal governors, the industry of the province \nof North Carolina, especially, was enormously taxed.\' The oppression was real, \nnot an abstract principle, as at the North. The people iu the interior at length \nformed associations, designed to resist unjust taxation, and to control public \naffairs. They called themselves Regulators ; and in 1771, they were too nu- \nmerous to be overawed by local magistrates. Their operations assumed the \ncharacter of open rebellion ; and in the spring of that year. Governor Tryon" \nmarched into that region with an armed force, to subdue them. They met him \nupon Alamance Creek, in Alamance county, on the 16th of May, and there a \nbloody skirmish ensued. The Regulators were subdued and dispersed, and \nTryon marched back in triumph to the sea-board, after hanging six of the lead- \ners, on the 19th of June following. These events aroused, throughout the South, \nthe fiercest hatred of British power, and stimulated that earnest patriotism so \nearly displayed by the people below the Roanoke, when the Revolution broke out.^ \n\nThe upper part of Narraganset Bay exhibited a scene, in the month of \nJune, 1772, which produced much excitement, and widened the breach between \nGreat Britain and her colonies. The commander of the British armed schooner \nGaspc. stationed there to assist the commissioners of customs* in enforcing the \nrevenue laws, annoyed the American navigators by haughtily commanding them \nto lower their colors when they passed his vessel, in token of obedience. The \nWilliam Tells of the bay refused to bow to the cap of this petty Gesler.^ For \nsuch disobedience, a Providence sloop was chased by the schooner. The latter \ngrounded upon a low sandy point; and on that night [June 9, 1772], sixty-four \narmed men went down from Providence in boats, captured the people on board \nthe Gasp^^, and burned the vessel. Although a large reward was offered for the \nperpetrators (who were well known in Providence^), they were never betrayed. \n\n(afterward governor of Massachusetts) was wounded. The affair produced great excitement. At \nabout the same time, three hundred " mistresses of families" in Boston signed a pledge of total ab- \nstinence from the use of tea, while the duty remained upon it. A few days afterward a large num- \nber of young ladies signed a similar pledge. \n\n\' Governor Tryon caused a palace to be erected for his residence, at Newbern, at a cost of \n$75,000, for the payment of which the province was taxed. This was in 1768, and was one of the \nprincipal causes of discontent, which produced the outbreak here mentioned. \n\n= Page 248. * Page 237. " Page 220. \n\n^ Gesler was an Austrian governor of one of the cantons of Switzerland. He placed liis cap on \na pole, at a gate of tlie town, and ordered all to bow to it, when they should enter. William Tell, a \nbrave leader of the people, refused. He was imprisoned for disobedience, escaped, aroused hia \ncountrymen to arms, who drove their Austrian masters out of the land, and achieved the indepen- \ndence of Switzerland. \n\n" One of the leaders was Abraham Wliipple, a naval commander during the Revolution [page \nMO]. Several others were afterward distinguished for bravery during that struggle. Four years \nafterward, when Sir James "Wallace, a British commander, was in the vicinity of Newport, Whipple \nbecame known as the leader of the attack on the Gaspe. Wallace sent him the following letter; \n"You, Abraham Whipple, on the 9th of J>me, 1772, burned his majesty\'s vessel, the Gaspe, and I \nwill hang you at the yard-arm." To this Whipple replied : " To Sir James Wallace. Sir-. Always \n\xc2\xabatch a man before you hang him. \xe2\x80\x94 ^Abraham Whipple." \n\n\n\n\nLORD NORTH. \n\n\n\n224 THE REVOLUTION. [176L \n\nThese rebellious acts, so significant of the temper of the Americans, greatly \nperplexed the British ministry. Lord North\' -would gladly have conciliated \nthem, but he was pledged by words and acts to the maintenance of the asserted \nprinciple, that Parliament had the undoubted right to tax the colonies without \ntheir consent. He labored hard to perceive some method by which conciliation \nand parliamentary supremacy might be made to harmonize, and early in 1773, \na new thought upon taxation entered his brain. The East India Company,^ \nhaving lost their valuable tea customers in America, by the operation of the \nnon-importation associations, and having more than seventeen millions of pounda \nof the article in their warehouses in England, petitioned Parliament to take off \nthe duty of three pence a pound, levied upon its importation into America. \nThe company agreed to pay the government more than \nan equal amount, in export duty, if the change should be \nmade. Here was an excellent opportunity for the gov- \nernment to act justly and wisely, and to produce a per- \nfect reconciliation; but the stupid ministry, fearing it \nmight be considered a submission to " rebellious sub- \njects," refused the olive branch of peace. Continuing \nto misapprehend the real question at issue. North intro- \nduced a bill into Parliament, allowing the company ta \nexport their teas to America on their own account, with- \nout paying an export duty. As this would make tea cheaper in America than \nin England, he concluded the Americans would not object to paying the three \npence duty. This concession to a commercial monopoly, while spurning the \nappeals of a great principle, only created contempt and indignation throughout \nthe colonies. \n\nBlind as the minister, the East India Company now regarded the American \nmarket as open for their tea, and soon after the passage of the bill [May 10, \n1773], several large ships, heavily laden with the article, were on their way \nacross the Atlantic. Intelligence of these movements reached America before \nthe arrival of any of the ships, and the people in most of the sea-board towns, \nwhere consignments of tea had been made, resolved that it should not even be \nlanded. The ships which arrived at New York and Philadelphia, returned to \nEngland with their cargoes. At Charleston it was landed, but was not allowed \nto be sold ; while at Boston, the attempts of the governor and his friends,\' who \n\n* Frederick, Earl of Guilford (Lord North), was a man of talent, sincerely attached to English \nliberty, and conscientious in the performanance of his duties. Like many other statesmen of his \ntime, he utterly misapprehended the character of the American people, and could not perceive the \njustice of their claims. He was prime minister during the whole of our War for Independence. \nHe was afflicted with blmdness durmg the last years of his life. He died in July, 1792, at the age \nof sixty years. \n\n* The English East India Company was formed and chartered in 1600, for the purpose of \ncarrying on a trade by sea, between England and the countries lying east of the Cape of Good \nHope [note 1, page 37]. It continued prosperous; and about the middle of the last century, the \ngovernor of its stations in India, under the pretense of obtaining security for their trade, subdued \nBmall territories, and thus planted the foundation of that great British empu-e in the East, which \nnow comprises the whole of Hindostan, from Cape Comorin to the Himalaya mountains, with a \npopulation of more than one hundred and twenty millions of people. \n\n\' The public mind in Massachusetts was greatly inflamed against Governor Hutchinaon at this \n\n\n\n\n1776.1 PRELIMINARY EVENTS. 225 \n\nwerP consignees, to land the tea in defiance of the public feeling, resulted in the \n\ndestruction of a large quantity of it. On a cold moonlight night [December \n\n16, 1773], at the close of the last of several spirited \n\nmeetings of the citizens held at Faneuil Hall,* a party \n\nof about sixty persons, some disguised as Indians, \n\nrushed on board two vessels in the harbor, laden with \n\ntea, tore open the hatches, and in the course of two \n\nhours, three hundred and forty-two chests containing \n\nthe proscribed article, were broken open, and their \n\ncontents cast into the water. This event produced a \n\npowerful sensation throughout the British realm, and \n\nled to very important results. \n\nWhile the American colonies, and even Canada, Nova Scotia, and the \nBritish West Indies, sympathized with the Bostonians, and could not censure \nthem, the exasperated government adopted retaliatory measures, notwithstand- \ning payment for all damage to their property was promised to the East India \nCompany. Parliament, by enactment [March 7, 1774], ordered the port of \nBoston to be closed against all commercial transactions whatever, and the re- \nmoval of the custom-house, courts of justice, and other public offices, to Salem. \nThe Salem people patriotically refused the proffered advantage at the expense \nof their neighbors ; and the inhabitants of Marblehead, fifteen miles distant, \nofiered the free use of their harbor and wharves, to the merchants of Boston. \nSoon after the passage of the Boston Port Bill, as it was called, another act, \nwhich leveled a blow at the charter of Massachusetts, was made a law [March \n28, 1774]. It was equivalent to a total subversion of the charter, inasmuch \nas it deprived the people of many of the dearest privileges guarantied by that \ninstrument.^ A third retaliatory act was passed on the 21st of April, provid- \ning for the trial, in England, of all persons charged in the colonies with mur- \nders committed in support of government, giving, as Colonel Barr^ said, \n\xe2\x80\xa2^encouragement to military insolence already so insupportable." A fourth \nbill, providing for the quartering of ^roops in America, was also passed by \nlarge majorities m both Houses of Parliament ; and in anticipation of rebellion \nin America, a fifth act was passed, making great concessions to the Roman \nCatholics in Canada, known as the Quebec Act. This excited the animosity of \n\n\n\ntime, whose letters to a member of Parliament, recommending stringent moasures toward the coL \nonies, had been procured in England, and sent to the speaker of the colonial Assembly, bj Dr. \nFranklin. At about the same time. Parliament had passed a law, making the governor and judge.s \nof Massachusetts independent of the Assembly for their salaries, these being paid out of the reve- \nnues in the hands of the commissioners of customs. This removal of these officials beyond all de- \npendence upon the people, constituted them fit instruments of the crown for oppressing the inhabit- \nants, and in that aspect the colonists viewed the measure, and condemed it. \n\n\' Because the Revolutionary meetings in Boston were held in Faneuil Hall, it was (and still is) \ncalled The Cradle of Liberty. It was built, and presented to the town, by Peter Faneuil, in 1742. \nThe picture shows its form during the Revohition. The vane on the steeple, in the form of a grass- \nhopper (syraboUcal of devouring), yet [1867] holds its original place. \n\n^ It empowered sheriffs appointed by the crown, to select juries, instead of leaving that power \nwith the selectmen of the towns, who were chosen by the people. It also prohibited all town \nmeetings and other gatherings. It provided for the appointment of the council judges, justices of \nthie peace, etc., by tie crown or its representative. \n\n15 \n\n\n\n226 THE REVOLUTION. [1761. \n\nall Protestants. These msasures created universal indignation toward the gov- \nernment, and sympathy for the people of Boston. \n\nOn the first of June, 1774, the Boston Port Bill went into operation. It \nwas a heavy blow for the doomed town. Business was crushed, and great suf- \nfering ensued. The utter prostration of trade soon produced wide-spread dis- \ntress. The rich, deprived of their rents, became straitened ; and the poor, \ndenied the privilege of laboring, were reduced to beggary. All classes felt the \nscourge of the oppressor, but bore it with remarkable fortitude. They were \nconscious of being right, and everywhere, tokens of the liveliest sympathy were \nmanifested. Flour, rice, cereal grains, fuel, and money, were sent to the suffer- \ning people from the different colonies ; and the city of London, in its corporate \ncapacity, subscribed one hundred and fifty thousand dollars for the poor of Boston. \n\nFor the purpose of enforcing these oppressive laws. General Gage, the com- \nmander-in-chief of the British army in America,\' was appointed governor of \nMassachusetts, and an additional military force was ordered to Boston. These \ncoercive demonstrations greatly increased the public irritation, and diminished \nthe hopes of reconciliation. Slavish submission or armed resistance, was now \nthe alternative presented to the American people. Committees of correspond- \nence which had been formed in every colony in 1773,^ had been busy in the \ninterchange of sentiments and opinions, and throughout the entire community \nof Anglo-Americans there was evidently a general consonance of feeling, favor- \nable to united efforts in opposing the augmenting tyranny of Great Britain. \nYet they hesitated, and resolved to deliberate in solemn \n\n"^ ^^\'^\xe2\x96\xa0^^\xe2\x80\x94 \xe2\x80\x94 ---^ council before they should appeal to " the last argument \n\n\' .^ \xc2\xbb Tk I of kings.\'" \n\nThe patriots of Massachusetts stood not alone in \nIn all the colonies the Whigs* were \n\n\n\nsxAKE DEVICE. j^g inflexible and bold, and as valiantly defied the power \n\nof royal governors, when unduly exercised. But those of Massachusetts, being \nthe special objects of ministerial vengeance, suffered more, and required more \nboldness to act among bristling bayonets and shotted cannons, prepared ex- \npressly for their bosoms. Yet they gr^ stronger every day under persecu- \ntion, and bolder as the frowns of British power became darker.\' Even while \n\n^ Page 220. \n\n" At a consultation of leading: members of the Virginia House of Assembh-, in March, 1773, held \ni\xc2\xbb the old Raleigh tavern at Williamsburg, at which Patrick Henry, Thomas Jeflerson, Richard \nHenry Lee, and others, were present, it was agreed to submit a resolution in the House the follow- \ning day, appointing a committee of vigilance and correspondence, and recommending the same to \nthe other colonies. The measure was carried, and these committees formed one of the most power- \nful engines in carrying on the work of the Revolution. Similar committees had already been formed \nin several towns in Massachusetts. \n\n* These words, in Latin, were often placed upon cannon. Before the armory, at Richmond, \nVirginia, was destroyed, in April, 1865, several old French cannons, made of brass, were there, on \ntwo of which these words appeared. They also appear upon some French cannon at West Point. \n\n* The terms. Whig and Tory, liad long been used in England as titles of political parties. The \nformer denoted the opposers of royalty; the latter indicated its supporters. These terms were \nintroduced into America two or three years before the Revolution broke out, and became the dis- \ntinctive titles of the patriots and loyalists. \n\n\' Even the children seemed to lose theu: timidity, and became bolder. They nobly exhibited it \n\n\n\n.1775.] \n\n\n\nPRELIMINARY EVENTS. \n\n\n\n227 \n\n\n\n.troops, to overawe them were parading the streets of Boston, sturdy representa- \ntives of the people assembled at Salem,\' and sent forth an invitation to all the \ncolonies to appoint delegates to meet in a general Congress at Philadelphia on \nthe 5th of September following. It met with a hearty response from twelve of \n\n\n\n\nthe thirteen colonies, and the Press and the Pulpit seconded the measures with \ngreat emphasis. Some newspapers bore a significant device. It was a snake \ncut into thirteen parts, each part bearing the initials of a colony upon it, as \nseen in the engraving.\' Under these were the significant words, Unite or die. \nThe delegates were all appointed before the close of August, and the First \n\n\n\non one occasion. They were in the habit of building mounds of snow in winter, on Boston Com- \nmon. These the soldiers battered down, so as to annoy the boys. This being repeated, a meeting \nof larger boys was held, and a deputation was sent to General Gage, to remonstrate. " We come, \nsir," said the tallest boy, "to demand satisfaction." "What!" exclaimed Gage; "have your \nfathers been teaching j^ou rebellion, and sent you here to exhibit it?" " Nobody sent us here, sir," \nsaid the boy. while his eyes flashed with indignation. " We have never insulted nor injured your \ntroops, but they have trodden down our snow-hills, and broken the ice on our skating-grounds. \nWe complained ; and, calling us young rebels, told us to help ourselves if we could. We told the \ncaptain of this, and he laughed at us. Yesterday our works were destroyed for the third time, and \nwe will bear it no longer." Gage admired the spirit of the boys, promised them rediess, and turn- \ning to an officer, he said, "The very children here draw in a love of liberty with the air they \nbreathe " \n\n\' At that meeting of the General Assembly of Massachusetts, the patriots matured a plan for a \ngeneral Congress, provided for munitions of war to resist British power in their own province, and \nformed a general non-importation league for the whole country. In the midst of their proceedings. \nGeneral Gage sent his secrptary to dissolve them, but the doors of the Assembly chamber were \nlocked, and the key was in Samuel Adams\'s pocket. Having finished their business, the Assembly \nadjourned, and thus ended the last session of that body, under a royal governor. * Page 226. \n\n\n\n\n228 THE REVOLUTION. [I\'TSr. \n\nContinental Congress* assembled in Carpenter\'s Hall, Philadelphia, on the \n5th of September, 1774, the day named in the circular. All but Georgia were \nrepresented. Pejton Randolph, of Virginia, was appointed President, and \nCharles Thomson of Pennsylvania, Secretary.\'\' The regular business of the \nCongress commenced on the morning of the 7th, ^ after an impressive prayer for \nDivine guidance, uttered by the Rev. Jacob Duchc,\'\' of Philadelphia. They- \nremained in session until the 26th of October, during which time they matured \nmeasures for future action, which met with the general approbation of the \n^^ J- American people.^ They prepared and put forth sev- \n\neral State papers, \xc2\xb0 marked by such signal ability and \nwisdom, as to draw from the Earl of Chatham these \nwords in the House of Lords : "I must declare and \navow, that in all my reading and study of history \xe2\x80\x94 \n(and it has been my favorite study \xe2\x80\x94 I have read Thu- \ncydides, and have studied and admired the master \nStates of the world) \xe2\x80\x94 that for solidity of reasoning, \nforce of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion, under \n\xe2\x96\xa0 such a complication of circumstances, no nation or \n\nbody of men can stand in preference to the general Congress at Philadelphia.\'\' \nIn all its proceedings Congress manifested decorum, firmness,^ moderation, \n\n\' This name was given to distinguish it from the two colonial Congresses [pages 183 and 215] \nalready held; one at Albany in 1754, the other at New York in 1765. \n\n"^ Thomson was secretary of Congress, perpetually, from 1774, until the adoption of the Federal \nConstitution, and the organization of the new government, in 1789. Watson relates that Thomson \nhad just come into PMadelphia, with his bride, and was aUghting from his chaise, when a messen- \nger from the delegates in Carpenter\'s Hall came to him, and said they wanted him to come and \ntake minutes of their proceedings, as he wa? an expert at such business. For his first year\'s serv- \nice, he received no pay. So Congress infoi .njd his wife that they wished to compensate Tier for the \nabsence of her husband during that time, and wished her to name what kind of a piece of plate abe \nwould like to receive. She chose an wrre, and that silver vessel is j;et in the family. Thomson was \nbom in Ireland in 1730, came to America when eleven years of age, and died in 1824, at the age \nof ninety-four years. \n\n* When the delegates had assembled on the 5th, no one seemed incUned to break the silence, \nand deep anxiety was depicted in every countenance. Soon a grave-looking man, in a suit of \n"minister\'s gray," and unpowdered wig, arose, and, with a sweet, musical voice, he uttered a few \neloquent words, that electrified the whole audience. " Who is he ?" was a question that went \nfi\'om hp to lip. A few who knew him, answered, "It is Patrick Henry, of Virginia." There was \nno longer any hesitation. He who, nine years before, had cast the gauntlet of defiance at the feet \nof British power, now set in motion that august machinery of civil power, which assisted in work- \ning out the independence of the United States. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2 Duche was a minister of the Church of England, and afterward became a Tory. \n\n* They prepared a plan for a general commercial non-intercourse with Great Britain and her \nWest India possessions, wliich was called 77ie Atnerican Association, and was reconunended for- \nadoption throughout the country. It consisted of fourteen articles. In addition to the non-inter- \ncourse provisions, it was recommended to abandon the slave-trade, to improve the breed of sheep, \nto abstain from all extravagance in living and indulgence in horse-racing, etc., and the appointment \nof a committee in every town to promote conformity to the requirements of the Association. It \nwas signed by the fifty-two members present. \n\n* A Bill of Eights; an address to the people of Great Britain, written by John Jay; another to \nthe several Anglo-American colonies, written by WiUiam Livmgston ; another to the inhabitants of \nQuebec, and a petition to the king. In these, the grievances and the righis of the colonies were ably \nset forth. \n\n\' He also said, in a letter to Stephen Sayre, on the 24th of December, 1774: "I have not \nwords to express my satisfaction that the Congress has conducted this most arduous and delicate \nbusiness, with such manly wisdom and calm resolution, as do the highest honor to their deliberation." \n\n* On the 8th of October, they unanimously resolved, "That this Congress approve the opposition. \n\n\n\n1715.] FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \xc2\xa329 \n\nand loyalty ; and when the delegates resolved to adjourn, to meet again at the \nsame place on the 10th of May following [1775], unless the desired redress of \ngrievances should be obtained, they did so with an earnest hope that a reconcil- \niation might speedily take place, and render another national council unneces- \nsary. But they were doomed to bitter disappointment. Great Britain waa \nblind and stubborn still. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER II. \n\nFIRST TEAR OP THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. [1175.] \n\nPersuaded that war was inevitable, the colonists began to prepare for that \nevent, during the summer and autumn of 1774. They practiced daily in mil- \nitary exercises ; the manufacture of arms and gunpowder was encouiuged ; and \nthroughout Massachusetts in particular, where the heel of the oppressor bore \nheaviest, the people were enrolled in companies. Fathers and sons, encouraged \nby the gentler sex, received lessons together in the art of war, and prepared to \ntake arms at a moment\'s warning. From this circumstance, they were called \nminute-men. The Whig\' journals grew bolder every hour. Epigrams, para- \nbles, sonnets, dialogues, and every form of literary expression, remarkable for \npoint and terseness, filled their columns. We give a single specimen of some \nof the rhymes of the day : \n\n"the quarrel with AMERICA FAIRLY STATED. \n\n" Rudely forced to drink tea, Massachusetts in anger \nSpills tiie tea on J\xc2\xbbhn Bull ; John falls on to bang her ; \nMassachusetts, enraged, calls her neighbors to aid, \nAnd give Master John a severe bastinade. \nNow, good men of the law ! pray, who is in fault, \nThe one who began or resents the assault?" \n\nThe Massachusetts leaders, in the mean while, were laboring, with intense \nleal, to place the province in a condition to rise in open and united rebellion, \nwhen necessity should demand. And all over the land, the provincial assem- \nblies, speakers at public gatherings, and from the pulpit, were boldly proclaim- \ning the right of resistance. These demonstrations alarmed General Gage,^ and \nhe commenced fortifying Boston Neck.^ He also seized and conveyed to \n\nof the inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, to the execution of the late acts of Parliament, and if the \nsame shall be attempted to bo carried into execution by force, in such case all America ought to \nsupport them in their opposition." This resolution, in letter and spirit, was the embodiment of the \nrevolutionary sentiment. \' Note 4, page 226. \n\n" Thomas Gage was a native of England. He was governor of Montreal [page 203] in 1760, and \ncommander-in-chief of the British army in America, in 1763. He was appointed governor of \nMassachusetts, in 1774; left America in 1775; and died in 1787. \n\n\' The peninsula of Boston was originally connected with the main land by a narrow isthmus \ncalled the Neck. It has been greatly widened by tilling in the marginal morasses; and over it now \n..passes the line avenue which connects the city with Roxbury, on the main. \n\n\n\n230 THE UKTOLUTION. [1175^ \n\nthe city large quantities of ammunition found in the neighboring villages, and \nemployed stringent measures for preventing intercourse between the patriots im \nthe city and in the country. The exasperated people needed but the electric \nspark of even a shght offense to kindle their suppressed indignation into a \nblaze. They were ready to sound the battle-cry, and evoke the sword of rebel- \nlion from its scabbard ; and they were even anxious to attack the soldiers in* \nBoston, but they were restrained by prudent conselors.\' \n\nA rumor went abroad on the third of September, that British ships were \ncannonading Boston. From the shores of I^ong Island Sound to the green; \nhills of Berkshire, " To arms ! to arms !" was the universal shout. Instantly, \non every side, men of all ages were seen cleansing and burnishing their weap- \nons ; and within two days, full thirty thousand minute-men were under arms, \nand hastening toward that city. They were met by a contradiction of the \nrumor; but the event conveyed such a portentous lesson to Gage, that he \npushed forward his military operations with as much vigor as the opposition of \nthe people would allow.^ He thought it expedient to be more conciliatory ; \nand he summoned the colonial Assembly to meet at Salem on the 5th of Octo- \nber. Then dreading their presence, he revoked the order. Ninety delegates \nmet, however, and organized by the appointment of John Hancock\' president. \nThey then went to Cambridge, where they formed a Provincial Congress, inde- \npendent of royal authority (the first in America), and labored earnestly in \npreparations for that armed resistance, now become a stern necessity. They \nmade provisions for an army of twelve thousand men ; solicited other New En- \ngland colonies to augment it to twenty thousand; and appointed Jedediah \nPreble and Artemas Ward* men of experience in the French and Indian war,\' \ngenerals of all the troops that might be raised. . \n\nThe Americans were now fairly aroused to action. They had counted the \ncost of armed rebellion, and were fully resolved to meet it. The defiant \nposition of the colonists arrested the attention of all Europe. When the Brit- \nish Parliament assembled early in 1775, that body presented a scene of great \nexcitement. Dr. Franklin and others,^ then in England, had given a wide cir- \nculation to the State papers put forth by the Continental Congress ;^ and the \n\n\' Many hundreds of armed men assembled at Cambridge. At Charlestown, the people tookr \npossession of the arsenal, after Gage had carried off the powder. At Portsmouth, N. H., they cap- \ntured the fort, and carried off the ammunition. At Newport, R. I., the people seized the po\xc2\xab-der, \nand took possession of forty pieces of cannon at the entrance of the harbor. In New York, Phila- \ndelphia, AnnapoUs, "Williamsburg, Charleston, and Savannah, the people took active defensive \nmeasures, and the whole country was in a blaze of indignation. \n\n" Carpenters refused to work on the fortilications, and much of the material was destroyed by \nfire, at night, in spite of the vigilance of the guards. Gage sent to New York for timber and work- \nmen ; but the people there would not permit either to leave their port. \n\n\' John Hancock was one of the most popular of the New England patriots, throughout the \nwhole war. He was born in Braintree, Massachusetts, in 1737, was educated at Harvard College; \nbecame a counting-room clerk to his uncle, and inherited that gentleman\'s great wealth. He \nentered public life early ; was a representative in the Continental Congress, and was its president \nwhen the Declaration of Independence was adopted. He was afterward governor of Massachusetts. \nMr. Hancock died in October, 1793, at the age of fifty-six years. \n\n* Note 5, page 238. " Page 179. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 Dr. Franklin hnd then been agent in England, for several of the colonies, for about ten year&. \n\' Note 6, page 228. \n\n\n\n1715.] \n\n\n\nFIRST TEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \n\n\n\n231 \n\n\n\nEnglish mind was already favorably influenced in favor of the Americana. \nPitt came on crutches\' from his retirement, to cast the weight of his mighty \ninfluence into the scale of justice, by action in the House of Lords. He pro- \nposed [January 7, 1775] conciliatory measures. They were rejected, as well \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nas others offered by Burke, Conway, and Hartly ; and in their stead, Parlia- \nment, in March, struck another severe blow at the industry of New England, \nby prohibiting fishing on the banks of Newfoundland.\' Already Lord North \nhad moved, in the House of Commons [February, 1775], for an address to the \nking, affirming that Massachusetts was in a state of rebellion. The Ministers \nalso endeavored to promote dissensions in America, by crippling the trade of \nNew England and other colonies, but exempting New York, Delaware, and \nNorth Carolina. The bait of favor for these three colonies was indignantly \n\n\n\n\' Pitt was greatly afflicted with the gout. Sometimes he was confined to his house for weeks \nby it ; and he was sometimes seen on the floor of Parliament leaning upon crutches, and his legs \nswathed in flannels. In this condition he made two of his most eloquent speeches in favor of the \nAmericans. \n\n"" At that time, there were employed bv the Amerieans. in the British Ne-n\'foundland fisheries, \nfour hundred ships, two thousand fisliin^ shallops, and twenty thousand men. On account of this \nblow to the fishing trade, a sreat many inliabitants of Nantucket and ^^cinity, chiefly Quakers, went \nto North Carolina; and in Oran<re and nnilP>\'-d onunties. became planters. Their descendants ara \nyet numerous there. The principal meeting-house is at New Garden. \n\n\n\n232 THE REVOLUTION. [1715. \n\nspurned \xe2\x80\x94 the scheme of disunion signally failed. Common dangers and com- \nmon interests drew the ligaments of fraternity closer than ever. When the \ntrees budded, and the flowers bloomed in the spring of 1775, all hope of recon- \nciliation had vanished. It was evident that \n\n" King, Commons, and Lords, were uniting amain," \n\nto destroy the Liberty Tree, planted by faithful hands. The people of the col- \nonies, though weak in military resources, were strong in purpose ; and, relying \nupon the justice of their cause, and the assistance of the Lord God Omnipotent, \nthey resolved to defy the fleets and armies of Great Britain. \n\nThere was great moral sublimity in the rising of the colonies against the \nparent country ; for it was material weakness arrayed against great material \nstrength. There were more than three thousand British troops in Boston, on the \nfirst of April, 1775. Confident in his poAver, Gage felt certain that he could \nrepress insurrections, and keep the people quiet. Yet he felt uneasy concerning \nthe gathering of ammunition and stores,^ by the patriots, at Concord, sixteen miles \nfrom Boston. Toward midnight, on the 18th [April], he secretly dispatched \neight hundred men, under lieutenant-colonel Smith and Major Pitcairn, to \ndestroy them. So carefully had he arranged the expedition, that he believed \nit to be entirely unknown to the patriots. All his precautions were vain. The \nvigilant Dr. Warren," who was secretly watching all the movements of Gage, \nbecame aware of 4he expedition early in the evening ; and when it moved, \nPaul Revere,\' one of the most active of the Sons of Liberty in Boston, had \nlanded at Charlestown, and was on his way to Concord to arouse the inhabitants \nand minute-men. Soon afterward, church-bells, muskets, and cannons spread \nthe alarm over the country ; and when, at dawn, on the 19tli of April. 1775 \xe2\x80\x94 \na day memorable in the annals of our Republic \xe2\x80\x94 Pitcairn, with the advanced \nguard, reached Lexington, a few miles from Concord, he found seventy deter- \nmined men drawn up to oppose him. Pitcairn rode forward and shouted, \n"Disperse! disperse, you rebels! Down with your arms, and disperse!" \nThey refused obedience, and he ordered his men to fire. That dreadful order \nwas obeyed, and the first elood of the Revolution flowed upon the tender \ngrass on the Green at Lexington. Eight citizens were killed, several were \nwounded, and the remainder were dispersed. The last survivor of that noble \nband^ died in March, 1854, at the age of almost ninety-six years. \n\n\n\n\' Early in the year, secret orders had been sent by the ministry to the royal governors, to \nremove all ammunition and stores out of the reach of the people, if they made any hostile demon- \nstrations. \n\n" Afterward killed in the battle op. Breed\'s HilL See page 235. \n\n\' Revere was an engraver, and previous to this time had executed some creditable specimens \nof his art. He engraved a picture of the naval investment of Boston, in 1768, and of the Boston \nMassacre, in 1770. As a Grand Master of the Masonic order, he was very influential; yet, like \nthose of Isaac Sears, of New York, his eminent services in the cause of freedom have been over- \nlooked. Their fame is eclipsed by men of greater minds, but of no sturdier patriotism. \n\n* Jonathan Harrington, who played tlio fife for the minute-men. on the morning of the battle. \nThe writer visited him in 1848, when he was ninety years of age. He then had a perfect recollec- \ntion of the events of that morning. A portrait of him, as he appeared at that time, is published ia. \nLossing\'s Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution, page 554, vol. i. \n\n\n\n1775.] FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 233 \n\nConfident of full success, the British now pressed forward to Concord, and \ndestroyed the stores. They were terribly annoyed by the minute-men on their \nway, who fired upon them from behind walls, trees, and buildings. Having accom- \nplished their purpose, and killed several more patriots in a skirmish there, the \nroyal troops hastily retreated to Lexington. The country was now thoroughly \naroused, and minute-men were gathering by scores. Kothing but the timely \narrival of Lord Percy with reinforcements,\' saved the eight hundred men from \ntotal destruction. The whole body now retreated. All the way back to \nBunker\'s Hill,\' in Charlestown, the troops were terribly assailed by the patri- \nots ; and when, the following morning, they crossed over to Boston, they ascer- \ntained their loss to be, in killed and wounded, two hundred and seventy-three. \nThe loss of the Americans in killed, wounded, and missing, was one hundred \nand three.\' \n\nThe initial blow for freedom had now been struck. It was appalling to \nfriend and foe. The news of this tragedy spread over the country like a blaze \nof lightning from a midnight cloud, and like the attendant thunder-peal, it \naroused all hearts. From the hills and valleys of New England, the patriots \nwent forth by hundreds, armed and unarmed; and before the close of the \nmonth [April 1775], an army of twenty thousand men Avere forming camps and \npiling fortifications around Boston, from Roxbury to the river Mystic, deter- \nmined to confine the fierce tiger of war, which had tasted their blood, upon that \nlittle peninsula. The provincial Congress,* sitting at Watertown, with Dr. \nWarren at its head, worked day and night in consonance with the gathering \narmy. They appointed military officers, organized a commissariat for supplies, \nissued bills of credit for the payment of troops (for which the province was \npledged), to the amount oi\' three hundred and seventy-fi\\*e thousand dollars, \nand declared [May 5] General Gage to be an "inveterate enemy " of the peo- \nple. And as the intelligence went from colony to colony, tlie people in each \nwere equally aroused. Arms and ainmnnition were seized by the Sons of \nLiberty^ provincial Congresses were formed, and before the close of summer, \nthe power of every royal governor, from Massachnsetts to Georgia, Avas \nutterly destroyed. Everywhere the inhabitants armid in defense of their \nliberties, and took vigorous measures for future security. \n\nSome aggressive enterprises were undertaken by volunteers. The most \nimportant of these was the seizure of the strong fortresses of Ticonderoga^ and \nCrown Point,\' on Lake Champlain, chiefly by Connecticut and Vermont \n\n\' Earl Percy was a son of the Duke of Northumberland. When he was marching out of Bos- \nton, his band struck up the tune of Yankee Doodle, in derision. He saw a boy at Roxbury making \nhimself very merry as he passed. Percy inquired why he was so merry. "To think," said the lad, \n" how you will dance by-and-by to Ghtvy ChwseP Percy was often much influenced by presenti- \nments, and the words of the boy made him moody. JPercy was a lineal descendant of the Earl \nPercy who was slaui in the battle of Chtvy Chase, and he felt all day as if some great calamity \nmight beflill him. ^ Page 235. \n\n\' Appropriate monuments have been erected to the memory of the slain, at Lexington, Concord, \nand Acton. Davis, the commander of the militia at Concord, was from Acton, and so were most \nof his men. The estimated value of the property destroyed by the invaders, was as follows: la \nConcord", one thousand three hundred and seventy-five dollars ; in Lexington, eight thousand three \nhundred and five dollars; in Cambridge, six thousand and ten dollars. \xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 230. \n\n* Page 196. * Page 200. \n\n\n\n234 THE REVOLUTION. [1775; \n\nmilitia, under the command of Colonels Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold. \nTiconderoga and its garrison were taken possession of at dawn, on the 10th of \nMay, 1775 ;\' and two days afterward, Colonel Seth Warner, of the expedition, \nwith a few men, captured Crown Point. The spoils of victory taken at these \ntwo posts, consisting of almost one hundred and fifty pieces of cannon, and a \nlarge quantity of ammunition and stores, were of vast consequence to the Amer- \nicans. A few months later [Mai\'ch, 1776], some of these cannons were hurling^ \ndeath-shots into the midst of the British troops in Boston." \n\nHaving repudiated royal authority, the people of Massachusetts were obe- \ndient to their chosen rulers, and efficient civil government was duly inaugur- \nated. On the 19th of May [1775J, the provincial Congress of Massachusetts \nclothed the Committee of Safety, sitting at Cambridge, with full powers to \nregulate the operations of the army. Artemas Ward was appointed commander- \nin-chief, Richard Gridley,^ chief engineer, and Israel Putnam, John Stark, and \nother veterans, who had served bravely in the French and Indian war, were \nappointed to important commands. The military genius developed in that old \nconflict, was now brought into requisition. Day by day the position of the \nBritish army became more perilous. Fortunately for its safety, large reinforce- \nments, under those three experienced commanders, Generals Howe, Clinton, \nand Burgoyne, arrived on the 25th of May. It was timely : and then the \nwhole British force in Boston amounted to about twelve thousand men, besides \nseveral well-manned vessels of war, under Admiral Graves. Gage now resolved \nto attack the Americans and penetrate the country. \n\nPreparatory to an invasion of the province. Gage issued a proclamation \n[June 10, 1775], declaring all Americans inarms to be rebels and traitors, and \nofiering a free pardon to all who should return to their allegiance, except those \narch-offenders, John Hancock and Samuel Adams.* These he intended to \nseize and send to England to be hanged. The vigilant patriots, aware of Gage\'s- \nhostile intentions, strengthened their intrenchments on Boston Neck,^ and oa \nthe evening of the 16th of June, General Ward sent Colonel Prescott\xc2\xb0 with a \ndetachment of one thousand men, to take possession of, and fortify. Bunker\'s \nHill, in Charlestown, which commanded an important part of Boston and the \nsurrounding water. By mistake they ascended Breed\'s Hill, within cannon \nshot of the city, and laboring with pick and spade all that night, they had cast \nup a strong redoubt\'^ of earth, on the summit of that eminence, before the Brit- \n\n\' Allen was in chief command. Having^ taken possession of the fort and garrison by surprise,, \nhe ascended to the door of the commandant\'s apartment, and awoke Captain De La Place, by heavy \nblows with the hilt of his sword. The astonished commander, followed by his wife, came to the \ndoor. He knew Allen. "What do you want?" he inquired. " I want you to surrender this fort," \nAllen answered. "By what authority do you demand it?" asked De La Place. "By the Great \nJehovah and the Continental Congress!" said Allen, with the voice of a Stentor. The captain sub- \nmitted, and the fortress became a possession of the patriots. \' Page 247. \n\n\xc2\xbb Note 1, page 138. * Note 1. page 22L \xc2\xb0 Note .3, page 229. \n\n" "William Prescott was born at Groton, JSfassachusetta, in 1726. He was at Louisburg [pag* \n137] in 1745. After the battle of Bimker\'s Hill, he served under Gates, until the surrender of \nBurgoyne, when he left the army. He died in 1795. \n\n\' A redoubt is a small fortification generally composed of earth, and having very few feature* \nof a regular fort, except its arrangement for the use of cannons and muskets. They are often tern* \n\n\n\nITTS.] \n\n\n\nFIRST TEAR OF THE "WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \n\n\n\n235 \n\n\n\nish were aware of their presence. Gage and liis officers were greatlj astonished \nat the apparition of this military work, at the dawn of the ITth. \n\nThe British generals were not only astonished, but alarmed, and at once \nperceived the necessity for driving the Americans from this commanding \nposition, before they should plant a heavy battery there, for in that event, \nBoston must be evacuated before sunrise. The drums beat \nto arms, and soon the city was in a great tumult. The im- \nminent danger converted many Tories into professedly \nwarm Whigs, for the days of British rule appeared to be \nclosing. Every eminence and roof in Boston \nswarmed with people \n[June 17, 1775], a \nheavy cannonade was \nopened upon the re- \ndoubt, from a battery \non Copp\'s Hill, in \nBoston,\' and from the \nshipping in the har- \nbor, but with very \nlittle effect. Hour \nafter hour the patriots \ntoiled on in the com- \npletion of their work, \nand at noon-day, theii \ntask Avas finished, and they laid aside their implements of labor for knapsacks \nand muskets. General Howe, with General Pigot, and three thousand men, \ncrossed the Charles River at the same time, to Morton\'s Point, at the foot of \nthe eastern slope of Breed\'s Hill, formed his troops into two columns, and \ninarched slowly to attack the redoubt. Although the British commenced firing \ncannons soon after they began to ascend the hill, and the great guns of the \nships, and the battery on Copp\'s Hill, poured an incQSsant storm upon the \nredoubt, the Americans kept perfect silence until they had approached within \nclose musket shot. Hardly an American could be seen by the slowly approach- \ning enemy, yet behind those rude mounds of earth, lay fifteen hundred deter- \nmined men,^ ready to pour deadly volleys of musket-balls upon the foe, when \ntheir commanders should order them. \n\n\n\n\nPLAN OF bunker\'s HILL BATTLE. \n\n\n\nMONUMENT. \n\n\n\nporary structures, cast up in the progress of a siege, or a protracted battle. The diagram A, on tho \nmap, shows the form of the redoubt, a is the entrance. \n\n\' That portion of Copp\'s Hill, where the British battery was constructed, is a burial-grouiul, in \nwhich lie many of the earher residents of that city. Among them, the Mather family, distmguished \nin the early history of the Commonwealth. See page 133. \n\n^ During the forenoon. General Putnam had been busy in forwarding reinforcements for Pres- \ncott, and when the battle began, about five hundred had been added to the detachment. Yet he \nfound it difficult to urge many of the raw recruits forward ; and after the war, he felt it necessary tn \narise in the church of which lie was a member, and in the presence of the congregation, acknowl- \nedge the sin of swearing on that occasion. He- partially justified himself by saying, "It was almost \nenough to make an angel swear, to see the cowards refuse to secure a victory so nearly won." \n\n\n\n236 THE REVOLUTION. [1775. \n\nIt was noAV three o\'clock in the afternoon. When the British column was \nwithin ten rods of the redoubt, Prescott shouted Fire ! and instantly whole \nplatoons of the assailants were prostrated by well-aimed bullets.\' The survivors \nfell back in great confusion, but were soon rallied for a second attack. They \nwere ao-ain repulsed, with heavy loss, and while scattering in all directions, \nGeneral Clinton arrived with a few followers, and joined Howe, as a volunteer. \nThe fugitives were again rallied, and they rushed up to the redoubt in the face \nof a galling fire. For ten minutes the battle raged fearfully, and, in the mean \nwhile, CharlestoAvn, at the foot of the eminence, having been fired by a carcass" \nfrom Copp\'s Hill,^ sent up dense columns of smoke, which completely enveloped \nthe belligerents. The firing in the redoubt soon grew weaker, for the ammu- \nnition of the Americans had become exhausted. It ceased altogether, and then \nthe British scaled the bank and compelled the Americans to retreat, while they \nfought fiercely with clubbed muskets." Overpowered, they fled across Charles- \ntown Neck,^ gallantly covered by Putnam and a few brave men, and under that \ncommander, they took position on Prospect Hill, and fortified it. The British \ntook possession of Bunker\'s Hill,* and erected a fortification there. There was \nabsolutely no victory in the case. Completely exhausted, both parties sought \nrest, and hostilities ceased for a time. The Americans had lost, in killed, \nwounded, and prisoners, about four hundred and fifty men. The loss of the \nBritish from like causes, was almost eleven hundred.\' This was the first real \nbattle^ of the Revolution, and lasted almost two hours. \n\nTerrible for the people of Boston and vicinity, were the events of that bright \nand cloudless, and truly beautiful June day. All the morning, as we have \nobserved, and during the fierce conflict, roofs, steeples, and every high place, in \nand around the city, were filled with anxious spectators. Almost every family \nhad a representative among the combatants ; and in an agony of suspense, \nmothers, wives, sisters, and daughters, gazed upon the scene. Many a loved \n\n\n\n* Prescott ordered his men to aim at the waistbands of the British, and to piclc off their officers, \nwhose fine clothes would distinguish them. It is said that men, at the first onset in battle, always \nfire too high, hence the order to aim at the waistbands. \n\n* A carcass is a hollow case, formed of ribs of iron covered with cloth or metal, with holes in it. \nBeing filled with combustibles and set on fire, it is thrown from a mortar, Hke a bomb-shell, upon \nthe roofs of buildings, and ignites them. A bomb-shell is a hollow ball with an orifice, filled with \npowder (sometimes mixed with slugs of iron), which is ignited by a slow match when fired, explodes, \nand its fragments produce terrible destruction. \' See map on page 235. \n\n* Most of the American muskets were destitute of bayonets, and they used the large end as \nclubs. This is a last resort. \n\n\' Charlestown, like Boston, is on a peninsula, almost surrounded by water and a marsh. The \nNeck was a narrow causeway, connecting it with the main. Charlestown was a flourishing rival of \nBoston, at the time of the battle. It was then completely destroyed. Six hundred buildings per- \nished in the flames. Burgoyne, speaking of the battle and conflagration, said, it was the most awfial \nand sublime sight he had ever witnessed. \n\n* As the battle took place on Breed\'s, and not on Bunker^s Hill, the former name should \nhave been given to it ; but the name of Bunker\'s Hill has become too sacred in the records of patriot- \nism to be changed. \n\n\' The provincial Congress estimated the loss at about fifleen hundred ; General Gage reported \none thousand and fifty-four. Of tlie Americans, only one hundred and fifteen were killed ; the \nremainder were wounded or made prisoners. \n\n" A hattle is a conflict carried on by large bodies of troops, according to the rules of military \ntactics ; a skirmish is a sudden and irregular fight between a few troops. \n\n\n\n\n1775.] FIRST TEAK OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 23T \n\none perished ; and there the country lost one of its most promising children,, \nand freedom a devoted champion. Dr. Warren, who \nhad just been appointed major-general, had crossed \nCharlestown Neck in the midst of flying balls from the \nBritish shipping, and reached the redoubt on Breed\'s \nHill, at the moment when the enemy scaled its banks. \nHe was killed by a musket ball, while retreating. \nBuried where he fell, near the redoubt, the tall Bunker \nHill monument of to-day, standing on that spot, com- \nmemorates his death, as well as the patriotism of his \ncountrymen. ^ ^^^^^,^^ ^^.^^^^^,._ \n\nThe storm was not confined to the east. While \nthese events were occurring in New England, the Revolution was making rapid \nprogress elsewhere. Even before the tragedy at Lexington and Concord, \nPatrick Henry^ had again aroused his countrymen by his eloquence, and in the \nVirginia Assembly, convened at Richmond, on the 23d of March, 1775, he \nconcluded a masterly speech with that noted sentiment, which became the war- \ncry of the patriots, " Give me Liberty, or give me Death !" When, \ntwenty-six days later [April 20], Governor Dunmore, by ministerial command,* \nseized and conveyed on board a British vessel of war, a quantity of gunpowder \nbelonging to the colony, that same inflexible patriot went at the head of armed \ncitizens, and demanded and received from the royal representative, full restitu- \ntion. And before the battle of Bunker\'s Hill, the exasperated people had \ndriven Dunmore^ from his palace at Williamsburg [June], and he was a refugee, \nshorn of political power, on board a British man-of-war in the York River. \n\nFurther south, still bolder steps had been taken. The people in the inte- \nrior of North Carolina, where the Regulator ISIovement occurred four years \nearlier, asserted their dignity and their rights as freemen, in a way that aston- \nished even the most sanguine and determined patriots elsewhere. A convention \nof delegates chosen by the people, assembled at Charlotte, in Mecklenberg \ncounty, in May, 1775, and by a series of resolutions, they virtually declared \ntheir constituents absolved from all allegiance to the British crown," organized \nlocal government, and made provisions for military defense. In South Carolina \nand Georgia, also, arms and ammunition had been seized by the people, and \nall royal authority was repudiated. \n\nWhile the whole country was excited by the rising rebellion, and on the \n\n\' Joseph "Warren was born in Roxbury, in 1740. He was at the head of his profession as a \nphysician, when the events of the approaching revolution brought him into public life. He was \nthirty-five years of age when he died. His remains rest in St. Paul\'s church, in Boston. \n\n* Note 1, page 214. ^ Note 1, page 232. \n\n* Dunmore was strongly suspected of a desire to have the hostile Indians west of the Allegha- \nnies annihilate the Virginia troops sent against them in the summer of 1774 They suffered ter- \nrible loss in a battle at Point Pleasant on the Ohio, in October of that year, in consequence of the \nfailure of promised aid fi\'om Dunmore. They subdued the Indians, however. \n\n* This "Declaration of Independence," as it is called, was made about thirteen months previous \nto the general Declaration put forth by the Continental Congress, and is one of the glories of the \npeople of North Carolina. It consisted of a series of twenty resolutions, and was read, from time to \ntime, to other gatherings of the people, after the convention at Charlotte. \n\n\n\n23;^ THE REVOLUTION. [177B. \n\nvery day [May 10] when Allen and Arnold took Ticonderoga, \' the Second \nContinental Congress convened at Philadelphia. Notwithstanding New \nEngland was in a blaze of war, royal authority had virtually ceased in all the \ncolonies, and the conflict for independence had actually begun," that august \nbody held out to Great Britain a loyal, open hand of reconciliation. Congress \nsent [July, 1775J a most loyal petition to the king, and conciliatory addresses \nto the people of Great Britain. At the same time they said firmly, \' \' We have \ncounted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary \nslavery." They did not foolishly lose present advantages in waiting for a reply, \nbut pressed forward in the work of public security. Having resolved on armed \nresistance, they voted to raise an army of twenty thousand men ; and two days \nbefore the battle of Bunker\'s Hill [June 15, 1775], they elected George \nIVashington commander-in-chief of all the forces raised, or to be raised, for \nthe defense of the colonies.^ That destined Father of his Country, was then \nforty-three years of age. They also adopted the incongruous mass of undis- \nciplined troops at Boston,^ as a Continental Army, and appointed general \nofficers\' to assist Washington in its organization and future operations. \n\nGeneral Washington took command of the army at Cambridge, on the 3d \nof July, and with the efficient aid of General Gates, who was doubtless the best \ndisciplined soldier then in the field, order was soon brought out of great con- \nfusion, and the Americans were prepared to commence a regular siege of the \nBritish army in Boston.\' To the capture or expulsion of those troops, the \nefibrts of Washington were mainly directed during the summer and autumn of \n1775. Fortifications were built, a thorough organization of the army was \neffected, and all that industry and skill could do, with such material, in perfect- \ning arrangements for a strong and fatal blow, was accomplished. The army, \n\n\n\n\' Page 234. " Page 232. \n\n^ Washington -was a delegate in Congress from Virginia, and his appointment was wholly unex- \npected to him. When the time came to choose a commander-in-chief, John Adams arose, and after \na brief speech, in which he delineated the qualities of the man whom he thought best titted for the \nimportant service, he expressed his intenton to propose a member from Virginia for the office of \ngeneralissimo. All present understood the allusion, and the next day, Thomas Johnson, of Mary- \nland, nominated Colonel Washington, and he was, by unanimous vote, elected commander-in-chief \nAt the same time Congress resolved that they would " maintain and assist him, and adhere to him, \nwith their lives and fortunes, in the cause of American liberty." When President Hancock \nannounced to Washington his appointment, he modestly, and with great dignity, signified his accept- \nance in the following terms: " Mr. President \xe2\x80\x94 Though I am truly sensible of the high honor done \nme, in this appointment, yet I feel great distress, from a consciousness that my abilities and military \nexperience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust. However, as the Congress \ndesire it, I will enter upon the momentous duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, \nfind for the support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my most cordial thanks for this \ndistinguished testimony of their approbation. But lest some unlucky event should happen, unfavor- \nable to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in this room, that I, this \nday, declare with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored \nwith. As to pay, sir, I beg leave to assure the Congress that, as no pecuniary consideration could \nhave tempted me to accept the arduous employment, at the expense of my domestic ease and hap- \npiness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses. \nThose, I doubt not, they will discliarge, and that is all I desire." \xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 232. \n\n\xc2\xb0 Artemas Ward, Charles Lee, Philip Schuyler, and Israel Putnam, were appointed major- \ngenerals; Horatio Gates, adjutant-general; and Seth Pomeroy, Richard Montgomery, David Wooster, \nWilliam Heath, Joseph Spencer, John Thomas, John Sullivan, and Nathaniel Green (aU New \nEngland men), brigadier-generals. \xc2\xae Page 232. \n\n\n\n1775.] \n\n\n\nFIRST YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \n\n\n\n239 \n\n\n\nfourteen thousand strong at the close of the year, extended from Roxbarj on \nthe right, to Prospect Hill, two miles north-west of Breeds Hill, on the left. \nThe right was commanded by General Ward, the left by General Lee. The \ncentre, at Cambridge, was under the immediate control of the commander-in- \nchief. \n\n\n\n\nAt the close of May, Congress sent an affectionate address to the people of \nCanada. They were cordially invited to join their Anglo-American\' neighbors\' \nin eflForts to obtain redress of grievances, but having very little sympathy in \nlanguage, religion, or social condition with them, they refused, and were neces- \nsarily considered positive supporters of the royal cause. The capture of the \ntwo fortresses on Lake Champlain^ [^^aj? 1775], having opened the way to the \nSt. Lawrence, a well-devised plan to take possession of that province and pre- \nvent its becoming a place of rendezvous and supply of invading armies from \nGreat Britain, was matured by Congress and the commander-in-chief.* To \n\n\n\n* Note 1, page 193. \n\n\' The Congress of 1774, made an appeal To the inhabitants of Quebec, in which was clearly set \nforth the grievances of the colonists, and an invitation to fraternize with those already in union. \n\n* Page 234. \n\n* A committee of Congress, consisting of Dr. Franklin, Thomas Lynch, and Benjamin Harrison, \n\xe2\x80\xa2went to Cambridge, in August, and there the plan of the campaign agauast Canada was arranged. \n\n\n\n240 THE RE\\rOLUTION. [1775; \n\naccomplish this, a body of New York and New England troops were placed \nunder the command of Generals Schuyler\' and Montgomery," and ordered to \nproceed by way of Lake Champlain to Montreal and Quebec. \n\nHad Congress listened to the earnest advice of Colonel Ethan Allen, to \ninvade Canada immediately after the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, \nthe result of the expedition would doubtless have been very different, for at that \ntime the British forces in the province were few, and they had made no prepar- \nations for hostilities. It was near the close of August before the invading army \nappeared before St. John on the Sorel, the first military post within the Cana- \ndian line. Deceived in regard to the strength of the garrison and the dispo- \nsition of the Canadians and the neighboring Indians, Schuyler fell back \nto Isle Aux Noix,^ and after making preparations to fortify it, he hastened to \nTiconderoga to urge forward more troops. Sickness compelled him to return \nto Albany, and the whole command devolved upon Montgomery, his second in \ncommand. That energetic ofl&cer did not remain long within his island intrench- \nments, and toward the close of September, he laid siege to St. John. The gar- \nrison maintained an obstinate resistance for more than a month, and Montgomery \ntwice resolved to abandon it. During the siege, small detachments of brave \nmen went out upon daring enterprises. One, of eighty men, under Colonel \nEthan Allen,* pushed across the St. Lawrence, and attacked Montreal [Sep- \ntember 25, 1775], then garrisoned by quite a strong force under General \nPrescott.^ This was done at the suggestion of Colonel John Brown, who was \nto cross the river with his party, a little above, and co-operate with Allen. He \nfailed to do so, and disaster ensued. Allen and his party were defeated, and \nhe was made prisoner and, with several of his men, was sent to England in irons. \nAnother expedition under Colonel Bedell, of New Hampshire, was more suc- \ncessful. They captured the strong fort (but feeble garrison) at Chambly \n[October 30], a few miles north of St. John; and at about the same time, Sir \nGuy Carleton, governor of Canada, with a reinforcement for the garrison of St. \nJohn, was repulsed [November 1] by a party under Colonel Warner, at \nLongueil, nearly opposite Montreal. These events alarmed Preston, the com- \nmander of St. John, and he surrendered that post to Montgomery, on the 3d of \nNovember. \n\nWhen the victory was complete, the Americans pressed on toward Mont- \n\n\n\n\' Philip Schuyler was bom at Albany, New Tork, in 1733, and was one of the wisest and best \nmen of his time. He was a captain under Sir William Johnson [page 190] in 1755, and was active \nin the public service, chiefly in civil affairs, from that time until the Revolution. During that \nstruggle, he was very prominent, and after the war, was almost continually engaged in public life, \nuntil his death, which occurred in 1804. \n\n^ Richard Montgomery was born in Ireland, in 1737. He was with Wolfe, at Quebec [page \n201], and afterward married a sister of Chancellor Livingston, and settled in the State of New York. \nHe gave promise of great military ability, when death ended his career. See portrait on page 242. \n\n* Note 8, pao,. 197. \n\n* Ethan Allen was bom in Litchfield county, Connecticut. He went to Vermont at an early \nage, and in 1770 was one of the bold leaders there in the opposition of the settlers to the territorial \nclaims of New York. He was never engaged in active military services after his capture. He died \nin Vermont in February, 1789, and his remains lie in a cemetery two miles from Burlington, near \nthe WinooskL * Page 271. \n\n\n\n1775.] FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 241 \n\nreal. Governor Carleton, conscious of his weakness, immediately retreated on \nboard one of the vessels of a small fleet lying in the river, and escaped to Que- \nbec; and on the following day [November 13], Montgomery entered the city \nin triumph. He treated the people humanely, gained their respect, and with \nthe woolen clothing found among the spoils, he commenced preparing his sol- \ndiers for the rigors of a Canadian winter. There was no time to be lost, by \ndelays. Although all their important posts in Canada were in possession of the \npatriots, yet, Montgomery truly said, in a letter to Congress, " till Quebec is \ntaken, Canada is unconquered." Impressed with this idea, he determined to \npush forward to the capital, notwithstanding the inclemency of the weather and \nthe desertion of his troops. Winter frosts were binding the waters, and blind- \ning snow was mantling the whole country. \n\nThe spectacle presented by this little army, in the midst of discouragements \nof every kind, was one of great moral grandeur. Yet it was not alone at that \nperilous hour ; for while this expedition, so feeble in number and supplies, was \non its way to achieve a great purpose, another, consisting of a thousand men, \nunder Colonel Benedict Arnold,\' had left Cambridge [Sept., 1775], and was \nmaking its way through the deep wilderness by the Kennebec and Chaudiere* \nRivers, to join Montgomery before the walls of Quebec. That expedition was \none of the most wonderful on record. For thirty-two days they traversed a \ngloomy wilderness, without meeting a human being. Frost and snow were \nupon the ground, and ice was upon the surface of the marshes and the streams, \nwhich they were compelled to traverse and ford, sometimes arm-pit deep in \nwater and mud. Yet they murmured not ; and even women followed in their \ntrain.\xc2\xae After enduring incredible toils and hardships, exposed to intense cold \nand biting hunger, they arrived at Point Levi,* opposite Quebec, on the 9th of \nNovember. Four days afterward [Nov. 13], and at about the same time when \nMontgomery entered Montreal, the intrepid Arnold, with only seven hundred \nand fifty half-naked men, not more than four hundred muskets, and no artil- \nlery, crossed the St. Lawrence to Wolfe\'s Cove,^ ascended to the Plains of \nAbraham," and boldly demanded a surrender of the city and garrison within the \nmassive walls. Soon the icy winds, and intelligence of an intended sortie^ from \nthe garrison, drove Arnold from his bleak encampment, and he ascended the \nSt. Lawrence to Point au Trembles, twenty miles above Quebec, and there \n\n\n\n^ Page 234. " Pronounced Sko-de-are. \n\n\' Judge Henry, of Pennsylvania, then a young man, accompanied the expedition. He wrote \nan account of the siege of Quebec, and in it he mentions the wives of Sergeant Grier and of a pri- \nvate soldier, who accompanied them. "Entering the ponds," he says, "and breal^ing the ice here \nand tliere with the butts of our guns, and our feet, we were soon waist-deep in mud and water. As \nis generally the case with youths, it came to my mind that a better path might be found than that \nof tlie more elderly guide. Attempting this, the water in a trice cooUng my arm-pits, made me \ngladly return in the file. Now, Mrs. Grier had got before me. My mind was humbled, yet aston- \nished, at the exertions of this good woman." Like the soldiers, she waded through the deep waters \nand the mud. \n\n* Page 201, Several men who were afterward prominent actors in the Revolution, accompanied \nArnold in this expedition. Among them, also, was Aaron Burr, then a youth of twenty, who was \nafterward Vice-President of the United States. ^ Page 202. " Page 202. \n\n\' This is a French term, significant of a sudden saUy of troops fi:om a besieged city or fortress \nto attack the besiegers. See page 434. \n\n16 \n\n\n\n242 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION-. \n\n\n\n[I\'lTS. \n\n\n\nawaited the arrival of Montgomerj. These brave generals met on the 1st of \nDecember [1775], and woolen clothes whicli Montgomerj brought from Mont- \nreal, were placed on the shivering limbs of Arnold\'s troops. The united forces, \nabout nine hundred strong, then marched to Quebec. \n\nIt was on the evening of the 5th of December when the Americans reached \nQuebec, and the next morning early, Montgomerj sent a letter to Carleton, by \na flag,\' demanding an immediate surrender. The flag was fired upon, and the \ninvaders were defied. With a few light cannons and some mortars, and ex- \nposed to almost dailj snow-storms in the open fields, the Americans besieged \nthe city for three weeks. Success appearing only in assault, that measure was \nagreed upon, and before dawn, on the morning of the last \nday \'S the year [Dec. 31, 1775], while snow was falling \nthickly, the attempt was made. Montgomery had formed \nhis little army into four columns, to assail the city at difier- \nent points. One of these, under Arnold, was to attack the \nlower town, and march along the St. Charles to join another \ndivision, under Montgomery, who was to approach by way \nof Cape Diamond,\'\' and the two were to attempt a forced pass- \nage into the city, through Prescott Gate.\' At the same \ntime, the other two columns, under Majors Livingston and \nBrown, were to make a feigned attack upon t^e uppe own, from the Plains \nof Abraham. In accordance with this plan, Montgom /y descended Wolfe\'s \nRavine, and marched carefully along the ice-strewn beach, toward a pallisade \nand battery at Cape Diamond. At the head of his men, in the face of the \ndriving snow, he had passed the pallisade unopposed, \nwhen a single discharge of a cannon from the battery, \nloaded with grape-shot,^ killed him instantly, and slew \nseveral of his ofiicers, among whom were his two aids, \nMcPherson and Cheeseman. His followers instantly re- \ntreated. In the mean while, Arnold had been severely \nwounded, while attacking a barrier on the St. Charles,^ \nand the command of his division devolved upon Captain \nMorgan,\xc2\xae whose expert riflemen, with Lamb\'s artillery, \nforced their Avay into the lower town. After a contest \nof several hours, the Americans, under Morgan, were obliged to surrender them- \n\n\n\n\nWALLS OP QUEBEC. \n\n\n\n\nGENERAL MONTGOMERY. \n\n\n\n* Mepseng:ers are sent from army to army with a white flag, indicating a desire for a peaceful \ninterview. Tliese flags, by common consent, are respected, and it is considered an outrage to fire \non the bearer of one. The Americans were regarded as rebels, and undeserving the usual courtesy. \n\n^ Tlie high rocky promontory on whicli the citadel stands. \n\n^ Prescott Gate is on the St. Lawrence side of the town, and there bars Mountain-street in its \nsinuous way from the water up into the walled city. The above diagram shows the plan of the city \nwalls, and relative positions of the several gates mentioned. A is the St. Charles Eiver, B the St. \nLawrence, a Wolfe and Montcalm\'s monument [page 202], b the place where Montgomery fell, c \nthe place where Arnold was wounded. \n\n* These are small balls confined in a cluster, and then discharged at once from a cannon. They \nscatter, and do great execution. \n\n^ This was at the foot of the precipice, below the present grand battery, near St. Paul\'s-street. \n\xc2\xae Afterward the famous General Morgan, whose rifle corps became so renowned, and who gained \nthe victory at The Cowpens, in the winter of 1781. See page 331. \n\n\n\n1775.] FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 243 \n\nselves prisoners of Avar. The whole loss of the Americans, under Montgomery \niind Arnold, in this assault, was about one hundred and sixty. The British \nloss was only about twenty killed and wounded. \n\nColonel Arnold, with the remainder of the troops, retired to Sillery, where \nhe formed a camp, and passed a rigorous Canadian winter. He was relieved \nfrom chief command by General Wooster,\' on the 1st of April, who came \n-down from Montreal with reinforcements, when another ineffectual attempt \nwas made to capture Quebec. When, a month afterward. General Thomas \ntook the chief command [May, 1776], Carleton was receiving strong reinforce- \nments from England, and the patriots were compelled to abandon all hope of \n\xe2\x96\xa0conquering Canada. They were obliged to retreat so hastily before the over- \nwhelming forces of Carleton, that they left their stores and sick behind them.* \nAbandoning one post after another, the Americans were driven entirely out \nof Canada by the middle of June. \n\nThe Virginians were rolling on the car of the Eevolution with a firm and \nsteady hand, while the patriots were suffering defeats and disap})ointments at \nthe North. We have already alluded to the fact, that the people of Williams- \nburg, then the capital of Virginia, had driven Lord Dunmore, the royal gov- \nernor, away from iiis palace, to take refuge on board a ship of war.^ He was \nthe first royal representative who " abdicated government," and he was greatly \nexasperated because he was compelled to do so in a very humiliating manner. \nFrom that vessel he sent letters, messages, and addresses to the Virginia House \nof Burgesses,^ and received the same in return. Each exhibited much spirit. \nFinally, in the autumn, the governor proceeded to Norfolk with the fleet, and, \ncollecting a force of Tories and negroes, commenced depredations in lower Vir- \nginia. With the aid of some British vessels, he attacked Hampton, near Old \nPoint Comfort,^ on the 24tli of October, and was repulsed. He then declared \nopen war. The Virginia militia flew to arms, and in a severe battle, fought on \nthe 9th of December, at the Great Bridge, near the Dismal Swamp, twelve \nmiles from Norfolk, Dunmore was defeated, and compelled to seek safety with \nthe British shipping in Norfolk harbor. In that battle, the regiment of men, \nchiefly from Culpepper county, raised by Patrick Henry, and at the head of \nwhom he demanded payment for the powder removed from Williamsburg,^ did \nvery important service.\' \n\n\' Page 270. \n\n^ General Thomas was seized with the small-pox, which had been raging some time in the \nAmerican camp, and died at Chambly on the 30th of Mar. He was a native of Plymouth, Mass., \nand was one of tlio tirst eight brigadiers appointed by Congress [note 5, page 23S]. Carleton \ntreated the prisoners and sick with great humanity. He afterward, on the death of his father, be- \ncame Lord Dorchester. He died in 1808, aged eighty -three years. \n\ns Page 237. " Page 71. ^ Page 64. " Page 237. \n\n^ This regiment had adopted a flag with the significant device of a coiled \nrattle-snake, seen in the engraving. This device was upon many flags in the \narmy and navy of the Revolution. The expression, "Don\'t tread on me," \nhad a double signification. It might be said in a supplicating tone, " Don\'t \ntread on me ; " or menacingly, " Don\'t tread on vie." The soldiers were \ndressed in green hunting-shirts, with Henry\'s words. Liberty ok Death \n[page 237], in large white letters on their bosoms. They had bucks\' tails \nin their huts, and in their belts tomahawks and scalpmg-knives. Their \nfi\'vco appearance alarmed the peojile, as they mai\'ched through the countiy. \n\n\n\n\nCULPEPPER FLAG. \n\n\n\n244 THE REVOLUTION. [1776. \n\nFive days af.er the battle at the Great Bridge, the Virginians, under \nColonel Woodford, entered Norfolk in triumph [Dec. 14, 1775], and the next \nmorning they were joined by Colonel Robert Howe,\' with a North Carolina \nregiment, when the latter assumed the general command. Dunmore was greatly \nexasperated by these reverses, and, in revenge, he caused Norfolk to be burned \nearly on the morning of the 1st of January, 1776. The conflagration raged \nfor fifty hours, and while the wretched people were witnessing the destruction \nof their property, the modern Nero caused a cannonade to be kept up." When \nthe destruction was complete, he proceeded to play the part of a marauder along \nthe defenseless coast of Virginia. For a time he made his head quarters upon \nGwyn\'s island, in Chesapeake Bay, near the mouth of the Piankatank River, \nfrom which he was driven, with his fleet, by a brigade of Virginia troops under \nGeneral Andrew Lewis. ^ After committing other depredations, he went to the \nWest Indies, carrying with him about a thousand negroes which he had col- \nlected during his marauding campaign, where he sold them, and in the follow- \ning autumn returned to England. These atrocities kindled an intense flame \nof hatred to royal rule throughout the whole South, and a desire for political \nindependence of Great Britain budded spontaneously in a thousand hearts- \nwhere, a few months before, the plant of true loyalty was blooming. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER III. \n\nSECOND TEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. [1776.] \n\nThere was great anxiety in the public mind throughout the colonies at the- \nopening of the year 1776. The events of the few preceding months appeared \nunpropitious for the republican cause, and many good and true men were dis- \nposed to pause and consider, before going another step in the path of rebellion. \nBut the bolder leaders in the senate and in the camp were undismayed ; and \nthe hopeful mind of Washington, in the midst of the most appalling discourage- \nments, faltered not for a moment. He found himself strong enough to be the \nefiectual jailor of the British army in Boston, and now he was almost prepared \nto commence those blows which finally drove that army and its Tory abettors to \nthe distant shores of Nova Scotia.^ He had partially re-organized the conti- \n\n\' Page 292. \n\n* "When Dunmore destroyed Norfolk, its population was six thousand ; and so rapidly was it \nincreasing in business and wealth, that in two years, from 1773 to 1775, the rents in the city in- \ncreased from forty thousand to fifty thousand dollars a year. The actual loss by the cannonade and \nconflagration was estimated at fifteen hundred thousand dollars. The personal suffering was incon- \n\n\n\n^ General Lewis was a native of Virginia, and was in the battle when Braddock was killed. \nHe was the commander of the Virginia troops in the battle at Point Pleasant [note 4, page 237],, \nin the summer of 1774 He left the army, on account of illness, in 1780, and died not long after- \ntrard, while absent from home. * Note 2, page 80. \n\n\n\nl-JTS.] SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \xc2\xa345 \n\n\n\nnental forces under his command ; and on the first of January, 1776, he unfurled \n\nthe Union Flag, for the first time, over the American camp \n\nat Cambridge.\' His army had then dwindled to less than \n\nten thousand effective men, and these were scantily fed and \n\nclothed, and imj^erfectly disciplined. But the camp was well \n\nsupplied with provisions, and about ten thousand minute-men,* \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2chiefly in Massachusetts, were held in reserve, ready to march \n\nwhen called upon. \n\nDuring the summer and autumn of 1775, the Continental Congress had put \nforth all its energies in preparations for a severe struggle with British power, \nnow evidently near at hand. Articles of war were agreed to on the 30th of \nJune ; a declaration of the causes for taking up arms was issued on the 6th of \n\n\n\n\nUNION FLAG. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nSix \'j!J0l1d\'m\xc2\xa7. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2nrmSBilt entitle. tK. \n\xe2\x80\x9eA Bcsre- to -rtr.:.,. \nMX SPANISH MILLED \nDOLLAi^S. or t"he \nValue ther\xc2\xabo/ inCoLD \norS\'ILVERaccoTdtne-to \n\naRc^iutior. of coy= \n\nGRESS MIMat Phi. \nTc(Je(pWNov2.-;77(j. \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0 a! .^ ^1 ^\'^ DOLLARS \n\n\n\ntfyhy \n\n\n\nW mM^mm \n\n\n\nA BILL OF CREDIT, OR CONTINENTAL MONEY. \n\n\n\n\nJuly; and before the close of the year, bills of credit, known as "continental \nmoney," representing the value of six millions of Spanish dollars, had been \nA naval establishment had also been commenced;^ and at the opening \n\n\n\n\' The hoisting of that ensign was hailed by General Howe, the British commander in Boston, with \ngreat joy, for he regarded it as a token that a gracious sjieech of the king on American affairs, lately \ncommunicated to Parhament, was well received by the army, and that submission would speedily \nfollow. That flag was composed of thirteen stripes, alternate red and white, symbolizing the thir- \nteen revolted colonies. In one corner was the device of the British Union Flag, namely, the cross of \nSt. George, composed of a horizontal and perpendicular bar, and the cross of St. Andrew (represent- \ning Scotland), which is in the form of x . It was the appearance of that s^\'mbol of the British \nunion that misled Howe. This flag is represented in the above little sketch. On the 14th of June, \n1777, Congress ordered "thirteen stars, white, in a blue field," to be put m the place of the British, \nunion device. Such is the design of our flag at the present day. A star has been added for every \nnew State admitted into the Union, while the original number of stripes is retained. \n\n\' Page 229. \n\n\' The resolution of the Continental Congress, providing for the emission of bills, was adopted on \nthe 22d of June, 1775. The bills were printed and issued soon after, and other emissions were \nauthorized, from time to time, during about four years. At the beginning of 1780, Congress had \nissued two hundred millions of dollars in paper money. After the second j^ear, these bills began to \ndepreciate; and in 1780, forty paper dollars were worth only one in specie. At the close of 1781, \nthey were worthless. They had performed a temporary good, but were finally productive of great \n.public evil, and much individual suffering. Some of these bills are yet in existence, and are con- \nsidered great curiosities. They were rudely engraved, and printed on thick paper, which caused \nthe British to call it "the paste-board money of the rebels." * Note 1, page 307. \n\n\n\n246 THE REVOLUTION. [1776.. \n\nof 1776, many expert privateersmen\' were hovering along our coasts, to the \ngreat terror and annoyance of British merchant vessels. \n\nThere had been, up to this time, a strange apathy concerning American \naffairs, in the British Parliament, owing, chiefly, to the confidence reposed in \nthe puissance of the imperial government, and a want of knowledge relative to \nthe real strength of the colonies. Events had now opened the eyes of British \nstatesmen to a truer appreciation of the relative position of the contestants, and \nthe importance of vigorous action ; and at the close of 1775, Parliament had \nmade extensive arrangements for crushing the rebellion. An act was passed \n[Nov., 1775], which declared the revolted colonists to be rebels ; forbade all \nintercourse with them ; authorized the seizure and destruction or confiscation \nof all American vessels ; and placed the colonies under martial law.\' An ag- \ngregate land and naval force of fifty-five thousand men was voted for the \nAmerican service, and more than a million of dollars were appropriated for their \npay and sustenance. In addition to these, seventeen thousand troops were hired \nby the British government from the Landgrave of Ilesse-Cassel, and other \npetty German rulers,^ to come hither to butcher loyal subjects who had peti- \ntioned for their rights for ten long years, and now, even with arms in their \nhands, were praying for justice, and begging for reconciliation. This last act \nfilled the cup of government iniquity to the brim. It Avas denounced in Par- \nliament by the true friends of England, as "disgraceful to the British name," \nand it extinguished the last hope of reconciliation. The sword was now drawn, \nand the scabbard was thrown away. \n\nIntelligence of the proceedings in Parliament reached America in January, \n1776, and Congress perceived the necessity of putting forth immediate and effi- \ncient efibrts for the defense of the extensive sea-coast of the colonies. Washing- \nton was also urged to attack the British in Boston, iipmediately ; and, by great \nefibrts, the regular army was augmented to about fourteen thousand men to- \nward the close of February. In the mean while, the provincial Congress of \nMassachusetts organized the militia of the province anew, and ten regiments, \nmaking about three thousand men, arrived in camp early in February. The \nentire army now numbered about seventeen thousand efiective men, while the \nBritish force did not exceed five thousand fit for duty. Reinforcements were \ndaily expected from Halifax, New York, and Ireland, and the present seemed \na proper moment to strike. Bills of credit,\'\' representing four millions of dol- \nlars more, Avere issued ; Congress promised energetic co-operation ; and on th& \n\n* Private individuals, having a license from government to arm and equip a vessel, and with it \nto depredate upon tlie commerce of a nation with which that people are then at war, are called \nprivateersmen, and their vessels are known as privateers. During the Revolution, a vast number \n\xe2\x80\xa2f English vessels were captured by American privateersmen. It is, after all, only legalized piracy, \nand enlightened nations begin to view it so. ^ Note 8, page 170. \n\n^ The Landgrave (or petty prince) of Hesse-Cassel, having furnished the most considerable por- \ntion of these troops, they were called by the general name of Hessians. Ignorant, brutal, and \nbloodthirsty, they were hated by the patriots, and despised even by the regular English army. Thej \nwere always employed in posts of greatest danger, or in expeditions least creditable. These troop* \ncost the British government almost eight hundred thousand dollars, besides the necessity, according; \nto the contract, of defending the little principalities thus stripped, against theii foes. \n\n\xe2\x99\xa6 Page 245 \n\n\n\n1776.] SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 247 \n\nIst of March, Washington felt strong enough to attempt a clislodgment of the \nenemy from the crushed city.* \n\nOn the evening of the 2d of March [1776J, a heavy cannonade was opened \nupon Boston, from all the American batteries, and was continued, Avith brief \nintermissions, until the 4th. On the evening of that day. General Thomas, ^ \nwith twelve hundred men with intrenching tools, and a guard of eight hundred, \nproceeded secretly to a high hill, near Dorchester, on the south side of Boston, \nand before morning, they cast up a line of strong intrenchments, and planted \nheavy cannons there, which completely commanded the city and harbor. It \nwas the anniversary of the memorable Boston.,Massacre,3 and many patriots felt \nthe blood coursing more swiftly through their veins, as the recollection of that \nevent gave birth to vengeful feelings. It had nerved their arms Avhile toiling \nall that long night, and they felt a great satisfaction in knowing that they had \nprepared works which not only greatly astonished and alarmed the British, but \nwhich would be instrumental in achieving a great victory. The enemy felt the \ndanger, and tried to avert it. \n\nPerceiving the imminent peril of both fleet and army, General Howe pre- \npared an expedition to drive the Americans from their vantage-ground on Dor- \nchester heights. A storm suddenly arose, and made the harbor impassable.* \nThe delay allowed the patriots time to make their works almost impregnable, \nand the British were soon compelled to surrender as prisoners of war, or to \nevacuate the city immediately, to avoid destruction. As prisoners, they would \nhave been excessively burdensome to the colonies ; so, having formally agreed \nto allow them to depart without injury, Washmgton had the inexpressible \npleasure of saying, in a letter written to the President of Congress, on Sunday, \nthe 17th of March, "that this morning the ministerial troops evacuated the \ntown of Boston, without destroying it, and that we are now in full possession." \nSeven thousand soldiers, four thousand seamen, and fifteen hundred families of \nloyalists,^ sailed for Halifax on that day. \n\nThe gates on Boston Neck were now unbarred ; and General Ward, with \nfive thousand of the troops at Roxbury, entered the city, with drums beating, \nand banners waving, greeted on every side with demonstrations of joy by the \nredeemed people. General Putnam soon afterward [^March 18 j entered with \nanother division, and, in command of the whole, he took possession of tae city \nand all the forts, in the name of the Thirteen United Colonies. \n\n\n\n\' Page 226. \' Page 243. ^ Pago 221. \n\n* A similar event occurred to frustrate tlie designs of the British at Torktown, several years \nafterward. See page 341. \n\n^ It must be remembered that the Americans were by no means unanimous in their opposition \nto Great Britain. From the beginning there were many who supported the crown ; and as the \ncolonists became more and more rebellious, these increased. Some because they beli\'\'ved their \nbrethren to be wrong ; others through timidity ; and a greater number because they thouglii it \ntheir interest to adhere to the king. The loyalists, or Tories, were the worst and most efficient en- \nemies of the Whigs [note 4, page 226] during the whole war. Those who left Boston at tliis time, \nwere afraid to encounter the exasperated patriots, when they should return to their desolated homes \nin the city, from which they had been driven by military persecution. The churches iiad been \nstripped of their pulpits and pews, for fuel, fine shade trees had been burned, and many houses bad \nbeen pillaged and damaged by the soldiery. \n\n\n\n\n248 THE EEVOLUTION. [1776. \n\nWashington had been informed, early in January, \nthat General Sir Henry Clinton had sailed from Bos- \nton, with a considerable body of troops, on a secret ex- \npedition. Apprehending that the city of New York \nwas his destination, he immediately dispatched General \nCharles Lee to Connecticut to raise troops, and to pro- \nceed to that city to watch and oppose Clinton wherever \nhe might attempt to land. Six weeks before the evacu- \nation of Boston [March 17, 1776], Lee had encamped \nnear New York with twelve hundred militia. Already \n\nGENERAL LEE. ^ r ., 7. \n\nthe h^ons of Liberty had been busy, and overt acts of \nrebellion had been committed by them. They had seized the cannons at Fort \nGeorge,\'^ and driven Tryon,^ the royal governor, on board the Asia, a British \narmed vessel in the harbor. In March, Clinton arrived at Sandy Hook, just \noutside New York harbor, and on the same day, the watchful Lee\' providen- \ntially entered the city. The movement, although without a knowledge of Clin- \nton\'s position, was timely, for it kept him at bay. Foiled in his attempt upon \nNew Y\'^ork, that commander sailed southward, where we shall meet him pres- \nently. \n\nThe destination of Howe, when he left Boston, was also unknown to Wash- \nington. Supposing he, too, would proceed to New York, he put the main body \nof his airay in motion toward that city, as soon as he had placed Boston in a \nstate of security. He arrived in New Y^ork about the middle of April [April \n14], and proceeded at once to fortify the town and vicinity, and also the passes \nof the Hudson Highlands, fifty miles above. In the mean while, General Lee, \nwho had been appointed to command the American forces in the South, had \nleft his troops in the charge of General Lord Stirling^ [March 7], and was \nhastening toward the Carolinas to watch the movements of Clinton, arouse the \nWhigs, and gather an army there. \n\nIn the spring of 1776, a considerable fleet, under Admiral Sir Peter Parker, \nwas sent from England, to operate against the sea-coast towns of the southern, \ncolonies. Parker was joined by Clinton, at Cape Fear, in May, when the lattet \ntook the chief command of all the land forces. The fleet arrived ofi" Charleston \nbar on the 4th of June, and on the same day, Clinton, with several hundred \nmen, landed on Long Island, which lies eastward of Sullivan\'s Island. Apprised \nof these hostile designs, and elated by a victory obtained by North Carolina \nmilitia, under Colonel Caswell, over fifteen hundred loyalists*\' [February 27, \n\n* Note 1, page 215. \n\n\' This fort stood at the foot of Broadway, on a portion of the site of the present "Battery." \n\' Page 223. \n\n* Charles Lee was born in "Wales in 1731. He wa.s a brave ofiBcer in the British army during \nthe French and Indian War. He settled in Virginia in 1773, and was one of the first brigadiers of \nthe Continental army appointed by Congress. His ambition and perversity of temper, finally caused \nhis ruin. He died in Philadelphia in 1782. See page 288. ^ Page 254. \n\n* These were chiefly Scotch Highlanders, and were led by Donald McDonald, an influential \nScotchman then residing at Cross Creek, now Fayetteville. The husband of Flora McDonald, so \ncelebrated in connection with the flight of the young Pretender from Scotland, at the close of the \njebeUion in 1745, was in the battle. Flora was then living at Cross Creek. \n\n\n\n\n1776.] SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 249 \n\n1776], on Moore\'s Creek, in the present Hanover county, the southern patriots \nhad cheerfully responded to the call of Governor Rutledge, and about six thou- \nsand armed men had collected in and near Charleston, \nwhen the enemy appeared.\' The city and eligible \nposts near it, had been fortified, and quite a strong \nfort, composed of palmetto logs and sand, and armed \nwith twenty-six mounted cannons, had been erected \nupon Sullivan\'s Island, to command the channel \nleading to the town. This fort was garrisoned by \nabout five hundred men, chiefly militia, under Colo- \nnel William Moultrie.\' \n\nA combined attack, by land and water, upon general moulteie. \n\nSullivan\'s Island, was commenced by the British, on \n\nthe morning of the 28th of June, 1776. While the fleet was pouring a terrible \nstorm of iron balls upon Fort Sullivan, Clinton endeavored, but in vain, to \nforce a passage across a narrow creek which divided the two islands, in order to \nattack the yet unfinished fortress in the rear. But Colonel Thompson, with a \nsmall battery on the east end of Sullivan\'s Island, repelled every forward \nmovement of Clinton, while the cannons of the fort were spreading havoc among \nthe British vessels.^ The conflict raged for almost ten hours, and only ceased \nwhen night fell upon the scene. Then the British fleet, almost shattered into frag- \nments, withdrew, and abandoned the enterprise." The slaughter of the British \nhad been frightful. Two hundred and twenty-five had been killed or wounded, \nwhile only two of the garrison were killed, and twenty-two were wounded.^ The \nBritish departed for New York three days afterward" [June 31, 1776], and for \n>nore than two years, the din of war was not heard below the Roanoke. This \n\'Victory had -a most inspiriting efiect upon the patriots throughout the land. \n\n\' General Armstrong of Pennsylvania [page 193], had arrived in South Carolina in April, and \ntook the general command. Lee arrived on the same day when the British, under Clinton, landed \ni)n Long Island. \n\n^ Born in South Carolina, in 1730. He was in the Cherokee war [page 204], in 1761. He was \nan active officer until made prisoner, in 1780, when for two years he was not allowed to bear arms. \nHe died in 1805. General Moultrie wrote a very interesting memoir of the war in the South. \n\n^ At one time, every man but Admiral Parker was swept from the deck of his vessel. Among \nthose wlio were badly wounded, was Lord William Campbell, the royal governor of South CaroUna, \nwho afterward died of his wounds. \n\n* The Acieon, a large vessel, grounded on a shoal between Fort Sulhvan and the city, where \nshe was burned by the Americans. \n\n* The strength of the fort consisted in the capacity of the spongy palmetto logs, upon which can- \nnon-balls would make very little impression. It appeared to be a very insecure defense, and Lee \nadvised Moultrie to abandon it when the British approached. But that brave officer would not \ndesert it, and was rewarded with victory. Tlie ladies of Charleston presented his regiment with a \npair of elegant colors, and the "slaughter pen," as Lee ironically called Fort Sullivan, was named \nFort Moultrie. During the action, the staff, bearing a large flag, was cut down by a cannon-ball \nfrom the fleet. The colors fell outside the fort. A sergeant named Jasper, leaped doiATi from one \nof tlie bastions, and in the midst of the iron hail that was pouring from the fort, coolly picked up \nthe flag, ascended to the bastion, and calling for a sponge-staff, tied the colors to it, stuck it in the \nemd, and then took his place among his companions in the fort. A few days afterward. Governor \nRutledge took his own sword from his side, and presented it to the brave jasper; he also offered \nhim a lieutenant\'s commission, which the young man modestly declined, because he could neither \n\xc2\xabead nor write, saymg, " I am not fit to keep officers\' company \xe2\x80\x94 I am but a sergeant." \n\n* Page 252. \n\n\n\n\n250 THE REVOLUTION. [1776. \n\nImportant events in the progress of the war were now thickening. Re- \nbellion had become revolution. While the stirring events at the South, just \nmentioned, were transpiring, and while Wash- \nington was augmenting and strengthening the \ncontinental army in New York, and British \ntroops and German hirelings\' were approach- \ning by thousands, the Continental Congress, \nnow in permanent session in the State House \nat Philadelphia, had a question of vast im^ \nportance under consideration. A few men, look- \nSTATE HOUSE. Ing bcyoud the storm-clouds of the present, \n\nbeheld bright visions of glory for their country, \nwhen the people, now declared to be rebels,^ and out of the protection of the \nBritish king, should organize themselves into a sovereign nation. " The light- \nning of the Crusades was in the people\'s hearts, and it needed but a single \nelectric touch, to make it blaze forth upon the world," says James, in writing \nof an earlier disruption of political systems.* So it was now, in the American \ncolonies. Tlic noble figure of an independent nation stood forth with a beauty \nthat almost demanded worship. The grand idea began to flash through the \npopular mind at the close of 1775 ; and when, early in 1776, it was tangibly \nspoken by Thomas Paine, in a pamphlet entitled Common Sense* (said to have \nbeen suggested by Dr. Rush),^ and whose vigorous thoughts were borne by the \npress to every community, a desire for mdepetidence filled the hearts of the \npeople. In less than eighty days after the evacuation of Boston [March 17, \n1776], almost every provincial Assembly had spoken in favor of independence ; \nand on the 7th of June, in the midst of the doubt, and dread, and hesitation, which \nfor twenty days had brooded over the Continental Congress, Richard Henry Lee,* \n\n\' Page 246. ^ Page 246. \' History of the Crmades, by G. P. R. James. \n\n* The chief topic of this remarkable pamphlet, was the right and expediency of colonial inde- \npendence. Paine also wrote a series of equally powerful papers, called The Crisis. The first num- \nber was written in Fort Lee, ou the Hudson, in December, 1776, and published while Washington \nwas on the banks of the Delaware. See page 192. These had a powerful effect in stimulating the \npeople to efforts for indepeudence. Tliey were highly valued by the commander-in-chief, and he pro- \nmoted their circulation. "Writing to a friend soon after the appearance of Common Sense, Washington \nsaid, " By private letters which I have lately received from Virginia, I find that Common Sense is \nworking a powerful change there in the minds of many men." \n\n^ Benjamin Rush was one of the most eminent men of his time, as a physician, a man of science, \nand an active patriot during the whole Revolution. He was born twelve miles from Philadelphia, \nin 1745. He was educated at Princeton, completed his scientific studies in Edinburg, and after \nhis return, he soon rose to the highest eminence in his profession. He was the recipient of many \nhonors, and as a member of the Continental Congress, in 1776, he advocated and signed the Declar- \nation of Independence. His labors during tlio prevalence of yellow fever in Philadelphia, in 1793, \ngave him the imperishable crown of a true philanthropist. He founded the Philadelphia Dispensary \nin 1786; and he was also one of the principal founders of Dickinson College, at Carlisle, Pennsyl- \nvania. He was president of the American Society for the abolition of slavery ; of the Philadelphia \nMedical Society ; vice-president of the Philadelphia Bible Society ; and one of the vice-presidents \nof the American Philosophical Society. He died in April, 1813, at the age of almost sixty-eight \nyears. A portrait of Dr. Rush may be found on the next page. \n\n* Richard Henry Lee was born in Westmoreland county, Virginia, in 1732. He was educated \nin England, and was in public life most of the time after reaching his majority. He was one of the \nearliest opposers of the Stamp Act ; was a member of the first Continental Congress, and signed that \nDeclaration of Independence which he so nobly advocated. He was afterward a member of the \nUnited States Senate; and soon after his retirement to private life, in 1794, lie died, when in the \n\n\n\n1776.] \n\n\n\nSECOND YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \n\n\n\n251 \n\n\n\nof Virginia, arose in his place, and with his clear, musical voice, read aloud \nthe Resolution, "That these united colonies are, and, of right, ought to be, \nfree and independent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the \nBritish crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of \nCrreat Britain, is, and ought to be totally dissolved." \' \n\n\n\n\n/f^^^/^ \n\n\n\nThis was an exceedingly bold step, and the resolution did not meet with \ngeneral favor in Congress, at first. Many yet hoped, even against hope, for \nreconciliation, and thought it premature, and there were some timid ones who \ntrembled while standing so near the borders of high treason. After debating \nthe subject for three days, the further consideration of it was postponed until \nthe first of July. A committee" was appointed [June 11], however, to draw \n\n\n\nsixty-third year of his age. A characteristic anecdote is told of his son, who was at school, in \nEngland, at the time the Declaration of Independence was promulgated. One day a gentleman \nasked his tutor, "What boy is this?" "He is the son of Richard Henry Lee, of America," the \ntutor replied. The gentleman put his hand on the boy\'s head, and said, " We shall yet see your \nfather\'s head upon Tower Hill." The boy instantly answered, " You may have it when you can get \nit." That boy was the late Ludwell Lee, Esq. \n\n\' On the 10th of May, Congress had, by resolution, recommended the establishment of independ- \nent State governments in aU the colonies. This, however, was not suflBciently national to suit the \nbolder and wiser members of that body, and the people at large. Lee\'s resolution more fully \nexpressed the popular will. \n\n* Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia ; John Adams, of Massachusetts ; Benjamin Franklin, of Penn- \nsylvania ; Roger Sherman, of Connecticut ; and Robert R. Livingston, of New York. Mr. Lee was \nsummoned home to the bedside of a sick wife, on the day before the appointment of the commute^ \nor he would doubtless have been its chairman. \n\n\n\n252 THE REVOLUTION. [1776. \n\nup a declaration in accordance with the resolution, and were instructed to report \non the same day when the latter should be called up. Thomas Jefferson, of \nVirginia, the youngest member of the committee, was chosen its chairman, and \nto him was assigned the task of preparing the Declaration. Adams and Frank- \nlin made a few alterations in his draft, and it was submitted to Congress at the \nsame hour Avhen Mr. Lee\'s resolution was taken up for consideration. On the \nfollowing day [July 2], the resolution was adopted by a large majority. The \nDeclaration was debated almost two days longer ; and finally, at about mid-day, \non the 4th of July, 1776, the representatives of thirteen colonies unanimously \ndeclared them free and independent States, under the name of The United \nStates of Amekica. The Declaration was signed, but witli the name of \nJohn Hancock only, and thus it first went forth to the world. It was \nordered to be written on parchment, and on the 2d of August following, \nthe names of all but two of the fifty-six signers^ were placed upon it. \nThese two were added afterward. It had then been read to the army f \nat public meetings ; from a hundred pulpits, and in all legislative halls in \ntlie land, and everywhere awakened the warmest responses of approval. \n\nPursuant to instructions, General Howe proceeded toward New York, to \nmeet General Clinton and Parker\'s fleet. He left Halifax on the 11th of June, \n[1776], and arrived at Sandy Hook" on the 29th. On the 2d of July he took \npossession of Staten Island, where he was joined by Sir Henry Clinton [July \n11], from the South,* and his brother. Admiral Lord Howe [July 12], with a \nfleet and a large land force, from England. Before the first of August, other \nvessels arrived with a part of the Hessian troops,^ and on that day, almost thirty \nthousand soldiers, many of them tried veterans, stood ready to fall upon the \nrepublican army of seventeen thousand men," mostly militia, which lay \nintrenched in New York and vicinity, less than a dozen miles distant.\' The \n\n* This document, containing tlie autograplis of tliose venerated fathers of our republic, is care- \nfully preserved in a glass case, in the rooms of the National Institute at Washington city. Not one \nof aU that band of patriots now survives. Charles Carrol was the last to leave us. He departed in \n1832, at the age of ninety years. See Supplement. It is worthy of remembrance that not one of aU \nthose signers of the Declaration of Independence, died with a tarnished reputation. The memory \nof all, is sweet. \n\n"^ Wasliington caused it to be read at the head of each brigade of the army, then in New York \ncity, on the 9r,h of Jul}\'. That night, citizens and soldiers pulled down the leaden equestrian statue \nof George III., which stood in the Bowling Green, and it was soon afterwai d converted into bullets \nfor the use of the Continental army. The statue w;is gilded. The head of the horse was toward \nthe Hud^n River. The Rev. Zachariah Greene, who died at Hempstead, Long Island, in June, \n1858, at the age of 99 years, heard the Declaration read to the soldiers. He was in the army. \n\n\' Sandy Hook is a low ridge of sand, extending several miles down the New Jersey shore, from \nthe entrance to Raritan or Amboy Bay. Between it and the shore, the water is navigable ; and \nnear the mouth of Shrewsbury River, the ridge is broken by an inlet. * Page 249. \n\n* Page 246. \n\n* There were about twenty-seven thousand men enrolled, but not more than seventeen thousand \nmen were fit for duty. A great many were sick, and a large number were without arms. \n\n^ Many of the ships passed through the Narrows, and anchored in New York Bay. Howe\'a \nflag-ship, the Eagle, lay near Governor\'s Island. While in tliat position, a bold soldier went in a \nsubmarine vessel, wth a machine for blowing up a ship, and endeavored to fasten it to the bottom \nof the Ea/]le, but failed. He was discovered, and barely escaped. An explosion of the machine \ntook place near the Earjlf, and the commander was so alarme<l, that she was hastUy moved further \ndown the Bay. This machine was constructed by David Buslmell, of Connecticut, and was caUed a \n\xe2\x96\xa0torpedo. See Note 2, page 285. \n\n\n\n1776]. SECOND YEAR OP THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 253 \n\ngrand object in view was the seizure of New York and the country along \nthe Hudson, so as to keep open a communication with Canada, separate the \npatriots of New England from those of the other States, and to overrun the most \npopulous portion of the revolted colonies. This was the military plan, arranged \nby ministers. They had also prepared instructions to their commanding generals, \nto be pacific, if the Americans appeared disposed to submit. Lord Howe\' and \nhis brother, the general, were commissioned to " grant pardon to all who deserved \nmercy," and to treat for peace, but only on terms of absolute submission on the \npart of the colonies, to the will of the king and parliament. After making a \nfoolish display of arrogance and weakness, in addressing General Washington, \nas a private gentleman," and being assured that the Americans had been guilty \nof no offense requiring a "pardon" at their hands, they prepared to strike an \nimmediate and effective blow. The British army was accordingly put in motion \non the morning of the 22d of August [1776], and during that day, ten \nthousand effective men, and forty pieces of cannon, were landed on the west- \nern end of Long Island, between the present Fort Hamilton and Gravesend \nvillage. \n\nAlready detachments of Americans under General \nSullivan, occupied a fortified camp at Brooklyn, \nopposite New York, and guarded seven passes on a \nrange of hills which extend from the Narrows to the \nvillage of Jamaica.* When intelligence of the landing \nof the invading army reached Washington, he sent \nGeneral Putnam,^ with large reinforcements, to take \nthe chief command on Long Island, and to prepare to \nmeet the enemy. The American troops on the island \nnow [August 26], numbered about five thousand. general putnam. \n\nThe British moved in three divisions. The left, \n\nunder General Grant, marched along the shore toward Gowanus ; the right, \nunder Clinton and Cornwallis, toward the interior of the island ; and the cen- \nter, composed chiefly of Hessians,\'* under De Heister, marched up the Flatbush \nroad, south of the hills. \n\nClinton moved under cover of night, and before dawn on the morning of \n\n* Richard, Earl Howe, was brother of the young Lord Howe [page 197], killed at Ticonderoga, \nHe was born in 1725, and died in 1799. \n\n^ The letters of Lord Howe to the American commander-in-chie^ were addressed, " George \nWashington, Esq." As that did not express the public character of the chief) and as he would not \nconfer with the enemies of his country in a private capacity, Washington refused to receive tha \nletters. Howe was instructed not to acknowledge the authority of Congress in any way, and aa \nWashington had received his commission from that body, to address him as " general," would have \nbeen a recognition of its authority. He meant no disrespect to Washington, Congress, by resolu- \ntion, expressed its approbation of Washington\'s dignified course. \n\n^ General Nathaniel Green had been placed in command of this division, but having been pros- \ntrated by bilious fever, about a week before the landing of the British at the Narrows, SuUivan was \nplaced at the head of the troops. \n\n* Israel Putnam was born in Salem, Massaeliusetts, in 1718. He was a very useful oflScer \nduring the French and Indian war, and was in active service in the continental armj\', until 1779, \nwhen bodily infirmity compelled him to retire. He died in 1790, at the age of seventy-two yeaxs. \n\n* Page 246. \n\n\n\n\n\n254 THE KEVOLDTION. [177C \n\nthe 27th, he had gained possession of the Jamaica \npass, near the present East New York. At the \nsame time, Grant was pressing forward along the \nshore of New York Bay, and at day-break, he \nencountered Lord StirUng,^ where the monuments \nof Greenwood cemetery now dot the hills. De \nHeister advanced from Flatbush at the same hour, \nand attacked Sullivan, who, having no suspicions \nJ5ATTLB OF LONG- iSuAiTD. of the movements of Clinton, was watching the \n\nFlatbush Pass. A bloody conflict ensued, and while it was progressing, \nClinton descended from the wooded hills, by the way of Bedford, to gain Sul- \nlivan\'s rear. As soon as the latter perceived his peril, he ordered a retreat \nto the American lines at Brooklyn. It was too late; Clinton drove him back \nupon the Hessian bayonets, and after fighting desperately, hand to hand, with \nthe foe in front and rear, and losing a greater portion of his men, Sullivan was \ncompelled to surrender. \n\nAs usual, misfortunes did not come single. While these disasters were \noccurring on the left, ComwaUis descended the port-road to Gowanus, and \nattacked Stirling. They fought desperately, until Stirling was made prisoner.\' \nMany of his troops were drowned while endeavoring to escape across the Gow- \nanus Creek, as the tide was rising; and a large number were captured. At \nnoon the victory for the British was complete. About five hundred Americans \nwere killed or wounded, and eleven hundred were made prisoners. These were \nsoon suffering dreadful horrors in prisons and prison-ships, at New York. \nThe British loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners, was three hundred and sixty- \nseven. \n\nIt was with the deepest anguish that Washington had viewed, from New \nYork, the destruction of his troops, yet he dared not weaken his power in the \ncity, by sending reinforcements to aid them. He crossed over on the following \nmorning [August 28], with Mifflin,* who had come down from the upper end \nof York island with a thousand troops, and was gratified to find the enemy \nencamped in front of Putnam\'s hnes, and delaying an attack until the British \nfleet shoiild co-operate with him. This delay allowed Washington time to form \nand execute a plan for the salvation of the remainder of the army, now too \nweak to resist an assault with any hope of success. Under cover of a heavy \nfog, which fell upon the hostile camps at midnight of the 29th, and continued \nuntil the morning of the 30th, he silently withdrew them from the camp,\' and, \n\n\n\n* William Alexander, Lord Stirling, was a deacendant of the Scotch earl of Stirling, mentioned \nin note 2, page 80. He was born in the city ot New York, in 1726. He became attached to the \npatriot cause, and was an active officer during the war. He died in 1783, aged tifty-seveu years. \n\n* Stirling was sent immediately ou board of the Eagle, Lord Howe\'s flag-ship. \n\n\' Among the prisoners was General Nathaniel Woodhull [Note 1, page VJ8], late president of \nthe provincial Congress of New York. He was taken prisoner ou the 30th, and after being severely \nwounded at the time, he was so neglected, that his injuries proved fatal in the course of a tew days. \nHis age was fifty- three. See Onderdonk\'s Bevolutionary Incidents (rfLong Island. * Page 352. \n\n\' During the night, a woman living near the present Fulton Ferry, where the Americans \nembarked, having beoeme offeoded at some of the patriots, sent her negro servant to inform th\xc2\xab \n\n\n\n\nReteeat of ike Ajieeicans feom Long Islj \n\n\n\n1776.] SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 257 \n\nunperceived by the British, they all crossed over to New York in safety, carry- \ning every thing with them but their heavy cannons. When the fog rolled away, \nand the sunlight burst upon Brooklyn and New York, the last boat- load of \npatriots had reached the city shore. Mifflin, with his Pennsylvania battalion, \nand the remains of two broken Maryland regiments, formed the covering party. \nWashington and his staff, who had been in the saddle all night, remained until \nthe last company had embarked. Surely, if " the stars in their courses fought \nagainst Sisera," in the time of Deborah,\' the wings of the Cherubim of Mercy \nand Hope were over the Americans on this occasion. Howe, who felt sure of \nhis prey, was greatly mortified, and prepared to make an immediate attack \nupon New York, before the Americans should become reinforced, or should \nescape from it.^ \n\nUnfortunately for the cause of freedom, at that time, the troops under \nWashington lacked that unity of feeling and moral stamina, so necessary for \nthe accomplishment of success in any struggle. Had patriotism prevailed in \nevery heart in the American army, it might have maintained its position in the \ncity, and kept the British at bay. But there were a great many of merely \nselfish men in the camp. Sectional differences\' weakened the bond of union, and \nimmorality of every kind prevailed.* There was also a general spirit of insub- \nordination, and the disasters on Long Island disheartened the timid. Hundreds \ndeserted the cause, and went home. Never, during the long struggle of after \nyears, was the hopeful mind of Washington more clouded by doubts, than \nduring the month of September, 1776. In the midst of the gloom and perplex- \nity, he called a council of war [Sept. 12th], and it was determined to send the \nmilitary stores to Dobbs\' Ferry, a secure place twenty-two miles up the Hud- \nson, and to retreat to and fortify Harlem Heights,^ near the upper end of York \n\nBritish of the movement. The negro fell into the hands of the Hessians. They could not under- \nstand a word of his language, and detained him until so late in the morning that his information was \nof no avail. \' Judges, chapter v., verse 20. \n\n"^ He ordered several vessels of war to sail around Long Island, and come down the Sound to \nFlushing Bay, so as to cover the intended landing of the troops upon the main [page 258], in \nWestcliester county. In tlie mean wliile, Howe made an overture for peace, supposing the late dis- \naster would dispose the Americans to listen eagerly to almost any proposition for reconciliation. \nHe parolled General SuUivan, and by him sent a verbal communication to Congress, suggesting a \ncommittee for conference. It was appointed, and consisted of Dr Franklin, John Adams, and \nEdward Rutledge. On the 11th of September, they met Lord Howe at the house of Captain Billop, \non Staten Island, opposite Pertli Amboy. The committee would treat only for independence, and \nthe conference had no practical result, except to widen the breach. "When Howe spoke patron- \nizingly oi protection for the Americans, Dr. Franklin told him courteously, that the Americans were \nnot in need of British protection, for tliey were fully able to protect themselves. \n\n^ The army, which at first consisted chiefly of New England people, had been reinforced by \nothers from New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia, all of them \njealous of their respective claims to precedence, and materially differing in their social habits. \n\n* Cotemporary writers give a sad picture of the army at this time. Among many of the sub- \nordinate officers, greed usurped the place of patriotism. Officers were elected on condition that Lney \nshould throw their pay and rations into a joint stock for the benefit of a company ; surp^oons soW \nrecommendations for furloughs, for able-bodied men, at sixpence each ; and a captain v:\'as cashiered \nfor stealing blankets from his soldiers. Men went out in squads to plunder from friend and foe, to \nthe disgrace of the army. Its appointments, too, were in a wretched condition. The surgeons\' \ndepartment lacked instruments. According to a general return of fifteen regiments, there were not \nmore than sufficient instruments for one battahon. [See Washington\'s Letter to Congress, Sept \n24, 1776.] \n\n* These extend from the plain on which the village of Harlem stands, about seven and a half \n\n\n\n258 THE IlEVOLUTIO]>r. [1776. \n\nIsland.\' This was speedily accomplished; and when, on the 15th, a strong \ndetachment of the British army crossed the East River from Long Island, and \nlanded three miles above the town, at Kipps\' Bay (now foot of Thirty-fourth- \nstreet, East River), without much opposition,\' the greater portion of the Amer- \nicans were busy in fortifying their new camp on Harlem Heights. \n\nThe invading Britons formed a line almost across the island to Bloomingdale, \nwithin two miles of the American intrenchments, just beyond the present Man- \nhattanville, while the main army on Long Island was stationed at different \npoints from Brooklyn to Flushing.^ On the 16th, detachments of the belliger- \nents met on Harlem plains, and a severe skirmish ensued. The Americans \nwere victorious, but their triumph cost the lives of two brave oflBcers \xe2\x80\x94 Colonel \nKnowlton of Connecticut, and Major Leitch of Virginia. Yet the effect of the \n\\ictory was inspiriting ; and so fiiithfully did the patriots ply muscle and im- \nplement, that before Howe could make ready to attack them, they had con- \nstructed double lines of intrenchments, and were prepared to defy him. At \nonce perceiving the inutility of attacking the Americans in front, he next en- \ndeavored to gain their rear. Leaving quite a strong force to keep possession \nof the city* [Sept. 20], he sent three armed vessels up the Hudson to cut off \nthe communications of the Americans with New Jersey, while the great bulk \nof his army (now reinforced by an arrival of fresh troops from England)\'^ made \ntheir way [Oct. 12] to a point in Westchester county," beyond the Harlem \nRiver. When Washington perceived the designs of his en- \nemy, he placed a garrison of almost three thousand men, \nunder Colonel Magaw, in Fort Washington,\' and withdrew \nthe remainder of his army^ to a position on the Bronx River, \nin Westchester county, to oppose Howe, or retreat in safety \nto the Hudson Highlands, if necessary. He established his \nFORT WASHINGTON, hcad-quartcrs at White Plains village, and there, on the 28th \n\nmiles from tlie City Hall, New York to Two Hundred and Sixth-street, near King\'s Bridge, at the \nupper end of the island. \' Also called Manhattan. See note 1, page 48. \n\n^ Some Connoeticut troops, frightened by the number and martial appearance of the British, \nfled at their approach. Washington, then at Harlem, heard the cannonade, leaped into his saddle, \nand approached Kipp\'s Bay in time to meet the flying fugitives. Mortified by this exhibition of \ncowardice before the enemy, the commander-in-chief tried to rally them, and in that efibrt, he was \nso unmindful of himselfj that he came near being captured. \n\n\xc2\xb0 Wishing to a.scertain the exact condition of the British army, Washington engaged Captain \nNathan Hale, of Knowlton\'s regiment, to secretly visit their camps on Long Island, and make \nobservations. He was caught, taken to Howe\'s head-quarters, Turtle Bay, New York, and exe- \ncuted as a spy by the brutal provost-marshal, Cunningham. He was not allowed to have a Bible \nnor clergyman during his last hours, nor to send letters to his friends. His fate and AndrWs [page \n326] have been compared. For particulars of this affair, see Onderdonk\'s Revolutionary fncidents \n0f Long Island, etc., and Lossing\'s Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution. \n\n* At one o\'clock on the morning of the 21st, a fire broke out in a small groggery near the foot \nof Broad-street, and before it was extinguished, about five hundred buildings were destroyed. The \nBritish charged the fire upon the Americans. Although such incendiarism had been contemplated \nwhen the Americans found themselves compelled to evacuate the city, this was purely accidental \n\n* The whole British army now numbered about 35,000 men. \n\n* Throg\'s Neck, sixteen miles from the city. \n\n^ Fort Washington was erected early in 1776, upon the highest ground on York Island, ten \nmiles from the city, between One Hundred and Eighty-flrst-street and One Hundred and Eighty- \nsixth-streets, and overlooking both the Hudson and Harlem Rivers. There were a few traces of \nits embankments yet visible so late as 1856. \n\n" Nominally, uinetoin thousand men, but actually eflFective, not more than half that number. \n\n\n\n\n\\. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\'^^ \n\n\n\n\n4 \n\n1% \n\n\n\n^<<^\' \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nM \n\n\n\nf Wmi^ \n\n\n\n\nA-L. Stephens. \n\n\n\n>"5^AS]IIHM\xc2\xa9^(D)W AIT IS3IIP\xc2\xb0g IB^TTo \n\n\n\n177G.J SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR li\'OR INDEPENDENCE. 259 \n\nof October, a severe engagement took place.\' The Americans were driven from \ntheir position, and three days afterward [Nov. 1, 1776], formed a strong camp \non the hills of North Castle, five miles further north. The British general \nwas afraid to pursue them ; and after strengthening the post at Peekskill, at \nthe lower entrance to the Highlands, and securing the vantage-ground at North \nCastle," Washington crossed the Hudson [Nov. 12] with the main body of his \narmy, and joined General Greene at Fort Lee, on the Jersey shore, about two \nmiles south of Fort Washington. This movement was made on account of an \napparent preparation by the British to invade New Jersey and march upon \nPhiladelphia, where the Congress was in session.^ \n\nGeneral Knyphausan and a large body of Hessians^ had arrived at New \nYork, and joined the British army at Westchester, previous to the engagement \nat White Plains. After WiJshington had crossed the Hudson, these German \ntroops and a part of the English army, five thousand strong, proceeded to attack \nFort Washington. They were successful, but at a cost to the victors of full one \nthousand brave men.^ More than two thousand Americans were made prison- \ners of war [Nov. 16], and like their fellow-captives on Long Island," they were \ncrowded into IcMithsome prisons and prison-ships.\'\' Two days afterward [Nov. \n18], Lord Cornwallis, with six thousand men, crossed the Hudson at Dobbs\' \nFerry, and took possession of Fort Lee, which the Americans had abandoned \non his approach, leaving all the baggage and military stores behind them. \nDuring the siege, General Washington, with Putnam, Greene, and Mercer, \nascended the heights, and from the abandoned mansion of Roger Morris,* sur- \nveyed the scene of operations. Within fifteen minutes after they had left that \nmansion. Colonel Stirling, of the British army, who had just repulsed an \n\n\' The combatants lost about an equal number of men \xe2\x80\x94 not more than three hundred eacli ia \nkilled, wwunded, and prisoners. \n\n^ General Heath was left in command in the Highlands, and General Lee at North Castle. \n\n\' Page 250. That body afterward adjourned to Baltunore. in Maryland. See page 262 \n\n* Page 246. \n\n^ The loss of the Americans, in killed and wounded, did not exceed one hundred- \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 254. \n\n\' Nothing could exceed the horrors of these \ncrowded prisons, as described by an eye-witness. \nThe sugar-houses of New York being large, were \nused for the purpose, and therein scores suffered and \ndied. But the most terrible scenes occurred on \nboard several old hulks, which were anchored in the \nwaters around New York, and used for prisoners. Of \nthem the Jersey was the most notorious for the suf- \nferings it contained, and the brutality of its officers. \nFrom these vessels, anchored near the present Navy the jersey prison-ship. \n\nYard, at Brooklyn, almost eleven thousand victims \n\nwere carried ashore during the war, and buried in shallow graves in the sand. Their remains wew \ngathered in 1808, and put in a vault situated near the termination of Front-street and Hudson- \navenue, Brooklyn. See Onderdonk\'s EevoMionary Incidents of Long Island. Lossing\'s- Field Book, \nsupplement. \n\n\' That mansion, elegant even now [1883], is standing on the high bank of the Harlem River, \nat One Hundred and Sixty -ninth -street. Roger Morris was Washington\'s companion-in-arms on \nthe field where Braddock was defeated, and he had married Mary Pliillipse, a young lady whoe\xc2\xa9 \ncharms had captivated the heart of Washington wlien he was a young Virginia colonel. It was \nthe property of Madame Jumel (widow of Aaron Burr, who was Vice-President of the United \nSlates, under JeffersonX at the time of her death in 1865. It now [1683] belongs to Nelson CliatJe. \n\n\n\n\n2(J0 THE REVOLUTION. [177ff. \n\nAmerican part}\', came with his victorious troops, and took possession of it. It \n\xe2\x96\xa0was a narrow escape for those chief commanders. \n\nA melancholy and a brilliant chapter in the history of the war for Inde- \npendence, was now opened. For three weeks Washington, with his shattered \nand daily diminishing army, was flying before an overwhelming force of Brit- \nons. Scarcely three thousand troops now remained in the American army. \nNewark, New Brunswick, Princeton, and Trenton, successively fell into the \npower of Cornwallis. So close were the British vanguards upon the rear of the \nAmericans, sometimes, that each could hear the music of the other. Day after \nday, the militia left the army as their terms of enlistment expired, for late \nreverses had sadly dispirited them, and many of the regulars\' deserted. Loyalists \nwere swarming all over the country through which they passed," and when, on \nthe 7th of December, Washington reached the froiaen banks of the Delaware, at \nTrenton, he had less than three thousand men, most of them wretchedly clad, \nhalf famished, and without tents to shelter them from the biting winter air. \nOn the 8th that remnant of an army crossed the Delaware in boats, just as one \ndivision of Cornwallis\'s pursuing army marched into Trenton with all the pomp \nof victors, and sat down, almost in despair, upon the Pennsylvania shore. \n\nWashington had hoped to make a stand at New Brunswick, but was disap- \npointed. The services of the Jersey and Maryland brigades expired on the day \nwhen he left that place, and neither of them would remain any longer in the \narmy. During his flight, Washington had sent repeated messages to General \nLee,^ urging him to leave North Castle,* and reinforce him. That oflBcer, am- \nbitious as he was impetuous and brave, hoping to strike a blow against the \nBritish that might give himself personal renown, was so tardy in his obedience, \nthat he did not enter New Jersey until the Americans had crossed the Dela- \nware. He had repeatedly, but in vain, importuned General Heath, who was. \nleft in command at Peekskill, to let him have a detachment of one or two thou- \nsand men, with which to operate. His tardiness in obedience, cost him his \nliberty. Soon after entering New Jersey, he was made a prisoner [December \n\n\n\n* Note 6, page 185. \n\n^ General Howe had sent out proclamations through the country, offering pardon and protection, \nto aU who might ask for mercy. Perceiving the disasters to the American arms during the summer \nand autumn, great numbers took advantage of these promises, and signed petitions. They soon \nfound that protection did not foUow pardon, for the Hessian troops, in their march through New \nJersey, committed great excesses, without inquiring whether their victims were Whigs or Tories. \nNote 4, page 226. Among the prominent men who espoused the republican cause, and now aban- \ndoned it, was Tucker, president of the New Jersey Convention, which had sanctioned the Declara- \ntion of Independence, and Joseph GaUoway, a member of the iirst Continental Congress. These, \nand other prominent recusants, received some hard hits in the pubUc prints. A writer in the Penn- \nMylvania Journal, of February 5, 1777, thus castigated Galloway: \n\n" GaUVay has fled, and join\'d the venal Howe, \nTo prove his baseness, see him cringe and bow; \nA t.aitor to his country and its laws, \nA friend to tyrants and their cursed cause. \nUnhappy wretch I thy interest must be sold \nFor Continental, not for polish\'d gold. \nTo sink the money thou thyself cried down, \nAnd stabb\'d thy country to support the crown." \n\n\xc2\xbb Note 4, page 185. \xc2\xab Page 259- \n\n\n\ni776.] SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 261 \n\n13, 1776], and his command devolved upon General Sullivan.\' At about the \nsame time intelligence reached the chief that a British squadron, under Sir \nPeter Parker (who, as we have seen [page 247], was defeated at Charleston), \nhad sailed into Narraganset Bay [December 8th], taken possession of Rhode \nIsland, and blockaded the little American fleet, under Commodore Hopkins,\' \nthen lying near Providence. This intelligence, and a knowledge of the failure \nof operations on Lake Champlain,^ coupled with the sad condition of the main \n^rmj of patriots, made the future appear gloomy indeed.* \n\nIt was fortunate for the patriot cause that General Howe was excessively \ncautious and indolent. Instead of allowing Cornwallis to construct boats," cross \nthe Delaware at once, overwhelm the patriots, and push on to Philadelphia, as \nhe might have done, he ordered him to await the freezing of the waters, so as \nto cross on the ice. He was also directed to place four thousand German troops \nin cantonments along the Jersey shore of the river, from Trenton to Burling- \nton, and to occupy Princeton and New Brunswick with strong British detach- \nments. Both Congress and Washington profited by this delay. Measures for \nre-organizing the army, already planned, were put in operation. A loan of five \nmillions of dollars, in hard money, with which to pay the troops, was author- \nized. By the offer of liberal bounties," and the influence of a stirring appeal \nput forth by Congress, recruits immediately flocked to Washington\'s standard \nat Newtown.\' Almost simultaneously, Lee\'s detachment under Sullivan, and \nanother from Ticonderoga,* joined him ; and on the 24th of December he found \nhimself in command of almost five thousand effective troops, many of them fresh \nand hopeful.\'\' And the increased pay of ofiicers, the proffered bounties to the \n\n\' Both Sullivan and Stirling, v/ho were made prisoners on Long Island [page 254], had been \nexchanged, and were now again vdth the army. Lee was captured at Baskingridge, where Lord \nStirling resided, and remained a prisoner until May, 1778, when he was exchanged for General \nPrescott, who was captured on Rhode Island. See page 271. * Note 1, page 307. \n\n^ General Gates was appointed to the command of the army at the north, after the death of \nGeneral Thomas [note 2, page 243]; and during the summer and autumn of 1776, Colonel Arnold \nbecame a sort of commodore, and commanded flotillas of small vessels in warfare with others pre- \npared by General Carleton (the British commander in Canada), on Lake Champlain. He had two \nsevere engagements (11th and 13th of October), in which he lost about nmety men; the British \nabout forty. These operations were disastrous, yet they resulted in preventing the British forces in \n\'Canada uniting with those in New York, and were thus of vast importance. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0* Although the Americans had generally suffered defeats, they had been quite successful in \nmaking captives. The number of Americans taken by the British, up to the close of 1776, was \nfour thousand, eight hundred and fifty-four ; the number of British taken by the Americans, was \ntwo thousand, eight hundred and sixty. In addition to men, the Americans had lost twelve brass \ncannons and mortars, and two hundred and thirty-five made of iron ; twenty-three thousand, nine \nhundred and seventy-nine empty shells, and seventeen thousand, one hundred and twenty-two \nfilled ; two thousand six hunclred and eighty-four double-headed shot : a large quantity of grape- \n.shot; two thousand eight hundred muskets: four hundred thousand cartridges ; sixteen barrels of \npowder ; five hundred intrenching tools ; two hundred barrows and other instruments, and a large \nquantity of provis\'ons and stores. \n\n^ The Americans took every boat they could find at Trenton, and cautiously moved them out \nof the river after they had crossed. \n\n\xc2\xae Each soldier was to have a bounty of twenty dollars, besides an allotment of land at the close \nof the war. A common soldier was to have one hundred acres, and a colonel five hundred. These \nwere given to those only who enlisted to serve " during the war." \n\n\' A small village north of Bristol, about two miles fi-om the Delaware. ^ Page 234. \n\n\' According to the adjutant\'s return to "Washington on the 2 2d of December, the American \n\xc2\xab.rmy numbered ten thousand one hundred and six men, of whom five thousand three hundred and \nnmety-nine were sick, on command elsewhere, or on furlough, leaving au effective force of four \n\xe2\x96\xa0ihousand seven hundred and seven. \n\n\n\n262 THE REYOLUTION. [111^, \n\nsoldiers, and the great personal influence of the commander-in-chief, had the \neffect to retain in the service, for a few weeks at least, more than one half of the \nold soldiers. \n\nThere were about fifteen hundred Hessians.\' and a troop of British light \nhorse, at Trenton, and these Washington determined to surprise. The British \ncommanders looked with such contempt upon the American troops \xe2\x80\x94 the mere \nghost of an army \xe2\x80\x94 and were so certain of an easy victor j beyond the Delaware, \nwhere, rumor affirmed, the people were almost unanimous in favor of the \nking, that vigilance was neglected. So confident were they that the contest \nwould be ended by taking possession of Philadelphia, that Cornwallis actually \nreturned to New York, to prepare to sail for England ! And when Rail, the \ncommander of the Hessians at Trenton, applied to General Grant for a rein- \nforcement, that officer said to the messenger, "Tell the colonel he is very safe. \nI will undertake to keep the peace in New Jersey, with a corporal\'s guard." \nHow they mistook the character of Washington ! During all the gloom of the \npast month, hope had beamed brightly upon the heart of the commander-in- \nchief Although Congress had adjourned to Baltimore\' [December 12, IT 76], \nand the public mind was filled with despondency, his reliance upon ProvidencG \nin a cause so just, was never shaken ; and his great soul conceived, and his \nready hand planned a bold stroke for deliverance. The Christmas holiday was \nat hand \xe2\x80\x94 a day when Germans, especially, indulge in convivial pleasures. Not \ndoubting the Hessians would pass the day in sports and drinking, he resolv^ed \nto profit by their condition, by falling suddenly upon them while they were in \ndeep slumber after a day and night of carousal. His plan was to cross the \nDelaware in three divisions, one a few miles above Trenton, another a few miles \nbelow, and a third at Bristol to attack Count Donop^ at Burlington. Small \nparties were also to attack the British posts at -Blount Holly, Black Horse, and \nBordentown, at the same time. \n\nOn the evening of Christmas day [1776], Washington gathered twenty- \nfour hundred men, with some lieavy artillery, at McConkey\'s Ferry, \neight or nine miles above Trenton." They expected to cross, reach Trenton\' \nftt midnight, and take the Hessians by surprise. But the river was filled\' \nwith floating ice, and sleet and snow were fiilling fast. The passage was \nmade in flat-boats ; and so difficult was the navigation, that it was almost four \no\'clock in the morning [December 26] when the troops were mustered on \nthe Jersey shore. They were arranged in two divisions, commanded respec- \ntively by Greene and Sullivan, and approached Trenton by separate roads. \nThe enterprise was eminently successful. Colonel Ball, the Hessian com- \nmander, was yet indulging in wine at the end of a night spent in card- \n\n\n\n\' Page 246. \n\n\' Alarmed at the approach of the British, Congress thought it prudent to adjourn to Baltimore. \n}l committee to represent that body was left in Philadelphia, to co-operate -with the army. Cong-ress \nassembled at Baltimore on the 20th. \' Page 275. \n\n* Taylorsville is the name of the little village at that place. The river there, now spanned hy \na covered bridge, is about six hundred feet in -width, and has a considerable current. \n\n\n\n\nBATTLE AT TRENTON. \n\n\n\n1776.] SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 268 \n\nplaying, when the Americans approached, a little after sunrise;\' and while \nendeavoring to rallj his affrighted troops, he fell, mortally wounded, in the \nstreets of Trenton. Between forty and fifty of \nthe Hessians were killed and fatally wounded, \nand more than a thousand were made prisoners, \ntogether with arms, ammunition, and stores. \nFive hundred British cavalry barely escaped, \nand fled to Bordentown. Generals Ewing and \nCadwalader, who commanded the other two \ndivisions, destined to attack the enemy below \nTrenton, were unable to cross the river on account of the ice, to co-operate with \nWashington. With a strong enemy so near as Burlington and Princeton, the com- \nmander-in-chief thought it imprudent to remain on the Jersey shore, so with his \nprisoners and booty he re-crossed the DelaAvare on the evening after his victory. \n\xe2\x96\xa0 This was indeed a victory in more aspects than that of a skillful military \noperation. The Germans under Dunop, on the river below, thoroughly \nalarmed, fled into the interior. The Tories and pliant Whigs\' were abashed ; \nthe friends of liberty, rising from the depths of despondency, stood erect in the \npride and strength of their principles ; tlie prestige of the Hessian name, lately \neo terrible, was broken, and the faltering militia, anxious for bounties and \nhonors, flocked to the victorious standard of Washington. Fourteen hundred \nsoldiers, chiefly of the eastern militia, whose terms of enlistment would expire \n\xe2\x96\xa0with the year, agreed to remain six weeks longer, on a promise to each of a \nbounty of ten dollars. The mihtary chest was not in a condition to permit him \nto fulfill his promise, and he wrote to Robert Morris, the eminent financier of \nthe Revolution, for aid, and it was given. Fifty thousand dollars, in hard \nmoney, Avere sent to the banks of the Delaware, in time to allow Washington \nto fulfill his engagement.* \n\nThe victory was also productive of more vigilant efforts on the part of the \n\n\n\n\' Rail spent the night at the bouse of a loyalist, named Hunt. Just at dawu, a messenger, sent \nby a Tory on the line of march of the patriots, came in hot haste to the colonel . Excited by wine, \nand intent upon bis game, that officer thrust thenote into bis pocket. Like the Thebau polemarch, \nwho, when be received dispatches relative to a conspiracy, refused to open tliem, saying, " Busi- \nness to-morrow," Rail did uot look at the message, but continued his amusement until the roll of \nthe American\'s drum, and the crack of bis rifle, fell upon his dull ears, aud called him to duty. \n\n2 Note 4, page 22t). \n\n\' Then it was that Robert Morris not only evinced bis faith in the success of the patriot cause, \nand bis own love of couutry, but he tested the strength of bis credit and mercantile honor. The \nsum was large, and the requirement seemed almost impossible to meet- Goverment credit waa \nlow, but confidence in Robert Morris was unbounded. On leaving his office, musing upon how he \nshould obtain the money, be met a wealthy Quaker, and said," 1 want money for the use of the \narmy." " Robert, what security canst thou give 1 " asked the Quaker. " My note and my honor." \npromptly replied Morris. "Thou slialt have it," as promptly responded the lender, who otl\'ered him \na considerable sum, and the next morning it was on its way to the camp of Washington. Robert \nMorris was a native of England, where he was born in 1733. He came to America in 1744, and \nbecame a merchant\'s clerk in Philadelphia. By the force of industry, energy, and a good character, \nhe arose to the station of one of the tirst merchants of his time. He was a signer of the Declaration \nof Independence, and was active as a public financier, throughout the war. Toward its close \n[1781], he was instrumental in establishing a national bank. After the war, he was a state legis- \nlator, and Washington wished him to be bis first Secretary of the Treasury, but he declined it. By \nland speculations he lost his fortune, and died in comparative poverty, in May, 1806, when a little \nmore than seventy years of age. See bis portrait on next page. \n\n\n\n264 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION. \n\n\n\n[1776. \n\n\n\ninvaders. Believing the rebellion to be at an end, and the American army \nhopelessly annihilated, wiien Washington, with his shivering, half-starved \ntroops, jfled across the Delaware, Cornwallis, as we have observed, had returned \nto New York to embark for England. The contempt of the British for the \n\n\n\n\n"rebels," was changed to respect and fear, and when intelligence of the affair \nat Trenton reached Howe, he ordered Cornwallis back with reinforcements, to \ngain the advantage lost. Congress, in the mean while, perceiving the necessity \nof giving more power to the commander-in-chief, wisely clothed him [December \n27] with all the puissance of a military dictator, for six months, and gave him \nabsolute control of all the operations of war, for that period.* This act was \naccomplished before that body could possibly have heard of the victory at Tren- \nton, for they were then in session in Baltimore. \n\nInspirited by his success at Trenton, the panic of the enemy, and their \nretirement from the Delaware, Washington determined to recross that river, \nand act on the offensive. He ordered General Heath, who was with quite a \n\n\n\n\' When Congress adjourned on the 12th, to meet at Baltimore, almost equal powers were given \nto "Washington, but they were not then defined. Now they were so, by resolution. They wrote to \n"Washington, when they forwarded the resolution, " Happy is it for this country, that the general \nof their forces can be safely intrusted with unlimited power, and neither personal security, liberty, \nnor property, be in the least degree endangered thereby." At that time, Congress had given Gen- \neral Putnam almost unlimited command in Pliiladclphia. All munitions of war there, were placed \nunder his control. He was also authorized to employ all private armed vessels in the Delaware, in. \nthe defense of Philadelphia. See note 1, page 246. \n\n\n\n1777.] THIRD TEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 265 \n\nlarge body of New England troops at Peekskill,\' to move into New Jersey \nwith his main force ; and the new militia levies were directed to annoy the flank \nand rear of the British detachments, and make frequent attacks upon their \noutposts. In the mean Avhile, he again crossed the Delaware [December 30th], \nwith his whole army, and took post at Trenton, while the British and German \ntroops were concentrating at Princeton, only ten miles distant. Such was the \nposition and the condition of the two armies at the close of the second year of \nthe War for Independence \xe2\x80\x94 the memorable year when this great Republic of \nthe West was born. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER TV \n\nTHIRD TEAR OP THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. [l77v.j \n\nThe strange apathy of nations, like individuals, in times of great danger, or \n^hen dearest interests depend upon the utmost vigilance and care, is a remark- \nable phase in human character, and the records thereof appear as monstrous \nanomalies upon the pages of history. Such was the case with the executive \nand legislative power of the British nation during the momentous year of 1776, \nwhen the eye of ordinary forecast could not fail to perceive that the integrity \nof the realm was in imminent danger, and that the American colonies, the fair- \nest jewels in the British crown, were likely to be lost forever. Such an apathy, \nstrange and profound, seemed to pervade the councils of the British Govern- \nment, even while the ipublic mind of England was filled with the subject of the \nAmerican rebellion. Notwithstanding an army had been driven from one city" \n[March, 1776], a fleet expelled from another^ [June], their colonies declared \nindependent^ [Jn\\y 4], and almost thirty thousand of their choice troops and \nfierce hirelings had been defied and combatted^ [August], Parliament did not \nassemble until the last day of October, to deliberate on these important mat- \nters. Then the king, in his speech, congratulated them upon the success of the \nroyal troops in America, and assured them (but without the shadow of good \nreason for the belief) that most of the continental powers entertained friendly \nfeelings toward Great Britain. During a dull session of six weeks, new sup- \nplies for the American service were voted, while every conciliatory proposition \nwas rejected ; and when Parliament adjourned, in December, to keep the \nChristmas holidays, the members appeared to feel that their votes bad crushed \nthe rebellion, and that, on their re-assembling in January, they would be in- \nvited to join in a Te Deu?n^ at St. Paul\'s, because of submission and peace in \n\n\' On the east bank of the Hudson, at the entrance to the HigMands, forty-five miles from the \ncity of New Tork. See page 270. \n\n^ Page 247. . \' Page 249. \xe2\x96\xa0* Page 251. \xc2\xbb Page 253. \n\n" The Te Deum Landamus ( We \xe2\x96\xa0praise thee, God) is always chanted in churches in England, \nand on the continent, after a great victory, great deliverance, etc. There is something revolting in \n\n\n\n\n266 THE REVOLUTION. [I\'m. \n\nAmerica. At that very moment, Washington was planning his brilliant \nachievement on the banks of the Delaware.\' \n\nIn contrast with this apathy of the British Government, was the vigilance \nand activity of the Continental Congress. Their perpetual session was one of \nperpetual labor. Early in the year [March. 1776], the \nSecret Committee of that body had appointed Silas Deane,* \na delegate from Connecticut, to proceed to France, as their \nagent, with general powers to solicit the co-operation of \nother governments. Even these remote colonists knew \nthat the claims of the king of England to the friendship \nof the continental powers, was fallacious, and that France, \nSpain, and Holland, the Prince of Orange, and even Cath- \nsTT \\s DE\\NE. arine of Russia, and Pope Clement the Fourteenth (Gan- \n\nganelli), all of whom feared and hated England, instead of being friendly to \nher, were anxious for a pretense to strike her fiercely, and humble her pride, \nbecause of her potency in arms, her commerce, her diplomacy, and her strong \nProtestantism. All of these spoke kindly to the American agent, and Deane \nwas successful in his embassy. He talked confidently, and by skillful manage- \nment, during the summer of 1776, he obtained fifteen thousand muskets from \nthe French arsenals, and abundant promises of men and money. And when the \nDeclaration of Independence had been made [July 4], Congress appointed a reg- \nular embassy^ [Sept. 22, 1776], to the court of France, and finally sent agents \nto other foreign courts.^ They also planned, and finally executed measures for \nstrengthening the bond of union between the several colonies, already made \npowerfully cohesive by common dangers and common hopes. Articles of Con- \nfederation^ which formed the organic laws of the nation until the adoption of \n\nthis to the time Christian mind and heart. War, except strictly defensive as a last extremity, ia \nalways a monstrous injustice ; and for its success in soddening God\'s fair earth with human blood, \nmen in epaulettes, their hands literally dripping with gore, will go into the temple dedicated to the \nFrince of Peace, and there sing a Te Deum! * Page 261. \n\n^ Silas Deane was born at Groton, in Connecticut, and was educated at Tale College. He was \nelected to the first Congress [page 228] in 1774, and after being some time abroad, as agent for the \nSecret Committee, he was recalled, on account of alleged bad conduct. He published a defense of \nhis character in 1778, but he failed to reinstate himself in the public opinion. He went to England \ntoward the close of 1784, where he died in extreme poverty, in 1789. \n\n\' The embassy consisted of Dr. Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee. Franklin and Lee \njoined Deane at Paris, at the middle of December, 1776. Lee had then been in Europe for some \ntime, as a sort of private agent of the Secret Committee. He made an arrangement with the French \nking to send a large amount of arms, ammunition, and specie, to the colonists, but in such a way \nthat it would appear as a commercial transaction. The agent on the part of the French wa\xc2\xbb \nBeaumarchais, who assumed the commercial title of Roderique Hortales & Co., and Lee took the \nname of Mary Johnson. This arrangement with the false and avaricious Beaumarchais, was a source- \nof great annoyance and actual loss to Congress in after years. "U^hat was a gratuity on the part of \nthe French government,, in the name of Hortales & Co., Beaumarchais afterward presented a claim \nfor, and actually received from Congress four hundred thousand dollars. Benjamin Franklin was \nbom in Boston, in 1706. He was a printer; worked at his trade in London ; became eminent in \nhis business in Philadelphia; obtained a high position as a philosopher and statesman ; was agent \nin England for several colonies; was chief embassador for the United States in Europe during the \nRevolution, and filled various official stations in the scientific and political world. He was one of \nthe most remarkable men that ever lived ; and, next to Washington, is the best known and most \nrevered of all Americans. He died in 1790, at the age of more than eighty-four years Arthur \nlee was a brother of Richard Henry Lee [page 250], and was born in Virginia, in 1740. Me waa \na fine scholar, and elegant writer. "lie died in 1782. * Holland,\' Spain, and Prussia. \n\n\n\n1111.] \n\n\n\nTHIRD TEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \n\n\n\n267 \n\n\n\nthe Federal Constitution, were, after more than two years\' consideration, ap- \nproved by Congress, and produced vastly beneficial results during the remain^ \nder of the struggle.\' \n\n\n\n\nSuch, in brief, were the chief operations of the civil power of the revolted \ncolonies. Let us now turn to the military operations at the opening of a new \n\n* In July, 1775, Dr. Franklin submitted a plan of union to Congress. On the 11th of .June, \n1776, a committee was appointed to draw up a plan. Their report was laid aside, and not called \nup until April, 1777. From the 2d of October until the 15th of November following, tlie subject \nwas regularly debated two or three times a week, wlien thirteen Articles of Confederation wero \nadopted. The substance was that the thirteen confederated States should be known as the United \nStates of America; that all engage in a reciprocal treaty of alliance and friendship, for mutual ad- \nvantage, each to assist the other when help should be needed ; that each State should have tl>Q \nright to regulate its own internal affairs; that no State should separately send or receive embassies, \nbegin any negotiations, contract engagements or alliances, or conclude treaties with any foreign \npower, witliout the consent of the general Congress : that no public officer should be allowed to \naccept any presents, emoluments, ofQce, or title, from any foreign power, and that neither Con- \ngress nor State governments should possess the power to confer any title of nobility; that none \nof the States should have the right to form alliances among themselves, without the consent of \nCongress; that they should not have the power to levy duties contrary to the enactments of Con- \ngress; that no State should keep up a standing army or ships of war, in time of peace, beyond \nthe amount stipulated by Congress ; that when any of the States should raise troops for the com- \nmon defense, all the officers of the rank of colonel and under, should be appointed by the Legis- \nlature of the State, and the superior officers by Congress ; that all expenses of the war sliould be \npaid out of the public treasury ; that Congress alone should have the power to coin money; and \nthat Canada might at any time be admitted iuto the confederacy when she felt disposed. The last \nclauses were explanatory of the power of certain governmental operations, and contained details \nof the s\xc2\xbbme. Such was the form of government wliich existed for several years. See Supplement. \n\n\n\n268 THE IIEV0LUTI015. [1777. \n\nyear. Congress, we have observed/ delegated all military power to Washing- \nton, and he used it with energy and discretion. We left him at Trenton, pre- \npared to act offensively or defensively, as circumstances should require. There \nhe was joined by some troops under Generals Mifflin and Cadwalader, who \ncame from Bordentown and Crosswicks, on the night of the 1st of January. \nYet with these, his effective force did not exceed five thousand men. Toward \nthe evening of the 2d of January, 1777, Cornwallis, with a strong force, ap- \nproached from Princeton, and after some skirmishing, the two armies encamped \non either side of a small stream which runs through the town, within pistol- \nshot of each other. Washington commenced intrenching his camp, and Corn- \nwallis, expecting reinforcements in the morning, felt sure of his prey, and \ndeferred an attack for the night. \n\nThe situation of Washington and his little army was now perilous in the \nextreme. A conflict with such an overwhelming force as was gathering, \nappeared hopeless, and the Delaware becoming more obstructed by ice every \nhour, rendered a retreat across it, in the event of a surprise, almost impossible. \nA retreat down the stream was equally perilous. An escape under cover of the \nnight, was the only chance of safety, but the ground was too soft to allow the \npatriots to drag their heavy cannons with them ; and could they withdraw unob- \nserved by the British sentinels, whose hourly cry could be heard from the \ncamp ? This was a question of deep moment, and there was no time for long \ndeliberation. A higher will than man\'s determined the matter. The Protector \nof the righteous put forth his hand. While a council of war was in session, \ntoward midnight, the wind changed, and the ground was soon so hard frozen, \nthat there could be no difficulty in conveying away the cannons. Instantly all \nwas in activity in the American camp, while Cornwallis and his army were \nsoundly sleeping \xe2\x80\x94 perhaps dreaming of the expected sure victory in the morn- \ning. Leaving a few to keep watch and feed the camp-fires, to allay suspicion, \nWashington silently withdrew, with all his army, artillery, and baggage ; and \nat dawn [January 3, 1777], heAvas in sight of Princeton, prepared to fall upon \nCornwallis\'s reserve there /^ The British general had scarcely recovered from \nhis surprise and mortification, on seeing the deserted camp of the Americans, \nwhen the distant booming of cannons, borne upon the keen winter air, fell \nominously upon his ears. Although it was mid-winter, he thought it was the \nrumbling of distant thunder. The quick ear of General Erskine decided other- \nwise, and he exclaimed, "To arms, general! Washington has out-generaled \nus. Let us fly to the rescue at Princeton !" Erskine was right, for, at that \nmoment, Washington and the British reserve were combating. \n\nOwing to the extreme roughness of the roads, Washington did not reach \nPrinceton as early as he expected, and instead of surprising the British, and \nthen pushing forward to capture or destroy the enemy\'s stores at New Bruns- \nwick, he found a portion of the troops already on their march to join Corn- \n\n\' Pas^e 264. \n\n" A brigade, under Lieutenant-colonel Mawhood, consisting of three regiments and three troopa \nof dragoons, were quartered there. \n\n\n\n1777.] \n\n\n\nTHIRD YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \n\n\n\n269 \n\n\n\n\nBATTLE AT PRINCETON. \n\n\n\nwallis at Trenton. A severe encounter occurred, when the American militia \ngiving way, the British, with a victorious shout, rushed forward, expecting to \n\nproduce a general rout. At that moment Washington \n\nadvanced with a select corps, brought order out of con- \nfusion, and leading on his troops with waving sword and \ncheering voice, turned the tide of battle and achieved a \nvictory. The brave General Mercer,\' while fighting at \nthe head of his men, was killed, and many other be- \nloved officers were lost on that snowy battle-field.\' Nor \nwas the conflict of that morning yet ended. When Corn- \nwallis perceived the desertion of the American camp, \nand heard the firing at Princeton, he hastened with a \ngreater portion of his troops, to the aid of his reserve, \nand to secure his stores at New Brunswick. The Ameri- \ncans, who had not slept, nor scarcely tasted food for \nthirty-six hours, were compelled, just as the heat of the first battle was over, to \ncontest Avith fresh troops, or fly with the speed of strong men. Washington \nchose the latter alternative, and when Cornwallis entered Princeton, not a \n" rebel" was to be found.\' History has no parallel to ofler to these events of \na few days. Frederic the Great of Prussia, one of the most renowned com- \nmanders of modern times, declared that the achievements of Washington and \nhis little band of compatriots, between the 25th of December and the 4th of \nJanuary following, were the most brilliant of any recorded in the annals of \nmilitary performances. \n\nThe Americans were too weak to attempt the capture of the British stores \nat New Brunswick, so, with his fatigued troops Washington retreated rapidly \ntoward the hill country of East Jersey.* Allowing time only to refresh his \nlittle army at Pluckemin, he pressed forward to Morristown, and there estab- \nlished his winter quarters. But he did not sit down in idleness. After plant- \ning small cantonments^ at different points from Princeton to the Hudson \nHighlands, he sent out detachments to harass the thoroughly perplexed British. \nThese expeditions were conducted with so much skill and spirit, that on the first \n\n\n\n\' Mercer\'s horse had been shot under him, and he was on foot at the head of his men, when a \nBritish soldier felled him with a clubbed musket [note 4, page 236]. At first, the British believed \nit to be "Washington, and, with a shout, they cried, " The rebel general is taken." Hugh Mercer \nwas a native of Scotland. He was a surgeon on the field of Culloden, and was practicing medicine \nin Fredericksburg, Virginia, when the Revolution broke out. He was with Washington in the \nFrench and Indian War. He was made commander of the flying camp in 1776, and at the time of \nhis death was about fifty-six years of age. The picture of a house in the corner of the map of the \nbattle at Princeton, is a representation of the house ui which General Mercer died. It is yet [1867] \nstanding. \n\n^ Tlie chief of these were Colonels Haslett and Potter, Major Morris, and Captains Shippen, \nFleming and Neal. The loss of the Americans in this engagement, was about thirty, including the \nofficers above named. \n\n\' We have mentioned, on page 210, the planetarium, at Princeton, constructed by David Ritten- \nhouse. This excited the admiration of Cornwallis, and he intended to carry it away with him. It \nis also said that Silas Deane [page 264] proposed to present this work of art to the French govern- \nment, as a bonus for its good will. ComwalUs was kept too busy in providing for his own safety, \nwhile in Princeton, to allow him to rob the college of so great a treasure. * Page 160, \n\n* Permanent stations for small bodies of troops. \n\n\n\n270 THE REVOLUTION. [IIIX \n\nof March, 1777, not a British nor a Hessian soldier could be found in \nNew Jersey, except at New Brunswick and Amboy/ Those dreaded bat- \ntalions which, sixtj days before, were all-powerful in New Jersey, and had \nfrightened the Continental Congress from Philadelphia, were now hemmed in \nupon the Raritan, and able to act only on the defensive. Considering the \nattending circumstances, this was a great triumph for the Americans. It \nrevived the martial spirit of the people, and the hopes of all good patriots ; and \nhundreds in New Jersey, who had been deceived by Howe\'s proclamation, and \nhad suffered Hessian brutality, openly espoused the Whig cause. Congress \nhad returned to Philadelphia,\' and commenced its labors with renewed vigor. \n\nIt was almost the first of June before the main body of the two armies com- \nmenced the summer campaign. In the mean while, smaller detachments were \nin motion at various points. A strong armament was sent up the Hudson, in \nMarch, to destroy American stores at Peekskill, at the southern entrance to the \nHighlands. The Americans there, under the command of General McDougal, \nperceiving a defense of the property to be futile, set fire to the stores and \nretreated to the hills in the rear. The British returned to New York the same \nevening [March 23, 1777]. Almost a month afterward [April 13], Corn- \nwallis went up the Raritan from New Brunswick, to surprise the Americans \nunder General Lincoln, at Boundbrook. The latter escaped, with difficulty, \nafter losing about sixty men and a part of his baggage. Toward the close of \nApril [April 25], Governor Tryon,^ at the head of two thousand British and \nTories, went up Long Island Sound, landed at Compo [April 26], between \nNorAvalk and Fairfield, marched to Danbury, destroyed a large quantity of \nstores belonging to the Americans, burned the town, and cruelly treated the \ninhabitants. Perceiving the militia to be gathering in great numbers, he \nretreated rapidly the next morning, by way of Ridgefield. Near that village, \nhe had some severe skirmishing with the militia under Generals Wooster, \nArnold,* and Silliman. Wooster was killed,^ Arnold narrowly escaped, but \nSilliman, keeping the field, harassed the British all the way to the coast. At \nCompo, and while embarking, they Avere terribly galled by artillery under \nLamb." Tryon lost almost three hundred men during this expedition, and \nkilled or wounded about half that number of Americans. His atrocities on that \n\n\n\n\' The Americans went out in small companies, made sudden attacks upon pickets, out-posts, \nand foraging parties, and in this way frightened the detachments of the enemy and drove them in \nto the main body on the Raritan. At Springfield, a few miles from Elizabethtown, they \nattacked a party of Hessians who were penetrating the country from Elizabethpcjrt [January 7, \n1777], killed between forty and fifty of them, and drove the remainder in great confusion back to \nStaten Island. A larger foraging party was defeated near Somerset court house [January 20] by \nabout five hundred New Jersey militia under General Dickinson ; and Newark, Elizabethtown and \nWoodbridge, were taken possession of by the patriots. ^ Page 262. \' Page 223. \n\n* Page 23-1. For his gallantry at Ridgefield, Congress ordered a horse, richly caparisoned, to \nbe presented to him. \n\n^ David Wooster was born in Stratford, Connecticut, in 1710. He was at Louisburg in 1745 \n[page 137], became a captain in the British army, and was in the French and Indian War. He was \nin Canada in the spring of 1776 [page 243], and gave promise of being one of the most efficient of \nthe American officers in the war for Independence. His loss, at such a critical period of the conflict \nwas much deplored. The State of Connecticut erected a monument to his memory, in 1854. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 240. \n\n\n\n1777.] THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \xc2\xa371 \n\noccasion were never forgotten nor forgiven. The name of Try on will ever be \nheld in detestation hy all lovers of justice and humanity. He had already, \nwhile governor of North Carolina, been named by the Indians, The Great \nWolf, and in his marauding expeditions during the earlier years of the war \nfor Independence, his conduct confirmed the judgment of the Red Men. We \nshall meet him again. \n\nThe Americans did not always act upon the defensive : they were some- \ntimes the aggressors. Toward the close of May [May 22, 1777 J, Colonel \nMeigs, with one hundred and seventy men, crossed Long Island Sound in whale- \nboats, from Guilford, Connecticut, and at two o\'clock in the morning of the 23d \nof that month, attacked a British provision post at Sagg Harbor, near the \neastern extremity of Long Island. They burned a dozen vessels, and the store- \nhouses and contents, secured ninety prisoners, and reached Guilford at two \no\'clock the next day, without losing a man of their own party. For this exploit, \nCongress voted thanks to Colonel Meigs and his men, and a sword to the com- \nmander. A little later in the season, an equally bold exploit was performed \non Rhode Island. On a dark night in July [July 10], Colonel William Bar- \nton, with a company of picked men, crossed Narraganset Bay in whale-boats, \nin the midst of the British fleet, stole cautiously to the quarters of General \nPrescott,\' the British commander on Rhode Island, seized him while in bed, \nand carried him in triumph across the bay to Warwick. There a carriage was \nin waiting for him, and at sunrise he was under a strong guard at Providence. \nFrom thence he was sent to the headquarters of Washington, at Middlebrook, \non the Raritan," and was exchanged, in April, the next year, for General \nCharles Lee.^ For Colonel Barton\'s bravery, on that occasion, Congress voted \nhiai an elegant sword, and he was promoted to the rank and pay of a colonel \nin the continental army. \n\nThe American commander-in-chief continued his head quarters at Morris- \ntown until near the last of May. During the spring he had inoculated a large \nportion of his troops for the small-pox ;* and when the leaves put forth, a fiir \ndegree of health prevailed in his camp, and his army had increased by recruits, \nto almost ten thousand men. He was prepared for action, ofiensive and defens- \nive ; but the movements of the British perplexed him. Burgoyne was assem- \nbling an army at St. John, on the Sorel,\'^ and vicinity, preparatory to an \ninvasion of New York, by way of Lake Champlain, to achieve that darling \nobject of the British ministry, the occupation of the country on the Hudson." \n\n\n\n\' Paee 240. Preppotfs quarters were at a house yet standing in 1870, a short difitance above \nNewport, and about a mile from the bay. \n\n"^ Wliile on his way, his escort stopped at Lebanon, Connecticut, to dine. Prescott was a \nII Tos^, haughty, and violent-tempered man. At the table, a dish of succotash (beans and corn) \n\\- i< bi-()ua;ht to him. Not being accustomed to such food, he regarded it as an insult, and taking \n1 \xe2\x96\xa0 dish from the hands of the liostess, he strewed its contents upon the floor. Her husband being \nu bi-ned of it, flogged the general severely, with a horsewhip. \n\' Note 4, page 248 ; also page 288. \n\n* Tho common practice of vaccination at the present day was then unknown in this country. \nIndeed, the attention of .Jenner, the father of the practice, had then just been turned to the subject \n2t was practiced here a year after the close of the war. * Page 240. \xc2\xb0 Pao-e 283. \n\n\n\n272 THE REVOLUTION. [1777- \n\nBut whether Howe was preparing to co-operate with Burgojne, or to make \nanother attempt to seize Philadelphia/ Washington could not determine. He \nprepared for both events by stationing Arnold with a strong detachment on the \nwest side of the Delaware, concentrating a large force on the Hudson, and \nmoving the main body of his army to Middlebrook, within ten miles of the \nBritish camp at New Brunswick. \n\nWashington was not kept in suspense a great while. On the 12th of June \n[1777J, Howe passed over from New York, where he made his head quarters \nduring the winter, concentrated the main body of his army at New Brunswick, \nand tried to draw Washington into an engagement by a feigned movement [June \n14] toward the Delaware. The chief, perceiving the meaning of this movement, \nand aware of his comparative strength, wisely remained in his strong position \nat Middlebrook until Howe suddenly retreated [June 19], sent some of his \ntroops over to Staten Island [June 22], and appeared to be evacuating New \nJersey. This movement perplexed Washington. He was fairly deceived ; and \nordering strong detachments in pursuit, he advanced several miles in the same \ndirection, with his whole army. Howe suddenly changed front [June 25], and \nattempted to gain the rear of the Americans ; but, after Stirling\'s brigade had \nmaintained a severe skirmish with a corps under Cornwallis [June 26], the \nAmericans regained their camp without much loss. Five days afterward [June \n30], the whole British army crossed over to Staten Island, and left New Jersey \nin the complete possession of the patriots. \n\nWashington now watched the movements of his enemy with great anxiety \nand the utmost vigilance. It was evident that some bold stroke was about to be \nattempted by the British. On the 12th of July, Burgoyne, who had been \nmoving steadily up Lake Champlain, with a powerful army, consisting of about \nseven thousand British and German troops, and a large body of Canadians and \nIndians, took possession of Crown Point and Ticonderoga," and spread terror \nover the whole North. At the same time the British fleet at New York took \nsuch a position as induced the belief that it was about to pass up the Hudson \nand co-operate with the victorious invader. Finally, Howe left General Clinton \nin command at New York, and embarking on board the fleet with eighteen \nthousand troops [July 23], he sailed for the Delaware. When Washington \ncomprehended this movement, he left a strong force on the Hudson, and with \nthe main body of his troops pushed forward to Philadelphia. There he was \nsaluted by a powerful ally, in the person of a stripling, less than twenty years \nof age. He was a wealthy French nobleman, who, several months before, while \nat a dinner with the Duke of Gloucester, ^ first heard of the struggle of the \nAmericans, their Declaration of Independence, and the preparations made to \ncrush them. His young soul was fired with aspirations to give them his aid ; \nand quitting the army, he hurried to Paris. Although he had just married \na young and beautiful girl, and a bright career was opened for him in his own \n\n\' Page 261. " Page 23-4. \n\n\' The duke was the brother of the king of England, and at the time in question, was dining with \nBome French ofiBcers, in the old town of Mentz, in Germany. \n\n\n\n17\'77.] \n\n\n\nTHIRD YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \n\n\n\n2T3 \n\n\n\ncountry, he left all, and hastened to America in a vessel fitted out at his \nown expense. He offered his services to the Continental \nCongress, and that body gave him the commission [July \n31] of a major-general. Three days afterward [Aug. 3] \nhe was introduced to Washington at a public dinner : and \nwithin less than forty days he was gallantly fighting \n[September 11], as a volunteer, for freedom in America, \non the banks of the Brandy wine. That young general was \nthe Marquis de La Fayette,\' whose name is forever \nlinked with that of Washington and Liberty. general la fatettk. \n\nThe British fleet, with the army under Sir William Howe,^ did not go up \nthe Delaware, as was anticipated, but ascended Chesapeake Bay and at its \nhead, near the village of Elkton, in Maryland, the land forces disembarked \n[Aug. 25], and marched toward Philadelphia. Washington had advanced be- \nyond the Brandywine Creek, and took post a few miles from Wilmington. \nHowe\'s superior force compelled him to fall back to the east side of the Brandy- \n\nand at Chad\'s Ford, several \n\n\n\n\n\nwme \n\nmiles above Wilmington, he made \na stand for the defense of Phila- \ndelphia. At that point, the Hes- \nians under Knyphausen\' attacked \nthe left wing of the Americans \n[Sept. 11, 1777], commanded by \nWashington in person ; while How\xc2\xab \nand Cornwallis, crossing the stream \nseveral miles above, fell upon the \nAmerican right, under General \nSullivan, near the Birmingham \nmeeting-house.* The contest raged \nfearfully during the whole day. \nAt night the shattered and defeated battalions of patriots retreated to \nChester, and the following day [Sept. 12] to Philadelphia. Many brave men \nwere killed or disabled on that sanguinary field. La Fayette was severely \nwounded f and the patriots lost full twelve hundred men, killed, wounded, and \n\n\n\nBATTLE AT THE BRANDYWINE. \n\n\n\n\' He was born on the 6th of September, 1757. He married the daughter of the Duke de \nNoailles, a beautiful heiress, at the age of eighteen years. He first landed on the coast of South \nCarolina, in Winyaw Bay, near Georgetown, and made a land journey to Philadelphia. His appli- \ncation was not received at first, by the Continental Congress ; but when his true character and \ndesigns were known, they gave him a major-general\'s commission. He was afterward an activa \npatriot in his own country in many perilous scenes. He visited America in 1824-5 [page 453], \nand died in 1334, at the age of seventy-seven years. The Baron de Kalb [page 316] and elevea \nother French and Pohsh officers, came to America in La Fayette\'s vessel. \n\n^ After the battle near Brooklyn [page 254], the king conferred the honor of knighthood upoa \nGeneral "William Howe, the commander-in-chief of the British forces in America. The ceremonj \nwas performed by several of his officers, at his quarters in the Beekman House, Turtle Bay, Eart \nRiver. \' Page 259. \n\n* This was a substantial Quaker meeting-house, situated a few miles from Chad\'s Ford, on the \nroad from Jefferis\'s Ford (where Howe and Cornwallis crossed) to Wilmington \n\n\' A bullet passed through his leg. He was conveyed to Bethlehem, in Pennsylvania, where \n\n13 \n\n\n\n274 THE REVOLUTIOX. [17:7. \n\nmade prisoners. The British lost almost eight hundred. Washington failed \nof success more on account of false intelligence, bj which he was kept in igno- \nrance of the approach of the British on his left, than by Avant of skill or force.\' \n\nWashington did not remain idle in the Federal capital, but as soon as the \ntroops were rested, he crossed the Schuylkill, and proceeded to confront Howe, \nAvho was making slow marches toward Philadelphia. They met [Sept. 16] \ntwenty miles west of that city, and some skirmishing ensued ; but a heavy rain \nprevented a general battle, and the Americans Avithdrew toward Reading. \nGeneral Wayne, in the mean Avhile, was hanging upon the rear of the enemy \nwith about fifteen hundred men. On the night of the 20th, he Avas surprised \nby a party of British and Hessians, under General Grey, near the Paoli Tav- \nern, and lost about three hundred of his party.* With the remainder he joined \nWashington, then near Valley Forge, and vigilantly, watching the movements \nof Howe. As these indicated the intention of the British commander to attempt \nthe seizure of a largo quantity of ammunition and military stores Avhich the \nAmericans had collected at Reading, Washington abandoned Philadelphia, and \ntook position at PottsgroA\'e, thirty-five miles distant, to protect those indispens- \nable materials for his army. HoAve crossed the Schuylkill [Sept. 23, 1777], \nnear NorristoAvn, and marched to the Federal city^* [Sept. 26 J, without oppo- \nsition. Congress fled at his approach, first to Lancaster [Sept. 27], and then to \nYork, Avherc it assembled on the 30th, and continued its session until the fol- \nlowing summer. The main body of the British army was encamped at Ger- \nmantOAvn, four miles from Philadelphia, and Howe prepared to make the latter \nplace his Avniter quarters.* \n\nUpon opposite sides of the Delaware, a fcAV miles below Philadelphia, were \ntwo forts of considerable strength (Mifflin and Mercer), garrisoned by the \nAmericans. While the British army was marching from the Chesapeake^ to \nPhiladelphia, the fleet had sailed around to the DelaAvare, and had approached \nto the head of that bay. The forts commanded the river ; and chevaiix-de- \nfrise^ just below them, completely obstructed it, so that the army in Philadel- \nphia could obtain no supplies from the fleet. The possession of these forts was \n\n\n\ntlie Moravian sisters nursed him during his confinement. Count Pulaski began his military career \nin the American arm_y, on the field of Brandywine, where he commanded a troop of horse, and \nafter the battle he was appointed to the rank of Brigadier. He was slain at Savannah. See note \n3, page 350. \n\n\' The building seen in the comer of the map, is a view of the head quarters of "Washington, yet \n[1881] standing, a short distance from Chad\'s Ford. \n\n^ The bodies of fifty-three Americans, found on the field the next morning, were \ninterred in one broad grave ; and forty years afterward, the " Eepublican Artillerists" \nof Chester count}^, erected a neat marble monument over them. It stands in the \ncenter of an inclosure which contains the ground consecrated by the burial of these \npatriots. \n\n^ Philadelphia, New York, and "Washington, have been, respectively, federal \ncities, or cities where the Federal Congress of the United States assembled. \n\n* Note 2, page 285. " Page 273. \n\n* Chevaux-de-frise are obstructions placed in river channels to prevent the pass- \nage of vessels. They are generally made of a series of heavy timbers, pointed with \niron, and seciired at an angle in a strong fi-ame filled with stones, as seen in the \nengraving. Figure A shows the position under water; figure B shows how the tim- \nbers ure arranged and the stones placed in them. \n\n\n\n\n\n.1777.] THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 275 \n\nimportant, and on the 22d of October, they were attached by detachments sent \nby Howe. Fort Mercer was assailed by two thousand Hessian grenadiers under \nCount Donop.\' They were repulsed by the garrison of less than five hundred \nmen, under Lieutenant- Colonel Christopher Greene, of Rhode Island, after los- \ning their commander,^ and almost four hundred soldiers. The garrison of Fort \nMifflin, under Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Smith, also made a gallant defense, \nbut after a series of assaults by land and water, it was abandoned [Nov. 16, \n1777]. Two days afterward, Fort Mercer was also abandoned, and several \nBritish ships sailed up to Philadelphia.^ \n\nWhen Washington was informed of the weakened \n\xe2\x80\xa2condition of the British army, by the detachment of \nthese forces to attack the Delaware forts, he resolved \nto assail the camp at Germantown. He had moved \ndown the Schuylkill to Skippack Creek [Sept. 25], \nand from that point he marched, silently, on the even- \ning of the 3d of October [1777], toward the camp \nof the enemy. He reached Chestnut Hill, beyond \nGermantown, at dawn the followina; morning, and the \n\n\' 1 * ^ BATTLE AT GERMANTOWN. \n\nattack soon commenced near there. After a severe \n\nbattle, which continued almost three hours, the patriots were repulsed, with a \nloss, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, about equal to that at Brandy wine.* \nThe British lost only about six hundred. On the 19th, Howe broke up his \nencampment at Germantown, and three weeks afterward, he proceeded to place \nhis whole army in winter quarters in Philadelphia. Washington retired to \nhis camp on Skippack Creek ; and on the 29th of November, he prepared to \ngo into winter quarters at White Marsh, fourteen miles from Philadelphia. \n\nLet us now turn for a while from these scenes of conflict and disaster in \nwhich the beloved commander-in-chief was personally engaged, to the consider- \nation of important events which were transpiring on the waters and banks of \nLake Champlain and the Hudson River. Burgoyne, with more than ten \nthousand men, invested Ticonderoga on the 2d of July. The fortress was gar- \nrisoned by General St. Clair, with only about three thousand men. Upon \n\n\n\n\' Page 263. \n\n" Donop was terribly wounded, and taken to the house of a Quaker near by, where he expired \nthree days afterward. He was buried within the fort. A few years ago his bones were disinterred, \nand his skull was taken possession of by a New Jersey physician. \n\n\' In the defense of these forts, the Americans lost about three hundred men, and the enemy \nalmost double that number. \n\n* Washington ielt certain of victory at the beginning of the battle. Just as it commenced, a \ndense fog overspread the country ; and through the inexperience of his troops, great confusion, in \ntheir movements, was produced. A false rumor caused a panic among the Americans, just as \nthe British were about to fall back, and a general retreat and loss of victory was the result. In \nGermantown, a strong stone house is yet [1883] standing, which belonged to Judge Chew. This \na part of the enemy occupied, and from the windows tired with deadly effect upon the Ameri- \ncans. No blame was attached to Washington for this defeat, when victory seemed easy and certain. \nOn the contrary. Congress, on the receipt of Washington\'s letter, describing the battle, passed a vote \nof thanks to him for his " wise and weU-concerted attack upon the enemy\'s army near German- \ntown;" and "to the ofiBcers and soldiers of the army, for their brave exertions on that occasion." A. \n. medal was also ordered to be struck, and presented to Washington. \n\n\n\n\nGENERAL ST. CLAIE. \n\n\n\n276 THE REVOLUTION. [IttT. \n\nMount Independence, on the opposite side of the lake, was a small fortifica- \ntion and a weak garrison.\' These composed the entire- \nforce, except some feeble detachments of militia, to op- \npose the invaders. On the approach of Burgoyne, St. \nClair\' left his outworks, gathered his forces near the- \nfortress, and prepared for an assault ; but when, on the \nevening of the 5th, he saw the scarlet uniforms of the- \nBritish on the top of Mount Defiance,^ and a battery of \nheavy guns planted there, ^ more than five hundred feet \nabove the fort, he knew resistance would be vain. That \nevening he sent his ammunition and stores up the lake \nto Skenesborough,^ and under cover of the darkness, silently crossed over to \nMount Independence, and commenced a retreat to Fort Edward," the head- \nquarters of General Schuyler, who was then in command of the northern army. \nThe retreating army would have been beyond the reach of pursuers by \ndawn, had not their exit been discovered. Contrary to express orders, a build- \ning was fired on Mount Independence, and by its light their flight was discov- \nered by the enemy, and a strong party, consisting of the brigade of General \nEraser, and two Hessian corps under Riedesel, was immediately sent in pursuit. \nAt dawn, the British flag was waving over Ticonderoga ; and a little after sun- \nrise [July 7, 1777], the rear division of the flying Americans, under Colonel \nSeth Warner,^ were overtaken in Hubbardton, Vermont, and a severe engage- \nment followed. The patriots were defeated and dispersed, and the victors \nreturned to Ticonderoga.^ Before sunset the same evening, a flotilla of British \nvessels had overtaken and destroyed the Americans\' stores which St. Clair had \nsent up the lake, and also a large quantity at Skenesborough. The fragments \nof St. Clair\'s army reached Fort EdAvard on the 12th, thoroughly dispirited. \nDisaster had followed disaster in quick succession. Within a week, the Amer- \nicans had lost almost two hundred pieces of artillery, and a large amount of \nprovisions and military stores. \n\n^ During the previous years, the Americans constructed a picketed fort, or stockade [note 2, \npage 183], on that eminence, built about three hundred huts or barracks, dug several wells, and \nplaced batteries at different points. The remains of these are now [1883] everywhere visible ou \nMount Independence. That eminence received this name because the troops took possession of it \non the 4th of July, 1176. Page 250. \n\n" Arthur St. Clair was a native of Scotland, and came to America with Admiral Boscawen, early \nin May, 1755. He served under Wolfe [page 201]; and when the Revolution broke out, lie en- \ntered the American army. He served during the war, and afterward commanded an expedition \nagainst the Indians in Ohio, where he was unsuccessful. He died in 1818, al the age of eighty-four \nyears. \n\n\' This is a hiU about 750 feet in height, situated on the south-west side of the outlet of Lake \nGeorge, opposite Ticonderoga. \n\n* With immense labor, ]3urgoyne opened a road up the northern slope of Mount Defiance, and \ndragged heavy artillery to the summit. From that point, every ball might be hurled within the \nfort below without difficulty. The position of that road may yet [1883] be traced by the second \ngrowth of trees on its line up the mountain. \n\n\' Now Whitehall. It was named after Philip Skene, who settled there in 1764. The narrow \npart of Lake Champlain, from Ticonderoga to Whitehall, was formerly called Wood Creek (the name \nof the stream that enters the lake at Whitehall), and also South River. " Page 188. \' Page 232. \n\n* The Americans lost, in killed, wounded, and missing, a little more than three hundred; the. \nBritish reported their loss at one hundred and eighty-three. \n\n\n\n1771] THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 277 \n\nThe force under General Schuyler was very small, and even with this rein- \nforcement bj the fugitives from the lake, he had only about four thousand effect- \nive men \xe2\x80\x94 a number totally inadequate to combat with those of Burgoyne. He \ntherefore sent a strong party toward Skenesborough to fell huge trees across \nthe roads, and to destroy all the bridges, so as to obstruct the march of the \ninvaders, while he slowly retreated down the Hudson valley to the mouth of the \nMohawk, and there established a fortified camp.\' His call for aid was nobly \nresponded to, for the whole country was thoroughly aroused to a sense of peril. \nDetachments were sent from the regular army to strengthen him ; and soon \n"General Lincoln came with a large body of New England militia. When \nGeneral Gates arrived, to take the chief command,* he found an army of thir- \nteen thousand men, ready to meet the invader. \n\nThe progress of Burgoyne was slow, and he did not reach Fort Edward \nuntil the 30th of July.^ The obstructions ordered by Schuyler, and the de- \nstruction of the bridges, were great hinderances.* His army was also worn down \nhj fatigue, and his provisions were almost exhausted. To replenish his stores, \nlie sent five hundred Germans, Canadians, and Tories, and one hundred Indians, \nunder Colonel Baume, to seize provisions and cattle which the Americans had \ncollected at Bennington, thirty-five miles distant. Colonel John Stark had \ncalled out the New Hampshire militia ;. and near Hoosick, within five miles of \nBennington, they met [Aug. 16] and defeated the marauders. And toward \nevening, when another German party, under Colonel Breyman, approached, \nthey also were defeated by a continental force under Colonel Seth Warner.* \nMany of the enemy were killed, and a large number were made prisoners. Bur- \ngoyne\'s entire loss, in this expedition, was almost a thousand men. The Amer- \nicans had one hundred killed, and as many wounded. This defeat Avas fatal to \nBurgoyne\' s future operations^ \xe2\x80\x94 this victory was a day-star of hope to the \n\n\n\n\n* Thaddeus Kosciuszko, a Polish refugee, who came with Lafay- \nette [page 273], was now attached to Schuyler\'s army, as engineer. \nUnder his direction, the intrenchments at the mouth of the Mohawk \nRiver, were constructed ; also, those at Stillwater and Saratoga. The \ncamp at the mouth of the Mohawk was upon islands just below the \nGreat, or Cohoes\' Falls. \n\n^ General Schuyler had superseded Gates in June, and had been \nskillfully confronting Burgoyne. But Gates, seeing a chance for gain- \ning laurels, and having a strong .party of friends in Congress, sought \nthe chief command of the northern army. It was ungenerously taken \nfrom Schuyler at the moment when, by great exertions and through \ngreat hardships, he had a force prepared to confront Burgoyne, with \nsome prospect of success. \n\n^ It was while Burgoyne wag approaching that point, that Jane KOSca szko \n\nM\'Crea, the betrothed of a young Tory in the British army, was shot, \n\nwhile being conveyed by a party of Indians from Fort Edward to the British camp. Her death was \nuntruly charged upon the Indians, and it was made the subject of the most bitter denunciations of the \nBritish ministers, for employing such cruel instrumentalities. The place of her death is a short dis- \ntance from the village of Fort Edward. The pine-tree which marked the spot, decayed a few years \nsince, and in 1853, it was cut down, and converted into canes and boxes for the curious. \n\n* Burgoyne was obliged to construct forty bridges on the way, and to remove the many trees \nwhich lay across the roads. To estimate the amount of fatigue which the troops must have endured \nduring that hot month, it must be remembered that each soldier bore a weight of sixty pounds, in \n.arms, accoutrements, and supplies. \xc2\xae Pages 234 and 240. \n\n" It dispirited his troops, who were worn down with the fatigue of the obstructed march from \n^Skenesborough to Fort Edward. It also caused a delay of a month at that place, and in the mean \n\n\n\n278 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION. \n\n\n\n[1777. \n\n\n\n\nAmericans. Applause of the New Hampshire militia rang through the land, \n\nand Stark was made a brigadier in the continental army. \n\nDuring Burgoyne\'s approach, the Mohawk valley had become a scene of \n^ ^ great confusion and alarm. Colonel St. Leger and his \n\nsavages, joined by the Mohawk Indians, under Brant,\' \nand a body of Tories, under Johnson\' and Butler, had \narrived from Oswego, and invested Fort Stanwix, on \nthe 8d of August [1777]. The garrison was com- \nmanded by Colonel Gansevoort, and made a spirited \ndefense. General Herkimer rallied the militia of his \nneighborhood ; and while marching to the assistance of \nGansevoort, he fell into an Indian ambuscade [Aug. 6] \nat Oriskany.\' His party was totally defeated, after a \nbloody conflict, and himself was mortally wounded. On \nthe same day, a corps of the garrison, under Colonel \n\nWillet, made a successful sortie,* and broke the power of the besiegers. \n\nArnold, who had been sent by Schuyler to the relief of the fort, soon afterward \n\napproached, when the besiegers fled [Aug. 22], and quiet was restored to thb \n\nMohawk valley. \n\nThe disastrous events at Bennington and Fort Stan- ,ii=\'^\xc2\xb0^^ \n\nwix, and the straitened condition of his commissariat, \n\ngreatly perplexed Burgoyne. To retreat, advance, or \n\nremain inactive, seemed equally perilous. With little \n\nhope of reaching Albany, where he had boasted he would \n\neat his Christmas dinher, he crossed the Hudson and \n\nformed a fortified camp on the hills and plains of Sara- \ntoga, now the site of Schuylerville. General Gates \n\nadvanced to Bemis\'s Heights, about four miles north of \n\n\n\nJOSEPH BRANT. \n\n\n\n4r \' \n\n\n\n\nGENERAL BURGOYNE. \n\n\n\nwhile their provisions were rapidly diminishing. "While at Fort Edward, Burgojno received intel- \nKgence of the defeat of St. Leger at Fort Stanwix. \n\n\' Joseph Brant was a Mohawk Indian, and a great favorite of Sir William Johnson. He ad- \nhered to the British, and went to Canada after the war, where he died in 1807, aged sixty-five \nyears. \n\n" Sir "William Johnson [page 190] (then dead) had been a sort of auto- \ncrat among the Indians and Tories in the Mohawk valley. He flattered \nthe chiefs in various ways, and, through them he obtained almost un- \nbounded influence over the triljes, especially that of the Mohawks. Ho \nwas in the habit of giving those chiefs who pleased him, a diploma, certi- \nfying their good character, and faithfulness to liis majesty. These con- \ntained a picture, representing a treaty councO, of which the annexed \nengraving is a copy. His family were the worst enemies of the Ameri- \ncans during the war, in that region. His son, John, raised a regiment of \nTories, called the Johnson Greens (those who joined St. Leger) ; and John. \nButler, a cruel leader, was at the head of another band, called Butler\'s Bangers. The\'^e co-operated \n\xe2\x80\xa2with Brant, the great Mohawk sachem, and for years they made the Mohawk valley and vicinity \ntruly a "dark and bloody ground." These men were the allies of St. Leger on the occasion in \nquestion. \n\n^ The place of the battle is about halfway between Utica and Rome. The latter village is upon \nthe site of Fort Stanwix, built by Bradstreet and his troops in 1758 [page 197]. It was repaired \nfind garrisoned in 1776, and its name was changed to Fort Schuyler. Another Fort Schuyler was \nbuUt during the French and Indian War, where Utica now stands. \n* Note 7, page 241. \n\n\n\n\nA TREATY. \n\n\n\n<r-^\'^ \n\n\n\n\nBUBGOYNE SUERENDERINtt HIS SwORD TO GATES. \n\n\n\n1777.] \n\n\n\nTHIRD YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \n\n\n\n281 \n\n\n\nStillwater (and twenty-five from Albany), and also formed a fortified camp.\' \nBurgoyne perceived the necessity for immediate operations, and advancing toward \nthe American camp, a severe but indecisive action \nensued, on the 19th of September [1777J. Night \nterminated the conflict, and both parties claimed the \nvictory.\' Burgoyne fell back to his camp, where he \nresolved to await the arrival of expected detach- \nments from General Clinton, who was to attack the \nposts on the Hudson Higlilands, and force his Avay to \nAlbany.\' But after waiting a few days, and hearing \nnothing from Clinton, he prepared for another at- \ntempt upon the Americans, for the militia were flock- \ning to Gates\'s camp, and Indian Avarriors of the Six \nNations^ were gathering there. His OAvn force, on \nthe contrary, was hourly diminishing. As his star, which arose so brightly at \nTiconderoga,5 began to decline upon the Hudson, the Canadians and his Indian \nallies deserted him in great numbers." He was compelled to fight or flee. \nAgain he advanced ; and after a severe battle of several hours, on the 7th of \nOctober, and almost on the same ground occupied on the 19th of September, he \nwas compelled to fall back to the heights of Saratoga, and leave the patriots in \nthe possession of the field. Ten days afterward [October 17], finding only \nthree days\' provisions in his camp, hearing nothing of Clinton, and perceiving \nretreat impossible, he Avas compelled to surrender his whole army prisoners of \nwar.\'\' Of necessity, the forts upon Lake Champlain now fell into the hands of \nthe patriots. \n\n\n\n\nBEMIS\'S HEIGHTS. \n\n\n\n* The remains of some of the intrenchments were yet visible in 1850, when the writer visitecj \nthe locality. \n\n* The number of Americans engaged in this action, was about two thousand five hundred ; that \nof the British was about three thousand. The former lost, in killed, wounded, and missing, three \nhundred and nineteen; the British loss was rather less than five hundred. ^ Page 283. \n\n* Page 25. ^ Page 276. \n\n\xc2\xae The Indians had been disappointed in their expectations of blood and plunder ; and now was \ntheir hunting season, when provisions must be secured for winter use. The Canadians saw nothing \nbut defeat in the future, and left the army in whole companies. \n\n\' The whole number surrendered was five thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, of whom \ntwo thousand four hundred and twelve were Germans or Hessians [page 183], under the chief com- \nmand of the Baron Riedesel, whose wife accompanied him, and afterward wrote a very interesting \naccount of her experience in America. Burg03\'ne did dine at Albany, but as a prisoner, though a \nguest at the table of General Schuyler. Tliat noble patriot, though smarting under the injustice of \nCongress and the pride of Gates, did not abate liis zeal for the good cause when he had surrendered \nhis comiiaand into the hands of his successor, but, as a private citizen, gave his time, his labor, and \nhis money freely, until he saw the invader humbled ; and then, notwithstanding Burgoyne, without \nthe sliow of a just excuse, had destroyed Schuyler\'s fine mansion, his mills, and much other prop- \nerty, at Saratoga, he made the vanquished general a guest at his own table. When Burgo^me said, \n"You are very kind to one who has done you so much injury," the generous patriot replied, "That \nwas the fate of war ; let us say no more about it." Burgoyne\'s troops laid down tlieir arras upon \nthe plain in front of Schuylerville ; and the meeting of the conqueror and the conquered, for the \nlatter to surrender his sword, was a very significant scene. The two came out of Gates\'s marquee \ntogether. Without exchanging a word, Burgoyne, according to previous arrangement, stepped \nback, drew his sword, and, in the presence of the two armies, presented it to General Gates. The \nlatter received it with a courteous inclination of the liead, and instantly returned it to the vanquished \ngeneral. They then returned to the marquee together. The British filed off, and took up their line \nof march for Boston : and thus ended tliis important act in the great drama, upon the lieights of \nSaratoga. Burgoyne\'s troops were marched to Cambridge, Massachusetts, with the view of senduig \n\n\n\n282 THE REVOLUTION. [1777. \n\nGlorious, indeed, was this victory for the Americans. It gave them a fine \ntrain of brass artillery, five thousand muskets, and a vast amount of munitions \nof war. Its moral eflFect was of greater importance. All eyes had been \nanxiously turned to the army of the North, and Congress and the people \nlistened eagerly for every breath of rumor from Saratoga. How electric was \nthe efiect when a shout of victory came from the camp of Gates ! " It rolled \nover the land, and was echoed from furrows, workshops, marts of commerce, \nthe halls of legislation, and from the shattered army of Washington at White- \nmarsh.\' Toryism stood abashed ; the bills of Congress rose twenty per cent, in \nvalue ;\' private capital came from its hiding-places for public employment ; the \nmilitia flocked to the standards of leaders, and the great patriot heart of Amer- \nica beat with strong pulsations of hope. The effect in Europe was also favor- \nable to the Americans. The highest hopes of the British ministry rested on \nthis expedition, and the generalship of Burgoyne justified their expectations. \nIt was a most severe blow, and gave the opposition in Parliament the keenest \nweapons. Pitt, leaning upon his crutches,* poured forth eloquent denunciations \n[December, 1777] of the mode of Avarfare pursued \xe2\x80\x94 the employment of German \nhirelings^ and brutal savages.*^ "If I were an American, as I am an English- \nman," he exclaimed, " while a foreign troop was landed in my country, I never \nwould lay down my arms \xe2\x80\x94 never, never, never !" In the Lower House, ^ \nBurke, Fox, and Barre were equally severe upon the government. When, on \nthe 3d of December, the news of Burgoyne\'s defeat reached London, the latter \narose in his place in the Commons,* and with a serene and solemn countenance, \nasked Lord George Germain, the Secretary of War, what news he had received \nby his last expresses from Quebec, and to say, upon his word of honor, what \nhad become of Burgoyne and his brave army. The haughty secretary was \nirritated by the cool irony of the question, but was compelled to acknowledge \nthat the unhappy intelligence of Burgoyne\'s surrender had reached him. He \nadded, " The intelligence needs confirmation." That confirmation was not \nslow in reaching the ministry. \n\nMightily did this victory weigh in favor of the Americans, at the French \n\n\n\nthem to Europe, but Congress thought it proper to retain them, and they were marched to the \ninterior of Virginia. Jolm Burgoyne was a natural son of Lord Biugley, and was quite eminent as \na dramatic autlior. On liis return to England, he resumed his seat as a member of Parliament, and \nopposed tlie war. He died in 1792. \n\n\' General Gates was so elated with the victory, whicli had been prepared for him by General \nSchuyler, and won chiefly by the valor of Arnold and Morgan [page 331], that he neglected the \ncourtesy due to the commauder-in-cluef, and instead of sending liis dispatches to him, he sent his \naid, Colonel Wilkinson, with a verbal message to Congress. That body also forgot its dignity in \nthe hour of its joy. and the young officer was allowed to announce the victory liimself, on the floor \nof Congress. In his subsequent dispatches. Gates did not even mention the names of Arnold and \nMorgan. History has vindicated their claims to the honor of the victory, and placed a just estimate \nupon the ungenerous conduct of tlieir commander. Congress voted a gold medal to Gates. \n\n" Page 275. \' Note 3, page 245. \xe2\x96\xa0* Note 1, page 231. * Note 3, page 246. \n\n\xc2\xae A member justified the employment of the Indians, by saying that the British had a right to \nuse the means "which God and nature had given them." Pitt scornfully repeated the passage, and \nsaid, "These abominable principles, and this most abominable avowal of them, demands most \ndecisive indignation. I call upon that right reverend bench (pointing to the bishops), those holy \nministers of the gospel, and pious pastors of the church \xe2\x80\x94 I conjure them to join in the holy work^ \nand to vindicate the religion of their God." \' Note 2, page 218. * Note 2, page 218. \n\n\n\n1777.] THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 283 \n\ncourt. Unaided by any foreign power, the Americans had defeated and cap- \ntured a well -trained army of about six thousand men, led by experienced com- \nmanders. " Surely such a people possess the elements of success, and will achieve \nit. We may now safely strike England a severe blow,\' by acknowledging the \n.independence, and forming an alliance with her revolted colonies," argued the \nFrench government. And so it did. Intelligence of the surrender of Bur- \ngoyne reached Paris on the 4th of December, 1777. King Louis then cast off all \ndisguise, and informed the American commissioners that the treaty of alliance \nand commerce, already negotiated, would be ratified, and "that it was decided \nto acknowledge the independence of the United States." Within a little more \nthan a hundred days after Burgoyne laid down his arms at Saratoga, France \nhad formed an alliance with the confederated States [Feb. 6, 1778], and pub- \nlicly avowed it. The French king, in the mean while, Avrote to his uncle, the \nking of Spain, urging his co-operation ; for, according to the family compact \nof the Bourbons, made in 1761, the king of Spain was to be consulted before \nsuch a treaty could be ratified. \n\nWhile these events were in progress at Saratoga, General Clinton was \nmaking hostile demonstrations upon the banks of the lower Hudson. He \nattempted the concerted co-operation with Burgoyne, but he was too late for \nsuccess. He ascended the Hudson with a strong force, captured Forts Clinton \nand Montgomery, in the Highlands\'" [October 6, 1777], and sent a marauding \nexpedition above these mountain barriers, to devastate the country [October \n13], and endeavor to draw off some of the patriot troops from Saratoga.^ These \nmarauders burned Kingston, and penetrated as far as Livingston\'s Manor, in \nColumbia county. Informed of the surrender of Burgoyne, they hastily \nretreated, and Clinton and his army returned to New York. Some of Gates\' \ntroops now joined Washington at White Marsh,\' and Howe made several \nattempts to entice the chief from his encampment, but without success." Finally \n\n^ France rejoiced at the embarrassments of England, on account of her revolted colonies, and \nfrom the beginning secretly favored the latter. She thought it inexpedient to aid the colonies \nopenly, until there appeared some chance for their success, j\'et arms and monej\'\' were secretly pro- \nvided [note 3, page 266], for a long time previous to the alliance. Her motives were not the \nbenevolent ones to aid the patriots, so much as a selfish desire to injure England for her own bene- \nfit. The French king, in a letter to his uncle, of Spain, avowed the objects to be to " prevent the \nunion of the colonies with the mother country," and to " form a beneficial alliance with them." A \nBourbon (the iamily of French kings) was never known to be an honest advocate of free principles. \n\n" These forts were situated on opposite sides of a stream which forms the dividing line \nbetween Orange and Rockland counties. Fort Indpendence, near Peekskill, and Fort Constitution, \nopposite West Point, were abandoned on his approach. Fort Putnam, at West Point, was not yet \nerected. \n\n* While the garrison of the two forts (who escaped) were re-gathering, back of New Windsor, a \nman from the British army was arrested on suspicion of being a spy. He was seen to swallow \nsomething. An emetic brouorht it up, and it was discovered to be a hollow silver bullet, containing \na dispatch from Clinton to Burgoyne, WTitten on thin paper. That bullet is yet in the family of \nGeorge Clinton, who was the first republican governor of New York. The dispatch was as \nfollows: ^\' Nbu.s y void [Here we are], and nothing between us and Gates. I sincerely hope thi3 \nlittle success of ours will facilitate your operations. In answer to your letter of the 28th of Sep- \ntember, by C. C, I shall only say, I can not presume to order, or even advise, for reasons obvious. \nI heartily wish you success. Faithfully yours, H. Clintox." The prisoner was taken to Kingston, \nand there hanged as a spy. * Page 275. \n\n* Howe marched out to attack Washington on the 4th of December, expecting to take him by \nsurprise. A Quaker lady of Philadelphia, at whose house some British officers were quartered, had \n\n\n\n^84 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION. \n\n\n\n[Ills. \n\n\n\nWashington moved from that position [December 11], and went into winter \nquarters at Valley Forge, where he might easier aflford protection to Congress \nat York, and his stores at Reading.\' The events of that encampment at Valley \nForge afford some of the gloomiest as well as some of the most brilliant scenes \nin the records of American patriotism. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER V. \n\nFOURTH TEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. [1778.] \n\nIf there is a spot on the face of our broad land wherein patriotism should \ndelight to pile its highest and most venerated monument, it should be in the \nbosom of that rugged gorge on the bank of the Schuylkill, twenty miles north- \n\n\n\n\nwest from Philadelphia, known as Valley Forge, where the American army- \nwas encamped during the terrible winter of 1 777-\' 78.\' In all the world\'s his- \n\n\n\noverheard them talking about this enterprise, gave "Washington timely information, and he was too \nwell prepared for Howe, to fear his menaces. After some skirmishes, in which several Americana \nwere lost, Howe returned to Philadelphia. \' Page 274. \n\n* That was a winter of severe and protracted cold. The waters of New York Bay were so \nfirmly frozen, that the British took heavy cannons from the city to Staten Island, on the ice. \n\n\n\n1778.] FOURTH TEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE, \n\n\n\n285 \n\n\n\ntory, we have no record of purer devotion, holier sincerity, or more pious self- \nimmolation, than *was then and there exhibited in the camp of Washington, \nMany of the soldiers had marched thither from Whitemarsh, bare-footed, and \nleft bloody foot-prints in the snow on their dreary \njourney.\' There, in the midst of frost and snow, half- \nclad and scantily fed, they shivered in rude huts, \nwhile the British army was indulging in comforts and \nluxuries within a large city.^ Yet that freezing and \nstarving army did not despair ; nor did the com- \nmander-in-chief, who shared their privations and suf- \nfered injury at the hands of intriguing men,^ lose con- \nfidence in the patriotism of the people or his troops, \nor doubt the wisdom of Providence.^ The winter wore \naway, and when the buds began to burst, a cheering \nray of glad tidings came from Europe. The intelli- \ngence of the treaty of alliance with France,^ was a \nhopeful assurance of success, and when the news \nspread through the camp, on the 1st of May [1778], \nshouts loud and long shook the forests which shrouded the hills around Valley \nForge. \xc2\xab \n\nNor was that a solitary gleam of hope. Light also -emanated from the \n\n\n\n\nENCAMPMENT AT VALLEY FOEGE- \n\n\n\n^ \' Gordon, the historian, says, that while at "Washington\'s table ia 1784, the chief informed him \n\'that bloody foot-prints were everywhere visible in the course of their march of nineteen miles, from \nWhitemarsh to Valley Forge. \n\n* The power of t\' e British army was much weakened by indulgence, during that winter. Prof- \nligacy begat disease, jrime, and insubordination. The evil eft\'ects produced upon the army led Dr. \nFranklin to say, " Howe did^not take Pliiladelphia \xe2\x80\x94 Philadelphia took Howe." General Howe took \nleave of the army in May, and the officers gave him a splendid farewell /efe, which was called a \nMischianza, signifying a medley. For a full description, see Lossing\'s Field Book of the Revolution. \nDuring their occupation of the city, the enemy were annoyed by the patriots in various ways. In \nJanuary, some Whigs at Bordentown, where Francis Hopkinson, one of the signers of the Declara- \ntion of Independence, resided, sent a number of kegs down the Delaware, which were filled with \npowder, and furnished with machinery, in such a manner, that on rubbing against any object in the \n\n1, they would explode. These were the torpedoes invented by Bushnell of Connecticut, \nmentioned on page 252. The British vessels, hauled into the docks to keep clear of the ice, \nescaped receiving any injury from these missiles. One of them exploded near the citj\'-, and pro- \nduced intense alarm. Not a stick or a chip was seen floating, for twenty-four hours afterward, but \nit was fired at by the British. This circumstance afforded the theme for that remarkable poem from \nthe pen of Hopkinsoh, entitled Tlte Battle of the Kegs. Hopkinson [see page 284] was a native of \nPhiladelphia and married and settled in Bordentown, New Jersey. He was an elegant writer, a \ngreat wit, a good musician, and a thorough-bred gentleman. He was a warm and active patriot, \nliecame eminent as a jurist after the war. and died in 1791, at the age of forty-seven years. HI.t \nson, Joseph Hopkinson, was the author of our national song, Hail Columbia. \n\n^ Durmg this season a scheme was formed among a few officers of the army, and members of \nCongress, for depriving Washington of his command, and giving it to Gates or Lee. Both of these \nambitious men sought the honor, and the former was fully identified with the clandestine move- \nments toward that end. One of the chief actore in the plot, who was more the instrument of others \nthan a voluntary and independent schemer, was General Conway, an Irishman, who belonged to the \ncontinental army, ^he plot was discovered and defeated, and Conway was led to make a most \nhumble apology to Washington, for his conduct. \n\n* On one occasion, Isaac Potts, whose house was Washington\'s head-quarters at Valley Forge, \ndiscovered the chief in a retired place, pouring out his soul in prayer to his God. Potts went home \nto his wife, and said, with tears in his eyes, " If there is any one on this earth to whom the Lord \nwill listen, it is George Washington " ^ Page 28.3. \n\n\' On the 7th day of May the army fired salutes in honor of the event, and by direction of the \nchie^ they all shouted, "\xe2\x96\xa0 Huzza for the king of Prance!" \n\n\n\n286 THE REVOLUTION. [177a \n\nBritish throne and Parliament. The capture of Burgoyne, and the general \nfailure of the campaign of 1777, had made the English peojskle, and a powerful \nminority in Parliament, clamorous for peace and reconciliation. Lord North, \nthe prime-minister,\' -was compelled to listen. To the astonishment of every \nbody, he proposed [Feb. 17J a repeal of all the acts of Parliament obnoxious to \nthe Americans, which had been enacted since 1763 ; and in the course of his \nspeech in favor of his conciliatory plan, he actually proposed to treat the Con- \ntinental Congress as a legal body.\'\' Two bills, expressing these conciliatory \nmeasures, were passed after much opposition,^ and received the signature of the \nking, on the 11th of March. Commissioners* were appointed to proceed to \nAmerica to negotiate for peace with Congress, and the British government \nseemed really anxious to offer the olive branch, without qualification. But the \nAmericans had been too often deceived to accept any thing confidingly from that \nsource, and as soon as these bills reached Congress [April 15], and it was found \nthat they made no mention of the independence of the colonies, that body at \nonce rejected them as deceptive. When the commissioners came [June 4], \nCongress refused to negotiate with them until Great Britain should withdraw \nher fleets and armies, or unequivocally acknowledge the independence of the \nUnited States. After unsuccessfully appealing to the American people, and \none of them endeavoring to bribe members of Congress,\'^ the commissioners \nretuiTied to England, and the war Avent on. \n\nThe alliance with France gave the patriots greater confidence in their ulti- \nmate success. It was immediately productive of action. The first movement \nof the French government, in compliance with the requirements of that treaty, \nwas to dispatch a squadron, consisting of twelve ships of the line, and four \nlarge frigates, under Count D\'Estaing, to blockade the British fleet in the Del- \naware. When, a month before ho sailed, the British ministry was officially \ninformed [March 17, 1778] of the treaty, and it was considered equivalent to a \ndeclaration of war, a vessel was dispatched with a message to the British com- \nmanders, ordering them *to evacuate Philadelphia and the Delaware, and to con- \ncentrate their forces at New York. Fortunately for Lord Howe, he had left \n\n\' Page 224. * Note 2, page 253. \n\n* Pitt was favorable to these bills, but when a proposition was made to acknowledge the independ- \nence of the colonies, and thus dismember the British empire, he opposed the measure with all his \nmight. He was in favor of reconciliation, not of separation. It was during his speech on this sub- \nject, that he was seized [April 7] with the illness which terminated his life a month afterward. \nPitt was born in November, 1708, and died on the 11th of May, 1778, when almost seventy years \nof age. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0" The Earl of Carlisle, George Johnstone, formerly governor of Florida, and William Eden, \na brother of Sir Robert Eden, the last royal governor of Maryland. Adam Ferguson, the eminent \nprofessor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Edinburg, accompanied them as secretary. \n\n^ Among those who were approaclied was General Joseph Reed, a delegate from Pennsyl- \nva:iia. Mrs. Ferguson, wife of a relative to the secretary of the commissioners, then residing in \nPhiladelphia, and who was intimate with Mr. Reed, was employed to sound him. Mr. Reed had \nbeen suspected by some of his compatriots of rather easy virtue as a republican, and the fact that \nhe was approachable in this way, conhrmed their suspicions. Mrs. Ferguson was authorized to \noffer him high official station and a large sum of money, if he would use his influence in favor of \npeace, according to the submissive terms offered by the commissioners. Her mission became \nknown, and General Reed alleged that he said to her, "I am not worth purchasing; but such as I \nam, the king of England is not rich enough to do it." \n\n\n\n\n1778.] FOURTH YEAR OF THE "WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE, 287 \n\nthe Delaware a few days before the arrival of D\'Estaing\' [Julj 8, 1778], and \nfound safety in the waters of Amboj or Raritan Bay, into which the heavy \nFrench vessels could not enter over the bar that stretches northward from \nSandy Hook toward the Narrows. A little earlier than this, there had been a \nchange in the command of the British army. Sir Henry Clinton,\' a more effi- \ncient officer than \'Howe, had succeeded him as general- \nin-chief, toward the close of May, and on the 18th of \nJun3, he withdrew his whole army from Philadelphia. \nWith eleven thousand men, and an immense baggage \nand provision train, he started for New York, by the \nway of New Brunswick and Amboy. Washington, sus- \npecting some important movement, was on the alert, and \nbreaking up his encampment at Valley Forge, he pur- \nsued Clinton with more than equal force. ^ By adroit \n\nr- 1 A \xe2\x80\xa2 \xe2\x80\xa2 GENERAL CLINTON. \n\nmovements, detachments oi the American army so inter- \ncepted Clinton\'s march, as to compel him to change his course in the direction \nof Sandy Hook, while New Jersey militia continually harassed his flanks and \nrear.\'\' Finally, a general engagement took place [June 28, 1778] on the \nplains of Monmouth, in the present village of Freehold, in New Jersey. \n\nThe 28th of June, 1778, a day memorable in the annals of Freedom, was \nthe Christian Sabbath. The sky was cloudless over the plains of Monmouth,^ \nwhen the morning dawned, and the sun came up with all the fervor of the sum- \nmer solstice. It was the sultriest day of the year \xe2\x80\x94 one of the warmest ever \nknown. On that calm Sabbath morning, in the midst of paradisal beauty, \ntwenty thousand men girded on the implements of hellish war, to maim anc\' \n\xe2\x96\xa0destroy each other\xe2\x80\x94 to sully the green grass and the fragrant flowers with \nhuman blood. Nature was smiling in her summer garments, and in earth and \nair there was fullness of love and harmony. Man, alone, was the discordant \niiote in the universal melody. He, alone, the proud "lord of creation," dis- \ntur\'ied the chaste worship of the hour, which ascended audibly from the groves, \nthe streams, the meadows, and the woodlands. \n\nThe two armies began to prepare for action at about one o\'clock in the \nmorning, and at day-break they were in motion. Before nine, detachments met \n\n\n\n\' Silas Deane [pap^e 266] returned to America in D\'Estaing\'s flag-ship, and Gerard, the first \nFrench minister to the United States, came in the same vessel. Congress was now in session in \nPhiladelphia, having returned from York [page 274] on the 30th of June, twelve days after the \nBritish had left for New York. \n\n^ Henry Clinton was a son of George Clinton, governor of the province of New York in 1743, \nand a grandson of the Earl of Lincoln. After the war he was made governor of Gibraltar [1795], \nand died there the same year \n\n\' Arnold was yet quite lame from the effects of a severe wound in the leg, which he received in \nthe battle on Berais\'s Heights [page 278], and at his solicitation, Washington left him in command of \na corps at Philadelphia, with the powers of a military governor. Washington crossed the Delaware \nin pursuit of Clinton, with a littlemore than 12,000 men. \n\n* Wasliington was anxious to attack Clinton when he was in the vicinity of Allentown, but Lee \nand others overruled his opinions, in a council of war. \' Greene, La Fayette, and Wayne agreed \nwitli the chief, and supported by tliese able officers, he resolved on a general engagement. \n\n^ The battle of Monmoutli was fought in the immediate vicinity of the present village of Free- \niiold. New Jersey, chiefly witliin the space of two miles north- west of the town. \n\n\n\n288 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION. \n\n\n\n[1778. \n\n\n\n\nBATTLE JIT MONMOUTH. \n\n\n\nin deadly conflict, and from that hour until dark, on that long summer day, the \n\nterrible contest raged. It waa \ncommenced by the advanced division \nof the American army, under Gen- \neral Charles Lee.\' His apparent \nwant of skill or courage, and a mis- \nunderstanding of orders on the \npart of some of his officers, pro- \nduced a general and tumultuous \nretreat of his division. The fugitives were met by the approaching main body, \nunder Washington,* and being speedily checked and restored to order by the \nchief, they were led to action, and the battle became general. Many fell under \nthe excessive heat of the day, and when night came, both parties were glad to \nrest. The Americans slept on their arms\' during the night, with the intention \nof renewing the battle at dawn, but when light appeared, the British camp was \ndeserted. Clinton had silently withdrawn [June 29], and w^as far on his way \ntoward Sandy Hook.* Washington did not follow, but marching to New \nBrunswick, and thence to the Hudson River, he proceeded to White Plains,* \nwhere he remained until late in autumn. Then he crossed into New Jersey, \nand made his winter quarters at Middlebrook, on the Raritan, where he was \n\n\n\n\' Page 248. This command was first given to La Fayette, but when Lee, who had opposed the \nmeasure in council, signified his readiness to lead it, it was given to him, as he was the senior \nofficer. \n\n* Washington was greatly irritated when he met the fugitives, and riding up to Lee, he \naddressed him with much warmth of language, and directed him to assist in restoring order. Lee \npromptly obeyed, but the sting of Washington\'s words rankled in his bosom, and on that day, after \nthe battle, he addressed an otlensive letter to the chief. Lee was arrested and tried by a court- \nmartial, on the charges of disobedience of orders, misbehavior before the enemy, and disrespect to \nthe commander-in-chief. He was found guilty, and was suspended from command for one year. \nHe never entered the army again, and died in obscurity, in Philadelphia, in October, 1782. He \nwas brave, but bad in manners and morals, profane in language, and a contemner of religion. It is \nbelieved that he was willing to have Washington lose the battle of Monmouth, because he (Lee), \nwas opposed to it, and at the same time was seeking to rise to the chief command upon the ruing, \nof Washington\'s reputation. We have already alluded to the conspiracy toward that end, on page \n285. Tlie hottest of the battle occurred a short distance from the Freehold Presbyterian Church \nyet [1883] standing. Near it is a board, with an inscription, showing the burial-spot of Colonel \nMonckton, of the British army, who was killed in the battle. \n\n^ This expression is used respecting troops who sleep with all their accoutrements on, and \ntheir weapons by their side, ready for action in a moment. The British left about three hundred \nkilled on the field of battle. They also left a large number of the sick and wounded to the mercy \nof the Americans. The Americans lost in killed, wounded, and missing, two hundred and twenty- \neight. Many of the missing afterward rejoined the army. They had less than seventy killed. \n\n* In his dispatch to the Secretary of War, General Clinton said, "I took advantage of the moon- \nKght to rejoin General Knyphausen," &c. As, according to an almanac of that year, the moon waa \nquite new, and set two hours before Clinton\'s march, this boast of leaving in the moonlight occa\xc2\xab- \nsioned much merriment. Trumbull, in his MFingal, alluding to this, says. \n\n\n\n\' He forms his camp with great parade, \nWhile evening spreads the world in shade, \nThen still, like some endanger\'d spark. \nSteals off on tiptoe in the dark ; \nYet writes his king, in boasting tone, \nHow grand he march\' d by light of moon I \n\n\n\nGo on, great general, nor regard \nThe scoflfa of every scribbling bard. \n\n\n\n\'Who sings how gods, that fearful night. \nAided hy miracle your flight ; \nAs once they used, in Homer\'s day. \nTo help weak heroes run away ; \nTells how the hours, at this sad trial. \nWent back, as erst on Ahaz\' dial. \nWhile British Joshua stayed the moon \nOn Monmouth\'s plain for Ajalpn. \nHeed not their sneers or gibes so arch. \nBecause she set before your march." \n\n\n\n\n1778.] FOURTH YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 289 \n\nencamped in the spring and summer of the previous year.\' Clinton\'s shattered \nforces went on board the British fleet at Sandy Hook, and proceeded to New \nYork, where the head quarters of the royal army continued until the close of \nthe war.\' And when D\'Estaing appeared off Sandy Hook, the British fleet was \nsafe in Raritan Bay. As we have already mentioned, \nthe bar from Sandy Hook to Staten Island would not \nallow the heavy French vessels to pass, and D\'Estaing \ntherefore relinquished his design of attacking Howe\'s \nfleet, and on the solicitation of Washington, he proceeded \nto Newport, to assist the Americans in an attempt to \ndrive the British from Rhode Island.\' General Sullivan \nhad been sent to supersede General Spencer in command \nthere ; and Washington also dispatched La Fayette, with \ntwo continental regiments (accompanied by General count d\'estaing. \nGreene, then quartermaster general), to aid in the expe- \ndition. John Hancock* came at the head of Massachusetts militia, and similar \ntroops gathered at Tiverton, from Connecticut and Rhode Island.^ On the 9ih \nof August, [1778], the whole American force crossed from Tiverton to the north \nend of Rhode Island, and the British guards fled to the camp of General Pigot, \nat Newport. \n\nSeveral ships of war came from England at about this time, to reinforce the \nBritish fleet at New York, and a few days after D\'Estaing sailed for Newport, \na large squadron under Howe, proceeded to the relief of Pigot. It appeared \noff Rhode Island on the same day [Aug. 9] when the Americans landed on the \nnorthern end of it. D\'Estaing, who was then withm the harbor, went out to \nmeet Howe, but before they came to an engagement, a terrible storm arose \n[Aug. 12], and scattered and disabled both fleets." The French squadron \nreturned to Newport [August 20], and immediately sailed for Boston to be \nrepaired. The Americans had then advanced almost to Newport, with every \nprospect of making a successful siege. They had been promised four thousand \nland troops from the French fleet. These -were denied them ; and refusing to \nlisten to entreaties or remonstrances, D\'Estaing sailed for Boston and abandoned \nthe Americans.^ The latter hastily withdrew to the north end of the island \n\n\' Page.272. "^ Page 350. \' Page 261. * Page 231. \n\n^ The people of Rhode Island had suffered drpadfuUy from the brutality of the British troops. \nThere had \'r.een some amelioration of their condition since the capture of Prescott [page 271], and \nunder the rule of Pigot, the present commander. When success seemed possible, thousands ol \nvolunteers flocked to the standards of Sullivan and La Fayette. John Hancock was appointed a \ngeneral of some of these volunteers. But his term of service was short. Like Dr. Franklin [pag\xc2\xbb \n193], Hancock was better fitted for a statesman than a soldier. \n\n\' Very old people on Rhode Island, who remembered this- gale, spoke of it to the writer in \n1850, as "the great storm." So violent was the wind, that it brought spray from the ocean a mile \ndistant, and encrusted the windows of the town with salt. \n\n\' This conduct was warmly censured by the American commanders, because it had no vaUd \nexcuse. It deprived them of a victory just vrithin their grasp. Congress, however, afraid to offend \nthe French, uttered not a word of blame. The matter was passed over, but not forgotten. One\xc2\xa9 \nagain [page 305], the same admiral abandoned the Americans. D\'Estamg was a native of \nAuvergne, France. He became involved in the French Revolution, in 1792, and in the spring of \n1793, he was guillotined. The guillotine was an instrument for cutting off the head, invented by \nM. Guillotine, who was eventually beheaded by it himself \n\n19 \n\n\n\n200 THE REVOLUTION. [1778. \n\n[August 28], pursued by the British, and a severe engagement took place \n[August 29J at Quaker Hill. Sullivan repulsed the British, and on the night \nof the 30th, withdrew his whole army to the main, near Bristol, in time to \navoid an interception by Sir Henry Clinton, who had just arrived with four \nthousand troops, in light vessels.\' The Americans lost in this expedition, thirty \nkilled, and one hundred and seventy-two wounded and missing. The British \nloss was about two hundred and twenty. \n\nWhile these events were transpiring on the sea-board, a dreadful tragedy \nwas enacted in the interior, when the Wyoming, Mohawk, Schoharie, and \nCherry Valleys, were made the theaters of terrible scenes of blood and devasta- \ntion. Tories from distant Niagara,\'- and savages upon the head waters of the \nSusquehanna, gathered at Tioga early in June ; and at the beginning of July, \neleven hundred of these white and dusky savages, under the general command \nof Colonel John Butler,^ entered [July 2, 1778] the lovely valley of Wyoming, \nin northern Pennsylvania. IMost of the strong men were then away on distant \nduty, and families and homes found defenders only in aged men, tender youths, \nresolute women, and a few trained soldiers. These, about four hundred strong, \nunder Colonel Zebulon Butler,* marched up the valley [July 4], to drive back \nthe invaders. But tliey were terribly smitten by the foe, and a large portion \nof them were slain or made prisoners. A few escaped to Forty Fort, near \nWilkesbarre, wherein families, for miles around, had sought safety. Uncertain \nof their fate \xe2\x80\x94 for the invaders were sweeping like a dark storm down the Sus- \nquehanna \xe2\x80\x94 the night of the battle-day was a terrible one for the people in the \nfort. But their agony of suspense was ended the following morning, when the \nleader of the invaders, contrary to the expectations of those who knew him, \nagreed upon humane terms of surrender.^ The gates of the fort were thrown \nopen, and most of the families returned to their homes in fancied security. They \nwere doomed to terrible disappointment and woe. Brant, the great Indian \n\n* "When Clinton was assured of the security of Rliode Island, he detached General Grey on a \nmarauding expedition upon the southern shores of ^lassachusetts, and among the adjacent islands, \nand then returned to New York. Grey burned about seventy vessels in Buzzard\'s Bay, near New \nBedford, and in that vicinity destroyed property valued at more than three hundred and twenty- \nthree thousand dollars. He then went to Martha\'s Vineyard [page 57], and carried away, for the \narmy in New York, about three liundred oxen, and ten thousand sheep. On the first of October, \nClinton sent a successful expedition to capture American stores at Little Egg Harbor, on the New \nJersey coast. ^ Page 200. \' Note 2, page 278. \n\n* Zebulon Butler was a native of Connecticut, and was bom in 1731. He was in the French \nand Indian "War, and was one of the earlier settlers in Wyoming. In 1778 he was appointed \ncolonel, and was with Sullivan in his memorable expedition against the Senecas [page 304] the fol- \nlowing year. He was in active service thoughout the war, and died in Wyoming in 1795, at the \nage of sixty-four years. \n\n^ All our histories contain horrible statements of the fiend-like character of John Butler, and his \nunmitigated wickedness on this occasion. They also speak of the "monster Brant" [page 278] as \nthe leader of the Indians, and the instigator of the crimes of which they were guilty. Both of these \nmen were bad enough ; but recent investigations clearly demonstrate that Brant was not there at \nall ; and the treaty for surrender, which is still in existance, granted most humane terms to the be- \nsieged, instead of the terrible one reported in our histories. The fugitives who fled over the mount- \nains, and made their way back to their native Connecticut, crossed the Hudson, many of them at \nPoughkeepsie, where John Holt was publishing a weekly paper. Their fears had magnified events, \nand their tales of terror were published in Holt\'s journal, and thus became records for future his- \ntorians. Among other things, it was related that when the question was asked, on what terms the \nfort, might be surrendered. Colonel John Butler, with more than savage cruelty, replied, The Hatchet 1 \nThis IS wholly untrue, and yet the story is repeated in all our histories. \n\n\n\n1778.] FOURTH YEAR OF THE "WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \xc2\xa391 \n\nleader, was not there to restrain his savage bands,* and their thirst for blood \nand plunder soon overcame all their allegiance to their white commander. Be- \nfore sunset they had scattered over the valley ; and when night fell upon the \nscene, the blaze of more than twenty dwellings cast its lurid glare over the, \nparadise of yesterday. The cries of the murdered went up from almost every \nhouse and field ; and when the moon arose, the terrified inhabitants were fleeing \nto the Wilkesbarre mountains, and the dark morasses of the Pocono beyond. In. \nthat vast wilderness between the valley and the Delaware, appropriately called \nthe Shades of Death, many women and children, who escaped the hatchet, \nperished by hunger and fatigue. That " Wyoming Massacre," as it has been \nappropriately called, stands out in bold relief as one of the darkest crimes per- \npetrated during the War for Independence. \n\nIn the mean while, Brant\' was leading or sending war parties through the \ncountry south of the MohaAvk River ; and the Johnsons\' and their Tory adher- \nents were allies of the savages in the Mohawk valley. On the 11th and 12th \nof November [1778], a party of Tories, under Walter N. Butler,* accompanied \nby Indians, under Brant, fell like lightning upon the settlement of Cherry Val- \nley. Many of the people were killed, or carried into captivity ; and for months \nno eye was closed in security at night, within an area of a hundred miles and \nmore, around this desolated village. Tryon county, as that region of New \nYork was then called, was a " dark and bloody ground" for full four years, and \nthe records of the woes of the people have filled volumes.^ Our space allows \nus to mention only the most prominent events of that period. \n\nAnd now, when the year 1778 \xe2\x80\x94 the fourth year of the war \xe2\x80\x94 drew to a \nclose, the British army had accomplished very little more in the way of conquest, \nthan at the end of the second year. The belligerent forces occupied almost the \nsame relative position which they did in the autumn of 1776, while the Amer- \nicans had gained strength by a knowledge of military tactics,* naval operations, \n\n* The Indians were led by Gi-en-gwa-tah (he who goes in the smoke), a celebrated Seneca \nchief. ^ Page 278. ^ Note 2, page 278. \n\n* He was a son of Colonel John Butler, and one of the most brutal of tlie Tory leaders. In the \nattack upon the defenseless people at Cherry Valley, on the 10th of November. 1778, he was the \nmost conspicuous for cruelty ; m fact, he was the head and front of all the villainy perpetrated \nthere. Thirty-two of the mhabitants, mostly women and children, and sixteen soldiers of the httl\xc2\xa9 \ngarnson there, were kiUed. The whole settlement was then plun- \ndered, and every building in tlie village was fired. Among the pris- \noners carried into captivity, were the wife and children of Colonel \nCampbell, who was then absent. One of the children (Judge James \nS. Campljell of Cherry Valley), then six years of age, survived until \n1808. Durhig the summer" of 1855, after an absence of seventy- \ntive years, he visited the Indian village of Caughnawaga, twelve miles \nfrom Montreal, where he resided some time %vith his captors. "Walter \nButler was shot by an Oneida Indian, in West Canada Creek, and his \nbody was left to be eaten by wild beasts. \n\n\' See Campbell\'s Annals of Tryon County, Sunm\'s History of Scho- \nharie County, Stone\'s Life of Brant, etc. \n\n\' Among the foreign officers who came to America in 1777, was \nthe Baron Steuben, who joined the Continental army at Valley Forge \n[page 285]. He was a veteran from the armies of Frederic the b.4R0N steuben. \n\nGreat of Prussia, and a skillful disciplinarian. He was made Inspector- \nGeneral of the army ; and the vast advantages of his military instruction were seen on the field \nof Monmouth [page 287], and in subsequent conflicts. Steuben died at SteubenvUle, in the interior \n\n\n\n\n292 THE REVOLUTION. [177S. \n\nand the art of civil government ; and they had secured the alliance of France, \nthe powerful European rival of Great Britain, and the sympathies of Spain and \nHolland. The British forces occupied the real position of prisoners, for they \nwere hemmed in upon only two islands,\' almost two hundred miles apart, and \neach about fourteen miles in length ; while the Americans possessed every \nother stronghold of the country, and, unlike the invaders, were warring for the \ndearest rights of common humanity. \n\nThs scene of the most active military operations now changed. In the \nautumn [Nov. 3, 1778], D\'Estaing sailed for the West Indies, to attack the \nBritish possessions there. To defend these, it was necessary for the British \nfleet on our coast to proceed to those waters.^ This movement would prevent \nany co-operation between the fleet and army in aggressive movements against \nthe populous and now well-defended North ; they could only co-operate in act- \nive operations against the sparsely-settled South. These considerations caused \na change in the plans of the enemy ; and late in November [Nov. 27 J, Sir \nHenry Clinton dispatched Colonel Campbell, with aho\\\\t two thousand troops, \nto mvade Georgia, then the weakest member of the Confederacy. They pro- \nceeded by water, and landed at Savannah, the capital of the State, on the \nmorning of the 29th of December. General Robert Howe^ was there, with only \nabout a thousand men, and these were dispirited by the failure of a recent expe- \ndition against Florida in which they had been engaged.^ They defended tho \ncity nobly, however, until an overwhelming force, by power and stratagem, cony \npelled them to retire. They then fled, in confusion, up the Savannah River, \nand took shelter in the bosom of South Carolina. The capital of Georgia be- \ncame the head-quarters of the British army at the South ; and the enemy re- \ntained it until near the close of the contest [1782], even when every foot of soil \nin the State, outside the intrenchments around the city, was possessed by the \npatriots. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI, \n\nFIFTH TEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. [1779.] \n\nThickly mottled with clouds of evil forebodings for the Republican caui^e, \nWas the political firmament at the dawn of the year 1779. The finances of the \n\nof New York, in 1795, and his remains rest beneath a slab m the town of Steuben, about seven \nmiles nortli-west of Trenton Falls. \' Manhattan, or York Island, and Rliode Island. \n\n* Admiral Hotham sailed for the "West Indies on the 3d of November ; and early in December, \nAdmiral Byron, who *had just succeeded Lord Howe in chief naval command, also sailed tor that \ndestination. = Page 244. \n\n* A great number of Tories were organized in Florida, and committed so many depredations upon \nthe settlers on the Georgian frontiers, that Howe, during the summer of 1778, went thither to dis- \nperse them. He penetrated to the St. Mary\'s River, in June, where he awaited reinforcements, \nand supplies, by water. Want of co-operation on the part of the governor of Georgia and the naval \ncommander, produced much disunion ; and sickness soon reduced the number of effective men sO\' \nmuch, that the enterprise was abandoned. \n\n\n\n1779.] FIFTH YEAR OF THE WAR FOR IND E PE ND E :^ C E. \xc2\xa393 \n\ncountry were in a most wretched condition. Already, one hundred millions of \ndollars of continental money\' were afloat without the security of even good \npublic credit ;" and their value was rapidly depreciating. While the amount \nof the issues was small, the credit of the bills was good ; but when new emis- \nsions took place, and no adequate measures for redemption were exhibited, the \npeople became suspicious of those frail representatives of money, and their value \nbegan to depreciate. This effect did not occur until eighteen months after \nthe time of the first emission.\' Twenty millions of the continental bills were \nthen in circulation, besides a large amount of local issues by the several States. \nIt was perceived that depreciation was inevitable, and Congress proposed, as a \nsubstitute for further issues, a loan of five millions, at an interest of four per \ncent. A lottery had been early authorized, and was now in operation, desio-ned \nto raise a like sum, on loan, the prizes being payable in loan-office certificates.* \nAlthough these offices were opened in all the States, and the interest raised to \nsix per cent., the loans came in slowly. The treasury became almost exhausted, \nthe loan-offices Avere overdrawn upon by the commissioners\' drafts, and the issue \nof bills was reluctantly recommenced. \n\nThe financial embarrassments were increased by the circulation of an \nimmense amount of counterfeits of the continental bills, by the British \nand the loyalists, which rapidly depreciated the currency. They were \nsent out from New York, literally, by " cart-loads." \' Congress felt the neces- \nsity of making some extraordinary efforts for redeeming the genuine bills, so as \nto sustain their credit. The several States were taxed, and on the 2d of Janu- \nary, 1779, it was, by Congress, " Eesolved, That the United States be called \non to pay in their respective quotas of fifteen millions of dollars, for the year \n1779, and of six millions of dollars annually for eighteen years, from and after \nthe year 1779, as a fund for sinking the emissions," &c. ; yet all was in vain; \nprices rose as the bills sank in value, and every kind of trade was embarrassed and \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 245. \n\n^ At this time, when Congress, could not borrow a dollar upon its own credit, Robert Morris \n[page 264] found no difficulty in raising millions upon his own. For a long time he, alone, furnished \nthe " hard money" used by that body. ^ Note 3, page 245. \n\n* On the tirst of November, 1776, the Continental Congress "Resolved, That a sum of money \nbe raised by way of lottery, for defraying the expenses of the next campaign, the lotteiy to be \ndrawn in Philadelphia." A committee was appointed to arrange the same, and on the 18th, \nreported a scheme. The drawer of more than the minimum prize in each class, was to receive \neither a treasury bank note, payable in five years, mth an annual interest at four per cent., or the \npreemption of such billets in the next succeeding class ; tliis was optional with the adventurers. \nTliose who should not call for their prizes within six weeks after the end of the drawing, were \nconsidered adventurers in the next succeeding class. Seven managers were appointed, who were \nauthorized to employ agents in different States to sell the tickets. The first drawing was decided to \nbe made at Philadelphia, on the first of March, 1777; but purchasers were comparatively few and \ntardy, and the drawing was postponed from time to time. Various impediments continually presented \nthemselves, and the plan, which promised such success at the beginning, appears to have been a \nfailure. Many purchasers of tickets were losers ; and this, like some other financial schemes of the \nRevolution, was productive of much hard feeling toward the Federal Government. \n\nIt was no secret at the time, as appears by the following advertisement in Gaines\' Neiv York \nMercury : " Advertisement. Persons going into otiier colonies, may be supplied with any number \nof counterfeited Congress notes, for the price of tlie paper per ream. They are so neatly and exactly \n\xe2\x96\xa0executed, that there is no risk in getting them olT, it being almost impossible to discover that they \nare not genuine. This has been proven by bills to a very large amount, which have already been \nsuccessfully circulated. Inquire of Q. E. D., at the Coffee-house, from 11 A. M., to 4 P. M., during \nthe present month. \' \n\n\n\n294 THE REVOLUTION. [1779; \n\nderanged. The federal government was thoroughly perplexed. Only about \nfour millions of dollars had been obtained, by loan, from Europe, and present \nnegotiations appeared futile. No French army was yet upon our soil, to aid \nus, nor had French coin yet gladdened the hearts of unpaid soldiers. A French \nfleet had indeed been upon our coasts,\' but had now gone to fight battles for \nFrance in the West Indies, after mocking our hopes with* broken promises of \naid.^ Gloomy, indeed, appeared the firmament at the dawn of 1779, the fifth, \nyear of the War for Independence. \n\nIn the autumn of 1777, a plan for invading Canada and the eastern British \nprovinces, and for seizing the British posts on the western lakes, had been \nmatured by Congress and the Board of War,^ but when it was submitted to \nWashington, his sagacious mind perceived its folly, and the influence of his \nopinions, and the discovery, by true patriots, that it was a part of the secret \nplan, entered into by Gates and others, to deprive Washington of chief com- \nmand, caused an abandonment of the scheme. Others, more feasible, occu- \npied the attention of the Federal Legislature ; and for several weeks the com- \nmander-in-chief co-operated with Congress [January, 1779], in person, in. \npreparing a plan for the campaign of 1779. It was finally resolved to act on \nthe defensive, except in retaliatory expeditions against the Indians and Tories \nin the interior." This scheme promised the most beneficial results, for it would \nbe safer and less expensive, than offensive warfare. During the entire year, \nthe principal military operations were carried on in the two extreme sections of \nthe confederacy. The chief efforts of the Americans were directed to the con- \nfinement of the British army to the seaboard, and chastising the Indian tribes. \nThe winter campaign opened by Lieutenant-colonel Campbell\' [December 29, \n1778], continued until June, and resulted, as we have mentioned [page 292], \nin the complete subjugation of Georgia to British rule. \n\nWhen Campbell had garrisoned Savannah, and arranged for its defense, he \nprepared to march against Sunbury, twenty-eight miles further south, the only \npost of any consequence now left to the Americans on the Georgia seaboard. \nHe treated the people leniently, and, by proclamation, invited them to join the \nBritish standard. These measures had their desired effect, \nand timid hundreds, seeing the State under the heel of \nBritish power, proclaimed their loyalty, and rallied be- \nneath the standard of King George. At the same time, \nGeneral Prevost, who was in command of the British and \nIndians in east Florida, marched northward, captured \nSunbury [.January 9, 1779], and assumed the chief com- \nmand of the British forces in the South. With this post \nGENERAL LINCOLN. fgH the hopcs of the Republicans in east Georgia. In the \n\n\' Page 289. " Page 289. \n\n^ On the 12th of June, 1776, Congress appointed a committee, to be styled the "Board of War \nand Ordnance," to have the general supervision of military affairs. John Adams was the chairman, \nand Richard Peters was secretary. Peters was the real " Secretary of War" under the old Confed- \neration, until 1781, when he was succeeded by General Lincoln. General Gates was cliairinan ia. \n1778. * Page" 291. \xe2\x96\xa0* Page 293. \n\n\n\n\n1779.] FIFTH TEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 295 \n\nmean while, General Benjamin Lincoln, of Massachusetts, had been appointed \n[September, 1778J, commander-in-chief of the southern arm j of patriots.\' He \nmade his head-quarters at Purysburg [January 6], twenty-five miles above \nSavannah, and there commenced the formation of an army, composed of some con- \ntinental regiments, new recruits, and the broken forces of General Howe.^ While \nLincoln was collecting his army on the Carolina bank of the Savannah, Camp- \nbell marched up the Georgia side to Augusta,^ for the purpose of encouraging \nthe Tories, opening a communication with the Creek Indians^ in the West (among \nwhom the British had active emissaries), and to awe the Whigs. At the same \ntime a band of Tories, under Colonel Boyd, was desolating the Carolina fron- \ntiers, while on their march to join the royal troops. When within two days\' \nmarch of Augusta, they were attacked^ [February 14, 1779] and utterly defeated \nby Colonel Pickens, at the head of the militia of Ninety-six.* Boyd and \nseventy of his men were killed, and seventy-five were made prisoners.\' Pick- \nens lost thirty-eight of his men. \n\nThis defeat of Boyd alarmed Campbell and encouraged Lincoln. The latter \nimmediately sent General Ashe, of North Carolina, with about two thousand \nmen,^ to drive Campbell from Augusta, and to confine the invaders to the low, \nsickly sections near the sea, hoping for aid from the deadly malaria of the \nswamps, when the heats of summer should prevail. The British fled [February \n13,. 1779 J at the approach of Ashe, and were pursued by him [February IG] \nas far as Brier Creek, about forty miles belo^v Augusta, where he halted to \nestablish a camp. There Ashe was surprised and defeated [March 3] by Gen- \neral Prevost, who, with quite a large force, was marching up the Savannah to \nthe relief of Campbell. Ashe lost almost his entire army by death, captivity, and \ndispersion. Some were killed, others perished in the morasses, and many were \ndrowned in attempting to escape across tho Savannah." This blow deprived \nLincoln of one fourth of his army, and led to the temporary ro-e.^tablishment of \nroyal government in Georgia.\'" \n\n\' Benjamin Lincoln was born in Hingham, Massachusetts, in 1733. He was a farmer, yet took \nan active part in public affairs. He joined the continental array in 1777, and rose rapidly to the \nstation of major-general He commanded the militia against Shay\'s insurgents [See 5, page 353.] \nin 1786. He was also a useful pubhe officer in civil afthirs, and died in 1810. ^ Pago 292. \n\n^ When Campbell departed for Augusta, Prevost sent Colonel Gardiner with some troops, to take \npossession of Port Jioyal Island, some sixty miles below Charleston, preparatory to a march upon \nthat city. Gardiner was attacked by General Moultrie [page 249], with Charleston militia, on the \nmorning of the 3d of February. Almost every British officer (except the commander), and many \nprivates, were killed. Gardiner and a few men escaped in boats, and Moultrie, whose loss waa \ntrilling, joined Lincoln at Purysburg. * Page 30. \n\n^ The place of the skirmish was upon Kettle Creek, in Oglethorpe countv, Georgia. \n\n\' Page 33G. \n\n\' Seventy of th.em were tried and found guilty of treason, and sentenced to bo hung. Only five \nwere executed \n\n^ Lincoln was joined by Generals Ashe- and Rutherford, with North Carolina regiments, -ibout \nthe first of Februf<ry, and his army now amounted to little more than three thousand nn n. John \nAshe was born in England in 1721, and came to America when a child. He was engaged in the \nRegulator War [page 223], and was one of the most active of the North Carolina patriots. Ho died \nof small-pox in 1781. \n\n\' About one hundred and fifty were killed and drowned, eighty-nine were made prisoners, and \na large number, who were dispersed, did not take up arms again for si v> ral months. \n\n\'" At the beginning of 1776, the bold Whigs of Savannah had va.\\A^ the royal governor. Sir \nJames Wright, a prisoner in his own liouse ; and the provincial Assembly, assumiiag governmental \n\n\n\n296 \xe2\x96\xa0 THE REVOLUTION. [1779. \n\nPrevost now prepared for an invasion of South Carolina. Toward the last \nof April, he crossed the Savannah [April 27J with two thousand regulars, and \na lar"-c bodj of Tories and Creek Indians, and marched for Charleston. Lin- \ncoln had recruited, and was now in the field with about five thousand men, \npreparing to recover lost Georgia, by entering the State at Augusta, and sweep- \nino- the country to the sea. But when he discovered the progress of Prevost, \nand that even the danger of losing Savannah did not deter that active general \nfrom his attempts upon Charleston, Lincoln hastened to the relief of the men- \naced city. The people on the line of his march hailed him as a deliverer, for \nPrevost had marked his progress by plunder, conflagration, and cruelty. For- \ntunately for the Republicans, the invader\'s march was so slow, that when he \narrived [May 11] before the city, the people were prepared for resistance. \n\nPrevost, on the morning of the 11th of May, approached the American \nintrenchments thrown across Charleston Neck,\' and demanded an immediate \nsurrender of the city. He was answered by a prompt refusal, and the remain- \nder of the day was spent by both parties, in preparations for an assault. That \nnio-ht was a fearful one for the citizens, for they expected to be greeted at dawn \nwith bursting bomb-shells," and red-hot cannon-balls. When morning came \n[May 12, 1779], the scarlet uniforms of the enemy were seen across the waters \nupon John\'s Island, and not a hostile foot was upon the Charleston peninsula. \nThe cause of this was soon made manifest. Prevost had been informed of the \napproach of Lincoln, and fearing his connection with Savannah might be cut \noff, he commenced a retreat toward that city, at midnight, by way of the islands \nalong the coast. For more than a month some British detachments lingered \nupon John\'s Island. Then they were attacked at Stono Ferry, ten miles below \nCharleston [June 20] by a party of Lincoln\'s army, but after a severe engage- \nment, and the loss of almost three hundred men in killed and wounded, they \nrepulsed the Americans whose loss was greater. Prevost soon afterward \nestablished a military post at Beaufort, on Port Royal Island,^ and then retreated \nto Savannah. The hot season produced a suspension of hostihties in the South, \nand that region enjoyed comparative repose for several months. \n\nSir Henry Clinton was not idle while these events were in progress at the \nSouth. He was sending out marauding expeditions from New York, to plunder \nand harass the people on the sea-coast. Governor Tryon* went from Kings- \nbridge\' on the 25th of March [1779], with fifteen hundred British regulars and \n\npowers, made provisions for militar.y defense [February, 177G], issued bills of credit, &c. "Wright \nescaped and went to England. He returned in July, 1779, and resumed his office as governor of \nthe "colony." \n\n* Charleston, like Boston [note 3, page 229], is situated upon a peninsula, the neck of which is \nmade quite narrow by the Ashley and Cooper Rivers, and the marshes. Across this the Americans \nhad hastily cast up embankments. They served a present purpose, and being strengthened, were \nof great value to the Americans the following year. See page 310. \n\n" Hollow balls or shells of cast iron, filled with gunpowder, slugs. &c. In an orifice communi- \ncating with the powder, is a slow match. This is ignited, and the shell is hurled from a mortar (a \nshort cannon) into the midst of a town or an army. "When the powder ignites, the shell is bursted \ninto fragments, and these with the slutrs make terrible havoc. They are sometimes the size of a \nman\'s head. \' Note 5. page 166. * Page 248. \n\n^ The passage across the Harlem River (or as it is sometimea there called, Spuyten Duyvil Creek), \nat the upper end of York or Manhattan Island, \n\n\n\n1779.] FIFTH YEAH OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 09^ \n\nHessians/ to destroy some salt-works at Ilorsencck, and attack an American \ndetachment under General Putnam, at Greenwich, in Connecticut. The Amer- \nicans were dispersed [March 2G], and Putnam barely escaped capture by some \ndragoons." He rallied his troops at Stamford, pursued the British on their \nreturn toward New York the same evening, recaptured a quantity of plunder in \ntheir possession, and took thirty-eight of them prisoners. \n\nOn the 9th of May, Sir George Collier entered Hampton Roads, ^ with a \nsmall fleet, bearing General Mathews, with land troops, destined to ravage the \ncountry in that vicinity. They spread desolation on both sides of the Elizabeth \nRiver, from the Roads to Norfolk and Portsmouth. Aftor destroying a vast \namount of property, they withdrew ; and at the close of the month, the same \nvessels and the same troops were up the Hudson River, assisting Sir Henry \nClinton in the capture of the fortress at Stony Point, and also the small fort on \nVerplanck\'s Point, opposite. Both of these posts fell into the power of the \nBritish, after a spirited resistance ; the first on the 31st of INIay, and the latter \non the 1st of June. These achievements accomplished, Collier, with a band \nof twenty-five hundred marauders, under Governor Tryon, sailed on the night \nof the 4th of July [1779 j, for the shores of Connecticut, to plunder and destroy \nthe towns on the coast. They plundered New Haven on the 5th, laid East \nHaven in ashes on the 6th, destroyed Fairfield in the same way on the 8 th, and \nburned and plundered Norwalk on the 12th. Not content with this wanton \ndestruction of property, the invaders insulted and cruelly abused the defense- \nless inhabitants. While Norwalk was burning, Tryon sat in a rocking-chair, \nupon an eminence near by, and viewed the scene with great complacency, and \napparent pleasure \xe2\x80\x94 a puny imitation of Nero, who fiddled while Rome was \nblazing.\'\' The Hessian mercenaries generally accompanied these expeditions, for, \nunlike the British soldiers, they were ev^er eager to apply the torch and abuse \nthe inhabitants. They were the fit instruments for such a warfare. When \nTryon (whom the English people abhorred for his wrong-doings in America), \nhad completed the destruction of these pleasant villages, he boasted of his ex- \n\n* Page 246. \n\n\' On this occasion he performed the feat, so often related, of descending a steep hill on horse- \nback, making his way, as common history asserts, down a flight of stone steps, which had been \nconstructed for the convenience of people who had to ascend this hill to a church on its summit. \nThe whole matter is an exaggeration. An eye-witness of the event says that Putnam pursued a \nzig-zag course down the hill, and only descended four or five of the steps near the bottom. The \nfeat was not at all extraordinary when we consider that a troop of dragoons, with loaded pistols, \nwere at his heels. Thes?, however, dared not follow the general. In 1825, when a company of \nhorsemen were escorting La Fayette \xe2\x80\x94 the "Nation\'s Guest" \xe2\x80\x94 along the road at that place, some of \nthem went down the same declivity on horseback. The stone steps are now [1883] visible in some \nplaces, among the shrubbery and overlying sod. \n\n^ Page 69. This is a body of water at the conjunction of the James and Elizabeth Rivers, and \ncommunicating with the sea. It is one of the most spacious harbors ui the world. The village of \nHampton lies upon its northern border. See page 243. \n\n* Alluding to these outrages of Tryon, and the burning of Kingston [page 283] by Vaughaii, \nTrumbull, in his M^Fingal, says : \n\n" Behold, like whelps of British lion. \nOur warriors, Clinton, Vaughan, and Tryon, \nMarch forth, with patriotic joy, \nTo ravish, plunder, and destroy. \nGreat generals ! Foremost in their nation \xe2\x80\x94 \nThe journeymen of desolation!" \n\n\n\n298 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION. \n\n\n\n[1779. \n\n\n\n\nSTONY POINT. \n\n\n\ntreme clemency in leaving a single house standing on the New England \ncoast. \n\nWhile these marauding forays were in progress, \nthe Americans were not idle. They were preparing to \nStrike the enemy heavy and unexpected blows. Only \nthree days after the destruction of Norwalk [July 15 j, \nGeneral Anthony Wayne was marching secretly to \nattempt the re-capture of Stony Point, on the Hud- \nson. The fort stood upon a rocky promontory, sur- \nrounded by water and a marsh, and was very strong \nin its position. So secretly was the whole movement \nconducted, that the British garrison were unsuspicious \nof danger. At midnight, the little army of patriots \n\ncrossed the morass in the rear, and attacked the fort \nwith ball and bayonet, at two separate points, in the \nface of a heavy cannonade from the aroused garrison. \nAt two o\'clock in the morning [July 16, 1779], Wayne, \nthough so badly wounded in the head by a glancing \nblow of a bullet, as to fall senseless, wrote to Washing- \nton, " The fort and garrison, with Colonel Johnson, are \nours. Our officers and men behaved like men who are \ndetermined to be free." This was considered one of \nthe most brilliant events of the war.* The British lost, \nin killed, wounded, and prisoners, about six hundred \nmen ; the loss of the Americans was fifteen killed, and eighty-three wounded. \nThe spoils were a large amount of military stores. The post was abandoned by \nthe Americans, for, at that time, troops sufficient to garrison it could not be \nspared.\' \n\nThe capture of Stony Point was followed by another brilliant achievement, \na month later [August 19], when Mnjor Henry Lee,= at three o\'clock iu the \nmorning, surprised a British garrison at Paulus\' Hook (now Jersey City)/ op- \nposite New York, killed thirty soldiers, and took one hundred and sixty pris- \n\n\n\n\nGENERAL WAYNE. \n\n\n\n\' "Wayne was highly complimented by all General Charles Lee [page 248], who was not on \nthe most friendly terms with Wayne, wrote to him, saying, "I do most seriously declare that your \nassault of Stony Point is not only the. most brilliant, in my opinion, throughout the whole course of \nthe war, on either side, but that it is the most brilliant I am acquainted with in history. The as- \nsault of Schiveidnitz, by Marshal Laudon, I tliink inferior to it." Dr. Rush wrote, saying, "Our \nstreets rang for many days with nothing but the name of General Wayne. You are remembered \nconstantly next to our good and great Washington, over our claret and Madeira. You have estab- \nlished the national character of our country; you have taught our enemies that bravery, humanity, \nand magnanimity are the national virtues of the Americans." Congress gave him thanks, and a \ngold medal ; and sUver medals were awarded to Colonels Stewart and De Fleury, for their gallantry \non the occasion. Anthony Wayne was born in Pennsylvania in 1745. He was a professional sur- \nveyor, then a provincial legislator, and became a soldier in 1775. He was very active during the \nwhole war; and was efficient in subduing the Indians in the Ohio country, in 1795 [see page 374]. \nHe died at Erie, on his way liome, near the close of 1796. \n\n^ After tlie Americans liad captured Stony Point, they turned the cannons upon Fort La Fay- \nette, upon Verplanck\'s Point, opposite. General Robert Howe [page 292] was directed to attack \nthat post, but on account of some delays, he did not reach there before Sir Henry Clinton sent up \nrelief for the garrison. ^ Note 2, page 133. * Note 1, page 94. \n\n\n\n1T79.] \n\n\n\nFIFTH TEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \n\n\n\n29^ \n\n\n\noners. This gallant act was greatly applauded in the camp, in Congress, and \nthroughout the country, and made the enemy more cautious and circumspect. \nThe hero was honored by Congress with thanks and a gold medal. These and \ngome smaller successes at about this time, elated the Americans ; but their joy \nwas soon turned into sorrow, because of disasters in the extreme East. Massa- \nchusetts had fitted out almost forty vessels to attempt the seizure of a British \npost on the Penobscot River. The assailants delayed more than a fortnight \nafter their arrival [July 25] before determining to carry the place by storm. \nJust as the troops were about to land for the purpose, a British fleet arrived, \ndestroyed the flotilla, took many of the soldiers and sailors prisoners, and drove \nthe remainder into the wilderness [Aug. 13]. These, after great hardships in \nthe forests, reached Boston toward the close of September. \n\n\n\n\nThe storm of war was not confined to the Atlantic settlements. It burst \nover the lofty Alleghanies, and at an early period, even while it was gathering, \na low, muttering peal of thunder came from clouds that brooded over the far- \noff wilderness of the great valleys of the West. Pioneers from the sea-board \ncolonies were there, and they were compelled, almost at the moment of arrival, \nto wage war with the Indian, and hunt savage men as well as savage beasts. \nAmong the earliest and most renowned of these pioneers, was Daniel Boone, \nthe great " Hunter of Kentucky," of whom Byron wrote, \n\n" Of all men, saving Sylla, the man-slayer, \n\n"Who passes for, in life and death, most lucky, \n\n\n\nSOO THE IlEYOLUTIOX. [1719. \n\nOf the great names which in our faces stare, \n\nThe General Boone, backwoodsman of Kentucky, \n"Was happiest among mortals anywhere." \' \n\nHe went west of the Blue Ridge as earlj as 17G9, and in 1773, his own \nand a few other families accompanied him to the paradise lying among the \nrich valleys south of the Ohio River.\' From that period until the power of the \nTfestern Indians (who were continually incited to hostilities by the British and \n\n\n\n\nTories) was broken by George Rogers Clarke, Boone\'s \ncontinual warfare with the children of the forest. \n\n\n\nlife was one of almost \n\n\n\nNor did Boone and his companions measure strength with the Indians alone j \n\n\n\n\' Don Juan, VIII., Ixi. \n\n\' The wife and daughters of Boone were the first white females that set foot in the valleys west \nof the AUeghanies. Daniel Boone was born in Berks county, Pennsylvania, in 1734. "While ho \nwas a small boy, his parents settled on the Yadkin, in North Carolina. When in the prime of life, \nhe went over the mountains, and became a famous hunter. He planted the first settlement on the \nKain-tuck-ee River, yet known as Boonsborough. During the Revolution he fought the Indians \nbravely, and was a prisoner among them for some time, but escaped. He was active in all matters \npertaining to the settlement of Kentucky, until it became an independent State. Yet he was, by \nthe technicalities of law, doomed to be disinherited of every foot of the soil he had helped to \nredeem from the wilderness, and, at almost eighty years of age, he was trapping beaver upon the \nLittle Osage River, beyond the Mississippi. He died in Missouri, when almost ninety years of \nage, in September, 1820. \n\n\n\n\nr -^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\nClark\'s Expedition aukoss the Drowned Lands. \n\n\n\n1779.] FIFTH YEAR OF THE;^^WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 303 \n\nJbut ia time they confronted white leaders and white followers. These conflicts, \nhowever, were only a series of border forays, until 1778, when Major George \nRogers Clarke\' led a regular expedition against the frontier posts of the enemy, \nin the wilderness in the far north-west, now the States of Indiana and Illinois. \nHis little army rendezvoused at the ^\'alls of the Ohio, where Louisville now \nstands, where he was joined by Simon Kenton, and other pioneers. From \nthence they penetrated the country northward, and on the 4th of July [1778]. \nthey captured Kaskaskia." On the 9th, they took the village of Cahokia, \nsixty miles further up the river ; and finally, in August, the stronger British \npost of Vincennes, on the Wabash, fell into their hands. \n\nActing in the capacity of a peace-maker, Clarke was working successfully \ntowird the pacification of the western tribes, when, in the month of January, \n1779, the commander of the British fort at Detroit retook "Vincennes. With \none hundred and seventy-five men, Clarke penetrated the dreadful wilderness \na hundred miles ^ from the Ohio. For a whole week they traversed the \n"drowned lands" of Illinois, suffering every privation from wet, cold, and \nhunger. When they arrived at the Little Wabash, at a point where the forks \nof the stream are three miles apart, they found the intervening space covered \nwith water to the depth of three feet. The points of dry land were five miles \napart, and all that distance those hardy soldiers, in the month of February, \nwaded the cold snow-flood\' in tlie forest, sometimes arm-pit deep ! They \narrived in sight of Vincennes on the 18th [February, 1779], and the next \nmorning at dawn, with their faces blackened with gunpowder, to make them- \nselves appear hideous, they crossed the river in a boat, and pushed toward the \ntown. On the 20th, the stripes and stars were again unfurled over the fort at \nVincennes and a captured garrison. Had armed men dropped from the clouds, \nthe people and soldiers at Vincennes could not have been more astonished, than \nat the apparition of these troops, for it seemed impossible for them to have \ntraversed the deluged country. \n\nThe indignation of the people was fiercely aroused by the atrocities at \nWyoming and upon the head waters of the Susquehanna; and in the summer of \n1779, General Sullivan* was sent into the heart of the country of the Six Na- \ntions," to chastise and humble them. He collected troops in the Wyoming \n\n\n\n\' George Rogers Clarke, was born in Albemarle county, Virginia, in 1752, and first appears in \nhistory as an adv.nturer beyond the Alleghanies, twenty years afterward. He had been a land- \ns u-veyor, and first went to the Ohio region in 1772. He was a captain in Dunmore\'s ariay [note 4 \npaj\'e 237] in 1774, and in 1775. he accompanied some emigrants to Kentucky. Pleased with tho \ncountry, he determined to make it his homo ; and during the war for Independence, he labored \nnobly to secure the vast region of the west and north-west, as a home for the free. Under his \nleadership, what afterward became tlie North-west Territory, was disenthralled, and he has been \nanpr>)priately styled the Father of that region. He was promoted to the rank of brigadier, after \n-\'Tvia^\' under the Baron Steuben against Arnold, in Virginia, in 1781, and at the close of the war \n\n!\xe2\x80\xa2 \xe2\x80\xa2 iiained in Kentucky. He died near Louisville, in February, 1818, at the age of sixty-sis \n.r^. 2 Page 180. \' Note 3, page 241. \n\n* John Sullivan was born in Maine, in 1740. He was a delegate in the first Continental Con- \nr \xe2\x96\xa0 s [1774], and was one of the first eight brigadiers in the Continental Army. After being in act- \n.V \' -service about four years, he resigned liis commission in 1779. He was afterward a member of \nOon;res3, and governor of New Hampshire, and died in 1795. \n\n^ l^age 25. British emissaries had gained over to the royal interest the whole of the Six Na- \ntion\'s except the Gneidas. These were kept loyal to the republicans, cliiefly through the instru- \n\n\n\n^ \n\n/. \n\n\n\n\n304 THE RBVOJ,.UTIOi^. [1773; \n\nValley ; and on tlie last day of July, marched up the Susquehanna, with \nabout three thousand soldiers. At Tioga Point, he met General James Clinton,\' \non the 22d of August, who came from the Mohawk \nValley, with about sixteen hundred men. On the 29th, \nthey fell upon a body of Indian and Tory savages, \nstrongly fortified, at Chemung (now Elmira), and dis- \npersed them. Without waiting for them to rally, Sulli- \nvan moved forward, and penetrated the country to the \nGenesee River. In the course of three weeks, he de- \nstroyed forty Indian villages, and a vast amount of food \ngrowing in fields and gardens. One hundred and sixty \n\nGENERAL SULLIVAN. ,, J 1 1 1 i? \xe2\x80\xa2 j.V, \xc2\xa3 1J J \xe2\x80\xa2 \n\nthousand bushels of corn m the fields and m granaries \nwere destroyed ; a vast number of the finest fruit-trees, the product of years of \ntardy growth, were cut down ; hundreds of gardens covered with edible vegetables, \nwere desolated ; the inhabitants were driven into the forests to starve, and were \nhunted like wild beasts ; their altars were overturned, and their graves trampled \nupon by strangers ; and a beautiful, well-watered country, teeming Avith a \nprosperous people, and just rising from a wilderness state, by the aid of culti- \nvation, to a level with the productive regions of civilization, was desolated and \ncast back a century in the space of a fortnight" To us, looking upon the scene \nfrom a point so remote, it is diificult to perceive the necessity that called for a \nchastisement so cruel and terrible. But that such necessity seemed to exist we \nshould not doubt, for it was the judicious and benevolent mind of Washington \nthat conceived and planned the campaign, and ordered its rigid execution in the \nmanner in which it was accomplished. It awed the Indians for the moment, \nbut it did not crush them. In the reaction they had greater strength. It \nkindled the fires of deep hatred, which spread far among the tribes upon the \nlakes and in the valley of the Ohio. Washington, like Demetrius, the son of \nAntigonus, received from the savages the name of An-na-ta-kau-les, which sig- \nnifies a taker of towns ^ or Town Destroyer.\' \n\nmentality of one or two Christian missionaries. After the war, those of the Six Nations who joined \nthe British, pleaded, as an excuse, the noble sentiment of loyalty. They were the friends of the En- \nslish, and regarded the parent country as their ally. "When they saw the cliildren of their great \nlather, the king, rebelling against him, they felt it to be their duty, in accordance with stipulations \nof solemn treaties, to aid him. . \n\n\' General James Clinton was bom in Ulster county, New York, in 1736. He was a captain in \nthe French and Indian War, and an active officer during the Revolution. He died in 1812. \n\n"^ The Seneca Indians were beginning to cultivate rich openings in the forests, known as the \n"Genesee Flats," quite extensively. They raised large quantities of corn, and cultivated gardens \n.nnd orchards. Their dwellings, however, were of the rudest character, and their villages consisted \n\n\' of a small collection of these miserable huts, of no value except for v/inter shelter. \n\n, ^ At a council held in Philadelphia in 1792, Corn Planter, the distinguished Seneca chief, thus \n\n, addressed Washington, then President of the United States: "Father \xe2\x80\x94 The voice of the Seneca \nnation speaks to you, the great counselor, in whose heart the wise men of all the thirteen fires have \nplaced their wisdom. It may be very small in your ears, and, therefore, we entreat you to hearken \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0 with attention, for we are about to speak to you of things which to us are very great. When your \narmy entered the country of the Six Nations, we called you TJit Town Destroyer; and to this day, \nwhen that name is heard, our women look behind them and turn pale, and our children cling close \nto the necks of their mothers. Our counselors and warriois are men, and can not be afraid ; but \ntheir hearts are grieved with the fears of our women and children, and desire that it may be buried \nso deep that it may be heard no more." \n\n\n\n1779.] \n\n\n\nFIFTH TEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \n\n\n\n305 \n\n\n\n\nSIEGE OF SAVANNAH. 1779. \n\n\n\nWhile these events were in progress at the North, the Southern armj, \nunder Lincoln/ was preparing to attack Savannah, in concert with the French \n\nfleet, then in the West Indies. During that sum- , \n\nmer, Count D\'Estaing had battled successfully \nwith Admiral Bjron there, and early in Septem- \nber, he appeared off the coast of Georgia with a \npowerful fleet, prepared to co-operate with Lincoln. \nD\'Estaing landed troops and heavy battery cannon \na few miles below Savannah ; and on the 23d of \nSeptember, the combined armies commenced the \nsiege. It was soon perceived that the town must \nbe taken by regular approaches, and to that end \nall energy was directed. On the morning of the 4th of October, a heavy can- \nnonade and bombardment was opened upon the Britsh works. It continued for \nfive days, but with very little effect upon the strong British intrenchments. \nD"Estaing became impatient of delay, ^ and proposed an attempt to take the \nplace by storm. It was reluctantly agreed to, for there seemed a certainty of \nfinal victory if the siege should continue. D\'Estaing would listen to no re- \nmonstrances, and the assault commenced on the morning of the 9th of October. \nAfter five hours of severe conflict, there was a truce for the purpose of burying \nthe dead. Already, nearly a thousand of the French and Americans had been \nkilled and wounded.^ The standards of France and Carolina, which gallant men \nhad planted upon the parapet, had been torn down. Yet important breaches were \nmade, and another assault promised a sure triumph. But D\'Estaing, strangely \nperverse, was unwilling to renew the assault, and made preparations to withdraw. \nLincoln yielded a reluctant assent to the movement, and the enterprise was \nabandoned at the moment when the American commander felt certain of victory.* \nTen days afterward, the French fleet had left the coast, and Lincoln was re- \ntreating toward Charleston. Thus closed the campaign for 1779, at the South. \nThe repulse at Savannah was a severe blow to the hopes of the patriots of \nGeorgia, and spread a gloom over the whole South. Toward the Georgia sea- \nboard, every semblance of opposition to royal power was crushed, and only in \nthe interior did armed resistance appear. \n\n\' Page 294. ~~~ ~~ \n\n\' D\'Estaing expressed his fears, not only of the arrival of a British fleet, to blockade his ovra ia \n\nthe Savannah River, but of the autumn storms, which might damage his vessels before he could get \n\nto sea. \n\n^ Among the mortally wounded, was Count Pulaski, the brave Pole \nwhom we first mot in the battle on the Brandjrwine [note 5, page 273]. \nHe died on board a vessel bound for Charleston, a few days after the \nsiege. Serjeant Jasper, whose bravery at Fort Moultrie we have not- \niced [note 5, page 249]. was also killed, while nobly holding aloft, uporf \na bastion of tlie British works which he had mounted, one of the beauti- \nful colors [note 5, page 249] presented to Moultrie\'s regiment by ladies \nof Charleston. The colors were beautifully embroidered, and given to \nthe regiment, in the name of the ladies of Charleston, by Mrs. Su- \nsanna Elliott. Just before he died, Jasper said, " Tell Mrs. Elliott I \nlost my life supporting the colors she presented to our regiment." These \ncolors, captured during this siege, are among British trophies in the \ntower of London. Savannah honors both these heroes by having finely- \nshaded parks bearing their respective names. * Page 289. \n\n\n\n\nCOUNT PULASKI. \n\n\n\nS06 THE REVOLUTION". [177?. \n\nAfter the close of Sullivan\'s campaign against the Senecas, very little of \ngeneral interest transpired at the North, except the withdrawal of the British \ntroops from Rhode Island, on the 25th of October, 1779. La Fayette had \nbeen in France during the summer, and chiefly through his efforts, the French \ngovernment had consented to send another powerful fleet, ^ and several thousand \ntroops, to aid the Americans. When informed of this intended expedition, the \nBritish ministry ordered Clinton to cause the evacuation of Rhode Island, and \nto concentrate, at New York, all his troops at the North. This was accom- \nplished with as little delay as possible, for rumors had reached Rhode Island \nthat the new French armament was approaching the coast. So rapid was the \nretreat of the British, caused by their fears, that they left behind them all their \nheavy artillery, and a large quantity of stores. Clinton sailed for the South at \nthe close of the year [December 25], with about five thousand troops, to open a \nvigorous campaign in the Carolinas. "Washington, in the mean while, had gone \ninto winter quarters at Morristown," where his troops suffered terribly from the \nseverity of the cold, and the lack of provisions, clothing, and shelter.^ Strong \ndetachments were also stationed among the Hudson Highlands, and the cavalry \nwere cantoned in Connecticut. \n\nDuring this fifth year [1779] of the war for Independence, difficulties had \ngathered thick and fast around Great Britain. Spain had declared war against \nher* on the 16th of June, and a powerful French and Spanish naval armament \nhad attempted to effect an invasion of England in August. American and \nFrench cruisers now became numerous and quite powerful, and were hovering \naround her coasts ; and in September, the intrepid John Paul Jones^ had \nconquered two of her proud ships of war, after one of the most desperate \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 286. =* Page 269. \n\n\' Dr. Thacher, in his Military Journal, says, " The sufferings of the poor soldiers can scarcely be \ndescribed ; while on duty they are unavoidably exposed to all the inclemency of storms and severe \ncold ; at night, they now have a bed of straw upon the ground, and a single blanket to each man ; \nthey are badly clad, and .\'^ome are destitute of shoes. We have contrived a kind of stone chimney \noutside, and an opening at one end of our tents gives us the beneflt of the fire within. The snow \nis now [January 6th, 1780] from four to six feet deep, which so obstructs the roads as to prevent \nour receiving a supply of provisions. For the last ten days we have received but two pounds of \nmeat a man, and we are frequently for six or eight days entirely destitute of meat, and then as long \nwithout bread. The consequence is, the soldiers are so enfeebled from hunger and cold as to be \nalmost unable to perform their military dutj\', or labor in constructing their huts. It is well known \nthat General Washington experiences the greatest solicitude for the suflering of his army, and \nis sensible that they, in general, conduct with heroic patience and fortitude." In a private \nletter to a friend, Washington said, " We have had the virtue and patience of the array put to the \nseverest trial. Sometimes it has been five or six days together without bread, at other times as \nmany without meat, and once for two or three days at a time without either. * * * At one \ntime the soldiers ate every kind of horse food but hay. Buckwheat, common wheat, rye, and Indian \ncorn composed the meal which made their bread. As an army, they bore it with the most heroic \npatience ; but sufferings like these, accompanied by the want of clothes, blankets, &c., will produce \nfrequent desertions in all armies ; and so it happened with us, though it did not excite a single \nmutiny." \n\n* Hoping to regain Gibraltar, Jamaica, and the two Floridas, which Great Britain had taken \nfrom her, Spain made a secret treaty of peace with France in April, 1779, and in June declared war \nagainst Great Britain. This event was regarded as highly favorable to the Americans, because any \nthing that should cripple England, would aid them. \n\n* John Paul Jones was born in Scotland in 1747, and came to Virginia in boyhood. He entered \nme American naval service in 1775, and was active during the whole war. He ivas afterward \nvery active in the Russian service, against the Turks, in the Black Sea, and was created rear-admi- \nral In the Russian navy. He died in Paris in 1782. \n\n\n\n\n)ism iPATiiL c^jojmies ib\xc2\xae^s]eidkh\xc2\xa9 Tjsm ^mmMF\'m \n\n\n\n1779.] \n\n\n\nFIFTH YEAR OF THE WAR FOR lif D E FEN D EN CE. \n\n\n\n307 \n\n\n\nnaval fights ever known. These were the Serapis and Countess of Scar- \nborouf/h. Tlie conflict occurred in the evening, off Flamborough Head, on the \neast coast of Scotland. Jones\'s ship was the Bonhomme Richard, which had \nbeen fitted out in France. After much maneuvering, the Serapis and \n\n\n\n\nRichard came alongside of each other, their rigging intermingling, and in this \nposition they poured heavy broadsides from their respective guns. Three times \nboth ships were on fire, and their destruction appeared inevitable. A part of \nthe time the belligerents were fighting hand to hand upon the decks. Finally, \nthe commander of the Serapis was obliged to yield, and ten minutes afterward, \nthe Countess of Scarborough, which had been fighting with another vessel of \nJones\'s little fleet, struck her colors. The Richard was a perfect wreck, and \nwas fast sinking when the conflict ended ; and sixteen hours afterward, she went \ndo\'.vn into the deep waters of the North Sea, off Bridlington Bay. Jones, with \ntiis prizes, sailed for Holland, having, during that single cruise, captured prop- \nerty to the value of two hundred thousand dollars.\' \n\n\n\n* The naval operations during the war for Independence, do \n\nnot occupy a conspicuous place in history, yet tliey were by no cvL^is^i \n\nmeans insigQificarit. The Continental Congress took action on the \n\nsubject of an armed marine, in tlie autumn of 1775. Already \n\n"Washington had fitted out some armed vessels at Boston, and \n\nconstructed some gun-boats for use in tlie waters around that city. a gux-boat at host on. \n\nThese were propelled by oars, and covered. In November, the \n\ngovernment of Massachusetts established a Board of Admiralty. A committee on naval affiiirs, of \n\nwhich Silas Deane [page 266] was chairman, was appointed by the Continental Congress in Octo- \n\n\n\n308 THE REVOLUTION. [1779. \n\nOn the land, in America, there had been very little success for the British \narms ; and sympathy for the patriots was becoming more and more manifest in \nEurope. Even a great portion of the intelligent English people began to \nregard the war as not only useless, but unjust. Yet in the midst of all these \ndifficulties, the government put forth mighty energies \xe2\x80\x94 energies which might \nhave terminated the war during the first campaign, if they had been then \nexecuted. Parliament voted eighty-five thousand seamen and tiiirti\'^-five thou- \nsand troops for general service, in 1780, and appropriated one \\iundred millions \nof dollars to defray the expenses. This formidable armament in prospective, \nwas placed before the Americans, at this, the gloomiest period of the war, yet \nthey neither quailed nor faltered. Relying upon the justice of their cause, and \nthe favor of a righteous God, they felt prepared to\' meet any force that Great \nBritain might send to enslave them \n\nber, 1775. Before the close of the year, the construction of almost twentjr vessels had been ordered \nby Congress; and the Marine Committee was so re-organized as to have in it a representative from \neach colony. In November, 1776, a Continental Navy Board, to assist the Marine Committee, was \nappointed; and in October, 1779, a Boa/rd of Admiralty was installed. Its Secretary (equivalent to \nour Secretary of the Navy) [page 382] was John Brown, until 1781, when he was succeeded by \nGeneral McDougal. llobert Morris also acted as authorized Agent of Marine ; and many privateers \nwere fitted out by him on his own account. In November, 1776, \nCongress determined the relative rank of the naval commanders, such \nas admiral to be equal to a major-general on land : a commodore equal \nto a brigadier-general, &c. The iirst commander-in-cliief of the navy, \nor high admiral, was Esek Hopkins, of Rhode Island, whom Congress \ncommissioned as such in December, 1775. He first went against \nDunmore [page 244] on the coast of Virginia^ He also -c^nt to the \nBahamas, and captured the town of New Providence and its governor. \nSailing for home, he captured some British vessels off the east end of \nLong Island, and with these prizes, he Avent into Narraganset Bay. \nIn the mean while, Paul Jones and Captain Barry were doing \ngood service, and New England cruisers were greatly annoying \nEnglish shipping on our coast. In 1777, Dr. Franklin, under the \nauthority of Congress, issued commissions to naval officers in Europe. \nExpeditions were fitted out in French sea-ports, and these produced \nADMIRAL HOPKINS. great alarm on the British coasts. \n\nWhile these things were occurring in European waters. Captains \nBiddle, Manly, M\'Neil, Hinman, Barry, and others, were making many prizes on the American \ncoasts. Finally, in the spring of 1779, an expedition was fitted out at L\'Orient, under the auspices \nof the French and American governments. It consisted of five vessels under the command of John \nPaul Jones. Tliey sailed first, in June, for the British waters, took a few prizes, and returned. \nThey sailed again in August, and on the 23d of September, while off the coast of Scotland, not far \nabove the mouth of the Humber, Jones, with his flag-ship (the Bonhomme Richard), and two others, \nfell in with and encountered a small British fleet, which was convoying a number of merchant ves- \nsels to the Baltic Sea, when the engagement took place which is described in the text. Congress \ngave Jones a gold medal for his bravery. Many other gallant acts were performed by American \nseamen, in the regular service and as privateers, during the remainder of the war. The " whale- \nboat warfare" on the coast, was also very interesting, and exhibited many a brave deed by those \nwhose names are not recorded in history \xe2\x80\x94 men who belong to the great host of " unnamed demi- \ngods," who, in aU ages, have given their services to swell the triumphs of leaders who, in real \nmerit, have oft:en been less deserving than themselves. \n\nFor a condensed account of the whole naval operations of the Revolution, on the coast, see sup- \nplement to Lossing\'s Fi.eld Book of the Hsvolution. \n\n\n\n\n.iSO.j SIXTH TEAR OF \'.HE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. g09 \n\nCHATTER VII. \n\nSIXTH YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. [1780.] \n\nWhen, on Christmas day, 1779, Sir Henry Clinton sailed for the South, \nwith the main body of his army, he left the Hessian general, Knyphausen,\' in \ncommand at New York. To aid the southern patriots, Washington spnt thither \nthe Baron De Kalb\'\' and others the following spring [1780J, and thus the \ntwo armies were so much weakened at head-quarters, that military operations at \nthe North almost ceased during that year. The Carolinas became the chief \ntheater of war, and many and bloody were the acts upon that stage. Invasions \nfrom without, and the cruelties of Tories^ in their midst, made 1780 a year of \ngreat woe for the patriots and their families below the Roanoke, for they also \nsuffered all the horrors of civil war. At no time, during the \nwhole conflict, were the Tories, or adherents of the crown, more 2gJ\xc2\xbb\xc2\xbb ^^ ^ \nactive throughout the whole country, than in 1780. They ^ju^ /\xe2\x80\xa2%#\'\'/- \nwere the most inveterate enemies of the patriots, and the lead- "\xc2\xbb\xe2\x80\xa2 V \xc2\xa9* \ners were in continual correspondence with each other, with the g| ^i/I j^c: \nBritish government, and with the royal commanders in Amer- j^ ~^ \n\nica. Their correspondence was carried on chiefly in cipher \xe2\x80\x94 f-" ^ \'^ \nwriting, understood only by themselves, so that in the event of ^ \xe2\x80\x9e^ ^^ \ntheir letters falling into the hands of the Whigs, their contents \' /^ \n\nwould remain a secret. These characters sometimes varied, and L^ \'^C\' ^A^ \nit was a frequent occurrence for two persons to invent a cipher Sit :;\xc2\xbb^ \nalphabet, for their own exclusive use. The engraving shows \'\' *^ *^ \nthe alphabet of the cipher writing of some New York Tories. ZZf ^"2^ ICu \n\nA fleet, under Admiral Arbuthnot, with two thousand ma- ;, ^^^ k \nrines, bore the forces of Sir Henry Clinton to the southern / *^ ""^ \nwaters. After encountering heavy storms,^ they arrived on the \ncoast of Georgia in January ; and early in February [Feb. 10], turned north- \nward, and proceeded to invest Charleston. Clinton\'s troops were landed [Feb. \n11] upon the islands below the city, on the shores of the Edisto Inlet, thirty \nmiles distant ; but instead of marching at once to make an assault upon the \ntown, the British commander prepared for a regular siege. General Lincoln \nwas in Charleston with a feeble force\' when Clinton landed ; and he was about \nto evacuate the city and flee to the interior, when intelligence of the tardy plans \nof the British reached him. He then resolved to remain, and prepare for de- \n\n* Page 259. " Page 316. " Note 4, page 226. \n\n* During a severe storm off Cape Hatteras, one vessel, carrying heavy battery cannons, was lost, \nand almost all the cavalry horses of Tarleton\'s legion, perished at sea. Tarleton supplied himself \nwith others, soon after landing, by plundering the plantations near the coast. \n\n* During the preceding winter, Lincoln\'s army had dwindled to a mere handful. The repulse at \nSavannah had so disheartened the people, that very few recruits could be obtained, and when Clin- \nton arrived, Lincoln\'s army did not exceed fourteen hundred men in number. The finances of the \nState were in a wretched condition, and the Tories were everywhere active and hopeful \n\n\n\nGIO \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION, \n\n\n\n[1780. \n\n\n\nfense. John Rutledge/ the governor of South Carolina, was clothed with all \nthe powers of an absolute dictator ; and so nobly did the \ncivil and military authorities labor for the public good, \nthat when the invaders crossed the Ashley [March 29, \n1780], and sat down before the American works on \nCharleston Neck,\'\' the besieged felt strong enough to \nresist them. In the mean while, the intrenchments had \nIicen greatly strengthened, and works of defense had \nbeen cast up along the wharves, and at various points \naround the harbor. Fort Moultrie^ was strongly gar- \nrisoned, and Commodore Whipple^ was in command of \n\na flotilla of small armed ships ha the harbor. \n\n\n\n\nGOVERNOR RUTLEDGE. \n\n\n\n\nOn the 25th of March, Admiral Arbuthnot crossed Charleston bar, drove \nWhipple\'s little fleet to the waters near the town, and cast anchor in Five \n\n\' John Rutledge was bom in Ireland, and came to South Carohna when a child. He was ony \nof the most active patriots of the South. After the war he was made a judge of the Supreme \nCourt of the United States, and also chief justice of South Carolina He died in the year 1800. \n\n^ Note 1, page 29(5. ^ Note 5, page 249. \n\n* Abraham Whipple was bom in Providence, Rhode Island, in 1733. His early life was spent \nchiefly upon the ocean, and, in later years, he was long engaged in the merchant service. At the \nage of twent3\'-seven, he was commander of a privateer, and during a single cruise, in 17 GO, he took \ntwentv-three French prizes. He was engaged in the destruction of the Gmpe, in 1772 [page 223]. \nIn 1775, he was appointed to the command of vessels to drive Sir James Wallace from Narragan- \nsett Bay. He was active in naval service until the fall of Charleston, when he was taken prisoner. \n\n\n\n1780.] SIXTH YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. ^^ \n\nFathom Hole, not far from St. John\'s Island. On the morning of the 9th of \nApril, he sailed up the harbor, and sustaining but trilling damage from the \nguns of Fort Moultrie, anchored within cannon-shot of the city. As Whipple \ncould not contend with the strong ships, he sunk several of his vessels near the \nmouth of the Cooper River, and formed a chevaux-de-frise\' to prevent the en- \nemy\'s ships passing beyond the town, so as to enfilade the American works on the \nNeck. Clinton, in the mean while, had erected batteries\' in front of these \nworks, and both commanders joined in a summons for the patriots to surrender. \nExijecting reinforcements from the interior, the people of the beleagured city \nrefused compliance, and for more than a month the siege went on.\' In the \nmean while, American detachments sent out between the Cooper and Santee \nElvers to keep open a communication with the interior, were attacked and de- \nfeated by parties of British horsemen ;* and at the close of the month [April, \n1780], the city was completely environed by the foe. Cornwallis had arrived \n[April 18], from New York, with three thousand fresh troops, and all hopes \nfor the patriots faded. \n\nThe night of the 9th of May was a terrible one for Charleston. That day \na third summons to surrender had been refused, and late in the evening a gen- \neral cannonade commenced. Two hundred heavy guns shook the city with \ntheir thunders, and all night long destructive bombshells^ were hailed upon it. \nAt one time the city was on fire in fiive \ndifferent places. Nor did morning \nbring relief The enemy had deter- \nmined to take the city by storm. The \ncannonade continued all the day, and \nthe fleet moved toward the town to open \na bombardment. Further resistance \nwould have been sheer madness, for the \n\n, \xe2\x80\xa2 ,. 1 11 1 SIEGE OF CHARLESTON. 1780. \n\ndestruction oi the town and the people \n\nseemed inevitable. At two o\'clock on the morning of the 11th, a proposition \nfor surrender was made to Clinton, and his guns were all silenced before day- \nlight. At about noon on the 12th [May, 1780], the continental troops marched \nout, and laid down their arms, after a gallant and desperate defense for forty \ndays. Lincoln and his army, with a large number of citizens, were made pris- \noners of war. The citizens, and a great number of soldiers, were paroled.* \n\nHe was the first who unfurled the American flag in the Thames, at London, after the war. Accom- \npanying settlers to Ohio, he became a resident of Marietta, from which he sailed, in 1800, down \nthe Ohio, with pork and flour, for Havana. He died in 1819, at the age of eighty-five years. \n\n\' Note 6, page 274. \n\n\' On Saturday morning, the first of April, the British first broke ground in the face of eighty \ncannons and mortars on the American works. \n\n\' General Woodford had just arrived with seven hundred Virginians, and others from North \nCarolina were reported on their way. \n\n* On the 14th of April, Tarleton defeated Colonel Huger on the head waters of the Cooper \nRiver, and killed twenty-five Americans. On the 6th of May, a party under Colonel "White, of New \nJersey, were routed at a ferry on the Santee, with a loss of about thirty in killed, wounded, and \nprisoners. These British detachments overran the whole country below the Cooper and Santee, in \nthe course of a few days. ^ Note 2, page 236. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 A prisoner on parole is one who is left fi-ee to go anywhere within a prescribed space of couit \n\n\n\n\n312 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION. \n\n\n\n[1T80. \nand \n\n\n\nAltogether, the captives amounted to between five and six thousand \namong the spoils of victory were four hundred pieces of cannon. \n\nThe fall of Charleston, and the loss of this southern army, was a severe \n\n\n\n\nblow for the Republicans. It paralyzed their strength ; and the British com- \nmanders confidently believed that the finishing stroke of the war had been \ngiven. It was followed by measures which, for a time prostrated South Caro- \n\ntry, or within a city, under certain restrictions relative to conduct. Prisoners tnken in war are often \nparoled, and allowed to return to their friends, with an agreement not to take up arms. It is a \npoint of honor, with a soldier, to "keep his parole," and when such a one is again taken in battle, \nduring the period of his parole, he is treated not as a prisoner, but as a traitor. \n\n\' In violation of the solemn agreement for surrender, Clinton caused a great number of the lead- \ning men in Charleston to be seized, and carried on board prison-ships, where hundreds suffered ter- \nribly. Many were taken to St. Augustine, and immured in the fortress there. Among other \nprominent citizens thus treated, were Lieutenant-Governor Christopher Gadsden, and David Ram- \nsay, the historian, who, with about twenty others, remained in prison at St. Augustine almost eleven \nmonths, before they were paroled Both of these men were exceedingly active patriots. Ramsay \nwas a native of Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, where he was born in 1749. He was educated at \nPrinceton ; studied medicine, and became an eminent physician at Charleston. He was an efficient \nmember of the Council of Safety when the Revolution broke out, and was also an esteemed legis- \nlator. He was also a member of the Continental Congress. In 1790, he published his History of \nthe American Revolution. He wrote and published a Life of Washington, in 1801; a History of \nSouth Carolina, in 1808; and when he died, from a shot by a maniac, in 1815, he had almost com. \npleted a History of the Unitea States. Soon after the assembling of the first National Congress, \nunder the new Constitution, in 1789, Dr. Ramsay sent in a petition, asking for the passage ot a \nlaw lor securing tc liini and his heirs the exclusive right to vend and dispose of his books, re- \nspectively entitled, History of the Revolution in South Carolina, and ^4 History of the American \nEn-oluiion. A bill for that purpose was framed and discussed. Finally, in August, it was " post- \nponed until the ne.\\t Congress." A similar bill was introduced in January, 1790, and on the 30th \nof April following, the first copyright law recorded on the statute books of Congress, was \n\n\n\n1780.] SIXTH YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 31^ \n\nlina at the feet of rojal power. With an activity hitherto unusual for the \nBritish officers, Clinton took steps to extend and secure his conquest, and to \nre-establish royal power in the South. He sent out three strong detachments of \nhis army to overrun the country. One under Cornwallis marched up the \nSantee toward Camden ; another under Lieutenant-colonel Cruger, was ordered \nto penetrate the country to Ninety-six,\' and a third, under Lieutenant-colonel \nBrown, marched to Augusta,\' in Georgia. A general truce was proclaimed, \nand a pardon to all who should accept British protection. The silence of fear \noverspread the whole country ; and mistaking this lull in the storm of war for \npermanent tranquillity, Clinton and Arbuthnot, with a large body of troops, \nsailed, on the 5th of June [1780], for New York. \n\nThe last and most cruel blow struck by the British, was that which almost \nannihilated an American detachment under Colonel A1)raliam Buford. He had \nhastened toward Charleston for the relief of Lincoln ; but Avhcn ho heard of the \ndisasters there, he commenced retreating toward North Carolina. His force \nconsisted of nearly four hundred Continental infantry, a small detachment \nof Colonel Washington\'s cavalry, and two field-piece.?. He had evacuated \nCamden, and, in fancied security, was retreating leisurely tov/ard Charlotte, in \nNorth Carolina. Cornwallis resolved to strike Buford, if possible, and, for \nthat purpose, he dispatched Tarleton, Avith seven hundred men, consisting ^f his \ncavalry and mounted infantry. That officer marched one hundred and five \nmiles in fifty-four hours, and came up with Buford upon the Waxhaw. Impa- \ntient of delay, he had left his mounted infimtry behind, and with only his \ncavalry, he almost surrounded Buford before that officer was aware of danger. \nTarleton demanded an immediate surrender upon the terms granted to the \nAmericans at Charleston. These terms were humiliating, and Buford refused \ncompliance. While the flags for conference were passing and re-passing, Tarle- \nton, contrary to military rules, was making preparations for an assault, and \nthe instant he received Buford\'s reply, his cavalry made a furious charge upon \nthe American ranks. Having received no orders to defend themselves, and \nsupposing the negotiations were yet pending, the Continentals were utterly \ndismayed by this charge. All was confusion ; and while some fired upon their \nassailants, others threw down their arm? and begged for quarter. None was \ngiven ; and men without arms were hewn in pieces by Tarleton\' s cavalry. One \nhundred and thirteen were slain ; one hundred and fifty were so maimed as to \nbe unable to travel ; and fifty-three were made prisoners, to grace the triumphal \nentry of the conqueror into Camden. Only five of the British were killed, and \nfifteen wounded. The whole of Buford\'s artillery, ammunition, and baggage, \nfell into the hands of the enemy. For this savage feat, Cornwallis eulogized \nTarleton, and commended him to the ministry as worthy of special favor. It \n\xe2\x96\xa0was nothing less than a cold-blooded massacre ; and Tarleton\'\' s quarter became \nproverbial as a synonym to cruelty.* The liberal press, and all right-minded \n\n\' Page 336. \' Page 336. \n\n\' Stedman, one of Cornwallis\'s officers, and afterward an eminent English historian of tho war, \nBays, "On this occasion, the virtue of humanity was totally forgot." \n\n\n\n\n314 THE REVOLUTION. [178a \n\nmen in England, cried Shame ! After the battle, a large number of the \nwounded were taken to the log meeting-house of the Waxhaw Presbyterian \nCongregation, where they were tenderly cared for by those who had courage \nto remain. This blow, however, was so terrible, that fear seized the people, \nand women and children fled from their homes in dismay, to avoid falling in the \ntrack of the invader.\' \n\nBrief was the lull of the storm. De Kalb" did not reach the borders ol \nSouth Carolina until midsummer, and then not an \nAmerican was in arms in the lower country. Although \nCongress had confidence in the skill of De Kalb (who \nby the capture of Lincoln, became the commander-in- \nchief at the South), yet it was thought best to send \nGeneral Gates^ thither, because of the influence of his \nname. The prospect before him was far from flattering. \nAn army without strength ; a military chest without \nmoney ; but little public spirit in the commissary \ndepartment ; a climate unfavorable to health ; the spirit \nGENERAL GATEe- of thc Rcpubllcans cast down ; loyalists swarming in \n\nevery direction ; and a victorious enemy pressing to \n4)read his legions over the territory he had come to defend, were grave obsta- \ncles in the way of success. Yet Gates did not despond ; and, retaining De \nKalb in command of his division, he prepared to march into South Carolina. \nWhen it was known that he was approaching, southern hearts beat high with \nhope, for they expected great things from the conqueror of Burgoyne.^ Many \npatriots, who, in their extremity, had signed "paroles" and \'-protections,"* \nseeing how little solemn promises were esteemed by the conqueror, disregarded \nboth, and flocked to the standard of those brave partisan leaders, Sumter, \nMarion, Pickens, and Clarke, who now called them to the field. While Gates \nand his army were approaching, these partisans were preparing the way for \nconquest. They swept over the country in small bands, striking a British \n\n\n\n* Among those who fled, was the widowed mother of Andrew Jackson, the seventh President \nof the United States, who, with her two sons, Robert and Andrew, took refuge in the vicinity of \nCharlotte, North Carohna. The dreadful scenes of that massacre, was the first lesson that taught \nAndrew to hate tyranny. It fired his patriotism ; and at the age of thirteen years, he entered the \narmy, with his brother Robert, under Sumter. They were both made prisoners; but even while in \nthe power of the British, the indomitable courage of the after man appeared in the boy. "When \nordered to clean the muddy boots of a British officer, he proudly refused, and for his temerity \nreceived a sword-cut. After their release, Andrew and his brother returned to the Waxhaw set- \ntlement with thoir mother. That patriotic matron and two sons perished during the war. Her son \nHugh was slain in battle, and Robert died of a wound which he received from a British officer while \nhe was prisoner, because, liko Andrew, he refused to do menial service. Tho heroic mother, while \non her way home from Charleston, whither she went to carry some necessaries to her friends and \nrelations on board a prison-ship, was seized with prison-fever, and died. Her unknown grave i3 \nsomewhere between what was then called the Quarter House and Charleston. Andrew was left \nthe sole survivor of the family. * Page 316. \n\n\' Horatio Gates was a native of England, and was educated for military life. He was the first \nadjutant-general of the Continental army [note 5, page 238], and was made major-general in 1776. \nHe retired to his estate in Virginia at the close of the war, and finally took up his abode in New \nTork, where he died in 1806, at the age of seventy-eight years. \n\n\xe2\x99\xa6 Page 281. * Note 6, page 311. \n\n\n\n1T80.] \n\n\n\nSIXTH TEAR OF THE WAR FOR IN DErEN D E NC E. \n\n\n\n315 \n\n\n\n\n\nGEXERAL SUMTER. \n\n\n\ndetachment here, and a party of Tories there ; and soon, they so effectually \nalarmed the enemy in the interior, as to check the onward progress of invasion. \n\nGeneral Sumter\' first. appeared in power on the \nCatawba River. Already Whigs, between that and \nthe Broad River, led by local officers, had assailed \nthe enemy at different points. In the mean while \nSumter had collected a considerable force, and on \nthe 30th of July, he attacked a British post at Rocky \nMount, on the Catawba. lie was repulsed, but not \ndisheartened. He immediately crossed the river, and \nat Hanging-rock, a few miles eastward, he fell upon \nand dispersed a large body of British and Tories, on \nthe 6th of August. Through the folly of his men, \nhe did not secure a victory. They commenced plundering, and drinking the \nliquors found in the camp, after they had secured it, and becoming into.xicated, \nwere unable to complete the triumph. Yet the British dared not follow Sumter \nin his slow retreat. Marion, at the same time, was smiting the enemy, with \nsudden and fierce blows, among the swamps of the lower country, on the \nborders of the Pedee. Pickens was annoying Cruger in the neighborhood of \nthe Saluda ; and Clarke was calling for the patriots along the Savannah, Ogee- \nchee, and Alatamaha, to drive Brown\'^ from Augusta. \n\nGeneral Clinton left Earl Cornwallis in the chief command of the British \narmy at the South, and his troops on the Santee were intrusted to Lord Raw- \ndon, an active and meritorious officer. When that general heard of the approach \nof Gates, he gathered all his available forces at Camden, where he was soon joined \nby the earl. Rumor had greatly magnified the number of the army under Gates. \nThe loyalists became alarmed, and the patriots took courage. He came down \nfrom the hill country, through Lancaster district, and took post at Clermont, a \nfew miles north of Camden. Feeling certain of victory, he marched from his \ncamp on the night of the 15th of August, to surprise the British at Camden. \nW^ithout being aware of this movement, Cornwallis and Rawdon advanced at \nthe same hour to surprise the Americans. A little after \nmidnight the belligerents met [August 16, 1780], near San- \nders\'s Creek, about seven miles north of Camden, on the Lan- \ncaster road. The sand was so deep that the footsteps of the \napproaching armies could not be heard by each other. They \ncame together in the dark, almost noiselessly, and both were \nequally surprised. A slight skirmish between the vanguards \nensued, and early in the morning a general battle began. \nAfter a desperate struggle with an overwhelming force, the \nAmericans were compelled to yield to the British bayonets in \n\n\n\n\nS.VXDERSS CREEK. \n\n\n\n\' Thomas Sumter was a native of South Oarohna, and was early ha the field. Ill health com- \npelled him to leave the army just before the close of the war. in 1781. He was afterward a mem- \nber of the National Congress, and died on the High Hills of Santee [page 337], in 183\'2, at tha \n^\'ie of ninety-eight years. a p^gg ^^q \n\n\n\n316 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION. \n\n\n\n[1780. \n\n\n\n\nBARON DE KALB. \n\n\n\nfront, and the sabres of Tarleton\'s dragoons on their flanks. The rout \nbecame general. The militia fell in great numbers, under the heavj blows \nfrom the British cavalrj ; and for more than two miles, along the line of \ntheir retreat, the open wood was strewn Avith the dead and dying. Arms, artil- \nlery, horses, and baggage, Avere scattered in every direction. More than a third \nof the continental troops were killed ; and the entire loss of \nthe Americans, in killed, Avounded, and prisoners, was \nabout a thousand men, besides all of their artillery and \nammunition, and a greater portion of their baggage and \nstores.\' The British loss Avas three hundred and tAAenty- \nfiA^e. Among the killed was the brave Baron de Kalb,* \nwhose remains Avere buried at Camden, and there they \nyet lie, under a neat monument, the corner-stone of \nwhich was laid by La Fayette in 1825.^ \n\nHaving vainly endeaA^ored to rally his flying troops, \nGates fled to Charlotte," eighty miles distant. There he continued to be \njoined by officers and men, and he began to hope that another army might be \nspeedily collected. But Avhen, a few days after his OAvn defeat, he received intel- \nligence that Sumter\'s fsrce had been nearly annihilated by Tarleton\' near the \nCataAvba, he almost despaired. That event Avas a sad one \nfor the republicans. Sumter had been ordered, by Gates, \nto intercept a British detachment Avhich was couA^eying \nstores for the main army, from Ninety-Six. \xc2\xb0 He was \njoined by other troops sent to assist him, and they cap- \ntured forty-four Avagons loaded Avith clothing, and made a \nnumber of pi-isoners. On hearing of the defeat of Gates, \nSumter continued his march up the CataAvba. and on the \n18th [August, 1780] he encamped near the mouth of \nthe Fishing Creek. There he was surprised by Tarleton, and his troops were \nrouted Avith great slaughter. More than fifty were killed, and three hundred \nwere made prisoners. All the booty captured by the Americans fell into the \nhands of Tarleton. Sumter escaped, but Avas stripped of poAver. \n\n^\\ ith the dispersion of Gates\'s army, and Sumter\'s brave band, the victory \nof the British A\\\'as again complete ; and at the close of summer, there Avere no \n\n\n\n\nCOLOXEL TARLETON. \n\n\n\n\' General Gates had felt so certain of victory, that he had made no provisions for a retreat, or \nthe salvation of his stores in the rear. His troops were scattered in all directions, and he, appar- \nently panic-stricken by tlie terrible blow, fled, almost alone, to Charlotte. Even now [1831] bul- \nlets are found in the old pine-trees on the route of their retreat. Gates did indeed, as General \nCharles Lee predicted he would, when he heard of his appointment to the command of the south- \nem army, "exchange his northern laurels for southern willows." \n\n^ De Kalb was a native of Alsace, a German province ceded to France. He had been in Amer- \nica as a secret French agent, about fifteen years before. He came to America with La Fayette in \n1T77, and Congress commissioned him a major-general. He died of his wounds at Camden, three \ndays after the battle. ^ Page 4.5.3. * Page 237. \n\n^ Tarleton was one of the most active and unscrupulous officers of the British army. He was \ndistinguished for his abilities and cruolties during the southern campaigns of 1780-81. He was \nborn in Liverpool, in 17.54. He married a daughter of the Duke of Ancaster, in 1798, and was \nafterward made a major-generaL * Page 336. \n\n\n\n1780.] SIXTH TEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 317 \n\nrepublicans in arms in South Carolina, except Marion and his men. Withm \nthree months [May 12 to August 16 j, two American armies had been annihil- \nated, and one of the most formidable partisan corps (Sumter\'s) scattered to the \nwinds. \n\n\n\n\nThe exploits of INIarion* and his men, form the materials of one of the most \ninteresting chapters in the history of our War for Independence. He was in \nCharleston during the long siege, but having been disabled by an accident," he \nhad retired to the country, and was not among the prisoners when the city \npassed in the possession of the British.^ He was therefore untrammeled by any \nparole, and as soon as he was able, he mounted his horse, and took the field. \nWith a few ragged followers, equal in grotesque appearance to any Falstaff \n\n\n\n* Francis Marion was a descendant of a Huguenot [page 49] settler, and was bom near George- \ntown, South Carolina, in 1732. His first military lessons were learned in tlie war witli the Cliero- \nkecG [page 204], in 17G1. He entered tlie army at the commencement of the Revolution, and was \none of the bravest and most useful of all the partisan officers at the South. He was also a member \nof \'-ho South Carolina Legislature, during, and after the war. He died at his home, near Eutaw \nSprings, on his beloved Santee, in 1795, in the sixty-third year of his age. \n\nMarion was dining with some friends at a house in Tradd-street, Charleston, when, on an at- \ntempt being made to cause him to drink wine, contrary to his practice and desire, he leaped from a \nwindow, and sprained his ankle. Tlie Americans yet kept the country toward the Santee, open, \nand Marion was couveyed to his home. \' Page 311. \n\n\n\n318 THE REVOLUTION. [1780. \n\never saw/ he was annoying the Tories in the neighborhood of the Pedee, when \nGates was moving southward ; and just before the battle at Camden, he ap- \npeared in Gates\'s camp. The proud general would have treated him with con- \ntempt, had not Governor Rutledge," then in the camp, known the steriing \nworth of the man before them. While Marion was there, the people of the \nWilliamsburg district, who had arisen in arms, sent for him to be their com- \nmander. Governor Rutledge gave him the commission of a brigadier on the \nspot ; and soon afterward, Marion organized that noted hrigade^ which per- \nformed such wonderful exploits among the swamps, the broad savannahs, and \nby the water-courses of the South. It was this motley brigade, only, that \nappeared in the field, and defied British power, after the dispersion of Gates\'s \n^rmy at Camden. \n\nHad Cornwallis been governed by good judgment and humanity, the con- \nquest of South Carolina might have been permanent, \nfor the State swarmed with Tories, and the Republic- \nans were wearied with the unequal contest. But he \nwas governed by a foolish and wicked policy, and pro- \nceeded to establish royal authority by the most severe \nmeasures. Instead of winning the respect of the people \nh^ wisdom and clemency, he thought to subdue them \nby cruelty. Private riglits were trampled under foot, \nand social organization was superseded by the iron rule \nT^r.T. ^^T,.T\xe2\x80\x9er.TTx. of military despotism.^ His measures created the most \n\nLORD OOKN \\v ALLIo. \xc2\xbb/ x \n\nbitter hatred; and hundreds of patriots, who might \nhave been conciliated, were goaded into active warfare by the lash of military \npower. Everywhere the people thirsted for vengeance, and only awaited the \ncall of leaders, to rally and strike again for homes and freedom. \n\nNow, feeling confident of his power in South Carolina, Cornwallis* prepared \nto invade the North State. Early in September he proceeded with his army \nto Charlotte,^ while detachments were sent out in various directions to awe the \nRepublicans and encourage the loyalists. While Tarleton, with his legion, \n\n\n\n* Colonel Otho IT. WiUiams said of his appearance then, tliat his followers were " distinguished \nby small leathern caps, and the wretchedness of their attire. Their number did not exceed twenty \nmen and boys, some white, some black, and aU mounted, but most of them miserably equipped. \nTheir appearance was, in fact, so burlesque, that it was with much difficulty the diversion of the \nregular soldiery was restrained by the officers ; and the general himself [Gates] was glad of an op- \nportunity of detaching Colonel Marion, at his own instance, toward the interior of South Carolina, \nwith orders to watchthe motions of the enemy, and furnish intelligence." \n\n" Page 310. \n\n\' He issued cruel orders to his subalterns. They were directed to hang every mmtia-man who \nhad once served in Loyalist corps, but were now found in arms against the king. Many who had \nsubmitted to Clinton [page 313], and accepted protection, and had remained at home quietly during \nthe recent revo:t, were imprisoned, their property taken from them or destroyed, and their families \ntreated witli the utmost rioror. See note 3, page 337. \n\n> " Charles, Earl Cornwallis, was born, in Suffolk, England, in 1738. He was educated for mili- \ntary life, and commenced his career in 1759. Afler the Revolution in America, he was made gov- \nernor-general of India [note 2, page 224], then lord-lieutenant of Ireland, and again governor of \nIndia. Ho died near Benares, East Indies, in 1805. \n\n* His advanced coqis were attacked by the Americans under Colonel Davie, oa their arrival at \nCharlotte, but after a severe skirmis]\\ the patriots were repulsed. \n\n\n\n\n1180.] SIXTH YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 319 \n\nwas operating on the east side of the Catawha, Major Patrick Ferguson was \nsent to embody the militia who favored the king, among the mountains west of \nthe Broad River. Manj profligate and worthless men joined his standard, and \non the first of October, 1780, he crossed the Broad River at the Cherokee ford, \nin Yorkville district, and encamped among the hills of King\'s Mountain, with \nabout fifteen hundred men. Several corps of Whig militia united to oppose \nhim,\' and on the 7th of October, they fell upon his camp on King\'s Mountain, \nthere, a cluster of high, Avooded, gravelly hills, about two miles below the \nsouthern line of North Carolina. A very severe engagement ensued, and the \nBritish were totally defeated. Ferguson was slain," and three hundred of his \nmen were killed and wounded. The spoils of victory, which cost the Americans \neighty-eigh men, were eight hundred prisoners, and fifteen hundred stand of \narms. This defeat was to Cornwallis, what the aifair at Bennington^ was to \nBurgoyne, and it gave the Republicans hope. \n\nNearer the sea- board, in the mean while, the patriots were daily gaining \nstrength. Marion and his men* were striking the banding Tories here and \nthere, and annoying British outposts continually ; while Colonel Pickens and \nClarke were hourly augmenting their forces in Gedrgia and south-western \nCarolina. Sumter, too, undismayed by his recent defeat, again appeared in the \nfield ;^ and other leaders were coming forth between the Yadkin and Broad \nRivers. Alarmed by the defeat of Ferguson, and these demonstrations on flank \nand rear, Cornwallis withdrew [October 14] to South Carolina, and toward the \nclose of October [27th], made his head quarters at Winnsborough, midway \nbetween the Broad and Catawba Rivers, in Fairfield district. Here he \nremained until called to the pursuit of Greene,^ a few weeks later. \n\nVictory after victory was achieved by Marion and his brigade, until late in \nOctober, when they pushed forward to assail the British post at Georgetown, \nfor the purpose of obtaining necessary supplies. Hitherto Marion had confined \nhis operations to forays upon British and Tories ; now he undertook a more \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0 These were commanded by Colonels "William Campbell, Isaac Shelby, Benjamin Cleveland, \nJohn Sevier, Joseph Winston, Charles McDowell, and James Williams. Their united forces \namounted to nearly eighteen hundred men. \n\n^ On the spot where Ferguson was slain, a plain stone has been erected to the memory of that \nofficer, and of Americans who were kOled. The following inscriptions upon the stone, give the \nnames: North side. \xe2\x80\x94 "Sacred to the memory of Major William Chronicle, Captain John Mat- \ntocks, William Robb, and John Boyd, who were killed here fighting in defense of America, on \nthe seventh of October, 1780." South side. \xe2\x80\x94 "Colonel Ferguson, an oflicer belonging to his Britan- \nnic majesty, was here defeated and killed." Ferguson\'s rank is incorrectly given, on the monument. \nHe was only a major ; but his good conduct was placing him in the way of speedy promotion. He \nwas a son of the eminent Scotch jurist, James Ferguson, and came to America in 1777. He was \nin the battle on the Brandywine, in the autumn of that year [page 273], and accompanied Sir Henry \nClinton to South Carolina [page 306] at the close of 1779. \' Page 277. " Page 317. \n\n^ Sumter collected a small force in the vicinity of Charlotte, and\' returned to South Carolina. \nF(>r some weeks he annoyed the British and Tories very much, and Lord Cornwallis, who called him \nThe Carolina Gamt Cock, used gi-eat endeavors to crush him. On the night of the 12th of Noveir\' \nber, Major Wemyss, at the head of a British detachment, fell upon him near the Broad River, but \nw.\'us repul&ed. l^Iiglit days afterward he had a severe engagement with Tarleton, at Blackstock\'s \nr\'intation- on the Tyger River, in Union district. He had now been joined by some Georgians \nu>-aer Colonels Clarke and Twiggs. The British were repulsed, with a loss, in killed and wounded, \nof about three hundred. The Americans lost only three killed and five wounded. Sumter was \namong the latter, and he was detained from the field several months, by his wounds. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 332. \n\n\n\n320 THE REVOLUTION. [1730. \n\nserious business. The garrison was on the alert, and in a severe skirmish with \na large party near the town, the Partisan was repulsed. lie then retired to \nSnow\'s Island, at the confluence of Lynch\'s Creek and the Pedee, where he \nfixed his camp, and secured it by such works of art as the absence of natural \ndefenses required. It Avas chiefly high river swamp, dry, and covered with a \nheavy forest, filled with game. From that island camp, Marion sent out and \nled detachments as occasion required ; and for many weeks, expeditions which \naccomplished wonderful results, emanated from that point. Their leader seemed \nto be possessed of ubiquitous powers, for he struck blows at difierent points in \nrapid succession. The British became thoroughly alarmed, and the destruction \nof his camp became, with them, an object of vital importance.\' That work was \naccomplished in the spring of 1781, when a party of Tories penetrated to \nMarion\'s camp, during his absence, dispersed the little garrison, destroyed the pro- \nvisions and stores found there, and then fled. The Partisan was not disheartened \nby this misfortune, but pursued the marauder some distance, and then wheeling, \nhe hastened through the then overflowed swamps to confront Colonel Watson, \nwho was in motion with a body of fresh troops, in the vicinity of the Pedee. \n\nWhile these events were progressing at the South, others of great import- \nance were transpiring at the North. As we have observed,\'\' military operations \nwere almost suspended in this region during the year, and there were no oSens- \nive movements worthy of notice, except an invasion of New Jersey, in June. \nOn the 6th of that month (before the arrival of Clinton from Charleston), Knyp- \nhausen^ dispatched General Matthews from Staten Island, with about five \nthousand men, to penetrate New Jersey. They took possession of Elizabeth- \ntown [June 7], and burned Connecticut Farms (then a hamlet, and now the \nvillage of Utiioti), on the road from\' Elizabethtown to Springfield. When the \ninvaders arrived at the latter place, they met detachments which came down \nfrom Washington\'s camp at Morristown, and by them were driven back to the \ncoast, where they remained a fortnight. In the mean while Clinton arrived, \nand joining Matthews with additional troops [June 22], endeavored to draw \nWashington into a general battle, or to capture his stores at Morristown. \nFeigning an expedition to the Highlands, Clinton deceived Washington, who, \nwith a considerable force, marched in that direction, leaving General Greene in \ncommand at Springfield. Perceiving the success of his stratagem, \xe2\x80\xa2 he, with \nKnyphausen, marched upon Greene, witn c-bout five thousand infantry, a con- \nsiderable body of cavalry and almost twenty pieces of artillery. After a severe \n\n* Here was the scene of the interview between Marion and a young British officer from George- \ntown, so well remembered by tradition, and so well delineated by the pen of Simms and the pencil \nof White. The officer who came to treat respecting prisoners, was led blindfolded to the camp of \nMarion. There he first saw the diminutive Ibrm of the great partisan leader, and around him, in \ngroups, were his followers, lounging beneath magnificent trees draped with moss. When their business \nwas concluded, Marion invited the young Briton to dine with him. lie remained, and to his utter \nastonishment he saw some roasted potatoes brought forward on a piece of bark, of which the \ngeneral partook freely, and invited his guest to do the same. "Surely, general," said the officer, \n"this can not be your ordinary fare!" "Indeed it is," replied Marion, "and we are fortunate on \nthis occasion, entertaining company, to have more than our usual allowance." It is related that \nthe young officer gave up his commission on his return, declaring that such a people could not be, \naad ought not to be subdued. ^ Page 309. \' Page 259. \n\n\n\n\n*^1 \n\n\n\nMarion\'s Encampjien-t ox the Pedeb. \n\n\n\n1780.] \n\n\n\nSIXTH TEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \n\n\n\n323 \n\n\n\nskirmish at Springfield, the British were defeated [June 23, 1780], and setting \nfire to the village, they retreated, and passed over to Staten Island. \n\nGood news for the Americans canie from the East, a few days after this \ninvasion. It was that of the arrival, at Newport, Rhode Island, on the 10th \nof July [1780], of a powerful French fleet, under Admiral Ternay, bearing \nsix thousand land troops under the Count de Rochambeau. This expedition \nhad been expected for some time, it having sailed from Brest early in April \n\n\n\n\nI\'he whole matter had been arranged with the French government by La Fay- \nette, who had returned from France in jNIay, and brought the glad tidings to \nthe Americans. With wise forethought, the relation between Washington and \nRochambeau had been settled by the French government. In order to prevent \nany difficulties in relation to command, l^etween the American and French offi- \ncers, the king commissioned Washington a lieutenant-general of the empire. \nThis allowed him to take precedence of Rochambeau, and made him commander- \nin -chief of the allied armies. Soon after his arrival, Rochambeau, by appoint- \nment, met Washington at Hartford, in Connecticut, to confer upon their future \nmovements. The season being so far advanced, that it was thought imprudent \nfor the French army to enter upon active duties during the current campaign, it \n\n\n\n324 THE REVOLUTION. [llsa \n\nwas determined to have the main bodj of it remain in camp, on Rhode Island, \nwhile the cavalry should be cantoned at Lebanon, in Connecticut, the place of \nresidence of Jonathan Trumbull, governor of that State. That eminent man \nwas the only chief magistrate of a colony who retained his oflSce after the change \nfrom royal to Republican rule ; and throughout the war, he was one of the \nmost efficient of the civil officers among the patriots.\' \n\nThe arrival of the French caused Clinton to be more circumspect in his \nmovements, and he made no further attempts to entice Washington to fight. \nYet he was endeavoring to accomplish by his own strategy, and the treason of an \nAmerican officer, what he could not achieve by force. At different times during \nthe war, the British offic\'als in America had tampered, directly or indirectly, \nwith some Americans, supposed to be possessed of easy virtue, but it was late in \nthe contest before one could be found who was wicked enough to be a traitor. \nFinally, a recreant to the claims of patriotism appeared, and while the French \narmy were landing upon Rhode Island, and were preparing for winter quarters \nthere, Clinton was bargaining with Benedict Arnold for the strong military \npost of West Point,\'\' and its dependencies among the Hudson Highlands, and \nwith it the liberties of America, if possible. \n\nArnold was a brave soldier, but a bad man.^ He fought nobly for freedom, \nfrom the beginning of the war, until 1778, when his passions gained the mas- \ntery over his judgment and conscience. Impulsive, vindictive, and unscrupu- \nlous, he was personally unpopular, and was seldom without a quarrel with some \nof his companions-in-arms. Soon after his appointment to the command at \nPhiladelphia,* he Avas married to the beautiful young daughter of Edward \nShippen, one of the leading loyalists of that city. He lived in splendor, at an \nexpense far beyond his income. To meet the demands of increasing creditors, \nhe engaged in fraudulent acts which made him hated by the public, and caused \ncharges of dishonesty and malpractices in office to be preferred against him, \nbefore the Continental Conf;;rc;:s. A court-martial, appointed to try him, con-\' \n\n\' Jonathan Trumbull was born at Lebanon, Connecticut, in June, 1710, and was educated at \nHarvard CoUege. He prepared for the ministry, but finally became a merchant. He was a mem- \nber of the Connecticut Assembly at the age of twenty-three years. He was ohosen governor of \nConnecticut in 1769, and for fourteen consecutive years he was elected to that ofiice. He died at \nLebanon, in August, 1785, at the age of seventy-five years. See page 323. \n\n^ During the spring and summer of 1778, the passes of the Hudson Highlands were much \nstrengthened. A strong redoubt called Fort Clinton (in honor of George Clinton, then governor of \nNew^York), was erected on tlie extreme end of the promontory of West Point. Otlier redoubts \nwere erected in the rear ; and upon Mount Independence, five hundred feet above the Point, the- \nstrong fortress of Fort Putnam was built, whose gray ruitis are yet visible. Besides these, an \nenormous iron chain, each link weighing more than one hundred pounds, was stretched across the \nHudson at West Point, to keep British ships from ascending the river. It was floated upon timbers, \n\xe2\x96\xa0linked together with iron, and made a very strong obstruction. Two of these floats, with the con- \nnecting links, are preserved at Washington\'s Head Quarters, at Newburgh; and several links of the \ngreat chain mav be seen on the parade ground, at West Point. \n\n* While yet a mere youth, he attempted murder. A young Frenchman was an accepted \nsuitor of Arnold\'s sister. The young tyrant (for Arnold was always a despot among his play-fellows) \ndisliked him, and when he could not persuade his sister to discard him, ho declared he would shoot \nthe Frenchman if he ever entered the house again. The opportunity soon occurred, and Arnold \ndischarged a loaded pistol at him, as he escaped through a window. The young man left the place \nforever, and Hannah Arnold lived the life of a maiden. Arnold and the Frenchman afterward met. \nat Honduras, and fought a duel, in wliich the Frenchman was severely wounded. \n\n* Note 3, page 287. \n\n\n\nSIXTH YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \n\n\n\n825 \n\n\n\nvicted him, but sentenced him to a reprimand only. Although Washington \nperformed that duty with the utmost delicacy, Arnold felt the disgrace. It \nawakened vengeful feelings which, operating with the pressure of debt, made him \nlisten with complacency to the suggestions of a bad nature. He made treason- \nable overtures to Sir Henry Clinton, and by a correspondence of several months \n(under an assumed name, and with propositions couched in commercial phrases) \nwith the accomplished Major Andre,\' Clinton\'s adjutant-general, he bargained \nwith the British commander to betray West Point and its dependencies into his \nhands. For this service he was to receive a brigadier\'s commission, and fifty \nthousand dollars in cash. \n\n\n\n\nThe traitor managed the affair very adroitly. For a long time, Washington \nhad been suspicious of Arnold\'s integrity, but was unwilling to believe him \ncapable of treason. Under pretense of having private business in Connecticut, \nArnold left Philadelphia, passed through Washington\'s camp on the Hudson, \nand on his return, he suggested to the chief that he would be glad to have com- \nmand of West Point. He made many patriotic professions, and his desires were \ngratified. He was appointed to the command of that post, in August, 1780, \nand then all his thoughts were turned to the one great object of the betrayal of \n\n\n\n\' Arnold\'s hand-writing was disguised, and he signed his letters Gusiavus. Andre\'s letters \nWere signed John Anderson. A correspondence was carried on between them for more than a \nyear. \n\n\n\n326 THE revolution:. [1780. \n\nhis trust. The time chosen for the consummation of his treasonable designs, \nwas when Washington was absent, in September, in conference with the French. \nofiBcers at Hartford, Connecticut.\' Up to the time of his taking command of \n"West Point, Arnold and Andre had negotiated in writing. They had never \nmet, but now a personal conference was necessary. For that purpose, Andre \nwent up the Hudson in the sloop of war, Vulture, which anchored off Teller\'s \nPoint, just above the mouth of the Croton River. Andre was taken ashore, \nnear Haverstraw, on the west side of the Hudson, where, by previous appoint- \nment, he met Arnold. Before they parted [Sept. 22, 1780], the whole matter \nwas arranged. Clinton was to sail up the river with a strong force, and \nafter a show of resistance, Arnold was to surrender West Point and its depend- \nencies into his hands. But all did not work well. Some Americans dragged \nan old iron six-pound cannon (yet preserved at Sing Sing) to the end of Teller\'s \nPoint, and with it so galled the Vulture, that she was driven from her anchor- \nage, and, dropping down the river, disappeared from Andre\'s view. He was \nconsequently compelled to cross to the eastern side of the Hudson in disguise, \nand make his way toward New York, by land. At Tarrytown, twenty-seven \nmiles from the city, he was stopped [Sept. 23] and searched by three young \nmdlitia men,\'^ who, finding papers concealed in his boots,^ took him to the near- \nest American post. Colonel Jameson, the commander, could not seem to com- \nprehend the matter, and unwisely allowed Andre to send a letter to Arnold, \nthen at his quarters opposite West Point. The alarmed and warned traitor im- \nmediately fled down the river in his barge, and escaped to the Vulture in safety, \nleaving behind him his young wife and infint son, who were kindly treated by \nWashington.* \n\nThe unfortunate INIajor Andre was tried and found guilty as a spy, and was \nhanged on the 2d of October, 1780, at Tappan opposite Tarrytown, while the real \nmiscreant escaped. Strenuous efforts were made to gain possession of Arnold, and \nsave Andre, but they failed,^ and that accomplished officer, betrayed by circum- \nstances, as he said in a letter to Washington, " into the vile condition of au \nenemy in disguise," suffered more because of the sins of others, than of his own. \nWashington would have spared Andre, if the stern rules of war had permitted. \n\n\' Page 323. \n\n- John Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Yan "Wart, all residents of Westchester county. \nAndre offered them large bribes if they would allow him to pass, but they refused, and thus saved \ntheir country from ruin. \n\n* These papers are well preserved. After being in private hands more than seventy years, they \nwere purchased, and deposited in the New York State Library, in 1853. \n\n* Washington returned from Hartford on the very morning of Arnold\'s escape, and reached hia \nquarters (yet standing opposite West Point) just after the traitor had left. The evidences of his \ntreason were there, and officers were sent in pursuit, but in vain. Washington sent the wife and \nson of Arnold to ISIew York, whither the traitor was conveyed by the Vulture. That infant, v.-ho \nwas named James Robertson Arnold, was born at West Point. He became a distinguished officer \nin the British army, having passed through all the grades of office, from lieutenant. On the aocessioa \nof Queen Victoria, in 1835, he was made one of her aids-de-camp, and rose to the rank of major- \ngeneral, with the badge of a Knight of the Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order. \n\n* Serjeant Champe, of Lee\'s legion [page 333], went into New York City, in the disguise of a \ndeserter, joined the corps which had been placed under Arnold\'s command, and had every thing \narranged for carrying off the traitor, in a boat, to the New Jersey sliore. On the very day when he \nwas to execute his scheme, at night, Arnold\'s corps were ordered to Virginia, and Champe was. \ncompelled to accompany it. There he escaped, and johied Lee in the Carolinas. \n\n\n\n\n1781.] SEVENTH YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 327 \n\nThe young soldier has always been more pitied than blamed ; while the name \nof Arnold will ever be regarded with the bitterest scorn. \' Although he did not \naccomplish his wicked schemes, he received the stipulated reward for his treason- \nable services. And history, too, has given him its reward of recorded shame, \nwhile those who were instrumental in securing \nAndre, and with him the evidences of the foul \ntreason, are honored by the nation with its ever- \nlasting gratitude. Thankful for deliverance from \nthe dangers of treason, Congress voted [Nov. 3, \n1780] each of the three young militia men, a sil- \nver medal and a pension of two hundred dollars a \nyear, for life. And marble monuments have been \n\n*\' \' , . \xe2\x80\xa2 q 1 -1 1 \xe2\x80\xa2 r\xc2\xbb CAPTOR\'S MEDAL.\'\' \n\nerected to their memories ; while the sentiment ot \n\nsympathy for the unfortunate Andre, has also caused a memorial to him, to be \n\nerected at Tarrytown, upon the spot where he was executed. \n\nAnd now another year drew to a close, and yet the patriots were not sub- \ndued. England had already expended vast treasures and much blood in en- \ndeavors to subjugate them ; and, on account of the rebellion, had involved \nherself in open war with France and Spain. Notwithstanding all this, and \nunmindful of the fact that a large French land and naval armament was already \non the American shores,* she seemed to acquire fresh vigor as every new ob- \nstacle presented itself And when the British ministry learned that Holland, \nthe maritime rival of England, was secretly negotiating a treaty with the United \nStates for loans of money and other assistance, they caused a declaration of war \nagainst that government to be immediately proclaimed [Dec. 20, 1780], and \nprocured from Parliament immense appropriations of men and money, ships and \nstores, to sustain the power of Great Britain on land and sea. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER YIII. \n\nSEVENTH YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. [1781.] \n\nOne of the noblest displays of true patriotism, for which the war for Inde- \npendence was so remarkable, signalized the opening of the year 1781. Year \n\n\' Benedict Araold was born in Norwich, Connecticut, in January, 17.30. He was bred to tho \nbusiness of an apothecary, and for some time carried on that, with booJcselhng, in New Haven. \nWe have already met him in his career during tho war, up to the time of his treason. We sliall \nmeet him again, in Virginia [page 330], with tl)e enemy. At the close of the war, he went to En- \ngland, then to Nova Scotia, but he was everywliere despised. He died in London, in June, IS il, \nwhere, just three years afterward, his wife also died. \n\n* On one s de is the word "Fidelity," and on the other, " Vincit amor patriae" \xe2\x80\x94 "Tl^e love \nof country conquers." \n\n^ To Paulding, in St. Peter\'s church-yard, about two miles from Peekskill, and to Van Wart in \nGreenburg church-yard, a little more than th.it distance from Tarrytown. Williams was buried ia \nSchoharie county, where a monument is about to be erected to his memorv. * Page 323. \n\n\n\ng23 THE REVOLUTION. [1781. \n\nafter year the soiuiers had suffered every privation, from lack of money and \nclothing. Faction had now corrupted the Continental Congress, and the public \nwelfare suffered on account of the tardiness of that body in the performance of \nits legitimate duties. Continental money had become almost worthless,\' and \nthe pay of officers and men was greatly in arrears. The frequent promises of \nCongress had been as frequently unfulfilled, and the common soldiers had cause \nto be dissatisfied with the illiberal interpretation which their officers gave to \nthe terms of enlistment." They had asked in vain for aid; and finally, on the \nfirst day of January, 1781, thirteen hundred of the Pennsylvania line, whose \ntime, as they understood it, had expired, left the camp at Morristown,^ with the \navowed determination of marching to Philadelphia, and in person demanding \njustice from the national legislature. General Wayne* was in command of the \nPennsjdvania troops, and was much beloved by them. He exerted all his influ- \nence, by threats and persuasions, to bring them back to duty until their griev- \nances should be redressed. They would not listen to his remonstrances ; and, \non cocking his pistol, they presented their bayonets to his breast, saying, "We \nrespect and love you ; often have you led us into the field of battle, but we are \nno longer under your command ; wo Avarn you to be on your guard ; if you fire \nyour pistol, or attempt to enforce your commands, we shall put you instantly \nto death." Wayne appealed to their patriotism; they pointed to the impo- \nsitions of Congress. He reminded them of the strength their conduct would \ngive to the enemy ; they exhibited their tattered garments and emaciated forms. \nThey avowed their willingness to support the cause of freedom, for it was dear \nto their hearts, if adequate provision could be made for their comfort, and then \nboldly reiterated their intention to march directly to Philadelphia, and demand \nfrom Congress a redress of their grievances. \n\nFinding threats and persuasions useless, Wayne concluded to accompany \nthe mutineers. When they reached Princeton, they presented the general with \na written programme of their demands. It appeared reasonable ; but not being \nauthorized to promise them any thing, the matter was referred to Congress. \nThat body immediately appointed a commission to confer with the insurgents. \nThe result Avas a compliance with their just demands, and the disbanding of a \nlarge part of the Pennsylvania line, for the winter, which was filled by new \nrecruits in the spring.^ \n\n^ Page 245. Thirty dollars in paper were then worth only one in silver. \n\n* The terms, as expressed, were, that they should "serve for three years, or during the war;" \nthat is, for three years if the war continued, or be discharged sooner if the war should end sooner. \nThe officers claimed that they were bound to serve as long as the war should continue. \n\n\' The head-quarters of "Washington were now at New Windsor, just above the Hudson High- \nlands. The Pennsylvania troops were cantoned at Morristown, New Jersey ; and the New Jersey \ntroops were at Pompton, in the same State. * Page 298. \n\n* Intelligence of this revolt reached "Washington and Sir Henry Clinton on the same day. \n"Washington took measures immediately to suppress the mutiny, and prevent the bad influence of its \nexample. Sir Henry Clinton, mistaking the spirit of the mutineers, thought to gain great advantage \nby the event. He dispatched two emissaries, a British sergeant, and a New Jersey Tory named \nOgden, to the insurgents, with the written offer that, on laying down their arms and marching to \nNew York, they should receive their arrearages, and the amount of the depreciation of the Conti- \nnental currency, in hard cash ; that they should be well clothed, have a free pardon for all past \noffenses, and be taken under the protection of the British government; and that no military service \n\n\n\ni781.] SEVENTH YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 329 \n\nOn the 18tli of January, a portion of the New Jersey line, at Pompton, \nfollowed the example of their comrades at Morristown. The mutiny was soon \nquelled [January 27 J, but by harsher means than Wayne had employed. Gen- \neral Robert Howe\' was sent by Washington, Avith five hundred men, to restore \norder. Two of the ringleaders were hanged, and the remainder quietly sub- \nmitted. These events had a salutary effect. They aroused Congress and the \npeople to the necessity of more efiicient measures for the support of the army. \nTaxes were imposed and cheerfully paid ; a special agent, sent abroad to obtain \nloans, was quite successful," and a national bank\' was established at Philadel- \nphia, and placed under the charge of Robert jSIorris,* to whose superintendence \nCongress had recently intrusted the public Treasury. To his efforts and finan- \ncial credit, the country was indebted for the means to commence offensive opera- \ntions in the spring of 1781. He collected the taxes, and by the free use of his \nample private fortune, and his public credit, he supplied the army with flour \nand other necessaries, and doubtless prevented their disbanding by their own \nact. \n\nLet us now turn our attention to events in the South. While half-starved, \nhalf-naked troops Avere making such noble displays of patriotism amid the snows \n\nshould be required of them, unless voluntarily offered. Sir Henry requested them to appoint agents \nto treat with his and adjust the terms of a treaty ; aud, not doubting the success of his plans, he \nwont to Staten Island himself, with a large body of troops, to act as circumstances might require. \nLike his masters at home, he entirely misapprehended the spirit and the incentives to action of the \nAmerican soldiers. They were not mercenary \xe2\x80\x94 not soldiers by profession, lighting merely for hire. \nTlie protection of their homes, their wives and little ones, and the defense of holy principles, which \ntheir general intelliganca understood and appreciated, formed the motive-power and the bond of union \nof the American army ; and the soldier\'s money stipend was the least attractive of all the induce- \nmsnts which urged him to take up arms. Yet as it was necessary to his comfort, and even his \nexistence, th3 want of it afforded a just pretext for the assumption of powers delegated to a few. \nThe mutiny was a democratic movement; and, while the patriot L-lt justified in using his weapons \nto redress grievances, he still looked ^vith horror upon the armed oppressors of his countrj-, and \nregarded the act and stain of treason, under any circumstances, as worse than the infliction of death. \nClinton\'s proposals were, therefore, rejected with disdain. "See, comrades," said one of the leaders, \n" he takes us for traitors. Let us show him that the American army can furnish but one Arnold, \nand that America has no truer friends than we." They immediately seized the emissaries, who, \nbeing delivered, with Clinton\'s papers, into the hands of Wayne, were tried and executed as spies, \nand the reward which had been offered for their apprehension was tendered to the mutineers who \nseized them. They sealed the pledge of their patriotism by nobly refusing it, saying, "Necessity \nwrung from us the act of demanding justice from Congress, but we desire no reward for doing our \nduty to our bleeding country !" A committee of Congress, appointed to report on the condition of \nthe army, said, a short time previous to this event, that it was " unpaid for five months ; that it \nseldom had more thin six days\' provisions in advance, and was, on several occasions, for sundry \nsuccessive days, without meat ; that tho medical department had neither sugar, coffee, tea, choco- \nlate, wine, nor spirituous liquors of any kind, and that every department of the army was without \nmoney, and had not even the shadow of credit left." \' Page 292. \n\n" Colonel John Laurens [See page 348], a son of Henry Laurens [page 348], had been sent \nto France to ask for aid. While earnestly pressing his suit, with Vergennes, the French minister, \none day, that official said, that the king had every disposition to favor the United States. This \npatronizing expression kindled the indignation of the young diplomatist, and he replied with empha- \nsis, " Favor, sir ! The respect which I owe to ray country will not admit the term. Say that the \nobligation is mutual, and I will acknowledge the obligation. But, as the last argument I shall offer \nto your Excellency, the sword which I now wear in defense of France, as well as my own country, \nunless the succor I solicit is immediately accorded, I may be compelled, within a short time, to draw \nagainst France, as a British subject." This had the effect intended. The French dreaded a recon- \nciliation of the colonies with Great Britain, and soon a subsidy of one million two hundred thousand \ndollars, and a further sum, as a loan, was granted. The French minister also gave a guaranty tor \na Dutch loan of aliout two millions of dollars. \n\n^ This was called the Bank of North America, and was the first institution of the kind estab- \nlished m this country. * Page 264. \n\n\n\n330 THE REVOLUTION. [1781. \n\nof New Jersey, Arnold, the arch-traitor,\' now engaged in the service of his \nrojal master, was commencing a series of depredations upon lower Virginia, \nwith about sixteen hundred British and Tory troops, and a few armed vessels. \nHe arrived at Hampton Roads\' on the 30th of December. Anxious to distin- \nguish himself, he pushed up the James River, and after destroying [January 5, \n1781] a large quantity of public and private stores at Richmond, and vicinity, \nhe went to Portsmouth [Jan. 20], opposite Norfolk, and made that his head- \nquarters. Great efforts were made by the Americans to seize and punish the \ntraitor. The Virginia militia men were collected in great numbers, for the \npurpose ; and Jefferson, then governor of that State, offered a reward of five \nthousand guineas for his capture.^ La Fayette was sent into Virginia, with \ntwelve hundred men, to oppose him ; and a portion of the French fleet went \n[March 8, 1781] from Rhode Island, to shut him up in the Elizabeth River, \nand assist in capturing him. But all these efforts failed. He was brave, vigil- \nant, and exceedingly cautious. Admiral Arbuthnot^ pursued and attacked the \nFrench fleet on the 16th of March, and compelled it to return to Newport ; and \nGeneral Phillips soon afterward joined Arnold [March 26], with more than \ntwo thousand men, and took the chief command. In April, the traitor accom- \npanied Phillips on another expedition up the James River, and after doing as \nmuch mischief as possible between Petersburg and Richmond, he returned to \nNew York.^ We shall meet Arnold presently on the New England coast." \n\nDuring the year 1781, the southern States became the most important \ntheater of military operations. General Greene^ was appointed, on the 30th of \nOctober, 1780, to succeed General Gates in the direction of the southern army. \nHe first proceeded to Hillsborough, to confer with Governor Nash, and other \ncivil ofiicers of North Carolina, and arrived at the head-quarters of the army, \nat Charlotte, on the second of December. On the following day he took formal \ncommand, and Gates immediately set out Tor the head-quarters of Washington, \nin East Jersey, to submit to an inquiry into his conduct at Camden,** which \nCongress had ordered. Greene, with his usual energy, at once prepared to \nconfront or pursue the enemy, as occasion might require. He arranged his \nlittle army into two divisions. With the main body he took post at Cheraw, \neast of the Pedee, and General Morgan was sent Avitli the remainder (about \na thousand strong) to occupy the country near the junction of the Pacolet and \nBroad Rivers. Cornwallis, who was just preparing to march into North Car- \n\n> Page 325. == Page 243. ^ Page 326. * Page 310. \n\n^ General Phillips sickened and died at Petersburg. Lord Cornwallis, who arrived from North \nCarolina soon afterward [page 338] took the chief command. In a skirmish, a short distance from \nPetersbm-g, on the 27th of April [1781], in which Arnold was engaged, he took some Americans \nprisoners. To one of them he put tlie question, "If the Americans should catch me, what would \nthey do to me?" The soldier promptly replied, "They would bury with military honors the leg \nwhich was wounded at Saratoga^ and hang the remainder of you upon a gibbet." \n\n* Page 340. \n\n^ Nathanial Greene was bom, of Quaker parents, in Rhode Island, in 1740. He was an anchor- \nRmith, and was pursuing his trade when the Revolution broke out. He hastened to Boston after \nthe skirmish at Lexington, and from that time until the close of the war, he was one of the most \nWfefnl officers in the army. He died near Savannah, in .lune, 1786, and was buried in a vault ia \ntiiat city. His sepulchre can not now be identified. No living person knows in what vault hia \nremains were deposited, and there is no record to cast light upon the question. * Page 315. \n\n\n\nIfSl.] SEVENTH YEA.R OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 331 \n\n\n\nolina again/ when Greene made this disposition of his army, found himself in \na dangerous position, for he was placed between the two divisions. Unwilling \nto leave Morgan in his rear, he sent Tarleton to capture or disperse his com- \n\n\n\n\n^\'7:3 \n\n\n\n\nmand. The Americans retreated before this superior force, but were overtaken \nat the Coivpe?is, in Spartanburg district, and compelled to fight.* There, well \nposted upon an eminence, Morgan\' and his brave follow- \ners turned upon their pursuers. Tarleton was discon- \ncerted by this movement, for he expected to overtake the \nAmericans while on the wing ; yet, feeling confident of \nan easy victory, he quickly arranged his line in battle \norder. It was now nine o\'clock in the morning [January \n\n17, 1781]. At a signal from Tarleton, his advance gave ""\xc2\xab , i g^wi /l^/pP KA \na shout, and rushed furiously to the contest, under cover \nof artillery, and an incessant discharge of musketry. \n\n\' Page 318. \n\n" The scene of the battle is among the Thicketty Mountains, west of the Broad River. It was \ncalled Gowpens from the fact, that some time before the Revolution, some traders at Camden kept \nherds of cows in that fertile region. \n\n* Daniel Morgan, commander of the famous rifle corps of the Revolution, was bom in New Jer- \nsey, in 1738, and was in the humble sphere of a wagoner, when called to the field. He had been \na soldier under Braddock, and joined Washington at Cambridge, in 1775. He served with distinc- \ntion in the army of the Revolution, and was a farmer in Yirginia after the war, where he died ia \n1802, \n\n\n\n\nGENERAL MORGAN. \n\n\n\n332 THE EEVOLUTION. [1781, \n\nThe Americans were prepared to receive them, and combatted with them for \nmore than two hours, with skill and bravery. The British were defeated, with \na loss of almost three hundred men in killed and \nwounded, five hundred made prisoners, and a large quan- \ntity of arms, ammunition, and stores. It was a brilliant \nvictory ; and Congress gave Morgan a gold medal, as a \ntoken of its approbation. Colonels Howard^ and Wash- \nington,^ whose soldierly conduct won the battle, received \n\'t^l^// \xc2\xa3^W^\'\' each a silver medal. \n\nWhen the battle was ended, Morgan pushed forward \n\nCOLONEL WASHINGTON. \xe2\x80\xa2 . I, 1, \xe2\x80\xa2 \xe2\x80\xa2 \xe2\x80\xa2 x T j. xl n x l. J \n\nWith nis prisoners, intending to cross the Catawba, and \nmake his way toward Virginia. . Cornwallis started in pursuit of him, as soon \nas he heard of the defeat of Tarleton. He destroyed his heavy baggage, and \nhastened with his whole army toAvard the Catawba to intercept Morgan and \nhis prisoners, before they should cross that stream. But he was too late. He \ndid not reach that river until in the eveningr, two hours after Morgan had \n\n\n\n\nO\' \n\n\n\nrgan \n\n\n\ncrossed. Then feeling confident of his prey, he deferred his passage of the \nstream until morning. A heavy rain during the night filled the river to its \nbrim ; and while the British were detained by the flood, Morgan had reached \nthe banks of the Yadkin, where he was joined by General Greene and his escort. \nOne of the most remarkable military movements on record, now occurred. \nIt was the retreat of the American army, under Greene, from the Catawba, \nthrough North Carolina, into Virginia. When the waters of the Catawba had \nsubsided, the next day, Cornwallis crossed, and resumed his pursuit. He \nreached the western bank of the Yadkin on the 3d of February [1781], just as \nthe Americans were safely landed on the eastern shore. There he was again \narrested in his progress by a sudden swelling of the floods. Onward the patriots \npressed, and soon again Cornwallis was in full chase. At Guilford Court-house, \nthe capital of Guilford county, Greene was joined [February 7], by his main \nbody from Cheraw,^ and all continued the flight, for they were not strong \nenough to turn and fight. After many hardships and narrow escapes during \nthe retreat, the Americans reached the Dan on the 13th of February, and \n\n^ Jolm Eager Howard, of the Maryland line. He was bom in Baltimore county in 1752. He \n\xe2\x96\xa0went into military service at the commencement of the war. He was in all the principal battles of \nthe Revolution, was chosen governor of Maryland in 1778, was after wad United States Senator, and \ndied m October, 1827. \n\n* WiUiam Wasliington, a relative of the general. He was born in Stafford county, Virginia. \nHe entered the army under Mercer, who was killed at Princeton [page 269], and greatly distin- \nguished himself at the South, as a commander of a corps of cavalry. Taken prisoner at EutaW \nSprings [page 338], he remained a captive till the close of the war, and died in Charleston, in \nMarch, 1810. In a personal combat with Tarleton in the battle at the Cowpens, Washington \nwounded his antagonist in his hand. Some months afterward, Tarleton said, sneeringly, to Mrs. \nWillie Jones, a witty American lady, of Halifax, North Carolina, \xe2\x96\xa0\' Colonel Washmgton, I am told, \nis illiterate, and can not write his own name." "Ah! colonel,\'\' said Mrs. Jones, "you ought to \nknow better, for you bear evidence that he can make his mark.\'\'\' At another time he expressed a \ndesire to see Colonel Washington. Mrs. Ashe, Mrs. Jones\'s sister, instantly rephed, " Had you \nlooked behind you at the Co^sNTjens you might have had that pleasure." Stung by this keen wit, \nTarleton placed his hand upon his sword. General Leslie [page 347], who was present, remarked, \n"Say what you please, Mrs. Ashe; Colonel Tarleton knows better than to msult a lady in m/ \npresence," \' Page 330. \n\n\n\n1781.] SEVENTH TEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 333 \n\n\n\ncrossed its rising waters safely into the friendly bosom of Halifax county, in \nVirginia. When Cornwallis arrived, a few hours later [February 14], the \nstream was too much swollen to allow him to cross. For the third time the \nwaters, as if governed by a special Providence, interposed a barrier between \nthe pursuers and the pursued. Mortified and dispirited, the earl here aban- \ndoned the chase, and moving sullenly southward through North Carolina, he \nestablished his camp at Hillsborough. \n\nGeneral Greene remained in Virginia only long enough to refresh his troops, \nand receive recruits,^ and then he re-crossed the Dan \n[February 23], to oppose Cornwallis in his efforts to \nembody the loyalists of North Carolina under the royal \nbanner. Colonel Lee,\' with his cavalry, scoured the \ncountry around the head waters of the Haw and Deep \nRivers, and by force and stratagem foiled the efforts \nof Tarleton, who was recruiting in that region. On one \noccasion he defeated and dispersed [March 2] a body of H \nthree hundred loyalists under Colonel Pyle,^ near the \nAlamance Creek, after which the Tories kept quiet, and \nvery few dared to take up arms. Greene, in the mean \nwhile, had moved cautiously forward, and on the first \n\nof March [1781], he found himself at the head of almost five thousand troops. \nFeeling strong enough now to cope with Cornwallis, he sought an engagement \nwith him, and on the 15th they met, and fiercely contended, near Guilford \nCourt-house, about five miles from the present village of \nGreensborough, in Guilford county, North Carolina. \nThat battle, which continued for almost two hours, was \none of the severest of the war. Although the Americana \nwere repulsed and the British became masters of the field^ \nthe victory was almost as destructive for Cornwallis as a \ndefeat. " Another such victory," said Charles Fox in the \nBritish. House of Commons, " will ruin the British army."* \nBoth parties sufiered severely ; and, in some degree, the \nline of the Scotch ballad might be applied to them : \n\n\n\n\nCOLONEL HENRY LEE. \n\n\n\n\nBATTLE OF GUILFORD. \n\n\n\n" They baith did fight, they baith did beat, they baith did rin awa.\' \n\n\n\n\' On his way south, to take command of the southern army, he left the Baron Steuben [page \n291] in Vu-ginia, to gather. recruits, provisions, &c., and forward them to him. This service the \nBaron performed with efficiency. \n\n\'\' Henry Lee was born in Virginia, in 1756. He entered the mihtary service as captain of a \nVirginia company in 1776, and in 1777 joined the continental army. At the head of a legion, he \nperformed extraordinary services during the war, especially at the South. He was afterward- gov- \nernor of Virginia, and a member of Congress. He died in 1818. \n\n* Lee sent two young countrymen, whom he had captured, to the camp of Pyle, to inform that \nleader that Tarleton was approaching, and wished to meet him. Pyle had never seen Tarleton, and \nwhen he came up he supposed Lee and his party to be that of the renowned British officer. \nFriendly salutations were expressed, and at a word, the Americans fell upon the loyalists, killed \nalmost a hundred of them, and dispersed the remainder. This event took place two or three miles \nfrom the scene of the Regulator battle mentioned on page 223. \n\n* That statesman moved in committee, " That his majesty\'s ministers ought immediately to tako \nevery possible means for concluding peace with our American colonies." Young William Pitt, tha \n\n\n\n834 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION. \n\n\n\n[1181. \n\n\n\n\nhobkirk\'s hill. \n\n\n\nThe battalions of Cornwallis were so shattered/ that he could not maintain \nthe advantage he had gained ; while the Americans retreated in good order to \nthe Reedy Fork. Thoroughly dispirited, he abandoned Western Carolina, and \nmoved [March 19] with\' his whole army, to Wilmington, near the sea-board. \nGreene rallied his forces and pursued the British as far as Deep River, in \nChatham county. There he relinquished the pursuit, and prepared to re-entei^ \nSouth Carolina. \n\nLord Rawdon,^ one of the most efficient of Cornwallis\' s chief officers, was \nnow in command of a British force at Camden. On the 6th of April, Greene \nmarched directly for that place, and on the 19th, he \nencamped on Hobkirk\'s Hill, about a mile from ^awdon\'a \nintrenchments. Six days afterward [April 25, 1781], he \nwas surprised\' and defeated by Rawdon, after a sharp battle \nfor several hours, in which the Americans lost, in killed, \nwounded, and missing, two hundred and sixty-six men. \nThe British lost two hundred and fifty-eight." The British \nretired to their works at Camden, and Greene, with his \nlittle army, encamped for the night on the north side of \nSanders\'s Creek. ^ Greene conducted his retreat so well, \nthat he carried away all his artillery and baggage, with \nfifty British prisoners, who were captured by Colonel Washington." \n\nThis defeat was unexpected to Greene,\' yet he was not the man to be \n\nsuccessor of his father, the Eaii of Chatham, inveighed eloquently against a further prosecution of \nthe war. He averred that it was " wicked, barbarous, unjust, and diaboUcal \xe2\x80\x94 conceived in injust- \nice, nurtured in folly \xe2\x80\x94 a monstrous thing that contained every characteristic of moral depravity and \nhuman turpitude \xe2\x80\x94 as mischievous to the unhappy people of England as to the Americans." Yet, \nas in former years, the British government was blind and stubborn still \n\n^ The Americans lost in kUled and wounded, aljout four hundred men, besides almost a thousand \nwho deserted to their homes. The loss of the British was over six liundred. Among the oflQcers \nwho were killed was Lieutenant-Colonel Webster, who was one of the most efficient men in the \nBritish army. On this occasion, Greene\'s force was much superior in number to that of Comwallia, \nand he had every advantage of position. Events such as are generaUy overlooked by the historian, \nbut which exhibit a prominent trait in the character of the people of North Carolina, occurred during \nthis battle, and deserve great prominence in a description of the gloomy picture, for they form \na few touches of radiant light in the midst of the sombre coloring. While the roar of cannon \nboomed over the country, groups of women, in the Buffalo and Alamance congregations, who were \nunder the pastoral charge of the Reverend Dr. Caldwell, might have been seen engaged in common \nprayer to the God of Hosts for his protection and aid ; and in many places, the solitary voice of a \npious woman went up to the Divine Ear, with the earnest pleadings of faith, for the success of the \nAmericans. The battling hosts were surrounded by a cordon o{ praying women during those dread- \nful hours of contest. \'^ Page 315. \n\n\' Greene was breakfasting at a spring on the eastern slope of Hobkirk\'s Hill, when Rawdon\'a \narmy, by a circuitous rout through a forest, fell upon him. Some of his men were cleaning their \nguns, others were washing their clothes, and all were unsuspicious of danger. \n\n* The number killed was remarkably small Only eighteen of the Americans, and thirty-eight \nof the British, were slain on the battle-field. * Page 315. \n\n\xc2\xae He had captured two hundred, but hastily paroling the officers and some of the men, he took \nonly fifty with him. \n\n\' Greene had some desponding views of the future at this time. To Luzerne, the French min- \nister at Philadelphia, he earnestly wrote : "This distressed country cannot struggle much longer \nwithout more effectual support. * * * We fight, get beaten, rise, and fight again. The whole \ncountry is one continued scene of blood and slaughter." To La Fayette, he wrote : " You maj \ndepend upon it, that nothing can equal the sufferings of our little army, but their merit." To Gov- \nernor Reed, of Pennsylvania, he wrote: "If our good friends, the French, cannot lend a helping \nhand to save these sinking States, they must and will fall." At that time, the French army had \nremained for several months inactive, in New England. \n\n\n\n1781.] SEVENTH TEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 385 \n\n\n\ncrushed by adversity. On the morning succeeding the battle, he retired a;S far \nas Rugeley\'s Mills, and then srossing the AVateree, he took a strong position \ntor offensive and defensive operations. The two armies were now about equal \niii numbers, and Greene\'s began to increase. Alarmed by this, and for the \n\n\n\n\nsafety of his posts in the lower country, Rawdon set fire to Camden and \nretreated [May 10, 1781] to Nelson\'s Ferry, on the Santee. He had ordered \nLieutenant-Colonel Cruger\' to abandon Ninety-six" and join Brown at Augusta,^ \nand had also directed Maxwell, the commander of Fort Granby,^ to leave that \npost, and retire to Orangeburg,^ on the North Edisto. But his orders and his \nmovements were made too late. Within the space of a -week, four important \nposts fell into the hands of the Americans," and Greene was making rapid marches \ntoward Ninety-six. Lee had pressed forward and co-operated with Piekens in \n\n\' Page 313. \n\n\' So called because it was ninety-six miles from the frontier fort, Prince George, on the Keowee \nRiver. Its site is occupied by the pleasant village of Cambridge, in Abbeville District, one hundred \nand forty-seven miles north-west from Charleston. \' Page 313. \n\n* On the western side of the Congaree, two miles from the present city of Columbia, South \nCarolina. \n\n\' On the east bank of the North Edisto, about sixty-five miles south of Columbia. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 Lee and Marion were the principal leaders against these posts. Orangeburg was taken on the \nnth of May; Fort Motte on the 12th; the post at Nelson\'s Ferry on the 14th, and Fort Granby on \ntlie 16th. Fort Watson, situated on the Santee, a few miles above Nelson\'s Ferry, was taken on \nthe 16th of April. Nelson\'s Ferry is at the mouth of Eutaw Creek, on the Santee, about fifty miles \nfrom Charleston. Fort Motte was near the junction of the Wateree and Congaree Rivers, and was, \nbecause ot its Teoarraphical position, the most important of all th.ese posts. It was composed of the \nfine residence of Rebecca Motte (a widowed mother, with six cliildren), and temporary fortifications \nconstructed around it. Mrs. Motte, who was an ardont Whis, had been driven to her farm-house \nupon an eminence near by. Marion and T^F-e appenrf^d before Fort Motte witli a considerable force;, \nbut having only one piece of artUlery, could make but slight impression. The expected approach \n\n\n\n336 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION" \n\n\n\n[1781. \n\n\n\nholding the country-between Ninetj-six and Augusta, to prevent a junction of \nthe garrisons at either of those places ; and thus, by skillful operations, the \nAmericans completely paralyzed the lately potent strength of the enemy. At \nthe beginning of June [1781], the British possessed only three posts in South \nCarolina, namely, Charleston, Nelson\'s Ferry, and Ninety-six. \n\nOn the 22d of May [1781], Greene commenced the siege of Ninety-six,* \nwith less than a thousand regulars and a few raw militia. Kosciuszko," the \nbrave Pole, was his chief engineer, and the post being too strong to be captured \nby assault, the Americans commenced making regular ap- \nproaches, by parallels.\' Day after day the work went \nslowly on, varied by an occasional sortie. For almost a \nmonth, the efforts of the Americans were unavailing. Then \nhearing of the approach of Rawdon, with a strong force, to \nthe relief of Cruger, they made an unsuccessful effort, on \nthe 18th of June, to take the place by storm. They raised \nthe siege the following evening [June 19], and retreated \nRawdon pursued them a short distance, when he wheeled \n\n\n\n\nFORT NINETY-SIS. \n\n\n\nbeyond the Saluda. \n\nand marched to Orangeburg. \n\nAlthough unsuccessful at Ninety-six, detachments of the Republican army \nwere victorious elsewhere. While this siege was pro- \ngressing, Lee and Pickens, with Clarke and others of \nGeorgia, were making successful efforts on the Savan- \nnah River. Lee captured Fort Galphin, twelve miles \nbelow Augusta, on the 21st of INIay, and then he sent \nan officer to that post, to demand of Brown an instant \nsurrender of his garrison. Brown refused, and the \nsiege of Augusta was commenced on the 23d. It \ncontinued until the 4th of June, when a general as- \n\n\n\n\nGENERAL PICKEX \n\n\n\nof Rawdon, would not allow them to make the slow process of a regular siege. Lee proposed to \nhurl some burning missile upon the building, and consume it. To this destruction of her property, \n:Mrs. Motte at once consented, and bringing out a bow and some arrows, which had been brought \nfrom the East Indies, these were used successfully for the purpose of convejing fire to the dr}^ roo\xc2\xa3 \nThe house was partially destroyed, when the Britisli surrendered. The patriotic lady then regaled \nboth the American and British officers with a good dinner at her own table. Colonel Horry (one \nof Marion\'s ofScers), in his narrative, mentions some pleasing incidents which occurred at the table \nof Mrs. Motte, on this occasion. Among the prisoners was Captain Ferguson, an officer of consider- \nable reputation. Finding himself near Horry, Ferguson said, " You are Colonel Horry, I presume, \nsir." Horry replied in the affirmative, when Ferguson continued, "Well, I was with Colonel "Wat- \nson when he fought your General Marion on Sampit. I think I saw you there with a party of \nhorse, and also at Nelson\'s Ferry, when Marion surprised our party at the house. But," he con- \ntinued, " I was hid in high grass, and escaped. You were fortunate in ysur escape at Sampit, for \nWatson and Small had twelve hundred men." "If so," replid Horry, "I certainly was fortunate, \nfor I did not suppose they had more than half that number." "I consider myself," added the cap. \ntain, "equally fortunate in escaping at Nelson\'s Old Field." "Truly you were," answered Horry \ndryly, "for Marion had but tliirty militia on that occasion." The officers present could not suppress: \nlaughter. When Greene inquired of Horry how he came to affront Captain Ferguson, he rephed, \n" He affronted himself by telling his own story." \n\n\' The principal work was a star redoubt [note 3, page 192]. There was a picketed inclosure \n[note 1, page 127] around the little village; and on the west side of a stream running from a \nspring (a) was a stockade [note 2, page 183] fort. The besiegers encamped at four different points \naround the works. \' \xc2\xb0 Page 277. \n\n* These are trenches, dug in a zig-zag Ime in the direction of the forti-ess to be assailed. Th* \n\n\n\n1781.] SEVENTH YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 337 \n\nsault was agreed upon. Brown now proposed a surrender ; and the following \nday [June 5, 1781] the Americans took possession of that important post. \nThey lost fifty-one men, killed and wounded ; the British lost fifty-two killed, \nand three hundred and thirty-four (including the wounded) were made pris- \noners. At the close of the siege, Lee and Pickens\' hastened to join Greene \nbefore Ninety-six, and all, on the approaoh of Rawdon, retreated beyond the \nSaluda, as we have observed. \n\nThe two chief commanders of the belligerent forces now changed relative \npositions. When Rawdon retired toward Orangeburg, Greene became his pur- \nsuer, and sent a message to Marion and Sumter, then on the Santee, to take a \nposition in front of the enemy, so as to retard his progress." Finding Rawdon \nstrongly intrenched at Orangeburg, Greene deemed it prudent not to attack \nhim. The Americans crossed the Congaree, and the main body encamped on \nthe High Hills of Santee^ in Santee district, there to pass the hot and sickly \nseason. Leaving his troops at Orangeburg, in the command of Colonel Stew- \nart (who had come up from Charleston with a reinforcement), Rawdon went to \nthe sea-board and embarked for England.\' \n\nEarly in August, Greene was reuiforced by North Carolina troops, under \nGeneral Sumner ; and at the close of that month he crossed the Wateree and \nCongaree, and marched upon Orangeburg. Stewart (who had been joined by \n\n\n\nearth i3 cast up in such a way that the workmen are shielded from shots from the assailed works, \nand in this way they get near enough to undermine a fort, or erect a battery, so as to have a power- \nful effect. \n\n* Andrew Pickens was bom in Pennsylvania, in 1739. In childhood he went to South Car- \nolina, and was one of the first in the field for liberty, in the upper country of that State. He was a \nvery useful officer, and good citizen. He died in 1817, at the age of seventy-eight years. \n\n* It is related that the message to Sumter from Greene was conveyed by Emily Geiger, the \ndaughter of a German planter in Fairfield district. He prepared a letter to that officer, but none \nof his men appeared willing to attempt the hazardous service, for the Tories were on the alert, a\xc2\xab \nRawdon was approaching the Congaree. Greene was delighted by the boldness of a young girl, \nnot more than eighteen years of age, who came forward and volunteered to carry the letter to Sum- \nter. With liis usual caution, he communicated the contents of the letter to Emily, fearing she \nmight lose it on the way. The maiden mounted a fleet horse, and crossing the Wateree at the \nCamden Ferry, pressed on toward Sumter\'s camp. Passing through a dry swamp on the second \nday of her journey, she was intercepted by some Tory scouts. Coming from the direction of Greene\'s \narmy, she was an object of su.spicion, and was taken to a house on the edge cf the swamp, and con- \nfined in a room. With proper delicacy, they sent for a woman to search her person. No sooner \nwas she left alone, than she ate up Greene\'s letter piece by piece. After a while, the matron ar- \nrived, made a careful search, but discovered nothing. With many apologies, Emily was allowed to \npursue her journey. She reached Sumter\'s camp, communicated Greene\'s message, and soon Raw- \ndon was flying before the Americans toward Orangeburg. Emily Geiger afterward married Mr. \nThurwits, a rich planter on the Congaree. \n\n^ A short time before he sailed, Rawdon was a party to a cruel transaction which created a \ngreat deal of excitement throughout the South. Among those who took British protection after the \nfall of Charleston in 1780 [page 311], was Colonel Isaac Hayne, a highly respectable Carolinian. \nWhen General Greene, the following year, confined the British to Charleston alone, and their pro- \ntection had no force, Hayne considered himself released fi-om the obligations of his parole, took up \narms for his country, and was made a prisoner. Colonel Balfour was then in chief command at \nCharleston, and from the beginning seemed determined on the death of Hayne. Without even the \nform of a trial, that patriot was condemned to be hanged. Not one, not even the prisoner, supposed \nthat such a cruelty was contemplated, until the sentence was made pubUc, and he was informed \nthat he had but two days to live. The men of the city pleaded for him ; the women signed peti\xc2\xbb \ntions, and went in troops, and upon their knees, implored a remission of his sentence. All was \nin vain. Rawdon had exerted his influence to save the prisoner, but finally he consented to hi^ \nexecution, as a traitor, and he became as inexorable as Balfour. Greene was inchned to retaliate, \nbut, fortunately, hostilities soon afterward ceased, and the flow of blood was stopped. \n\n\n\n338 THE EEVOLUTIOX. [ITSL \n\nCruger from Ninety-six), immediatelj retreated to Eutaw Springs, near the \nsouth-west bank of the Santee, and there encamped. Greene pursued ; and on \nthe morning of the 8th of September [1781], a severe battle commenced. The \nBritish -were driven from their camp ; and Greene\'s troops, like those of Sum- \niter at Hanging Rock,\' scattered among the tents of the enemy, drinking and \nplundering. The British unexpectedly renewed the battle, and after a bloody \nconflict of about four hours, the Americans were obliged to give way. Stewart \nfelt insecure, for the partisan legions were not far off, and that night the Brit- \nish retreated toward Charleston. The next day [Sept. 9, 1781], Greene ad- \nvanced and took possession of the battle-field, and then sent detachments in \npursuit of the enemy. Both parties claimed the honor of a victory. It be- \nlonged to neither, but the advantage was with the Americans. Congress and \nthe whole country gave warm expressions of their appreciation of the valor of \nthe patriots. The skill, bravery, caution, and acuteness of Greene, were highly \napplauded ; and Congress ordered a gold medal, ornamented with emblems of \nthe battle, to be struck in honor of the event, and presented to him, together \nwith a British standard, captured on that occasion. The Americans lost, in \nkilled, wounded, and missing, five hundred and fifty-five. The British lost six \nhundred and ninety-three. \n\nWhile these events were transpiring upon the upper waters of the Santee,\' \nMarion, Sumter, Lee, and other partisans, were driving British detachments \nfrom post to post, in the lower country, and smiting parties of loyalists in every \ndirection. The British finally evacuated all their interior stations, and retired \nto Charleston, pursued almost to the verge of the city by the bold American \nscouts and partisan troops. At the close of the year [1781] the British at the \nSouth were confined to Charleston and Savannah ; and besides these places, \nthey did not hold a single post south of New York. Late in the season \n[November] Greene moved his army to the vicinity of Charleston,\' placing it \nbetween that city and the South Carolina Legislature, then in session at Jack- \nsonborough ; while Wayne, at the opening of 1782, was closely watching the \nBritish at Savannah. \n\nWe left Cornwallis, after the battle at Guilford Court-house, making his \nway toward Wilmington,* then in possession of a small British garrison, under \nMajor Craig. Cornwallis arrived there on the seventh of April, 1781, and \nremained long enough to recruit and rest his shattered army. Apprised of \nGreene\'s march toward Camden, and hoping to draw him away from Lord \nRawdon, then encamped there," he marched into Virginia, joined the forces of \nPhillips and Arnold, at Petersburgh,\' and then attempted the subjugation of \nthat State. He left Wilmington on the 25th of April, crossed the Roanoke at \n\n\' Page 315. \n\n\' At Columbia, the Saluda and "Wateree join, and form the Congaree. This, with other and \n\xc2\xabnaller tributaries, form the Santee. The Wateree, above Camden, is called the Catawba. \n\n^ After the battle at Eutaw Springs, Greene again encamped on the High Hills of Santee, from \nwhence he sent out expeditions toward Charleston. These were successfiil, and the enemy -vraa \nkept close upon the sea-board during the remainder of the war. * Page 334. \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 315. * Page 330. \n\n\n\n1781.] SEVENTH YEAR OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 33^ \n\nHalifax, and on the 20th of May, reached Petersburg. La Fayette was then \nin Virginia, \' but his force was too small eflfectually to oppose the invaders, and \nthe State seemed doomed to British rule. \n\nFor the purpose of bringing La Fayette into action, Cornwallis penetrated \nthe country beyond Richmond, and destroyed an immense amount of property?- \' \nHe also sent out marauding parties in various directions,\' and for several weets \nthe whole State was kept in great alarm. He finally proceeded [June, 1781] \nslowly toward the coast, closely pursued by La Fayette, Wayne, and Steuben. \nWhile lying at Williamsburg, he received [June 29] orders from General \nClinton, to take post near the sea, in order to reinforce the garrison at New \nYork, if necessary, which was now menaced by the combined American and \nFrench armies. He crossed the James River [July 9] at Old Jamestown, \nwhere he was attacked by Wayne before he could embark his troops. Wayne \nstruck a severe blow, and then skillfully and hastily retreated back to \nthe main army under La Fayette, then only two miles distant. His loss was \ninconsiderable, but the attack damaged the British seriously. After crossing \nthe river, Cornwallis proceeded by land to Portsmouth, opposite Norfolk ; but \ndisliking that situation, he went to Yorktown, on the York River, and com- \nmenced fortifying that place and Gloucester Point, opposite. \n\nThe French army under Rochambeau,* in the mean while, had left New \nEngland, and made its way to the Hudson River, where \nit joined [July 6, 1781] that of the Americans, in the \nvicinity of Dobbs\' Ferry. ^ At that time, Washington, \nwho had the immediate command of the American \nforces, contemplated an attack upon the British in New \nYork city. For six weeks the two armies remained in \nWestchester waiting for the arrival of the Count De \nGrasse, an eminent French naval commander, to co- \noperate in the attack. While preparing to strike the \n\nblow, Clinton was reinforced [August 11] by nearly three count de rochambeau. \nthousand troops from Europe; and intelligence came \nfrom De Grasse that he could not then leave the West Indies. Thus foiled, \nWashington turned his thoughts to Virginia ; and when, a few days afterward, \nhe learned from Be Barras, the successor of Ternay,\' in command of the French \n\n\' Page 330. \n\n* The principal object of Cornwallis in marching beyond Richmond, was to prevent a junction \n\xe2\x80\xa2with La Fayette of troops under "Wayne, then approaching through Maryland. Uut the marquis \nwas too expert, outmarched the earl, and met Wayne on the 10th of June. \n\n\' Colonel Simcoe, commander of an active corps called the Queen\'s Rangers, was sent to capture \nor destroy stores at the junction of the Fluvanna and Rivanna Rivers. Cornwallis also dispatched \nTarleton to attempt the capture of Governor Jefferson and the Legislature, who had fled from Rich- \nmond to Charlottesville, near the residence of Mr. Jefferson. Seven members of the Legislature fell \ninto his hands [June 4], and Mr. Jefferson narrowly escaped capture by fleeing from his house to \nthe mountains. \n\n* The Count Rochambeau was born at Vendome, in France, in 1725. He was a distinguished \nofiBcer in the French army, and after his return from America, was made a Field Marshal by hia \nking. He was pensioned hj Bonaparte, and died in 1807. ^ Page 257. \n\n\' Admiral Ternay died at Newport, soon after the arrival of the fleet there, in the summer of \n1780. His remains were deposited in Trinity Charch-yard there, and a marble slab was placed \nover his grave. \n\n\n\n\n\n340 THE REVOLUTION. [1781. \n\nfleet at Newport, that De Grasse was about to sail for the \nChesapeake, he resolved to march southward, and assist \nLa Fayette against Cornwallis. He wrote deceptive let- \nters to General Greene in New Jersey, and sent them so \nas to be intercepted by Sir Henry Clinton.\' He thus \nblinded the British commander to his real intentions ; and \nit was not until the allied armies had crossed the Hudson, \npassed through New Jersey, and were marching from the \nDelaware toAvard the head of Chesapeake Bay,^ that Clin- \ncouxT DE GRASSE. tou was convluccd that an attack upon the city of New \nYork was not the object of Washington\'s movements. It \nwas then too late for successful pursuit, and he endeavored to recall the Amer- \nicans by sending Arnold to desolate the New England coast. Although there \nwas a terrible massacre perpetrated by the invaders at Fort Griswold\' [Septem- \nber 6, 1781], and New London, opposite (almost in sight of the traitor\'s birth- \nplace),* was burned, it did not check the progress of Washington toward that \ngoal where he was to win the greatest prize of his niilitary career. Nor did \nreinforcements sent by water to aid Cornwallis, effect their object, for when \nAdmiral Graves arrived off the Capes [September 5], De Grasse was there to \nguard the entrance to the Chesapeake.^ He went out to fight Graves, but after \na partial action, both withdrew, and the French fleet was anchored [September \n10] within the Capes.^ \xe2\x96\xa0 \n\nWhile Cornwallis was fortifying Yorktown and Gloucester, and the hostile \nfleets were in the neighboring waters, the allied armies, twelve thousand strong.^ \nwere making their way southward. They arrived before Yorktown on the 28th \nof September, 1781 ; and after compelling the British to abandon their out- \nworks, commenced a regular siege. The place was completely invested on the \n30th, the line of the allied armies extending in a semi-circle, at a distance of \nalmost two miles from the British works, each wing resting upon the York \nRiver. Having completed some batteries, the Republicans opened a heavy can- \nnonade upon the town and the British works on the evening of the 9th of Oc- \n\n* These letters directed Greene to prepare for an attack on New York. \n\n" This is generally called in the letters and histories of tlie time, "Head of Elk," the narrow, \nupper part of the Chesapeake being called Elk River. There stands the village of Elkton. \n\n* Arnold landed at the mouth of the Thames, and proceeded to attack Fort Trumbull, near New \nLondon. The garrison evacuated it, and the village was burned. Another division of the expe- \ndition went up on the east side of the Thames, attacked Fort Griswold at Groton, and after Colonel \nLedyard had surrendered it, he and almost every man in the fort were cruelly murdered, or badly \nwounded. There is a monument to their memory at Groton. \n\n* He was bom at Norwich, at the head of the Thames, a few mOes north of New London. See \nnote 1, page 327. \n\n* Graves intended to intercept a French squadron, which was on its way with heavy cannons \nand military stores for the armies at Yorktown. He was not aware that De Grasse had left the \n"West Indies. \n\n\' The place of anchorage was in Lynn Haven Bay. The hostile fleets were in sight of each \nother for five successive days, but neither party was anxious to renew the combat. \n\n\' Including the Virginia militia, the whole of the American and French forces employed in the \nBiege, amounted to a httle over sixteen thousand men. Of the Americans, about seven thousand \nwere regular troops, and four thousand militia. The French troops numbered about five thousand, \nincluding those brought by De Grasse from the West Indies. \n\n\n\n1781.] SEVENTH YEAR OP THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 34X \n\n\n\ntober. On the following evening thej hurled red-hot balls among the British \nshipping in front of the town, and burned several vessels. Hour after hour, \ndisasters were gathering a fearful web of difficulty around Cornwallis. De- \nspairing of aid from Clinton, and perceiving his strong fortifications crumbling, \none by one, under the terrible storm of iron from a hundred heavy cannons, he \nattempted to escape on the night of the 16th, by crossing to Gloucester, break- \ning through the French troops stationed there, and making forced marches to- \nward New York. When the van of his troops embarked, the waters of the \nYork River were perfectly calm, although dark clouds were gathering in the \nhorizon. Then a storm arose as sudden \nand as fearful as a summer tornado, dis- \npersed the boats, compelled many to put \nback, and the attempt was abandoned.\' \nHope now faded ; and on the 19th, Corn- \nwallis surrendered the posts at York- \ntown and Gloucester, with almost seven \nthoujand British soldiers, and his ship- \nping and seamen, into the hands of Wash- \nington and De Grasse," \n\nThe ceremony, on the occasion of \nthe suriender, was exceedingly impos- \ning. The American army was drawn \nup on the right side of the road lead- \ning from Yorktown to Hampton (see \nmap), and the French army on the left. Their lines extended more than a \nmile in length. Washington, upon hh wliite charger, was at the head of the \nAmerican column ; and Rochambeau, upon a powerful bay horse, was at the \n.head of the French column. A vast concourse of people, equal in number, ac- \ncording to eye-witnessfes, to the military^ was also assembled from the sur- \nrounding country to participate in the joy of the event. Universal silence pre- \nvailed as the vanquished troops slowly marched out of their intrenchments, with \ntheir colors cased, and their drums beating a British tune, and passed between \nthe columns of the combined armies. All were eager to look upon Lord Corn- \nwallis, the terror of the South,\' in the hour of his adversity. They were dis- \n\n\n\n\nOF YORKTOWN. \n\n\n\n\' Note 4, page 247. \n\n* The British lost one hundred and fifty-six killed, three hundred and twenty-six wounded, and \nseventy missing. The combined armies lost, in killed and wounded, about three hundred. Among \nthe spoils were seventy -five brass, and one hundred and sixty iron cannons ; seven thousand seven \nhundred and ninety-four muskets ; twenty-eight regimental standards ; a large quantity of musket \nand cannon-balls ; and nearly eleven thousand dollars in specie in the military chest. The army \nwas surrendered to Washington, and the shipping and seamen to De Grasse. The latter soon after- \nward left the Chesapeake, and went to the West Indies. Rochambeau remained with his troops in \nVirginia during the winter, and the main body of the American army marched north, and went into \nwinter quarters on the Hudson. A strong detachment, under General St. Clair [page 276], was \ntent south to drive the British from Wilmington, and reinforce the army of General Greene, then \nlying near Charleston. \n\n\' The conduct of Lord Cornwallis, during his march of over fifteen hundred miles through the \nSouthern States, was often disgraceful to the British name. He suffered dwelling-houses to be \n\xe2\x80\xa2plundered of every thmg that could be carried off; and it was well known that his lordship\'s tabla \n\n\n\n342 THE REVOLUTION. [1781. \n\nappointed ; he had given himself up to vexation and despair, and, feigning \nillness, he sent General O\'Hara with his sword, to lead the vanquished armj to \nthe field of humiliation. Having arrived at the head of the line, General \nO\'Hara advanced toward Washington, and, taking off his hat, apologized for the \nabsence of Earl Cornwallis. The commander-in-chief pointed him to General \nLincoln for directions. It must have been a proud moment for Lincoln, for \nonly the year before he was obliged to make a humiliating surrender of his \narmy to British conquerors at Charleston.\' Lincoln conducted the royal troops \nto the field selected for laying down their arms, and there General O\'Hara \ndelivered to him the sword of Cornwallis. Lincoln received it. and then po- \nlitely handed it back to O\'Hara, to be returned to the earl. \n\nThe delivery of the colors of the several regiments, twenty-eight in num- \nber, was next performed. For this purpose, twenty-eight British captains, \neach bearing a flag in a case, were drawn up in line. Opposite to them, at a \ndistance of six paces, twenty-eight American sergeants were placed in line to \nreceive the colors. An ensign Avas appointed by Colonel Hamilton, the officer \nof the dav, to conduct this interesting ceremony.\'^ When the ensign gave the \norder for the British captains to advance two paces, to deliver up their colors, \nand the American sergeants to advance two paces to receive them, the former \nhesitated, and gave as a reason, that they were unwilling to surrender their \nflags to non-commissioned officers. Hamilton, who was at a distance, observed \nthis hesitation, and rode up to inquire the cause. On being informed, he will- \nincrly spared the feelings of the British captains, and ordered the ensign to \nreceive them himself, and hand them to the American sergeants. The scene is \ndepicted in the engraving. \n\nClinton appeared at the entrance to Chesapeake Bay a few days afterward, \nwith seven thousand troops, but it was too late. The final blow which struck \ndown British power in America had been given. The victory was complete ; \nand Clinton returned to New York, amazed and disheartened. \n\nGreat was the joy throughout the colonies when intelhgence of the capture \nof the British army reached the people. From every family altar where a love \nof freedom dwelt \xe2\x80\x94 from pulpits, legislative halls, the army, and fi\'om Congress,* \n\n\n\nwas furnished with plate thus obtained from private fixmilies. His march was more frequently that \nof a marauder than an honorable general. It is estimated that Virginia alone lost, during Corn- \nwallis\'s attempt to reduce it, thirty thousand slaves. It was also estimated, at the time, from the best \ninformation that could be obtained, that, during the six months previous to the surrender at York- \ntov/n, the whole devastations of his army amounted in value to about fifteen miUions of dollars. \n\n\' Page 311. \n\n^ I^nsign Robert Wilson, of General James Clinton\'s New York Brigade. He was the youngest \ncommissioned officer in the army, being then only eighteen years of age. He was afterward a magis- \ntrate in central New York for a number of years, and was for some time postmaster at Manlius, in \nOnondago county. He died in 1811. \n\n* A messenger, with a dispatch from Washington, reached Philadelphia at midnight. Soon the \nwatchmen in the streets cried, \xe2\x80\xa2\' Past twelve o\'clock, and Cornwallis is taken." Before dawn the \nexulting people filled the streets; and at an early hour, Secretary Thomson [page 227] read that \ncheering letter to the assembled Congress. Then that august body went in procession to a temple \nof the living God [Oct. 24th, 1781], and there joined in public thanksgivings to the King of kings, \nfor the great victory. They also resolved that a marble column should be erected at Yorktown, to \ncommemorate the event; and that two stands of colors should be presented to Washington, and two- \npieces of cannon to each of the French commanders, Rochambeau and De Grasse. \n\n\n\n\nSurrender of Flags at Yorktown. \n\n\n\n1782.] CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR FOR I NDEPENDENCE. 345 \n\nthere went up a shout of thanksgiving and praise to the Lord God Omnipotent, \nfor the success of the allied troops, and these were mingled with universal eulo- \ngies of the great leader and his companions in arms. The clouds which had \nlowered for seven long years, appeared to be breaking, and the splendors of \nthe dawn of peace burst forth, like the light of a clear morning after a dismal \nnight of tempest and woe. And the desire for peace, which had long burned \nin the bosom of the British people, now found such potential expression, as to \nbe heeded bj the British ministry. The intelligence of the fate of Cornwallis \nand his party, fell Avith all the destructive energy of a bomb-shell in the midst \nof the war-party in Parliament;\' and the stoutest declaimers in fiivor of bay- \nonets and gunpowder, Indians and German mercenaries," as fit instruments for \nenslaving a free people, began to tal!c of the expediency of peace. Public \nopinion soon found expression in both Houses of Parliament ; and Lord North^ \nand his compeers, who had misled the nation for twelve years, gave way \nunder the pressure of the peace sentiment, and retired from office on the 20th \nof March, 1782. The advocates of peace then came into power ; and early in \nthe following May, Sir Guy Carleton^ arrived in New York, with propositions \nfor a reconciliation. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX. \n\nCLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. [1782\xe2\x80\x941789.] \n\nGeneral Greene, with the main body of the Southern army, was yet on \nthe High Hills of Santee, Avhen, on the 30th of October [1781], intelligence \nof the capture of Cornwallis reached him. The day of its arrival was made \njubilant with rejoicings by the army. The event seemed to be a guaranty for \nthe future security of the Republicans in the South, and Governor Rutledge^ \nsoon called a Legislative Assembly, to meet at Jacksonborough, to re-establish \ncivil authority. An offer of pardon for penitents, brought hundreds of Tories \nfrom the British lines at Charleston, to accept the clemency. The North Caro- \nlina Tories were dismayed, for immediately after the surrender of Cornwallis, \nSt. Clair" had marched upon Wilmington, when the frightened enemy imme- \ndiately abandoned that post, and ISIajor Craig, the commander, and a few \nfollowers, took post upon St. John\'s Island, near Charleston. Yet the vigilance \nof the Americans was not. allowed to slumber, for a wary foe yet occupied the \ncapitals of South Carohnaand Georgia. Marion and his men kept \'\xe2\x96\xa0\' zit^h. and \nward" over the region between the Cooper and the Santee,\' while Greene\'s main \n\n\n\n\' Lord George Germaine said that Lord North received the intelligence "as he would have \ndone a cannon-ball in his breast." He paced the room, and throwing his arms wildly about, kept \nexclaiming, " 0, God 1 it is all over, it is all over !" \n\n" Page 246. ^ Page 224. " Page 240. " Page 310. \xc2\xab Page 276. \n\n^ On one occasion, Marion\'s brigade suflered a severe defeat, wliile the commander was attend- \n\n\n\n346 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION \n\n\n\n[1782. \n\n\n\narmy lay near the Edisto ; and Wayne, always vigilant, kept the enemy as \nclose within his intrenchments at Savannah. Washington, who returned to the \nNorth immediately after the surrender, was, at the same time, keeping Clinton \nftud his army close prisoners in New York. \n\n\n\n\nWhile the theater of war was thus narrowing, British statesmen of all \nparties, considering the capture of Cornwallis and his army as the death-blow \nto all hope for future conquests, turned their attention to measures for an \nhonorable termination of the unnatural war. General Conway, the firm and \nlong-tried friend of the Americans, oflfered a resolution in Parliament in Febru- \nary [1782], which was preliminary to the enactment of a decree for command- \ning the cessation of hostilities. It was lost by only one vote. Thus encouraged, \n\n\n\nhig his duties aa a member of the South Carolina Legislature. He left liis men in command of \nColonel Horry, and near the Santee, Colonel Thompson (afterward the eminent Count Rumford) \nattacked the corps, with a superior force, and dispersed it. Marion arrived during the engagement, \nrallied his brigade, and then retired beyond the Santee, to reorganize and recruit. Benjamin \nThompson wis a native of Massachusetts, and was born in March, 1753. He became a school- \nmaster, and while acting in that capacity, he married a rich widow. Already his mind was filled \n\xe2\x96\xa0with, scientific knowledge, and now he pursued his studies and investigations with energy. When \nthe Revolution broke out, he refused to take part in political matters. The Whigs drove him to \nBoston for British protection, and he was sent to England by Lord Howe, with dispatches. Toward \nthe close of the war, he commanded a corps of Tories at New York and Charleston. He returned \nto Europe, became acquainted with the sovereign of Bavaria, made himself exceedingly useful, was \nraised to the highest dignity, and was created a count. After suffering many vicissitudes, he died, near \nParis, in August. 1814. His daughter, the Countess of Rumford, who was born in America, died at \nConcord, New Hampshire, in 1852. See Lossing\'s Eminmt Americans. \n\n\n\n1T89.] CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 34^ \n\nthe opposition pressed the subject warmly upon the attention of the House of \nCommons and the nation, and on the 4th of March, Conwaj moved "That th^ \nHouse would consider as enemies to his majesty and the country all those wh(i \nshould advise, or by any means attempt, the further prosecution of offensive \n\n\n\n\nyzy \n\n\n\nwar on the Continent of North America." The resolution was carried without \na division, and the next day the attorney-general introduced a plan for a truce \nwith the Americans. Orders for a cessation of hostilities speedily went forth \nto the British commanders in America, and preparations were soon made for \nevacuating the cities of Savannah and Charleston. \n\nWhen General Leslie, the British commander at Charleston, was apprised \nof these proceedings in Parliament, he proposed to General Greene a cessation \nof hostilities. Like a true soldier, Greene referred the matter to Congress, and \ndid not for a moment relax his vigilance. Leslie also requested Greene to allow \nhim to purchase supplies for his army, at the same time declaring his intention \nto evacuate Charleston. Greene was unwilling thus to nourish a viper, until \nhis power to injure was destroyed, and he refused. Leslie then resorted to \nforce to obtain provisions. Already he had made several efforts to penetrate \nthe country for the purpose, and now, late in August, he attempted to ascend \nthe Combahee,* when he was opposed by the Americans under General Gist, of \n\n\n\nPage 42. \n\n\n\n548 THE REVOLUTION. [1782. \n\nthe Maryland line. Colonel John Laurens\' volunteered in the service ; and in \na skirmish at day-break, on the 25th of August, he was killed. He was greatly \nbeloved by all, and his death was mourned with real sorrow. His was almost \nthe last hfe sjicrificed in that glorious old war. The blood of one other was \nshed at Stono Ferry/ a few weeks afterward, when Captain Wilmot was killed in \na skirmish with a British foraging party. \n\nSeveral weeks previous to this, the British had evacuated Savannah. That \nevent occurred on the llth of July, when General Wayne, in consideration of \nthe eminent services of Colonel James Jackson,\' appointed him to " receive the \nkeys of the city of Savannah"\' from a committee of British officers. He per- \nformed the duty with great dignity, and on the same day the American army \nentered the city. Royal power then ceased in Georgia, forever. On the 14th \nof December following, the British evacuated Charleston, and the next day, the \nAmericans, under General Greene, took possession of it, greeted from windows, \nbalconies, and even house-tops, with cheers, waving of handkercniefs, and cries \nof "God bless you, gentlemen! Welcome! Welcome!" The British \nremained in New York almost a year longer (until the 25th of November, \n1783), under the command of Sir Guy Carleton, who had succeeded Sir Henry \nClinton, because the final negotiations for peace were not completed, by ratifi- \ncation, until near that time. \n\nMeasures were now taken by Congress and the British government to \narrange a treaty of peace. The United States appointed five commissioners for \nthe purpose, in order that difierent sections of the Union might be represented. \nThese consisted of John Adams, John Jay, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jef- \nferson, and Henry Laurens. These met Ricliard Oswald, the English com- \nmissioner, at Paris, and there, on the 30th of November, 1782, they signed a \npreliminary treaty.\' French and English commissioners also signed a treaty \nof peace on the 20th of January following. Congress ratified the action of its \ncommissioners in April, 1783, yet negotiations were in progress until September \nfollowing, when a definitive treaty was signed [September 3, 1783] at Paris." \nLi that treaty, England acknowledged the Independence of the United \nStates ; allowed ample boundaries, extending northward to the Great Lakes, \n\n\' Note 2, page 329. \' Page 2.^6. \n\n* James Jackson was one of the most eminent men in Georgia. He was bom in England, in \nSeptember, 1757, and came to America in 1772. He studied law at Savannah, and was an active \nsoldier during the whole war for Independence. "When a httle past thirty years of age, he was \nelected governor of Georgia, but dechned the honor on account of his youth. He was a member \nof the United States Senate for some time, and was govLrnor of his State for two years. He died, \nwhile at Washington, as United States senator, in 1808, and hia remains are m the Congressional \nburial-ground. See his portrait on page 347. \n\n* Vergennes, the French minister, was dissatisfied with the manner in which the matter had \nbeen conducted. It was understood, by the terms of the alliance between the United States and \nFrance (and expressly stated in the instructions of the commissioners), that no treaty should be \nsigned by the latter without the knowledge of the other. Tet it was done on this occasion. A \nportion of the American commissioners doubted the good faith of Yergennes, because he favored \nSpanish claims. Dr. Franklin, however, trusted Yergennes impMcitlj-, and the latter appears to \nhave acted honorably, throughout. The cloud of dissatisfaction soon passed away, when Franklin, \nwith soft words, explained the whole matter. \n\n\xc2\xbb It was signed, on the part of England, by David Hartley, and on that of the United States, by \nDr. Franklin, John Adams, and John Jay. \n\n\n\n1789.] CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 349 \n\nand westward to the Mississippi, and an unlimited right of fishing on the banks \nof Newfoundland. The two Floridas were restored to Spain. At the same \ntime, definitive treaties between England, France, Spain, and Holland, were \nsigned bj their respective commissioners,\' and the United States became an \nactive power among the nations of the earth." \n\nA great work had now been accomplished, yet the joy of the American \npeople, in view of returning peace and prosperity, was mingled with many \ngloomy apprehensions of evil. The army, which, through the most terrible \nsufierings, had remained faithful, and become conqueror, was soon to be dis- \nbanded ; and thousands, many of them made invalids by the hard service in \nwhich they had been engaged, would be compelled to seek a livelihood in the \nmidst of the desolation which war had produced.^ For a long time the public \ntreasury had been empty, and neither officers nor soldiers had received any pay \nfor their services. A resolution of Congress, passed in 1780 [October 21], to \nallow the officers half pay for life, was ineffective, because funds were wanting. \nAlready the gloomy prospect had created wide-spread murmurings in the army, \nand there were many men who sighed for a stronger government. They ascribed \nthe weakness of the Confederation to its republican form, and a change, to be \nwrought by the army, was actually proposed to Washington. Nicola, a foreign \nofficer in a Pennsylvania regiment, made the proposition, in a well-written letter, \nand not only urged the necessity of a monarchy, but endeavored to persuade \nWashington to become king, by the voice of the army. The sharp rebuke of the \ncommander-in-chief [May, 1 782] , checked all further movements in that direction. \n\nThe general discontent soon assumed another shape, and on the 11th of \nMarch, 1783, a well-written address was circulated through the American camp \n(then near Newburg), which advised the army to take matters into its own \nhands, make a demonstration that should arouse the fears of the people and of \nCongress, and thus obtain justice for themselves.* For this purpose a meeting \nof officers was called, but the great influence of Washington prevented a \nresponse. The commander-in-chief then summoned all the officers together, \nlaid the matter before them [March 15], and obtained from them a patriotic \nexpression of their faith in the "justice of Congress and the country." In a \nfew days the threatening cloud passed away, and soon after this event Congress \nmade arrangements for granting to the officers fall pay for five years, instead \nof half pay for life ; and to the soldiers full pay for four months, in partial \nliquidation of their claims. This arrangement was not satisfactory, and discon- \n\n\' That between Great Britain and Holland was signed on the second. \n\n\' John Adams was the first minister of the United States to Great Britain. He was politely \nreceived by King George the Third ; and that monarch was faithful to his promises to preserve \ninviolate the covenant he had made by acknowledging the independence of the new Republic. \n\n^ The army, consisting of about ten thousand men, was then encamped on the Hudson, near \nNewburg. \n\n* This address was anonymous, but it was afterward acknowledged to be the production of John \nArmstrong, then a major, and one of General Gates\'s aids. It is believed that Gates and other \nofficers were the instigators of the scheme, and that Armstrong acted under tlieir direction. He \nwas an accomplished ^vrite^, and was mucli in public life after the war. He was United States min- \nister to France for six years, from 1804. He was Secretary of "War in 1814 ; and died iu Duche^:3 \ncounty, New York, in 1843, in the eighty-fifth year of his age. \n\n\n\n350 THE REVOLUTION. [1782. \n\ntent still prevailed.\' In the mean while [March 2] the preliminary treaty had \narrived. On the eighth anniversary of the skirmish at Lexington [April 19, \n1783], a cessation of hostilites was proclaimed in the army, and on the 3d of \nNovember following, the army was disbanded by a general order of Congress. A \nsmall force was retained under a definite enlistment, until a peace establishment \nshould be organized.\'* These were now at West Point, under the command of \nGeneral Knox. The remainder of that glorious band of patriots then quietly \nreturned to their homes, to enjoy, for the remnant of their lives, the blessings of \nthe liberty they had won, and the grateful benedictions of their countrymen. \nOf the two hundred and thirty thousand Continental soldiers, and the fifty-six \nthousand militia who bore arms during the war, the names of only two are now \n[1867] on the pension list !\' And the average of these must be full ninety years. \nThe British army evacuated the city of New York on the 25th of Novem- \nber, 1783. With their departure, went, forever, the last instrument of royal \npower in these United States. On the morning of that day \xe2\x80\x94 a cold, frosty, \nbut clear and brilliant morning \xe2\x80\x94 the American troops, \nunder General Knox,* who had come down from West \nPoint and encamped at Harlem, marched to the Bowery \nLane, and halted at the present junction of Third \nAvenue and the Bowery. Knox was accompanied by \nGeorge Clinton,\'\' the governor of the State of Nevr \nYork, with all the principal civil officers. There they \nremained until about one o\'clock in the afternoon, when \nthe British left their posts in that vicinity and marched \nto Whitehall." The American troops followed, and \n\nGOVERNOR CLISTON. \n\n\' In May, 1183, a portion of the Pennsylvania troops, lately arrived from the South, marched \nto Philadelphia, vv^here they were joined by others, and for three hours they stood at the door of the \nState House, and demanded immediate pay from Congress. St. Clair, then in command there, \npacified tliem for the moment, and "Washington soon quelled the mutiny. See page 328. \n\n* A great portion of the officers and soldiers had been permitted, during the summer, to visit \ntheir homes on fiu\'lough. The proclamation of discharge, by Congress, was followed by "Washing- \nton\'s farewell address to his companions in arms, written at Rocky HiU, New Jersey, on the 3d of \nNovember. He had already issued a circular letter (Newburg, June 8th, 1783) to the govemorti \nof all the States on the subject of disbanding the army. It was designed to be laid before the sev- \neral State Legislatures. It is a document of great value, because of the soundness of its doctrines, \nand the weight and wisdom of its counsels. Four great points of policy constitute the chief theme \nof his communication, namely, an indissoluble union of the States ; a sacred regard for public justice ; \nthe organization of a proper peace establishment ; and a friendly intercourse among the people of th\xc2\xa3 \nseveral States, by which local prejudice might be effaced. " These," he remarks, " are the pillars on \nwhich the glorious fabric of our independency and national character must be supported." No \ndoubt this address had great influence upon the minds of the whole people, and made them yeam \nfor that more efficient union which the Federal Constitution soon afterward secured. \n\n* Great Britain sent to America, during the war, one hundred and twelve thousand five hun- \ndred and eighty-four troops for the land service, and more than twenty-two thousand seamen. Of \nall this host, not one is known to be living. One of them (Jolm Battin) died in the city of New \nYork, in June, 1852, at the age of one hundred years and four months. \n\n* Henry Knox, the able commander of the artillery during the Revolution, was bom in Boston, \nin 1740. He entered the army at the commencement of the war. He was President "Washington\'s \nSecretary of "War, and held that office eleven years. He died at Thomaston, in Maine, in 1806. _ \n\n^ Like Governors Trumbull [page 323] and Rutledge [page 310], Clinton, in a civil capacity, \nwas of immense service to the American cause. He was born in Ulster county, New York, in 1739. \nHe was governor about eighteen years, and died in 1812, while Vice-President of the United \nBtates. See page 404, * Now the South Ferry to Brooklyn. \n\n\n\n\n1189.] CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 351 \n\nbefore three o\'clock General Knox took formal possession of Fort George amid \nthe acclaraations of thousands of emancipated freemen, and the roar of artillery \nupon the Battery. \n\nOn Thursday, the 4th of Deceml)er, Washington met his officers, yet re* \n\n\n\n\nmaining in service, at his quarters, corner of Broad and Pearl-streets, New \nYork, for the last time. Tlie scene, as described by Marshall,\' the best of the \nearly biographers of Washington, was one of great tenderness. The commander- \nin-chief entered the room where they were all waiting, and taking a glass of \nwine in his hand, he said, " With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take \n\n\n\n\' John Marshall, th\xc2\xab eminent Chief Justice of the United States, was born in Fauquier county, \nVirginia, in 1755, and was the eldest of fifteen children by the same mother. He entered the mil- \nitary service, in the Virginia militia, against Duninore [page 244], in 1775, and was in the battle at \nthe Great Bridge [see page 243]. He remained in service, as an excellent officer, until early in \n\n1780, when he studied law, and became very eminent in his profession. He was again in the tield in \n\n1781. In 1782 he was a member of the Virginia Legislature. He was chosen Secretary of War in \n1800, and the next year was elevated to tiie Chief Justiceship of the United States. His LAfe of \nWaihuiglon was published in 1805. Judge Marshall died at Philadelphia in 1835, in the eightieth \nyear of his age. He was an exceedingly plain man, in person and habits, and always carried his \nown marketing home in his hands. On one occasion, a young housekeeper was swearing lustily \nbecause he could not hire a person to carry his turkey home for him. A plain man, standing by \nollered to perform the service, and when they arrived at the door, the young man asked, "Wliat \nshall I pay you?" "Oh, nothing," replied the old man; "you are welcome; it was on my way, \nand no trouble." " Who is that polite old gentleman who brought home my turkey for me ?" in- \nquired the young man of a bystander. " Tliat," he replied, " is John Marshall, Chief Justice of the \nUnited States." The astonished youns: man exclaimed, "Why did he bring home my turkey?" \n" To give you a severe reprimand." replied the other, "and to-lwuaj you to attend to your own bus- \niness." The lesson was never forgotten. J^ X / \n\n\n\n852 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION. \n\n\n\n[1782. \n\n\n\n\nleave of you. I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous \nand happy as your former ones have been glorious and honorable." Having \ndrank, he continued, "I can not come to each of you to take my leave, but \nshall be obliged to you if each will come and take me by the hand." Knox, \n\xe2\x80\xa2who stood nearest to him, turned and grasped his hand, and, while the tears \nflowed down the cheeks of each, the commander-in-chief kissed him. This he \ndid to each of his officers, while tears and sobs stifled utterance. Washington \nsoon left the room, and passing through corps of light infxntry, he walked in \nsilence to Whitehall, where he embarked in a barge for Elizabethtown, on his \nway to Annapolis, in Maryland, where Congress was in session. There, on the \n23d of December, he resigned into its custody the com- \nmission w^iich he received [June 16, 1775] from that \nbody more than eight years before.\' His address on \nthat occasion was simple and touching, and the re- \nsponse of General Mifflin,\'^ the president, was equally \naffecting. The spectacle was one of great moral sub- \nlimity. Like Cincinnatus, Washington, having been \ninstrumental, under Providence, in preserving the lib- \nerties of his country and achieving its independence, \nlaid down the cares of State and returned to his plow. \n\nA few months before the final disbanding of the army, many of the officers^ \nthen at Newburg, on the Hudson, met [June 19, 1783] at the head-quarters ot \nthe Baron Steuben, situated about two miles from the Fishkill \nFerry, and there formed an association, which they named the \nSociety of the Cincinnati. The chief objects of the Society \nwere to promote cordial friendship and indissoluble union among \nthemselves ; to commemorate, by frequent re-unions, the great \nstruggle they had just passed through ; to use their best en- \ndeavors for the promotion of human liberty ; to cherish good \nfeeling between the respective States ; and to extend benevolent \naid to those of the Society whose circumstances might require \nit. They formed a General Society, and elected Washington \nits first president. They also made provision for the formation \nof auxiliary State societies. To perpetuate the Association, it \nwas provided, in the constitution, that the eldest male descend- \nant of an original member should be entitled to bear the Order, \nand enjoy the privileges of the Society. The Order" consists \nof a gold eagle, suspended upon a ribbon, on the breast of which is a medallion \n\n\n\nGENERAL MIFFLIN. \n\n\n\n\n\' Page 238. At the same time \'Washington rendered the account current of his expenditures, \nfor reconnoitering, traveling, secret service, and miscellaneous expenses, amounting to about \n$74,480. He would receive nothing in compensation for his own services as commander-in-chief \n\n\' Tbomas Mifflin was born in Philadelphia in 1744. He was a Quaker [note 7, page 94], but \njoined the patriot army in 1775, and rapidly rose to the rank of major-general. He was a member \nof Congress after the war, and also governor of Pennsylvania. He died in January, 1800. \n\n\' An or(hr is a badge, or visible token of regard or distinction, conferred upon persons for mer- \nitorious services. On tlie breast of Baron Steuben on page 291, is the order of Fidelity, presented \nto him by Frederic the Great of Prussia, for his services in the army of that monarcL Some of the \n\n\n\n\n\'^^- \n\n\n\n\'^BH \n\n\n\nWAoiEnw(&ir\xc2\xaeKr mE^E(BMiiM(& smg C(S)mmis^ \n\n\n\n1789.] CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 353 \n\nwith a device, representing Cincinnatus reseiving the Roman senators.* SeV\' \neral State societies are yet [1883] in existence. \n\nThe war was ended, and peace was guarantied, but the people had much to \ndo in the adjustment of public afiixirs, so as to lay the foundations of permanent \nprosperity, and thus secure the liberty and independence proclaimed and \nacknowledged. The country was burdened Avith a heavy debt, foreign and do- \nmestic,* and the Articles of Confederation^ gave Congress no power to dis- \ncharge them, if it had possessed the ability. On its recommendation, however, \nthe individual States attempted to raise their respective quotas, by direct tax- \nation. But all were impoverished by the war, and it was found to be impos- \nsible to provide means even to meet the arrears of pay due the soldiers of the \nRevolution. Each State had its local obligations to meet, and Congress could \nnot coerce compliance with its recommendations. \n\nThis effort produced great excitement in many of the States, and finally, in \n1786, a portion of the people of Massachusetts openly i-ebelled. Daniel Shays, \nwho had been a captain in the continental army, marched at the head of a thou- \nsand men, took possession of Worcester, and prevented a session of the Supreme \nCourt. He repeated the same at Springfield. The insurrection soon became \n80 formidable, that Governor Bowdoin was compelled to call out several thou- \nsand militia, under General Lincoln, to suppress it. Lincoln captured one hun- \ndred and fifty of the insurgents, and their power was broken. A free pardon \nwas, finally, offered to all privates who had engaged in the rebellion. Several \nleaders were tried, and sentenced to death, but none were executed, for it was \nperceived that the great mass of the people sympathized with them. This epi- \nsode is known as Shays\' s Rebellion. \n\nWe have already noticed the fact that the Pope was unfriendly to England,* \nand looked with favor upon the rebellious movements of her colonies. Soon \nafter the treaty of peace was concluded [Sept. 3, 1783], the Pope\'s Nuncio at \nParis made overtures to Franklin, on the subject of appointing an apostolic \nvicar for the United States. The matter was referred to Congress, and that \nbody properly replied, that the subject being purely spiritual, it was beyond \ntheir control. The idea of entire separation between the State and spiritual \ngovernments \xe2\x80\x94 the full exercise of freedom of conscience \xe2\x80\x94 was thus early enun- \n\n\n\norders conferred by kings are very costly, being made of gold and sUver, and precious stones. The \npicture of the order of the Cincinnati, given on the preceding page, is half the size of the original \n\n* Cincinnatus was a noble Roman citizen. "When the Romans were menaced with destruction \nby an enemy, the Senate appointed delegates to invite Cincinnatus to assume the cliief magistracy \nof the nation. They found him at his plow. He immediately complied, raised an army, subdued \nthe enemy, and, after bearing the almost imperial dignity for fourteen days, he resigned his oflSce, \nand returned to bis plow. How like Cincinnatus were Washington and his compatriots of the War \nfor Independence ! \n\n"^ According to an estimate made by the Register of the Treasury in 1790, the entire cost of the \nWar for Independence, was at least one hundred and thirty millions of dollars, exclusive of vast sums \nlost by individuals and the several States, to the amount, probably, of forty millions more. The \ntreasury payments amounted to almost ninety-three millions, chiefly in continental bills. The foreiga \ndebt amounted to eight millions of dollars ; and the domestic debt, due chiefly to the officers and \nsoldiers of the Revolution, was more than thirty millions of rl:3rnr-. \n\n\' Note 1, page 267, and Supplement. * Page 266. \n\n23 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION, \n\n\n\n[1888 \n\n\n\n854 \n\nciated. The Pope accordingly appointed the Reverend Jobn Carroll, of \nMaryland, to the high office of Apostolic- Vicar.* At about the same time, \nthe Church of England in the United States sought a re-organization. In \ncompliance with the wishes of the Churchmen of Connecticut, the Rev- \nerend Samuel Seabury went to England in 1784, to obtain ordination as \nbishop. The English bishops hesitating to act in consequence of the \nrefusal of Seabury to take the oath of allegiance to the king of England \nas head of the Church, he obtained ordination by Scotch bishops at \nAberdeen.* \n\n\n\n\nThree years later, the Reverend William White, who had been elected* \nbishop of the diocese of Pennsylvania, was consecrated, (with Bishop \nProvoost, of New York,) by the Archbishop of Canterbury ; ^ and a few \nyears later, the independent " Protestant Episcopal Church in the United \nStates of America," was established. Such was the commencement of \ntwo of the most prominent prelatical Churches in this country. The \nMethodist Church, which has since flourished so wonderfully, was then \njust taking firm root. \n\n\n\ni John Carroll was a native of Maryland. He was ordained to the ministry in the Roman \nCatholic Church in 1769 ; was consecrated a bishop in 1790, and made archbishop in 1808. \n\n2 Samuel Seabury was a native of Connecticut. He entered the ministry in 1758, and became \nthe first bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church, in this country, in 1784. \n\n^William White entered the ministry by ordination in London, in 1770 ; and at one time he \nwas chaplain to the Continental Congress. He was consecrated a bishop in 1787, and in 1789 hfl \npresided over the convention called to consider the organization of an American Church. H? \nwrote the constitution of that Chui-ch ; and with the assistance of Bishop Seabury, he revised th^ \nBook of Common Prayer, so as to adapt it to the new order of things. \n\n\n\n1789.] CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 355 \n\nFor a long time it had been clearly perceived that, while the Articles of \nConfederation formed a sufficient constitution of government during the prog- \nTess of the war, they were not adapted to the public wants in the new condition \nof an independent sovereignty in which the people found themselves. There \nappeared a necessity for a greater centralization of power by which the general \ngovernment could act more efficiently for the public good. To a great extent, \nthe people lost all regard for the authority of Congress, and the commercial \nafiairs of the country became wretchedly deranged. In truth, every thing \nseemed to be tending toward utter chaos, soon after the peace in 1783,^ and the \nleading minds engaged in the struggle for Independence, in view of the increas- \ning and magnified evils, and the glaring defects of the Articles of Confedera- \ntion, were turned to the consideration of a plan for a closer union of the States, \nand for a general government founded on the principles of the Declaration of \nIndependence, from which the confederation in question widely departed. \n\nThe sagacious mind of Washington early perceived, with intense anxiety, \nthe tendency toward ruin of that fair fabric which his wisdom and prowess had \nhelped to rear, and he took the initial step toward the adoption of measures \nwhich finally resulted in the formation of the present Constitution of the United \nStates.\'^ At his suggestion, a convention, for the purpose of consulting on the \nbest means of remedying the defects of the Federal Government, was held at \nAnnapolis, in Maryland, in September, 1786. Only five States (Virginia, \nDelaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and New York) were represented. They \nmet on the 11th of that month, and John Dickenson\' was chosen chairman. \nThey finally appointed a committee to prepare a draft of a report to be made to \nthe Legislatures of the several States, then represented. The committee \nreported on the 14th, but there not being a representation from a majority of \nthe States, it was thought advisable to postpone further action. They adjourned, \nafter recommending the appointment of deputies to meet in convention at \nPhiladelphia, in May following. The report was adopted and transmitted to \nCongress. On the 21st of February, 1787, a committee of that body,* to whom \nthe report of the commissioners was referred, reported thereon, and strongly \nrecommended to the diiferent Legislatures to send forward delegates to meet in \nthe proposed convention at Philadelphia. Propositions were made by delegates \nfrom New York and Massachusetts, and finally the following resolution, sub- \nmitted by the latter, after being amended, was agreed to : \n\n" Resolved, That in the opinion of Congress, it is expedient that on the \nsecond Monday in May next, a convention of delegates, who shall have been \nappointed by the several States, be held at Philadelphia, for the sole and \nexpress purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation, and reporting to \nCongress and the several Legislatures such alterations and provisions therein \nas shall, when agreed to in Congress, and confirmed by the States, render the \n\n\n\n\' Page 348. \xc2\xab Page 359. \' Page 219. \n\n* The committee consisted of Messrs. Dana, Vamum, S. M, Mitchell, Smith, Cadwalader, Irvioe^ \nN. Mitchell, Forest, Grayson, Blount, Bull, and Few. \n\n\n\n356 THE REVOLUTION. [1782. \n\nFederal Constitution adequate to the exigences of the government and the \npreservation of the Union." \n\nThis resolution, with a preamble, was immediately transmitted to the several \nSpeakers of State Legislatives Assemblies, and they were laid before the repre- \nsentatives of the people in all the States of the Confederacy. While a feeling \ngenerally prevailed, that something must be done to avert the threatened anarchy, \ntoward which governmental operations were rapidly tending, great caution was \nobserved in the delegation of powers to those who should be appointed members \nof the proposed convention.\' In May, ITST,"" delegates from all the States, \nexcept New Hampshire and Rhode Island,\' assembled at Philadelphia, in the \nroom where Congress was in session when the Declaration of Independence was \nadopted.^ Washington, who was a delegate from Virginia, was, on motion of \nRobert Morris, chosen President. Able statesmen were his associates,^ and they \nentered earnestly upon their duties. They had not proceeded far, however, \nbefore they perceived that the Articles of Confederation were so radically \ndefective, and their powers so inadequate to meet the wants of the country, that, \ninstead of trying to amend that old code, they went diligently to work to form \na new Constitution. For some time they made but little progress. There were \n\n* The great question that came up before the members, at the very commencement of the session \nof the Convention, was, "What powers do we possess? Can the amendments to the Articles of \nConfederation be carried so far as to establish an entirely new system?" \n\n\' The day fixed for the assembUng of the Convention, was the 14th of May. On that day, del- \negates from only half the States were present. The remainder of the delegates did not all arrive \nbefore the 25th. \n\n* Ignorant and unprincipled men, who were willing to liquidate public and private debts by the \nagency of unstable paper money, controlled the Assembly of Rhode Island, and that body refused \nto elect delegates to the Convention. But some of the best and most influential men in the State \njoined in sending a letter to the Convention, in which they expressed their cordial sympathy with \nthe object of that national assembly, and promised their \xe2\x96\xa0adhesion to whatever the majority might \npropose. The following are tlie names of the delegates : \n\nNew Haynj^sMre. \xe2\x80\x94 John Langdon, John Pickering, Nicholas Oilman, and Benjamin "West. \n\nMassachusetts. \xe2\x80\x94 Francis Dana, Elbridge Gerry, Nathaniel Gorham, Rufiis King, and Caleb Strong. \n\nConnecticut. \xe2\x80\x94 William Samuel Johnson, Roger Sherman, and Oliver EUsworth. \n\nNew York. \xe2\x80\x94 Robert Yates, John Lansing, Jr., and Alexander Hamilton. \n\nNeio Jersey. \xe2\x80\x94 David Brearley, William Churchill Houston, William Paterson, John Neilson, \nWilliam Livingston, Abraham Clark, and Jonathan Dayton. \n\nPennsylvania. \xe2\x80\x94 Thomas Mifflin, Robert Morris, George Clymer, Jared Ingersoll, Thomas Fitz- \nsimmons, James Wilson, Gouverneur Morris, and Benjamin Frankhn. \n\nDelaware. \xe2\x80\x94 George Read, Gunning Bedford, Jr., John Dickenson, Richard Bassett, and Jacob \nBrown. \n\nMaryland. \xe2\x80\x94 James M \'Henry, Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, Daniel Carroll, John Francis Mercer, \nand Luther Martin. \n\nVirginia. \xe2\x80\x94 George Washington, Patrick Henry, Edmund Randolph, John Blair, James Madison, \nJr.. George Mason, and George Wythe. Patrick Henry having declined his appointment, James \nM\'Clure was nominated to supply his place. \n\nNorth Carolina. \xe2\x80\x94 Eichard Caswell, Alexander Martin, William Richardson Davie, Richard \nDobbs Spaight, and Willie Jones. Richard Caswell having resigned, William Bloqnt was appointed \na deputy in his place. WiUie Jones having also decUned his appointment, his place was supplied by \nHugh Williamson. \n\nSouth Carolina. \xe2\x80\x94 John Rutledge, Charles Pinckey, Charles C. Pinckney, and Pierce Butler. \nGeorgia. \xe2\x80\x94 William Few, Abraham Baldwin, William Pierce, George Walton, WiUiam Houston, \nand Nathaniel Pendleton. * Page 250. \n\n* The members who were most conspicuous as debaters in the Convention, were Randolph, \nMadison, and Mason, of Yirginia; King, Gerry, and Gorham, of Massachusetts; Gouverneur Mor- \nris, WOson, and Dr. Franklin, of Pennsylvania ; Johnson, Sherman, and Ellsworth, of Connecticut ; \nLansing and Hamilton, of New York ; the two Pinckneys, of Sc)Ut]i CaroUna ; Paterson, of New \nJersey ; Martin, of Maryland ; Dickenson, of Delaware ; and Dr. Wihiamson, of North Carolina. \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0,iiii;lii:;iiiii!:;,:i:,;iii,;;;ii \n\n\n\n\nFranklin in the National Contention. \n\n\n\n1789.] CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 350 \n\ngreat diversities of opinion/ and it seemed, after several dajs, that the conven- \ntion must, of necessity, dissolve without accomplishing any thing. Some pro- \nposed a final adjournment. At this momentous crisis, Dr. Franklin arose, and \nsaid to the President, "How has it happened, sir, that Avhile groping so long \nin the dark, divided in our opinions, and now ready to separate without accom- \nplishing the great objects of our meeting, that we have hitherto not once thought \nof humbly applying to the Father of Lights to illuminate our understandings ? \nIn the beginning of the contest with Britain, when wc were sensible of danger, \nwe had daily prayers in this room for divine protection. Our prayers, sir, \nwere heard, and graciously answered." He closed by saying, " The longer \nI live the more convincing proofs I see of tlie truth that God governs \nhi the affairs of nien^\'\' and then moved that "henceforth, prayers, im- \nploring the assistance of Heaven, and its blessings on our deliberations, \nbe held in this Assembly every morning before we proceed to business." \nThe resolution was not adopted. On a memorandum of it, Franklin \nwrote, " The Convention, except three or four members, thought prayers \nunnecessary." \n\nAfter long and animated debates, the Convention referred all propositions, \nreports, etc., which had been agreed to from time to time, to a Committee of \nDetail, consisting of Rutledge, Randolph, Gorham, Ellsworth,\' and Wilson. \nThe Convention then adjourned, and ten days afterward [August 6, 1787] it \nmet, and that committee reported a rough sketch of the Constitution, as it now \nstands. Now, again, long and sometimes angry delxates were had. Amend- \nments were made, and all were referred to a committee for final revision. \nThat committee submitted the following resolution on the 12th of September, \nwhich was adopted : \n\n\' Edmund Randolph submitted a plan on the 29th of May, in a series of Resolutions, which was \nknown as the " Virginia Plan." It proposed to form a general government, composed of a legislature, \nand an executive and judiciary department ; a revenue, and an army and navy, independent of tha \ncontrol of the several States; to have power to conduct war, estabhsh peace, and make treaties; to \nhave the exclusive privilege of coining money, and the general supervision of all national trans- \nactions. Upon general principles, this plan was highly approved ; but in that Convention there \nwere many ardent and pure patriots, who looked upon the preservation of the State sovereignties \nas essential, and regarded this proposition as an infringement upon State Rights. Mr. Paterson \nalso submitted a plan for amending the Articles of Conftideration. It proposed to enlarge the \npowers of Congress, but left its resources and supplies to be found through the medium of the State \ngovernments. This was one of the most serious defects of the old League \xe2\x80\x94 a dependence of the \ngeneral government upon the State governments for its vitality. Otlier propositions were submitted \nfrom time to time, and the most intense solicitude was f ^It by every member. Subjects of the most \nvital interest were ably discussed, from day to day ; but none created more earnest debate than a \nproposition for the general government to assume the debts of the States contracted in providing \nmeans for carrying on the war. The debts of the several States v.\'cre unequal. Those of Massa- \nchusetts and South Carolina amouQted to more than ten millions and a half of dollars, while the \ndebts of all the other States did not extend, in the aggregate, to fifteen millions. This assumption \nwas finally made, to the amount of twentv-one millions five hundred thousand dollars. Sea \npage 370. \n\n\' Oliver Ellsworth was one of the soundest men in the Convention, and wag ever one of the \nmost beloved of the New England patriots. He was born in Windsor, Connecticut, in April, 174."). \nHe was educated at Yale College, and at Princeton, and at the age of twenty-five, he commenced \nthf) practice of law at Hartford. He was an eloquent speaker, and became very eminent in his \nprofession. He was a member of the Continental Congress in 1777, and in 1784 he was appointed \nJudge of the Superior Court of Connecticut. He was the first United States senator from Connect- \nicut, under the new Constitution, and in 1790 he was appointed Chief Justice of ti\'e V-<-\\txr\\ \'S\'-atea. \nHe was an embassador to the French court from 1799 to 1801. He died iu Novemuw. ISO\'- aA \nthe age of sixty -two years. See next page. \n\n\n\n360 \n\n\n\nTHE REYOLUTION. \n\n\n\n[1782. \n\n\n\n*\' Resolved u7ianimoushj, That the said report, with the resolutions and \nletters accompanying the same, be transmitted to the several Legislatures, in \norder to be submitted to a convention of delegates chosen in each State by \nthe people thereof, in conformity to the resolves of the Convention, made and \nprovided, in that case." \n\n\n\n\nOc^t^r^^f}^ \n\n\n\nThe new Constitution, when submitted to the people,\' found many and able \nopposers. State supremacy, sectional interests, radical democracy, all bad nu- \nmerous friends, and these formed the phalanx of opposition. All the persuasive \neloquence of its advocates, with pen and speech, was needed to convince the \npeople of its superiority to the Articles of Confederation, and the necessity for \nits ratification. Among its ablest supporters was Alexander Hamilton,^ whose \n\n\n\n\' The Convention agreed to the revised Constitution on the 15th of September, and on the 17th \nit was signed by the representatives of all the States then present, except Randolph, Gerry, and \nMason. The Constitution was submitted to Congress on the 28th, and that body sent copies of it \nto all the State Legislatures. State Conventions were then called to consider it ; and more than a \nyear elapsed before the requisite number of States had ratified it. These performed that act in the \nfollowing order: Delaware, Dec. 7, 1787; Pennsylvania, Dec. 12, 1787; New Jersey, Dec. 18, \n1787; Georgia, Jan. 2, 1788; Connecticut, Jan. 9, 1788; Massachusetts, Feb. 6, 1788; Maryland, \nApril 28, 1788; South Carolina, May 23, 1788; New Hampshire, June 21, 1788; Virginia, June \n25, 1788; New York, July 26, 1788; North Carolina, Nov. 21, 1788; Rhode Island, May 29, \n1790. \n\n* Alexander Hamilton was bom on the Island of Nevis, British West Indies, in January, 1757. \nHe was of Scotch and French parentage. He became a clerk to a New York merchant at St \nCroix, and he was finally brought to New York to be educated. He was at King\'s (now Columbia) \nCollege, and was distinguished as a good speaker and writer, while yet a mere lad. When the Rev- \nolution broke out, he espoused the Republican cause, entered the army, became Washington\'s favor- \nite aid and secretary, and was an efficient officer until its close. He made the law his profession, \nfcad, as an able financier, he was made the first Secretary of the Treasury, under the new Constltu- \n\n\n\n1189.] CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 361 \n\npen and sword had been identified with the career of Washington during almost \nthe whole War for Independence. He gave to its advocacy the whole weight of \nhis character and power of his genius : and, aided by Jay and Madison, he scat- \ntered broadcast among the people, those able papers called Thi Federalist. \nThese, like Paine\'s Crisis, stirred the masses ; and soon eleven States^ in Con- \n\n\n\n\nvention assembled, gave the National Constitution their support, and ratified \nit. Congress then fixed the time for choosing electors for President and Vice- \nPresident,* and provided for the organization of the new government. Oa \nWednesday, the 4th day of March, 1 789, the old Continental Congress\' ex- \npired, and the National Constitution became the organic law of the \nRepublic. This was the crowning act of the War for Independence,\' and \nthen the United States of America commenced their glorious career as a \npowerful empire among the nations of the earth. \n\n\n\ntion. He was shot in a duel, by Aaron Burr, in July, 1804, at the early age of forty-seven years. \nHis widow, daughter of General Schuyler, died in November, 1854, in the ninety-seventh year of \nher age. \n\n\' These are men elected by the people in the various States, to meet and choose a President and \nVice-President of the United States. Their number is equal to the whole number of Senators and \nRepresentatives to which the several States are entitled. So the people do not vote directly for the \nChief Magistrate. Formerly, the man who received the highest number of votes was declared to \nbe President, and he who received the next highest number was proclaimed Vice-President. Now \nthese are voted for as distinct candidates for separate oflBces. See Article II. of the National Con- \nstitution, Supplement. The first electors were chosen on the first Wednesday in February, 1789. The \nins uguration of the first President did not take place [page 366] until the 30th of April following, \n\n\' Page 226. \n\n\' For details of the history, biography, scenery, relics, and traditions of the War for Independ- \nence, see Lossing\'s Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution. \n\n\n\n362 \n\n\n\nTHE REVOLUTION. \n\n\n\n[1182. \n\n\n\nCongress was in session at New York while the Convention at Philadelphia \nwas busy in preparing the National Constitution. During that time it disposed \nof the subject of organizing a Territorial Government for the vast region north- \nward of the Ohio River, within the domain of the United States." On the 11th \nof July, 1787, a committee of Congress reported " An Ordinance for the Gov- \nernment of the Territory of the United States North-west of the Ohio." This \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nreport embodied a bill, whoso provisions in regard to personal liberty and distri- \nbution of property, were very important. It contained a special proviso that \nthe estates of all persons dying intestate, in the territory, should be equally \ndivided among all the children, or next of kin in equal degree, thus striking \ndown the unjust law of primogeniture, and asserting a more republican prin- \nciple. The bill, also, provided and declared, that "there shall be neither \nslavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the \npunishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." This \nordinance was adopted on the 13th, after adding a clause relative to the reclam- \nation of fugitives from labor, similar to that iacorporated in tbe National Con- \nstitution a few weeks later. ^ \n\nThis ordinance, together with the fact that Indian titles to seventeen mil. \nlions of acres of laud in that region, had been lately extinguished by treaty \n\n\n\nPage 390. \n\n\n\n" See the National Constitution, Article IV.. Section 2. Clause, 3. \n\n\n\n1789.J CLOSING EVENTS OP THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 368 \n\nwith several of the dusky tribes/ caused a sudden and great influx of immi- \ngrants into the country along the northern banks of the Ohio. Manasseh Cut- \nler, Rufus Putnam, Winthrop Sargent, and other New Englanders, organized \nthe " Ohio Company," and entered into a contract for the sale of a tract of five \nmillions of acres, extending along the Ohio from the Muskingum to the Scioto." \n. A similar contract was entered into with John Cleves Symmes, of New Jersey,. \nfor the sale of two milhons of acres, between the Great and Little Miamis. \nThese were the first steps taken toward the settlement of the vast North-ivest \nTerritory, which embraced the present States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Mich- \nigan, and Wisconsin. It was estimated that, during the year following the- \norganization of that Territory [1788], full twenty thousand men, women, and \nchildren had passed down the Ohio River, to become settlers upon its banks. \nSince, then, how wonderful has been the progress of settlement beyond the \nAlleghanies ! How wide and deep has been the ever-flowing tide of emigration, \nthither ! The original thirteen States have new [1883] expanded into \nTHiRTT-EiGHT, and vast territories, destined to become numerous other States, \nare rapidly filling with people.\' \n\n\n\n\' The Six Nations [page 25], the Wyandots [page 23], the Delawares [page 20], and the- \nSha-wnees [page 19]. \n\n\' Rufus Putnam, who had been an active ofBcer daring the War for Independence, -was one of \nthe most efficient of the Ohio settlers. He was born in Worcester county, Massachusetts, in 1738. \nHe entered the provincial army in 1757, and continued in service during the remainder of the \nFrench and Indian War. He entered the army of the Revolution in 1775, and at near the close of \nthe war, he was promoted to brigadier-general He went to the Ohio country, -with about forty \nsettlers, in 1788. They pitched their tents at the mouth of the Muskingum River, formed a settle- \nment, and called it Marietta. Suspicious of the Indians, they built a stockade, and called it Canpm \nMartim. In 1 7 80, President Washington commissioned General Putnam Supreme Judge of the North- \nwest Territory; and in 1792, he was appointed a brigadier, under Wayne. He was appointed sur- \nveyor-general of the United States in 1796; helped to frame the Constitution of Ohio in 1802 ; and \nthen retired to private life. He died at Marietta in 1824. at the age of eighty-six years. He is \ncalled the Father of Ohio. \n\n8 The following table gives the names, in alphabetical order, of the States that compose the \nRepublic, at this time [1883], with the area of each in square miles, and its population in 1880 r \n\nStates. Area, \n\n\n\nStates. \n\n\nArea. \n\n\nPopulation. \n\n\nAlabama \n\n\n50,722 \n\n\n1,202,505 \n\n\nArkansas \n\n\n52,198 \n\n\n802,525 \n\n\nCalifornia \n\n\n188,981 \n\n\n864,694 \n\n\nColorado \n\n\n104,5uO \n\n\n194.327 \n\n\nConnecticut \n\n\n. . 4,750 \n\n\n622,700 \n\n\nDelaware \n\n\n2.120 \n\n\n146,608 \n\n\nPlorida \n\n\n59,248 \n\n\n269,493 \n\n\nGeorgia \n\nIllinois \n\n\n.... 58,000 \n\n\n1,.542.180 \n\n\n.55,410 \n\n\n3,677,871 \n\n\nIndiana \n\n\n. ... 33,809 \n\n\n1,978,.30I \n\n\nIowa \n\n\n55,045 \n\n\n1,624,615 \n\n\nKansas \n\n\n. .. 81,318 \n\n\n996,096 \n\n\nKentucky. \n\n\n37,680 \n\n\n1,648,690 \n\n\n\n\n41,348 \n\n\n939,946 \n\n\nMaine \n\n\n35,000 \n\n\n648,9.36 \n\n\nMaryland \n\n\n11,124 \n\n\n934,943 \n\n\nMassachusetts \n\n\n. ... 7,800 \n\n\n1,783,085 \n\n\nMicliigan \n\n\n56,451 \n\n\n1,6.36,9.37 \n\n\nMinnesota \n\n\n83,531 \n\n\n780,773 \n\n\n\nMississippi 47,156 \n\nMissouri 65,350 \n\nNebraslia 75,995 \n\nNevada .* 81,531 \n\nNew Hampsliire 9,280 \n\n\n\nNew Jert<ey. \nNew York. \n\n\n\n8,320 \n47,000 \n50,704 \n\n\n\nNorth Carolina \n\nOhio 30,964 \n\nOregon 95,274 \n\nPennsylvania 46,000 \n\nRhode Island 1,306 \n\nSouth Carolina 34,r00 \n\nTennessee 4.5,600 \n\nTexas 274,.3.56 \n\nVermont 10,2!2 \n\nVirginia 38,352 \n\nWest Virginia. 23,000 \n\nWisconsin 53,924 \n\n\n\nPopulation, \n1,131.507 \n2,168,.3SQ \n\n452,403 \n62,266. \n\n346.991 \n1,131,11& \n5,082,871 \n1,399,750\' \n3,198,062 \n\n174.768 \n4,282,801 \n\n27(i,.531 \n\n90.-), 577 \n1,542,.3.59\' \n1,591,749 \n\na32.286. \n1,512,.565 \n\n618,4.57 \n1.315,497 \n\n\n\nThere are also eight organized Territories, in which population is rapidly increasing. Those- \nare Arizona, Dakota, Idaho, Montana, New Mexico, Utah. Washington, and Wyoming Ter. \nThe aggregate area of these Territories is 906.6.50 square miles, and the aggregate population \nin 1880 was 586.819 ; making the grand total of the area of the Eepublic 3,002,013, and of \npopulation 50,1.55,783 ; besides these there is the District of Columbia, an Indian Territory,, \nand Alaska. \n\n\n\n\nGOUVERNEUR MORRIS. \n\n\n\nSIXTH PERIOD. \n\nTHE NATION. \n\nCHAPTEE I. \n\nWASHINGTON\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n1789\xe2\x80\x941797. \n\nWhen the National Constitution^ had \nreceived the approval of the people, and \nwas made the supreme law of the Repub- \nlic, all minds and hearts seemed spontaneously turned toward Washington as \nthe best man to perform the responsible duties of chief magistrate of the nation. \nOn the 6th of April, 1789, he was chosen President of the United States by \nthe unanimous vote of the electors,* and John Adams was made Vice-President. \nThe journey of Washington from Mount Vernon to New York, was like a \ntriumphal march. He had scarcely left his porter\'s lodge, when he was met \nby a company of gentlemen from Alexandria, who escorted him to that town. \nEverywhere the people gathered to see him as he passed along the road. Towns \neent out committees to receive him, and public addresses and entertainments \n\n\n\n\' "We have observed that Gouverneur Morris was one of the committee to make the final revision \nof the Constitution. The committee placed it in his hands, and that instrument, in language and \ngeneral arrangement, is the work of that eminent man. Gouverneur Morris was born near New \nYork, in 1752. He was a lawyer, and was always active in public life. In 1792 he was appointed \nminister to France, and after his return he was a legislator for many years. He died In 1816. \n\n" Note 1, page 361. \n\n\n\n1789.] \n\n\n\nWASHINGTON\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n365 \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0were given in his honor, in many places. Militia companies escorted him from \nplace to place, and firing of cannons and ringing of bells, announced his approach \nto the large towns. At Trenton, his reception was peculiar and gratifying. It \n\xe2\x96\xa0was arranged by the ladies. Over Trenton bridge an arch was thrown, which \nwas adorned with laurel leaves and flowers from the conservatories. Upon the \n\n\n\n\ncrown, and formed of leaves and flowers, were the words, " December 26, \n1776 ;" \' and on the sweep beneath was the sentence, also formed of flowers : \n" The Defender of the Mothers will be the Protector of the \nDaughters." Beneath that arch the President was met by a troupe of \nfemales. As he approached, a group of little girls, bearing each a basket, \ncommenced strewing flowers in the road, and the whole company, young and \nold, joined in singing the following ode, written for the occasion by Governor \nHowell: \n\n" Welcome, mighty chief, once more \nWelcome to this grateful shore. \nNow no mercenary foe \nAims again the fatal blow \xe2\x80\x94 \n\nAims at Thee the fatal blow. \nVirgins fair and matrons grave, \nThose thy conquering arm did save, \nBuild for thee triumphal bowers \xe2\x80\x94 \nStrew your hero\'s way with flowers!" \n\n\n\nS66 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1789. \n\n\n\nWashington reached New York on the 23d of April, 1789. On the \n30th he appeared upon the street-gallery of the old City Hall\' in New York \nand there, in the presence of an immense concourse of people assembled in \nfront, the oath of office was administered to him by Chancellor Livingston.\' \n\n\n\n\nAfter delivering an impressive address to the members of both Houses of Con- \ngress, the President and the representatives of the people went in solemn pro- \ncession to St. Paul\'s Church, and there invoked the blessings of the Supreme \nRuler upon the new government just inaugurated. \n\nMen were never called upon to perform duties of greater responsibility, than \nthose which demanded the consideration of Washington and his compeers. The \nfirst session of Congress^ was chiefly occupied in the organization of the new \ngovernment, and in the elaborating of schemes for the future prosperity of the \nRepublic. The earliest efforts of that body were directed to the arrangement \nof a system of revenues, in order to adjust and regulate the wretched financial \n\n\' It stood on the site of the present Custom House, comer of "Wall and Broad-streets. In the \npicture on page 364, a correct representation of its street-gallery is given. \n\n\' One of the committee [note 2, page 251] to draft the Declaration of Independence. He was \nborn in New York in 1747, became a lawyer, and was always an active public man. He was \nminister to France in 1801, when he purchased Louisiana for the United States. See page 390. He \njoined Robert Fulton in steamboat experiments [page 398j, and died in 1813. \n\n^ Members of the House of Representatives are elected to seats for two years, and they \nusually hold two sessions or sittings during that time. Each full term is called a Congress. \nThere are usually two sessions of each Congress, both commencing on the first Monday in De- \ncember, and the last ending on the 3d of March. Senators are elected by the Stat\xc2\xa9 liegidlaturea. \n\n\n\n1797.] WASHINGTON\'S ADMINISTRATION. 367 \n\naffairs of the country." This subject was brought forward by Madison,^ the \ntacitly acknowledged leader in the House of Representatives, two days after the \nvotes for President and Vice-President had been counted. Pursuant to his sug- \ngestion, tonnage duties were levied, and also a tariff, or duties upon foreign \ngoods imported into the Uniteii States. These duties were made favorable to \nAmerican shipping. This was the commencement of our present, though con- \nsidei\'ably modified, revenue system. \n\nHaving made provision for the collection of revenue. Congress next turned \nits attention to the reorganization of the executive departments. Three \xe2\x80\x94 Treas- \nury, War, and Foreign Affairs \xe2\x80\x94 were created, the heads of which were to be \nstyled secretaries, instead of ministers, as in Europe. These the President \nmight appoint or dismiss with the concurrence of the Senate. They were to \nconstitute a cabinet council, always ready for consultation with the President, \non public affairs, and bound to give him their opinions in writing, when \nrequired. \n\nIt may be instructive to take a brief retrospective view of the progress of \nlegislative action concerning the commerce of the United States from the close \nof the Revolution until the time in question. In March, 1783, the younger \nPitt"* proposed in the British Parliament, a scheme for the temporary regulation \nof commercial intercourse between Great Britain and the United States. Its \nchief feature was the free admission into the Britisli West India ports of American \nvessels laden with the products of American industry \xe2\x80\x94 the West India people, \nin turn, to be allowed like free trade with the United States. The. proposition \nwas rejected, and soon an order went forth from the Privy Council,^ for the \nentire exclusion of American vessels from West India ports, and prohibiting the \nimportation there of several products of the United States, even in British bot- \ntoms. Notwithstanding this unwise and narrow policy was put in force, Mr. \nAdams, the American minister at the court of St. James, proposed, in 1785, \nto place the navigation and trade between all the dominions of the British crown \nand all the territories of the United States, upon a basis of perfect reciprocity. \nThis generous offer was not only declined, but the minister was haughtily \nassured that no other would be entertained. Whereupon Mr. Adams imme- \ndiately recommended the United States to pass navigation acts for the benefit \nof their commerce. \n\nSome individual States attempted to legislate upon commercial matters \nand the subject of duties for revenue, but their efforts were comparatively \nfruitless. The importance of having the united action of all the States, in \nframing general navigation laws, was clearly perceived, and this perception wa* \none of the chief causes which led to the Convention that formed the National \nConstitution.* The new government was inaugurated in due time, and, as we \nhave mentioned, the earliest efforts of Congress, under the new order of things, \nwere the consideration of schemes fir imposing discriminating duties." These \n\n* Page 353. \' Note 5, page 356. \' Page 217. \n\n* Note 1, page 400. * Page 355. \' Page 366. \n\n\n\n368 THE NATION. [1789. \n\nmeasures immediately opened the blind eyes of British legislators to the neces- \nsity of a reciprocity in trade between the two countries. They saw that Amer- \nican commerce was no longer at the mercy of thirteen distinct legislative bodies, \nas under the old Confederation, nor subject to the control of the king and his \ncouncil. They perceived that its interests were guarded and its strength nur- \ntured, by a central power, of wonderful energy, and soon haughty Britain \nbecame the suppliant. Soon after the passage of the revenue laws by Con- \ngress, a committee of Parliament proposed to ask the United States to con- \nsent to an arrangement precisely the same as that suggested by Mr. Adams, \nsix years before, which was so scornfully rejected. The proposition was met \nby generous courtesy on the part of the United States ; yet it was not until \n1816, when the second war for Independence\' had been some time closed, that \nreciprocity treaties fairly regulated the commerce between the two countries. \n\nDuring the period here referred to, another great commercial interest, then \nin embryo, was under contemplation and discussion, by a few men of forecast. \nIt was that of the production of Cotton. Primarily it is an agricultural inte- \nrest, but now, when a large portion of the cotton used in Europe is grown \nin the United States, it has become a groat commercial interest. Among the first \nand most powerful advocates of the cultivation of this plant, was Tench Coxe,\'\' of \nPhiladelphia, who, as early as 1*785, when he was only thirty years of age, pub\' \nlished the fiict that he " felt pleasing convictions that the United States, in its \nextensive regions south of Anne Arundel and Talbot counties, Maryland, would \ncertainly become a great cotton-producing country." And while the National \nConvention was in session in Philadelphia, in 1 T87,^Mr. Coxe delivered a powerful \npublic address on that and kindred subjects, having for his object the establishment \nof a society for the encouragement of manufactures and the useful arts. Before \nthat time, not a bale of cotton had ever been exported from the United Statea \nto any other country, and no planter had adopted its cultivation, as a " crop." * \n\nThe Senate was engaged upon the important matter of a National judiciary, \nwhile the Houg<9 was employed on the Revenue bills. A plan, embodied in a \nbill drafted by Ellsworth of Connecticut,^ was, after several amendments, con* \ncurred in by both Houses. By its provisions, a national judiciary was estab- \nlished, consisting of a supreme court, having one chief justice, and five associate \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 409. \n\n^ Tench Coxe was born in Philadelphia, in May, 1155, and, as we have mentioned in the text, \nwas one of the earliest advocates of the cotton culture. From 1787 until his death, there was \nnever an important industrial movement in which he was not greatly interested, or in which his \nname did not appear prominent. In 1791, while lie was the Commissioner of Revenue, at Phila- \ndelphia, he published a large octavo volume, containing his views, as expressed in speech and \nwriting, on the subject of the cotton culture. In 180G, he published an essay on naval power \nand the encouragement of manufactures. The following year he published an essay on the culti- \nvation of cotton, and from time to time thereafter, he wrote and published his views on these \nsubjects. He died in July, 1824, at the age of more than sixty-eight years. See next page. \n\n^ Page 356. \n\n* It has been estimated that the entire produce of cotton, in all countries, in 1791, was four hun- \ndred and ninety millions of pounds, and tliat the United States produced only one twenty -fifth of \nthe entire quantity. In the years 1859-60, the ten cotton-growing States of the Union produced \nfour millions, six hundred and seventy-five thousand, seven hundred and seventy bales, of four \nhundred pounds each, making an aggregate of 1,870,680,000 pounds. The whole world did not. \nproduce aslhuch cotton as tliis, annually, previous to the year 1840, * Page 360. \n\n\n\n179?.? \n\n\n\nWASHINGTON\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n369 \n\n\n\njustices, who were to hold two sessions annually, at the seat of the National \nGovernment.\' Circuit and district courts were also established, which had ju- \nrisdiction over certain specified cases. Each State was made a district, as were \nalso the Territories of Kentucky\' and Maine. ^ The districts, except Kentucky \n\n\n\n\nand Maine, were grouped together into three circuits. An appeal from these \nlower courts to the Supreme Court of the United States, was allowed, as to \npoints of law, in all civil cases when the matter in dispute amounted to two \nthousand dollars. A marshal was to be appointed by the President, for each \ndistrict, having the general powers of a sheriff, who was to attend all courts, \nand was authorized to serve all processes. A district attorney, to act for the \nUnited States in all cases in which the National Government might be inter- \nested, was also to be appointed for each district. Such, in brief outline, and \nin general terms, Avas the National judiciary, organized at the commencement \nof the Government, and still in force, with slight modifications. \n\nThe next business of importance that engaged the attention of Congress, \n\n\n\n\' John Jay [page 379] of New York, one of the most active and acute lawyers in the counti^ \nwas apppointed the first Chief Justice of the United States ; and Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, \nwas made Attorney-General. Randolph succeeded Patrick Henry as governor of Virginia, in 1786, \nand was very active in the Convention of 1787. See note 1, page 359. He succeeded Jefferson as \nSecretary of State, and died in 1813. John Rutledge [page 210], of South Carolina ; James Wilson, \nof Pennsylvania ; William Cushing, of if assachusetts ; Robert H. Harrison, of Maryland ; and John \nBlair, of Virginia, were appointed associate judges. " Page 377. * Page 452. \n\n24 \n\n\n\n370 THE NATION. [1789. \n\nwas the proposed amendmsnts to the National Constitution, made bv the minor- \nities of the several conventions which ratified that instrument. This subject \n\xe2\x96\xa0was brought forward by Madison, in justice to these minorities, and pursuant \nto pledges which he had found it necessary to give, in order to secure its ratifi- \ncation in Virginia. These amounted, in the aggregate, to one hundred and \nforty-seven,\' besides separate bills of rights proposed by Virginia and New \nYork. Many of these amendments were identical in spirit, as, for example, the \nnine propositions by Massachusetts were repeated by New Hampshire. And it \nis a singular fiict, that of all the proposed amendments, not one, judged by sub- \nsequent experience, was of a vital character. How well this illustrates the \nprofound wisdom embodied in our Constitution ! Sixteen amendments were \nfinally agreed to by Congress, ten of which were subsequently ratified by the \nStates, and became a part of the Supreme Law.* After a session of almost \n3ix months. Congress adjourned," on the 29th of September [1789], and Wash- \nington, having appointed his cabinet council,^ made a brief tour through the \njiorthern and eastern States, to make himself better acquainted with the people \nj,nd their resources.^ \n\nOn the 8th of January, 1790, the second session of the first Congress com- \njtienced, daring which Alexander Hamilton," the first Secretary of the Treasury, \nmade some of those able financial reports which established the general line of \nlational policy for more than twenty years. On his recommendation, the gen- \noral government assumed the public foreign and domestic debt incurred by the \nlate war,\'\' and also the State debts contracted during that period. The foreign \ndebt, including interest, due to France and to private lenders in Holland, with \na small sum to Spain, amounted to $11,710,378. The domestic debt, regis- \ntered and unregistered, including interest, and some claims, principally the out- \nstanding continental money,^ amounted to $42,414,085. Nearly one third of \nL,his was the arrears of interest. As the government certificates, continental \n\n\' The minority of the Pennsylvania Convention proposed 14; of Massachusetts, 9; of Maryland, \n.28; of South Carolina, 4; of New Hampshire, 12; of Virginia, 20; of New York, 32. \n\' See Supplement. \n\n^ A few days before the adjournment, a resolution was adopted, requesting the President of the \nUnited States to recommend a day of public thanksgiving and prayer, to be observed by the people \njf the nation, in acknowledgment of the many signal favors of the Almighty, in permitting them to \nestablish, in peace, a free gove^\'ument. \n\n* Alexander Hamilton was appoii^t?\'^ Secretary of the TreasuTJ , \nHenry Knox, Secretary of War; and Thoma\xc2\xbb J-^fferson, Secretary \nof Foreign Affairs. Jefferson was then United States minister at the \ncourt of France, and did not enter upon his duties until March, 1790. \nThe office of Secretary of the Navy was not created until the pres- \nidency of Mr. Adams. Naval affairs were under the control of the \nSecretary of War. General Kno.x was one of the most efficient \nofficers of the Revolution, having, from the beginning, the chief com- \nmand of the artillery. He entered the army as captain of artillery, \nand rose to the rank of major-general. Note 4, page 350. \n\n^ Washington was everywhere received with great honors ; and \n\nTrumbull, author of 3PFingal, wrote to his friend, Oliver Wolcott; \n\nGENERAL KNOX. " We have gone through all the popish grades of worship ; and the \n\nPresident returns all fragrant -nitli the odor of incense." \nJfote 2, page 360. \n\nNote 2, page 253. In that note the amount given is the principal, without the interest. \nPage 241. \n\n\n\n\n1791.] WASHINGTON\'S ADMINISTRATION. 37X \n\nbills, and other evidences of debt, were now held chiefly hj speculators, who \nhad purchased them at reduced rates, the idea had been put forth bj prominent \nmen, that it would be proper and expedient to apply a scale of depreciation, as \nin the case of the paper money toward the close of the war, \' in liquidating these \nclaims. But Hamilton opposed it as dishonest and impolitic, arguing, in sup- \nport of the latter objection, that public credit was essential to the new Federal \nGovernment. He therefore urged that all the debts of the government should \nbe met according to the terms of the contract. He proposed the funding of the \npublic debt, in a fair and economical way, by which the public creditors should \nreceive their promised six per cent, interest, until the Government should be \nable to pay the principal, the Secretary assuming that, in five years, the \nUnited States might effect loans at five, and even at four per cent., with which \nthese claims might be liquidated. He proposed to have the proceeds of the \npost-ofiice" as a sinking fund, for the gradual extinction of the debt. After \nmuch debate, the propositions of Hamilton, in general, were agreed to by Con- \ngress, on the 9th of March, 1790.\' A system of revenue from imposts and \ninternal excise, proposed by Hamilton, was also adopted. A petition from \nthe Society of Friends, or Quakers, presented on the 11th of February, on the \nsubject of slavery, caused long, and, sometimes, acrimonious debates. An act \nwas also passed, during this session, making the District of Columbia the per- \nmanent seat of the National Goveniment, after the lapse of ten years from that \ndatp. \n\nThe First Congress commenced its third session* in December, 1790, and \nbefore its close, measures were adopted which laid the foundations of public \ncredit and national prosperity, deep and abiding. During the two years in \nwhich the new government had been engaged in the business of organization, a \ncompetent revenue had been provided for ; the public debt, national and State, \nhad been funded, and the interest thereon had been provided for ; a national \njudiciary, wise in all its features, had been established; and the nation, in \nits own estimation and that of other States of the world, had taken a proud \nposition in the great political family. North Carolina [Nov. 21, 1789] and \nRhode Island [M:iy 29, 1790], had already become members of the National \nUnion, by ratifying the Constitution ;^and during this session, Vermont\'\' had been \nadmitted [February 18, 1791] as a State. Settlements were now rapidly, \nspreading beyond the Alleghanies,\' and the subject of territorial organizations \n\n\' Note 3, page 245. "^ Page 373. \n\n^ The President was authorized to borrow $12,000,000, if necessary, to payoff the foreign debt; \nand a new loan was to be opened, payable in certificates, of tlie domestic debt, at their par value, \nand in continental bills of credit, at the rate of one hundred for one. Congress also authorized an \nadditional loan, payable in certificates of the State debts, to the amount of $21,500,000. These \ncertificates were those which had been issued for services or supplies, during the war. A new- \nboard of commissioners was appointed, with full power to settle all claims on general principles of \nequity. * Note 3, page 366. * Page 360. \n\n* Vermont was originally called the Miv Hampshire Grants, and was claimed by both New \nYork and New Hampshire. In 1777, the people met in convention, and proclaimed the territory \nan independent State. After purchasing the claims of New York for $30,000, it was admitted into \nthe Union. \n\n\' The first census, or enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, was completed in \n1791. The number of all sexes and colors, was 3,929,000. The number of slaves was 095,000. \n\n\n\n3\';j\'2 the nation. [1789. \n\nTfas pressed upon the consideration of Congress. Already the North-ioestern \nTerritory J as we have seen,\' had been established [July, 1787J, and Tennessee \nhad been constituted [March 26, 1790] the Territory South-ivest of the Ohio.\'\' \n\nThe subject of a national currency early engaged the attention of Congress, \nand at the commencement of the last session of the First Congress, a bill for \nthe establishment of a national bank was introduced into the Senate, in accord- \nance with the suggestion and plan of Hamilton. At that time the whole bank- \ning capital in the United States was only $2,000,000, invested in the Bank of \nNorth America^ at Philadelphia, established by Robert Morris ;\' the Bank of \nNeiv York, in New York city, and the Bank of Massachusetts, in Boston. \nThe charter was limited to twenty years ; its location was to be in the city of \nPhiladelphia, and its management to be intrusted to twenty-five directors. \nAlthough chartered in January, 1791, the National Bank did not commence \nits operations, in corporate form, until in February, 1794, when it began with \na capital of $10,000,000. \n\nEarly in the first session of the second Congress, the important subject of \na national mint received the attention of the representatives of the people. That \nsubject had been frequently discussed. As early as 1782, the topic of coins \nand currency had been presented to the Continental Congress, by Gouverneur \nMorris, in an able report, written at the request of Robert Morris. In 1784, \nMr. Jefferson, as chairman of a committee appointed for the purpose, submitted \na report, agreeing with Morris in regard to a decimal system, but entirely dis- \nagreeing Avith him in the details.^ He proposed to strike four coins, namely, \na golden piece of the value of ten dollars ; a dollar, in silver ; a tenth of a dol- \nlar, in silver; and a hundredth of a dollar, in copper. In 1785, Congress \nadopted INIr. Jefferson\'s report, and made legal provision, the following year, \nfor a coinage upon that basis. This was the origin of our ce7it, dime, dollar, \nand eagle. Already several of the States had issued copper coins ;\' but the \nNational Constitution vested the right of coinage solely in the General Govern- \nment. The establishment of a Mint was delayed, hovrever, and no special action \nin that direction was taken until 1790, Avhen Mr. Jefferson, then Secretary of \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 362. \n\n* The subject of the pubUc lands of the United States has always been one of interest. The \nfirst act of Congress, on the subject of limited sales, was in accordance with a scheme proposed by \nHamilton, in 1790, which provided in some degree for the protection of small purchasers. Previous \nto that, not less than a tract of four thousand acres could be purchased. This was calculated to \nmake labor subservient to wealth, in new settlements. Hamilton\'s scheme was highly approved. \nThe minimum price of public land, previous to 1800, was two dollars per acre ; since then, one dol- \nlar and twenty-five cents. The extent of the public domain has greatly increased, by accessions, \nwithin a few years. At the close of 1855, there remained unsold about 96,000,000 of acres of sur- \nveyed public domain, and of the unsurveyed, about 136,000,000 of acres, worth, in the aggregate, \nabout $276,000,000. The average cost to tne government, per acre, of acquiring title, surveying, \nselling, and managing, is about 22 cents per acre, while it sells at $1.25 per acre, or a net profit of \n$1.03. " 3 Note 3, page \'?63. \n\n* Morris attempted to harmonize the moneys of all the States. Starting with an ascertained \nfraction as an unit, for a divisor, he proposed the following table of moneys : \n\nTen units to be equal to one penny. \nTen pence to one bill. \n\nTen bills one dollar (or about seventy-five cents of our currency). \nTen dollars one crown. \n\xc2\xbb Note 4, page 122. \n\n\n\n1797.] WASHINGTON\'S ADMINISTRATION. 37^ \n\nState, urged the matter upon the attention of Congress. Still there was delay, \nuntil on the 2d of April, 1792, laws were enacted for the establishment of a \nMint. During three years from that time, its operations were chiefly experi- \nmental, and long debates were had concerning the devices for the new coins.\' \nThe Mint was finally put into full operation, in 1795," and has continued to \nincrease in its issues of coin, ever since.^ \n\nA bill for the organization of a post-office system, was passed during the \nsame session that measures were adopted for the establishment of a Mint. Very \nsoon after the commencement of the first session of the first Congress, a letter \nwas received from Ebenezer Hazzard [July 17, 1789], then postmaster-general \nunder the old Confederation, suggesting the importance of some new regula- \ntions for that department. A bill for the temporary establishment of the post \noffice was passed soon afterward. The subject was brought up, from time to \ntime, until the present system was organized in 1792. The postmaster-general \nwas not made a cabinet officer until the first year [1829] of President Jack- \nson\'s administration.* \n\nBritish agents on the north-western frontier continued to tamper with the \nIndians, and excite them to hostilities against the United States, for several \nyears after the peace of 1783.^* And, contrary to the terms of that treaty, the \nBritish held possession of western posts belonging to the United States. These \nfacts caused a prevalent belief that the British government yet hoped for an \nopportunity to bring the new Republic back to colonial dependence. The pub- \nlic mind in America became excited, and the fact, that Sir John Johnston* was \nthe British Indian agent on that frontier, and Sir Guy Carleton (then Lord \nDorchester) was again governor of Canada,\' strengthened that opinion and \napprehension. Finally, in the spring of 1790, the fostered discontents of the \nIndians were developed into open hostilities. Attempts at pacific arrangements \nwere fruitless, and General Harmer was sent into the Indian country north of \nthe present Cincinnati, with quite a strong force, to desolate their villages and \n\n\' The Senate proposed the head of the President of the United States who should occupy the \nchair at the time of the coinage. In the House, the head of Liberty was suggested, as being less \naristocratic than that of the President \xe2\x80\x94 having less the stamp of royalty. The head of Liberty was \nfinally adopted, \n\n* The first mint was located in Philadelphia, and remained the sole issuer of coin, in the United \nStates, until 1835, when a branch was established in each of the States of Georgia, North Carolina, \nand Louisiana \xe2\x80\x94 in Charlotte, Dahlonega, and New Orleans. These three branches went into oper- \nation in the years 1837-38. \n\n^ From 1793 to 1795, inclusive, the value of the whole issue was less than half a million of \ndollars. Previous to the year 1830, almost the entire supply of gold for our coinage was fur- \nnished by foreign countries. North Carolina was the first State of the Union that sent gold to \nthe Mint from its mines. Since then, almost every State has made contributions, some very \nsmall During the fiscal year ending in June, 1861, when the Civil War was kindling, the value \nof the entire issue of coin, by the Government Mint and its branches, was $84,000,000. The \ndiscovery of gold in California, in 1848, opened an immense treasury, and, up to the beginnmg \nof the war, tliat was the only great gold producing region within the Republic. Of the entire \namount of gold, from domestic mines, deposited in the Mint up to 18G0, valued at $489,311,000, \n$409,406,003 was sent from CaUfornia. Adjacent territories are now [1867] yielding largely. \n\n* Page 459. The operations of the post-ofiSce department increased very rapidly year after \nyear. In 1795, the number of post-office routes was 453; over 13,207 miles of travel. The \nrevenue of the department was $160,620. TNTien the CivilWar began, in 1861, the number of \nroutes was about 9,000 ; the number of miles traveled, full 260,000; and the revenue nearly \n$9,000,000. * Page 343. * Note 2, page 278. \' Page 240. \n\n\n\n874 \'T\'HE NATION". [1T8^ \n\ncrops, as Sullivan did those of the Senecas in 1779.\' In this he succeeded, but \nin two battles [Oct. 17 and 22, 1790], near the present village of Fort Wajne, \nin Indiana, he was defeated, with considerable loss. The following year, an \nexpedition of Kentucky volunteers, under General Scott, marched against the \nIndians on the Wabash. General Wilkinson led a second expedition against \nthem, in July following, and in September, General St. Clair,\' then governor \nof the North-west Territory, marched into the Indian country, with two thou- \nsand men. While in camp near the northern line of Darke county, Ohio, on \nthe borders of Indiana, he was surprised and defeated [I^ov. 4, 1791] by the \nIndians, with a loss of about nine hundred men, killed and wounded. \n\nThe defeat of St. Clair produced great alarm on the whole north-western \nfrontier. Even the people of Pittsburg\' did not feel secure, and the border \nsettlers called loudly for help. Fortunately the Indians did not follow up the \nadvantage they had gained, and for a while hostilities ceased. Commissioners \nwere appointed to treat with them, but through the interference of British \nofficials, their negotiations were fruitless. General Wayne^ had been appointed, \nin the mean while, to succeed St. Clair in military command, and apprehend- \ning that the failure of the negotiations would be followed by an immediate \nattack upon the frontier settlements, he marched into the Indian country in the \nautumn of 1793. He spent the winter at Greenville,^ near the place of St. \nClair\'s defeat, where he built Fort Recovery. The following summer [1794] \nhe pushed forward to the Maumee River, and built Fort Defiance f and on the \nSt. Mary\'s he erected Fort Adams as an intermediate post. On the 16th of \nAugust he went down the Maumee, with three thousand men, and not far from \nthe present Maumee City,\'^ he fought and defeated the Indians, on the 20th of \nthe same month. He then laid wa^te their country, and after a successful \ncampaign of about ninety days, he went into winter quarters at Greenville. \nThere, the following year, the chiefs and warriors of the western tribes, in all \nabout eleven hundred, met [August 3, 1795] commissioners of the United \nStates, made a treaty of peace, and ceded to the latter a large tract of land in \nthe present States of Michigan* and Indiana. After that, the United States \nhad very little trouble with the western Indians until just before the breaking \nout of the war of 1812-15.^ \n\nParty spirit, which had been engendered during the discussions of the \nNati\'onal Constitution," gradually assumed distinct forms, and during the second \nsession of the second Congress, it became rampant among the people, as well as \nin the national legislature. Hamilton and Jefferson, the heads of distinct \ndepartments\'^ in Washington\'s cabinet, differed materially concerning important \npublic measures, and then, under the respective leadership of those statesmen, \n\n* Page 304. ^ Pacje 276. \' Page 205. * Page 298. ^ In Parke county, Ohio. \n\n^ At the junction of the Au Glaize with the Maumee River, in tlie south-east part of Williams \ncounty, Ohio. \n\n^ In the town of \'Waynesfield. The British then occupied a fort at the Maumee Rapids^ \nnear by. \n\n\xc2\xb0 The British held possession of Detroit, and nearly aU Michigan, until 1796. See page 380. \n\nPage 409. \xc2\xbb" Page 360. " Page 367. \n\n\n\n\n^>c-\xc2\xab^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\nWayne\'s Defeat of the Indians. \n\n\n\n1197.] WASHINGTON\'S ADMINISTRATION. 377 \n\nwere drawn those lines of party distinction known as Federalist and Repub- \nlican, which continued for a quarter of a centurj. The Federalist party was \ncomposed of those who favored great concentration of power in the general gov- \nernment. The Republica)is, on the contrary, were for diflfusing power among \nthe people. Here were antagonistic points of great difference, and the warfare \nbetween the parties was acrimonious in the extreme. \n\nDuring the summer of 1792, very little of public interest occurred, except \nthe admission [June 1] of Kentucky\' into the Union, but the marshalling of \nforces for the presidential election, which was to take place in the autumn. \nWashington yearned for the quiet of private life, and had expressed his deter- \nmination to withdraw from public station on the expiration of his presidential \nterm ; but it was made evident to his mind, that the great majority of the \npeople desired his continuance in office, and that the public safety demanded \nit. Under these circumstances, he consented to be a candidate, and he and \nAdams were re-elected by large majorities. \n\nYet the Republican party was daily gaining strength, partly from develop- \nments within the body pohtic of the United States, and partly from events then \ntranspiring in Europe. A bloody revolution was in progress in France. The \npeople there had abolished monarchy, and murdered their king, and the new \nRepublic in name (a political chaos jn reality), having the avowed sympathies \nof the Republican party in America,\'^ sent M. Genet\' as its minister to the \nUnited States, to obtain the co-operation of the American people. The French \nRepublic had declared war against England, Spain, and Holland, and needed \ntransatlantic assistance. Remembering the recent alliance,* and sympathizing \nwith all efforts for jwpular freedom, the Republican party here, and also many \nof the Federalists, received Genet (who arrived at Charleston, South Carolina, \nin April, 1793) with open arms, and espoused his cause. \n\nBut Genet\'s zeal outstripped his prudence, and defeated his plans. With- \nout waiting for an expression of opinions or intentions from the government of \nthe United States, he began to fit out privateers^ in our ports, to depredate \nupon English, Dutch, and Spanish property ;* and when Washington prudently \nissued [May 9, 1793] a proclamation, declaring it to be the duty and the inter- \n\n\' Kentucky, which had been settled chiefly by Virginians, and was claimed as a part of the \nterritory of that State, was now erected into a sovereign member of the confederation. Its first \nsettlement, as we have seen [note 2, page 300], was at Boonesboro\', by Daniel Boone, in 1775. \n\n* There was a general burst of enthusiasm in the United States, on receipt of the intelligence of \nthe advent of Liberty in France, and public demonstrations of it were made in several places. In \nBoston, an ox, roasted whole, was placed upon a car drawn by sixteen horses, and with the Amer- \nican and French flags displayed from its horns, was paraded through the streets, foUowed by carts, \nbearing bread and two hogsheads of punch, which were distributed among the people. A civic \nfeast was held at Faneuil Hall, over which Samuel Adams [note 1, page 221] presided. In Pliil- \nadelphia the anniversary of the French alliance [page 283] was celebrated by a public dinner, at \nwhich General Mifflin [page 352] presided ; and in other places festivals were held. \n\n\' Edmund Charles Genet was the son of a distinguished public man in France. He married, in \nthis country, a daughter of Governor George Clinton [note 5. page 350], and remained in the \nUnited States. He died at Greenbush, opposite Albany, in 1834, aged about seventy-two years. \n\n* Page 283. _ a j^^^g ^ p^^g 946. \n\n* These cruisers brought captured vessels into our ports, and French consuls actually held \ncourts of admiralty, and authorized the sale of the prizes. All this was done before Genet was \nrecognized as a minister by the American government. \n\n\n\n878 THE NATION. 11789. \n\nest of the people of the United States to preserve a strict neutrality toward the \ncontending powers of Europe, Genet persisted, and tried to excite hostility \nbetween our people and their government. Washington finally requested and \nobtained his recal, and Fauchet, who succeeded him in 1794, was instructed to \nassure the President that the French government disapproved of Genet\'s con- \nduct. No doubt the prudence and firmness of Washington, at this time, saved \nour Republic from utter ruin. \n\nA popular outbreak in western Pennsylvania, known in history as The \nWhiskey Insurrection^ gave the new government much trouble in 1794. An \nexcise laAv, passed in 1791, which imposed duties on domestic distilled liquors, \nwas very unpopular. A new act, passed in the spring of 1794, was equally \nunpopular ; and when, soon after the adjournment of Congress, officers were \nsent to enforce it in the western districts of Pennsylvania, they were resisted \nby the people, in arms. The insurrection became general throughout all that \nregion, and in the vicinity of Pittsburg many outrages were committed. \nBuildings were burned, mails were robbed, and government ofiicers Avere in- \nsulted and abused. At one time there were between six and seven thousand \ninsurgents under arms. The local militia would have been utterly impotent to \nrestore order, if their aid had been given. Indeed, most of the militia assem- \nbled in response to a call made by the leaders of the insurgents, and these com- \nposed a large portion of the " rebels." The insurgent spirit extended into the \nborder counties of Virginia ; and the President and his cabinet, perceiving, with \nalarm, this imitation of the lawlessness of French politics, took immediate steps \nto crush the growing hydra. The President first issued two proclamations \n[August 7, and September 25], but without efiect. After due consideration, \nand the exhaustion of all peaceable means, he ordered out a large body of the \nmilitia of Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey, who marched to \nthe insurgent district, in October [1794], under the command of General \nHenry Lee, tlien governor of Virginia.\' This last argument Avas effectual ; and \nsoon this insurrection, like that of Shays\'s, of Massachusetts, some years \nearlier,\' which threatened the stability of the National Government, was \nallayed. \n\nAnother cloud was now rising in the political horizon. While these inter- \nnal commotions were disturbing the public tranquillity, a bitter feelino- was \ngrowing up between the American and British governments. Each accused \nthe other of infractions of the treaty of 1783," and the disputes, daily assuming \na more bitter tone, threatened to involve the two nations in another Avar. The \nAmericans complained that no indemnification had been made for negroes car- \nried aAvay at the close of the ReA\'olution ;* that the British held military posts \non their frontiers, contrary to the treaty ;^ that British emissaries had excited \nthe hostility of the Indians ;\xc2\xb0 and that, to retaliate on France, the English had \n\n\' Page 333. "^ Page 353. \xc2\xbb Page 348. \n\n* During the last two years of the war in the Carolinas and Georgia and at the final evacua- \ntion, the British plundered many plantations, and sold the negroes in the West Indies. \n\n\' Note 8, page 374. ^ p g 373^. \n\n\n\n1797.] \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n379 \n\n\n\ncaptured our neutral vessels, and impressed our seamen into the British service.\' \nThe British complained that stipulations concerning the property of loyalists,\' \nand also in relation to debts contracted in England before the Revolution, had \nnot bean complied with. In order to avert an event so very undesirable as \na war with Great Britain, the President proposed to send a special envoy to the \nBritish court, in hopes of bringing to an amicable settlement, all matters in \ndispute between the two governments. The National Legislature approved of it. \n\n\n\n\nand on the 19th of April, 1794, John Jay^ was appointed an envoy extraordi- \nnary for the purpose. \n\nThe special minister of the United States was received with great courtesy \nin England, where he arrived in June ; and he negotiated a treaty which, at the \ntime, was not very satisfactory to a large portion of his countrymen. It hon- \nestly provided for the collection of debts here, by British creditors, which had \n\n\n\n* This practice was one of the causes which finally produced a war between the two nations, \nin 1812. See page 409. \n\n\' The lo_yalists, or Tories [note 4, page 226], who had fled from the country during the prog- \nress, or at the close of the War for Independence, and whose property had been confiscated, \nendeavoured to regain their estates, and also indemnity for their other losses. The British govern- \nment finally paid to these sufferers more than $15,000,000. \n\n\' John Jay was a descendant of a Huguenot family [page 49], and was born in the city of New \nYork in 1745. He was early in the ranks of active patriots, and rendered very important services \nduring the Kevolution After the war he was one of the most efficient of our countrymen in laying \nthe foundations of our National Government, and of establishing tlie civil government of hia \nnative State, of which he was chief magistrate at one time. He retired from public life in 1801, \nand died in 1829, at the age of eighty-lour years. His residence was at Bedford, Westchester \ncounty, New York. \n\n\n\n38.0 (THE NATION. [1789. \n\nbeen contracted before the Revolution, but it procured no redress for those who \n!iad lost negroes. It secured indemnity for unlawful captures on the seas, and \nthe evacuation of the forts on the frontiers (yet held by the British), by the 1st \nof June, IT96. In order to secure certain points of great importance. Jay was \n\n\n\n\ncompelled to yield others ; and he finally signed a treaty, defective, in some \nthings, and objectionable in others, but the best that could then be obtained. \nThe treaty gave rise to violent debates in Congress,\' and in State Legislatures, \nbut was ratified by the Senate on the 24th of June, 1795.* The wisdom, \n\n\' The debates, on that occasion, developed talent of the highest order, and present a memorable \nepoch in the history of American politics and statesmanship. Albert Gallatin then established \nhis title to the leadership of the opposition in the House of Representatives, while Fisher Ames, in a \nspeech of wonderful power, in favor of the treaty and the Administration, won for himself the \nlaurels of an unrivaled orator. He was then in feeble health ; and when he arose to speak, thin \nand pale, ho could hardly support himself on his feet, and his voice was feeble. Strength seemed \nto come as he warmed with the subject, and his eloquence and wisdom poured forth as from a \nmighty and inexhaustible fountain. So powerful was his speech, that a member opposed to him \nmoved that the question on which he had spoken should be postponed until the next day, " that \nthey should not act under the influence of an excitement of which their calm judgment might not \napprove." In allusion to this speech, John Adams bluntly said: "There wasn\'t a dry eye in the \nHouse, except some of the jackasses that occasioned the necessity of the oratory." Fisher Ames \nwas born in Dedham, Massachusetts, in April, 1756. His health was delicate from infency. He \nwas so precocious that he commenced the study of Latin when six years of age, and was admitted \nto Harvard College at the age of twelve. He chose the law for a profession, and soon stood at the \nhead of the bar in his native district. He was a warm advocate of the Federal Constitution. He \nwas the first representative of his district in the National Congress. He died on the 4tli of \nJuly, 1808, at the age of forty-eight years. \n\n^ Great excitement succeeded. In several cities mobs threatened personal violence to the sup \n\n\n\n1797.] WASHINGTON\'S ADMINISTRATION. 381 \n\nand policy, and true patriotism of Mr. Jay were soon made manifest. In Oc- \ntober following, a treaty was concluded with Spain, by which the boundaries be- \ntween the Spanish territories of Louisiana and Florida, and the United States, \nwere defined. That treaty also secured to the United States the free naviga- \ntion of the Mississippi, and the use of New Orleans, as a port, for ten years. \n\nAs soon as one excitement was fairly allayed, causes for others appeared ; \nand during the whole time of Washington\'s administration of eight years, when \nthe policy of the new government had to be established, and its machinery put \nin operation, the greatest wisdom, circumspection, and conservative action, on \nthe part of officials, were continually demanded. Difficulties appeared like \nlittle clouds on the distant horizon, sometimes as mere specks, at others, in \nalarming shapes. These were chiefly in connection with trade, especially in \nforeign lands. American commerce was rapidly expanding, and now began to \nfind its way into the Mediterranean Sea. There it was met by Algerine \npirates, who seized the merchandise, and held the seamen in captivity, in order \nto procure ransom-money. These depredations, v^hich finally gave rise to efforts \nto organize a navy, had continued many years before the government took \nactive measures to suppress them. President Washington called the attention \nof Congress to the subject, toward the close of 1790 ; and at the same time, \nJefferson, then Secretary of State, gave many interesting details, in his annual \nreport, on the subject of these piracies. A commissioner was sent to treat with \nthe Dey, or Governor, of Algiers on the subject, but that semi-barbarian robber \nargued in reply : " If I were to make peace with everybody, what should I do \nwith my corsairs ? what should I do with my soldiers ? They would take off \nmy head for the want of other prizes, not being able to live on their miserable \nallowance." \n\nIn the spring of 1794, Congress, on account of these depredations, passed \nan Act to provide for a naval armament, and appropriated almost seven hun- \ndred thousand dollars for the purpose. But the United States, in the absence \nof the proposed navy, was compelled to make a treaty of peace in the autumn \nof 1795 [November 28], with the Dey of Algiers, by which an annual \ntribute was to be given for the redemption of captives, in accordance with the \nlong-established usages of European nations.* This was humiliating, but could \nnot then be avoided. Congress had given the President power to provide by \npurchase or otherwise, and equip, several vessels. To this end he put forth \nhis energies immediately, and in July [1794], he commissioned captains and \nsuperintendents, naval constructors and navy agents, six each, and ordered the \nconstruction of six ships. The treaty with the Dey of Algiers caused work on \n\nporters of the treaty. Mr Jay was burned in effigy [note 6, page 215], Mr. Hamilton was stoned \nat a public meeting, and the British minister at Philadelphia was insulted. \n\n\' Between the years 1785 and 1793, the Algerine pirates captured and carried into Algiers, \nfifteen American vessels, used the property, and made one hundred and eighty officers and seamen \nslaves of the most revolting kind. In 1795, the United States agreed, by treaty, to pay eight hun- \ndred thousand dollars for captives, then alive, and in addition, to make the dey, or governor, a \npresent of a fi-igate worth a hundred thousand dollars. An annual tribute of twenty -three thousand \ndollars was also to bo paid. Tliis was complied with until the breaking out of the war of 1812. \nSee pages 390 and 445. \n\n\n\n382 THE NATION. [1789. \n\nthese vessels to be suspended in 1795. Soon the folly of not completing the \nlittle navy, so well begun, was made manifest, when British cruisers commenced \nthe practice of taking seamen from American vessels, and impressing them into \nthe English service.\' The ships of the French Republic soon afterward com- \nmenced depredations upon American commerce ; and in 1797, when war with \nthat government seemed inevitable," Congress, on the urgent recommendation \nof President Adams, caused the frigates United States, Constellation, and \nConstitution to be completed, equipped, and sent to sea. This was the com- \nmencement of the American navy,\' which, in after years, though weak in num- \nbers, performed many brilliant exploits. From this time the navy became the \ncherished arm of the national defense ; and chiefly through its instrumentality, \nthe name and power of the United States began to be properly appreciated in \nEurope, at the beginning of the present century. \n\nNow [1796], the administration of Washington was drawing to a close. It \nhad been one of vast importance and incessant action. All disputes with \nforeign nations, except France,^ had been adjusted; government credit was \nestablished, and the nation was highly prosperous.^ The embryos of new em- \npires beyond the Alleghanies, had been planted ; and the last year of his admin- \nistration was signalized by the admission [June, 1796] of Tennessee into the \nUnion of States, making the number of confederated republics, sixteen. \n\nDuring the closing months of Washington\'s administration, the first great \nstruggle among the people of the United States, for ascendancy between the \nFederalists and RejAfblicans," took place. The only man on whom the nation \nnow could possibly unite, was about to retire to private life. He issued his \nadmirable Farewell Address to his countrymen \xe2\x80\x94 that address so full of wis- \ndom, patriotism, and instruction \xe2\x80\x94 early in the autumn of 1796 [September 19], \nand then the people were fully assured that some other man must be chosen to \nfill his place. There was very little time for preparation or electioneering, for \nthe choice must be made in November following. Activity the most extraordi- \nnary appeared among politicians, in every part of the Union. The Federalists \nnominated John Adams for the high ofiice of Chief Magistrate, and the Repub- \nlicans nominated Thomas JeiFerson for the same. The contest was fierce, and \nparty spirit, then in its youthful vigor, was implacable. The result was a vic- \n\n> Page 401. "" Page 385. \n\n^ Congress had created the office of Secretary of the Navy, as an executive department, and on \nthe 30th of April, 1798, Benjamin Stodort of Georgetown, in the District of Cohimbia, waa \nappointed to tliat chair. Hitherto the business of tlie war and navy departments had been per- \nformed by the Secretary of War. \n\n* Tlie French government was highly displeased because of the treaty made with England, by Mr. \nJay, and even adopted hostile measures toward the United States. It wanted the Americans to \nshow an active participation \\\\\\i\\\\ the French in hatred of the English, and therefore the strict neu- \ntrality observed by Washington, was exceedingly displeasing to the French Committee of Public \nSafety. The conclusion of the treaty with Algiers, independently of French intervention, and the \nsuccess of the negotiation with Spain, excited the jealousy of the French rulers. In a word, \nbecause the United States, having the strength, assumed the right to stand alone, the French were \noffended, and threatened the grown-up child with personal chastisement. \n\n^ Commerce had wonderfully expanded. The exports had, in five years, increased from nine- \nteen millions of dollars to mere than fifty-six millions of dollars, and the imports in about the same \nratio. \xc2\xb0 Page 377. \n\n\n\n1801.] \n\n\n\nADAMS\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n383 \n\n\n\ntory for both parties \xe2\x80\x94 Adams being elected President, and Jefferson, having \nthe ne.xt highest number of votes, was chosen Vice-President.\' On the 4th of \nMarch, 1797, Washington retired from office, and Adams was inaugurated the \nsecond President of the United States. The great leader of the armies in the \nWar for Independence was never again enticed from the quiet pursuits of agri- \nculture at Mount Vernon, to the performance of public duties. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER II. \n\nADAMS\'S ADMINISTRATION. [17 9 7 \xe2\x80\x94 1801.] \n\nJohn Adams\'* was in the sixtj-second year of his age when, dressed in a \nfull suit of pearl-colored broadcloth, and with powdered hair, he stood in Inde- \npendence Hall [March 4, 1797], in Philadelphia, and took the oath of office. \n\n\n\n\nifdn^ydmiJ \n\n\n\n\' The whole number of electoral votes [see note 1, page 361] was one hundred and thirty-eight, \nmaking seventy necessary to a choice. John Adams received seventy-one, and Jefferson sixty-seven. \n\n" John Adams was born at Braintree, Massachusetts, in October, 1735. He chose the law as a \nprofession, but being a good writer and fair speaker, he entered the political field quite early, and \nwith Hancock, Otis, and others, he took an active part in the earlier Revolutionary movemrats, in \nBoston and vicinity. He was a member of the Continental Congress, from which he was trans- \nferred to the important post of a minister to the French and other courts in Europe. He was one \nof the most industriDus men in Congress. In the course of the eighteen months preceding his de- \n\n\n\n384 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1797. \n\n\n\nas President of the United States, administered by Chief Justice Ellsworth.\' \nHe was pledged, bj his acts and declarations, to the general policy of Washing- \nton\'s administration, and he adopted, as his own, the cabinet council left by his \npredecessor." He came into office at a period of great trial for the Republic. \nParty spirit and sectional differences were rife in its bosom, and the relations \nt/f the United States with France were becoming more and more unfriendly. \n\n\n\n\nAlready Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, the American minister at the French \ncourt, had been ordered to leave their territory by the Directory, then the su- \npreme executive power in France.^ Depredations upon American commerce \nhad also been authorized by theni ; and the French minister in the United \n\n\n\nparture for Europe, Mr. Adams had been on ninety different committees, and was chairman of \nthirty-five of them. He was, at one time, intrusted with no less than six missions abroad, namely, \nto treat for peace with Great Britain; to make a commercial treaty with Great Britain; to negoti- \nate the same with the States General of Holland ; the same with the Prince of Orange; to pledge \nthe faith of the United States to the Armed Neutrality ; and to negotiate a loan of ten miUions of \ndollars. He was a signer of the Declaration of Independence ; and died on the fiftieth anniversary \nof that great act [1826], with the words "Independence forever!"\' upon his lips. He was in the \nninety-second year of his age. See page 459. * Page 360. \n\n"^ Timothy Pickering, Secretary of State; Oliver "Wolcott, Secretary of the Treasury; Jamea \nM\'Henry, Secretary of War; and Charles Lee, Attorney-General. Washington\'s first cabinet had \nall resigned during the early part of his second term of office (the President is elected for four years), \nand the above-named gentlemen were appointed during 1795 and 1796. \n\n* The Republican government of France was administered by a council called the Directory. It \nwas composed of five members, who ruled in connection with two representative bodies, called, re- \nspectively, the Council of Ancients, and the Council of Five Hundred. The Directory was the bead, \nor executive power of the government. \n\n\n\n1801.] ADAMS\'S ADMINISTRATION. 385 \n\nStates had grossly insulted the government. President Adams perceived the \nnecessity of prompt and energetic action, and he convened an extraordinary \nsession of Congress, on the 15th of May. With the concurrence of the Senate, \nthe President appointed [July] three envoys.\' with Pinckney at their head, to \nproceed to France, and endeavor to adjust all difficulties. They met at Paris, \nin October, but were refused an audience with the Directory, unless they \nshould first pay a large sum of money into the French treasury. Overtures \nfor this purpose were made by unofficial agents The demand was indignantly \nrefused; and then it was that Pinckney uttered that noble sentiment, "Mil- \nlions for defense, but not\' one cent for tribute !" The two Federalist envoys \n(Marshall and Pinckney) were ordered out of the country, while Mr. Gerry, \nwho was a Republican, and whose party sympathized with the measures of \nFrance, was allowed to remain. The indignant people of the United States \ncensured Mr. Gerry severely for remaining. He, too, soon found that nothing \ncould be accomplished with the French rulers, and he returned home. \n\nThe fifth Congress assembled at Philadelphia, on the 13th of November, \n1797. Perceiving the vanity of further attempts at negotiation with France, \nCongress, and the country generally, began to prepare for war. Quite a large \nstanding army was authorized [May, 1798] ; and as Washington approved of the \nmeasure, he was appointed [July] its commander-in-chief, with General Alex- \nander Hamilton as his first lieutenant. Washington consented to accept the \noffice only on condition that General Hamilton should be the acting commander- \nin-chief, for the retired President was unwilling to enter into active military serv- \nice again. A*naval armament, and the capture of French vessels of war, was \nauthorized; and a naval department, as we have observed,^ with Benjamin \nStodert at its head, was created. Although there was no actual declaratioj \nof war made by either party, yet hostilities were commenced on the ocean, and a \nvessel of each nation suffered capture f but the army was not summoned to the \nfield. \n\nThe proud tone of the French Directory was humbled by the dignified and \ndecided measures adopted by the United States, and that body made overtures \nfor a peaceful adjustment of difficulties. President Adams immediately ap- \npointed [Feb. 26, 1799] three envoys* to proceed to France, and negotiate for \n\n\n\n\' Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Elbridge Gerry, and John Marshall Pinckney was an actire \npatriot in South Carolina during the Revolution. He was bom in Charleston, in February, 1746, \nand was eduated in England. He studied law there, and on his return to his native country, in \n1769, he commenced a successful professional career in Charleston. He took part early in Repub- \nhcan movements, held military offices during the War for Independence, and when war with Franc\xc2\xa9 \nseemed certain, in 1797, Washington appointed him next to Hamilton in command He died, in \nAugust, 1825, in the eightieth year of his age. Gerry was one of the signers of the Declaration of \nIndependence, and Marshall had been an active patriot and soldier. See page 351. The latter, \nas Chief Justice of the United States, administered the oath of office to several Presidents. \n\n* Page 382. \n\n* The United States firigate Oonstellaiion, captured the French frigate L\'lnsurgenie, in February, \n1 \xe2\x80\xa2 99. That frigate had already taken the American schooner Retaliation. On the 1st of Febnuuy, \n1800. the Constellation had an action with the French frigate La Vengeance, which escaped cap- \nture after a loss of one hundred and sixty men, in killed and wounded. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0* "\\V. V. Murray, Oliver Ellsworth, and Patrick Henry. Mr. Henry declined, and "William R \nDavie [note 5, page ^SIB], of Xorth Carolina, took his place. \n\n25 \n\n\n\n386 * T H E NATION. [1797. \n\npeace, but when thej arrived, the weak Directory was no more. The govern- \nment was in the hands of Napoleon Bonaparte [Nov. 1799] as First Consul,\' \nwhose audacitj and energy now saved France from anarchy and utter ruin. He \npromptly received the United States embassadors, concluded a treaty [Sept. 30, \n1800], and gave such assurances of friendly feelings that, on the return of the \nministers, the provisional army of the United States, whose illustrious com- \nmander-in-chief had, in the mean while, been removed by death, was disbanded. \n\nTwo unpopular domestic measures were adopted in the summer of 1798, \nknown as the Aliefi and Sedition laws. The first authorized the President to \nexpel from the country any alien (not a citizen) who should be suspected of \nconspiring against the Republic. An apology for the law was, that it was com- \nputed that there were more than thirty thousand Frenchmen in the United \nStates, all of whom were devoted to their native country, and were mostly asso- \nciated, by clubs or otherwise. Besides these, there were computed to be in the \ncountry at least fifty thousand persons who had been subjects of Great Britain, \nsome of whom had found it unsafe to remain at home. The Sedition law author- \nizef^. the suppression of publications calculated to weaken the authority of the \ngovernment. At that period there were two hundred newspapers published in the \nUnited States, of which about one hundred and seventy-five were in favor of the \nNational administration ; the remainder Avere chiefly under the control of aliens. \nThese measures were unpopular, because they might lead to great abuses. In \nKentucky and Virginia, the legislatures declared them to be decidedly uncon, \ni^titutional, and they were finally repealed. \n\nThe nation suffered a sad bereavement near the close of the last year of the \ncentury. Washington, the greatest and best-beloved of its military and civil \nleaders, died at Mount Vernon on the 14th of December, 1799, when almost \nsixty-eight years of age. No event since the foundation of the government, \nhad made such an impression on the public mind. The national grief was \nsincere, and party spirit was hushed into silence at his grave. All hearts \nunited in homage to the memory of him who was properly regarded as the \nFather of his Country. Congress was then in session at Philadelphia, and \nwhen Judge Marshall" announced the sad event, both Houses^ immediately \nadjourned for the day. On re-assembling the next day, appropriate resolutions \nwere passed, and the President was directed to write a letter of condolence to \nMrs. Washington,* in the name of Congress. Impressive funeral ceremonies were \n\n* Bonaparte, Cambaceres, and the Abbe Sieyes became the ruling power in France, with the \ntitle of Consuls, after the first had overthrown the Directorj^ Bonaparte was the First Consul, and \nwas, in fact, an autocrat, or one who rules by his own will. " Page 351. ^ Note 3, page 366. \n\n* Martha Dandridge, who first married Daniel Parke Custis, and afterward, while yet a young \n\xe2\x96\xa0widow, was wedded to Colonel Washington, was born in Kent county, Virginia, in 1732, about \nthree months later than her illustrious husband. Her first husband died when she was about \ntwenty-five years of age, leaving her with two children, and a large fortune in lands dnd money. \nShe was married to Colonel Washington, in January, 1759. She was ever worthy of such a hus- \nband; and while he was President of the United States, she presided with dignity over the execu- \ntive mansion, both in New York and Philadelphia. \xe2\x96\xa0 When her husband died, she said : " \'Tis well , \nall is now over ; I shall soon follow him ; I have no more trials to pass through." In httle less \nthan thirty months afterward, she was laid in the family vault at Mount Vernon. Her grandson, \n;in(l adopted son of Washington (also the last surviving executor of his will), G. W. P. Custis, \ndijd at Arlington House, opposite Washington City, October 10, 1857. \n\n\n\n1801.] \n\n\n\nADAMS\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n38T \n\n\n\nobserved by that body, and throughout the country.\' General Henry Lee,\' of \nVirginia, on the invitation of Congress, delivered [December 26, 1799] an \neloquent funeral oration before the national legislature ; and the recommenda- \ntion of Congress, for the people of the United States to wear crape on their left \narms for thirty days, was generally complied with. The whole nation put on \n.tokens of mourning. \n\n\n\n\no^ h(^^/^^ \n\n\n\nThe death of Washington also made a profound impression in Europe. To \nthe people there, who were aspiring for freedom, it seemed as if a bright star \nhad disappeared from the firmament of their hopes. Rulers, also, joined in \ndemonstrations of respect. Soon after the event of his death was known in \nFrance, Bonaparte, then First Consul,\' rendered unusual honors to his name. \nOn the 9th of February [1800], he issued the following order of the day to \nthe army : " Washington is dead ! This great man fought against tyrar/iy ; he \nestablished the liberties of his country. His memory will always be dear to \nthe French people, as it will be to all free men of the two worlds ; and especially \nto French soldiers, who, like him and the American soldiers, have combatted \nfor liberty and equality." Bonaparte also ordered, that during ten days black \ncrape should be suspended from all the standards and flags throughout the \nFrench Republic. Splendid ceremonies in the Champs de Mars, and a \nfuneral oration in the Hotel des Invalides, were also given, at both ol\' which \n\n\n\n\' Oon^esa resolved to erect a mausoleum, or monument, at Washington City, to his memory, \nmarble, is now [1883] in course of erection there, U> be paid lor largely by individual sul:- \nrcriptions. Congress has made a liberal appropriation lor completing^ the monument. \n\n- Note 2, page 833. \n\n\n\nNote 1, page 395. \n\n\n\n388 THE NATION. [1801. \n\nthe First Consul, and all the civil and military authorities of the capital were \npresent. Lord Bridport, commander of a British fleet of almost sixty vessels, \nlying at Torbay, on the coast of France, Avlien he heard of the death of Wash- \nington, lowered his flag half-mast, and this example was followed by the whole \nfleet. And from that time until the present, the name of Washington has \ninspired increasing reverence at home and abroad, until now it may be said that \nthe praise of him fills the whole earth. \n\nAfter the close of the difiiculties with France, very little of general interest \noccurred during the remainder of Mr. Adams\'s administration, except the \nremoval of the seat of the National Government to the District of Columbia,\' in \nthe summer of 1800 ; the admission into the Union [May, 1800] of the country \nbetween the western frontier of Georgia and the Mississippi River, as the Mis- \nsissippi Territory ; and the election of a new President of the United States. \nNow, again, came a severe struggle between the Federalists and Republic- \nans, for political power.\'\' The former nominated Mr. Adams and Charles \nCotesworth Pinckney,^ for President ; the latter nominated Thomas Jefferson \nand Aaron Burr,* for the same ofiice. In consequence of dissensions among the \nFederalist leaders, and the rapid development of ultra-democratic ideas among \nthe people, the Republican party was successful. Jefferson and Burr had an \nequal number of electoral votes. The task of choosing, therefore, was trans- \nferred to the House of Representatives, according to the provisions of the \nNational Constitution. The choice finally fell upon Mr. Jefferson, after thirty- \nfive ballotings ; and Mr. Burr was proclaimed Vice-President. \n\nDuring the year 1800, the hist of Adams\'s administration, the second enu- \nmeration of the inhabitants of the United States took place. The population \n\xe2\x80\xa2was then five millions, three hundred and nineteen thousand, seven hundred and \nsixty-two \xe2\x80\x94 an increase of one million, four hundred thousand in ten years. \nThe National revenue, which amounted to four millions, seven hundred and \nseventy-one thousand dollars in 1790, was increased to almost thirteen millions \nin 1800. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER III. \n\nJEFFERSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. [1301 \xe2\x80\x94 1809]. \n\nThomas Jefferson,* the third President of the United States, was in the- \nfifty-eighth year of his age when, on the 4th of March, 1801, he was duly \n\n\' Page 371. The District is a tract ten miles square on each side of the Potomac, ceded to the \nUnited States by Maryland and Virginia in 1790. The city of Washington was \\n\\d out there in ] 791, \nand the erection of the Capitol was commenced in 1793, when [April 18] President Washington laid \nthe comer stone of the north wing, with Masonic honors. The two wings were completed in 1808, \nand these were burned by the British in 1814. See page 436. The central portion of the Capitol- \n\xe2\x80\xa2was completed in 1827, the wings having been repaired soon after the conflagration. Altogether \nit covered an area of a httle more than an acre and a half of ground. In course of time it became \xe2\x96\xa0 \ntoo small, and its dimensions wore greatly extended. These were completed in 1865. The addition \nis in the form of wings, north and south, projecting both east and west beyond the main building. \n\na Page 377. = Note 1, page 385. \xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2 Note 4, page 241, and page 397. \n\n* Thomas Jofiferson was bom in Alberaarle county, Virginia, in April, 1743. He was educated \n\n\n\n1809.J \n\n\n\nJEFFERSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n389 \n\n\n\ninaugurated the Chief Magistrate of the Republic, in the new Capitol, at Wash- \nington City. His inaugural speech, which was looked for with great anxiety, \nas a foreshadowing of the policy of the new President, was manly and conserv- \native, and it allayed many apprehensions of his opponents. From its tone, they \n\n\n\n\nimagined that few of the National office-holders would be disturbed ; but in this \nthey soon found themselves mistaken. The Federal party, while in power, \nhaving generally excluded Republicans from office, Jefferson felt himself justi- \nfied in giving places to his own political friends. He therefore made many \nremovals from official station throughout the country ; and then was commenced \nthe second act in the system of political proscription,\' which has not always \nproved wise or salutary. He retained, for a short time, Mr. Adams\'s Secretaries \nof the Treasury and Navy (Samuel Dexter and Benjamin Stoddart), but called \n\n\n\nat William and Mary College, studied law with the eminent George "Wythe, and had his patriotism \nfirst inflamed by hstening to Patrick Henrv\'s famous speech [note 1, page 214] against the Stamp Act. \nHe first appeared in public life in the Virginia Assembly, in 1769, and was one of the most active \nworkers in that body, until sent to perform more important duties in the Continental Congress. \nThe inscription upon his monument, written by himself, tells of the most important of his public \nlabors : " Here hes buried Thomas Jeffersox, Author of the Declaration of Independence ; of the \nStatute of Virginia for religious freedom ; and Father of the University of Virginia." He v.ras \ngovernor of his own State, and a foreign minister. He lived until the fiftieth anniversary of the \nDeclaration of Independence [July 4, 1826], and at almost the same hour when the spirit of Adanui \ntook its flight [page 457], his also departed from the body, when he was at the age of eightj- \nthree yeara * Pa^je 461. \n\n\n\n390 THli NATION. [1801. \n\nRepublicans to fill the other seats in his cabinet.\' He set vigorously at work \nto reform public abuses, as far as was in his power ; and so conciliatory were \nhis expressed views in reference to the great body of his opponents, that many \nFederalists joined the Republican ranks, and became bitter denouncers of their \nformer associates and their principles. \n\nPresident Jefferson\'s administration was signalized at the beginning by the \nrepeal of the Excise Act," and other obnoxious and unpopular laws. His sug- \ngestions concerning the reduction of the diplomatic corps, hauling up of the \nnavy in ordinary, the abolition of certain offices, and the revision of the \njudiciary, were all taken into consideration by Congress, and many advances- \nin jurisprudence were made. Vigor and enlightened views marked his course ; \nand even his political opponents confessed his forecast and wisdom, in many \nthings. During his first term, one State and two Territories were added to the \nconfederacy. A part of the North-western Territory^ became a State, under \nthe name of Ohio,* in the autumn of 1802 ; and in the spring of 1803, Louisi- \nana was purchased [April] of France for fifteen millions of dollars. This \nresult was brought about without much difficulty, for the French ruler was \ndesirous of injuring England, and saw in this an excellent way to do it. In \nviolation of a treaty made in the year 1795, the Spanish governor of Louisiana \nclosed the port of New Orleans in 1802. Great excitement prevailed through- \nout the western settlements ; and a proposition was made in Congress to take \nforcible possession of the Territory. It was ascertained that, by a secret treaty, \nthe country had been ceded to France, by Spain. Negotiations for its purchase \nwere immediately opened with Napoleon, and the bargain was consummated in \nApril, 1803. The United States took peaceable possession in the autumn of \nthat year. It contained about eighty-five thousand mixed inhabitants, and \nabout forty thousand negro slaves. When this bargain was consummated, \nNapoleon said, prophetically, "This accession of territory strengthens forever \nthe power of the United States ; and I have just given to England a maritime \nrival that will sooner or later humble her pride." Out of it two Territories \nwere formed, called respectively the Territory of New Orleans and the Dis- \ntrict of Louisiana. \n\nWe have already adverted to the depredations of Algerine corsairs upon \nAmerican commerce. The insolence of the piratical powers on the southern \nchores of the Mediterranean,^ at length became unendurable; and the United \nStates government resolved to cease paying tribute to them. The Bashaw of \nTripoli thereupon declared war [June 10, 1801] against the United States ; \nand Captain Bainbridge was ordered to cruise in the Mediterranean to protect \n\n\' James Madison, Secretary of State ; Henry Dearborn, Secretary of "War ; Levi Lincoln, Attor- \nney General. Before the meeting of Congress in December, ho appointed Albert Gallatin [note 1, \npage 380, and note 6, page 443], Secretary of the Treasury, and Robert Smith, Secretary of the Navy. \nThey were both Republicans. " Page 378. \' Page 362. \n\n* No section of the Union had increased, in population and resources, so rapidly as Ohio. When, \nin 1800, it was formed into a distinct Territory, the residue of the North-western Territory remained \nas one until 1809/ Then tlie Territories of Indiana and Illinois were formed. Wlien Ohio was- \nadmitted as a State, it contained a population of about seventy-two thousand souls. \n\n* Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, in Africa. They are known as the Barbary Powers. \n\n\n\n1809.] \n\n\n\nJEFFERSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n391 \n\n\n\nAmerican commerce.\' In 1803, Commodore Preble was sent thither to humble \nthe pirates. After bringing the Emperor of Morocco to terms, he appeared \nbefore Tripoli with his squadron. One of his vessels (the Philadelphia), com- \nmanded by Bainbridge,"^ struck on a rock in the harbor, while rec\xc2\xabnnoitering ; \n\n\n\n\nand before she could be extricated, she was captured [October 31, 1803] hj \nthe Tripolitans. The officers were treated as prisoners of war, but the crew \nwere made slaves. \n\n\n\n\' Captain Baiabridge had been on that coast the previous year. \nHe arrived at Algiers in September, 1800, in the frigate Georye Washing- \nton, with tlie annual tribute money [page 381]. The dey, or governor, \ndemanded the use of his vessel to carry an ambassador to Constan- \ntinople. Bainbridgo remonstrated, when the dey hauglitily observed : \n" You pay me tribute, by which you become my slaves, and therefore \nI have a right to order you as I think proper" Bainbridge was \nobliged to comply, for the castle guns would not allow him to pass out \nof the harbor. He sailed for the East, and had the honor of flrst dis- \nplaying the American flag liefore the ancient city of Constantinople. \nThe Sultan regard^ it as a favorable omen of future friendship, because \nAisflaa: bore a cre.sce.ni or half-moon, and the American a group o^ stars. \n\n\' William Bainbridge was born in New Jersey, in 1774. He was captain of a merchant vessel \nat the age of nineteen years, and entered the naval service in 1798. He was distinguished during \nthe second War for Independence [page 409], and died in 1833. \n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2UNITED STATES FRIGATE. \n\n\n\n392 \n\n\n\nT H E X A T I N. \n\n\n\n[180L \n\n\n\n\nIP \n\n\n\n\\ \n\n\n\nLIEUTENANT DECATUR. \n\n\n\nThe credit of the American navj was somewhat repaired, early in the \nfollowing year, when Lieutenant Decatur, \' with only sev- \nenty-six volunteers, sailed into the harbor of Tripoli, in \nthe evening of February 16, 180-1-, and runing alongside \nthe Philadelphia (which lay moored near the castle, and \nguarded by a large number of Tripolitans), boarded her, \nkilled or drove into the sea all of her turbaned defenders, \nset her on fire, and under cover of a heavy cannonade \nfrom the American squadron, escaped, without losing a \nman.\'* As they left the burning vessel, the Americans \nraised a shout, which was answered by the guns of the \nbatteries on the shore, and by the armed vessels at anchor \nnear. They went out into the ]\\Iediterranean unharmed, sailed for Syracuse, \nand were received there with great joy by the American squadron, under Com- \nmodore Preble. This bold act humbled and alarmed the bashaw;^ yet his \ncapital withstood a heavy bombardment, and his gun-boats gallantly sustained a \nsevere action [August 3] with the American vessels. \n\nIn the following year, through the aid of Hamet Caramelli, brother of Jes- \nsuff, the reigning bashaw (or governor) of Tripoli, favorable terms of peace \nwere secured. The bashaw was a usurper, and Hamet, the rightful heir to the \nthrone,* was an exile in Egypt. He readily concerted, Avith \nCaptain William Eaton, American consul at Tunis, a plan \nfor humbling the bashaw, and obtaining his own restoration to \nrightful authority. Captain Eaton acted under the sanction of \nhis government ; and early in March [March 6, 1805], he left \nAlexandria, with seventy United States seamen, accompanied \nby Hamet and his followers, and a few Egyptian troops. They \nmade a journey of a thousand miles partly across tlie Barcan \ndesert, and on the 27th of April, captured Derne, a Tripolitan \ncity on the Mediterranean. Three w^eeks later [May 18], they \nhad a successful battle with Tripolitan t roops ; and on the 1 8th \nof June they again defeated the forces of the bashaw, and \n\n\n\n\nMOHAMMEDAN \nSOLDIER. \n\n\n\n^ Stephen Decatur was born in Maryland in 1779. He entered the navy at the age of nineteen \nyears. After his last cruise in the Mediterranean, he superintended the building of the gun-boats. \nHe rose to the rank of commodore ; and during the second War for Independence [page 409], he \nwas distinguished for his skill and bravery. He afterward humbled the Barbary Powers [note 5, \npage 390] ; and was esteemed as one among the choicest flowers of the navy. He was killed, at \nBladensburg, in a duel with Commodore Barron, in March, 1820, when forty-one years of age. \n\n* While the American squadron was on its way to Syracuse, it captured a smaU Tripolitan ves- \nsel, bound to Constantinople, with a present of female slaves for the Sultan. This was taken into \nservice, and named the Intrepid, and was the vessel with which Decatur performed his bold exploit \nat Tripoli. This act greatly enraged the Tripolitans, and the American prisoners were treated with \nthe utmost severity. The annals of that day give some terrible pictures of white slavery on the \nsouthern shores of the ^Mediterranean Sea. \n\n\' Bashaw, or Pacha [Pas-shaw], is the title of the governor of a province, or town, in the do- \nminions of the Sultan (or emperor) of Turkey. The Barbary States [note 5, page 390] are all under \nthe Sultan\'s rule. \n\n* The bashaw, who wa.s a third son, had murdered his father and elder brother, and compelled \nHamet to fly for his life. With quite a large number of followers, he fled into Egypt. \n\n\n\n*}\\ I I \n\n\n\n\nDecatur Burning lui^ riiiLADELPiuA. \n\n\n\n1809.] \n\n\n\nJEFFERSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n395 \n\n\n\npressed forward toward Tripoli. The terrified ruler had made terms of peace \n[June 4, 1805J with Colonel Tobias Lear, American consul-general\' in the \nMediterranean, and thus disappointed the laudable ambition of Eaton, and the \nhopes of Hamet.\'\' \n\nWhile these hostile movements were occurring in the East; the President \n\n\n\n\nli\xc2\xbbd, in a confidential message to Congress, in January, 1803, proposed the first \nof those peaceable conquests which have opened, and are still opening, to civil- \nization and human industry, the vast inland regions of our continent. He rec- \nommended an appropriation for defraying the expenses of an exploring expedi- \ntion across the continent from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean. The \nappropriation was made, and presently an expedition, consisting of thirty indi- \nviduals, under Captains Lewis and Clarke, was organized. They left the banka \nof the Mississippi on the 14th of May, 1804, and Avere absent about twenty-seven \nmonths. It was very successful, particularly in geographical discoveries, and \n\n\' A consul is an officer appointed by a government to reside in a foreign port, to have a general \nsupervision of the commercial interests of his country there. In some cases they have powers nlmost \nequal to a minister. Such is tlie case with consuls witliin the ports of Mohammedan countries. The \nword coyisul was applied to Napoleon [page 387] in the ancient Roman sense. It was the title of \nthe chief magistrate of Rome during the Republic. The treaty made by Lear provided for an ex- \nchange of prisoners, man for man, as far as tliey would go. Jessuff had about two hundred more \nprisoners than the Americans held, and for these! a ransom of $60,000 was to be paid. It was also \nstipulated that the wife and children of Hamet should be given up to him. \n\n\' Hamet afterward came to the United States, and applied to Congress for a remuneration for \nhis services in favor of the Americans. He was unsuccessfiil ; but Congress voted $2,400 for big \ntemporary reUeC \n\n\n\n396 THIS NATION. [1801. \n\nfurnished the first reliable information respecting the extensive country between \nthe Mississippi and the Pacific Ocean. During the same year, the election for \nPresident of the United States recurred. Aaron Burr, having lost the confi- \ndence of the Democratic party,\' was not re-nominated for Vice-President. \nGeorge Clinton^ was put in his place ; and Jefierson and Clinton were elected \nby a great majority^ over their Federal opponents, Charles Cotesworth Pinck- \nney,\'\' of South Carolina, who was nominated for President, and Rufus King,^ \nof New York, for Vice-President. \n\nA serious difficulty commenced in the West during the second year [1805] \nof Mr. Jefferson\'s second administration. The fertile valleys of the Ohio and \nMississippi were then very rapidly filling with adventurers, and the materials \nfor new States, strong and ample, were gathering. Michigan was erected into \na Territory in 1805 ; and all along the Mississippi, extensive settlements were \ntaking root and flourishing. The tide of population was full and unceasing, and \nwas composed, chiefly, of adventurous characters, ready for any enterprise that \nshould offer the result of great gain. Taking advantage of the restless spirit \nof these adventurers, and the general impression that the Spanish population of \nLouisiana would not quietly submit to the jurisdiction of the United States,^ \nAaron Burr\'\' thought to make them subservient to his own ambitious purposes. \nHis murder of Hamilton in a duel,*\' on the 12th of July, 1804, made him \neverywhere detested ; and, perceiving his unpopularity in the fact of his having \nbeen superseded in the office of Vice-President of the United States, by George \nClinton," he sought a new field for achieving personal aggrandisement. In \nApril, 1805, he departed for the West, with several nominal objects in view, \nbut chiefly in relation to pecuniary speculations. These seemed to conceal his \nreal design of effecting a strong military organization, for the purpose of invad- \ning the Spanish possessions in Mexico. General Wilkinson,\'" then in the West, \nand the commaiider-in-ehief of the National army, became his associate. Wil- \n\n\' Page 377. "^ Page 350. \n\n\' The great popularity of Jefferson\'s administration was shown by the result of this election. He \nreceived in the electoral college [note 1, page 361] one hundred and sixty-two votes, and Mr. \nPinckney only fourteen. * Page 384. \n\n^ Rufiis King was bom in 1755, and was in Harvard College in 1775, when hostihties with \nGreat Britain commenced, and the students were dispersed. He chose the law for a profession, and \nbecame very eminent as a practitioner. He was in Sulhvan\'s army, on Rhode Island [page 289], \nin 1778 ; and in 1784, the people, appreciatmg his talents and his oratorical powers, elected liim to a \nseat in the Legislature of Massachusetts. He was an efficient member of the National Convention, \nin 1787, and nobly advocated the Constitution afterward. He removed to New York, was a mem- \nber of the State Legislature, was also one of the first United States Senators from New York, and \nin 1796 was appointed minister to Great Britain. From 1813 lo 1826 he was a member of the \nUnited States Senate, and in 1825 was again sent to England as minister plenipotentiary. He \ndied, near Jamaica, Long Island, in April, 1827, at the age of seventy-two years. \xc2\xae Page 390. \n\n\' Aaron Burr was bom in New Jersey, in 1756. In his twentieth year he joined the conti- \nnental army, and accompanied Arnold [note 4, page 241] in his expedition against Quebec, in 1775. \nHis health compelled him to leave the army in 1779, and ho became a distinguished lawyer and \nactive public man. He died on Staten Island, near New York, in 1836, at the age of eighty years. \n\n* Note 2, page 360. A political quarrel led to fatal results. Burr had been informed of some \nremarks made by Hamilton, in public, derogatory to his character, and he demanded a retraction. \nHamilton considered his demand unreasonable, and refused compliance. Burr challenged him to \nfight, and Hamilton rehictantly met him on the west side of the Hudson, near Hoboken, where they \n\xe2\x96\xa0fought with pistols. Hamilton discharged liis weapon in the air, but Burr took fatal aim, and his \nantagonist fell. Hamilton died the next day. * Page 350. *" Page 410. \n\n\n\n1809.] \n\n\n\nJEFFERSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n397 \n\n\n\nkinson had just been appointed governor of Louisiana, and his official position \nsecured precisely the advantage which Burr sought. \n\nBurr went down the Ohio ; and one beautiful morning at the close of April \n[1805], he appeared at the house of Blennarhasset, an Irishman possessed of \n\n\n\n\nfine education, a large fortune, and an accomplished and enthusiastic wife.\' To \nhim he unfolded his grand military scheme ; and the imaginations of Blennar- \nhasset and his wife were fired. Dreams of immense wealth and power filled \ntheir minds ; and when Burr had departed from the quiet home of this \ngentleman, the sunshine of his house faded. Blennarhasset was a changed man. \nHe placed his wealth and reputation in the keeping of an unprincipled dema- \ngogue, and lost both. At that time, the brave and noble Andrew Jackson" was \nin command of the militia of Tennessee. In May, Burr appeared at the door \nof that stern patriot, and before he left it, he had won Jackson\'s confidence, and \nhis promise of co-operation. He also met Wilkinson at St. Louis, and there \ngave him some hints of a greater scheme than he had hitherto unfolded, which, \nthat officer alleged, made him suspicious that Burr\'s ultimate aim was damage \n\n\n\n* His residence was upon an island a little below the mouth of the Muskingum River. There \nhe had a fine library, beautiful conservatories, and a variety of luxuries hitherto unseen in that \nwilderness region. His home was an earthly paradise, into which the vile political serpent crawled, \nand despoiled it with his slime. Blennarhasset became poor, and died in 1831. His beautiful and \naccomphahed wife was buried by the Sisters of Charity, in the city of New York, in the year 184?. \n\n\' Page 460. \n\n\n\n398 \n\n\n\nTHK NATION. \n\n\n\n[180L \n\n\n\nto the Union. However, the schemer managed the whole matter with great \nskill. He made friends with some of the dissatisfied military and naval oflBcers, \nand won their sympathies ;\' and in the summer of 1806, he was very active in \nthe organization of a military expedition in the West. The secresy with i \n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2which it was carried on, excited the suspicions of many good men beyond the \nmountains, among whom was Jackson. Burr was suspected of a design to dis- \nmember the Union, and to establish an independent empire west of the Alleg- \nhanies, with himself at the head. Those suspicions were communicated to the \nIn tioual Government, which, having reason to suspect Burr of premeditated \ntreason, put forth the strong arm of its power, and crushed the viper in its egg. \nBurr was arrested [February, 1807], near Fort Stoddart, on the Tombigbee \nBiver, in the present State of Alabama, by Lieutenant (afterward Major-Gen- \neral) Gaines,\' taken to Kichmond, in Virginia, and there tried on a charge of \ntreason. He was acquitted. The testimony showed that his probable design \nwas an invasion of Mexican provinces, for the purpose of establishing there an \nindependent government. \n\nWhile Burr\'s scheme was ripening, diflficulties with Spain were increasing, \nand the United States were brought to the verge of a war with that country. \n\n\n\n\' Many in the "West supposed the government was secretly favoring Burr\'s plans ajjainst Mex- \nico, and, having no suspicions of any other designs, some of the traest men of that region became^ \niome more and some less, involved in the meshes of his scheme. \xe2\x80\xa2 Page 461. \n\n\n\n1809.] JEFFERSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. 399 \n\nAt the same time, the continued impressment of American seamen into the \nEnglish navy, and the interruptions to American commerce hj the British gov- \nernment, irritated the people of the United States, and caused the President to \nrecommend partial non-intercourse with Great Britain. This policy was \nadopted by Congress [April 15, 1806], the prohibition to take effect in Novem- \nber following. This was one of the first of the retaliatory measures of the \nAmerican government toward that of Great Britain. \n\nThe following year [1807] is remarkable in American history as the era \nof the commencement of successful steamboat navigation. Experiments in that \ndirection had been made in this country many years before, but it was \nreserved for Robert Fulton\' to bear the honor of success. He spent a \nlong time in France, partly in the pursuit of his profession as a portrait-painter, \nand in the study of the subject of steam navigation. Through the kindness of \nJoel Barlow, then [1797] in Paris (in whose family he remained seven years), \nhe Avas enabled to study the natural sciences, modern languages, and to make \nexperiments. There he became acquainted Avith Robert R. Livingston,^ and \nthrough his influence and pecuniary aid, on his return \nto America, he was enabled to construct a steamboat, \nand to make a voyage on the Hudson from New York \nto Albany, "against wind and tide," in thirty-six \nhours.\' He took out his first patent in 1809. Within \nfifty years, the vast operations connected with steam- \nboat navigation, have been brought into existence. \nNow the puff of the steam-engine is heard upon the fulk.n s mluibuat. \nwaters of every civihzed nation on the face of the globe. \n\nAnd now the progi-ess of events in Europe began to disturb the amicable \nrelations which had subsisted between the governments of the United States and \nGreat Britain since the ratification of Jay\'s treaty." Napoleon Bonaparte was \nupon the throne of France as emperor ; and in 1806 he was King of Italy, and \nhis three brothers were made ruling monarchs. He was upon the full tide of \nhis success and conquests, and a large part of continental Europe was now \n\n\' Robert Fulton was born in Pennsylvania, in 1765, and was a student of West, the great \npainter, for several years. He had more genius for mechanics than the fine arts, and when he \nturned his efforts in that direction, he became very successful. He died in 1815, soon after launch- \ning a steamship of war, at the age of fifty years. At that time there were six steamboats afloat on \nthe Hudson, and he was building a steamship, designed for a voyage to St. Petersburg, in Russia. \n\n* Page 366. \n\n\' This was the Clermont, Fulton\'s experimental boat. It was one hundred feet in length, twelve \nfeet in width, and seven in depth. The engine was constructed by "Watt and Bolton, in England, \nand the hull was made by David Brown, of New York. The following advertisement appeared in \nthe Albany Gazette, September 1st, 1807: "The FortJi River Steamboat will leave Paulus\'s Hook \n[Jersey City] on Friday, the 4th of September, at 9 in the morning, and arrive at Albany on Satur- \nday, at 9 in the afternoon. Provisions, good berths, and accommodations are provided. Tho \ncharge to each passenger is as follows : \n\n" To Newburg, dollars, 3, tune, 14 hours. \n\n\n\n* Page 380. \n\n\n\n\nPoughkeepsie, " \n\n\n4, " 17 \n\n\nEsopus, " \n\n\n5, " 20 \n\n\nHudson, " \n\n\nH, " 30 \n\n\nAlbany, \n\n\n7, " 36 \n\n\n\n400 \n\n\n\nTHE XATION. \n\n\n\n[1801. \n\n\n\nprostrate at his feet. Although England had joined the continental powers \nagainst him [1803], in order to crush the Democratic revolution commenced in \nFrance, and the English navy had almost destroyed the French power at sea, \nall Europe was yet trembling in his presence. But the United States, by \n\n\n\n\n\nmaintaining a strict neutrality, neither coveted his favors nor feared his power-, \nat the same time American shipping being allowed free intercourse between \nEnglish and French ports, enjoyed the vast advantages of a profitable carrying \ntrade between them. \n\nThe belligerents, in their anxiety to damage each other, ceased, in time, to \nrespect the laws of nations toward neutrals, and adopted measures at once \ndestructive to American commerce, and in violation of the most sacred rights \nof the United States. In this matter. Great Britain took the lead. By an \norder in council,\' that government declared [May 16, 1806] the whole coast of \nEurope, from the Elbe, in Germany, to Brest, in France, to be in a state of \nblockade. Napoleon retaliated by issuing [November 21] a decree at Berlin, \nwhich declared all the ports of the British islands to be in a state of blockade. \nThis was intended as a blow against England\'s maritime superiority, and it was \n\n\' The British privy council consists of an indefinite number of gentlemen, chosen by the sover- \neign, and having no direct connection with the cabinet ministers. The sovereign may, under the \nadvice of this council, issue orders or proclamations which, if not contrary to existing laws, are \nbinding upon the subjects. These are for temporary purposes, and are called Orders in Council \n\n\n\n\n1809.] JEFFERSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. 401 \n\nthe beginning of what he termed the continental system, the chief object of \nwhich was the ruin of Great Britain. The latter, bj another order [J anuarj \nY, 1807J, prohibited all coast trade with France; and \nthus the gamesters played with the world\'s peace and \nprosperity. In spite of pacific attempts to put an \nend to these ungenerous measures, American vessels \nwere seized bj both English and French cruisers, and \nAmerican commerce dwindled to a domestic coast trade.\' \nThe United States lacked a navjto protect her commerce \non the ocean, and the swarms of gun-boats" which Con- \ngress, from time to time, had authorized as a substitute, ^ felucca gun-boat. \nwere quite inefficient, even as a coast-guard. \n\nThe American merchants and all in their interest, so deeply injured by the \n^\' orders" and "decrees" of the warring monarchs, demanded redress of griev- \nances. Great excitement prevailed throughout the country, and the most bitter \nfeeling was beginning to be felt against Great Britain. This was increased by \nher haughty assertion and oifensive practice of the doctrine that she had the \nright to search American vessels for suspected deserters from the British navy, \nand to carry away the suspected without hinderance. " This right Avas strenu- \nously denied, and its policy vehemently condemned, because American seamen \nmight be thus forced into the British service, under the pretense, that they were \ndeserters. Indeed this had already happened.^ \n\nClouds of difficulty now gathered thick and black. A crisis approached. \nFour seamen on board the United States frigate Chesapeake, were claimed as \ndeserters from the British armed ship Melampus.^ They were demanded, but \n\xe2\x80\xa2Commodore Barron, of the Chesapeake, refused to give them up. The \n\n\' In May, 1806, James Monroe [page 441] and "William Pinkney, were appointed to assist in \nthe negotiation of a treaty with Great Britain, concerning the rights of neutrals, the imprisonment \n\xe2\x80\xa2of seamen, right of search, &c. A treaty was finally signed, but as it did not offer security to \nAmerican vessels against the aggressions of Britisli ships in searching them and carrying off seamen, \nMr. Jetierson refused to submit it to the Senate, and rejected it. The Federalists condemned the \n\xe2\x96\xa0course of the President, but subsequent events proved his wisdom. Mr. Piukne}\', one of the special \n\xe2\x96\xa0envoys, was a remarkable man. He was born at Annapolis, Maryland, in March, 17G4. He was \nadmitted to the bar, at the age of twenty-two years, and became one of this most profound states- \nmen and brilliant orators of the age. He was a member of the Maryland Senate, iu 1811, when \nPresident Madison appointed him Attorney-General for the United States. He was elected a \nmember of Congress, and in 1816 was appointed United States minister to St. Petersburg. After \na short service in the Senate, his health gave way, and he died in February, 1822, in the fifty-nmth \nyear of his age. \n\n^ These were small sailing vessels, having a cannon at the bow and stern, and manned by fully \narmed men, for the purpose of boarding other vessels. \n\n\' England maintains the doctrine that a British subject can never become an alien. At the \ntime in question, she held that she had the right to take her native-bom subjects wherever found, and \nplace them in the army or navy, even though, by legal process, they had become citizens of another \nnation. Our laws give equal protection to the native and adopted citizen, and would not allow \nGreat Britain to exercise her asserted privilege toward a Briton who had become a citizen of the \nUnited States. \n\n* During nine months, in the years 1796 and 1797, Mr. King [page 395], the American minis- \nter in London, had made application for the release of two hundred and seventy-one seamen (a \ngreater portion of whom were Americans), who had been seized on the false charge of being desert- \ners, and pressed into the British service. \n\n^ A small British squadron, of which the Melampus was one, was lying in Lynn Haven Bay, at \nIhe mouth of the Chesapeake Bay, at this time. It was commanded by Admiral Berkeley. \n\n26 \n\n\n\n402 THE NATION. [1801. \n\nChesapeake left the capes of Virginia on a cruise, on the 22d of June, 1807, \nand on the same day she was chased and attacked by the British frigate \nLeopard. Unsuspicious of danger and unprepared for an attack, Barron sur- \nrendered his vessel, after losing three men killed and eighteen wounded. The \nfour men were then taken on board the Leopard., and the Chesapeake \nreturned to Hampton Roads.\' Investigation proved that three of the seamen, \nwlio were colored men, were native Americans, and that the fourth had been \nimpressed into the British service, and had deserted. \n\nForbearance was no longer a virtue. The outrage upon the Chesapeake \naroused the nation, and provoked retaliatory measures. All parties joined in \none loud voice of indignation, and many were very anxious for a declaration of \nwar with England. The President, however, proposed a pacific course, as long \nas any hope for justice or reconciliation remained. He issued a proclamation, \nin July [1807], ordering all British armed vessels to leave the waters of the \nUnited States immediately, and forbidding any one to enter until full satisfac- \ntion for the present insult, and security against future aggressions, should be \nmade. Although the British government understood the attack on the Chesa- \npeake as an outrage, yet diplomacy, which is seldom honest, was immediately \nemployed to mistify the plain question of law and right.^ In the mean while, \nFrance and England continued to play their desperate game, to the detriment \nof commerce, unmindful of the interests of other nations, or the obligations \nof international law. A British order in counciP was issued on the 11th \nof November, 1807, forbidding neutral nations to trade with France or, her \nallies, except upon payment of tribute to Great Britain. Napoleon retaliated, \nby issuing, on the 17th of December, a decree at Milan, forbidding all trade \nwith England or her colonies ; and authorizing the confiscation of any vessel \nfound in his ports, which had submitted to English search, or paid the exacted \ntribute. In other words, any vessel having goods upon which any impost \nwhatever should have been paid to Great Britain, should be denationalized., \nand subject to seizure and condemnation. These edicts were, of course, destruct- \nive to the principal part of the foreign commerce of the United States. In \nthis critical state of afiairs, the President convened Congress several weeks \n[Oct. 25, 1807] earlier than usual ; and in a confidential message [December \n18], he recommended to that body the passage of an act, levying a commercial \nembargo. Such an act was passed [December 22], which provided for the de- \ntention of all vessels, American and foreign, at our ports ; and ordered Ameri- \ncan vessels abroad to return home immediately, that the seamen might be \n\n\' Page 29*7. \n\n* The President forwarded instructions to Mr. Monroe, our minister to England, to demand im- \nmediate satisfaction for the outrage, and security against similar events in future. Great Britain \nthereupon dispatched an envoy extraordinary (Mr. Rose) to the United States, to settle the diffi- \nculty in question. The envoy would not enter into negotiations until the President should with- \ndraw his proclamation, and so the matter stood until November, 1811 (more than four years), when \nthe British government declared the attack on the Chesapeake to have been unauthorized, and pro- \nmised pecuniary aid to the i\'amilies of those who were killed at that time. But Britain would not \nrelinquish the right of search, and so a cause for quarrel remained. \n\n\' Note 1, page 400. \n\n\n\n1809.] \n\n\n\nJEFFERSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n403 \n\n\n\ntrained for the inevitable war. Thus the chief commerce of the world was \nbrought to a full stop. \n\nThe operation of the embargo law was the occasion of great distress, especi- \nally in commercial communities, yet it was sustained by the great body of the \n\n\n\n\nAmerican people. It put patriotism and firmness to a severe test. It bore \nextremely hard upon seamen and their employers, for it spread ruin throughout \nthe shipping interest. It was denounced by the Federal party, chiefly for polit- \nical effect;\' and as it failed to obtain from England and France any acknowl- \nedgment of American rights, it was repealed on the 1st of March, 1809, three \ndays before Mr. Jefferson retired from office. Congress, at the same time, \npassed [March 1, 1809] a law which forbade all commercial intercourse with \nFrance and England, until the "orders in councir\' and tlie \'-decrees\'\' should \nbe repealed. \n\n^ Mr. Jefferson truly wrote to a friend: " Tlie Federalists are now playing a game of the most \nmischievous tendency, without, perhaps, bein--- themselves aware of it. They are endeavoring \nto convince England that we suffer more from the embargo than they do, and that, if they wiU \nhold out awhile, we must abandon it. It is true, the time will come when we must abandon it; \nbut if this is Ijefore the repeal of the orders in council, wo must abandon it only for a state of war." \nJohn Quincy Adams, who had resigned his seat in tlie Senate of the United States, because he dif- \nfered from the majority of his constituents in supporting tlie measures of the administration, wrote \nto the President to the effect, that from informition received by him, it was the determination of \nthe ruling party (Pederahsts) in Massacliusetts, and even throughout New England, if the embargo \nwas persisted in, no longer to submit to it, but to separate themselves from the Union ; and that such \nwas the pressure of the embargo upon the co\'iimunity, that they would be supported by the peopla \nThis was explicitly denied, in after years, by the Federalist leaders. \n\n\n\n404 T II K NATION-. [1809. \n\nIn the midst of the excitement on account of the foreign relations of the \nUnited States, another Presidential election was held. Who should be the Dem- \nocratic candidate? was a question of some difficulty, the choice lying between \nMessrs. Madison and Monroe, of Virginia. For some time, a portion of the Dem- \nocratic party in that State, under the leadership of the emineiit John Randolph,\' \nof Roanoke, had differed from the Administration on some points of its foreign \npolicy ; yet, while they acted Avith the Federalists on many occasions, they \nstudiously avoided identification with that party. Mr. INIadison was the firm \nadherent of Jefferson, and an advocate and apologist of his measures, while Mr. \nMonroe\' rather favored the views of Mr. Randolph and his friends. The strength \nof the two candidates was tried in a caucus of the Democratic members of the \nVirginia Legislature, and also in a caucus of the Democratic members of Con- \ngress. Mr. Madison, having a large majority on both occasions, was nominated \nfor the office of President, and George Clinton for that of Vice-President. \nCharles Cotesworth Pinckney and Rufus King were the Federalist candidates. \nMadison and Clinton were elected. At the close of eight years\' service, as \nChief Magistrate of the United States, Mr. Jefferson left office [March 4, 1809], \nand retired to his beautiful Monticcllo, in the bosom of his native Virginia. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV. \n\nMADISON\'S ADMINISTRATION. [1809 \xe2\x80\x94 1817.] \n\nWhen James Madison, the fourth President of the Republic, took the \nchair of state, the country was overspread with gloom and despondency. \nAlthough somewhat highly colored, the report of a committee of the Massachu- \nsetts Legislature, in January, 1809, gives, doubtless, a fair picture of the con- \ndition of affairs. It said: "Our agriculture is discouraged; the fisheries \nabandoned; navigation forbidden; our commerce at home restrained, if not \n\n\' John Randolph was seventh in descent from Pocahontas [page 66], the beloved daughter of \nthe emperor of the Powhatans. He was born at Petersburg, m Virginia, in June, 1773. He was \nin delicate health from infancy. He studied in Columbia College, New York, and William and \nMary College, in Virginia. Law was his chosen profession ; yet he was too fond of hterature and \npolitics to be confined to its practice. He entered public life in 1799, when he was elected to a \nseat in.Congi-ess, where he was a representative of his native State, in the lower House, for thirty \nyears, with the exception of three intervals of two years each. During that time he was a member \nof the Senate for two years. He opposed the war in 1812. His political course was erratic. \nJackson appointed him minister to St. Petersburg in 1830. His health would not permit him to \nremain there. On his return he was elected to Congress, but consumption soon laid him in the \ngrave. He died at Philadelphia, in ISIay, 1 833. Mr. Randolph was a strange compound of moral \n\xe2\x80\xa2md intellectual qualities. He was at times almost an atheist ; at others, he was imbued with the \ndeepest emotions of pietv and reverence for Deity. It is said that, on one occasion, he ascended a \nlofty spur of the Blue Ridge, at dawn, and from that magnificent observatory saw the sun rise. As \nits light burst in beautv and glorv over the vast panorama before him. lie turned to his servant and \nsaid, with deep emotion, "Tom, if any body says there is no God, tell them, they lie!" Thus be \nexpressed the deep sense which his soul felt of the presence of a Great Creator. \n\n\' Page. 447. \n\n\n\n1817.] \n\n\n\nMADISON\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n405 \n\n\n\nannihilated ; our commerce abroad cut off: our navy scici, dismantled, or \ndegraded to the service of cutters, or gun- boats;\' the revenue extinguished; \nthe course of justice interrupted; and the nation weakened by internal animos- \nities and divisions, at the moment when it is unnecessarily and improvidentlj \nexposed to war with Great Britam, France, and Spain."\' This was the lan- \nguage of the opponents of the administration, and must be taken with some \nallowance. That party was strongly opposed to Mr. Madison, because they \n\n\n\n\n//^^^^ ^^,^^j^^^ \n\n\n\nbelieved that he would perpetuate the policy of Mr. Jefferson. But when, \ndressed in a suit of plain black, he modestly pronounced his inaugural address \n[March 4, 1809], the tone and sentiment of Avhich fell like oil upon the \ntroubled waters, those of his most implacable political enemies who heard him, \ncould not refrain from uttering words of approbation ; and hopes were enter- \ntained by the whole nation, that his measures might change the gloomy aspect \nof affairs. \n\nTo all unbiassed minds, no man appeared better fitted for the office of Chief \nMagistrate of the Republic, at that time of general commotion, than Mr. Mad- \nison.\' He had been Secretary of State during the wl )le administration of Mr. \n\n\n\n\' Page 401. \n\n^ James Madison was born in Virginia, in March, 1751. He was educated at Princeton, New \nJersey, and was diverted from the intended practice of the law by the charms and excitements of \npolitical life. He assisted in framing the first Constitution of Virginia, in 1776. He v/as a mem- \nber of liig State Legislature and of the Executive Council, and in 1780 was a delegate in the Conti- \nnental Congress. In public life, tliere, and in his State councils, he was ever the champion of \npopular liberty. As a member of the Nationnl Convention, and supporter of the Constitution, he \n\n\n\n406 THK X AT I ON. [1809. \n\nJefferson, and wa^ fiimiliar with every event which had contributed to produce \nthe existing hostile relations between the United States and Great Britain. \nHis cabinrit was composed of able men,\' and in the eleventh Congress, which \nconvened on the 22d of May, 1809, in consequence of the critiisal state of \naffairs," there was a majority of his pohtical friends. Yet there was a powerful \nparty in the country (the Federalists) hostile to his political creed, and opposed \nto a war with England, Avhich now seemed probable. \n\nAt the very beginning of Madison\'s administration, light beamed upon the \nfuture. Mr. Erskine, the British minister, assured the President, that such \nportions of the orders in council\' as affected the United States, should be \nrepealed by the 10th of June. He also assured him that a special envoy would \nsoon arrive, to settle all matters in dispute between the two governments. \nSupposing the minister to be authorized by his government to make these \nassurances, the President, as empowered by Congress, issued a proclamation \n[April 19, 1809], permitting a renewal of commercial intercourse with Great \nBritain, on that day. But the government disavowed Erskine\' s act, and the \nPresident again [August 10] proclaimed non-intercourse. The light had \nproved deceitful. This event caused great excitement in the public mind : and \nhad the President then declared war against Great Britain, it would doubtless \nhave been very popular. \n\nCauses for irritation between the two governments continually increased, \nand, for a time, political intercourse vras suspended. France, too, continueti \nits aggressions. On the 23d of March, 1810, Bonaparte issued a decree at \nRambouillet, more destructive in its operations to American commerce, than any \nmeasures hitherto employed. It declared forfeit every American vessel which \nhad entered French ports since March, 1810, or that might thereafter enter; \nand authorized the sale of the same, together with the cargoes \xe2\x80\x94 the money to \nbe placed in the French treasury. Under this decree, many American vessels \nwere lost, for which only partial remuneration has since been obtf^ined." Bona- \nparte justified this decree by the plea, that it was made in retaliation for the \nAmerican decree of non-intercourse.\' Three months later [May, 1810], Con- \ngress offered to resume commercial intercourse with either France or England, \nor both, on condition that they should repeal their obnoxious orders and \ndecrees, before the 3d of March, 1811." The French emperor, who was always \ngoverned by expediency, in defiance of right and justice, feigned compliance, \nand by giving assurance [August] that such repeal should take effect in Novcm- \n\n\n\nwas one of the wisest and ablest; and his vohiminous -UTitinE^s, purchased by Congress, display the \nmost sagacious statesmanship. As a Republican, he was conservative. For eight years he was \nPrf\'si lent of the United States, when he retired to private Ufe. He died in June, 1836, at the ago \nof eiu\'hty-five years. \n\n\' Robert Smith, Secretary of State; Albert Oallatiu, Secretary of the Treasury; "William Eustis, \nSecretary of War; Paul Hamilton. Secretary of the Navy; Csesar Rodney, Attorney-General. \n\n^ Its session lasted only about five weeks, because peace seemed probable. \n\n\' Note 1, page 400. \' * Page 468. * Page 402. \n\n^ The act provided, that if either goverTiment should repeal its obnoxious acts, and if the other \ngovernment should not do the same witliiii tliree montlis thereafter, then the first should enjoy \n\xc2\xab\xc2\xbbmmercial intercourse with the United States, but tlie other shoula not. \n\n\n\n1817.] MADISON\'S ADMINISTRATION. 407 \n\nber, caused the President to proclaim such resumption of intercourse. It was \na promise intended to be broken at any moment when policy should dictate. \nAmerican vessels continued to be seized by French cruisers, as usual, and con- \nfiscated; and in March, 1811, Napoleon declared the decrees of Berlin\' and \nMilan\'^ to be the fundamental laws of the empire. A new envoy from France, \nwho arrived in the United States at about this time, gave official notice to the \ngovernment, that no remuneration would be made for property seized and con- \nfiscated. \n\nThe government of Great Britain acted more honorably, though wickedly. \nShe continued her hostile orders, and sent ships of war to cruise near the prin- \ncipal ports of the United States, to intercept American merchant vessels and \nsend them to England as lawful prizes. While engaged in this nefarious busi- \nness, the British sloop of war\' Little Belt, Captain Bingham, was met [May \n16, 1811], oif the coast of Virginia, by the American frigate President, Com- \nmodore Rogers.^ That officer hailed the commander of the sloop, and received \na cannon shot in reply. A brief action ensued, when Captain Bingham, after \nhaving eleven men killed and twenty-one wounded, gave a satisfactory answer \nto Rogers. The conduct of both officers was approved by their respective gov- \nernments. That of the United States condemned the act of Bingham as an \noutrage without palliation ; and the government and people felt willing to take \nup arms in defense of right, justice, and honor. Powerful as was the navy of \nGreat Britain, and weak as was that of the United States, the people of the \nlatter were willing to accept of war as an alternative for submission, and to \nmeasure strength on the ocean. The British navy consisted of almost nine \nhundred vessels, with an aggregate of one hundred and forty-four thousand \nmen. The American vessels of war, of large size, numbered only twelve, with \nan aggregate of about three hundred guns. Besides these, there were a great \nnumber of gun-boats, but these were hardly sufficient for a coast-guard. Here \nwas a great disparity ; and for a navy so weak to defy a navy so strong, \nseemed madness. It must be remembered, however, that the British navy was \nnecessarily very much scattered, for that government had interests to protect in \nvarious parts of the globe. \n\nThe protracted interruption of commercial operations was attended with \nvery serious effect upon the trade and revenue of the United States, and all \nparties longed for a change, even if it must be brought about by war with \nEuropean governments. The Congressional elections in 1810 and 1811, proved \nthat the policy of Mr. Madison\'s administration was sustainetl by a large ma- \njority of the American people, the preponderance of the Democratic party \nbeing kept up in both branches of the National Legislature. The opposition, \nwho, as a party, were unfavorable to hostilities, were in a decided minority, \nand the government had more strength in its councils than at any time during \nJefferson\'s administration. \n\nFor several years war with England had seemed inevitable, and now [1811] \n\n\' Page 400. "^ Page 402. \' Page 415. \n\n* He died in the Naval Asylum, Philadelphia, in August, 1838. \n\n\n\n408 THE NATION. [1809. \n\nmanj causes were accelerating the progress of events toward such a result. \nAmong these, the hostile position of the Indian tribes on the north-western \nfrontier of the United States, was one of the most powerful. Thej, too, had \nfelt the pressure of Bonaparte\'s commercial system. In consequence of the \nexclusion of their furs from the continental markets, the Indian hunters found \ntheir traffic reduced to the lowest point. The rapid extension of settlements \nnorth of the Ohio was narrowing their hunting-grounds, and producing a rapid \ndiminution of game ; and the introduction of whiskey, by the white people, was \nspreading demoralization, disease, and death among the Indians. These evils, \ncombined with the known influence of British emissaries, finally led to open \nhostilities. \n\nIn the spring of 1811, it was known that Tecumtha, a Shawnoe^ chief, \nAvho was crafty, intrepid, unscrupulous, and cruel, and who possessed the qual- \nities of a great leader, almost equal to those of Pontiac," was endeavoring to \nemulate that great OttaWa by confederating the tribes of the north-west in a \nwar against the people of the United States. Those over whom himself and \ntwin-brother, the Prophet,\' exercised the greatest control, were the Delawares, \nShawnoese, Wyandots, Miamies, Kickapoos, Winnebagoes, and Chippewas. \nDuring the summer, the frontier settlers became so alarmed by the continual \nmilitary and religious exercises of the savages, that General Harrison," then \ngovernor of the Indiana Territory, \xc2\xb0 marched, with a considerable force, toward \nthe town of the Prophet, situated at the junction of the Tippecanoe and \nWabash Rivers, in the upper part of Tippecanoe county, Indiana. The \nProphet appeared and proposed a conference, but Harrison, suspecting treach- \nery, caused his soldiers to sleep on their arms [Nov. 6, 1811] that night. At \nfour o\'clock the next morning [Nov. 7] the savages fell upon the American \ncamp, but after a bloody battle until dawn, the Indians were repulsed. The \nbattle of Tippecanoe was one of the most desperate ever fought with the Indians, \nand the loss was heavy on both sides.\' Tecumtha was not present on this occa- \nsion, and it is said the Prophet took no part in the engagement. \n\nThese events, so evidently the work of British interference, aroused the \nspirit of the nation, and throughout the entire West, and in the Middle and \nSouthern States, there was a desire for war. Yet the administration fully \nappreciated the deep responsibility involved in such a step ; and having almost \nthe entire body of the New England people in opposition, the President and his \nfriends hesitated. The British orders in council^ continued to be rigorously \nenforced : insult after insult was oflered to the American flag ; and the British \npress insolently boasted that the United States "could not be kicked into \xc2\xbb \n\n\' Page 19. ^ Page 204. \n\n^ In 1809, Governor Harrison had negotiated a treaty with the Miamies [page 19] and other \ntribes, by which they sold to the United States a large tract of land on both sides of the Wabash. \nThe Prophet was present and made no objection ; but Tecumtha, who was absent, was greatly \ndissatisfied. The Britisli emissaries took advantage of this dissatisfaction, to inflame him and his \npeople affainst the Americans. \n\n* Page 17. ^ Page 474. \xc2\xb0 Note 4, page 390. \n\n\'\' Harrison had upward of sixty killed, and more than a hundred wounded. \n\n^ Note 1, page 400. \n\n\n\n1817.] MADISON\'S ADMINISTRATION. 400 \n\nwar." Forbearance became no longer a virtue ; and on the 4th of April, 1812, \nCongress laid another embargo\' upon vessels in American waters, for ninety \ndays. On the 1st of June, the President transmitted a special message to \nCongress, in which he reviewed the difficulties with Great Britain, strongly \nportrayed the aggressions inflicted upon us by that nation, and intimated the \nnecessity of war. The message was referred to the Committee on Foreign \nRelations, in the House of Representatives, a majority of whom" agreed upon, \nand reported a manifesto [June 3], as the basis of a declaration of Avar. On \nthe following day [June 4, 1812], a bill, drawn up by Mr. Pinckney, the \nAttorney-General of the United States,^ declaring war to exist between the \nUnited States and Great Britain, was presented by Mr. Calhoun. During the \nproceedings on this subject, Congress sat with closed doors. The measure was \nfinally agreed to, by both Houses, by fair majorities. It passed the House of \nRepresentatives by a vote of 79 to 49. On the 17th it passed the Senate by a \nvote of 19 to 13, and on that day it received the signature of the President.* \nTwo days afterward [June 19], the President issued a proclamation which \nformally declared war against Groat Britain.^ This is known in history as The \nWar of 1812 ; or \n\nTHE SECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE." \n\nCongress, having authorized the President to declare war, took immediate \nmeasures to sustain that declaration. It passed an act which gave him author- \nity to enlist twenty-five thousand men, to accept fifty thousand volunteers, and \nto call out one hundred thousand militia for the defense of the sea-coast and \nfrontiers. Fifteen millions of dollars were appropriated for the army, and \nalmost three millions for the navy. But at the very threshhold of the new order \n\n\' Page 402. Four days after this [April 8] Louisiana was admitted into the Union as a State. \n\n* John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina ; Felix Grundy, of Tennessee ; John Smilie, of Pennsyl- \nvania ; John A. Harper, of New Hampshire ; Joseph Desha, of Kentucky ; and Ebenezer Seaver^ \nof Massachusetts. ^ Page 400. \n\n* The following are the words of that important bill : "Be it enacted, etc., That war be, and the- \nsame is hereby declared to exist between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and \nthe dependencies thereof and the United States of America and their Territories ; and that the \nPresident of the United States is hereby authorized to use the whole land and naval force of the \nUnited States to carry the same into effect, and to issue to private armed vessels of the United \nStates, commissions, or letters of marque, and general reprisal, in such form as he shall think proper, \nand under the seal of the United States, against the vessels, goods, and effects of the government \nof the said United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the suljjects thereof." \n\n* The chief causes for this act were the impressment of American seamen by the British ; the \nblockade of French ports without an adequate force to sustain the act; and the British Orders in \nCouncil. The Federalists in Congress presented an ably- written protest, which denied the necessity \nor the expediency of war. \n\n\' Tliis is an appropriate title, for, until the termination of that war, the United States were only \nnominally free. Blessed with prosperity, the people dreaded war, and sulimitted to many acts of \ntyranny and insult from Great Britain and France, rather than become involved in another conflict. \nSocially and commercially, the United States were dependent upon Europe, and especially upon \nEngland ; and the latter was rapidly acquiring a dangerous political interest here, when the war \nbroke out. The war begun in 1775 was really only the first great step toward independence; the \nwar begun in 1812, first thoroughly accomplished it. Franklin once heard a person speaking of \nthe Revolution as the War of Independe-nce, and reproved him, saying, " Sir, you mean the Revolu- \ntion ; the war of Independence is yet to come. It was a war for Independence, but not of Inde- \n\n\n\n410 THE NATION. [1809. \n\nof things, the administration was met bj determined opposition. The Federal \nmembers of the House of Representatives published an address to their con- \nstituents, in which thej set forth the state of the country at that time, the \ncoarse of the administration and its supporters in Congress, and the reasons of \ntl:3 minoritj for opposing the Avar. This was fair and honorable. But outside \nof Congress, a party, composed chiefly of Federalists, Avith some disaflFected \nDemocrats, was organized under the name of the Peace j)arty. Its object was \nto cast such obstructions in the way of the prosecution of the Avar, as to compel \nthe gOA^ernment to make peace. This movement, so unpatriotic, the offspring \nof the loAvest elements of faction, Avas froAvned upon by the most respectable \nmembers of the Federal party, and some of them gave the gOA\'ernment their \nhearty support, Avhen it Avas necessary, in order to carry on the war with vigor \nand effect. \n\nThe first care of the gOA^ernment, in organizing the army, Avas to select \nefficient officers. Nearly all of the general officers of tlie Revolution were in \ntheir graves, or Avere too old for service, and even those of subordinate rank in \nthat war, Avho yet remained, Avere fir advanced in life. \nYet upon them the chief duties of leadership were \ndevolved. Henry Dearborn\' was appointed major- \ngeneral and commander-in-chief; and his principal \nbrigadiers Avere James "Wilkinson," Wade Hampton,^ \nWilliam Hull,* and Joseph Bloomfield \xe2\x80\x94 all of them \nesteemed soldiers of the ReA\'olution. \n\nHull was gOA^ernor of the Territory of Michigan, \nand held the commission of a brigadier-general. When \nwar was declared, he Avas marching, with a. little more \nGENERAL DEARBORN. thau two thousand troops, from Ohio, to attempt the \n\nsubjugation of the hostile Indians.^ Congress gaA^e \nhim discretionary powers for invading Canada; but caution and preparation \nwere necessary, because the British authorities, a long time in expectation of \nwar, had taken measures accordingly." Feeling strong enough for the enemy, \nHull, on the 12th of July, 1812, crossed the Detroit River Avith his whole \nforce, to attack Fort Maiden, a British post near the present village of Amherst- \nburg. At SandAvicli, he encamped, and by a fatal delay, lost every advantage \nwhich an immediate attack might have secured. In the mean while, Fort \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0 Henry Dearborn was a native of New Hampshire, and a meritorious officer in the continental \narmy. He accompanied Arnold to Quebec, and was distinguished in the battles which ruined \nBnrgoyne [page 281]. He held civil offices of trust after the Revolution. He returned to private \nlife in 1815, and died at Roxbury. near Boston, in 1829, at the age of seventy-eight years. \n\n\' Pages 396 and 426. \' Note 3, page 427. " Note 4, page 411. ^ Page 408. \n\n* Canada then consisted of two provinces. The old French settlements on the St. Lawrence, \nwith a population of about three hundred thousand, constituted Lower Canada ; while the more \nrecent settlements above Montreal, and chiefly upon the northern shore of Lake Ontario, including \nabout one hundred thousand inhabitants, composed Upper Canada. These were principally the \nfamilies of American loyalists, who were compelled to leave the States at the close of the Revolu- \ntion. Then each province had its own governor and Legislature. The regular military force, which \nwas scattered over a space of more than a thousand miles, did not exceed two thousand men; \nhence the British commanders were compelled to call for volunteers, and they used the Indiana \nto good effect, in their favor. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n/ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\'ra-wn "by H L Stephens \n\n\n\n\nSTDriEMJEH: \n\n\n\nISWILJL \n\n\n\n1817.] MADISON\'S ADMINISTRATION. 411 \n\nMackinaw, one o^the strongest posts of the United States in the north-west,\' \nwas surprised and captured [July 17, 1812] hj an allied force of British and \nIndians ; and on the 5th of August, a detachment under Major Van Irlorne, \nsent by Hull to escort an approaching supplj-partj to camp, were defeated by \nsome British and Indians near Brownstown, on the Huron River." These \nevents, and the reinforcement of the garrison at Maiden, by General Brock, \nthe British commander-in-chief, caused Hull to recross the river on the 7tli of \nAugust, abandon the expedition against Canada, and take post at Detroit, much \nto the disappointment of his troops, who were anxious to measure strength with \nthe enemy. \n\nOn the 9th of August, General Brock crossed the river with seven hundred \nBritish troops and six hundred Indians, and demanded an instant surrender of \nDetroit, threatening at the same time to give free rein to Indian cruelty in the \nevent of refusal. Hull\'s excessive prudence determined him to surrender, \nrather than expose his troops to the hatchet. When the assailants approached, \nand at the moment when the Americans were hoping for and expecting a com- \nmand to fire, he ordered his troops to retire within the fort, and hung a white \nflag upon the wall, in token of submission. The army, fort, stores, garrison, \nand Territory, were all surrendered [August 16, 1812], to the astonishment of \nthe victor himself, and the deep mortification of the American troops. Hull \nwas afterward tried by a court-martiaF [1814], on charges of treason and cow- \nardice. He was found guilty of the latter, and sentenced to be shot, but was \npardoned by the President on account of his revolutionary services. The wholo \ncountry severely censured him ; and the rage of the Avar party, increased by \nthe taunts of the Federalists, because of the disastrous termination of one of the \nfirst expeditions of the campaign, was unbounded. The difficulties with which \nHull was surrounded \xe2\x80\x94 his small force (only about eight hundred eflfectivc men) ; \nthe inexperience of his officers, and the rawness of his troops ; his lack of infor- \nmation, because of the interception of his communications ; and the number and \ncharacter of the enemy \xe2\x80\x94 were all kept out of sight, while bitter denunciations \nwere poured upon his head. In after years, he Avas permitted fully to vindicate \nhis character, and the sober juflgment of this generation, guided by historic \ntruth, must acquit him of all crime, and even serious error, and pity him as a \nvictim of untoward circumstances.* \n\n\n\n\' Formerly spelled Michilimackinae. It was situated upon an island of that name, near the \nStraits of Mackinaw or Miehilimakinac. \n\n^ On the 8th, Colonel Miller and several hundred men, sent by Hull to accomplish the object or \nVan Home, met and defeated Tecumtha [page 408] and his Indians, with a party of British, neai \nthe scene of Van Home\'s failure. \n\na He was taken to Montreal a prisoner, and was afterward exchanged for thirty British cap. \nlives. He was tried at Albany, New York. \n\n* Hull published his Vindication in 1824; and in 1848, his grandson published a large octavo \nvolume, giving a full and thorough vindication of the character of the general, the material for \nwhich was drawn from official records. Hull\'s thorough knowledge of the character of the foe who \nmenaced him, and a humane desire to spare his troops, was doubtless his sole reason for surrender- \ning the post. A good and brave man has too long suffered the reproaches of history. William \nHuU wa-s born in Connecticut in 1753. He rose to the rank of major in the continental army, and \nwas distinguished for his bravery. He was appointed governor of the Michigan Territory in 1805. \nAfter the close of his unfortunate campaign, he never appeared in pubUc life. He died near Boston \nin 1825. \n\n\n\n412 THE NATION. [1809. \n\nAt about this time, a tragedy occurred near the head of Lake Michigan, \nwhich sent a thrill of horror through the land. Captain Heald, with a com- \npany of fifty regulars, occupied Fort Dearborn, on the site of the present \nlarge city of Chicago.\' Hull ordered him to evacuate that post in the deep \nwilderness, and hasten to Detroit. He left the public property in charge of \nfriendly Indians, but had proceeded only a short distance from the fort, along \nthe beach, when he was attacked by a body of Indians. Twenty-six of the reg- \nular troops, and all of the militia, were slaughtered. A number of women and \nchildren were murdered and scalped ; and Captain Heald, with his wife, though \nseverely wounded, escaped to Michilimackinac.^ His wife also received six \nwounds, but none proved mortal. This event occurred on the day before Hull\'s \nsurrender [Aug. 15, 181 2 J at Detroit, and added to the gloom that overspread, \nand the indignation that flashed through, the length and breadth of the land. \n\nWhile these misfortunes were befalling the Army of the North-west,\'\' the \nopponents of the war were casting obvStacles in the way of the other divisions of \nthe American troops operating in the State of New York, and preparing for \nanother invasion of Canada.^ The governors of INIassachusetts, New Hamp- \nshire, and Connecticut, refused to allow the militia of those States to march to \nthe northern frontier on the requisition of the President of the United States. \nThey defended their unpatriotic position by the plea that such a requisition was \nunconstitutional, and that the war was unnecessary. The British government, \nin the mean time, had declared the whole American coast in a state of block- \nade, except that of the New England States, whose apparent sympathy with \nthe enemies of their country, caused them to be regarded as ready to leave the \nUnion, and become subject to the British crown. But there was sterling \npatriotism sufficient there to prevent such a catastrophe, even if a movement, \nso fraught with evil, had been contemplated. Yet the effect was chilling to the \nbest friends of the country, and the President felt the necessity of extreme cir- \ncumspection. \n\nUnmindful of the intrigues of its foes, however, the administration perse- \nvered ; and during the summer of 1812, a plan was matured for invading Can- \nada on the Niagara frontier. The militia of the State of New York were \nplaced, by Governor Tompkins, under the command of Stephen Van Rensselaer, \xc2\xb0 \n\n\' Chicago is built upon the verge of Lake Michigan and the borders of a great prairie, and is \none of the wonders of the material and social progress of the United States. The Pottawatomie \nIndians [page 18], by treaty, left that spot to the white people in 1833. The city was laid out in \n1830, and lots were first sold in 1831. In 1840, the population was 4,470. Now [1867] it can not \nbe less than 180,000! * Page 411. \n\n^ The forces under General Harrison were called the Army of the North-west ; those under Gen- \neral Stephen Van Rensselaer, at Lewiston, on the Niagara River, the Army of the Center ; and \nthose under General Dearborn, at Plattsburg and at Greenbush, near Albany, the Anny of the \nNorth. * Page 410. \n\n\' Stephen Van Rensselaer, a lineal descendant of one of the earliest and best known of the \nPatroons [note 10, page 139] of the State of New York, was born at the manor-house, near Albany, \nin November, 1764. The War for Independence had just closed when he came into possession of \nhis immense estate, at the age of twenty-one years. He engaged in politics, was a warm supporter \nof the National Constitution, and was elected Lieutenant-Governor of New York in 1795. He was \nvery little engaged in polities after the defeat of the Federal party in 1800 [page 388]. After \nthe Second War for Independence, he was elected to a seat in Congress ; and, by his casting vote \nin tlie N\'^w York delegation, he gave the Presidency of tlie United States to John Quincy Adams. \n\n\n\n1817.] \n\n\n\nMADISON\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n413 \n\n\n\nwho was commissioned a Major-General. Intelligence of the surrender of Huir \nhad inspired the Americans with a strong desire to wipe out the disgrace ; and \nthe regiments were filled without much difficulty. These forces were concen- \ntrated chiefly at Lewiston, on the Niagara frontier, under Van Rensselaer, and \nat Plattsburg, on Lake Champlain, and Greenbush, near Albany, under General \nDearborn. \n\n\n\n\nThe first demonstration against the neighboring province was made on the \nNiagara, in mid-autumn. In anticipation of such movement, British troops \nwere strongly posted on the heights of Queenstown, opposite Lewiston ; and on \nthe morning of the 13th of October [1812J, two hundred and twenty-five men, \nunder Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer," crossed over to attack them. The \ncommander was severely wounded, at the landing : but his troops pressed for- \nward, under Captains WooP and Ogilvie, successfully assaulted a battery near \n\n\n\nHere closed his political life, and he passed the remainder of his days in the performance of social \nand Christian duties. He was for several years president of the Board of Canal Commissioners, \nand, while in that office, he died in January, 1840, in the seventy-fifth year of his age. \n\n\' Page 411. \n\n" Solomon Van Rensselaer was one of the bravest and best men of his time; and to his efforts, \nmore than to those of any other man, the salvation of the American army on the northern frontier, \nat this time, was due. He died at Albany on the Sd of April, 1852. \n\n" John E. Wool, now [1856] Major-General in the army of the United States. \n\n\n\n^14: TUE jSTATION. [1809. \n\nthe summit of the hill, and gained possession of Queenstow\'n Heights. But the \nvictory was not yet complete. General Sir Isaac Brock had come from Fort \nGeorge, and with six hundred men attempted to regain the battery. The \nBritish were repulsed, and Brock was killed.^ In the mean while, General \nStephen Van Rensselaer, who had crossed over, returned to Lewiston, and was \nusing his most earnest eiforts to send reinforcements ; but only about one thou- \nsand troops, many of them quite vmdisciplined, could be induced to cross the \nriver. These were attacked in the afternoon [Oct. 13, 1812] by fresh troops \nfrom Fort George, and some of their Indian ailies. Many were killed and the \nrest were made prisoners, while at least fifteen hundred of their companions-in- \narms cowardly refused to cross to their aid. The latter excused their conduct by \nthe plea, put into their mouths by the opponents of tl)e war, that they considered \nit wrong to invade the enemy\'s country, tlie Avar being avowedly a defensive one. \nThe enemies of the administration applauded them for their conscientiousness, \nwhile a victory that might have led to reconciliation and peace, was lost at the \nwinning moment. General Van Rensselaer, disgusted with the inefficiency \neverywhere displayed, left the service, and was succeeded by General Alex- \nander Smyth, of Virginia This officer accomplished nothing of importance \nduring the remainder of the season : and when the troops went into winter \nquarters [Dec], there appeared to have been very few achievements made by \nthe American army worthy of honorable mention in history. \n\nWhile the army was suffering defeats, and became, in the mouths of the \nopponents of the administration, a staple rebuke, the little navy had acquitted \nitself nobly, and the national honor and prowess had been fully vindicated upon \nthe ocean. At this time the British navy numbered one thousand and sixty \nvessels, while that of the United States, exclusive of gun-boats,^ numbered only \ntwenty. Two of these were unseaworthy, and one was on Lake Ontario. Nine \nof the American vessels were of a class less than frigates, and all of them could \nnot well compare in appointments with those of the enemy. Yet the Americans \nwere not dismayed by this disparity, but went out boldly in their ships to meet \nthe war vessels of the proudest maritime nation upon the earth.^ Victory after \nvictory told of their skill and prowess. On the 19th of August, 1812, the \nUnited States frigate Const tiition^ Commodore Isaac Hull,\'\' fought the British \nfrigate Guerriere,^ Captain Dacres, off the American coast, in the present track \nof ships to Great Britain. \' The contest continued about forty minutes, when \n\n\n\n* Sir Isaac Brock was a brave and generous officer. There is a fine monument erected to his \nmemory on Queenstown Heights, a short distance from the Niagara River. ^ Page 401. \n\n^ At the time of the declaration of war, Commodore Rogers [page 407] was at Sandy Hook, \nNew York, with a small squadron, consisting of the frigates President, Congress, United States, and \ntlie sloop-of-war Hornet. He put to sea on the 21st of June, in pursuit of a British squadron which \nhad sailed as a convoy of the West India fleet. After a slight engagement, and a chase of several \nhours, the pursuit was abandoned at near midnight. The frigate Essex [page 430] went to sea on \nthe 3d of July; the Constitution, on the 12tb. The brigs Nautilus, Viper, and Vixen were then \ncruising off the coast, and the sloop Wasp was at sea on her return from France. \n\n* Isaac Hull was made a lieutenant in the navy in 1798, and was soon distinguished for skill \nand bravery. He rendered important service to his country, and died in Philadelphia in February, \n1843. \n\n\' This vessel had been one of a British squadron which gave the Constitution a long and close \nchase about a month before, during which the nautical skill of HuU was most signally displayed. \n\n\n\n\n1817.] MADISON\'S ADMINISTRATION. 415 \n\nDacres surrendered;\' and his vessel was such a complete wreck, that the victor \nburned her. The Constitution, it is said, was so little damaged, that she was \nready for action the following day. This victory had a powerful effect on the \npublic mind in both countries. \n\nOn the 18th of October, 1812, the United States sloop-of-war, Wasp, \nCaptain Jones, captured the British brig Fi^olic, off the \ncoast of North Carolina, after a very severe conflict for \nthree-quarters of an hour. The slaughter on board the \nFrolic was dreadful. Only three officers and one seaman, \nof eighty-four, remained unhurt. The others were killed \nor badly wounded. The Wasp lost only ten men. Her \nterm of victory was short, for the same afternoon, the \nBritish seventy-four gun ship Poictiers captured both \nvessels. A Aveek afterward [October 25], the frigate sloop-oi--\\vau. \n\nUnited States, Commodore Decatur,\' fought the British \n\nfrigate Macedonian, west of the Canary Islands, for almost two hours. After \nbeing greatly damaged, and losing more than one hundred men, in killed and \nwounded, the 3Iacedonian surrendered. Decatur lost only five killed and \nseven wounded ; and his vessel was very little injured. A few weeks after- \nward [December 29, 1812], the Constitution, then commanded by Commodore \nBainbridge,^ became a victor, after combatting the British frigate Java for \nalmost three hours, off San Salvador, on the coast of Brazil. The Java had \nfour hundred men on board, of whom almost two hundred were killed or \nwounded. The Constitution was again very little injured ; but she made such \nhavoc with the Java, that Bainbridge, finding her incapable of floating long, \nburned her [January 1, 1813], three days after the action. \n\nThe Americans were greatly elated by these victories. Nor were they con- \nfined to the national vessels. Numerous privateers, which now swarmed upon \nthe ocean, were making prizes in every direction, and accounts of their exploits \nfilled the newspapers. It is estimated that during the year 1812, upward of \nfifty British armed vessels, and two hundred and fifty merchantmen, with an \naggregate of more than three thousand prisoners, and a vast amount of booty, \nwere captured by the Americans. These achievements wounded British pride \nin a tender part, for England claimed the appellation of "mistress of the seas." \nThey also strengthened the administration ; and at the close of the year, naval \narmaments were in preparation on the lakes, to assist the army in a projected \ninvasion of Canada the following spring. \n\nAt the close of these defeats upon land, and these victories upon the ocean, \nthe election of President and Vice-President of the United States, and also of \nmembers of Congress, occurred. The administration was strongly sustained by \nthe popular vote. Mr. Madison was re-elected, with Elbridge Gerry^ as Vice- \nPresident \xe2\x80\x94 George Clinton having died at Washington in April of that year." \n\n\n\n\' On the Chierriere were seventy-nine killed and wounded. The Constitution lost seven killed \nand seven wounded. " Page 392. \n\n\' Page 391. \xe2\x80\xa2\xe2\x80\xa2 Note 1, page 385. * Note 5, page 350. \n\n\n\n416 THE NATION. [1813. \n\nA fraction of the Democratic party, and most of the Federalists, voted for De \nWitt Clinton\' for President, and Jared Ingersoll, for Vice-President. Not- \nwithstanding the members of Congress then elected, were chiefly Democrats, it \nwas evident that the opposition was powerful and increasing, particularly in the \neastern States, yet the President felt certain that the great body of the people \nwere favorable to his war policy. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER V. \n\nTHE SECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. [1813.] \n\nDuring the autumn of 1812, the whole western country, incensed by \nHull\'s surrender, seemed filled with the zeal of the old Crusaders.^ Michigan \nhad to be recovered,^ and the greatest warlike enthusiasm prevailed. Volun- \nteers had gathered under local leaders, in every settlement. Companies were \nformed and equipped in a single day, and were ready to march the next. For \nseveral weeks the volunteers found employment in driving the hostile Indians \nfrom post to post, in the vicinity of the extreme western settlements. They \ndesolated their villages and plantations, after the manner of Sullivan, in ITTO,* \nand the fiercest indignation against the white people was thus excited among \nthe tribes, which, under the stimulus of their British allies, led to terrible \nretaliations.^ So eager were the people for battle, that the snows of winter in \nthe great wilderness, did not keep them from the field. The campaign of 1813 \nopened with the year. Almost the entire northern frontier of the United \nStates was the chief theatre of operations. The army of the West," under \nGeneral Harrison,\' was concentrating at the head of Lake Erie ; that of the \nCe?itre,^ now under Dearborn, was on the banks of the Niagara River; and \nthat of the North," under Hampton, was on the borders of Lake Champlain. \nSir George Prevost was the successor of Brock\'" in command of the British \narmy in Canada, assisted by General Proctor in the direction of Detroit," and \nby General Sheaffe in the vicinity of Montreal and the lower portions of Lake \nChamplain. \n\nBrave and experienced leaders had rallied to the standard of Harrison in \nthe north-west. Kentucky sent swarms of her young men, from every social \n\n\' Page 456. "^ Note 5, page 38. = Page 411. \xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 304. \n\n^ Harrison early took steps to relieve tlie frontier posts. These were Fort Harrison, on tht \nWabash; Fort Wayne, on the Miami of the lakes; Fort Defiance [Note 6, page 374]; and Fori. \nDeposit, to which the Indians laid siege on tlie 12th of September. Generals Winchester, Tupper, \nand Payne, and Colonels Wells, Scott, Lewis, Jennings, and Allen, were the chief leaders against \nthe savages. Operations were carried on vigorously, further west. Early in October, almost four \nthousand volunteers, cliiefly mounted riflemen, under General Hopkins, had collected at Vincennes \n[page 303] for an expedition against the towns of the Peoria and other Indians, in the Wabash \ncountry. It was this formidable expedition, sanctioned by Governor Shelby, which produced the \ngreatest devastation in the Indian country. ^ Note 3, page 412. \' Page 474. \n\n* Note S, page 412. \xc2\xab Note 3, page 412. " Page 411. " Page 412. \n\n\n\n1813.] \n\n\n\nTHE SECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \n\n\n\n417 \n\n\n\nrank, led by the veteran Shelby/ and the yeomanry of Ohio and its neighbor- \nhood hastened to the field. So numerous were the volunteers, that Harrison \nwas compelled to issue an order against further enlistments, and many a warm \nheart, beating with desire for military glory, was chilled by disappointment. \nGeneral Harrison chose the west end of Lake Erie as his chief place of mustei^ \n\n\n\n\nwith the design of making a descent upon the British at Maiden and Detroit,\' \nand by securing possession of those posts, recover Michigan and the forts west \nof it. Early in January [10th, 1813], General Winchester, on his way from \nthe southward, with eight hundred young men, chiefly Kentuckians, reached \nthe Maumee Rapids.\' There he was informed [January 13, 1813] that a \nparty of British and Indians had concentrated at Frenchtown, on the river \nRaisin,\' twenty-five miles south of Detroit. He rnmediately sent a detachment, \n\n\' Isaac Shelby was born in Maryland, in 1750. He entered military life in 1774, and went to \nKentucky as a land-surveyor, in 1775. He engaged in the War of the Revolution, and was dis- \ntinguished in the battle on King\'s Mountain [page 319] in 1780. He was made governor of Ken- \ntucky in 1792, and soon afterward retired to private life, ^rom which he was drawn, first in 1812, to \nthe duties of Chief Magistrate of his State, and agai-, m 1813. to lead an army to the field against \nhis old enemy. He died in 1826, when almost seventy-six years of age. * Page 412. \n\n\' Note 7, page 374. \n\n^ Now a portion of the flourishing village of Monroe, Michigan, two or three miles from Lake, \nErie. The Raisin derived its name from the fact, that in former years great quantities of grapes \nclustered upon its banks. \n\n27 \n\n\n\n418 TIIF, NATION. [1813. \n\nunder Colonels Allen and Lewis, to protect the inhabitants in that direction. \nFinding Frenchtown in the possession of the enemy, thej successfully attacked \n[January 18] and routed them, and held possession until the arrival of Win- \nchester [January 20], with almost three hundred men, two days afterward. \n\nGeneral Proctor, who was at Maiden, eighteen miles distant, heard of the \nadvance of Winchester, and proceeded immediately and secretly, with a com- \nbined force of fifteen hundred British and Indians, to attack him. They fell \nupon the American camp at dawn, on the morning of the 22d of January. \nAfter a severe battle and heavy loss on both sides, Winchester,\' who had been \nmade a prisoner by the Indians, surrendered his troops on the condition, agreed \nto by Proctor, that ample protection to all should be given. Proctor, fearing \nthe approach of Harrison, who was then on the Lower Sandusky, immediately \nmarched for Maiden, leaving the sick and wounded Americans behind, without \na guard. After following him some distance, the Indians turned back [January \n23], murdered and scalped\' the Americans who were unable to travel, set fire \nto dwellings, took many prisoners to Detroit, in order to procure exorbitant \nransom prices, and reserved some of them for inhuman torture. The indiffer- \nence of Proctor and his troops, on this occasion, was criminal in the highest \ndegree, and gave just ground for the dreadful suspicion, that they encouraged \nthe savages in their deeds of blood. Oftentimes after that, the war-cry of the \nKentuckians was, "Remember the River Raisin!" The tragedy was keenly \nfelt in all the western region, and especially in Kentucky, for the slain, by bul- \nlet, arrow, tomahawk, and brand, were generally of the most respectable fam- \nilies in the State ; many of them young men of fortune and distinction, with \nnumerous friends and relations. \n\nHarrison had advanced to the Maumee Rapids, Avhen the intelligence of the \nafiair at Frenchtown reached him. Supposing Proctor would \npress forward to attack him, he fell back [January 23, 1813] ; \nbut on hearing of the march of the British toward Maiden, he \nadvanced [February 1] to the rapids, with twelve hundred men, \nestablished a fortified camp there, and called it Fort Meigs, ^ in \nhonor of the governor of Ohio. There he was besieged \nby Proctor several weeks afterward [May 1], who was \nat the head of more than two thousand British and Indians. \nOn the fifth day of the siege. General Clay* arrived [May 5] \nwith twelve hundred men, and dispersed the enemy. A large \nFORT MEIGS portiou of his troops, while unwisely pursuing the fugitives, were \nsurrounded and captured ; and Proctor returned to the siege. \nThe impatient Indians, refusing to listen to Tecumtlia,^ their leader, deserted \n\n* James "Winchester was bom in Maryland in 1156. He was made brigadier-general in 1812 ; \nresigned his commission in 1815 ; and died in Tennessee in 1826. \' Note 4, page 14. _ \n\n^ Fort Meigs was erected on the south ide of the Maumee, nearly opposite the former British \npost [note 8, page 374], and a short distance trom the present village of Perrysburg. \n\n* Green Clay was born in Virginia in 1757, was made a brigadier of Kentucky volunteers early \nin 1813, and died in October, 1826. \n\n* Page 408. Tecumtha came with the largest body of Indians ever collected on the northern \nfrontier. \n\n\n\n\n1813.] THE SECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 419 \n\nthe British on the eighth day [May 8 J ; and twenty-four hours aftervrard, \nProctor abandoned the siege and returned to Maiden [May 9], to prepare for \na more formidable invasion. Thus terminated a siege of thirteen days, during \n\xe2\x96\xa0which time the fortitude and courage of the Americans were wonderfully dis- \nplayed in the presence of the enemy. The Americans lost in the fort, eighty- \none killed, and one hundred and eighty-nine Avounded. \n\nFor several weeks after the siege of Fort Meigs, military operations were \nsuspended by both parties. Here, then, let us take a brief retrospective glance. \nCongress assembled on the 2d of November, 1812, and its councils were divided \nby fierce party spirit, which came down from the people. The Democrats had \na decided majority, and therefore the measures of the administration were sus- \ntained. The British government now began to show some desire for reconcilia- \ntion. Already the orders in council had been repealed, and the Prince Regent\' \ndemanded that hostilities should cease. To this the President replied, that being \nnow at war, the United States would not put an end to it, unless full provisions \nwere made for a general settlement of differences, and a cessation of the practice \nof impressment, pending the negotiation. At about the same time a law wavS \npassed, prohibiting the employment of British seamen in American vessels. The \nBritish also proposed an armistice, but upon terms which the Americans could \nnot accept. Indeed, all propositions from that quarter were inconsistent with \nhonor and justice, and they were rejected. When these attempts at reconcilia- \ntion had failed, the Emperor Alexander of Russia offered his mediation. The \ngovernment of the United States instantly accepted it,\'^ but the British govern- \nment refused it ; and so the war went on. Congress made provision for prose- \ncuting it with vigor ; and the hope lighted by Alexander\'s offer, soon faded. \n\nThe American troops in the West had remained at Fort Meigs and vicinity. \nToward the close of July [July 21, 1813], about four thousand British and \nIndians, under Proctor and Tecumtba,^ again appeared before that fortress, then \ncommanded by General Clay. Meeting with a vigorous re- \nsistance, Proctor left Tecumtha to Avatch the fort, while he \nmarched [July 28], vfith. five hundred regulars and eight \nhundred Indians, to attack Fort Stephenson, at Lower San- \ndusky,* which was garrisoned by about one hundred and fifty \n\n\'\' \' O -^ . \xe2\x80\xa2\' FOKT SANDUSKY. \n\nyoung men,^ commanded by Major Croghan, a brave soldier, \n\n\n\n\n\' "When, in consequence of mental infirmity, George the Third became incompetent to reign, in \nFebruary, 1811, his son, George, Prince of "Wales, and afterward George the Fourth, was made \nregent, or temporary ruler of the realm. He retained the ofBce of king, pro tempore, until the death \nof his father, in 1820. \n\n\' The President appointed, as commissioners, or envoys extraordinary, to negotiate a treaty of \npeace with Great Britain, under the Russian mediation, Albert Gallatin, John Quincy Adams, and \nJames A. Bayard Mr. Adams was then American minister at the Russian court, and was joined \nby Messrs. Gallatin and Bayard in June following. \' Page 408. \n\n* On the west bank of the Sandusky River, about fifteen miles south fi^om Sandusky Bay. The \narea witliin ihe pickets [note 1, page 127] was about an acre. The fort was made of regular em- \nbankments of earth and a ditch, with bastions and block-houses [note 3, page 192] and some rude \nlog buildings within. The site is in the village of Fremont, Ohio. \n\n\' The greater portion of the garrison were very young men, and some of them were mere \nyouths \n\n\n\n\n420 THE NATION. [18ia \n\nthen only twenty-one years of age.\' Proctor\'s demand for surrender was accom- \npanied by the usual men^i\'Ce of Indian massacre ; but it \ndid not intimidate Croghan.^ After a severe cannonade^ \nhad made a breach, about five hundred of the besiegers \nattempted to rush in and take the place by assault [Aug. \n2, 1813] ; but so terribly were they met by grape-shot\' \nfrom the only cannon in the fort, that they recoiled, panic- \nstricken, and the whole body fled in confusion, leaving \none hundred and fifty of their number killed or wounded. \nThe Americans lost only one man killed, and seven \nwounded. This gallant defense was universally ap- \nMAjoR cRucaiAx. pjaudcd,^ aud it had a powerful eflect upon the Indians. \nProctor and Tecumtha left for Detroit, after this noble defense of Fort \nStephenson, and the British abandoned all hope of capturing these western \nAmerican posts, until they should become masters of Lake Erie. But while \nihe events just narrated were in progress, a new power appeared in the conflict \nin the West and North, and complicated the difficulties of the enemy. In the \nautumn of 1812, Commodore Chauncey had fitted out a small naval armament \nat Sackett\'s Harbor, to dispute the mastery, on Lake Ontario, with several \nBritish armed vessels then afloat.^ And during the summer of 1813, Commo- \ndore Oliver Hazzard Perry had prepared, on Lake Erie, an American squadron \nof nine vessels,\' mounting fifty-four guns, to co-operate with the Army of the \nAVest. The British had also fitted out a small squadron of six vessels, carrying \nsixty- three guns, commanded by Commodore Barclay. Perry\'s fleet was ready \nby the 2d of August, but some time was occupied in getting several of his ves- \nsels over the bar in the harbor of Erie. The hostile fleets met near the west- \nern extremity of Lake Erie on the morning of the 10th of September, 1813, \nand a very severe battle ensued. The brave Perry managed with the skill of \nan old admiral, and the courage of the proudest soldier. His flag-ship, the \nLawrence^ had to bear the brunt of the battle, and very soon she became an \nunmanageable wreck, having all her crew, except four or five, killed or \nwounded. Perry then left her, in an open boat, and hoisted his flag on the \nNiagara at the moment when that of the Lawrence fell. With this vessel he \n\n* George Croghan was a nephew of George Rogers Clarke [page 300]. He afterward rose to \nthe rank of colonel, and held the oflBce of inspector-general. He died at New Orleans in 1849. \n\n" In reply to Proctor\'s demand and threat, he said, in substance, that when the for^ should be \ntaken there would be none left to massacre, as it would not be given up while there was a man left \nto fight. \n\n^ The British employed six six-pounders and a howitzer, in the siege. A ho\'U\'itzer is a piece \nof ordnance similar to a mortar, for hurling bomb-shells. * Note 4, page 242. \n\n\' Major Croghan was immediately promoted to the raiik of lieutenant- colonel; and the ladies \nof Chillicothe gave him an elegant sword. \n\n* Chauncey\'s squadron consisted of six vessels, mounting thirty-two guns, in all. The British \nBquadron consisted of the same number of vessels, but mounting more than a hundred guns. Not- \nwithstanding this disparity, Chauncey attacked them near Kingston [note 5, page 180] early in \nNovember, damaged them a good deal, and captured and carried into Sackett\'s Harbor, a schooner \nbelonging to the enemy. He then captured another schooner, which had $12,000 in specie on board, \nand the baggage of the deceased General Brock. See page 414. \n\n\' iawreiice (flag-ship), 20 guns; Niagara, 20; Caledonian, 3; shooner Ariel, 4; Scorpion, 2; \nSomers, 2 guns and 2 swivels ; sloop Trippe, and schooners Tigress and Porcupine, of 1 gun eaca. \n\n\n\n\nPerry ox Lake Erie. \n\n\n\n1813.] \n\n\n\nTHE SECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \n\n\n\n423 \n\n\n\npassed through the enemy\'s line, pouring broadsides, right and left, at half \npistol-shot distance. The remainder of the squadron followed, with a fair wind, \nand the victory was soon decided. At four o\'clock in the afternoon, every \nBritish vessel had surrendered to him ;\' and before sunset, he had sent a mes- \nsenger to General Harrison with the famous dispatch, " We have met the \nenemy, and they are ours." This victory was hailed with unbounded demon- \n\n\n\n\n0,^^k^e^rny \n\n\n\nstrations of joy. For a moment, party rancor was almost forgotten ; and bon- \nfires and illuminations lighted up the whole country. \n\nPerry\'s victory was followed by immediate and energetic action on the part \nof Harrison. The command of Lake Erie now being secured, and a reinforce- \nment of four thousand Kentucky volunteers, under Governor Shelby, the old \nhero of King\'s Mountain,^ having arrived [Sept. 17, 1813], the general pro- \nceeded to attack Maiden and attempt the recovery of Detroit. The fleet con- \nveyed a portion of the troops across the lake [Sept 27], but on their arrival at \nMaiden, it had been deserted by Proctor, who was fleeing, with Tecumtha and \nhis Indians, toward the Moravian village, on the Thames, eighty miles from \n\n\' The carnage was very great, in proportion to the numbers engaged. The Americans lost \ntwenty-seven killed, and ninetv-six wounded. The British lost about two hundred m kiUed and \nwounded, and six hundred prisoners. Perry\'s treatment of his prisoners received the highest ap- \nplause. Commodore Barclay declared that his humane conduct was sufficient to immortalize him. \nThat brave commander was born at Newport, Rhode Island, in 1785. He entered the service aa \nmidshipman, in 1198. He continued in active service after the close of the Second "War for Inde- \npendence, and died of yellow fever, in the West India Seas, in 1819. It was his brother Com- \nmodore M. C. Perry, who, as we shall observe, effected a treaty with Japan. Page 417. \n\n\n\n424 THE NATION. [1813. \n\nDetroit.\' A body of Americans took possession of Detroit on the 29th of Sep- \ntember ; and on the 2d of October, Harrison and Shelbj, with Colonel Richard \nM. Johnson and his cavalry (thirty-five hundred strong), started in pursuit of \nthe enemy.* They overtook them [Oct. 5] at the Moravian town, when a des- \nperate battle ensued. Tecumtha was slain ;^ and then his dismayed followers, \nwho had fought furiously, broke and fled. Almost the whole of Proctor\'s com- \nmand were killed or made prisoners, and the general himself narrowly escaped, \nwith a few of his cavalry. Here the Americans recaptured six brass field- \npieces which had been surrendered by Hull, on two of which were engraved the \nwords, "Surrendered by Burgoyne at Saratoga."^ These pieces are now at \nthe United States military post of "West Point, on the Hudson.^ \n\nThe battle on the Thames was a very important one. By that victory, all \nthat HulF had lost was recovered ; the Indian confederacy^ was completely \nbroken up, and the war on the north-western borders of the Union was termi- \nnated. The name of Harrison was upon every lip ; and throughout the entire \nRepublic, there was a general outburst of gratitude. He was complimented by \nCongress, and by various public bodies ; and a member of the House of Repre- \nsentatives asserted, in his place, that his victory was "such as would have \nsecured to a Roman general, in the best days of the republic, the honors of a \ntriumph." Security now being given to the frontier, General Harrison dis- \nmissed a greater portion of the volunteers ; and leaving General Cass, with \nabout a thousand regulars, to garrison Detroit, proceeded [Oct. 23, 1813] to \nNiagara, with the remainder of his troops, to join the Army of the Center,* \nwhich had been making some endeavors to invade Canada. In the mean while, \nan Indian war had been kindled in the South ;^ and on the ocean, the laurel \nwreaths of triumph won by the Americans during 1812,\'" had been interwoven \nwith garlands of cypress on account of reverses. Let us turn a moment to the \noperations of the Army of the North." \n\nHostilities were kept up on portions of the northern frontier, during the \nwinter, as well as in the West. In February [1813], a detachment of British \nsoldiers crossed the St. Lawrence on the ice, from Prescott to Ogdensburg, and \nunder pretense of seeking for deserters, committed robberies. Major Forsyth, \nthen in command of riflemen there, retaliated. This was resented, in turn, by \n\n\n\n\' In the present town of Orford, West Canada. \n\n^ Commodore Perry and General Cass (late United States Senator from Michigan) accom- \njjanied General Harrfson as volunteer aids. The Americans moved with such rapidity that \nihey traveled twenty-six miles tlie first day. \n\n^ Tecumtha was "then only about forty years of age. lie was a man of great ability, and had \nhe been born and educated in civilized society, his powerful intellect would have made him one of \nthe most distinguished characters of the age". He possessed great dignity, and always maintained \nit in his deportment. On one occasion he was to attend a conference held with Harrison. j_ \'lircle \nof the company had been formed ; and when he came and entered it, there was no seat foi im, \nHarrison\'s aid "having taken the one by the side of the general, intended for him. Harrison \\ ?r- \nceived that Tecumtha was offended, and told his aid to invite the chief to the seat near him. The \naid politelv said to Tecumtha, "Your fother requests you to take a seat by his side." The ofiTended \nchief drew his blanket around him, and, with an air of great dignity, said, "The Great Spirit is mj \nfather, and I wOl repose on the bosom of my mother;" and then sat down upon the ground. \n\n* Page 281. * Note 2, page 324. " Page 411. \' Page 408. \n\n* Page 412. \xc2\xbb Page 428. " Page 41a. " Page 412. \n\n\n\n1813.J THE SECOXD WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 425 \n\na British force of twelve hundred men, who crossed on the 21st of February, \nand after a conflict of an hour, drove out the few military defenders of Ogdens- \nburg, plundered and destroyed a large amount of property, and then returned \nto Canada.\' These events accelerated the gathering of the militia in that quar- \nter. Bodies of new levies arrived, almost daily, at Sackett"s Harbor, but theso, \nneeding discipline, were of little service, as a defense of the country between \nthat point and Ogdensburg. \n\nBeing unable to afford assistance to the exposed points in that region. Gen- \neral Dearborn, the commander-in-chief,\'\' resolved to attempt the capture of \nYork (now Toronto), the capital of Upper Canada, and the principal depositoiy \nof British military stores for the supply of western garrisons. He embarked \nseventeen hundred troops on board the fleet of Commodore Chauncey,^ at Sack- \nett\'s Harbor, on the 25tli of April ; and two days afterward [April 27], they \nlatided on the beach at York, about two miles west from the British works, in \nthe face of a galling fire from regulars and Indians, \nUnder General Sheaffe. These were soon driven back to \ntheir fortifications, and the Americans, under General \nPike,* pressed forward, captured two redoubts, and were \nadvancing upon the main work, Avhen the magazine of the \nfort blew up,^ hurling stones and timbers in every direc- \ntion, and producing great destruction of life among the \nassailants. General Pike was mortally wounded, but he \nlived loner enough to know that the enemy had fled, and \n\nO O J 7 GENERAL PIKE. \n\nthat the American flag waved in triumph over the fort \n\nat York." The command then devolved on Colonel Pearce ; and at four o\'clock \nin the afternoon, the town was in possession of the Americans. General Dear- \nborn, who had remained with the fleet, landed soon after the fall of Pike, but \ndid not assume the immediate command until after the surrender of the town. \n\nAVhen the victory was completed, the fleet and troops returned [May 1] to \nSackett\'s Harbor, but soon afterward proceeded to attack Fort George, on the \nwestern shore of Niagara River, near its mouth. After a brief defense [May \n27, 1813], the garrison fled to Burlington Heights, at the western extremity of \nLake Ontario,\' thirty-five miles distant, closely pursued by a much larger force, \n\n\n\n\n* The Americans lost, in killed and wounded, twenty men. The British loss was about double \nthat number. "" Page 410. \' Page 420. \n\n* General Dearborn had given the command of this expedition to Brigadier-General Zebulon M. \nPike, a brave and useful officer, who had been at the head of an expedition, a few years carUer, to \nexplore the country around the head waters of the Mississippi. He was born in New Jersey, in \n1779. He died on board the flag-ship of Commodore Chauncey, with the captured British flag \nunder his head, at the age of thirty-four years. In the burial-ground attached to Madison barracks, \nat Sackett\'s Harbor, is a dilapidated wooden monument erected over the remains of General Pike \nand some of his companions in arms. When the writer visited the spot, in 1860, it was wasting \nwith decay, and falling to the earth. Such a neglect of the burial-place of the illustrious dead, is a \ndisgrace to our government. \n\n^ The British had laid a train of wet powder communicating with the magazine, for the purpose, \nand when they retreated, they fired it. \n\n^ General Slieaffe escaped, with the principal part of the troops, but lost all his baggage, books, \npapers, and a large amount of public property. \n\n\' At the head of Burlington Bay, in Canada. \n\n\n\n426 THE NATION. [1813. \n\nunder Generals Chandler\' and Winder.^ In this affair, Colonel (now Lieutenant- \nGeneral) Scott was distinguished for his skill and bravery. On the night of \nthe 6tli of June, the British fell upon the American camp, at Stony Creek," but \nwere repulsed. It was very dark, and in the confusion both of the American \ngenerals were made prisoners. \n\nA British squadron appeared before Sacketfs Harbor on the same day \n[May 27] that the Americans attacked Fort George : and two days afterward \n[May 29j Sir George Prevost and a thousand soldiers landed in the face of a \nsevere fire from some regulars^ stationed there. The regular force of the Amer- \nicans consisted of only a few seamen, a company of artillery, and about two \nhundred invalids \xe2\x80\x94 not more than five hundred men in all. General Jacob \nBrown, the commander at that station, rallied the militia, and their rapid \ngathering, at and near the landing-place, back of Horse Island, so alarmed \nPrevost, lest they should cut off his retreat, that he hastily re-embarked, leaving \nalmost the Avhole of his wounded behind. Had he been aware of the condition \nof his opposers, he could have made an easy conquest of Sackett\'s Harbor. The \nraw militia had become panic-stricken at the first, and when Prevost retreated, \nthey, too, were endeavoring to make their way to places of safety in the \ncountry. \n\nA change in the administration of military affairs occurred soon after the \nevent a^ Sackett\'s Harbor. For some time, the infirmities of General Dearborn, \nthe commander-in-chief,^ had disqualified him for active participation in the \noperations of the army, and in June [1813] he withdrew from the service. He \nwas succeeded in command by General James Wilkinson," who, like Dearborn, \nhad been an active young oflicer in the War for Independence. General John \nArmstrong,^ then Secretary of War, had conceived another invasion of Canada, \nby the united forces of the armies of the Center and North.* For this purpose \na httle more than seven thousand men were concentrated at French Creek on \nthe 5th of November, 1813, and on that morning went down the St. Lawrence \nin boats, with the intention of co-operating with about four thousand troops \nunder Hampton,^ in an attack upon Monti*eal. They landed the same evening, \na few miles abave the British fort at Prescott, opposite Ogdensburg. It being \nfoggy, Wilkinson attempted to pass down the river upon the flotilla commanded \nby General Brown. The fog cleared away, and the moon revealed the Amer- \n\n\n\n^ John Chandler was a native of Massachusetts. Some j\'^ars after the war he was United \nStates Senator from Maine. He died at Augusta, in that State, in 1841. ^ Page 436. \n\n^ In the present township of Saltfleet, Canada West. In this affair the Americans lost, in killed, \nwounded, and missing, one hundred and fifty-four. \n\n" Note 6, page 185. * Page 410. \n\n^ James Wilkinson was bom in Maryland, in 1757, and studied medicine. ^ He joined the con- \ntinental army at Cambridge, in 1775, and continued in service during the war. He commanded \nthe western division of the United States army at the beginning of the century, and became some- \nwhat involved, as we have seen [page 396], in Burr\'s scheme, in 1806. He died near the city of \nMexico, in 1825, at the age of sixty-eight years. \n\n\' Note 4, page 349. John Armstrong\'was a son of Colonel John Armstrong, of Pennsylvania \n[page 191], and was born at Carlisle, in that State, in 1758. He served in the War of the Revolu- \ntion; was Secretary of the State of Pennsylvania ; minister to France in 1804; Secretary of War \nin ] 813 ; and died in Duchess county, New York, in 1843. ^ Note 3, page 412. \n\n" Page 410. \n\n\n\n1813.] THE SECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 427 \n\n\n\nicans to the garrison of the fort. The latter immediatelj opened a heavy fire, \nand being thus annoyed by the enemy on shore, and by gun-boats" in his rear, \nWilkinson landed Brown and a strong detachment to go forward and disperse \nquite a large force near Williamsburg, and to cover the descent of the boats. \nA severe battle ensued [November 11] in which the Americans lost more than \nthree hundred men in killed and Avounded, and the British about two hundred. \nThis is know^n as the battle of Chrysler\'s Field. The locality is on the northern \nshore of the St. Lawrence, a little more than thirty miles below Ogdensburg, \nand about ninety above Montreal. \n\nGeneral Wilkinson arrived at St. Regis\' the next day, with the main body, \nwhen he was informed that no troops from the army of the North would join \nhim.^ lie therefore abandoned the expedition against Montreal, and went \ninto winter quarters at French Mills (now Fort Covington, in St. Lawrence \ncounty), about nine miles east of St. Regis. A little later, some stirring events \noccurred on the Niagara frontier. General M\'Clure, commander at Fort \nGeorge,^ burnt the Canadian village of Newark on the 10th of December. \nTwo days later [December 12, 1813] he was \ncompelled by the British to al)andon Fort \nGeorge. A strong force of British and Indians \nthen surprised and captured [December 19] \nFort Niagara, on the east side of the Niagara \n\nRiver, near its mouth ;^ and in retaliation for "" fort Niagara 1813 \nthe burning of Newark, they laid Youngstown, \n\nLewiston, Manchester (now Niagara Falls), and the Tuscarora Indian village, \nin Niagara county, in ashes. On the 30th, the little villages of Black Rock \nand Buffalo^ Avere also consumed, and a large amount of public and private \nproperty was destroyed. With these events ended the campaign of 1813, in \nthe North. \n\nAflairs in the extreme South assumed a serious aspect during the summer \nof 1813. In the spring of that year, Tecumseh (who Avas slain on the Thames \na few months later)\' Avent among the Southern tribes, to arouse them to Avage \n"war upon the Avhite people. The powerful Creeks" yielded to his persuasions ; \nand late in August [30th], a large party of them surprised and captured Fort \nMimms, on the Alabama River, ^ and massacred about four hundred men, \n\n\n\n\n\' Page 401. \n\n^ This is an old French and Indian settlement on the Rt^ Lawrence, at the month of the St. \nRegis River, about fifty miles below Ogdensburg. The dividing line (45th degree) between the \nUnited States and Canada, passes through the center of the vDlage. \n\n\' There was an enmity between Wilkinson and Hampton, and Armstrong resolved to command \nthe expedition himself, to prevent trouble on account of precedence. He joined the array at \nSackett\'s Harbor, but soon returned to Washington, for he and Wilkinson could not agree. To the \njealousies and bickerings of these old officers, must the disasters of the land troops be, in a great \ndegree, attributed. General Hampton did move forward toward Canada, but finally fell back to \nPlattsburg, and leaving the command with General Izard, returned to South Carolina. He died at \nColumbia, South Carolina, in 1835, aged eighty-one years. \xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 414. ^ Page 200. \n\n\' Buffalo was then a small village, containing about fifteen hundred inhabitants, and was utterly \ndestroyed. It is now [1867] one of the stateliest commercial cities on the continent, witli a popu- \nlation of not much less than one hundred thousand. \' Page 424*. ^ Page 30, \n\n" On the east side of the Alabama, about ten miles above its junction v,\'ith the Tonibigljee. \n\n\n\n428 THE NAT I ox. [1813. \n\nwomen, and children. This event aroused the whole South. General Andrew \nJackson, \' accompanied by General Coflfee, marched into the Creek country, with \ntwenty-five hundred Tennessee militia, and prosecuted a subjugating war against \nthem, with great vigor. \n\nOn the 3d of November, General Cofifee,^ with nine hundred men, sur- \nrounded an Indian force at Tallushatchee,^ and killed two hundred of them. \nNot a warrior escaped. Within ten weeks afterward, bloody battles had been \nfought at Talladega\' [November 8], Autossee\' [November 29], and Emucfau* \n[January 22d, 1814], and several skirmishes had also taken place. The \nAmericans were always victorious, yet they lost many brave soldiers. At \nlength the Creeks established a fortified camp at the Great Horseshoe Bend of \nthe Tallapoosa River,\' and there a thousand warriors, with their women and \nchildren, determined to make a last defensive stand. The Americans sur- \nrounded them, and Jackson, with the main body of his army, attacked them on \nthe 27th of March, 1814. The Indians fought desperately, for they saw no \nfuture for themselves, in the event of defeat. Almost six hundred warriors \nwere slain, for they disdained to surrender. Only two or three were made \nprisoners, with about three hundred women and children. This battle crushed \nthe power and spirit of the Creek nation, and soon afterward the chiefs of the \nremnant signified their submission. "^ It was a sad scene to the eyes of the \nbenevolent and good, to see these ancient tribes of our land, who were then \nmakino- rapid strides in the progress of civilization, so utterly ruined by the \ndestroying hand of war. They found that might made i^ight, in the view of \ntheir subjugators, and they were compelled to make a treaty of peace upon the \nterms dictated by their conquerors. Thus, time after time since the advent of \nthe white people here, have the hands of the stronger been laid upon the weaker, \nuntil now nothing but remnants of once powerful nations remain. \n\nThe naval operations upon the ocean, during the year 1813, were very im- \nportant. Many and severe conflicts between public and private armed vessels \nof the United States and Great Britain, occurred ; and at the close of the year, \nthe balance-sheet of victories showed a preponderance in favor of the former.* \nToward the end of February, the United States sloop of war Hornet^ Cap- \n\n\' Page 460. \n\n^ John Coffee was a native of Virginia. He did good semce during the second War for Inde- \npendence, and in subsequent campaigns. He died in 1834. \n\n^ South side of Tallushatchee Creek, near the village of Jacksonville, in Benton county, Ala- \nbama. \n\n* A little east of the Coosa River, in the present Talladega county. \n\n^ On the bank of the Tallapoosa, twenty miles from its junction with the Coosa, in Macon \ncounty. \n\n^ On the west bank of the Tallapoosa, at the mouth of Emucfau Creek, in Tallapoosa county. \n\' Called Tohopeka by the Indians. Near the north-east corner of Tallapoosa county. \n\n* Among those who bowed in submission was Weathersford, their greatest leader. He appeared \nsuddenly before Jackson, in his tent, and standing erect, he said: "I am in your power; do with \nme what you please. I have done the white people all the harm I could. I have fought them, \nand fought them bravely. My warriors are all gone now, and I can do no more. When there was \na chance for success, I never asked for peace. There is none now, and I ask it for the remnant of \nmy nation." \n\n\xc2\xb0 More than seven hundred British vessels were taken by the American navy and privateer?\xc2\xab- \nduring the years 1812 and 1813. \n\n\n\n\n1813.] THE SECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 429 \n\ntain Lawrence, fought [Feb. 24, 1813] the British brig Peacock, off the \nmouth of Demarara River, South America. The Peacock surrendered, after a \nfierce conflict of fifteen minutes, and a few moments afterAvard she sank, carry- \ning down with her nine British seamen and three Americans. The loss of the \nPeacock, in killed and wounded, was thirty-seven ; of the Hornet only five. \nThe generous conduct of Captain Lawrence, toward his enemy on this occasion, \ndrew from the oflicers of the Peacock, on their arrival in New York, a public \nletter of thanks.\' This, of itself, was a wreath of honor for the victor, more \nglorious than his triumph in the sanguinary conflict. \n\nOn his return to the United States, Captain Lawrence was promoted to the \ncommand of the frigate Chesapeake ; and on the 1st \nof June, 1813, he sailed from Boston harbor, in search \nof the British frigate, Shannon, which had recently \nappeared off the New England coast, and challenged \nany vessel, of equal size, to meet her. Lawrence \nfound the boaster the same day, about thirty miles \nfrom Boston light; and at five in the afternoon, a \nfurious action began. The two vessels soon became \nentangled. Then the Britons boarded the Chesapeake, \'^\'^^< \nand after a desperate hand-to-hand struggle, hoisted ^-^i-^-^i-^\' lawrence. \nthe British flag. Lawrence was mortally wounded at the beginning of the \naction ; and when he was carried below, he uttered those brave words of com- \nmand, which Perry afterward displayed on his flag-ship on Lake Erie, " Don\'t \ngive up the ship !\'\' The combat lasted only fifteen minutes ; but in that time, \nthe Chesapeake had forty-eight killed and ninety-eight wounded ; the Shannon \ntwenty-three killed, and fifty-six wounded. The body of Lawrence," with that \n.of Ludlow, the second in command, was carried to Halifax, in the victorious \nShannon, and there buried with the honors of war. This event caused great \nsadness in America, and unbounded joy in England.\' \n\nAnother disaster followed the loss of the Chesapeake. It was the capture \nof the American brig Ai\'ijus, Captain Allen, in August. The Aligns, in the \nspring [1813], had conveyed Mr. Crawford, United States minister, to France, \nand for two months had greatly annoyed British shipping in the English Chan- \n\n\' They said, " So much was done to alleviate the uncomfortable and distressing situation in \nwhich we were placed, when received on board the ship you command, that we can not better \n\xc2\xabxpress our feelings than by saying, we ceased to consider ourselves prisoners; and everything \nthat friendship could dictate, was adopted by you and the ofBcers of the Hornet, to remedy the \ninconvenience we otherwise should have experienced, from the unavoidable loss of the whole of \nour property and clothes, by the sudden smking of the Peacock." The crew of the Hornet divided \ntheir c\'.olhing with the prisoners. \n\n" Captain James Lawrence was a native of New Jersey, and received a midshipman\'s warrant \nat the age of sixteen years. He was with Decatur at Tripoli [page 392]. He died four days after \nreceiving the wound, at the age of thirty-one years. A beautiful monument, in the form of a trun- \ncated column and pedestal, was erected to his memory in Trinity churcn-yard. New York. This, in \ntime became dilapidated, and, a few years ago. a new t.ne, ol another form, was erected near the \nsouth entrance to the church, a few feet from Broadwaj". \n\n^ A writer of the time observed: \'\'Never did any victory \xe2\x80\x94 not those ofWellington in Spain, \nnor even those of Nelson \xe2\x80\x94 call forth such expressions of joy on the part of the British; a proof \ntliat our naval character had risen somewhat in their estimation." \n\n\n\n430 \'TH^\' NATION. [1813. \n\nnel. Several vessels were sent out to capture her ; and on the 14th of August, \nthe sloop of war\' Pelican^ after a brief, but severe action, defeated i\\\\e Ai-gus. \nIn less than a month afterward [Sept. 10 J, Perry gained his great victory on \nLake Erie ;^ and the British brig Boxer, Captain Blythe, had surrendered \n[Sept. 5, 1813], to the United States brig Enterprise, Lieutenant Burrows, \nafter an engagement of forty minutes, off the coast of Maine. Blythe and Bur- \nrows, young men of great promise, were both slain during the action, and their \nbodies were buried in one grave at Portland, with military honors. \n\nA distressing warfare upon the coast between Delaware Bay and Charleston, \nwas carried on during the spring and summer of 1813, by a small British \nsquadron under the general command of Admiral Cockburn. His chief object \nwas to draw the American troops from the northern frontier to the defense of \nthe seaboard, and thus lessen the danger that hung over Canada. It was a sort \nof amphibious warfare \xe2\x80\x94 on land and water \xe2\x80\x94 and was marked by many acts of \nunnecessary cruelty. The British had talked of "chastising the Americans \ninto submission," and the method now employed was the instrument. On the \n4th of February, 1813, two ships of the line, three frigates, and other British \nvessels, made their appearance at the capes of Virginia.\' At about the same \ntime, another British squadron entered the Delaware River, destroyed the \nAmerican shipping there in March, and in April cannonaded the town of \nLewiston, In May, Frenchtown, Havre de Grace, Georgetown, and Frederick- \ntown, on the Chesapeake, were plundered and burned ; and then the combined \nBritish fleet entered Hampton Roads/ and menaced Norfolk. While attempt- \ning to go up to that city, the enemy were nobly repulsed [Jan. 22, 1813] by \nthe Americans upon Craney Island,^ under the command of Major Faulkner, \nassisted by naval officers. The British then fell upon Hampton [Jan. 25] ; and \nhaving surfeited themselves with plunder, withdrew. Cock^Durn" sailed down \nthe North Carolina coast, marauding whenever opportunity offered, and carried \naway a large number of negroes and sold them in the West Indies. In pleas- \nant contrast to this, Avas the deportment of Commodore Hardy, whose squadron \nwas employed during the same season, in blockading the New England coast. \nAlthough he landed upon our shores frequently, yet his conduct was always \nthat of a high-minded gentleman and generous enemy.^ \n\nDuring the year 1813, the United States frigate Essex, Captain Porter, \nmade a long and successful cruise in the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. It oc- \ncupied the time from April until October. The Essex carried at her mast- \nhead the popular motto, \'\xe2\x96\xa0\'\xe2\x96\xa0Free Trade and Sailor\'s Rights f\' and, while in \n\n\'Page 415. ^ Page 423. = Page 64. * Note 3, page 297. \n\n^ Craney Island is low and bare, and lies at the mouth of the Ehzabeth River, about five \nnules below Norfolk. At the time in question, there were some unfinished fortifications upon \nit. These were strengthened and added to by the insurgents during the late Civil "War. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 Cockburn died in England in 1853, at an advanced age. \n\n\' Congress had passed an act, offering a reward of half their value for the destruction of British \nships, by other means than those of the armed vessels of tlie United States. Tliis was to encoura^ge \nthe use of torpedoes. The cruel forays upon tlie soutliern coasts seemed to warrant this species \nof dishonorable warfare. It was employed against Hardy\'s squadron. He was justly indignanl| \nand protested against it as unmanly. \n\n\n\n1814.] THE SECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 431 \n\nthe Pacific, she captured twelve British whale-ships, with an aggregate of \nthree hundred and two men, and one hundred and seven guns. The Essex \nwas finally captured in the harbor of Valparaiso [March, \n28, 1814J, on the western coast of South America, by \nthe British frigate Phoehe^ and sloop of war Cherub, \nafter one of the most desperately fought battles of the \nwar. It is said that thousands of the inhabitants of \nValparaiso covered the neighboring heights as spectators \nof the conflict. Perceiving the overpowering advantage \nof the British, their sympathies wei\'e strongly elicited \nin favor of the Essex. When any thing in her favor \nappeared, loud shouts went up from the multitude ; and \nwhen she was finally disabled and lost, they expressed ^\'^^^ iWi.ouL i\'oi.ilk. \ntheir feelings in groans and tears. The Essex lost one hundred and fifty- \nfour, in killed and wounded. Captain Porter\' wrote to the Secretary of the \nNavy, " We have been unfortunate, but not disgraced." \n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI. \n\nSECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE, CONTINUED. [1814, 1815.] \n\nDuring the year 1814, the war was prosecuted by both parties with more \nzeal and vigor than hitherto. The means for supporting it were much aug- \nmented by the government of the United States, notwithstanding the public \ncredit was much depreciated, and treasury notes fell as low as seventeen per \ncent, below par. At the same time. Great Britain seemed to put forth increased \nenergy, and her vessels of war hovered along our entire coast, and kept the sea- \nport towns in a state of continual alarm. Early in that year, the victorious \ncareer of Napoleon, in Europe, was checked by the allied powers. Almost all \nof the governments of continental Europe, with that of England, had combined \nto crush him, and sustain the sinking Bourbon dynasty. Their armies were \nallied in a common cause. These, approaching from different directions, reached \nParis, at the close of March, 1814, when the Russian and Prussian emperors \nentered the city.^ Hoping to secure the crown to his son. Napoleon abdicated \nin his favor on the 4th of April, and retired to Elba. Peace for Europe \n\n\' Commodore David Porter was among the most distinguished of the American naval com- \nmanders. He was a resident minister of the United States in Turkey, and died, near Constantia- \nople, in March, 1843. \n\n" Russians, one hundred and fifty thousand strong, advanced from Switzerland; Blucher led \none hundred and thirty thousand Prussians from Germany ; Bemadotte, the old companion-in-arm3 \nof Napoleon, was at the head of one hundred thousand Swedes, and marched through Holland ; and \nthe English, in great power, advanced from Spain, under Wellington. A battle at Montmartre left \n1,\'aris exposed to the enemy, and Alexander and Frederic took possession of the capital on the 31st \nof March. \n\n\n\n\n482 \'^^ii^ NATION. [1814. \n\nseemed certain. British troops were withdrawn from the continent, and early \nin the summer of 1814, fourteen thousand of Wellington\'s veterans were sent \nto Canada\' to operate against the United States. Considering the moral and \nmaterial weakness of the American army, hitherto, the circumstance of the \ncontinual employment of the British troops on the continent, was highly favor- \nable to the United States. Had Europe been at peace, the result of this second \nWar for Independence might have been quite different. \n\nThe favorite project of the public authorities continued to be the invasion of \nCanada -^ and to oppose it, was the chief solicitude of the British oiScers on \nour northern frontiers. The principal force of the enemy in Upper Canada, \nwas placed under the chief command of Lieutenant-General Drummond, late in \nthe season ; while the American army on the Niagara \n^ - :^, frontier was commanded by General Brown, at the \n\nsame time. General Wilkinson was still in the \nvicinity of the St. Lawrence, and toward the close of \nFebruary, he broke up his camp at French Mills, ^ and \nretired to Plattsburg : while General Brown, with two \nthousand men, marched to Sacketts Harbor, prepara- \ntory to his departure for the Niagara. Late in March, \nWilkinson proceeded to erect a battery at Rouse\'s \nPoint, at the foot of Lake Champlain; and at La \nGEM,ii\\i> ];i;o\\vx. Colle, three miles below, he had an unsuccessful \n\nengagement [March 30] with the British. The disas- \ntrous result of this affair brought Wilkinson into disrepute, and he was tried by \na court-martial, but acquitted of all charges alleged against him. He had been \nsuspended from all command, in the mean Avhile, and the charge of the troops \nwas given to General Izard. \n\nPreparations had been making on Lake Ontario, during the winter and \nspring, by both parties, to secure the control of that inland sea. Sir James \nYeo was in command of a small British squadron, and on the 5th of May \n[1814], he appeared before Oswego, accompanied by about three thousand land \ntroops and marines.^ Oswego was then defended by only about three hundred \ntroops under Colonel Mitchell, and a small flotilla under Captain Woolsey. \nThe chief object of the expedition was to capture or destroy a large quantity of \nnaval and military stores, deposited at Oswego Falls, ^ but the gallant band of \nAmericans at the harbor defeated the project. They withstood an attack, by \nland and water, for almost two days, before they yielded to a superior force. \nAfraid to penetrate the country toward the Falls, in the face of such deter- \nmined opponents, the British withdrew on the morning of the 7th [May, 1814], \n\n\' These were embarked at Bourdeaux, in France, and sailed directly for the St. Lavsrence^ \nwithout even touching the shores of England. \n\n\' Page 410. \' Page 427. \n\n* The fort on the east side of the river was then in quite a dilapidated state, and formed but a \nfeeble defense for the troops. It was strengthened after this attack. \n\n" At the present village of Fulton, on the east side of Oswego River, and about twelve miiea \nfirom the harbor. \n\n\n\n1815.] THE SECOND WAR lOR INDEPENDENCE. 433 \n\nafter losing two hundred and thirty-five men, in killed and wounded. The \nAmericans lost sixty-nine. \n\nToward the close of June, General Brown marched from Sackett\'s Harbor\' \nto the Niagara frontier ; and on the morning of the 3d of July, Generals Scott \nand Ripley\' crossed the river, with a considerable force, and captured Fort \nErie, which was situated on the Canada side of the Niagara River, nearly \nopposite Black Rock. The garrison withdrew to the intrenched camp of the \nBritish General Riall, then at Chippewa,\' a few miles below. On the morning \nof the 4th [July, 1814], Brown advanced, and on the 5th the two armies had a \nganguinary battle in the open fields at Chippewa. The British were repulsed, \nwith a losa of about five hundred men, and retreated to Burlington Heights,* \nwhere thty were reinforced by troops under General Drummond, who assumed \nthe chief command in person. The Americans lost a little more than three \nhundred. \n\nGeneral Drummond was mortified by this discomfiture of his veteran troops \nby what he considered raw Americans, and he resolved to wipe out the stain. \nCollecting every regiment from Burlington and York, with some from Kingston \nand Prescott, he prepared for a renewal of combat. With a force about one \nthird greater than that of Brown,\' he immediately advanced to meet the Amer \nicans. The latter had encamped at Bridgewater, near Niagara Falls ; and \nthere, at the close of a sultry day, and within the sound of the great cataract\'s \nthunder, one of the most destructive battles of the war began.* It commenced \nat sunset and ended at midnight [July 25, 1814], when the Americans had \nlost eight hundred and fifty-eight men in killed and wounded, and the British \ntwenty more than that. The Americans were left in quiet possession of the \nfield, but were unable to carry away the heavy artillery which they had cap- \ntured.\' Brown and Scott being wounded, * the command devolved on Ripley, \nand the following day [July 26] he withdrew to Fort Erie, where General \nGaines,^ a senior officer, who arrived soon afterward, assumed the chief com- \nmand. \n\nHaving recovered from his wound, Drummond again advanced, with five \n\n\' Page 432. \n\n^ The late "Winfield Scott was Lieutenant -General^ and commander-in-chief of the army of the \nUnited States, in 1861, when he retired from the service. General James Ripley remained in \nthe army after the war, and died on the \'id of March, 1839. \n\n\' On the Canada shore, about two miles aliove Niagara Falls. \xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 425. \n\n^ Jacob Brown was born in Pennsylvania, in 1775. He engaged in his country\'s service in \n1813, and soon became distinguished. He was made Major-General in 1814. He was General- \nin-chief of the United States army in 1821, and held that rank and office when he died, in 1828. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 The hottest of the fight was in and near an obscure road known as Lundy\'s Lane. This battle \nis known by tlie respective names of Bridgewater, Lundy\'s Lane, and Niagara Falls. \n\n\' After the Americans had withdrawn, a party of the British returned and carried off their \nartillery. This event was so magnified, in the English accounts of the battle, as to make the victory \nto appear on the side of the British. ; \n\n^ The British Generals Drummond and Riall were also wounded. General Scott led the advance \nin the engagement, and for an hour maintained a most desperate conflict, when he was reinforced. \nIt was quite dark, and General Riall and his suite were made prisoners by the gallant Major Jesup. \nA British battery upon an eminence did terrible execution, for it swept the whole field. This was \nassailed and captured by a party under Colonel Miller, who replied, when asked by General Brown \nif he could accomplish it, "I\'ll try, sir." Three times the British attempted to recapture this bat- \ntery. In the last attempt, Drummond was wounded. * Page 398. \n\n28 \n\n\n\n\nNIAGARA FRONTIER. \n\n\n\n434 THE XATIO:n\'. I [1814 \n\nthousand men, and on the 4th of August appeared before Fort Erie, and com- \nmenced preparations for a siege. From the 7th until the \n14th, there was an almost incessant cannonade between \nthe besiegers and the besieged. On the 15th, Drummond \nmade a furious assault, but was repulsed, with a loss of \nalmost a thousand men. Very little was done by either \nparty for nearly a month after this affair, when General \nBrown, who had assumed command again, ordered a sor- \ntie [Sept. 17] from the fort. It was successful ; and the \nAmericans pressed forward, destroyed t^ advanced Avorks \nof the besiegers, and drove them toward Chippewa. In- \nformed, soon afterward, that General Izard was approach- \ning,\' with reinforcements for Brown, Drummond retired \nto Fort George.\'\' The Americans abandoned and destroyed Fort Erie in No- \nvember [November 5], and, crossing the river, went into winter-quarters at \nBuffalo, Black Rock, and Batavia. \n\nLet us consider the military operations in northern New York, for a mo- \nment. Very little of interest transpired in the vicinity of Lake Champlain \nuntil toward the close of summer, when General Izard\' marched [August, \n1814] from Plattsburg, with five thousand men, to reinforce General Brown on \nthe Niagara frontier, leaving General Macomb* in command, with only fifteen \nhundred men. Taking advantage of this circumstance. General Prevost, who \nled an army of fourteen thousand men, chiefly Wellington\'s veterans, to the \ninvasion of the United States, marched for Plattsburg. During the spring and \nsummer, the British and Americans had each constructed a small fleet on Lake \nChamplain, and those were now ready for operations ; the former under Com- \nmodore Downie, and the latter under Commodore Macdonough.\' \n\nGeneral Prevost arrived near Plattsburg on the 6th of September, when \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 Note 3, page 427. \' Page 425. \n\n^ George Izard was born in Souih Carolina, in 17 It, and made military life his profession. \nAfter the war he left the army. He was governor of Arkansas Territory in 1825, and died at \nLittle Rock, Arkansas, in 1828. \n\n\' Alexander Macomb was born in tJie fort in Detroit, in 1782, and entered the army at the age \nof seventeen years. He was made a brigadier in 1814. In 1835, he was General-in-chief of the \narmies of the United States, and died in 1841. , . \xe2\x96\xa0, ^ c * *v, \n\n^ Thomas Macdonough was a native of Delaware. He was twenty-eight years of age at the \ntime of the engagement at Plattsburg. The State of New York gave him one thousand acres of \nand on Plattsburg Bay, for his services. He died in 1825, at the age of thirty-nine years. Mac- \ndonough was always remarkable for cool courage. On one occasK)n, while first lieutenant of a \nvessellying in the harbor of Gibraltar, an armed boat from a British man-of-war boarded an Amer- \nican brig anchored near, in the absence of . \xe2\x96\xa0 c \n401. Macdonough manned a gig, and with an inferior lorce. \n\n\n\nican \n401. \nseaman \n\n\n\nbrii anchored near, in the absence of the commander, and carried off a s^^^^^^^- .Sf^ P^g^ \n>7-donouo-h manned a gi^, and with an inferior force, made chase and recaptured the \nTlie cantain of the man-of-war came aboard Macdonough\'s vessel, and, m a great rage, \n;;ked him how he dared to take the man from his majesty\'s boat, "^e was an American s^^^^^^^^ \nand I did my dutv," was the reply. "I\'ll bring my ship alongside, and smk you, angrly cried \nHie Biln "^^ That you can do." coolly responded Macdonough ; "but while she swims, that man \nvnu will not have" The captain, roaring with rage, said, "Supposing / had been in the boat, \n^uld you h rdareJto clmit\'such aS act?" "I should have made tlie f \xc2\xab-?*-. -^^J-the \ncalm replv. " What 1" shouted the captain, " if I were to impress men from that bng, would you \ninterfere?" "You have only to try it, sir," was Macdonougn\'s tantalizmg reply. The haughty \nBriton was over-matched, and he did not attempt to try the metal of such a brave young mai. \nThere were cannon-balls in his coolness, fiall of danger. \n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa21815.] \n\n\n\nTHE SECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. \n\n\n\n435 \n\n\n\nMacomb\'s little army, and quite a large body of militia under Greiieral Mooers, \nretired to the south side of the Saranac, and prepared to dispute its passage by \nthe invaders. On the morning of the 11th, the British fleet came around \nCumberland Head, with a fair wind, and attacked Macdonough\'s squadron in \nPlattsburg Bay.* At the same time, the British land troops opened a heavy j \ncannonade upon the Americans. After a severe engagement of two hours and \n\n\n\n\ntwenty minutes, Macdonough became victor, and the Avhole British fleet was \nsurrendered to him.^ * The land forces fought until dark, and every attempt of \nthe British to cross the Saranac Avas bravely resisted. During the evening, \nPrevost hastily retreated, leaving his sick and wounded, and a large quantity \nof military stores, behind him. The British loss, in killed, wounded, and de- \nserted, from the 6th to the 11th, was about twenty-five hundred ; that of the \nAmericans, only one hundred and twenty-one. The victory was applauded with \nthe greatest enthusiasm throughout the land, and gave emphasis to the effect \nof another at Baltimore, which had been recently achieved. \n\n\' "When the British squadron appeared off Cumberland TTead, ilacdonough knelt on the deck of \nthe Saratoga (his flag-ship), in the midst of his men. and prayed to the God of Battles for aid. A \ncurious incident occurred during the engagement that soon followed. A British ball demolished a \nhen-coop on board the Saratoga. A cock, released from his prison, flew into the rigging, and \ncrowed lustily, at the same time flapping his wings with triumpliant vehemence. The seamen r\xc2\xa9- \n. garded the event as a good omen, and they fought like tigers, while the cock cheered them on with \nMs crowinga, until the British flag was struck and the firing ceased. \n\n\' The Americans lost, in killed and wounded, one hundred and sixteen ; the British, one hu\xc2\xab- \njdred and ninety-four. Among them was Commodore Downie, whose remains lie under a monu. \nment in a cemetery at Plattsburg, with those of several of his comrades. \n\n\n\n486 THE XATION. [1814 \n\nSo wide was the theater of war, that in our rapid view of it, the shifting, \nscenes carry us alternately from the northern frontier to the western and south- \nern borders, and then upon the Atlantic and its coasts. The latter were expe- \nriencing much trouble, while the whole frontier from the Niagara to the St. \nLawrence was in commotion. The principal ports from New York to Maine \nwere blockaded by British war- vessels ; and early in the spring, a depredating \nwarfare again\' commenced on the shores of the Chesapeake. These were but \nfeebly defended by a small flotilla," under the veteran. Commodore Barney;\' and \nwhen, about the middle of August, a British squadron, of almost sixty sail, \narrived in the bay, with six thousand troops, under General Ross, destined for \nthe capture of Washington city, it proved of little value. Ross landed [Aug. \n19, 1814] at Benedict, on the Patuxent (about twenty-five miles from ita \nmouth), Avith five thousand men, and marched toward Washington city.^ Bar- \nney\'s flotilla, lying higher up the stream, was abandoned and burned, and hia \nmarines joined the gathering land forces, under General Winder. Ross was \none of Wellington\'s most active commanders, and Winder had only three thou- \nsand troops to oppose him, one half of whom were undisciplined militia. A \nsharp engagement took place [Aug. 24] at Bladensburg,\' a few miles from \nWashington city, when the militia fled, and Barney, fighting gallantly at the \nhead of his seamen and marines, was made prisoner.* Ross pushed forward to \nWashington city the same day, burned the capitol, President\'s house, and \nother public and private buildings [August 24], and then hastily retreated \n[August 25] to his shipping.\'\' \n\nThe British ministry were greatly elated by the destruction of the public \nbuildings and property at Washington, but their jubilant feelings were not \nshared by the best of the English people at large. The act was denounced, in \nsevere terms, on the floor of the British House of Commons ; and throughout \ncivilized Europe, it was considered a disgrace to the perpetrators and abettors. \nGeneral Ross, however, seemed to glory in it as heartily as did the marauder, \nCockburn ; and, flushed with success, he proceeded to attack Baltimore, where \nthe veteran. General Smith, \xc2\xbb was in command. That officer, in connection with \n\n^ Page 430. \n\n^ It consisted of a cutter (a vessel with one mast), two gun-boats [page 401], and nine barges, \nor boats propelled by oars. . \n\n^ He was born in Baltimore in 1759. He entered the naval service of the Eevolution in 1775, \nand was active during the whole war. He bore the American flag to the French National Con- \nvention in 1796, and, entered the French service. He returned to America in 1800, took part in \nthe War of 1812, and died at Pittsburg m 1818. \n\n* Another small squadren was sent up the Potomac, but effected little else than plunder. \n\xc2\xbb Note 1, page 392. \n\n* Until the latest moment, it was not known whether "Washington or Baltimore was to be at- \ntacked. Winder\'s troops, employed for the defense of both cities, were divided. The loss of the \nBritish, in kiUed, wounded, and by desertion, was almost a thousand men ; that of the Americans \nwas about a hundred killed and wounded, and a hundred and twenty taken prisoners. The Pres- \nident and his Cabinet were at Bladensburg when the British approached, but returned to the city \nwhen the conflict began, and narrowly escaped capture. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\' Washington then contained about nine hundred houses, scattered, in groups, over a surface \nof three miles. The Great Bridge across the Potomac was also burnt. The Hght of the conflagra- \ntion was distinctly seen at Baltimore, forty miles distant. \n\n^ Samuel Smith, the brave commander of Fort Mifflin [page 275] in 1777. He was bom in- \n\n\n\n1815.] THE SECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 437 \n\n(jeneral Strieker, rallied the militia of the city and vicinity, and soon almost fif- \nteen thousand men were under arms, to defend the town. Ross landed [Sept. 12, \n1814], with almost eight thousand troops, at North Point, fourteen miles from \nthe city, while a portion of the fleet went up the Patapsco to bombard Fort \nM \'Henry. He immediately pressed forward, but Avas soon met by the advanced \ncorps of General Strieker, and a slight skirmish ensued. Ross was killed, and \nthe command devolved on Colonel Brooke, who continued to advance. A severe \nbattle now commenced, which continued an hour and a quarter, when the \nAmericans fell back, in good order, toward the city. In this engagement the \nBritish lost about three hundred men ; the Americans, one hundred and sixty- \nthree. Both parties slept on their arms that night ; and the following morn- \ning [Sept. 13], the British advanced, as if to attack the city. The fleet, in the \nmean while, had opened its bombs and cannons upon the fort, whose garrison, \nunder Major Armistead, made a most gallant defense. The bombardment con- \ntinued most of the day and night, and no less than fifteen hundred bombshells \nwere thrown. The people in the city felt in immediate danger of an attack \nfrom the land troops ; but toward tlie morning of the 14th, these silently em- \nbarked, and the disheartened and discomfited enemy withdrew.\' This defense \nwas bailed as an important victory.* \n\nThe whole Atlantic coast, eastward from Sandy Hook,\' was greatly annoyed \nby small British squadrons, during the summer of 1814. These captured \nmany American coasting vessels, and sometimes menaced towns with bombard- \nment. Finally, in August, Commodore Hardy\' appeared before Stonington, \nand opened a terrible storm of bombshells and rockets\'* upon the town. The \nattack continued four successive days [August 9-12], and several times land \nforces attempted to debark, but were always driven back by the militia. The \nobject of this unprovoked attack seems to have been, to entice the American \nforces from New London, so that British shipping might go up the Thames, \nand destroy some American frigates, then near Norwich. The expedient sig- \nnally failed, and no further attempt of a similar kind was made on the Connecti- \ncut coast. \n\nFurther eastward, that part of Maine which lies between the Penobscot \nRiver and Passamaquoddy Bay, became a scene of stirring events. On the first \n\nPennsylvania in 1752 ; entered the revolutionary army in 1776 ; afterward represented Baltimore \nin Congress many years; and died in April, 1839. \n\n\' General Smith estimated the entire loss of the British, in their attack upon Baltimore, at \n" between sis and seven hundred." \n\n^ An event, connected with this attack on Baltimore, was the origin of the stirring song, The \n\xe2\x96\xa0Star-Spangled Banner, which was written by Francis S. Key, of Georgetown, to the air of \n" Anacreon iu Heaven." With another gentleman, Key went, with a flag of truce, to attempt \nthe release of a friend on board the British fleet. They were not allowed to return, lest they \nshould disclose thS intended attack on tlie city. From a British vessel they saw the bom- \nbardment of Fort McHenry. They watched the American flag over the fort, all day, with great \nanxiety, until the darkness of the night hid it from view. With eager eyes, they looked in that \ndirection at dawn, and, to their great joy, they saw tlie star-spangkd banner yet waving over \nthe ramparts. It inspired the poet. \'\' Page 289. ^ Page 430. \n\n* Rockets used for setting fire to towns and shipping, are made similar to the common " sky- \nrockets," but filled with inflammable substances, which are scattered over buildings and the \nrigging of ships. \n\n\n\n438 TIIK XATIOxV. [1814. \n\nof September [1814], the governor of Nova Scotia and Admiral Griffith \nentered the Penobscot River, seized the town of Castine, and, bj proclamation^ \ntook possession of the country, then inhabited bj about thirty thousand people. \nA few days afterward, the United States frigate John Adams entered the \nPenobscot after a successful cruise, and ran upon the rocks. While having \nher injuries repaired, she was attacked by several of the British sailing vessels \nand barges, manned by about a thousand men. Finding resistance to be vain, \nCaptain Morris, her commander, fired her magazine, and blew her up. \n\nDifficulties again appeared in the south-west. We have already considered \nJackson\'s successful warfare upon the Creek Indians.\' In the course of the \nsummer of 1814, he wrung from them a treaty, which completed their downfall, \nas a nation, and the war at the South was considered ended. They agreed tO\' \nsurrender a large portion of their beautiful and fertile country, as indemnity \nfor the expenses of the war ; to allow the United States to make roads through \nthe remainder ; and also not to hold intercourse with any British or Spanish \nposts. But the common enemy, favored by the Spaniards at Pensacola, soon \nappeared, and the Creeks again lifted their heads ir. hope, for a moment. A \nBritish squadron, cruising in the Gulf of Mexico, took possession of the forts, \nat Pensacola, by permission of the Spanish authorities, and there fitted out an \nexpedition against Fort Bower (now Fort Morgan), at the entrance to Mobile \nBay,^ then commanded by Major Lawrence. General Jackson then had his \nhead-quarters at Mobile. The enemy appeared off Mobile Point on the 15th \nof September, and commenced the attack, by land and water, at about four \no\'clock in the afternoon. Fort Bower was garrisoned by resolute men, and was \narmed with twenty pieces of cannon. Lawrence and his little band made a \ngallant defense ; and soon the British were repulsed, with the loss of a ship \nof war and many men. Among the British land troops on the occasion, were- \ntwo hundred Creek warriors. \n\nJackson, now a Major-General in the army, and commander of the south- \nwestern military district, assuming all the authority he was entitled to, held. \nthe Spanish governor of Florida responsible for the act of giving shelter to the \nenemies of the United States. Failing to obtain any satisfactory guaranty for \nthe future, he marched from Mobile with about two thousand Tennessee militia \nand some Choctaw warriors, against Pensacola. On the 7th of November \n[1814J he stormed the town, drove the British to their shipping, and finally \nfrom the harbor, and made the governor beg for mercy, and surrender Pensa- \ncola and all its military works, unconditionally. The British fleet disappeared \nthe next day [November 8], and the victor retraced his steps [November 9]. \nHis return was timely, for he was needed where extreme danger was menacing \nthe whole southern country. On his arrival at Mobile, he found messages from \nNew Orleans, begging his immediate march thither, for the British in the Gulf \nof Mexico., reinforced by thousands of troops from England, were about to. \ninvade Louisiana. Jackson instantly obeyed the summons, and arrived there \n\n\' Page 427. " On the east side, about thirty miles south from Mobile. \n\n\n\n1815.] THE SECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 439 \n\non the 2d of December. He found the people of New Orleans in the greatest \nalarm, but his presence soon restored quiet and confidence. By vigorous, and \neven rigorous measures (for he declared martial law),\' he soon placed the city \nin a state of comparative security," and when the British squadron, bearing \nGeneral Packenham and about twelve thousand troops, many of them Welling- \nton\'s veterans, entered Lake Borgne, he felt confident of success, even against \nsuch fearful odds. \n\nOn the 14th of December, a British fleet of barges, about forty in number, \nand conveying twelve hundred men, captured a flotilla of five American gun- \nboats, in Lake Borgne, which Avere under the command of Lieutenant (late Com\' \nmodore) Thomas Ap Catesby Jones. In the engagement the Americans lost, \nin killed and wounded, about forty ; the British loss was about three hundred. \nThe destruction of these gun-boats gave the enemy power to choose his point of \nattack ; and eight days afterward [Dec. 22], about twenty-four hundred of the \nBritish, under General Keane, reached the Mississippi, nine miles below New \nOrleans. An American detachment, led by Jackson in person, fell upon their \ncamp the following night [Dec. 23, 1814], but withdrew to a stronger position, \nafter killing or wounding four hundred of the British. The Americans lost \nabout one hundred. \n\nAnd now preparations were instantly made for the great battle which soon \nafterward ensued. Jackson concentrated his troops (about three thousand in \nnumber, and mostly militia) within a line of intrenchments^ cast up four miles \nbelow the city of New Orleans, where they were twice cannonaded by the Brit- \nish, but without much eflect. Finally, on the morning of the 8th of January, \n1815, General Packenham, the Brit- \n\n\n\n\nBATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. \n\n\n\nish commander-in-chief, advanced with \nhis whole force, numbering more than \ntwelve thousand men, to make a gen- \neral assault. Having been reinforced \nby about three thousand militia (chief- \nly Kentuckians), Jackson now had \nsix thousand expert marksmen con- \ncealed behind his intrenchments, or \nstationed at the batteries on his ex- \ntended line. A deep and ominous \nsilence prevailed behind these defenses, until the British had approached within \nreach of the batteries, when the Americans opened a terrible cannonade. Yet \nthe enemy continued to advance until within range of the American muskets \nand rifles. Volley after volley then poured a deadly storm of lead upon the \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 Note 8, page 170. \n\n\' All the inlets, or bayous, were obstructed, and the banks of the Mississippi were so fortified \nas to prevent the ascent of vessels. A battery was erected on Chef Menteur, at the entrance to \nLake Pontchartrain. \n\n* These intrenchments were a mile in length, extending from the river so far into the swamp, \nas to be impassable at the extremity. Along this line were eight distinct batteries, with heavy- \ncannons; and on the opposite side of the river was a battery with fifteen cannons. \n\n\n\n440 \n\n\n\nTHE :n\'ation. \n\n\n\n[18U. \n\n\n\ninvaders. The British column soon wavered ; General Packenham fell in front \nof his troops, with not less than a thousand dead and wounded lying around \nhim ; and, utterly amazed by the terrible fire of the Americans, the entire \narmy fled in confusion, leaving seven hundred dead, and more than a thousand \nwounded, on the field. The fugitives hastened to their encampment [Jan. 9], \n\n\n\n\n^^^\xe2\x96\xa0^..c -^ ^^ 4^c,^:/c \n\n\n\nCtT^kJ^ \n\n\n\nand finally to their ships [Jan, 18], and escaped." The Americans were so \nsafely intrenched, that they lost only seveii killed and six wounded, in this \nvictorious battle. It was the crowning victory," and last land battle of moment, \nof the Second War for Independence.\' \n\nWhile the victory of the Americans at Ncav Orleans saved that city from \nplunder and destruction,-\' and the whole Southern country from invasion, the \n\n\n\n^ Wliile thei?e operations were in pros^ress on the ilississippi, the British fleet had not been in- \nactive. Some vessels bombarded Fort St. Philip, below New Orleans, on the 11th of January, and \ncontinued the attack for eight daj-s without success. In the mean while, Admhal Cockburn [page \n430] was pursuing his detestable warfare along the Carolina and Georgia coasts, menacing Charles- \nton and Savannah with destruction, and landing at obscure points to plunder the inhabitants. \n\n^ During 1814, the war continued on the ocean, yet there were no battles of great importance. \nTlie Pearorh captured the British brig Epervier, on the 29th of April, off the coast of Florida. The \nWasp, Captain Blakely, also made a successful cruise, but after capturing her thirteenth prize, dis- \nappeared, and was never heard of again. Probably lost in a storm. The President, Commodore \nDecatur, was captured off Long Island, on the 16th"of January, 1815; and on the 20th of February \nfollowing, the Constitution, Commodore Stewart, had a severe action with the British frigate Cyane, \nand sloop-of-war Levant, and captured both. Soon after this, the British brig Penguin was captured, \nbut the proclamation of peace had then ended the war. ^ Page 409. \n\n* It is asserted, upon good authority, that Packenham\'s watchword, as he led his troops toward \nthe city, was "Booty and Beauty," thereby indicating that plunder and ravishment should be the \nsoldiers\' reward ! We can hardly believe Sir Edward really contemplated such barbarity. \n\n\n\n1815.] THE SECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 443 \n\nbrave Jackson, whose skill and prowess had been chiefly instrumental in pro- \nducing that result, was mercilessly assailed by some persons in official station, \nwho could not appreciate his pure motives and sturdy patriotism. Perceiving \nthe necessity of prompt and vigorous action, Jackson had taken all power into \nhis hands, on his arrival at New Orleans, and declared martial law.\' Governor \nClaiborne^ wisely and generously seconded the measure, and surrendering all \nauthority into the hands of General Jackson, led a large body of the militia of \nhis State to the field. Three days after the battle, the news of peace arrived; \nand Judge Hall immediately ordered the arrest of Jackson, on a charge of con- \ntempt of court.\' He was tried; and the judge fined him a thousand dollars. \nThe people hissed the official ; bore the brave general upon their shoulders from \nthe court-room to the street, and then the immense crowd sent up a shout, such \nas went over the land with emphasis thirteen years later, when he was a candi- \ndate for the Chief Magistracy of the nation^ \xe2\x80\x94 "Hurrah for Jackson !" The \nblow aimed at him recoiled with fearful force upon his persecutors. \n\nThe country was made vocal with rejoicings on account of the victory \nat New Orleans ; and Congress honored General Jackson with thanks and a \ngold medal. A little more than a month after the battle, a proclamation by \nthe President [Feb. 18, 1815], that peace had been secured by treaty, spread a \nsmile of tranquillity and happiness over the whole Union. ^ For more than a \nyear, efforts toward that end had been put forth. As early as December, 1813, \nthe British government had sent overtures of peace to that of the United \nStates. They were forwarded by the British schooner Bramble, Avhich arrived \nat Annapolis, in Maryland, on the 1st of January, 1814, bearing a flag of \ntruce. The President at once informed Congress of the fact, and immedi- \nate action was had. The overtures were promptly met, in a conciliatory \nspirit, by the government of the United States, and commissioners were ap- \npointed by the two powers to negotiate a treaty." For a long time the Amer- \nican commissioners were treated Avith neglect by the British government. They \n\n* Note 8, page 170. \n\n\' William C. C. Claiborne was bom in Virginia in 1775, and was educated at William and Mary \nCollege. He became an assistant clerk of the National House of Representatives at the age of six- \nteen years ; and at the age of twenty-nine, President Jefferson appointed him governor of the \nLouisiana Territory. He had already become conspicuous as a lawyer in the West ; and at the age \nof twency-two he was a judge of the Supreme Court of Tennessee. He was elected to Congress the \nfollowing year, and was a distinguished man in that body. He was elected governor of Louisiana \n\xe2\x80\xa2when it became a State in 1812, and was acting in that capacity when the British menaced New \nOrleans. He left that ofiQce in 1817, when he was elected to the United States Senate. But his \ndeath was near, and he never entered that assembly. He died in November, 1817, in the forty- \nsecond year of his age. \n\n\' A member of the Louisiana Legislature assailed Jackson by a newspaper publication. Jack- \nson ordered his arrest. Judge Hall granted a writ of habeas corpus. Jackson, in the proper exer- \ncise \'of his power under martial law, not only refused obedience to the mandates of the writ, but \narrested the judge, and sent him out of the city. For this " contempt of court" Jackson himself \nwas arrested. His noble defense was written by Edward Livingston. \xe2\x96\xa0* Page 459. \n\n* As we have observed, intelligence of the signing of the treaty reached New Orleans three \ndays after the battle. It was not formally proclaimed until more than a month afterward. \n\n^ The United States commissioners were John Qnincy Adams, James A. Bayard. Henry Clay. \nJohn Russel, and Albert Gallatin. Those of Great Britain were Admiral Lord Gambler, Henry \nGoulbourn, and William Adams. These commissioners are all dead. Mr. Clay, who died in 1852- \n\xe2\x80\xa2was the last survivor. \n\n\n\n444 THE NATION. [1814. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0were suffered to remain in England unnoticed, for months, and then the ministry, \nproposing first one place, and then another, for the negotiations, exhibited a trifling \nspirit, derogatory to true dignity. For half a year the treaty Avas prolonged \nin this way, until, finally, the commissioners of the two governments met in the \ncity of Ghent, in Belgium, in the month of August, 1814. On the 24th of \nDecember following, a treaty was signed, which both governments speedily \nratified. It stipulated a mutual restoration of all places and possessions taken \nduring the war, or which might be taken after signing the treaty ; declared that \n\xe2\x96\xa0aW captures at sea should be relinquished, if made within specified times there- \nafter, in different parts of the world ; and that each party should mutually put \na stop to Indian hostilities, and endeavor to extinguish the traffic in slaves. \nThe boundaries, imperfectly adjusted by the treaty of 1783,\' were all settled; \nl)ut the subject of impressment of seamen, which was the chief cause of the war," \nof paper blockades,\' and orders in council," were all passed by without specific \nnotice, in the treaty. With this treaty ended the war, which had been in prog- \nress for two years and eight months ; and the proclamation of the fact was an \noccasion of the most sincere rejoicing throughout the United States and Great \nBritain, for it was an unnatural contest \xe2\x80\x94 a conflict between brethren of the \nsame blood, the same religion, the same laws, and the same literature. \n\nDuring these negotiations, the war, as we have seen, was vigorously prose- \ncuted, and the opposition of the Federalists grew more intense.\' It reached its \nculmination in December, when delegates, appointed by several New England \nLegislatures, \xc2\xb0 met [Dec. 15, 1814] in convention at Hartford, for the purposes \nof considering the grievances of the people, caused by a state of war, and to de- \nvise speed V measures for its termination.^ This convention, whose sessions were \nsecret, was denounced as treasonable by the administration party ; but patriot- \nism appears to have prevailed in its councils, Avhatever may have been the de- \nsigns of some. Its plans for disunion or secession, if any were formed, were \nrendered abortive soon after its adjournment, by the proclamation of peace, fol- \nlowed by the appointment of a day for national thanksgiving to the Almighty \nfor the blessed event. That day was observed throughout the Union. \n\nThe short time which remained of the session of Congress, after the proclam- \nation of peace, was occupied by that body in adapting the affairs of the govern- \nment to the new condition of things. The army was reduced to a peace ostab- \nment of ten thousand men, and various acts, necessary for the public good \nduring a state of war, were repealed. The navjtl establishment, however, was \nkept up ; and the depredations of Algerine cruisers caused Congress to author- \n\n\' Page 348. " Note 5, page 409. \n\n* A port being blockaded by proclamation, without ships of war being there to maintain it. \nThis practice is no longer in vogue. * Note 1, page 400. ^ Page 410. \n\n^ New Hampshire and Vermont were unrepresented, except by three county delegates. The \nFederalists in Vermont, especially, were now in a weak majority; and Governor Oilman, of New \nHampshire, the members of whose council were Democratic, could not call a meeting of the Legis- \nlature to appoint delegates. \n\n\' George Cabot was appointed President of the Convention, and Theodore Dwight, a former \nmember of Congress from Connecticut, and then editor of the Hartford Union, was its secretary. \nThe Convention was composed of twenty-six members. \n\n\n\n1815.] THE SECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE. 445 \n\nize the President to send a squadron to the Mediterranean Sea. The results of \nthe war, though apparently disastrous to all concerned at the time, were seen, \nsubsequently, to have been highly beneficial to the United States, not so much \nin a material as in a moral aspect. The total cost of the war to the United \nStates was about one hundred millions of dollars, and the loss of lives, by bat- \ntles and other casualties incident to the war, has been estimated at thirty thou- \nsand persons. The cost of blood and treasure to the British nation was much \ngreater. During the war, the Americans captured, on the ocean and on the \nlakes, fifty-six British vessels of war, mounting 886 cannons ; and 2,360 mer- \nchant vessels, mounting 8,000 guns. There were also lost on the American \ncoast, during the war, by wreck or otherwise, twenty-nine British ships of war, \nmounting about 800 guns. The Americans lost only twenty-five vessels of war, \nand a much less number of merchant-ships than the British.* \n\nThe clouds of an almost three years\' war had scarcely disappeared from the \nfirmament, when others suddenly arose. The contest with England had but \njust ended, when the United States were compelled to engage in a brief \n\nWAR WITH ALGIERS. \n\nAs we have observed,\'\' the United States had paid tribute to Algiers since \n1795. Every year, as his strength increased, the ruler of that Barbary State \nbecame more insolent,* and, finally, believing that the United States navy had \nbeen almost annihilated by the British in the late contest, he made a pretense \nfor renewing depredations upon American commerce, in violation of the treaty. \nThe American government determined to pay tribute no longer, accepted the \nchallenge, and in May, 1815, Commodore Decatur^ proceeded with a squadron \nto the Mediterranean, to humble the pirate. Fortunately, the Algerine fleet \nwas cruising in the Mediterranean, in search of American vessels. On the 17th \nof June [1815], Decatur met and captured the flag-ship (a frigate) of the Al- \ngerine admiral, and another vessel with almost six hundred men, and then sailed \nfor the Bay of Algiers, He immediately demanded [June 28] the instant sur- \nrender of all American prisoners, full indemnification for all property destroyed, \nand absolute relinquishment of all claims to tribute from the United States, in \nfuture. Informed of the fate of a part of his fleet, the Dey\' yielded to the \nhumiliating terms, and signed a treaty [June 80] to that effect. Decatur then \nsailed for Tunis, and demanded and received [July, 1815] from the bashaw, \nforty-six thousand dollars, in payment for American vessels which he had \nallowed the English to capture in his harbor. The same demand, on the same \naccount, w^as made upon the bashaw of Tripoli," and Decatur received [August] \ntwenty-five thousand dollars from him and the restoration of prisoners. This \ncruise in the Mediterranean gave full security to American commerce in those \n\n\n\n\' For details, see Lossing\'s Pictorial Field-Book of the War o/1812. \n\n^ Page 381. \n\n^ Page 381. In 1812, .the Dey compelled Mr. Lear, the American consul [page 395], to pay \nhim \xc2\xa727,000 for the safety of himself, family, and a few Americans, under the penalty of .-^11 \nbeing made slaves. ^ Page 392. \' Note 3, page 392. " Page 392. \n\n\n\n446 THE NATION. [1817. \n\nseas, and greatly elevated the character of the government of the United States \nin the opinion of Europe. Now was accomplished, during a single cruise, what \nthe combined powers of Europe dared not to attempt. \n\nNow the eventful administration of Mr. Madison drew to a close, and very \nlittle of general interest occurred, except the chartering of a new United States \nBank,\' with a capital of $35,000,000, to continue twenty years ; and the admis- \nsion of Indiana [December, 1816] into the union of States. On the 16th of \nMarch, 1816, a caucus of Democratic members of Congress, nominated James \nMonroe of Virginia (who had been Madison\'s Secretary of War for a few months), \nfor President of the United States, and Daniel D. Tompkins\' of New York, \nfor Vice-President. The Federalists, whose power, as a party, was now \nrapidly passing away, nominated Rufus King\' for President, and votes were \ngiven to several persons for Vice-President. Monroe and Tompkins were elected \nby large majorities. Mr. Monroe\'s election was by an almost unanimous vote \nof the electoral college.^ Only one (in New Hampshire) was cast against him. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII. \n\nMONROE\'S ADMINISTRATION. [1817\xe2\x80\x941825]. \n\nOn the 4th of March, 1817, James Monroe,\' the fifth President of the \nUnited States, was inaugurated at Washington City. The oath of office was \nadministered by Chief Justice Marshall," in the presence of Mr. Madison, the \njudges of the Supreme Court, and a large congregation of citizens. His address \non that occasion was liberal and temperate in its tone, and gave general satis- \nfaction to the people. The commencement of his administration was hailed as \nthe dawn of an era of good feeling and national prosperity.\' He selected his \ncabinet from the Republican party, and never since the formation of the gov- \n\n\' Page 372. \n\n^ Daniel D. Tompkins was born in 1774. He was a prominent Democrat when Jefferson was \nelected [page 389] President of the United States. He was chief justice of New York and also \nGovernor of the State. He died on Staten Island, m 1825. \n\n3 Page 395. * Note 1, page 361. \n\n^ J^mes Monroe was bom in Westmoreland county, Yirginia, in April, 1759. He was edu- \ncated at WiUiam and Mary College, and his youth was spent amid the political excitements, when \nthe War for Independence was kindling. He joined the Continental army, under ""\'\'ashington, in \n1776, and during the campaigns of 1777 and 1778, he was aid to Lord Stirling. Atic.- the battle \nof Monmouth, lie left the army and commenced the study of law under Jefferson- He was again \nin the field when Arnold and Phillips invaded his State, in 1781 [page 330]. The next year, \nhe was a member of the Virginia Legislature, and at the age of twenty-five, was elected a delegate \nto the Continental Congress. He was in active life as a legislator, foreign minister. Governor of \nVirginia, and President of the United States, until his retirement from the latter office m 1825. \nHe died in the citv of New York, on the 4th of July, 1831, when in the seventy-second year of hi3 \nage. His remains lie unmarked by anv monument, except a simple slab, in a cemetery on the \nnorth side of Second-street, in the citv of New York. * Page 351. \n\n\' President Monroe, soon after his inauguration, made a long tour of observation, extending to \nPortland, in Maine, on the east, and to Detroit, on the west, in which he was occupied more than three \nmonths. He was everywhere received with the kindest attentions and highest honors, and hi\xc2\xab \njourney was conducive to the national good. \n\n\n\n1825.] \n\n\n\nMONROE\'S ADMINISTRATION. 447 \n\neminent, had a President been surrounded with abler counselors.\' Monro 3 \nwas a judicious and reliable man ; and when we reflect upon the condition of the \ncountry at that time \xe2\x80\x94 in a transition state from war and confusion to peace and \norder \xe2\x80\x94 his elevation to the presidency seems to have been a national blessing. \n\n\n\n\n/>^<^?-^^^-?- ^^ \n\n\n\nThe administration of Mr. Monroe was marked by immense expansion in \nthe material growth of the United States. During the war, a large number of \nmanufacturing establishments had been nurtured into vigorous life by great \ndemands and high prices ; but when peace returned, and European manufac- \ntures flooded the country at very low prices, wide-spread ruin ensued, and \nthousands of men were compelled to seek other employments. The apparent \nmisfortune was a mercy in disguise, for the nation. Beyond the Alleghanies, \nmillions of fertile acres, possessing real wealth, were awaiting the tiller\'s indus- \ntry and skill." Agriculture beckoned the bankrupts to her fields. Homes in \n\n\n\n\' His cabinet consisted of John Quincy Adams, Secretnry of State ; "William H. Crawford, Sec- \nretary of the Treasury ; John C. Cnlhoun, Secretary of "War ; Benjamin Crowninshield, Secretary of \nthe Navy ; and "William "Wirt, Attorn ey-General. He offered the "\\A^ar Department to the venerable \nGovernor Shelby, of Kentucky [page 417], who declined it. Calhoun was appointed in December, \n1817. Crowninshield, who was in Madison\'s cabinet, continued in office until the close of Novem- \nber, 1818, when Smith Thompson, of New York, was appointed in his place. \n\n^ The pii>-ress of the States and Territories west of the Alleghanies [note 3, page ir\xc2\xbb], in wealth \nand population, is tnuy wonderful. A little more than seventy years ago, those immense \nlakes, Ontario, Erie, Michigan, Huron, and Superior, were entirely without commerce, and \nan Indian\'s canoe was almost the only craft seen iqion them. In 1882, the value of ti-affic \nupon these waters and the navigable rivers, is i)ro))al)]y not less than fifteen hundred million \n\xe2\x80\xa2dollars. Fifty years ago [lySiJ there were less than five thousand wiiite people in tlie va: I \n\n\n\n448 THE NATION. [ISIT. \n\nthe East were deserted ; emigration flov/ed over the mountains in a broad and \nvigorous stream ; and before the close of Monroe\'s administration, four new \nsovereign States had started into being\' from the wilderness of the great West, \nand one in the East.\'^ \n\nThe first year of Monroe\'s administration was chiefly distinguished by the \nadmission [December 10, 1817] of a portion of the Mississippi Territory into \nthe Union, as a State, ^ and the suppression of two piratical and slave-dealing \nestablishments near the southern and south-western borders of the Republic. \nOne of them was at the mouth of the St. Mary\'s, Florida, and the other at \nGalveston, Texas. In addition to a clandestine trade in slaves, these bucca- \nneers,^ under pretense of authority from some of the Spanish republics of \nSouth America," were endeavoring to liberate the Floridas from the dominion \nof Spain. In November, 1817, United States troops proceeded to take pos- \nsession of Amelia Island, the rendezvous of the pirates on the Florida coast, and \nthe Galveston establishment soon disappeared for want of support. \n\nOther serious difficulties arose at about the same time. A motley host, \ncomposed chiefly of Seminole Indians,* Creeks dissatisfied with the treaty of \n1814,\' and runaway negroes, commenced mui-derous depredations upon the \nfrontier settlements of Georgia and the Alabama Territory, toward the close of \n1817. General Gaines* was sent to suppress these outrages, and to remove \nevery Indian from the territory which the Creeks had ceded to the United \nStates, in 1814. His presence aroused the fiercest ire of the Indians, who, it \nwas ascertained, were incited to hostilities by British subjects, protected by the \nSpanish authorities in Florida. Gaines was placed in a perilous position, when \nGeneral Jackson, with a thousand mounted Tennessee volunteers, hastened \n[January, 1818] to his aid. In March, 1818, he invaded Florida, took pos- \nsession [April] of the weak Spanish post of St. Mark, at the head of Apa- \nlachee Bay,* and sent the civil authorities and troops to Pensacola." At St. \nMark he secured the persons of Alexander Arbuthnot and Robert C. Ambrister, \nwho, on being tried [April 26] by a court martial, were found guilty of being \nthe principal emissaries among the southern Indians, inciting them to hostilities. \n\nregion between Lake Michigan and the Pacific Ocean ; now [1883] tlie number is fully eight \nmillion. Chicago was then a mere hamlet ; now [1883] it is a fine city, a great railway \ncentre, and conlains more than five hundred thousand inhabitants. And never was the \ngrowth of the Great West more rapid than at the present. \n\n\' "Mississippi, December 10, 1817; Illinois, December 3, 1818; Alabama, December 14, 1819; \nand Missouri, March 2, 1821. \'^ Maine, March 3, 1820. \n\n^ The Territory was divided. The w^estern portiou was made a State, and the eastern was \nerected into a Territory, named Alabama, after its principal river. It included a portion of Georgia, \ngiven for a consideration. See page 455. * Note 6, page 149. \n\n* During the first quarter of the present century, nearly all of the countries in Central and South \nAmerica, which, since the conquests of Cortez [page 43] and Pizarro [note 4, page 44], had been \nunder the Spanish yoke, rebelled, and forming republics, became independent of Spain. It was the \npolicy of our government to encourage these republics, by preventing the estabhshment of monarch- \nical power on the American continent. This is known as the " Monroe doctrine," a term frequently \nused in political circles. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 Pase 30. ^ Note 8, page 428. \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 398. Edmund P. Gaines was bom in Virginia, in 1111. He entered the army in 1799, \nand rose gradually until he was made Major-General for his gallantry at Fort Erie [page 433] in \n1814. He remained in the army until his death, in 1849. \' Page 44. \xc2\xbb\xc2\xbb Page 438. \n\n\n\n1825.] MONROE\'S ADMINISTI: -TIOIs^. 45X \n\nThey vrere both exscutedon the 30th of the samo \xe2\x80\xa2^\xe2\x80\xa2\'onth.\' Jackson soon after- \nward marched for Pensacola, it being known that ttie Spanish authorities there \nhad encouraged the Indians in making depredations in Alabama. The Spanish \ngovernor protested against this invasion of his territory ; but Jackson, satisfied \nof his complicity with the Indians, pushed forAfard and seized Pensacola on the \n24th of May. The governor and a few followers fled on horseback to Fort \nBarrancas, at the entrance to Pensacola Bay. This fortress was captured by \nJackson three days afterward [May 27], and the Spanish authorities and troops \nwere sent to Havana. \n\nFor this invasion of the territory of a friendly power, and his summary pro- \nceedings there, General Jackson was much censured. His plea, in justification, \nwas the known interference of the Spanish authorities in Florida, in our domes- \ntic aflairs, by sheltering those who were exciting the Indians to bloody deeds ; \nand the absolute necessity of prompt and efficient measures at the time. He \nwas sustained by the government and the voice of the people. These measures \ndeveloped the necessity for a general and thorough settlement of affairs on the \nsouthern boundary of the Republic, and led to the important treaty\'^ concluded \nat Washington City, in February, 1819, by which Spain ceded to the United \nStates the whole of the Floridas, and the adjacent islands. That country was \nerected into a Territory in February, 1821 ; and in March ensuing, General \nJackson was appointed the first governor of the newly-acquired domain. \n\nWe have observed that the vast region of Louisiana, purchased from France \nin 1803, was divided into two Territories.\' The Louisiana Territory was \nadmitted into the Union as a State, in 1812 ;* and while the treaty concem- \niug Florida was pending, the southern portion of the remainder of the Ter- \nritory extending westward to the Pacific Ocean, which was erected into the \n"Missouri Territory" in 1812, was formed into a separate government in \n1819, and called Arkansas. In December, the same year, Alabama was \n\n\n\n\' Arbuthnot was a Scotch trader from New Providence, one of the Bermuda Islands. He had \na store on the Suwaney River, where many of the hostOe Indians and negroes congregated. Am- \nbrister was a young EngUshman, about twenty-one years of age, wno had borne a heutenant\'s \ncommission in the British service. He was also at the Suwaney settlements, and put himself at the \nhead of the Indians and negroes. \n\n\' Made by John Quincy Adams for the United States, and Don Onis, the Spanish embassador \nat Washington. Hitherto, the United States had claimed a large portion of Texas, as a part of \nLouisiana. By this treaty, Texas was retained by the Spaniards. The cession was made as an \nequivalent for all claims against Spain for injury done the American commerce, to an amount not \nexceeding five millions of dollars. The treaty was not finally ratified until February, 1821. \n\n\' Page 390. \n\n* The admirable penal code of Louisiana, which has ever stood the test of severe criticism, is \nthe work of Edward Livingston, who was appointed the principal of a commission appointed to \ncodify the laws of that State. The code, of which he was the sole author, was adopted in 1824. \nMr. Livingston was born upon the "Manor," in Columbia county, New York, in 17G4. He was \neducated at Princeton, studied law under Chancellor Lansing, and became eminent in his profession. \nHe became a member of Congress in 1794, then attorney for the district of New York, and finally, \nhe went to New Orleans to retrieve a broken fortune. He was an aid to General Jackson, in the \nbattle at New Orleans, in January, 1815, and his pen wrote the noble defense of that soldier, when \nhe was persecuted by civil officers in that city. See page 443. When the last page of his manu- \nBcript code of laws for Louisiana was ready for the press, a fire consumed the whole, and he was \ntwo years reproducing it. That work is his monument. Mr. Livingston was Secretary of State \nunder President Jackson ; and in 1833, he was sent to France, as the resident minister of the \nUnited States. He died in Duchess county, New York, in May, 1837. \n\n\n\n452 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1817. \n\n\n\nadmitted into the Union; and at the same time, Missouri and Maine were \nmaking overtures for a similar position. Maine was admitted in March, 1820,\' \nbut the entrance of Missouri was delayed until August, 1821, by a violent and \nprotracted debate which sprung up between the Northern and the Southern \nmembers of Congress on the subject of slavery, elicited by the proposition for \nits admission. \n\n\n\n\n\n(^-d^^^^<^^:^i>^^ \n\n\n\nIt was during the session of 1818-19, that a bill was introduced into Con-^ \ngress, which contained a provision forbidding the existence of slavery or invol- \nuntary servitude in the new State of Missouri, when admitted. Heated debates \nimmediately occurred, and the subject was postponed until another session. \nThe whole country, in the mean while, was agitated by disputes on the subject ; \nand demagogues, as usual at the North and at the South, raised the cry of Dis- \nunion of the Confederation ! Both parties prepared for the great struggle ; \nand when the subject was again brought before Congress [November 23, 1820], \nangry disputes and long discussions ensued. A compromise was finally agreed \nto [February 28. 1821], by which slavery should be allowed in Missouri and \nin all territory south of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude \n(southern boundary of Missouri), and prohibited in all the territory northerly \nand westerly of these limits. This is known as The 3Iisso7/ri Compromise.\' \nUnder this compromise, Missouri was admitted on the 21st of August, 1821, and \n\n\n\nPage 129. \n\n\n\n"" Page 501. \n\n\n\n1825.] MONROE\'S ADMINISTRATION. 453 \n\nthe excitement on the subject ceased. The Republic was now composed of \ntwenty-four States. \n\nWhile the Missouri question was pending, a new election for President and \nVice-President of the United States, took place. Never, since the foundation \nof the government, had there been an election so quiet, and so void of party \nvirulence. Mr. Monroe was re-elected President, and Mr. Tompkins\' Vice- \nPresident [November, 1820], by an almost unanimous vote \xe2\x80\x94 the old Federal \nparty," as an organization, being nearly extinct. The administration had been \nvery popular, and the country was blessed with general prosperity. Two other \nmeasures, besides those already noticed, received the warmest approbation of the \npeople. The first was an act of Congress, passed in March, 1818, in pursu- \nance of Monroe\'s recommendation, making provision, in some degree, for the \nsurviving officers and soldiers of the Revolution. It was subsequently extended, \nso as to include the widows and children of those who were deceased. The \nother was an arrangement made with Great Britain, in October, 1818, by \nwhich American citizens were allowed to share with those of that realm, in the \nvaluable Newfoundland fisheries. At the same time, the northern boundary \nof the United States, from the Lake of the Woods to the Rocky Mountains, \nwas defined.\' \n\nFew events of general importance, aside from the rapid progress of the \ncountry in all its industrial and governmental operations, occurred during the \nremainder of Monroe\'s administration, except the suppression of piracy among \nthe West India Islands, and the visit of General La Fayette* to the United \nStates, as the nation\'s guest. The commerce of the United States had been \ngreatly annoyed and injured by swarms of pirates who infested the West India \nseas. A small American squadron, under Commodore Perry,\'\' had been sent \nthither in 1819, to chastise the buccaneers. Perry died of the yellow fever in \nthe performance of his duty, and very little was done at that time. About four \nyears later [1822], a small American squadron destroyed more than twenty \npiratical vessels on the coast of Cuba ; and the following year the work was \ncompleted by a larger force, under Commodore Porter.^ The second-named \nevent was of a more pleasing character. La Fayette, the companion-in-arms \nof Washington^ during the Revolutionary struggle, arrived at New York, from \nFrance, in August, 1824, and during about eleven succeeding months, he made \na tour of over five thousand miles, throughout the United States. He was \neverywhere greeted with the warmest enthusiasm, and was often met by men \nwho had served under him in the first War for Independence. When he was \nprepared to return, an American frigate, named Brandywine^ in compliment \nto him,^ was sent by the United States government to convey him back to \nFrance. \n\nMr. Monroe\'s administration now drew toward a close, and in the autumn \n\n\' Page 446. \' Page 374. ^ Page 479. \n\n* Page 273. " Page 423. \' Page 431. \' Page 273. \n\n* La Fayette\'s first battle for freedom in America, vv^as that on the Brandywine Creek, in Sep- \ntember, 1777, where he was wounded in the leg. See note 5, page 273. \n\n\n\n454 THE NATION. [1825: \n\nof 1824, the people were called upon to select his successor. It soon became \nevident that a large proportion of the old politicians of the Democratic party \nhad decided to support William H. Crawford, the Secretary of the Treasury, \nfor the succession. Four candidates, representing the different sections of the \nUnion,\' were finally put in nomination. The result was, that the choice de- \nvolved upon the House of Representatives, for the second time.* That body^ \nby an election held in February, 1825, chose John Quincy Adams for Presi- \ndent. John C. Calhoun had been chosen Vice-President by the people. The \nelection and final choice produced great excitement throughout the country, \nand engendered political rancor equal to that which prevailed during the admin- \nistration of the elder Adams. Mr. Monroe\'s administration closed on the 4th \nof March ensuing, and he resigned to his successor the Chief Magistracy of a \nhighly-prosperous nation. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII. \n\nJOHN QUINCY ADAMS\'S ADMINISTRATION. [1825\xe2\x80\x941829.] \n\nAt about half-past twelve o\'clock, on the 4th day of March, 1825, John \nQuincy Adams,\' son of the second President of the United States, entered the \nhall of the House of Representatives, and took his seat in the chair of the \nSpeaker. He was dressed in a suit of black cloth, and, being small in stature, \ndid not present a more dignified appearance than hundreds of his fellow-citizens \naround him. He appeared, as he really was, a plain Republican \xe2\x80\x94 one of the \npeople. When silence was obtained, he arose and delivered his inaugural ad- \ndress ; then descending, he placed himself on the right hand of a table, and \ntook the oath of office, administered by Chief-Justice Marshall. The Senate \nbeing in session, Mr. Adams immediately nominated his cabinet officers,^ and \n\n* John Quincy Adams in the East, WiUiam 11. Crawford in the South, Andrew Jackson and \nHenry Clay in the West. ^ Page 388. \n\n\' John Quincy Adams, the sixth President of the United States, was bom at Quincy, Massa- \nchusetts, on the ilth of July, 1767. He went to Europe, with his father, at the age of eleven \nyears ; and, in Paris, he was much in the society of Franklin and other distinguished men. At the \nage of fourteen years he accompanied Mr. Dana to St. Petersburg, as private secretary to that em- \nbassador. He traveled much alone, and finally returned, and finished his education at Harvard \nCollege. He became a lawyer, but public service kept him fi\'om that pursuit. He was made \nUnited States minister to the Netherlands in 1794, and afterward held tlie same office at Lisbon \nand Berlin. He was a member of the United States Senate in 1803 ; and in 1809 he was sent as \nminister to the Russian court. After negotiating a treaty of peace at Ghent [page 443], he was ap- \npointed minister to the English court. In 1817 he was made Secretary of State, by Mr. Monroe. \nHaving served one term as President of the United States, he retired; and from 1831, he was a \nmember of Congress until his death, which occurred in the Speaker\'s room, at the Natioal Capitol, \non the 22d of February, 1848, when in the eighty-first year of his age. \n\n* Henry Clay, Secretary of State ; Richard Rush, Secretary of the Treasury ; James Barbour, \nSecretary of War ; Samuel L. Southard (continued in ofBce), Secretary of the Navy ; and "William \nWirt (continued), Attorney-General. There was considerable opposition in the Senate to the con- \nfirmation of Henry Clay\'s nomination. He had been charged with defeating the election of General \nJackson, by giving his influence to Mr. Adams, on condition that he should be appointed his Secre- \n\n\n\n1829.] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS\'S ADMINISTRATION. 455 \n\nall \'but one were confirmed by a unanimous vote of that body. His political \nviews were consonant with those of Mr. Monroe, and the foreign and domestic \npolicy of his administration were generally conformable to those views. The \namity which existed between the United States and foreign governments, and \nthe absence of serious domestic troubles, made the administration of Mr. Adama \n\n\n\n\neA-clcUky^ \n\n\n\na remarkably quiet one, and gave the executive opportunities for adjusting the \noperations of treaties with the Indian tri1)es, and the arrangement of measures \nfor the promotion of those great staple interests of the country \xe2\x80\x94 agriculture, \ncommerce, and manufactures. Discords, which the election had produced, ex- \ncited the whole country during Mr. Adams\'s administration, with the agitations \nincident to excessive party zeal, and bitter party rancor ; yet the President, \nthoroughly acquainted with all the public interests, and as thoroughly skilled \nin every art of diplomacy and jurisprudence, managed the affairs of State with \na fidelity and sagacity which command our warmest approbation. \n\nOne of the most exciting topics, for thought and discussion, at the beginning \nof Adams\'s administration [1825], was a controversy between the National Gov- \nernment and the chief magistrate of Georgia, concerning the lands of the Creek \nIndians, and the removal of those aboriginals from the territory of that State, \nWhen Georgia relinquished her claims to considerable portions of the Missis- \nsippi Territory,\' the Federal Government agreed to purchase, for that State, \n\n\n\ntary of State. This, however, was only a bubble on the surface of political strife, and had no truth- \nfill substance. In the Senate, there were twenty-seven votes in favor, and fourteen against con- \nfirming the nommation of Mr. Clay. * Note 2, page 447. \n\n\n\n456 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1826. \n\n\n\ntiie Indian lands within its borders, " whenever it could be peaceably done upon \nreasonable terms." The Creeks, who, with their neighbors, the Cherokees, \n\xe2\x96\xa0were beginning to practice the arts of civilized life, refused to sell their lands. \nTroup, the governor of Georgia, demanded the immediate fulfillment of the con- \nract. He caused a survey of the lands to be made, and prepared to distribute \n\n\n\n\nthem by lottery, to the citizens of that State. Impatient at the tardiness of the \nUnited States in extinguishing the Indian titles and removing the remnants of \nthe tribes, according to stipulation, the governor assumed the right to do it him- \nself. The United States took the attitude of defenders of the Indians, and, for \na time, the matter bore a serious aspect. The difficulties were finally settled, \nand the Creeks\' and Cherokees" gradually removed to the rich wilderness be- \nyond the Mississippi. \n\nAt about this time a great work of internal improvement was completed. \nThe Erie Canal, in the State of New York, was finished in 1825. It was the \nmost important and stupendous public improvement ever undertaken in the \nUnited States ; and, though it was the enterprise of the people of a single State, \nthat originated and accomplished the labor of forming the channel of a river \nthrough a large extent of country, it has a character of nationality. Its earli- \nest advocate was Jesse Hawley, who, in a series of articles published in 1807 \nand 1808, signed Hercules^ set forth the feasibility and great importance of \nsuch a connection of the waters of Lake Erie and the Hudson River. ^ His \n\n\n\n^ In a manuscript letter now before the writer, dated "Albany, 4th March, 1822," Dewitt Clin- \nton says to Jesse Hawley, to whom the letter is addressed : "In answer to your letter, I have no \n\n\n\n1829.] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS\'S ADMINISTRATION. 457 \n\nviews were warmly seconded by Gouverneur Morris,\' Dewitt Clinton, and a \nfew others, and its final accomplishment was the result, chiefly, of the untir- \ning eflbrts, privately and ofiicially, of the latter gentleman, while a member \nof the Legislature and governor of the State of New York. It is three hun- \ndred and sixty- three miles in length, and the first estimate of its cost was \n^5,000,000. Portions of it have since been enlarged, to meet the increasing \ndemands of its commerce ; and in 1853, the people of the State decided, by a \ngeneral vote, to have it enlarged its entire length. That work is not yet \n[1883] accomplished. \n\nA most remarkable coincidence occurred on the 4th of July, 1826, the fif- \ntieth anniversary of American Independence. On that day, and almost at the \nsame hour, John Adams and Thomas Jefferson expired. They were both mem- \nbers of the committee who had framed the Declaration of Independence,\'^ both \nsigned it,\' both had been foreign ministers,* both had been Vice-Presidents, and \nthen Presidents of the United States, and both had lived to a great age." These \ncoincidences, and the manner and time of their death, produced a profound im- \npression upon the public mind. In many places throughout the Union, eulogies \nor funeral orations were pronounced, and these, collected, form one of the most \nremarkable contributions to our historical and biographical literature. \n\nAfter the difficulties with Georgia were settled, the remaining years of Mr. \nAdams\'s administration were so peaceful and prosperous, that public aflairs \npresent veryfev^r topics for the pen of the general historian.* The most import- \nant movement in foreign policy, was the appointment, early in 1826, of com- \nmissioners\' to attend a congress of representatives of the South American Re- \npublics,^ held at Panama [July, 1826], on the Pacific coast. This appointment \n\nhesitation in stating that the first suggestion of a canal from Lalce Erie to the Hudson River, which \ncame to my knowledge, was communicated in essays under the signature of Hercules, on Internal \nNavigation, published in the Ontario Messenger, at Canandaigua. The first number appeared on \nthe 27th of October, 1807, and the series of numbers amounted, I believe, to fourteen. The board \nof Canal Commissioners, which made the first tour of observation and survey, in 1810, were pos- \nsessed of the writings of Hercules, which were duly appreciated, as the work of a sagacious in- \nventor and elevated mind. And you were at that time, and since, considered the author." Dewitt \nClinton was a son of General James Clinton, of Orange county, New York. He was born in \nMarch, 1769. He was mayor of New York ten years, and was elected governor of the State in \n1817, and again in 1820 and 1826. He died suddenly while in that office, in February, 1828. \n\n\' Page 364. ^ Note 2, page 251. \n\n^ Jefferson was its author, and Adams its principal supporter, in the Continental Congress. \n\n* Note 2, page 383, and note 5, page 388. \n\n* Mr. Adams died at Quincy, Massachusetts, at the age of almost ninety-one years. Mr. Jefler- \nson died at Monticello, Virginia, at the age of almost eighty-three years. \n\n* An event occurred in 1826 which produced great excitement "throughout the country, and led \nto the formation of a new, and for a time, quite a powerful political party. "William Morgan, of \nWestern New York, announced his intention to publish a book, in which the secrets of Free \nMasonry were to be disclosed. He was suddenly seized at Canandaigua one evening, placed in a \ncarriage, and was never heard of afterward. Some Free Masons were charged with his murder, \nand tlie report of an investigating committee, appointed by the New York State Legislature, con- \nfirmed the suspicion. The public mind was greatly agitated, and there was a disposition to exclude \nFree Masons from office. An Anti-ilasonic party was formed, and its organization spread over \nseveral States. In 1832, a national anti-Masonic convention was held at Philadelphia, and "WiUiam \n"Wirt, of Virginia, was nominated for tlie office of President of the United States. Although the \nparty polled a considerable vote, it soon afterward disappeared. \n\n\' R. C. Addison, and John Sargeant, commissioners ; and "WOliam B. Rochester, of New York, \ntheir secretary. \n\n^ Note 5, page 448. As early as 1823, General BoUvar, while acting as President of Colombia, \n\n\n\n458 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1825, \n\n\n\nproduced much discussion in Congress, chiefly on party grounds. The result \nof the congress at Panama was comparatively unimportant, so far as the United \nStates was concerned, and appears to have had very little influence on the \naffairs of South America. \n\nDuring the administration of Mr. Adams, the policy of protecting home \n\n\n\n\nmanufactures, by imposing a heavy duty upon foreign articles of the same kind, \nassumed the shape of a settled national policy, and the foundations of th& \nAmerican System, as that policy is called, was then laid. The illiberal commer- \ncial policy of Great Britain, caused tariff laws to be enacted by Congress as \nearly as 1816, as retaliatory measures. \' In 1824, imposts were laid on foreign \nfabrics, with a view to encourage American manufactures. In July, 1827, a \nnational convention was held at Harrisburg, in Pennsylvania, to discuss the \nsubject of protective tariffs. Only four of the slave States sent delegates. The \nresult of the convention was a memorial to Congress, asking an augmentation \nof duties on several articles then manufactured in the United States. The Sec- \nretary of the Treasury called attention to the subject in his report in Decem- \n\ninvited the governments of Mexico, Peru, Chili, and Buenos Ayres, to unite with him in forming a \ngeneral congress at Panama, and the same year arrangements between Colombia, Mexico, and \nPeru were made, to effect that object. In the spring of 1825, the United States government was \ninvited to send a delegation to the proposed congress. The objects of the congress were, to settle \nupon some line of policy having the force of international law, respecting the rights of those repub- \nlics ; and to consult upon measures to be taken to prevent further colonization on the American \ncontinent by European powers, and their interference in then existmg contests. \n\' Page 367. \n\n\n\n1829.] JACKSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. 459 \n\nber following. Congress, at an early period of the session of 1827-\'28, took \nup the matter, and a Tai\'iff Bill became a law in May following. The Amer- \nican System was very popular with the manufacturers of the North, but the \ncotton-growing States, which found a ready market for the raw material in En- \ngland, opposed it. The taritf law, passed on the 15th of May, 1828, was very \nobnoxious to the Southern politicians.^ They denounced it as oppressive and \nunconstitutional, and became rebeUious in 1832 and 1833.^ \n\nThe Presidential election took place in the autumn of 1828, when the pub- \nlic mind was highly excited. For a long time the opposing parties had been \nmarshaling their forces for the contest. The candidates were John Quincy \nAdams and General Andrew Jackson. The result was the defeat of Mr. Adams, \nand the election of General Jackson. John C. Calhoun,^ of South Carolina, \nwas elected Vice-President, and both had very large majorities. During the \ncontest, the people appeared to be on the verge of civil war, so violent was the \nparty strife, and so malignant were the denunciations of the candidates. When \nit was over, perfect tranquillity prevailed, the people cheerfully acquiesced in \nthe result, and our sytem of government was nobly vindicated before the world. \n\nPresident Adams retired from office on the 4th of March, 1829. He left \nto his successor a legacy of unexampled national prosperity, peaceful relations \nwith all the world, a greatly diminished national debt, and a surplus of more \nthan five millions of dollars in the public treasury. He also bequeathed to the \nRepublic the tearful gratitude of the surviving soldiers of the Revolution, \namong whom had been distributed in pensions,* during his administration, more \nthan five millions of dollars. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX. \n\nJACKSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. [1829 \xe2\x80\x94 1837] \n\nThere were incidents of peculiar interest connected with the inauguration \nof Andrew Jackson," the seventh President of the United States. President \n\n\' The chief articles on which heavy protective duties were laid, were woolen and cotton fab- \nrics. At that time, the value of annual imports of cotton goods from Great Britain was about \n$8,000,000 ; that of woolen goods about the same. The exports to Great Britain, of cotton, rice, \nand tobacco, alone (the chief products of the Southern States), was about $24,000,000 annuaUy \nThese producers were made to fear a great diminution of their exports, by a tariff that should \nalmost wholly prohibit the importation of three millions of dollars\' worth of British cotton and \n.woolen fabrics, annually. "^ Page 463. \n\n^ John C. Calhoun was born in South Carolina in 1182. He first appeared in Congress in 1811, \nand was always distinguished for his consistency, especially in his support of the institution of \nslavery and the doctrme of State supremacy. He was an able debater, and subtle politician ; \nand the logical result of his political teachings was the late Civil "War. He died at "Washington \ncity, while a member of the National Senate, in March, 1850. ^ Page 453. \n\n^Andrew Jackson was born in Mecklenberg countj-, North Carolina, in March, 1T67. His \nparents were from the north of Ireland, and belonged to that Protestant community known as \nScotch-Irish. In earhest infancy, he was left to the care of an excellent mother, by the death of \n)us father. He first saw the horrors of war, and felt the wrongs of oppression, when Colonel \n\n\n\n460 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1829. \n\n\n\nAdams had convened the Senate on the morning of the 4th of March, 1829, \nand at twelve o\'clock that bodj adjourned for an hour. During that time, the \nPresident elect entered the Senate chamber, having been escorted from Gadsbj\'s \nHotel, bj a few surviving officers and soldiers of the old War for Independence. \nThese had addressed him at the hotel, and now, in presence of the chief officers \nof government, foreign ministers, and a large number of ladies, he thus replied \nto them : \n\n\n\n\n" Respected Friends \xe2\x80\x94 Your affijctionate address awakens sentiments and \nrecollections which I feel with sincerity and cherish with pride. To have \naround my person, at the moment of undertaking the most solemn of all duties \nto my country, the companions of the immortal Washington, will affijrd me \nsatisfaction and grateful encouragement. That by my best exertions, I shall be \nable to exhibit more than an imitation of his labors, a sense of my own imper- \n\nBuford\'s troops were massacred [page 313, and note 1, page 314] in his neighborhood, in 1180. \nHe entered the army, and suffered in the cause of freedom, by imprisonment, and the death of hia \nmother while she was on an errand of mercy. He studied law, and became one of the most \neminent men in the Western District of Tennessee, as an advocate and a judge. He was ever a \ncontrolling spirit in that region. He assisted in framing a State constitution for Tennessee, and was \nthe first representative of that State in the National Congress. He became United States senator in \n1797, and was soon afterward appointed Judge of the Supreme Court of his State. He settled near \nNashviUe, and for a long time was chief military commander in that region. When the War of \n1812 broke out, he took the field, and in the capacity of Major-General, he did good service in the \nsouthern country, till its close. He was appointed the first Governor of Florida, in 1821, and in \n1823, was again in the United States Senate. He retired to private life at the close of his presi- \ndential term, and died at his beautiful residence, The Hermitage, near Nashville, in June, 1845, at \nthe age of seventy-eight years. \n\n\n\n1837.] JACKSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. 461 \n\nfections, and the reverence I entertain for his virtues, forbid me to hope. To \nyou, respected friends, the survivors of that heroic band who followed him, so \nlong and so valiantly, in the path of glory, I offer my sincere thanks, and to \nHeaven my prayers, that your remaining years may be as happy as your toils \nand your lives have been illustrious." The whole company then proceeded to \nthe eastern portico of the capitol, where, in the presence of a vast assembly of \ncitizens, the President elect delivered his inaugural address, and took the oath \nof office, administered by Chief Justice Marshall.\' That jurist again adminis- \ntered the same oath to President Jackson on the 4th of March, 1833, and a \nfew months afterward went down into the grave. \n\nPresident Jackson was possessed of strong passions, an uncorrupt heart, and \nan iron will. Honest and inflexible, he seized the helm of the ship of state \nwith a patriot\'s hand, resolved to steer it according to his own conceptions of \nthe meaning of his guiding chart, The Constitution^ unmindful of the inter- \nference of friends or foes. His instructions to the first minister sent to England, \non his nomination \xe2\x80\x94 "Ask nothing but what is right; submit to nothing \nwrong" \xe2\x80\x94 indicate the character of those moral and political maxims by which \nhe was governed. His audacity amazed his fi-iends and alarmed his opponents ; \nand no middle men existed. He was either thoroughly loved or thoroughly \nhated; and for eight years he braved the fierce tempests of party strife,* \ndomestic perplexities,^ and foreign arrogance,* with a skill and Courage whi\xc2\xabh \ndemands the admiration of his countrymen, however much they may differ with \nhim in matters of national policy. The gulf between him and his political oppo- \nnents was so wide, that it was difficult for the broadest charity to bridge it. To \nthose who had been his true friends during the election struggle, he extended the \ngrateful hand of recognition, and after having his inquiries satisfied, "Is he \ncapable ? is he honest?" he conferred official station upon the man who pleased \nhim, with a stoical indifference to the clamor of the opposition. The whole of \nPresident Adams\'s cabinet officers having resigned, Jackson immediately nom- \ninated his political friends for his counselors, and the Senate confirmed his \nchoice.\' \n\nAmong the first subjects of general and commanding interest which occu- \npied the attention of President Jackson, at the commencement of his administra- \ntion, were the claims of Georgia to huids held by the powerful Cherokee tribe \nof Indians, and lying within the limits of that State. Jackson favored the views \nof the Georgia authorities, and the white people proceeded to take possession of \nthe Indians\' land. Trouble ensued, and the southern portion of the Republic was \n\n\n\n\' Page 351. \n\n\' Following the precedent of Jefiferson [page 389], he filled a large number of the public offices \nwith his pohtical friends, after removing the incumbents. These removals were for all causes ; and \nduring his administration, they amounted to six hundred and ninety out of several thousands, who \nwere removable. The entire number of removals made by all the preceding Presidents, from 1790 \nto 1829, was seventy-four. =\xe2\x96\xa0 Page 464. * Page 468. \n\n\' Martin Van Buren, Secretary of State ; Samuel D. Ingham, Secretary of the Treasury ; Joha \nH. Eaton, Secretary of War ; John Branch, Secretary of the Navy ; and John McPherson Berrian, \nAttorney-General. It having been determined to make the Postmaster-General a cabinet officer, \nWilliam T. Barry was appointed to that station. \n\n\n\n462 THK NATION. [1829 \n\nagain menaee\xc2\xabi T^itli civil vrar. The matter was adjudicated bj the Supreme \nCourt of the United States, and on the 30th of March, 1832, that tribunal \ndecided against the claims of Georgia. " But that State, favored bj the Presi- \ndent, resisted the decision. The difficulty was finally adjusted; and in 1838, \nGeneral Winfield Scott\' was sent thither, with several thousand troops, to \nremove the Cherokees, peaceably if possible, but forcibly if necessary, beyond \nthe Mississippi. Through the kindness and conciliation of Scott, they were \ninduced to migrate. They had become involved in the difficulties of their Creek \nneighbors,* but were defended against the encroachments of the Georgians \nduring Adams\'s administration. But in December, 1839, they were crushed, as \na nation, by an act of Congress, and another of the ancient communities of the \nNew World was wiped from the living record of empire. The Cherokees\' were \nmore advanced in the arts of civilized life than the Creeks." They had churches, \nschools, and a printing-press, and were becoming successful agriculturists. It \nappeared cruel in the extreme to remove them from their fertile lands and the \ngraves of their fathers, to the wilderness ; yet it was, doubtless, a proper meas- \nure for insuring the prosperity of both races. But now [1883], again, the tide \nof civilization is beating against their borders. Will they not be borne upon its \npowerful wave, further into the wilderness ? \n\nAnother cause for public agitation appeared in 1832. In his first annual \nmessage [December, 1829] Jackson took strong ground against the renewal of \nthe charter of the United States Bank,^ on the ground that it had failed in the \ngreat end of establishing a uniform and sound currency, and that such an insti- \ntution was not authorized by the jSTational Constitution. He again attacked the \nbank in his annual message in 1830, and his objections were renewed in that \nof 1831. At the close of 1831, the proper officers of the bank, for the first \ntime, petitioned for a renewal of its charter. That petition was presented in \nthe Senate on the 9th of January, 1832, and on the 13th of March, a select com- \nmittee to whom it was referred, reported in favor of renewing the charter for \nfifteen years. Long debates ensued ; and, finally, a bill for re-chartering the \nbank passed both Houses of Congress : the Senate on the 11th of June, by \ntwenty-eight against twenty votes ; and by the House of Representatives on the \n3d of July, by one hundred and seven against eighty-five. Jackson vetoed" it \non the lOtli of July, and as it failed to receive the support of two thirds of the \nmembers of both Houses, the bank charter expired, by limitation, in 1836. \nThe commercial community, regarding a national bank as essential to their \nprosperity, were alarmed ; and prophecies of panics and business revulsions, \neverywhere uttered, helped to accomplish their own speedy fulfillment. \n\nAn Indian war broke out upon the north-western frontier, in the spring of \n1832. Portions of some of the western tribes,\' residing within the domain \n\n\' Page 485. \xc2\xab Page 427. ^ Page 2T. * Page 30. ^ Page 446. \n\n^ That is, refused to sign it, and returned it to Congress, with his reasons, for reconsideration by \nthat body. The Constitution gives the President this power, and when exercised, a bill can not \nbecome law without his signature, unless it shall, on reconsideration, receive the votes of two thirds \nof the members of both Houses of Congress. See Article 1, Section 7, of the Constitution, in the \nSupplement. \' Sacs, Foxes, and Winnebagoes. See page 18. \n\n\n\n1837.] JACKSON\'S ADMINISTK ATION. 463 \n\ncf the present State of Wisconsin/ led by Black Hawk,\' a fiery Sac chief, \ncommenced Avarfare upon the frontier settlers of Illinois, in April of that year. \nAfter several skirmishes with United States troops and Illinois militia, undei \nGeneral Atkinson,^ the Indians were driven beyond the Mississippi. Black \nHawk was captured in August, 1832, and taken to Washington City; and then, \nto impress his mind with the strength of the nation he had foolishly made war \nwith, he was conducted through several of the eastern cities. This brief strife, \nwhich appeared quite alarming at one time, is known in history as the " Black \nHawk War." * \n\nThis cloud in the West had scarcely disappeared, when one loomed up in \nthe South far more formidable in appearance, and charged with menacing thun- \n\n\n\n\n\'^^^^c^^ \n\n\n\nder that, for a while, shook the entire fabric of the Republic. The dis- \ncontents of the cotton-growing States, produced by the tariff act of 1828,* \nassumed the form of rebellion in South Carolina, toward the close of 1832. \nAn act of Congress, imposing additional duties upon foreign goods, passed in \n\n\n\n\' That domain was not erected into a Territory until four years after that event ; now it is a rich, \nnopulous, and flourishing State. " Page 18. \n\n* Henry Atkinson was a native of North Carolina, and entered the army as captain, in 1808. \nHe was retained in the army after the second War for Independence, was made Adjutant-General, \nand was finally appointed to the command of the "Western Army. He died at Jeiferson Barracks, \nin Jun\'^, 1 842. \n\n* Black Hawk returned to his people, but was, with difficulty, restnred to his former dignity of \nchief. He died in October, 1840, and was buried on the banks of the Mississippi. \' Page 459. \n\n\n\n464 THE N A \'J I N. [1829. \n\nthe spring of 1832, led to a State convention in South Carolina, in November \nfollowing. It assembled on the 19th of that month, and the Governor of South \nCarolina was appointed its president. That assembly declared the tariff acts \nunconstitutional, and therefore null and void. It resolved that duties should \nnot be paid ; and proclaimed that any attempt to enforce the collection of duties \nin the port of Charleston, by the general government, would be resisted by \narms and would produce the withdrawal of South Carolina from the Union. \nThe State Legislature, which met directly after the adjournment of the con- \nvention, passed laws in support of this determination. Military preparations \nwere immediately made, and civil war appeared inevitable. Then it was that \nthe executive ability of the Pi-esident, so much needed, was fully displayed. \nJackson promptly met the crisis by a proclamation, on the 10th of December, \nwhich denied the right of a State to nullify any act of the National Govern- \nment ; and warned those who were engaged in fomenting a rebellion, that the \nlaws of the United States would be strictly enforced by military power, if \nnecessary. This proclamation met the hearty response of every friend of the \nUnion, of whatever party, and greatly increased that majority of the President\'s \nsupporters, who had just re-elected him to the Chief Magistracy of the Repub- \nlic\' The nullifiers\' of South Carolina, though led by such able men as Cal- \nhoun\' and Hayne,* were obliged to yield for the moment ; yet their zeal and \ndetermination in the cause of State Supremacy, were noo abated. Every day \nthe tempest-cloud of civil commotion grew darker and darker ; until, at length, \nHenry Clay,\' a warm friend of the American System," came forward, in Con- \ngress [February 12, 1833], with a bill, which provided for a gradual rediiclion \nof the obnoxious duties, during the succeeding ten years. This compromise \nmeasure was accepted by both parties. It became a law on the 3d of March, \nand discord between the North and the South soon ceased, but only for a \n\n\n\n* Those who favored the doctrine that a State might nullify the acts of the National Govern- \nment, were called nullifiers, and the dangerous doctrine itself was called nullification. \n\n^ Page 458. Mr. Calhoun, who had quarreled, politically, with .Taoivson. had recently ret^igned \nthe office of Vice-President of the United States, and was one of the ablest men in Congress. \nHe asserted the State supremacy doctrine boldly on the floor of Congress, and held the same \nopiniou until his death. \n\n* Robert Y. Hayne was one of the ablest of southern statesmen. The debate between Hayne \nand Webster, in the Senate of the United States, during the debates on this momentous subject, is \nregarded as one of the most eminent, for sagacity and eloquence, that ever marked the proceedings \nof that body. Mr. Hayne was born near Charleston, Soutli Carolina, in November, 1791. He waa \nadmitted to the bar in 1812, and the same year volunteered his services for the defense of the sea- \nboard, and entered the army as lieutenant. He arose rapidly to the rank of Major-Gcneral of the \nmilitia of his State, and was considered one of the best disciplinarians of the South. He had exten- \nBive practice at the bar, before he was twenty-two years of age, and it was always lucrative. He \nwas a member of the South Carolina Assembly in 1814, where he was distinguisiied for eloquence. \nHe was chosen Speaker in 1818. For ten years he represented South Carolina in the Senate of the \nUnited Stales ; and he was chairman of the Committee of the Convention of South Carolina, which \nreported the "ordinance of nullification." He was soon afterward chosen Governor of his State. \nHe died in September, 1841, in the fiftieth year of his age. \' Page 500. " Page 459. \n\n^ It is known that Mr. Clay introduced the Compromise Bill wdth the concurrence of Mr. Calhoun. \nThe latter had proceeded to the verge of treason, in his opposition to the general government, and \nPresident Jackson had threatened him with arrest, if he moved another step forward. Knowing^ \n\n\n\n1837.] JACKSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. 465 \n\nPresident Jackson\'s hostility to the United States Bank was again mani- \nfested in his annual message to Congress, in December, 1832, when he recom- \nmended the removal of the public funds from its custody, and a sale of the \nstock of the bank, belonging to the United States.\' Congress, by a decided \nvote, refused to authorize the measure ; but after its adjournment, the Presi- \ndent assumed the responsibility of the act, and directed William J. Duane, the \nSecretary of the Treasury, to withdraw the government funds (then almost \n$10,000,000), and deposit them in certain State banks. During a northern \ntour which the President had made in the summer of 1833, he had urged Mr. \nDuane (then in Philadelphia) to make the removal, but he would only consent \nto the appointment of an agent to inquire upon what terms the local banks \nwould receive the funds on deposit. The President then ordered him, perem- \ntorily, to remove them from the bank. The Secretary refused compliance, and \nwas dismissed from office. His successor, lioger B. Taney (who was after- \nward Chief-Justice of the United States), obeyed the President; and in \nOctober, 1833, the act was accomplished. The effect produced was sudden \nand wide-spread commercial distress. The business of the country was plunged \nfrom the height of prosperity to the depths of adversity, because its intimate \nconnection with the National Bank rendered any paralysis of the operations \nof that institution fatal to commercial activity. The amount of loans of the \nbank, on the 1st of October, was over sixty millions of dollars, and the amount \nof the funds of the United States, then on deposit in the bank, was almost ten \nmillions of dollars. The fact, that the connection of the bank with the business \nof the country was so vital, confirmed the President in his opinion of the \ndanger of such an enormous moneyed institution. \n\nA large portion of the government funds were removed in the course of four \nmonths, and the whole amount in about nine months. Intense excitement pre- \nvailed throughout the country ; yet the President, supported by the House of \nRepresentatives, persevered and triumphed. Numerous committees, appointed \nby merchants, mechanics, manufacturers, and others, waited upon him, to ask \nhim to take some measures for relief He was firm ; and to all of them he re- \nplied, in substance, that \' \' the government could give no relief, and provide no \nremedy ; that the banks were the occasion of all the evils which existed, and that \n\n\n\nthe firmness and decision of the President, Mr. Calhoun dared not take the fatal step. He could \nnot recede, nor even stand still, without compromising his character with his pohtical friends. In \nthis extremity, a mutual friend arranged witli Mr. Clay to propose a measure which would satisfy \nboth sides, and save botli the neck and reputation of Mr. Calhoun. In the discussion of tho \nmatter in the Senate, the latter most eai-nesdy disclaimed any hostile feelings toward the Union, \non the part of South Carolina. The State authorities, he asserted, had looked only to a judicial \ndecision upon the question, until the concentration of the United States troops at Charleston and \nAugusta, by order of the President, compelled them to make provision to defend themselves. \nSeveral of the State Legislatures hastened to condemn the nullification doctrine as destructive to \nthe National Constitution. Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Delaware, Indiann, Missouri, \nand Georgia, all thus spoke out plainly in favor of the Union. Georgia, however, at the same \ntime, expressed its reprobation of the "tariff system, which liad brought about the movement in \nSouth Carolina, and proposed a convention of the States of Virginia, North and South Carolina, \nGeorgia, Alabama, Tennessee, and Mississippi, to devise measures to obtain relief from it. \n\n\' By the law of 1816, for chartering the bank, the funds of the United States were to be \ndeposited with that institution, and to be withdrawn only by the Secretary of the Treasury. \n\n30 \n\n\n\n406 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1820. \n\n\n\nthose who suffered by their great enterprise had none to blame but themselves ; \nthat those who traded ou borrowed capital ought to break." The State banks \nreceived the government funds on deposit, and loaned freely. Confidence was \ngradually restored, and apparent general prospeiity\' returned. Now [1867], \nafter the lapse of more than twenty years, the wisdom and forecaste of General \nJackson, evinced by his distrust of the TJnited States Bank, appears to be uni- \nversally acknowledged.* Our present National banking system possesses all of \nthe better functions of that of the United States Bank, without, apparently, \nany of its dangerous ones. ^ \n\nTrouble again appeared on the southern borders of the Union. Toward the \nclose of 1835, the Seminole Indians, in Florida, guided by their head sachem, \nMicanopy, and led by their principal chief, Osceola,* \ncommenced a distressing warfare upon the frontier \nsettlements of Florida. The cause of the outbreak \n^ ^ ^ yv^ ^^M^ was an attempt to remove them to the wilderness \n\n^ ^ ^ V^f^\'^ bepond the Mississippi. In his annual message in \n\nDecember, 1830, President Jackson recommended \nthe devotion of a large tract of land west of the \nMississippi, to the use of the Indian tribes yet re- \nmaining east of that stream, forever. Congress \npassed laws in accordance with the proposition, and \nut,ui.uLA. ^1^^ work of removal commenced, first by the Chick- \n\nasaws and Choctaws.* We have seen that trouble ensued with the Creeks and \nCherokees,\' and the Seminoles in East Florida were not disposed to leave their \nancient domain. Some of the chiefs in council made a treaty in May, 1832, \nand agreed to remove ; but other chiefs, and the great body of the nation, did \nnot acknowledge the treaty as binding. In 1834, the President sent General \nWiley Thompson to Florida, to prepare for a forcible removal of the Seminoles, \nif necessary. The tone and manner assumed by Osceola, at that time, dis- \npleased Thompson, and he put the chief in irons and in prison for a day. The \nproud leader feigned penitence, and was released. Then his wounded pride \ncalled for revenge, and fearfully he pursued it, as we shall observe presently. \nThe war that ensued was a sanguniary one, and almost seven years elapsed before \nit was wholly terminated. Osceola, with all the cunning of a Tecumtha,* and \nthe heroism of a Philip,\' was so successful in stratagem, and brave in conflict, \nthat he baffled the skill and courage of the United States troops for a long time. \nHe had agreed to fulfill treaty stipulations, \xc2\xab in December [1835J, but instead \n\n\n\n\n\' Page 4\'?0. \n\n\' The course of President Jackson, toward the bank, was popular in many sections, but in the \ncommercial States it caused a palpable diminution of the strength of the administration. This was \nshown by the elections in 1834. Many of his supporters joined the Opposition, and this combmed \nforce assumed the name of " Whigs"\xe2\x80\x94 the old party name of ihe Revolution \xe2\x80\x94 while the admmis- \ntration party adhered to the name of " Democrats." \n\n^ Page 468. " Page 30. \' Page 27. \' Page 424. \' Page 124. \n\n* Osceola had promised General Thompson that the delivery of certain cattle and horses belong- \ning to the Indians should be made during the first fortnight of December, 1835, and so certain was \nThompson of the fulfillment of this stipulation, that he advertised the animals for sale. \n\n\n\n1837.] \n\n\n\nJACKSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n467 \n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0^\xe2\x96\xa0\'^c^ \n\n\n\niAT OF SEMINOLE WAR. \n\n\n\nof compliance, he was then at the head of a war p\'^rty, murdering the unsus- \npecting inhabitants on the borders of the everglade haunts of the savages. \n\nAt that time General Clinch was stationed at Fort Drane,\' in the interior \nof Florida, and Major Dade was dispatched from Fort Brooke, at the head of \nTampa Bay, with more than a hundred men, for his \nrelief (That young commander," and all but four of \nhis detachment, were massacred [Dec. 28, 1835] \nnear Wahoo Swamp.\' On the same day, and only \na few hours before, Osceola, and a small war party, \nkilled and scalped General Thompson, and five of his \nfriends, who were dining at a store a few yards from \nFort King.* The assailants disappeared in the for- \nest before the deed was known at the fort. Two \ndays afterward [Dec. 31], General Clin:li and his \ntroops had a battle with the Seminoles on the With- \nlacoochee; and in February [Feb. 29, 1836], General Gaines^ was assailed \nnear the same place," and several of his men Avere killed. The battle-ground \nis about fifty miles from the mouth of the river. \n\nThe Creeks aided their brethren in Florida, by attacking white settlers \nwithin their domain,^ in May, 1836. Success made them bold, and they at- \ntacked mail-carriers, stages, steamboats, and finally villages, in Georgia and \nAlabama, until thousands of white people were fleeing for their lives from \nplace to place, before the savages. General Winficld Scott* was now in chief \ncommand in the South, and he prosecuted the war with vigor. The Creeks were \nfinally subdued ; and during the summer, several thousands of them were re- \nmoved to their designated homes beyond the Mississippi. In October, Governca* \nCall, of Georgia, marched against the Seminoles with almost two thousand men. \nA detachment of upward of five hundred of these, had a severe contest [Nov. \n21] with the Indians at Wahoo Swamp, near the scene of Dade\'s massacre ; yet, \nlike all other engagements with the savages in their swampy fastnesses, neither \nparty could claim a positive victory." The year [1836] closed with no prospect \n\n\n\n\' About forty miles north-east from the mouth of the Withlacoochee River, and eight south- \nwest from Orange Lake. \n\n" Francis L. Dade was a native of Virginia. After the "War of 1812-15, ho was retained in the \narmy, having risen from third lieutenant to major. A neat monument has been erected to the \nmemory of himself and companions in death, at West Point, on the Hudson. \n\n\' Near the upper waters of the Withlacoochee, about fifty miles north from Fort Brooke. Thiw\xc2\xab \nof the four survivors soon died of their wounds, and he who lived to tell the fearful narrative (Ran- \nsom Clarke), afterward died from the effects of his injuries on that day. \n\n* On the southern borders of Alachua county, about sixty miles south-west from St. Augustine. \nOsceola scalped [note 4, page 14] General Thompson with his own hands, and thus enjoyed his re- \nvenge for the indignity he had suffered. \n\n\' Page 433. Edmtmd P. Gaines was born in Virginia in 1777, and entered the army in 1799. \nHe was breveted a major-general in 1814, and presented by Congress with a gold medal for his gal- \nlantry at Fort Erie. He died in 1849. \n\n* South side of the river, in Dade county. The place where Gaines was assaulted is on the \nnorth side, in Alachua county. \' Page .^0. * Page 433. \n\nIn this warfare the American troops suffered dreadfully from the poisonous vapors of the \nswamps, the bites of venomous serpents, and the stings of insects. The Indians were inaccessible \nin their homes amid the morasses, for the white people could not foUow them. \n\n\n\n468 THE NATION, [1829. \n\nof peace, either hy treaty or by the subjugation of the Indians. The war con- \ntinued through the winter. Finally, after some severe encounters with the \nUnited States troops, several chiefs appeared in the camp of General Jesup^ \n(who was then in supreme command) at Fort Dade,\' and on the 6th of March, \n1837, they signed a treaty which guarantied immediate peace, and the instant \ndeparture of the Indians to their new home beyond the Mississippi. \' But the \nlull Avas temporary. The restless Osceola caused the treaty to be broken ; and \nduring the summer of 1837, many more soldiers perished in the swamps while \npursuing the Indians. At length, Osceola, with several chiefs and seventy \nwarriors, appeared [Oct. 21] in Jessup\'s camp under the protection of a flag. \nThey were seized and confined f and soon afterward, the brave chief was sent \nto Charleston, where he died of a fever, while immured in Fort Moultrie.* \nThis was the hardest blow yet dealt upon the Seminoles ; but they continued to \nresist, notwiths* mding almost nine thousand United States troops were in their \nterritory at the lose of 1837. \n\nOn the 25th of December, a large body of Indians suflered a severe repulse \non the northern border of IMacaco Lake,^ from six hundred troops under Colonel \nZachary Taylor. \xc2\xb0 That ofiicer had succeeded General Jesup, and for more than \ntwo years afterward, he endured every privation in efibrts to bring the war to a \nclose. In May, 1839, a treaty was made which appeared to terminate the war ; \nbut murder and robberies continued, and it was not until 1842 that peace was \nfinally secured. This war, which lasted seven years, cost the United States \nmany valuable lives, and millions of treasure. \n\nIn the autumn of 1836, the election of a successor to President Jacksoi^ \ntook place, and resulted in the choice of Martin Van Buren, of New York. \nEnergy had marked every step of the career of Jackson as Chief Magistrate^ \nand at the close of his administration, the nation stood higher in the esteem of \nthe world than it had ever done before. At the close of his first term, our \nforeign relations were very satisfactory, except with France. That government \nhad agreed to pay about $5,000,000, by instalments, as indemnification for \nFrench spoliations on American commerce, under the operation of the several \ndecrees of Napoleon, from 1806 to 1811.\' The French government did not \npromptly comply with the agreement, and the President assumed a hostile tone, \n\xe2\x96\xa0which caused ^France to perform her duty. Similar claims against Portugal \n\n^ Thomas S. Jesup was born in Virginia in 1788. He was a brave and useful ofQcer during \nthe war of 1812-15, and was retained in the army. He was breveted major-general in 182S, \nand was succeeded in command in Florida by Colonel Zachary Taylor, in 1838 He died at \nWashington city in 1858. \n\n\xc2\xab On the head waters of the Witlilachoochee, about forty miles north-east from Fort Brooke, at \nthe head of Tampa Bay. See map on page 467. \n\n3 General Jesup was much censured for this breach of faith and the rules of honorable warfare. \nHis excuse was the known treachery of Osceola, and a desire to put an end to bloodshed by what- \never means he might be able to employ. t -kt lu \n\n* On Sullivan\'s Island, upon the site of Fort SuUivan of the Revolution [page 249]. Near the \nentrance gate to the fort is a small monument erected to the memory of Osceola. \n\n^ Sometimes called Big Water Lake. The Indian name is O-ke-cho-bee, and by that title the \nbattle is known. . , . \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 The brave leader in the Mexican War [page 481], and afterward President of the Umtea. \nStates. Sea page 498. \' See pages 400 to 407, inclusive. \n\n\n\nI \n\n\n\n1837.] VAN BUREN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 469 \n\nwere made, and payment obtained. A treaty of reciprocity had been concluded \nwith Russia and Belgium, and everywhere the American flag commanded the \nhighest respect. Two new States (Arkansas and Michigan) had been added to \nthe Union. The original thirteen had doubled, and great activity prevailed in \nevery part of the Republic. Satisfaction with the administration generally pre- \nvailed, and it Avas understood that Van Buren would continue the policy of hia \npredecessor, if elected. He received a large majority ; but the people, having \nfailed to elect a Vice-President, the Senate chose Richard M. Johnson, of Ken- \ntucky, who had been a candidate with Van Buren, to fill that station. \n\nMuch excitement was produced, and bitter feelings were engendered, toward \nPresident Jackson, by his last ofiicial act. A circular was issued from the \nTreasury department on the 11th of July. 1836, requiring all collectors of the \npublic revenue to receive nothing but gold and silver in payment. This was \nintended to check speculations in the public lands, but it also bore heavily \nupon every kind of business. The "specie circular" was denounced; and so \nloud was the clamor, that toward the close of the session in 1837, both Houses \nof Congress adopted a partial repeal of it. Jackson refused to sign the bill, \nand by keeping it in his possession until after the adjournment of Congress, \nprevented it becoming a law. On the 4th of March, 1837, he retired from pub- \nlic life, to enjoy that repose which an exceedingly active career entitled him to. \nHe was then seventy years of age. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER X. \n\nVAN BUREN\'S ADMINISTRATION. [1837 \xe2\x80\x94 18 41.] \n\nMartin Van Buren,\' the eighth President of the United States, seemed \nto stand, at the time of his inauguration \xe2\x80\x94 on the 4th of March, 1837 \xe2\x80\x94 at the \nopening of a new era. All of his predecessors in the high office of Chief \nMagistrate of the Republic, had been descended of Britons, and were engaged\' \nin the old struggle for Independence Van Buren was of Dutch descent, and \nwas born after the great conflict had ended, and the birth of the nation had \noccurred. The day of his inauguration was a remarkably pleasant one. Seated \nby the side of the venerable Jackson, in a pha3ton made from the wood of the \nfrigate Constitution, which had been presented to the President by his political \n\n\n\n\' Martin Van Buren was bom at Kinderhook, Columbia county, New York, in December, 1782. \nHe chose the profession of law. In 1815, he became Attornev-General 6f his native State, and in \n1828 was elected Governor of the same. Having? served his country in the Senate of the United \nStates, he was appointed minister to Enojland in 1831, and was elected Vice-President of the \nUnited States in the autumn of 1832. Since his retirement from the presidency in 1841, Mr. Van \nBuren has spent a greater portion of his time on his estate in his native town. He visited Europe \nat the close of 1853, and was the first of the chief maofistrates of the Repubhc who crossed the \nAtlantic after their term of office had expired. Ex-President Fillmore followed his example in \n1^55, and spent several months abroad, ilr. Van liurcu IivlhI ui iviuoerliuok, alter his retire- \nment from public life, until his death, on the 24th of July, 1862. \n\n\n\n470 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[183Y. \n\n\n\nfriends in New York, he was escorted from the presidential mansion to the \ncapitol bj a bodj of infantry and cavalry, and an immense assemblage of citi- \nzens. Upon a rostrum, erected on the ascent to the eastern portico of the cap- \nitol, he delivered his inaugural address, and took the prescribed oath of office, \nadministered by Chief Justice Taney.\' \n\n\n\n\nAt the moment when Mr. Van Buren entered the presidential mansion aa- \nits occupant, the business of the country was on the verge of a terrible convul- \nsion and utter prostration. The distressing effects of the removal of the public \nfunds from the United States Bank,\' in 1883 and 1834, and the operations of \nthe " specie circular," ^ had disappeared, in a measure, but as the remedies for \nthe evil were superficial, the cure was only apparent. The chief remedy \nhad been the free loaning of the public money to individuals by the State \ndeposit banks ;* but a commercial disease was thus produced, more disastrous \nthan the panic of 1833-34. A sudden expansion of the paper currency \nwas the result. The State banks which accepted these deposits, supposed \nthey would remain undisturbed until the government should need them \nfor its use. Considering them as so much capital, they loaned their own \nfunds freely. But in January, 1886. Congress authorized the Secretary of the \nTreasury to distribute all the public funds, except five millions of dollars, \namong the several States, according to their representation. The funds were \n\n\' He appointed John Forsvth Secretary of State; Levi Woodbury, Secretary of the Treasury; \nJoel R. Poinsett Secretnrv of War; Mahlon Dickinson, Secretary of the Navy; Amos Kendall, \nPostmaster-Qeneral ; and Benjamin F. Butler, Attorney-General. All of them, except Mr. Poinsett,, \nheld tlieir respective offices under President Jackson. \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 465. s Page 469. * Page 466. \n\n\n\n1841.] TAN BUREN\'S ADMINISTRATION 471 \n\naccordingly taken from the deposit banks, after tlio 1st of January, 1837, and \nthese banks being obliged to curtail their loans, a serious pecuniary embarrass- \nment was produced. The immediate consequences of such multiplied facihties \nfor obtaining bank loans, were an immensely increased importation of foreign \ngoods, inordinate stimuLition of all industrial pursuits and internal improve- \nments, and the operation of a spirit of speoulation, especially in real estate, \nwhich assumed the features of a mania, in 1836. A hundred cities were \nfounded, and a thousand villages were \' \' laid out\' \' on broad sheets of paper, and \nmade the basis of vast money transactions. Borrowed capital was thus diverted \nfrom its sober, legitimate uses, to the fostering of schemes as unstable as water, \nand as unreal in their fancied results as di-eams of fairy-land. Overtrading \nand speculation, Avhich had relied for support upon continued bank loans, was \nsuddenly checked by the necessary bank contractions, on account of the removal \nof the government funds from their custody ; and during ISlarch and April, \n1837, there were mercantile failures in the city of New York alone, to the \namount of more than a hundred millions of dollars.\' Fifteen months before \n[December, 1835], property to the amount of more than twenty millions of \ndollars had been destroyed by fire in the city of New York, when five hundred \nand twenty-nine buildings were consumed. The effects of these failures and \nlosses were felt to the remotest borders of the Union, and credit and con- \nfidence were destroyed. \n\nEarly in May, 1837, a deputation from the merchants and bankers of New \nY\'ork, waited upon the President, and solicited him to defer the collection of \nduties on imported goods, rescind the "specie circular," and to call an extra- \nordinary session of Congress to adopt relief measures. The President declined \nto act on their petitions. When his determination was known, all the banks \nin New York suspended specie payments [May 10, 1837], and their example \nwas speedily followed in Boston, Providence, Hartford, Albany, Philadelphia, \nBaltimore, and in smaller towns throughout the country. On the 16th of May \nthe Legislature of New Y\'^ork passed an act, authorizing the suspension of \nspecie payments for one year. The measure embarrassed the general govern- \nment, and it was unable to obtain gold and silver to discharge its own obliga- \ntions. The public good now demanded legislative relief, and an extraordinary \nsession of Congress was convened by the President on the 4th of September. \nDuring a session of forty-three days, it did little for the general relief, except \nthe passage of a bill authorizing the issue of treasury notes, not to exceed in \namount ten millions of dollars." \n\nDuring the year 1837, the peaceful relations which had long existed between \nthe United States and Great Britain, were somewhat disturbed by a revolution- \n\n* In two days, houses in New Orleans stopped payment, owing an aggregate of twenty-seven \nmillions of dollars ; and in Boston one hundred and sixty-eight failures took place in six months. \n\n^ In his message to Congress at this session, the President proposed tlie establishment of an \nindependent treasury, for the safe keeping of the public funds, and their entire and total separation \nfrom banking institutions. This scheme met with vehement opposition. The bill passed the Sen- \nate, but was lost in the House. It was debated at subsequent sessions, and finally became a law \non the 4th of July, 1840. This is known as the Sub-Treasury Scheme. \n\n\n\n472 THE NATION. [1837. \n\nary movement in Canada which, at one time, seemed to promise a separation of \nthat province from the British crown. The agitation and the outbreak appeared \nsimultaneously in Upper and Lower Canada. In the former province, the most \nconspicuous leader was William Lyon M\'Kenzie, a Scotchman, of rare abilities \nas a political writer and an agitator, and a republican in sentiment ; and in tho \nlatter province, Louis Joseph Paf)ineau, a large land-owner, and a very influ- \nential man among the French population. The movements of the Revolution- \nary party were well planned, but local jealousies prevented unity of action, and \nthe scheme failed. It was esteemed a highly patriotic effort to secure independ- \nmce and nationality for the people of the Canadas, and, as in the case of Cuba, \nat a later period,\' the warmest sympathies of the Americans were enlisted, \nespecially at the North. Banded companies and individuals joined the rebels ;\' \nand so general became this active sympathy on the northern frontier, that peace \nbetween the two governments was jeoparded. President Van Buren issued a \nproclamation, calling upon all persons engaged in the schemes of invasion of \nCanada, to abandon the design, and warning them to beware of the penalties \nthat must assuredly follow such infractions of international laws. In 1838, \nGeneral Scott was sent to the frontier to preserve order, and was assisted by \nproclamations of the Governor of New York. Yet secret revolutionary associ- \nations, called "Hunter\'s Lodges," continued for a long time. For about four \nyears, that cloud hung upon our northern horizon, when, in September, 1841, \nPresident Tyler issued an admonitory proclamation, specially directed to the \nmembers of the Hunter\'s Lodges, which prevented further aggressive move- \nments. The leaders of the revolt were either dead or in exile, and quiet was \nrestored. \n\nWhile this excitement was at its height, long disputes concerning the bound- \nary between the State of Maine and the British province of Now Brunswick, \nripened into armed preparations for settling the matter by combat. This, too, \nthreatened danger to the peaceful relations between the two governments. The \nPresident sent General Scott to the theater of the dispute, in the winter of \n1839, and by his wise and conciliatory measures, he prevented bloodshed, and \nproduced quiet. The whole matter was finally settled by a treaty [August 20, \n1842], negotiated at Washington City, by Daniel Webster for the United \nStates, and Lord Ashburton for Great Britain. The latter had been sent as \nspecial minister for the purpose. Besides settling the boundary question, this \nagreement, known as the Ashburton Treaty, provided for the final suppression \nof the slave-trade, and for the giving up of criminal fugitives from justice, in \ncertain cases. \n\nA new presidential election now approached. On the 5th of May. 1840, a \n\n\' Page 502. \n\n\' A party of Americans took possession of Navy Island, situated in the Niagara River about \ntwo miles above the Falls, and belonging to Canada. They numbered seven hundred strong, well \nprovisioned, and provided with twenty pieces of cannon. They had a small steamboat named \nCaroline, to ply between Schlosser, on the American side, and Navy Island. On a dark night in \nDecember, 1837, a party of royalists from the Canada shore crossed over, cut the Caroline loose, \nset her on fire, and she went over the great cataract while in full blaze. It was believed that soma \npersons were on board the vessel at the time. \n\n\n\n1841.] HARRISON\'S AND TYLER\'S ADMINISTRATION. 473 \n\nnational Democratic convention assembled at Baltimore, and unanimously nom- \ninated Mr. Van Buren for President. No nomination was made for Vice-Pres- \nident, but soon afterward, Richard M. Johnson\' and James K. Polk were \nselected as candidates for that office, in different States. A national Whig^ con- \nvention had been held at Harrisburg, in Pennsylvania, on the 4th of December \nprevious [1839], when General William H. Harrison, of Ohio, the popular \nleader in the North-West, in the War of 1812,\' was nominated for President, \nand John Tyler, of Virginia, for Vice-President. Never, before, Avas the \ncountry so excited by an election, and never before was a presidential contest \ncharacterized by such demoralizing proceedings.* The government, under Mr. \nVan Buren, being held responsible by the opposition for the business depres- \nsion which yet brooded over the country, public speakers arrayed vast masses \nof the people against the President, and Harrison and Tyler were elected by \noverwhelming majorities. And now, at the close of the first fifty years of the \nRepublic, the population had increased from three and a half millions, of all \ncolors, to seventeen millions. A magazine writer of the day,^ in comparing \nseveral administrations, remarked that "The great events of Mr. Van Buren\'s \nadministration, by which it will hereafter be known and designated, is the \ndivorce of bank and State\'^ in the fiscal affairs ofthe National government, and \nthe return, after half a century of deviation, to the original design of the Con- \nstitution." \n\n\n\nCHAPTER XI. \n\nHARRISON\'S AND TYLER\'S ADMINISTRATION. [1841\xe2\x80\x941845.] \n\nThe city of Washington was thronged with people from every State in the \nUnion, on the 4th of March, 1841, to witness the ceremonies ofthe inauguration of \nGeneral William Henry Harrison,\' the ninth President of the United States. He \n\n* Page 424. \' Note 2, page 466. ^ Pages 416 to 424, inclusive. \n\n* Because General Harrison lived in the "West, and his residence was associated with pioneer \nlife, a log-cabin became the symbol of his party. These cabins were erected all over the country, \nin which meetings were held ; and, as the hospitality of the old hero was symbolized by a barrel \nof cider, made free to aU visiters or strangers, who " never found the latch-string of his log-cabin \ndrawn in," that beverage was dealt out unsparinglj^ to all who attended the meetings in the cabins. \nThese meetings were scenes of carousal, deeply injurious to all who participated in them, and \n\xe2\x80\xa2specially to the young. Thousands of drunkards, in after years, dated their departure from sobri- \nety tj the "Hard Cider" campaign of 1840. \n\n^ Democratic Review, AprO, 1840. \n\n* This is in allusion to the sub-treasury scheme. Mr. Van Buren remarked to a friend, just \nprevious to sending his message to Congress, in which he proposed that plan for collecting and \nkeeping the public moneys : " We can not know how the immediate convulsion may result ; but \nthe people will, at all events, eventually come right, and posterity at least will do me justice. Be \nthe present issue for good or for evil, it is for posterity that I will write this message." \n\n\' William Henry Harrison, son of one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, was \nbom near the banks ofthe James River, in Charles City county, Virginia, in February, 1773. He \nwas educated at Hampden Sydney College, and was prepared, by studies, for a physician, but en- \ntered the army as ensign in the United States artillery, in 1791. He was Secretary ofthe North- \n\n\n\n474 \n\n\n\nTHK X AT I OX \n\n\n\n[1841 \n\n\n\nwas then an old naan, having passed almost a month beyond the age of sixty-eight \nyears. Yet there was a vigor in his movements quite remarkable for one of \nthat age, and who had passed through so many hardships and physical labors. \nFrom a platform over the ascent to the eastern portico of the Capitol, where \nMr. Van Buren delivered his inaugural address, General Harrison, in a clear \n\n\n\n\nyU^ }:^ /fa^^i^^^vh^ \n\n\n\nvoice, read his. He was frequently interrupted by cheers during the reading. \nWhen it was concluded, Chief Justice Taney administered the oath of office, and \nthree successive cannon peals announced the fact that the Republic had a new \nPresident. Harrison immediately nominated his cabinet officers.\' and these \nwere all confirmed by the Senate, then in session. \n\nPresident Harrison\'s inaugural speech was well received by all parties, and \nthe dawn of his administration gave omens of a brighter day for the country. \nWhen his Address went over the land, and the wisdom of his choice of cabinet \n\n\n\nwestern Territory in 1797; and at the age of twenty-six years, was elected thie first delegate to \nCongress from that domain. He was afterward appointed governor of Indiana Territory, and was \nvery active during the War of 1812. See pages 416 to 424 inclusive. At its close he retired to \n\'lis farm at North Bend, on the banks of the Ohio. He served in the national council for four \nyears [1824 to 1828] as United States senator, when he was appointed minister to Colombia, one of \nthe South American republics. He was finally raised to the highest post of honor in the nation. \nHis last disease was pneumonia, or bilious pleurisy, which terminated his life in a few days. His \nlast words were (thinking he was addressing his successor in office): "Sir, I wish you to under- \nstand the principles of the government. I wish them carried out. I ask nothing more." \n\n\' Daniel Webster, Secretary of State ; Thomas Ewing, Secretary of the Treasury ; John Bell, \nSecretary of War ; George E. Badger. Secretary of the Navy ; Francis Granger, Postmaster-Gen- \neral; and J. J. Crittenden, Attorney-General. \n\n\n\n1845.] TYLER\'S ADMINISTRATION. 475 \n\ncounselors was known, prosperity was half restored, for confidence was re- \nenthroned in the commercial world. But all the hopes which centered in the \nnew President were soon extinguished, and the anthems of the inaugural day \nwefe speedily changed to solemn requiems. Precisely one month after he uttered \nhis oath of office, the new President died. That sad event occurred on the 4th \nday of April, 1841. Before he had fairly placed his hand upon the machinery of \nthe government, it was paralyzed, and the only official act of general importance \nperformed by President Harrison during his brief administration, was the issu- \ning of a proclamation, on the 17th of March, calling an extraprdinary session \nof Congress, to commence at the close of the following May, to legislate upon \nthe subjects of finance and revenue.\' \n\nIn accordance with the provisions of the Constitution, the Vice-President \nbecame the official successor of the deceased President ; and on the 6th of April \nthe oath of office was administered to \n\nJOHN T Y L E R .^ \n\nHe retained the cabinet appointed by President Harrison until September fol- \nlowing, when all but the Secretary of State resigned.^ \n\nThe extraordinary session of Congress called by President Harrison, com- \nmenced its session on the appointed day [May 31, 1841], and continued until \nthe 13th of September following. The Sub-Treasury act\' was repealed, and a \ngeneral Bankrupt law was enacted. This humane law accomplished a material \nbenefit. Thousands of honest and enterprising men had been crushed by the \n\n\' The predecessors of Harrison had called extraordinary sessions of Congress, as follows : John \nAdams, on the 16th of May, 1797 ; Thomas Jefiferson, on the 17th of October, 1808, to provide for \ncarrying the treaty of Louisiana into eflect; James Madison, on the 23d of May, 1809, and also on \nthe 25th of May, 1813; and Martin Yan Buren, on the 4th of September, 1837. * \n\n\' On the 4th of AprU, the members of Harrison\'s cabinet dispatched Fletcher "Webster, chief \nclerk in the State Department, with a letter to Mr. Tyler, announcing the death of the President. \nMr. Tyler was then at Williamsburg. So great was the dispatch, both by the messenger and the \nVice-President, that the latter arrived in Washington on Tuesday morning, the 6th of April, at four \no\'clock. As doubts might arise concerning the validity of his oath of oifice as Vice-President, while \nacting as President, Mr. Tyler took the oath anew, as Chief Magistrate, before Judge Cranch, of \nWashington city. On the following day he attended the funeral of President Harrison. John \nTyler was born in Charles City county, Virginia, in March, 1790. He was so precocious that he \nentered William and Mary College at the age of twelve years. He graduated at the age of seven- \nteen, studied law, and at nineteen he was a practicing lawyer. At the age of twenty he was \nelected a member of the Virginia Legislature, where he served for several years. He was elected \nto Congress to fill a vacancy caused by death, in 1816, when only twenty-six years of age. He was \nthere again in 1819. In 1825 he was elected governor of Virginia. He was afterward sent to the \nSenate of the United States; and he was much in public hfe until the close of his Presidential ca- \nreer. He took part with tlie pnt>mies of the Republic in the late Civil War, and died in Rich- \nmond, Virginia, on the isth of J.iuuarj^, ISGi. \n\n\' He then appointed Walter Forward, Secretary of the Treasury ; John C. Spencer, Secretary \nof War; Abel P. Upshur, Secretary of the Navy; Charles A. WieklifTe, Postmaster-General; and \nHugh S. Legar^, Attorney-General. Mr. Tyler had the misfortune to lose three of his cabinet of- \nficers, by death, in the course of a few montlis. Mr. Legarc accompanied the President to Boston, \non the occasion of celebrating the completion of the Bunker Hill monument [page 235], in .June, \n1843, and died there On the 28th of February following, the bursting of a gun on board the steam- \nship Princeton, while on an excursion upon the Potomac, killed Mr. Upsliur, then Secretari^ of State ; \nMr. Gilmer, Secretary of the Navy; and several other distinguished gentlemen. The President and \nmany ladies were on board. Among tlie killed was Mr. Gardiner, of the State of New York, \nwhose daughter the President soon afterward married. * Note 2, page 471. \n\n\n\n476 THE N ATI ox. [1841. \n\nrecent business revulsion, and were so laden with debt as to be hopelessly \nchained to a narrow sphere of action. The law relieved them ; and while it \nbore heavily upon the creditor class, for a while, its operations were beneficent \nand useful. When dishonest men began to make it a pretense for cheating, it \nwas repealed. But the chief object sought to be obtained during this session, \n\n\n\n\nnamely, the chartering of a Bank of the United States, was not aohieved. Two \nseparate bills\' for that purpose were vetoed\' by the President, who, like Jack- \nson, thought be perceived great evils to be apprehended from the workings of \nsuch an institution. The course of the President Avas vehemently censured by \nthe party in power, and the last veto led to the dissolution of his cabinet. Mr. \nWebster patriotically remained at his post, for great public interests would have \nsuffered by his withdrawal, at that time. \n\nThe year 1842 (second of Mr. Tyler\'s administration) was distinguished by \nthe return of the United States Exploring Expedition ; the settlement of the \nNorth-eastern boundary question: essential modifications of the tariff; and \ndomestic difficulties in Rhode Island. The exploring expedition, commanded by \nLieutenant Wilkes, of the United States navy, had been sent, several years be- \nfore, to traverse and explore the great southern ocean. It coasted along what \n\n\' One was passed on the 6th of August, 1841 ; the other, modified so as to meet the Presi- \ndent\'s objections, as it was believed, passed September 9th. \' Note 6, page 462. \n\n\n\n1845.] TYLER\'S ADMIXI S T R ATION. 477 \n\nis supposed to be an Antarctic contiuent, for seventeen hundred miles in the \nvicinity of latitude 66 degrees south, and between longitude 96 and 154 degrees \neast. The expedition brought home a great many curiosities of island human \nlife, and a large number of fine specimens of natural history, all of which are \nnow [1883] well preserved in the custody of the National Institute, Smithsonian \nbuilding, in AYashington city. The expedition made a voyage of about ninety \nthousand miles, equal to almost four times the circumference of the globe. \n\nThe modifications of the tariff were important. By the compromise act of \n1832,\' duties on foreign goods were to reach the minimum of reduction at the \nclose of 1842, when the tariflf would only jirovide revemie, not jv^otectioji to \nmaym/actures, ]ike that of 1S28" The latter object appeared desirable; and \nby an act passed on the 29th of Jime, 1842, high tariffs were imposed on \nmany foreign articles. The President vetoed it; but a bill, less objectionable, \nreceived his assent on the Otli of August. \n\nThe difficulties in Rhode Island originated in a movement to adopt a \nState Constitution of government, and to abandon the old charter given by \nCharles the Second,^ in 1663, under which the people had been ruled for one \nhundred and eighty years. Disputes arose concerning the proper method to be \npursued in making the change, and these assumed a serious aspect. Two par- \nties were formed, known, respectively, as the "suffrage." or radical party; the \nother as the " law and order," or conservative party. Each formed a Constitu- \ntion, elected a governor and legislature,^ and finally armed [May and June, \n1843] in defense of their respective claims. The State was on\xc2\xabthe verge of \ncivil war, and the aid of National troops had to be invoked, to restore quiet and \norder. A free Constitution, adopted by the " law and order" party in Novem- \nber, 1842, to go into operation on the first Tuesday in May, 1843, was sus- \ntained, and became the law of the land. \n\nDuring the last year of President Tyler\'s administration, the country was \nmuch agitated by discussions concerning the proposed admission of the independ- \nent republic of Texas, on our south-west frontier, as a State of the Union. \nThe proposition was warmly opposed at the North, because the annexation \nwould increase the area and political strength of slavery, and lead to a war with \nMexico." A treaty for admission, signed at Washington on the 12th of April, \n\n\' Page 464. \xc2\xab Page 459. ^ Page 158. \n\n* The " suffrage" party elected Thomas W. Dorr, governor, and the " law and order" party \nchose Samuel W. King for chief magistrate. Dorr was finally arrested, tried for and convicted of \ntreason, and sentenced to imprisonment for life. The excitement having passed away, in a meas- \nure, he was released in June, 1845, but was deprived of aU the civil rights of a citizen. These dis- \nabilities were removed in the autumn of 1853. \n\n\' Texas was a part of the domain of that ancient Mexico conquered by Cortez [page 43]. In \n1824, Mexico became a republic under Generals Victoria and Santa Anna, and was divided into \nStates united by a Federal Constitution. One of these was Texas, a territory which was origin- \nally claimed by the United States as a part of Louisiana, purchased [page 390] from France in \n1803, but ceded to Spain in 1820. In 1821-22, a colony from the United States, under Stephen \nF. Austin, made a settlement on both sides of the Colorado River : and the Spanish government \nfavoring immigration thither, caused a rapid increase in the population. There were ten thousand \nAmericans in that province in 1833. Santa Anna became military dictator ; and the people of \nTexas, unwilling to submit to his arbitrary rule, rebelled. A war ensued ; and on the 2d of March, \n1836. a convention declared Texas independent. Much bloodshed occurred afterward ; but a final \n\n\n\n478 THE NATION. [1845. \n\n1844, was rejected by the Senate on the 8th of June following. To the next \nCongress the proposition was presented in the form of a joint resolution, and \nreceived the concurrence of both Houses on the 1st of March, 1845, and \nthe assent of the President on the same day. This measure had an important \nbearing upon the Presidential election in 1844. It became more and more pop- \nular with the people throughout the Union, and James K. Polk, of Tennessee, \nwho was pledged in favor of the measure, was nominated for the office of Pres- \nident of the United States, by the National Democratic Convention, assembled \nat Baltimore on the 27th of May, 1844. George M. Dallas was nominated for \nVice-President at the same time ; and in November following, they were both \nelected. The opposing candidates were Henry Clay and Theodore Frelinghuy- \nsen. The last important official act of President Tyler was the signing, on the \n3d of March, 1845, of the bill for the admission of Florida and Iowa into the \nUnion of States. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER XII. \n\nPOLK\'S ADMINISTRATION. [18 45 \xe2\x80\x94 1849.] \n\nNever before had so large a concourse of people assembled at the National \ncity, to witness the inauguration of a new Chief Magistrate of the nation, as on the \n4th of March, 1845, when James Knox Polk, \' of Tennessee, the tenth President of \nthe United States, took the oath of office, administered by Chief Justice Taney. \nThe day was unpleasant. A lowering morning preceded a rainy day, and the \npleasures of the occasion were marred thereby. The address of the President, \non that occasion, clearly indicated that energetic policy which distinguished his \nadministration. On the day of his inauguration he nominated his cabinet \nofficers," and the Senate being in session, immediately confirmed them. \n\nAmong the most important topics which claimed the attention of the admin- \nistration, were the annexation of Texas, and the claims of Great Britain to a \nlarge portion of the vast territory of Oregon, on the Pacific coast. The former \n\nhattle of San Jacinto, in whieli the Texans were led by General Sam Houston, afterward a \nUnited States Senator from Texas, vindicated the position the people had taken, and terminated \nthe strife. Texas remained an independent republic imtil its admission into our National Union \nin 1845. \n\n\' James K. Polk was bom in Mecklenburg county, North Carolina, in November, 1795. "While \nTie was a child, his father settled in Tennessee ; and "the first appearance of young Polk in public \nlife, was as a member of the Tennessee Legislature, in 1823. He had been admitted to the bar \nthree years before, but public life kept him from the practice of his profession, except at intervala \nHo was elected to Congress in 1825, and was in that V)ody almost continually until elevated to the \nPresidential chair. He was elected Speaker of the House of Representatives in 1835, and contin- \nued in the performance of the duties of that office during five consecutive sessions. He was elected \ngovernor of Tennessee in 1839, and President of the United States in 1844. He retired to his \nresidence, near Knoxville, Tennessee, at the close of his term, in 1849, and died there in June of \nthe same year. ttt-,,- \n\n"" James Buchanan, Secretary of State; Robert J. Walker, Secretary of the Treasury; WiUiam \nL. Marcy, Secretary of War; George Bancroft, Secretary of the Navy; Cave Johnson, Po-\xe2\x80\x94 *- \nGeneral ; and John T. Mason, Attorney-General \n\n\n\n1849.] \n\n\n\nPOLK\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n479 \n\n\n\ndemanded and received the earliest consideration. On the last day of his offi- \ncial term, President Tyler had sent a messenger to the Texan Government, \n-with a copy of the joint resolutions of the American Congress/ in ilivor of an- \nnexation. These were considered by a convention of delegates, called for the \npurpose of forming a State Constitution for Texas. That body approved of the \nmeasure, by resolution, on the 4th of July, 1845. On that day Texas became \n\n\n\n\nDne of the States of our Republic. The other momentous subject (ohe claims \nof Great Britain to certain portions of Oregon), also received prompt atten- \ntion. That vast territory, between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific, \nhad been, for some time, a subject of dispute between the two countries." In \n1818, it was mutually agreed that each nation should equally enjoy the privileges \nof all the bays and harbors on the coast, for ten years. This agreement was re- \nnewed in 1827, for an indefinite time, with the stipulation, that either party \nmight rescind it by giving the other party twelve months\' notice. Smch notice \n\n\n\n* The communication was made throus:h A. J. Dnnelson, the " American" candidate for Vice- \nPresident of the United States, in 1856, who was our Charge dAffaires to the Texan Government. \n\n* Captain Grey, of Boston, entered the mouth of the Columbia River in 1792, and Captains \nLewis and Chirke explored that region, from the Rocky Mountains westward, in 1804-\'5. In 1811, \nthe late J. J. Astor established a trading station at the mouth of the Columbia River. The British \ndoctrine, always practiced by them, that the entrance of a vessel of a civilized nation into the \nmouth of a river, gives title, by the right of discovery, to the territory watered by that river and \nits tributaries, clearly gave Oregon to 54 degrees 40 mmutes, to the Upited States, for the dis- \ncovery of Captain Grey, in 1792, was not disputed. \n\n\n\n480 THE NATION. [1845. \n\nwas given by the United States in 1846, and the boundary was then fixed by \ntreaty, made at Washington city, in June of that year. Great Britain claimed \nthe whole territory to 54 40\' north latitude, the right to which was disputed \nby the United States. The boundary line was finally fixed at latitude 49^ ; \nand in 1848, a territorial government was established. In March, 1853, Ore- \ngon was divided, and the north 3rn portion was made a separate domain, by the \ntitle of Washington Territory. \n\nThe annexation of Texas, as had been predicted, caused an immediate rup- \nture between the United States and Mexico ; for the latter claimed Texas as a \npart of its territory, notwithstanding its independence had been acknowledged \nby the United States, England, France, and other governments. Soon after \n[March 6, 1845] Congress had adopted the joint resolution for the admission \nof that State into the Union, ^ General Almonte, the Mexican minister at Wash- \nington, formally protested against that measure, and demanded his passports. \nOn the 4th of Juno following, General Herrera, President of ISIexico, issued a \nproclamation, declaring the rights of Mexico, and his determination to defend \nthem \xe2\x80\x94 by arms, if necessary. But, independent of the act complained of, there \nalready existed a cause for serious disputes between the United States and \nMexico.\' Ever since the establishment of republican govei-nment by the latter, \nin 1824, it had been an unjust and injurious neighbor. Impoverished by civil \nwars, its authorities did not hesitate to replenish its Treasury by plundering \nAmerican vessels in the Gulf of Mexico, or by confiscating the property of \nAmerican merchants within its borders. The United States government \nremonstrated in vain, until, in 1831, a treaty was formed, and promises of \nredress were made. But aggressions continued ; and in 1840, the aggregate \namount of American property which had been appropriated by Mexicans, was \nmore than six millions of dollars. The claim for this amount remained unset- \ntled\' when the annexation of Texas occurred [July 4, 1845], and peaceful \nrelations between the two governments were suspended. \n\nThe President being fully aware of the hostile feelings of the Mexicans, \nordered [July] General Zachary Taylor,* then in command of troops in the \nSouth- West, to proceed to Texas, and take a position as near the Rio Grande,^ \nas prudence would allow. This force, about fifteen hundred strong, was called \nthe "Army of Occupation," for the defense of Texas. At the same time, a \nstrong squadron, under Commodore Conner, sailed for the Gulf of Mexico, to \nprotect American interests there. General Taylor first landed on the 25th of \nJuly on St. Joseph\'s Island," and then embarked for Corpus Christi, a Mexican \n\n\' Page 478. * Pronounced May-hee-co by the Spaniards. \n\n^ Commissioners appointed by the two governments to adjust these claims, met in 1840. The \nMexican commissioners acknowledged two millions of dollars, and no more. In 1843 the whole \namount was acknowledp\'ed by Mexico, and the payment was to be made in instalments of three \nhundred thousand dollars each. Only three of these instalments bad been paid in 1845, and the \nMexican government refused to decide whether the remainder should be settled or not. \n\n* Taylor\'s actual rank in the army list was only that of Colonel. He had been made a Brig- \nadier-General by }>revet, for his good conduct in the Florida "War [page 468]. A title by brevet is \nonly honorary. Taylor held the title of Brigadier-General, but received only the pay of a Colonel. \n\n\' Great or Grand river. Also called Bio Bravo del Norte \xe2\x80\x94 Brave North river. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 There the flag of the United States was first displayed in power over Texas soil \n\n\n\n1849.] POLK\'S ADMINISTRATION. 481 \n\nvillage bejond the Nueces, and near its mouth. There he formed a camp \n[September, 1845], and remained during the succeeding autumn and winter. \nIt was during the gathering of this storm of war on our south-western frontier, \nthat the difficulties with Great Britain, concerning Oregon, occurred, which we \nhave already considered. \n\nBy a dispatch dated January 13, 184G, the Secretary of War ordered Gen- \neral Taylor to advance from Corpus Christi to near the mouth of the Rio \nGrande, opposite the Spanish city of Matamoras, because Mexican troops were \nthen gathering in that direction, with the evident intention of invading Texas. \nThis was disputed territory between Texas and the Mexican province of Tamau\' \nlipas ; and when, on the 25th of March, he encamped at Point Isabel, on the coast, \nabout twenty-eight miles from Matamoras, General Taylor was warned by the \nMexicans that he was upon foreign soil. Regardless of menaces, he left his stores \nat Point Isabel, under Major Monroe and four hundred and fifty men, and with the \nremainder of his army advanced [March 28, 1846] to the bank of the Rio Grande, \nwhere he established a fortified camp, and commenced the erection of a fort.\' \n\nPresident Herrera\'s desire for peace with the United States made him un- \npopular, and the Mexican people elected General Paredes" to succeed him. \nThat officer immediately dispatched General Ampudia^ with a large force, to \nMatamoras, to drive the Americans beyond the Nueces. Ampudia arrived on \nthe 11th of April, 1846, and the next day he sent a letter to General Taylor, \ndemanding his withdrawal within twenty-four hours. Taylor refused compli- \nance, and continued to strengthen his camp. Ampudia hesitated ; and on tho \n24th of that month he was succeeded in command by the more energetic \nArista,* the commander-in-chief of the northern division of the army of Mexico, \nwhose reported reinforcements made it probable that some decisive action would \nsoon take place. This change of affiiirs was unfavorable to the Americans, and \nthe situation of the "Army of Occupation" was now becoming very critical. \nParties of armed Mexicans had got between Taylor and his stores at Point \nIsabel, and had cut off all inter-communication. Arista\'s army was hourly \ngathering strength ; and already an American reconnoitering party, under \nCaptain Thornton," had been killed or captured [April 24] on the Texas side of \nthe Rio Grande. This was the first blood shed in \n\nTHE WAR WITH MEXICO. \n\nWhen he had nearly completed the fort opposite Matamoras, General Tay- \nlor hastened [May 1], with his army, to the relief of Point Isabel, which was \nmenaced by a large Mexican force\' collected in his rear. He left a regiment \n\n* It was named Fort Crown, in honor of Major Brown, the officer in command there. It was \nerected under the superintendence of Captain Mansfield, and was large enough to accommodate \nabout two thousand men. ^ Pronounced Pa-ray-dhes. \n\n^ Pronounced Am-poo-dhee-ah. * Pronounced Ah-rees-tah. \n\n^ General Taylor had been informed that a body of Mexican troops were crossing the Rio \nGrande, above his encampment, and he sent Captain Thornton, with sixty dragoons, to reconnoitre. \nThey were surprised and captured. Sixteen Americans were killed, and Captain Thornton escaped \nby an extraordinary leap of his horse. \n\n* General Taylor was apprised of this force of fifteen hundred Mexicans, by Captain Walker, \n\n31 \n\n\n\n482 T Tl E X A T T O X. [1845. \n\nof infantry and two companies of artillery, under Major Brown (in whose \nhonor, as we have just observed, the fortification was named), to defend the \nfort, and reached Point Isabel the same day, without molestation. This \ndeparture produced great joy in INIatamoras, for the Mexicans regarded it as a \ncowardly retreat. Preparations were immediately made to attack Fort Brown ; \nand on the morning of the 3d of May [1846], a battery at Matamoras opened \na heavy cannonade and bombardment upon it, while quite a large body of \ntroops crossed the river, to attack it in the rear. General Taylor had left \norders that, in the event of an attack, and aid being required, heavy signal-guns \nshould be fired at the fort. For a long time the little garrison made a noble \ndefense, and silenced the Mexican battery ; but when, finally, the enemy gath- \nered in strength in the rear, and commenced planting cannons, and the heroic \nMajor Brown was mortally wounded,\' the signals were given [May 6], and \nTaylor prepared to march for the Rio Grande. He left Point Isabel on the \nevening of the 7th, with a little more than two thousand men, having been \nreinforced by Texas volunteers, and marines from the American fleet then \nblockading the mouth of the Rio Grande. At noon, the next day [May 8J, \nthey discovered a Mexican army, under Arista, full six thousand strong, drawn \nup in battle array upon a portion of a prairie flanked by ponds of water, and \nbeautified by trees, which gave it the name of Palo Alto. As soon as his men \ncould take refreshments, Taylor formed his army, and pressed forward to the \nattack. For five hours a hot contest was maintained, when, at twilight, the \nJMexicans gave way and fled, and victory, thorough and complete, was with the \nAmericans. It had been an afternoon of terrible excitement and fatigue, and \nwhen the firing ceased, the victors sank exhausted upon the ground. They had \nlost, in killed and wounded, fifty-three ;" the Mexicans lost about six hundred. \nAt two o\'clock in the morning of the 9th of May, the deep slumbers of the \nlittle army were broken by a summons to renew the march for Fort Brown. \nThey saw no traces of the enemy until toward evening, when they discovered \nthem strongly posted in a ravine, called Resaca de la Palma,\' drawn up in \nbattle order. A shorter, but bloodier conflict than that at Palo Alto, the pre- \nvious day, ensued, and again the Americans were victorious. They lost, in \nkilled and wounded, one hundred and ten ; the Mexican loss was at least one \nthousand. General La Vega* and a hundred men were made prisoners, and \n\nthe celebrated Texas Ranger, who had been employed by Alajor Monroe to keep open a communi- \ncation between Point Isabel and Taylor\'s camp. Walker had fought them with liis single company, \narmed with revolving pistols, and after kilhng thirty, escaped, and, with six of his men, reached \nTaylor\'s camp. \n\n* He lost a leg by the bursting of a bomb-shell [note 2, page 296], and died on the 9th of May, \nHe was born in Massachusetts in 1788 ; was in the war of 1812 ; was promoted to Major in 1843 j \nand was fifty-eight years of age when he died. \n\n^ Among the fatally wounded was Captain Page, a native of Maine, who died on the 12th of \nJuly following, at, the age of forty-nine years. Also, Major Ringgold, commander of the Flying \nArtillery, who died at Point Isabel, four days afterward, at the age of forty-six years. \n\n* Pronounced Ray-sah-kah day la Pal-mah, or Dry River of Palms. The ravine is supposed to \nbe the bed of a dried-up stream. The spot is on the northerly side of the Rio Grande, about three \nmiles from Matamoras. In this engagement, Taylor\'s force was about one thousand seven hundred ; \nArista had been reinforced, and had about seven thousand men. \n\n* Lay Vay-goh. He was a brave oflQcer, and was captured by Captain May, who, rising in his \n\n\n\n1849.] POLK\'S ADMINISTRATION. 483 \n\neight pieces of cannon, three standards, and a quantity of military stores, were \ncaptured. The Mexican army was completely broken up. Arista saved him- \nself by solitary flight, and made his way alone across the Rio Grande. After \nsuffering a bombardment for one hundred and sixty hours, the garrison at Fort \nBrown were relieved, and the terrified Mexicans were trembling for the safety \nof Matamoras. \n\nWhen intelligence of the first bloodshed, in the attack upon Captain Thorn- \nton and his party, on the 24th of April, and a knowledge of the critical situa- \ntion of the little Army of Occupation, reached New Orleans, and spread over \nthe land, the whole country was aroused ; and before the battles of Palo Alto \nand Resaca de la Palma [jNIay 8, 9] were known in the States, Congress had \ndeclared [May 11, 1846] that, "by the act of the Republic of Mexico, a state \nof war exists between that government and the United States ;" authorized the \nPresident to raise fifty thousand volunteers, and appropriated ten millions of \ndollars [May 13] toward carrying on the contest. Within two days, the Sec- \nretary of War and General Scott\' planned [May 15] a campaign, greater in the \nterritorial extent of its proposed operations, than any recorded in history. A \nfleet was to sweep around Cape Horn, and attack the Pacific coast of Mexico ; \n^n " Army of the West" was to gather at Fort Leavenworth,^ invade New \nMexico, and co-operate with the Pacific fleet ; and an "Army of the Center" \nwas to rendezvous in the heart of Texas,^ to invade Old Mexico from the north. \nOn the 23d of the same month [May], the Mexican government made a formal \ndeclaration of war against the United States. \n\nWhen news of the two brilliant victories reached the States, a thrill of joy \nwent throughout the land, and bonfires, illummations, orations, and the thunder \nof cannons, were seen and heard in all the great cities. In the mean while, \nGeneral Taylor was in Mexico, preparing for other brilliant victories.* He \ncrossed the Rio Grande, drove the Mexican troops from Matamoras, and took \npossession of that town on the 18th of May. There he remained until the close \nof August, receiving orders from government, and reinforcements, and prepar- \ning to march into the interior. The first division of his army, under General \nWorth," moved toward Monterey*^ on the 20th. Taylor, with the remainder (in \nall, more than six thousand men), followed on the 3d of September; and on \nthe 19th, the whole army^ encamped within three miles of the doomed city, then \n\nstirrups, shouted, "Remember your regiment I Men, follow!" and, with his dragoons, rushed for- \nward in the face of a heavy fire from a battery, captured La Vega, killed or dispersed the gunners, \nand took possession of the cannons. ^ Page 485. \n\n^ A strong United States post on the southern bank of the Missouri River, on the borders of \nthe Great Plains. These plains extend to the eastern slopes of the Rocky Mountains. \n\n\' At San Antonia de Bexar, the center of Austin\'s settlement [note 5, page 477], south of the \nColorado river. \n\n* On the 30th of May he was rewarded for his skill and bravery by a commission as Major- \nGeneral, by brevet. See note 4, page 480. \n\n\' "William J. Worth was born in Columbia county, New York, in 1794. He was a gallant soldier \nduring the "War of 1812-15; was retained in the army, and for his gallantry at Monterey, was \nmade a Major-General by brevet, and received the gift of a sword from Congress. Ho was of great \neervice during the whole war with Mexico. He died in Texas in May, 1849. \n\n\' Pronounced Mon-tar-ray. It is the capital of New Leon. \n\n^ The principal officers with General Taylor, at this tune, were Generals "Worth, Quitman, \nTwiggs, Butler, Henderson, and Hamer. \n\n\n\n484 TJ^E NATION. [1845. \n\ndefended bj General Ampudia/ with more than nine thousand troops. It was \na strongly built town, at the foot of the great Sierra Madre, well fortified bj \nboth nature and art, and presented a formidable obstacle in the march of the* \nvictor toward the interior. But having secured the Saltillo road,\xc2\xb0 by v/hich \nsupplies for the Mexicans in Monterey were to be obtained, General Taylor \ncommenced a siege on the 21st of September. The conflict continued almost \nfour days, a part of the time within the streets of the city, where the carnago \nwas dreadful. Amnudia surrendered the town and garrison on the fourth day* \n[September 24], and leaving General Worth in command there, General Tay- \nlor encamped at Walnut Springs, three miles distant, and awaited further \norders from his government.* \n\nWhen Congress made the declaration of war, and authorized the raising of \nan army from the great body of the people, General Woo? was commissioned \nto muster and prepare for service, the gathering volunteers. He performed \nthis duty so promptly, that by the middle of July, twelve thousand of them \nhad been inspected, and mustered into service. Nine thousand of them were \nsent to the Rio Grande, to reinforce General Taylor, and the remainder \nrepaired to Bexar," in Texas, where they were disciplined by General Wool, in \nperson, preparatory to marching into the province of Chihuahua," in the heart \nof Mexico. Wool went up the Rio Grande with about three thousand men, \ncrossed the river at Presidio, and on the last day of October, reached Monclova, \nseventy miles north-west from Monterey. His kindness to the people won their \nconfidence and esteem, and he was regarded as a friend. There he was informed \nof the capture of Monterey, and guided by the advice of General Taylor, he \nabandoned the project of penetrating Chihuahua, and marched to the fertile dis- \ntrict of Parras, in Coahuila, where he obtained ample supplies for his own and \nTaylor\'s forces. \n\nThe armistice\' at Monterey ceased on the loth of November, by order of \nthe United States government. General Worth, with nine hundred men, took \npossession of Saltillo [November 15, 1846], the capital of Coahuila,\' and Gen- \neral Taylor, leaving General Butler in command at Monterey, marched for \nVictoria, the capital of Tamaulipas, with the intention of attacking Tampico, \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 481. \n\n* This road passed through the mountains along the San Juan river, and is the only commu- \nnication between Monterey and the fertile provinces of Coahuila and Durango. The command of \nthis road was obtained after a severe contest with Mexican cavalry, on the 20th of May, by a party \nunder General Worth. \n\n^ The Mexican soldiers were permitted to march out with the honors of war; and, being short \nof provisions, and assured that Santa Anna, now at the head of the Mexicans, desired peace, Gen- \neral Taylor agreed to a cessation of hostihties for eight weeks, if permitted by his government. \n\n* The Americans lost in killed, wounded, and missing, five Inmdred and sixty-one. The \nnumber lost by the Mexicans was never ascertained, but it was supposed to be more than one \nthousand. \n\n^ John Ellis Wool is a native of New York. He entered the army in 1812, and soon rose to \nthe rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, for gallant conduct on Queenstown Heights [page 413]. He was \nbreveted brigadier in 182(5, and for gallant conduct at Buena Yista, in 1847, was breveted Major- \nGeneral. He took an active part for his country in the late Civil War, and, in 1862, was \nappointed full Major-General. He died Nov. 10, 1869. \n\n^ Austin\'s settlement. See note 5. page 477. \' Pronounced Chee-wah-wah. \n\n* The agreement for a cessation of hostilities is so called. \' Pronounced Co-ah-weel-ah. \n\n\n\n1849.] POLK\'S ADMINISTRATION. 485 \n\non the coast. That place had already surrendered\' [November 14], and being \ninformed that Santa Anna was collecting a large force at San Luis Potosi/ he \nreturned to Monterey, to reinforce General Worth, if necessary. Worth was \njoined by Wool\'s division, near Saltillo, on the 20th of December, and Taylor \nagain advanced and took possession of Victoria, on the 29th. \n\nAnd now the conquering Taylor was compelled to endure a severe trial of \nhis temper and patriotism. General Scott^ had arrived \nbefore Vera Cruz [January, 1847], for the purpose of \ninvading Mexico from that point, and being the senior \nofficer, took the supreme command. Just as Taylor \nwas preparing for a vigorous winter campaign, he re- \nceived an order from General Scott, to send him a \nlarge portion of his best officers and troops to assist \nagainst Vera Cruz, and to act thereafter only on the \ndefensive.* Taylor was deeply mortified, but, like a \ntrue soldier, instantly obeyed, and he and General \nWool were left with an ao;2;re<iate force of only about \n\n\xe2\x80\x9e , , . , J^\xc2\xb0 111 1 GENERAL SCOTT. \n\nnve thousand men (only five hundred regulars; to op- \npose an army of twenty thousand, now gathering at San Luis Potosi, under \nSanta Anna. They united their forces at Agua Nueva,^ twenty miles south \nfrom Saltillo, on the San Luis road, early in February [Feb. 4, 1847], and \nweak as he was, Taylor determined to fight the Mexicans, who were now ad- \nvancing upon him. The opportunity was not long delayed. The Americans \nfell back [Feb. 21] to Buena Vista, \xc2\xb0 within eleven miles of Saltillo, and there, \nin a narrow defile in the mountains, encamped in battle order. At about noon \nthe next day [Feb. 22] \xe2\x80\x94 the anniversary of the birth of Washington \xe2\x80\x94 the Mex- \nican army approached within two miles of them ; and Santa Anna^ assuring \nTaylor that he was surrounded by twenty thousand troops, and could not \nescape, ordered him to surrender within an hour. Taylor politely refused the \nrequest, and both armies prepared for battle.\' There was some skirmising dur- \n\n\n\n\n^ Commodore Connor, who commanded the " Home Squadron" in the Gulf, captured Tampico. \nTobasco and Tuspan were captured by Commodore Perry [page 512], in October following. \n\n" Santa Anna was elected provisional President of Mexico, in December, and in violation of his \npeace promises to Commodore Connor, he immediately placed himself at the head of the army. \n\n^ Winfield Scott was born in Virginia in 1786. He was admitted to law practice at the age of \ntwenty years. He joined the army in 1808, was made Lieutenant-Colonel in 1812, and passed \nthrough the war that ensued, witli great honor to himself and his country. He was breveted \nmajor-general in 1814, and was made general-in-chief of the army in 1841. His successes in Mex- \nico greatly added to his laurels. On tlie 15th of February, 1855, he was commissioned a Lieu- \ntenant-G-eneral. Owing to infirmities, he retired from active duty in the autumn of 1861. Ho \ndied at West Point, May 29, 1866, one of the greatest captains of the age. \n\n* The necessity for this order was as painful to General Scott as it was mortifying to General \nTaylor. Before leaving Washington, Scott wrote a long private letter to Taylor, apprising him of \nthis necessity, expressing his sincere regrets, and speaking in highest praise of the victories already \nachieved in Mexico. ^ Pronounced Ag-wah New-vah, or New Water. \n\n^ Pronounced Bwe-naw Ves-tah \xe2\x80\x94 Pleasant View. This was the name of a hacienda (planta- \ntion) at Angostura. \n\n\' Santa Anna wrote as follows : \n\n" Camp at Enoatada, February 22d, 1847. \n\n"God ANT) Liberty\'. \xe2\x80\x94 ^You are surrounded by twenty thousand men, and can not, in any \nhuman probability, avoid suffering a rout, and being cut to pieces with your troops ; but as you de- \n\n\n\n486 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION \n\n\n\n[1845. \n\n\n\nin or the afternoon, when the battle-crj of the Americans was, \'\xe2\x96\xa0\'\xe2\x96\xa0The Memory \nof Washington !\'^ Early the following morning [Feb. 23] a terrible conflict \ncommenced. It was desperate and bloody, and continued until sunset. Sev- \neral times the overwhelming numbers of the Mexicans appeared about to crush \nthe little band of Americans ; and finally Santa Anna made a desperate assault\' \nupon the American center, commanded by Taylor in person. It stood like a \nrock before a billow ; and by the assistance of the artillery of Bragg, Wash- \nino-ton, and Sherman, the martial wave was rolled back, the Mexicans fled in \nconfusion, and the Americans were masters of the bloody field. During the \nnio^ht succeeding the conflict, the Mexicans all withdrew, leaving their dead \n\nand wounded behind them." The invaders \nwere now in possession of all the northern \nMexican provinces, and Scott was prepar- \ning to storm A\'\'era Cruz\' and march to the \ncapital.\' In the course of a few months \nGeneral Taylor left Wool in command \n[Sept., 1847 J, and returned home, every- \nwhere receiving tokens of the highest re- \ngard from his countrymen. Let us now \nconsider other operations of the war during this period. \n\nThe command of the " Army c\'^the West\'" was given to General Kearney,* \nwith instructions to conquer New Mexico and California. He left Fort Leaven- \nworth in June, and after a journey of nine hundred miles over the Great Plains \nand among the mountain ranges, he arrived at Santa Fe, the capital of New \n\n\n\n\nRKGION OF TAYLOR \n\n\n\nserve consideration and particular esteem, I wish to save you from such a catastrophe, and for that \npurpose give you this notice, in order that you may surrender at discretion, under the assurance \nthat you will be treated with the consideration belonging to the Mexican character; to which end \nyou will be granted an hour\'s time to make up your mind, to commence from the moment that my \nflag of truce arrives in your camp. "With this view, I assure you of my particular consideration. \n\n" Antoxio Lopez de Santa Anna. \n\n"To General Z. Taylor, Commanding the Forces of the U. S." \n\nGeneral Taylor did not take tho allotted time to make up his mind, but instantly sat down and \nwrote the following reply : \n\n" llEAD-QtTABTEns, Aemy OP OcocTPATioif, Neat Buena Vista, Feb. 22d, 1847. \n"Sir: In reply to your note of this date, summoning mo to surrender my forces at discre- \ntion, I beg leave to say that I decline acceding to your request. With high respect, I am, sir, your \nobedient servant, Z. Taylor, Major-General U. S. Army." \n\n1 To deceive the Americans, Santa Anna resorted to tho contemptible trick of sending out a, \nflag in token of surrender, at the moment of making the assault, hoping thereby to cause his \nenemy to be less vigilant. Taylor was too weU acquainted with Mexican treachery to be de- \nceived. \n\n"^ The Americans lost two hundred and sixty-seven killed, four hundred and fifty-six wounded, \nand twenty-three missing. The Mexicans lost almost two thousand. They left five hundred of \ntheir comrades dead on the field. Among the Americans slain was Lieutenant-Colonel Clay, son of \nthe distinguished Henry Clay, of Kentucky. Page 500. ^ Page 489. \n\n* On the day of the battle at Buena Vista, General Minon, with eight hundred cavahy, was \ndriven from Saltilln bv Captain Webster and a small party of Americans. On the 26th of Februar^v, \nColonels Morgan and\'lrvin defeated a party at Agua Frio; and on the 7th of March, Major^Gid- \ndings was victorious at Ceralvo. Page 483. \n\n\'" Stephen W. Kearney was a native of New Jersey. He was a gallant soldier in the War of \n1812-15. He was breveted a Brigadier in 1846, and Major-Oenoral in December the same year, for \ngallant conduct in the Mexican War. He died at Vera Cruz, in October, 1848, at tlie ag^ of fifty- \nfour years. \n\n\n\n1849.] POLK\'S ADMINISTRATION. 487 \n\nMexico, on the 18th of August. He met with no resistance ;\' and having taken \npeaceable possession of the country, and constituted Charles Bent its governor, \nhe marched toward California. He soon met an express from Commodore Stock- \nton\'\' and Lieutenant- Colonel Fremont, informing him that the conquest of Cali- \nfornia had already been achieved. \n\nFremont had been sent with a party of about sixty men to explore portions \nof New Mexico and California. When he arrived in the vicinity of Monterey, \non the Pacific coast, he was opposed by a Mexican force under General Castro. \nFremont aroused all the American settlers in the vicinity of San Francisco \nBay, captured a Mexican post and garrison, and nine cannons, and two hun- \ndred and fifty muskets, at Sonoma Pass [June 15, 1846], and then advanced to \nSonoma, and defeated Castro and his troops. The Mexican authorities were \neifectually driven out of that region of the country ; and on the 5th of July, \nthe American Californians declared themselves independent, and placed Fre- \nmont at the head of their affairs. Two days ::fterw:ird, Commodore Sloat, \nthen in command of the squadron in the Paciiie, bombarded and captured Mon- \nterej ; and on the 9th, Commodore Montgomery took i)ossession of San Fran- \ncisco. Commodore Stockton arrived on the 15th, and with Colonel Fremont, \ntook possession of the city of Los Angelos on tho 17th of August. On receiv- \ning this information, Kearney sent the main body of his troops to Santa Fe, \nand with one hundred men he pushed forward to Los Angelos, near the Pacific \ncoast, where he met [Dec. 27, 1846] Stockton and Fremont. In company with \nthese ofiicers, he shared in the honors of the final important events [Jan. 8, \n1847], which completed the conquest and pacification of California. Fremont, \nthe real liberator of that country, claimed the right to be governor, and was \nsupported by Stockton and the people ; but Kearney, his superior officer, would \nnot acquiesce. Fremont refused to obey him ; and Kearney departed, sailed \nto Monterey, and there, in conjunction with Commodore Shubrick, he assumed \nthe office of governor, and proclaimed [Feb. 8, 1847] the annexation of Cali- \nfornia to the United States. Fremont was ordered homo to be tried for dis- \nobedience of orders. He was deprived of his commission ; but the President, \nvaluing him as one of the ablest oificcrs in tlio army, offered it to him again. \nFremont refused it, and went again to tho wilderness and engaged in explor- \nation. \n\n\n\n\' The governor and four thousand Mexicans troojjs fled at his approach, and the people, num- \nbering about sis thousand, quietly submitted. \n\n^ Robert F. Stockton is a son of one of the Ne^v Jersey signers of the Declaration of Independ- \nence. He entered the navy in 1811, and was appointed commodore in 1838. He left the navy in \n\'Slay, 1850, and was afterwards a member of the United States Senate from New Jersey. \' \n\n\' John Charles Fremont was born at Savannah, Georgia, in January, 1813. His father was a \nFrenchman ; his mother a native of Virginia. He was born while his parents were on a journey, \nand his infancy was spent among the wilds of the south-west. At the age of thirteen he commenced \nthe study of law, but was soon afterward placed in a good school for the enlargement of his educa- \ntion. He was very successful ; and after leaving school became a teacher in Charleston, and then \ninstructor in mathematics on board a sloop-of-war. As a civil engineer, he had few equals, and in \nthis capacity he made many explorations, in the service of private individuals and the government, \nas lieutenant. His several explorations are among the wonders of the age. In 18-16, the citizens \nof Charleston, South Carolina, presented him with an elegant sword, in a gold scabbard, as a testi- \nmonial of their appreciation of his great services to the country ; and in 1850, the King of Prussia, \n\n\n\n488 \n\n\n\nniE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1845. \n\n\n\nOther stirring events were occurring in the same direction at this time. \nWhile Kearney was on his way to California, Colonel Doniphan, by his com- \nmand, was engaged, with a thousand Missouri volunteers, in forcing the Nav- \najo Indians to make a treaty of peace. This was accomplished on the 22d of \nNovember, 1846, and then Doniphan marched toward Chihuahua, to join Gen- \neral Wool, At Braceti, in the valley of the Rio del Norte, they met a large \n\n\n\n\nMexican force on the 22d of December, under General Ponce de Leon. He \nsent a black flag to Doniphan, with the message, " We will neither ask nor give \nquarter." The Mexicans then advanced and fired three rounds. The Mis- \nsourians fell upon their faces, and the enemy, supposing them to be all slain, \nrushed forward for plunder. The Americans suddenly arose, and delivering a \ndeadly fire from their rifles, killed two hundred JSIexicans^ and dispersed the \nremainder in great confusion. Doniphan then pressed forward, and when \nwithin eighteen miles of the capital of Chihuahua, he was confronted [Feb. 28, \n1847] by four thousand Mexicans. These he completely routed,\' and then \npressing forward to the city of Chihuahua, he entered it in triumph, raised the \n\n\n\nsent him the grand golden medal struck for those who have made essential progress in science \nIn 1851, he was elected t\\ie first United States senator for California; and, in June, 1856, he was* \nnominated for tlie office c f President of tlie United States. He served as Major-General in the \nNational army during a portion of the late Civil War. He has since been Governor of Arizona. \n\' Tlie Americans lost, in kUIed and wounded, only eighteea men ; the Mexicans lost about si\'y \nhundred. \n\n\n\n1849.] \n\n\n\nPOLK\'S ADMINISTEATION. \n\n\n\n489 \n\n\n\nflag of the United States upon its citadel, in the midst of a population of forty \nthousand [March 2], and took possession of the province in the name of his gov- \nernment. After resting six weeks he marched to Saltillo [May 22], where \nGeneral Wool was encamped. From thence he returned to New Orleans, hav- \ning made a perilous march from the Mississippi, of about five thousand miles. \nThe conquest of all Northern Mexico,\' with California, was now complete, and \nGeneral Scott was on his march for the great capital. Let us now consider \n\nGENERAL SCOTT\'S INYASION OP MEXICO. \n\nThe Mexican authorities having scorned overtures for peace made bj the \ngovernment of the United States in the autumn of 1846, it was determined to \nconquer the whole country. For that purpose General Scott was directed to \ncollect an army, capture Vera Cruz,\'\' and march to the Mexican capital. His \nrendezvous was at Lobos Island, about one hundi-ed and twenty-five miles north \nfrom Vera Cruz ; and on the 9th of March, 1847, he landed n%ar the latter with \nan army of about thirteen thousand men, borne thither by a powerful squadron \ncommanded by Commodore Connor.^ He invested the city on the 13th ; and \nfive days afterward [March 18], having every thing ready for an attack," he \nsummoned the town and fortress, for the last time, to surrender A refusal \nwas the signal for opening a general cannon- \nade, and bombardment from his batteries and \ntlie fleet. The siege continued until the 27th, \nwhen the city, the strong castle of San Juan \nd\'Ulloa, with five thousand prisoners, and \nfive hundred pieces of artillery, were surren- \ndered to the Americans. The latter had only \nforty men killed, and about the same number \nwounded. At least a thousand Mexicans \nwere killed, and a great number were maimed. \nIt is estimated that during this siege, not less than six thousand seven hundred \nshots and shells were thrown by the American batteries, weighing, in the ag- \ngregate, more than forty thousand pounds. \n\nTwo days after the siege [March 29, 1847], General Scott took possession \nof Vera Cruz, and on the 8th of April, the advanced force of his army, under \nGeneral Twiggs, commenced their march for the interior by way of Jalapa.^ \nSanta Anna had advanced, with twelve thousand men, to Cerro Gordo, a diffi- \n\n\n\nvHcfpy^r^ SanJuan oe Ulloa \n\n\n\n\nINTKENCUJIENTS AT \\ ERA CliUZ. \n\n\n\n\' Some conspiracies in New Mexico against the new government, ripened into revolt, in Janu- \nary, 1847. Governor Bent and others were murdered at Fernando de Taos on the 19th, and mas- \nsacres occurred in other quarters. On the 23d, Colonel Price, with three hundred and fifty men, \nmarched against and defeated the insurgents at Canada, and finally dispersed them at the mountaia \ngorgo called the Pass of Embudo. \n\n" This city was considered the key to the country. On an island opposite was a very strong \nfortress called the castle of San Juan d\'Ulloa [pronounced San-whan-dah-oo-loo-ah], always cele- \nbrated for its Qcreat strength, and considered impregnable by the Mexicans. \n\n\' Page 480. \n\n* The engineering operations were performed very skillfiiUy under the direction of Colonel Tot- \nten, an officer of the War of 1812. For his bravery at Vera Cruz, he was made Brigadier-General. \nby brevet. He died at Washington City, April 22, 1864. " Pronounced iiah-^iah-pah. \n\n\n\n490 TIIK XATIOX. [1845. \n\ncult mountain pass at the foot of the eastern chain of the Cordilleras. He was \nstrongly fortified, and had many pieces of cannon well placed for defense. \nScott had followed Twiggs with the main body. He had left a strong garrison \nat Vera Cruz, and his whole army now numbered about eight thousand five \nhundred men. Having skillfully arranged his plans, he attacked the enemy on \nthe 18th of April. The assault was successful. More than a thousand Mex- \nicans were killed or wounded, and three thousand were made prisoners. Hav- \ning neither men to guard, nor food to sustain the prisoners, General Scott dis- \nmissed them on parole.\' The boastful Santa Anna narrowly escaped capture by- \nfleeing upon a mule taken from his carriage.\'^ The Americans lost, in killed \nand wounded, four hundred and thirty-one. \n\nThe victors entered Jalapa on the 19th of April ; and on the 22d, General \nWorth unfurled the stars and stripes upon the castle of Perote, on the summit \nof the eastern Cordilleras, fifty miles from Jalapa. This was considered the \nstrongest fortress in Mexico next to Vera Cruz, yet it Avas surrendered without \nresistance. Among the spoils were fifty-four pieces of cannon, and mortars, \nand a large quantity of munitions of war. Onward the victorious army \nmarched ; and on the 15th of May [1847] it entered the ancient walled and \nfortified city of Puebla,\' without opposition from the eighty thousand inhabit- \nants within. Here the Americans rested, after a series of victories almost un- \nparalleled. Within two months, an army averaging only about ten thousand \nmen, had taken some of the strongest fortresses on this continent, made ten \nthousand prisoners, and captured seven hundred pieces of artillery, ten thou- \nsand stand of arms, and thirty thousand shells and cannon-balls. Yet greater \nconquests awaited them. \n\nGeneral Scott remained at Puebla until August,* when, being reinforced by \nfresh troops, sent by way of Vera Cruz, he resumed his march toward the cap- \nital, with more than ten thousand men, \nleaving a large number sick in the hos- \npital.^ Their route was through a \nbeautiful region, well watered, and \nclothed with the richest verdure, and \nthen up the slopes of the great Cordil- \nleras. From their lofty summits, and \nalmost from the same spot where Cortez and his followers stood amazed mor& \n\n* Note 6, page 311. \n\n" Before the battle, Santa Anna said. " I will die fighting rather than the Americans shall \nproudly tread the imperidi city of Azteea." So precipitate was his flight that he left all his papers \nbehind him, and his wooden leg. He had been so severely wounded in his leg, while defending \nYera Cruz against the French, in 1838, that amputation became necessary, and a wooden one was \nsubstituted. \' Pronounced Pweb-lah. \n\n* During this long halt of the American army, the government of the United States made un- \navailing efforts to negotiate for peace. The Mexican authorities refiised the olive branch, and \nboasted of their patriotism, valor, and strength, while losing post after post, in their retreat toward \nthe capital. \n\n^ At one time there were eighteen hundred men sick at Puebla ; and at Perote seven hundred \ndied during the summer, notwithstanding the situations of these places, on lofty table-lands, wera \n-lonsidered exceedingly healthful. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n^^: \n\n\n\n\nBOJtBARDMEHT OF VeRA CrOI. \n\n\n\n1849.] \n\n\n\nPOLK\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n493 \n\n\n\nthan three centuries before/ Scott and his army looked down [August 10, 1847] \nupon that glorious panorama of intervales, lakes, cities, and villages, in the \ngreat valley of Mexico \xe2\x80\x94 the capital of the Aztec Empire\'\' \xe2\x80\x94 the seat of "the \nHalls of the Montezumas.\'" \n\nGeneral Twiggs* cautiously led the advance of the American army toward \nthe city of Mexico, on the 11th of August, and encamped at St. Augustine, on \nthe Acapulco road, eight miles south of the capital. Before him lay the strong \nfortress of San (or St.) Antonio, and close on his right were the heights of \nChurubusco, crowned with embattled walls covered with cannons, and to be \nreached in front only by a dangerous causeway. Close by was the fortified \ncamp of Contreras, containing six thousand Mexicans, under General Valencia j \nand between it and the city was Santa Anna, and twelve thousand men, held in \nreserve. Such was the general position of the belligerents when, a little after \nmidnight on the 20th of August [1847], General Smith^ marched to the attack \nof the camp at Contreras. The battle opened at sunrise. It was sanguinary, \nbut brief, and the Americans were victorious. Eighty officers and three thou- \nsand private soldiers were made prisoners ; and the chief trophies were thirty- \nthree pieces of artillery. In the mean while, Generals Pierce" and Shields/ \nwith a small force, kept Santa Anna\'s powerful reserve at bay. \n\nGeneral Scott now directed a similar movement \nagainst Cherubusco. Santa Anna advanced ; and the \nwhole region became a battle-field, under the eye and \ncontrol of the American commander-in-chief. The \ninvaders dealt blow after blow successfully. Antonio \nyielded, Churubusco was taken, and Santa Anna aban- \ndoned the field and fled to the capital. It was a \nmemorable day in Mexico. An army, thirty thou- \nsand strong, had been broken up by another less than \none third its strength in numbers ; and at almost \nevery step the Americans were successful. Full four \nthousand of the Mexicans were killed or wounded, \nthree thousand were made prisoners, and thirty seven \npieces of cannon were taken, all in one day. The \nAmericans lost, in killed and wounded, almost eleven operations near mexico. \n\n* Page 43. \n\n* According to the faint glimmerings of ancient Mexican history which have come down toua, \nthe Aztecs, who occupied that country when it first became known to Europeans [page 43], came \nfrom the North, and were more refined than any other tribes, which, from time to time, had held \npossession of the country. They built a city within the borders of Lake Tezcuco, and named it \nMexico, in honor of Mexitli, their god of war. Where the present great cathedral stands, they had \nerected an immense temple, dedicated to the sun, and there offered human sacrifices. It is related, \nthat at its consecration, almost sixty thousand human beings were sacrificed. The temple was built \nabout the year 1480, by the predecessor of Montezuma, the emperor found by Cortez. \n\n^ This expression, referring to the remains of the palace of Montezuma in Mexico, was often \nused during the war. \n\n* David E. Twiggs was born in Georgia, in 1790. He served in the War of 1812, and was \nretained in the army. He was breveted a Major-General after the battle of Monterey, in Mexico. \nHe deserted his Sag, and was dismissed from the army in 1861. Died September 15. 1862. \n\n^ General Persifer F. Smith, of Louisiana. " \xc2\xab Page 5 1 4. \n\n\' General James Shields, of Illinois, afterward a representative of that State m the Senate of \n\xc2\xabhe United States. \n\n\n\n\n494 THE X A T I N. [1845. \n\nhundred. Thej might now have entered the city of Mexico in triumph, but \nGeneral Scott preferred to bear the olive branch, rather than the palm. As he \nadvanced to Tacubaya, [August 21], within three miles of the city, a flag came \nfrom Santa Anna to ask for an armistice, preparatory to negotiations for peace.\' \nIt was granted, and Nicholas P. Trist, who had been appointed, by the United \nStates government, a commissioner to treat for peace, went into the capital \n[August 24] for the purpose. Scott made the palace of the archbishop, at \nTacubaya, his head-quarters, and there anxiously awaited the result of the con- \nference, until the 5th of September, when Mr. Trist returned, with the intelli- \ngence that his propositions were not only spurned with scorn, but that Santa \nAnna had violated the armistice by strengthening the defenses of the city. \nDisgusted with the continual treachery of his foe, Scott declared the armistice \nat an end, on the 7th of September, and prepared to storm the capital. \n\nThe first demonstration against the city was on the morning of the 8th of \nSeptember, when less than four thousand Americans attacked fourteen thousand \nMexicans, under Santa Anna, at El Molinos del Reij (the King\'s Mills) near \nChepultepec. They were at first repulsed, with great slaughter ; but returning \nto the attack, they fought desperately for an hour, and drove the Mexicans from \ntheir position. Both parties suffered dreadfully. The Mexicans left almost a \nthousand dead on the field, and the Americans lost about eight hundred. And \nnow the proud Chepultepec was doomed. It was a lofty hill, strongly fortified, \nand the seat of the military school of Mexico. It was the last place to be \ndefended outside the suburbs of the city. Scott erected four heavy batteries to \nbear upon it, on the night of the 11th of September ; and the next day [Sep- \ntember 12, 1847], a heavy cannonade and bombardment commenced. On the \n13th, the assailants commenced a furious charge, routed the enemy, with great \nslaughter, and unifurled the American flag over the shattered castle of Chepul- \ntepec. The Mexicans fled to the city along an aqueduct, pursued by General \nQuitman^ to its very gates. That night, Santa Anna and his army, with the \nofiicers of government, fled from the doomed capital ; and at four o\'clock the \nfollowing morning [September 14], a deputation from the city authorities \nwaited upon General Scott, and begged him to spare the town and treat for \npeace. He would make no terms, but ordered Generals Worth and Quitman\' \nto move forward, and plant the stripes and stars upon the National Palace. \nTtie victorious generals entered at ten o\'clock, and on the Grand Plaza^* took \nformal possession of the Mexican Empire. Order soon reigned in the capital. \nSanta Anna made some feeble efforts to regain lost power, and failed. He \nappeared before Puebla on the 22d of September, where Colonel Childs had \nbeen besieged since the 13th. The approach of General Lane frightened him \naway ; and in a battle with the troops of that leader at Huamantla, Santa \n\n^ Note 1, page 242. \n\n^ John A. Quitman was a native of New York. He led volunteers to the Mexican war, and \nwas presented with a sword by Congress. He was Governor of Mississippi in 1851, and was a \nieader of secessionists. He died July 15, 1858. \n\n^ The approach of each was along separate aqueducts. See map, page 493. \n\n* Place. This is the large public square in the city of Mexico. \n\n\n\n\nGeneral Scott Exterino the City of Mexico \n\n\n\n1S49.] POLK\'S ADMINISTRATION. \xc2\xab 497 \n\nAnna was defeated. On the 18th of October he was again defeated at Atlixco, \nand there his troops deserted him. Before the close of October, he was a \nfugitive, stripped of every commission, and seeking safety, by flight, to the \nshores of the Gulf \' The president of the Mexican Congress assumed provis- \nional authority : and on the 2d of February, 1848, that body concluded a treaty \nof peace, with commissioners of the United States at Gaudaloupe Hidalgo. \nThis treaty was finally agreed to by both governments, and on the 4th of July \nfollowing, President Polk proclaimed it. It stipulated the evacuation of Mex- \nico by the American army, within three months ; the payment of three millions \nof dollars in hand, and twelve miUions of dollars, in four annual instalments, \nby the United States to Mexico, for the territory acquired by conquest ; and in \naddition, to assume debts due certain citizens of the United States to the \namount of three millions five hundred thousand dollars. It also fixed bound- \naries, and otherwise adjusted matters in dispute. New Mexico and California \nnow became Territories of the United States. \n\nDuring the same month that a treaty of peace was signed at Gaudaloupe \nHidalgo, a man employed by Captain Sutter, who owned a mill twenty-five \nmiles up the American fork of the Sacramento River, discovered gold. It was \nvery soon found in other localities, and during the summer, rumors of the fact \nreached the United States. These rumors assumed tangible form in President \nPolk\'s message in December, 1848 ; and at the beginning of 1849, thousands \nwere on their way to the land of gold. Around Cape Horn, across the Isthmus \nof Panama, and over the great central plains of the continent, men went by \nhundreds ; and far and wide in California, the precious metal was found. From \nEurope and South America, hundreds flocked thither ; and the Chinese came \nalso from Asia, to dig gold. The dreams of the early Spanish voyagers," and \nthose of the English who sought gold on the coasts of Labrador,^ and up the \nrivers in the middle of the continent,^ have been more than realized. Emigrants \ncontinued to go thither so late as 1875, and the gold sesms inexhaustible." \n\nThe war with Mexico, and the settlement of the Oregon boundary question" \nwith Great Britain, were the most prominent events, having a relation to for- \neign powers, which distinguished Mr. Polk\'s administration. Two measures of \na domestic character, appear prominently among many others which mark his \nadministration as full of activity. These were the establishment of an inde- \npendent treasury system,\' by which the national revenues are collected in gold \nand silver, or treasury notes, without the aid of banks ; and a revision of the \ntariff laws in 1846, by which protection to American manufacturers was \nlessened. It was during the last year of his admmistration that Wisconsin wa\xc2\xbb \nadmitted [May 29, 1848] into the Union of States, making the whole number \nthirty. At about this time, the people of the Union were preparing for another \npresidential election. The popularity which General Taylor had gained by his \nbrilliant victories in Mexico, caused him to be nominated for that exalted sta- \ntion, in many parts of the Union, even before he returned home ;\' and he was \n\n\' Note 6, page 515. * Page 43. \xc2\xab Page 52. * Page 56. * Note 3, page 373. \n\n" Page 479. ^ Note 2, page 471. \xe2\x80\xa2 Page 486. \n\n32 \n\n\n\n498 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1849. \n\n\n\nchosen to be a candidate for that office, by a national convention held at Phila- \ndelphia in June, 1848. His opponent was General Lewis Cass, of Michigan, \nnow [1856] United States senator from that State.\' General Taylor was \nelected bj a large majority, with Millard Fillmore, of New York, as Vice- \nPresident. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER XIII. \n\nTAYLOR\'S ADMINISTRATION [1849 \xe2\x80\x94 1850.] \n\nThe 4th of March, 1849, was Sunday, and the inauguration of Zachary \nTaylor,* the twelfth President of the United States, did not take place until the \n\n\n\n\nnext day. Again people had gathered at the Federal city from all parts of \nthe Union, and the day being pleasant, though cloudy, a vast concourse were \n\n* Note 2, page 424. \n\n" Zachary Taylor was born in Virginia, in November, 1784. He went with his father to Ken- \ntucky the following year, and his childhood was passed near the present city of Louisville. He \nentered the United States army in 1807. He was a distinguished subaltern during \'.he war of \n1812-15, and attained the rank of major. He was of great service in the Florida War [page 468] ; \nand when hostilities with Mexico appeared probable, he was sent in that direction, and, as we \nhave seen, displayed great skill and bravery. He died in July, 1860, having performed the duties \nof President for only sixteen months. \n\n\n\n1850.] TAYLOR\'S ADMINISTRATION. 499 \n\nassembled in front of the eastern portico of the capitol, long before the appointed \nhour for the interesting ceremonies. In a clear and distinct voice, he pro- \nnounced his inaugural address, and then took the oath of oifice administered by \nChief Justice Taney. On the following day he nommated his cabinet officers/ \\ \nand the appointments were immediately confirmed by the Senate. With the \nheart of a true patriot and honest man, Taylor entered upon his responsible \nduties with a sincere desire to serve his country as faithfully in the cabinet, as \nhe had done in the field." He had the sympathies of a large majority of the \npeople with him, and his inauguration was the promise of great happiness and \nprosperity for the country. \n\nWhen President Taylor entered upon the duties of his office, thousands of \nadventurers were flocking to California from all parts of the Union, and ele- \nments of a new and powerful State were rapidly gathering there. Statesmen \nand politicians perceived the importance of the new Territory, and soon the \nquestion whether slavery should have a legal existence there, became an absorb- \ning topic in Congress and among the people. The inhabitants of California \ndecided the question for themselves. In August, 1849, General Riley, the \nmilitary Governor of the Territory, established a sort of judiciary by proclama- \ntion, with Peter H. Burnet as Chief Justice. Before that time there was no \nstatute law in California. By proclamation, also, Governor Riley summoned \na convention of delegates to meet at Monterey, to form a State Constitution. \nBefore it convened, the inhabitants in convention at San Francisco, voted \nagainst slavery ; and the Constitution, prepared and adopted at Monterey, on \nthe first of September, 1849, excluded slavery from the Territory, forever. \nThus came into political form the crude elements of a State, the birth and \nmaturity of which seems like a dream. All had been accomplished within \ntwenty months from the time when gold was discovered near Sutter\'s Mill. \n\nUnder the Constitution, Edward Gilbert and G. H. Wright, were elected \ndelegates for California in the National House of Representatives ; and the State \nliegislature, at its first session, elected John Charles Fremont\' and William M. \nGwinn, United States senators. When the latter went to Washington, they \ncarried their Constitution with them, and presented a petition [February, \n1850] asking for the admission of that Territory into the Union as a free and \nindependent State." The article of the Constitution which excludcl slavery, \nbecame a cause for violent debates in Congress, and of bitter sectional feeling \nin the South against the people of the North. The Union, so strong in \nthe hearts of the people, was shaken to its center, and prophets of evil \n\n\' He appointed John M. Clayton, Secretary of State ; William M. Meredith, Secretary of the \nTreasury; George W. Crawford, Secretary of War ; William B. Preston, Secretary of the Navyf \nThomas Ewing, Secretary of the Interior (a new ofSce recently established, in which Pome of the \nduties before performed by the State and Treasury departments are attended to) ; Jacob Collamer, \nPostmaster-General ; and Reverdy Johnson, Attorney-General \n\n" Page 481 to page 486, inclusive. \' Page 488. \n\n* At this time our government was perplexed by the claims of Texas to portions of the Terri- \ntory of New Mexico, recently acquired [page 497], and serious difficulty was apprehended. Early \nin 1850, the inhabitants of New Mexico petitioned Congress for a civil government, and the Mor- \nmons of the Utah region also petitioned for the organization of the country they had recently \nflettled, into a Territory of the United States. \n\n\n\n500 \n\n\n\nTHE NATT&N. \n\n\n\n[1849. \n\n\n\npredicted its speedy dissolution. As in 1832/ there were menaces of secession \nfrom the Union, by Southern representatives, and never before did civil war \nappear so inevitable. Happily for the country, some of the ablest statesmen \nand patriots the Republic had ever gloried in. were members of the national \nLegislature, at that time, and with consummate skill they directed and con- \ntrolled the storm. In the midst of the tumult and alarm in Congress, and \nthroughout the land. Henry Clay again\'\' appeared as the potent peace-maker \n\n\n\n\n^r^^ \n\n\n\nbetween the Hotspurs of the North and South ; and on the 25th of January, \n1850, he oflfered, in the Senate a plan of compromise which met the difficulty. \nEleven days afterward [February 5, 1850] he spoke nobly in defense of his \nplan, denounced secession as treason, and implored his countrymen to make \n\n\n\n* Page 381. \n\n\' Page 464. Henry Clay was born in Hanover county, Virginia, in April, 1777. His early edu- \ncation was defective, and he arose to greatness by tlie force of his own genius. His extraordinary \nintellectual powers began to develop at an early age, and at nineteen he commenced the study \nof the law. When admitted to practice, at the age of twenty, he went over the mountains to the \nfertile valleys of Kentucky, and there laid the foundations of his greatness as a lawyer and orator. \nThe latter quality was first fully developed when a convention was called to revise the Constitution \nof Kentucky. Then he worked manfullj\'\' and unceasingly to procure the election of delegates who \nwould favor the emancipation of the slaves. He became a member of the Kentucky Legislature in \n1803, and there he took a front rank. He was chosen to fill a vacant seat in the United States \nSenate in 1806, and in 1811 he was elected a member of the House of Representatives, and became \nits Speaker. From that time until his death, he was continually in public life. He long held a \nfront rank among American statesmen, and died, while a member of the United States Senate, ia \nthe city ofWashington, at the close of June, 1852. \n\n\n\n1850.] FILLMORE\'S ADMINISTRATION. 501 \n\n\xe2\x82\xacverj sacrifice but honor, in support of the Union. Mr. Clay\'s plan was \nwarmly seconded by Daniel Webster;\' and other senators approving of compro- \nmise, submitted propositions. Finally, on motion of Senator Foote of Missis- \nsippi, a committee of thirteen was appointed to consider the various plans and \nreport a bill. The committee consisted of six northern and six southern sen- \nators, and these chose the thirteenth. The Senate appointed Mr. Clay chairman \nof the committee, and on the 8th of May following, he reported a bill. It was \ndiscussed for four months, and on the 9th of September, each measure included \nin the bill having been thoroughly considered separately, the famous Compro- \nmise Act of 1850, having passed both Houses of Congress, became a law. \nBecause several measures, distinct in their objects, were embodied in the act, it \nis sometimes known as the " Omnibus Bill." The most important stipulations \nof the act were, 1st. That California should be admitted into the Union as a \nState, with its anti-slavery Constitution, and its territorial extent from Oregon \nto the Mexican possessions ; 2d. That the vast country east of California, con- \ntaining the Mormon settlements near the Great Salt Lake,\' should be erected \ninto a Territory called Utah, without mention of slavery ; od. That New Mex- \nico should be erected into a Territory, within satisfactory boundaries, and with- \nout any stipulations respecting slavery, and that ten millions of dollars should \nbe paid to Texas from the National treasury, in purchase of her claims ; 4th. \nThat the slave-trade in the District of Columbia should be abolished ; 6th. A \nlaw providing for the arrest in the northern or free States, and return to their \nmasters, of all slaves who should escape from bondage. The last measure of \ntlie Compromise Act produced wide-s|)read dissatisfaction in the Free-labor \nStates ; and the execution, evasion, and violation of the law, in several \ninstances, have led to serious disturbances and much bitter sectional feeling. \n\nWhile the great Compromise question was under discussion, the nation was \ncalled to lament the loss of its Chief Magistrate. President Taylor was seized \nwith a malady, similar in its effects to cholera, which terminated his earthly \ncareer on the 9th of July, 1850. In accordance with the provisions of the \nConstitution/ he was immediately succeeded in office by \n\nMILLARD FILLMORE,* \n\nwho, on the 10th of July, took the oath to " preserve, protect, and defend the \nConstitution of the United States." President Taylor\'s cabinet resigned; but \nthe new President, with great delicacy, declined to consider their resignations \n\n\' Page 503. ^ Page 503. ^ Article II., sectiou 1, of the National Constitution. \n\n\'\' Millard FiUmore was born in January, 1800, in Cayuga county, New York. His early edu- \ncation was limited, and at a suitable age he was apprenticed\' to a wool-carder. At the age of nine- \nteen, his talent attracted the attention of Judge Wood, of Cayuga county, and he took the humble \napprentice under his charge, to study the science of law. He became eminent in his profession. \nHe was elected to the Assembly of his native State in 1829, and in 1832, was chosen to represent \nhis district in Congress. He was re-elected in 1837, and was continued in office \xc2\xabeveral years. In \n1844, he was an unsuccessful candidate for the office of Governor of his native State, and in 1848 \nhe was elected Vice-President of the United States. The death of Taylor gave him the presidency, \nand he conducted public affairs with dignity and skill. In the summer of 1856, he was nominated - \nfor the ofiBce of President of the United States, by the "American" party, with A. J. Donelson fcr \nVice-President. See Note 1, page 479. He died March 8, 1874. \n\n\n\n502 \n\n\n\nT H !\xe2\x96\xa0: X A T I N. \n\n\n\n[1850. \n\n\n\nuntil after the obsequies of the deceased President had been performed. At hia \nrequest, thej remained in office until the 15th of the month, when President \nFillmore appointed new heads of the departments.\' \n\nThe administration of President Taylor had been brief, but it was distin- \n\n\n\n\nc.yUZ/Liu^Z^ c/U^^^-^t-^-uO \n\n\n\nguished by events intimately connected, as we shall observe, by men and\' \nmeasui-es, with the late Civil War. One of these was an invasion of Cuba by a \nforce under General Lopez, a native of that island, wliich was organized and. \nofficered in the United States, in violation of existing neutrality laws. It was \nsaid that the native Cubans were restive under the rule of Spanish Governor- \nGenerals,^ and that a desire for independence burned in the hearts of many of \nthe best men there. Lopez was ranked among these, and, in forming this \ninvading expedition, he counted largely upon tliis fteling for co-operation. He \n\nDaniel Webster, Secretary of State; Thomas Gorwin, Secretary of the Treasury; Charles M. \nConrad, Secretary of War; Alexander H. H.Stuart, Secretary of the Interior; William A. Graham, \nSecretary of the \'Navy ; John J. Crittenden, Attorney-General ; Nathan K. Hall, Postmaster-Gen- \neral. Daniel Webster was born in Salisbury, New Hampshire, in January, 1782, and was educated, \nchiefly at the Phillips Academy at Exter, and Dartmouth College at Hanover. He studied law \nin Boston, and was admitted to the bar in 1805. He commenced practice in his native State, and \nsoon became eminent. He first appeared in public life in 1813, when he took his seat as a member \nof the National Htuse of Representatives. At that session his speeches were remarkable, and a \nsouthern member remarked, " The North has not his equal, nor the South his superior." Although \nin public life a greater portion of the time from that period until his death, yet he always had an \nextensive and lucrative law practice. He stood foremost as a constitutional lawyer; and for many \nyears he was peerless as a statesman. He died at Marshfield, Massachusetts, in October, 1852, at. \nthe age of almost seventy-one years. ^&gQ 40. \n\n\n\n1853.] \n\n\n\nFILLMORE\'S ADMINISTRATION". \n\n\n\n503 \n\n\n\nlanded at Cardenas on the 19th of April, 1850, expecting to be joined by some \nof the Spanish troops and native Cubans, and by concerted action to overturn \nthe Government. But the people and troops did not co-operate with him, and \nhe returned to the United States to prepare for a more formidable expedition. \nWe shall meet him again presently. \n\n\n\n\nS^Or^ ;#^z^ \n\n\n\nDuring Taylor\'s administration, one State was formed and three Territories \nwere organized ; .aid preparations were made for establishing other local \ngovernments wit\'.iin the domain of the United States. That State was \nCalifornia, and ihe Territories were of those of New Mexico, Utah, and Minne- \nsota.\' The greater portion of the inhabitants of Utali are of the religious sect \ncalled Mormons, who, after suffering much in Missouri and Illinois, from their \nopposers, left those States in 1848, and penetrated the deep wilderness in the \ninterior of our continent ; and near the Great Salt Lake, in the midst of the \nsavage Utah tribes, they have built a large city, made extensive plantations, \nand founded an empiie almost as large, in territorial extent, as that of \n\n\n\nMinnesota (sky-colored water) is the Indian name of the river St. Peter, the largest tributary \nof the Mississippi, in that region. It was a part of the vast Territory of Louisiana, and was organ- \nized in March, 1849. An embryo village, twelve miles below the Falls of St. Anthony named \nSt. Paul, was made the capital, and in less than ten years it contained more than ten thousand \nsouls. Its growth was unprecedented, even in the wonderful progress of other cities of the West \nand at one time it promised to speedily equal Chicago iu its population. The whole reo-ion of \nMmnesota is very attractive ; and it has been called the New England of the West \xc2\xb0 \n\n\n\n\n504 THE NATION. [1850. \n\nAlexander the Great.\' The sect was founded in 1827, by a slirewd young \nman named Joseph Smith, a native of central New York, who professed to \nhave received a special revelation from Heaven, giving \nhim knowledge of a book which had been buried many \ncenturies before, in a hill near the village of Palmyra, \nwhose leaves were of gold, upon which were engraved \nthe records of the ancient people of America, and a \nnew gospel for man. He found dupes, believers, and \nfollowers ; and now [1883] there are Mormon mission- \naries in many jiortions of the globe, and the communion \nnumbers, probably, not less than two hundred and fifty \nJOSEPH SMITH. thousand souls. There has long been a sufficient number \n\nin Utah to entitle them to a State constitution, and admission into the Union, \nbut their social system, Avhich embraces polygamy, sanctioned by authority, is \na bar to such admission. Their permission of polygamy, or men having more \nthan one wife, will be a serious bar to their admission, for Chiistianity and \nsound morality forbid the custom. The Mormons have poetically called their \ncountry Deseret \xe2\x80\x94 the land of the Honey Bee \xe2\x80\x94 but Congress has entitled it \nUtah, and by that name it must be known in history. \n\nThe country inhabited by the IVIormons is one of the most remarkable on the \nface of the globe. It consists of a series of extensive valleys and rocky mar- \ngins, spread out into an immense basin, surrounded by rugged mountains, out \nof which no waters flow. It is midway between the States on the Mississippi \nand the Pacific Ocean, perfectly isolated from habitable regions, and embracing \na domain covering sixteen degrees of longitude in the Utah latitude. On the \neast are the sterile spurs of the Rocky Mountains, stretching down to the vast \nplains traversed by the Platte river ; on the west, extending nearly a thousand \nmiles toward the Pacific, are arid salt deserts, broken by barren mountains; \nand north and south are immense mountain districts. The valleys afford pe- \n\n\' The Mormon exodus was one of the most wonderful events on record, when considered in all \nits phases. In September, 1846, the last Hngering Mormons at Nauvoo, Illinois, where they had \nbuilt a splendid temple, were driven away at the point of the bayonet, by 1,600 troops. In Febru- \nary preceding, some sixteen hundred men, women, and children, fearful of the wrath of the people \naround them, had crossed the Mississippi on the ice, and traveling with ox-teams and on foot, they \npenetrated the wilderness to the Indian country, near Council Bluffs, on the Missouri. The rem- \nnant who started in autumn, many of whom M-ere sick men, feeble women, and dehcate girls, were \ncompelled to traverse the same dreary region. The united host, under the guidance of Brigbam \nYoung, who is yet their temporal and spiritual leader, halted on the broad prairies of ilissouri the \nfollowing summer, turned up the virgin soil, and planted. Here leaving a few to cultivate and \ngather for wanderers who might come after them, the host moved on, making the wilderness vocal \nwith preaching and singing. " Order marked every step of their progress, for the voice of Young, \nwhom they regarded as a seer, was to tliem as the voice of God. Ou they went, forming Tabernacle \nCamps, or" temporary resting-places in the wilderness. No obstacles impeded their progress. They \nforded swift-running streams, and bridged the deeper floods ; crept up the great eastern slopes of the \nRocky Mountains, and from the lofty summits of the Wasatch range, they beheld, on the 20th of \nJuly, 1847, the valley where they were to rest and build a city, and the placid waters of the Great \nSalt Lake, glittering in the beams of the setting sun. To those weary wanderers, this moutain top \nwas a Pisgah. From it they saw the Promised Land \xe2\x80\x94 to them a scene of wondrous interest. \n"Westward, lofty peaks, bathed in purple air, pierced the sky ; and as far as the eye could reach, \nnorth and south, stretched the fertile Valley of Promise, and here and there the vapors of hot \nsprings, gushing from rocky coverts, curled above the hills, Uke smoke from the hearth-fires of home. \nThe Pilgrims entered the valley on the 21st of July, and on the 24th the President and High \nCouncil arrived. There they planted a city, the Jerusalem \xe2\x80\x94 the Holy City \xe2\x80\x94 of the Mormon people. \n\n\n\n\nMoEMON Emigration. \n\n\n\n1851.] FILLMORE\'S ADMINISTRATION. 507 \n\nrennial pasturage, and the soil is exceedingly fertile. Wild game abounds in \nthe mountains ; the streams ai*e filled with excellent fish ; the climate is \ndelightful at all seasons of the year; and "breathing is a real luxury." \nSouth-ward, over the rim of the great basin, is a fine cotton-growing region, \ninto which the Mormons are penetrating. The vast hills and mountain slopes \npresent the finest pasturage in the world for sheep, alpacas, and goats. The \nwater-power of the whole region is immense. Iron-mines everywhere abound, \nand in the Green river basin, there are inexhaustible beds of coal. In these \ngreat natural resources and defenses, possessed by a people of such indomitable \nenergy and perseverance as the Mormons have shown, we see the vital ele- \nments of a powerful mountain nation, in proportions, in the heart of our conti- \nnent, and in the direct patliAvay from the Atlantic to the Pacific States, that \nmay yet pl^^y a most important part, for good or for evil, in the destinies of \nour country and of the world. \n\nThe most important measure adopted during the early part of Fillmore\'s \nadministration was tlie Compromise Act, already considered.\' During his ofti- \ncial career the President firmly supported the measure, and at the close of his \nadministration, in the spring of 1853, there seemed to be very little disquie- \ntude in the public mind on the subject of slavery. That calm was the lull \nbefore a tempest. The Fugitive Slave Law was so much at variance with the \nspirit of free institutions. Christian ethics, and the civilization of the age, that \nthe hearts of the people of the free-labor States, and of thousands in the slave- \nlabor States, burned with a desire not only to purge the National statute-books \nof that law, but to stay the further spread of slavery over the domain of the \nRepublic. That desire, and a determination of the slave-holders to \xc2\xabxtend the \narea of their labor system, speedily led to teiTible results, as we shall observe \npresently. \n\nIn the spring of 1851, Congress made important and salutary changes in \nthe general post-ofiice laws, chiefiy in the reduction of letter postage, fixing \nthe rate upon a letter weighing not more than half an ounce, and pre-paid, at \nthree cents, to any part of the United States, excepting California and the \nPacific Territories. The exception was afterward \nabandoned. At the same time, electro-magnetic tele- \ngraphing had become quite perfect ; and by means of \nthe subtile agency of electricity, communications were \nspeeding over thousands of miles of iron wire, Avith \nthe rapidity of lightning. The establishment of this \ninstantaneous communication between distant points \nis one of the most important achievements of this age \nof invention and discovery ; and the names of Fulton \nand Morse^ will be forever indissolubly connected in \nthe commercial and social history of our republic. \nDuring the summer of 1851, there was again con- \n\n\' Page 501. \n\n"^ In 1832, Professor Samuel F. B. Morso had his attention directed to the experiments of \nFranklin, upon a wire a few miles in lengtli on tlie banks of tlie Scliuylkill, in which the velocity \n\n\n\n\n508 TS^ NATION. [1851. \n\ngiderable excitement produced throughout the country because other concerted \nmovements were made, at different points, in the organization of a military \nforce for the purpose of invading Cuba.\' The vigilance of the government of \nthe United States was awakened, and orders were given to its marshals to \narrest suspected men, and seize suspected vessels and munitions of war. Pur- \nsuant to these orders, the steamboat Cleopatra was detained at New York ; \nand several gentlemen, of the highest respectability, were arrested on a charge \nof a violation of existing neutrality laws. In the mean time the greatest \nexcitement prevailed in Cuba, and forty thousand Spanish troops were concen- \ntrated there, while a considerable naval force watched and guarded the coasts. \nThese hindrances caused the dispersion of the armed bands who were pre- \nparing to invade Cuba, and quiet was restored for a while. But in July the \nexcitement was renewed. General Lopez,* who appears to have been under the \ncontrol of designing politicians, made a speech to a large crowd in New \nOrleans, in favor of an invading expedition. Soon afterward [August, 1851], \nhe sailed from that port with about four hundred and eighty followers, and \nlanded [August 11] on the northern coast of Cuba. There he left Colonel \n\' William L. Crittenden, of Kentucky, with one hundred men, and proceeded \ntoward the interior. Crittenden and his party were captured, carried to \nHavana, and on the 16th were shot. Lopez was attacked on the 13th, and his \nlittle army was dispersed. He had been deceived. There appeared no signs \nof a promised revolution in Cuba, and he became a fugitive. He was arrested \non the 28th, with six of his followers, taken to Havana, and on the 1st of \nSeptember was executed. \n\nIn the autumn of 1851, more accessions were made to the vastly extended \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2of electricity was found to be so inappreciable that it was supposed to be instantaneous. Pro- \nfessor Morse, pondering upon this subject, suggested that electricity might be made the means of \nrecording characters as signs of intelligence at a distance: and in the autumn of 1832 he con- \nstructed a portion of the instrumentalities for that purpose. In 1835 he showed the first com- \nplete instrument for telegraphic recording, at the New York City University. In 1837 he \ncompleted a more perfect machinery. In 1838 he submitted the matter and the telegraphic \ninstruments to Congress, asking their aid to construct a line of sufficient length "to test its \npracticability and utility." The committee to whom the subject was referred reported favorably, \nand proposed an appropriation of .$30,000 to construct the first line. The appropriation, how- \never, was not made until the 3d of March, 1843. The posts for supporting the wires were \nerected between "Washington and Baltimore, a distance of forty miles. In the spring of 1844 \nthe line was completed, and the proceedings of the Democratic Convention, then sitting in Balti- \nmore, which nominated James K. Polk for the Presidency of the United States, was the first use, \nfor public purposes., ever made by the telegraph, whose lines have been extended to all parts of \nthe civilized world, the total length of which, at this time [1883], is more than 250,000 miles. \nProfessor Morse\'s system of Recording Telegraphs is adopted generally on the continent of \nEurope, and has been selected by the "government of Australia for the telegraphic systems of \ntluxt country. Avery ingenious machine for recording telegraphic communications with print- \ning types, so as to avoid the necessity of copying, was constructed, a few years ago, by House, \nand is now extensively used. Professor Morse was the eldest son of Rev. Jedediah Morse, the \nfirsi American geographer. Pie was born in Charlestown, Massachusetts, in 1791, and was \ngraduated at Yale College in 1810. He studied painting in England, and was very success- \nful. He was one of the founders of the National Academy of besign in New York, and he \nwas tlic first to (lrli\\(r a ((.urse of lectures upon art in America. He became a professor in \nthe Univeisity (.f ilir (\xe2\x80\xa2ii\\ of New York, and there perfected his magnetic telegraph. Mr. \nMorse resided on his l)(auiilid estate of Locust Grove, near Poughkeepsie, New York, butsince \nthe summer of IHGG had spent much time in Europe. He received many testimonials of appre- \nciiition from eminent individuals and societies beyond the Atlantic. He died April 2, 1872. \n\' Page 502. \' Page 502. \n\n\n\n1851.] PILLMORE\'S AD il INIST R AT 10 N. 5Q9 \n\npossessions of the United States. Population was pouring into the regions of \nthe Northwest, beyond the Mississippi, and crowding the dusky inhabitants of \nthe Indian reservations in Minnesota. Negotiations for a cession of those \nlands to the United States were opened. These resulted in the purchase of \nmany millions of acres from the Upper and Lower Sioux tribes of Indians,\' \ntheir i-emoval to another reservation, and the blooming of the wilderness they \noccupied under the hands of the white man. And while inter-emigration was \nseen flowing in a continuous stream in that direction, population was also \nflowing in large volume from Europe, increasing the inhabitants and wealth \nof the country. There had been for some time unwonted activity everywhere, \nand this was one of its many phases. States and Territories were growing. \nAdditional representatives in the National Legislature were crowding its halls.\' \nThese were becoming too narrow, and Congress made provision for enlarging \nthem. Accordingly, on the 4th of July, 1851, the corner-stone of the addition \nto the National Capitol was laid by the President, with appropriate cere- \nmonies.^ \n\nCircumstances at about the time Ave are considering, caused a remarkable \nAmerican expedition to the polar regions. Sir John Franklin, an English \nnavigator, sailed to that part of the globe, with two vessels, in May, 1845, in \nsearch of the long-sought northwest passage from Europe to the West Indies.* \nYears passed by, and no tidings of him came. Expe- \nditions were sent from England in search of him; \nand in May, 1850, Henry Grinnell, a wealthy mer- \nchant of New- York, sent two ships, in charge of Lieu- \ntenant De Haven, to assist in the benevolent eflbrt. \nThey returned, after remarkable adventures, in the \nautumn of 1851, without success. The eflbrt was \nrenewed by the opulent merchant, in connection with \nhis government, in 1853, and in May of that year \ntwo vessels under the command of Elisha Kent Kane, \nM. D., the surgeon of the first expedition, sailed from \nNew York, while a similar expedition was sent out \n\nfrom England. Kane and his party made valuable discoveries, among which \nwas that of the " open polar sea," whose existence was believed in by scien- \n\n\' Page 31. \n\n" Each State is entitled to two senators. The number of States now [1867] being thirty- \neight, the Senate is composed of seventy-six members. The number of Representatives to which \neach State is entitled, is determined by the number of inhabitants and the ratio of representation. \nThe present number of the members in the House of Representatives is two hundred and fifty- \nthree, including delegates from nine Territories. \n\n* Note 1, page 388. On the occasion of laying the corner-stone, an oration was pronounced \nby Daniel Webster, in the course of wliich he said: "If, tlierefore, it sliall hereafter be the wQl \nof God that this structure shall fall from its base, that its foundations be upturned, and the \ndeposit beneath this stone brouglit to the eyes of men, be it tlien known, tliat on this daj\' the \nUnion of the United States of America stands firm \xe2\x80\x94 that their Constitution still exists unimpaired, \nand with all its usefulness and glory, growing every day stronger in the aSections of the great \nbody of tlie American people, and attracting, more and more, the admiration of the world." \n\n* Note 2, page 47, also page 52, and note 8, page 59. \n\n* Elisha Kent Kane was born in PhOadelphia, in February, 1822, and he took his degree in \nthe Medical University of Pennsylvania in 1 843. He entered the American narj as assistant- \n\n\n\n\n510 ^HE NATION" [18:i. \n\ntific men, but they failed to find Sir John Franklin.\' They suffered much, \nand were finally compelled to abandon their ships and make their way iu \nopen boats to a Danish settlement in Greenland. Their long absence created \nfears for their safety, and a relief expedition was sent in search of them. In \nthe vessels of the latter they returned home in the autumn of 1855.\' \n\nThe public attention was directed to, and popular sympathy was strongly \nexcited in behalf of Hungary, by the arrival in the United States, toward the \nclose of 1851, of Louis Kossuth, the exiled Governor of that country, whose \npeople, during the revolutions of 1848,^ had sought independence of the crown \nof Austria. He came to ask material aid for his country in its struggle which \nthen continued. The sympathy of the people with the Hungarians, and the \neloquence of the exile, as he went from place to place pleading the cause of his \nnation and enunciating important international doctrines,\'* made his mission \nthe chief topic of thought and conversation for a long time. The policy of our \ngovernment forbade its giving material aid, but Kossuth received the expres- \nsion of its warmest sympathies.* His advent among us, and his bold enuncia* \n\nsurgeon, and was attached as a physician to the first American embassy to China. While in the \nEast, he visited many of the Islands, and met with wild adventures. After that he ascended the \nNile to the confines of Nubia, and passed a season in Egypt. After traveling through Greece \nand a part of Europe, on foot, he returned to the United States in 1846. He was immediately sent \nto the coast of Africa, where he narrowly escaped death from fever. Soon after his recovery he \nweiit to Mexico, as a volunteer in the war then progressing, where his bravery and endurance \ncommanded universal admiration. His horse w-as killed under him, and himself was badly \nwounded. He was appointed senior surgeon and naturalist to the " Grinuel Expedition," men- \ntioned in the text: and after liis return he prepared an interesting account of the exploration. \nHe was appointed to the command of a second expedition, and he accomplished much in behalf \nof geographical science. Dr. Kane held an accomplished pencil and ready pen, and his scientific \nattainments were of a high order. The records of this wonderful expedition, prepared by himself, \nwere published in two superb volumes, illustrated by engravings from drawings by his hand. The \nhardships which he had endured made great inroads on the health of Dr. Kane (who was a very \nlight man, weighing only 106 pounds); and in October, 1856, he sailed for England, and from \nthence to Havana, where he died on the 16th of February, 1857. \n\n\' In 1855, an overland exploring party, sent by the Hudson\'s Bay Fur Compan}^, were \ninformed by the Esquimaux that about four years before a party of white men had perished in \nthe region of Montreal Island. They saw among the Indians articles known to have belonged to \nSir John and his party, and the belief is that they perished on the northern borders of North \nAmerica, so late as the year 1851. \n\n^ In the mean time the great problem, which for three hundred years had perplexed the mari- \ntime world, had been worked out by an English navigator. The foct of a northwest passage \naround the Arctic coast of North America, from Baffin\'s Bay to Behring\'s Straits, has been \nunquestionabl_y demonstrated by Captain McClure, of the ship Investigator, who was sent in search \nof Sir John Franklin in October, 1853. Having passed through Behring\'s Straits, and sailed \neastward, he reached a point, with sleds upon the ice, which had been penetrated by navigators \nfrom the East (Captain Parry and others), thus establishing the fact that there is a water connec- \ntion between Baftin\'s Bay and those straits. Already the mute whale had demonstrated this fact \nto tjie satisfaction of naturalists. The same species are found in Behring\'s Straits and Baffin\'s \nBay, and as the waters of the tropical regions would be like a sea of fire to them, they must have \nhad communication through the polar channels. Subsequently traces of the lost explorers \nwere discovered. \n\n" In February, 1848. the French people drove Louis Philippe from his throne, and formed a \ntemporary republic. The revolutionary spirit spread; and within a few months, almost every \ncountr}\' on the continent of Europe was in a state of agitation, and the mouarchs made many \nconcessions to the people, Hungary made an effort to become free from the rule of Austria, but \nwas crushed by the power of a Russian army. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2* He asserted that grand principle, thai one nation has no right to interfere with the domestic \nconcerns of another, and that all nations are bound to use their e8"orts to prevent such interference. \n\n* Matters connected with his reception, visit, artd desires occupied much of the attention of \nCongress, and elicited warm debates during the session of 1 852. The Chevalier Hulseman, the \nAustrian minister at Washington, formally protested ttgainst the reception of Kossuth by Cou- \n\n\n\n1852.] FILLMORE\'S ADMINISTRATION. 511 \n\ntion of the hitherto unrecognized national duties, are important and interestino- \nevents in the history of our republic. \n\nSome ill-feeling between Great Britain and the United States was engen- \ndered during the summer of 1852, when the subject of difficulties concernino- \nthe fisheries\' on the coast of British America was brought to the notice of Con- \ngress, and for several months there were indications of a seriou* disturbance \nof the amicable relations between the two governments. American fishers \nwere chdrged with a violation of the treaty of 1818, which stipulated that they \nshould not cast their lines or nets in the bays of the British possessions, except \nat a distance of three miles or more from the shore. Now, the British o-overn- \nment claimed the right to draw a line from head-land to head-land of these \nbays, and to exclude the Americans from the waters within that line." An \narmed naval force was sent to sustain this claim, and American vessels were \nthreatened with seizure if they did not comply. The government of the United \nStates regarded the assumption as illegal, and two steam-vessels of war \n{Princeton and Fulton) were sent to the coast of Nova Scotia to protect the \nrights of American fishermen. The dispute was amicably settled by mutual \nconcessions, in October, 1853, and the cloud passed by. \n\nDuring the summer of 1853, another measure of national concern was ma- \ntured and put in operation. The great importance of commercial intercourse \nwith Japan, because of the intimate relations which must soon exist between \nour Pacific coast and the East Indies, had been felt ever since the foundation \nof Oregon^ and California.* An expedition, to consist of seven ships of war, \nunder the command of Commodore Perry, a brother of the " Hero of Lake \nErie,"* was fitted out for the purpose of carrying a letter from the President \nof the United States to the emperor of Japan, soliciting the negotiation of a \ntreaty of friendship and commerce between the two nations, by which the ports \nof the latter should be thrown open to American vessels, for purposes of trade. \nThe mission of Commodore Perry was highly successful. He negotiated a \ntreaty, by which it was stipulated that ports on different Japanese Islands \nshould be open to American commerce ;* that steamers from California to China \nshould be furnished with supplies of coals; and that American sailors ship- \nwrecked on the Japanese coasts should receive hospitable treatment. Subse- \nquently a peculiar construction of the treaty on the part of the Japanese \nauthorities, in relation to the permanent residence of Americans there, threat- \nened a disturbance of the amicable relations which had been established. The \n\n\n\ngress ; and, because his protest was not heeded, he retired from his post, and left the duties of \nhis office with Mr. Auguste Belmonte, of New York. Previous to this, Hulseman issued a \nwritten protest against the pohcy of our government in relation to Austria and Hungary, and \nthat protest was answered, in a masterly manner, in January, 1851, by Mr. Webster, the Secre- \ntary of State. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 Pages 47 and 453. \n\n\' This stipulation was so construed as to allow American fishermen to catch cod within the \nlarge bays where they could easily carry on their avocations at a greater distance than three miles \nfrom any land. Such had been the common practice, without interference, until the assumption \nof exclusive right to their bays was promulgated by the British. \n\n^ Page 479. "" Page 487. * Page 423. \n\n* Previous to this, the Dutch had monopolized the trade of Japan. See note 5, page 59. \n\n\n\n512 THE NATION. [1852: \n\nmatter was adjusted, and in 1860, a large and imposing embassy fiom the \nempire of Japan visited the United States. The intercourse between the two \ncountries is becoming more and more intimate. \n\nThe relations between the United States and old Spain, on acr-junt of Cuba, \nbecame interesting in the autumn of 1852. The Spanish authorities of Cuba, \nbeing thorouglily alarmed by the attempts at invasion,\' and the evident sym- \npathy in the movement of a large portion of the people f .. the United States, \nbecame excessively suspicious, and many little outra-j,es were committed at \nHavana, which kept alive an irritation of feeling \'..consistent with social and \ncommercial friendship. The idea became piovalent, in Cuba and in Europe, \nthat it was the policy of the government of the United States to ultimately \nacquire absolute possession of that island, and .thus have the control over the \ncommerce of the Gulf of Mexico (the door to California), and the trade of the \n"West India group of islands, which are owned, chiefly, by France and England. \nTo prevent such a result, the cabinets of France and England asked that of the \nUnited States to enter with them into a treaty which should secure Cuba to \nSpain, by agreeing to disclaim, " now and forever hereafter, all intention ta \nobtain possession of the Island of Cuba," and " to discountenance all such \nattempts, to that effect, on the part of any power or individual whatever." \nEdward Everett, then Secretary of State, issued a response [December 1, 1852] \nto this extraordinary proposition, which the American people universally \napplauded for its keen logic and patriotic and enlightened views. He told \nFrance and England plainly, that the question was an American and not a \nEuropean one, and not properly within the scope of their interference ; that \nwhile the United States government disclaimed all intention to violate existing \nneutrality laws, it would not relinquish the right to act in relation to Cuba \nindependent of any other power ; and that it could not see with indifference \n" the Island of Cuba fall into the hands of any other power than Spain. "^ Lord \nJohn Russell, the English prime-minister, answered this letter [February, \n1853], and thus ended the di^jlomatic correspondence on the siibject of the \nproposed " Tripartite Treaty," as it was called. \n\nThe most important of the closing events of Mr. Fillmore\'s administration \nwas the creation by Congress of a new Territory called Washington, out of the \nnorthern part of Oregon.* The bill for this purpose became a law on the 2d of \nMarch, 1853, two days before Fillmore\'s successor, Franklin Pierce, of New \n\n\' Pages 502 and 508. \n\n^ As early as 1 823, when the Spanish provinces in South America were in rebellion, or forminfi: \ninto independent republics. President Monroe, in a special message upon the subject, promulgated \nthe doctrine, since acted upon, that the United States ought to resist the extension of foreign \ndomain or influence upon the American continent, and not allow any European government, by \ncolonizing or otherwise, to gain a foothold in the New "World not already acquired. [See note 5, \npage 448,] This was directed specially against the eflbrts expected to be made by the allied \nsovereigns who had crushed Napoleon, to assist Spain against her revolted colonies in America, \nand to suppress the growth of democracy there. It became a settled policy of our government, \nand Mr, Everett reasserted it in its fullest extent. Such expression seemed to be important and \nseasonable, because it was well known that Great Britain was then making strenuous efforts to \nobtain potent influence in Central America, so as to prevent the United States from acquiring \nexclusive property in the routes across the isthmus from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific Ocean. \n\n\' Page 478. \n\n\n\n\nirmiE iPMiEsnffiiiMir/^i tisie jAPi^jjESE emisass \n\n\n\nYC \n\n\n\n1853.J \n\n\n\nPIERCE\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n513 \n\n\n\nHampshire, was inaugurated. The latter was nominated for the office by the \nDemocratic convention held at Baltimore early in June, 1852, when William \nR. King, of Alabama, was named for the office of Vice-President. At the \nsame place, on the 16tli of June, Winfield Scott was nominated for President \nand William A. Graham for Vice-President, by a Whig convention. The \nDemocratic nominees were elected, but failing health prevented the Vice- \nPresident taking his seat. He died in April, 1863, at the age of sixty-eight \nyears. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER XIV. \n\nPIERCE\'S ADMINISTRATION. [ 1 85 3 \xe2\x80\x94 1 8 5 t.] \n\nA DRIVING sleet tilled the air on the 4th of March, 1853, when Franklia \nPierce,\' the fourteenth President of the United States, stood upon the ruda \n\n\n\n\n^-^7^^^^^ \n\n\n\nplatform of New Hampshire pine, erected for the purpose over the steps of th\xc2\xab \neastern portico of the Federal capitol, and took the oath of office, administereij \nby Chief Justice Taney. The military display on that occasion was larger \n\n1 Franklin Pierce was born at Hillsborough, New Hampshire, in November, 1804. He is th\xc2\xab \nson of General Benjamin Pierce, an active officer in the old "W"a\xc2\xbb\' for Independence, and one of th\xc2\xbb \nTDost useful men in New Hampshire. In 1820, when sixteen years of age, young Pierce becuM \n\n\n\ng-j^^ THE NATION. [1853. \n\nthan had ever been seen in the streets of the National city, and it was estimated \nthat at least twenty thousand strangers were in Washington on the morning \nof the inauguration. Untrammeled by special party pledges, the new Chief \nMagistrate entered upon the duties of liis office under pleasant auspices ; and \nhis inauo-ural address, full of promises and patriotic sentiments, received the \xe2\x80\xa2 \ngeneral approval of his countrymen. Three days afterward [March 7] the \nSenate, in special session, confirmed his cabinet appointments.\' \n\nThe most serious difficulty which President Pierce was called upon to \nencounter, at the commencement of his administration, was a dispute concern- \ning the boundary-line between the Mexican province of Chihuahua\' and New \nMexico.* The Mesilla valley, a fertile and extensive region, was claimed by \nboth Territories ; and under the direction of Santa Anna,* who was again Presi- \ndent of the Mexican Republic in 1854, Chihuahua took armed possession of the \ndisputed territory. For a time war seemed inevitable between the United \nStates and Mexico. The dispute was finally settled by negotiations, and \nfriendly relations have existed between the two governments ever since. \nThose relations were delicate during a large portion of the late Civil War in \nthe United States, while French bayonets kept the Austrian Archduke Maxi- \nmilian in the attitude of a ruler, with the title of emperor, over the Mexican \npeople, whose liberties Napoleon the Third, emperor of France, was thereby \ntrying to destroy. The republican government in power when Maximilian \n\n. \xe2\x80\x94 _e -\xe2\x80\x94 \xe2\x96\xa0 \xe2\x80\x94 \xe2\x80\x94 \xe2\x80\x94 \xe2\x80\x94 \n\na student in Bowdoin College, at Brunswick, Maine. He was graduated in 1824, chose law as a \nprofession, and was admitted to practice at the bar in 1827. He became a warm politician, and \npartisan of General Jackson in 1828 ; and the next year, when he was twenty-five years of age, \nhe was elected a memler of the Legislature of his native State. There he served four years. Ho \nwas elected to Congress in 1833, and served his constituents in the House of Representatives for \nfour years. In 1837, the Legislature of New Hampshire elected him to a seat in the Federal \nSenate. He resigned his seat in June, 1842, and remained in private life until 1845, when he \nwas appointed United States District Attorney for New Hampshire. He was commissioned a \nBrigadier-Generhl in March, 1847, and joined the army in Mexico, under General Scott. After \nthe. war lie retired from puhlio life, where he remained until called to the higliest office in the \ngift of the people. When, in the spring of 1857, he left the chair of state, he again i-etired \ninto private life, and was never in public employment afterwards. He died Oct. 8, 1869. \n\n\' WiUiam L. Marcy, Secretary of State; James GutJirie, Secretary of the Treasury; Robert \nMcClelland, Secretary of the Interior; Jefferson Davis, Secretary of War; James C. Dobbin, Sec- \nretary of the Navy; James Campbell, Postmaster-General; Caleb \nCushing, Attorney-General. \n\n" Note 7, page 484. \n\n\' Page 497. \n\n* Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna is a native of Mexico, and first \ncame into public life in 1821, during the excitements of revolution. He \nhas been one of the chief revolutionists in that unhappy country. He \nwas chosen President of the Republic in 1 833. After an exciting career \nas a commanding General, he was again elected President in 1841, but \nwas hurled from power in 1845. After the capture of the city of Mexico \nby the Americans, under General Scott [page 494], he retired to the \nWest Indies, and finally to Carthageua, Avhere he resided until 1853, \nwhen he returned to Mexico, and was elected President again. In the \nsummer of 1854, he was accused of a design to assume imperial power, \nand violent insurrections were the consequence. These resulted in his SANTA ANNA, \n\nbeing again deprived of power, and ho has never been able to regain it. \n\nMuch of the time since he was driven from public life he has lived in exile in Cuba, and ia 1866 \nhe was a resident of the United States. He went to Mexico during the earlier period of 1867. \n\xe2\x80\xa2when he was arrested, and thrown into prison. Few men have experienced greater vicissitude* \nthan Santa Anna. He died in the city of Mexico in the spriu\'^- of 18T6. \n\n\n\n\n\nis:-:;.] PIERCE\'S ADMINISTRATION. 5^5 \n\ncame -was steadily recognized by that of the United States as the legitimate \ngovernment of Mexico, and, diplomatically, Maximilian Avas unknown to it. \n\nThe earlier portion of Pierce\'s administration was distinguished by impor- \ntant explorations by sea and land, in the interest of American commerce. The \nacquisition of California, and the marvelous rapidity with Avhich it was filling \n-with an enterprising population, opened to \nthe view of statesmen an immense commer- \ncial interest on the Pacific coast, which de- \nmanded the most liberal legislation. Con- \ngress seems to have comprehended the \nimportance of the matter, and under its \nauthority four armed vessels and a supply- \nship sailed [May, 1853] from Norfolk, under \nCaptain Ringgold, for the eastern coast of \n\n. . , , " p ^ TT T, 1 \xe2\x80\xa2 i\' 1 AN OCEAN STEAMSHIP. \n\nAsia, by the way 01 Cape Horn. Its chiei ob- \nject was a thorough exploration of those regions of the Pacific Ocean which it waf \nthen evident would soon be traversed between the ports of our own western \nfrontier and the East Indies ; also of the whaling-grounds of the Kamtchatka \niSea and Behring\'s Straits, on the borders ot which the United States pur- \nchased from Russia, in 1867, at the cost of $7,200,000 in gold, a large and \nimportant territory. Steamships had then just commenced making Stated \nand regular voyages from California to China and Japan. \n\nWhile the expedition just mentioned was away, plans were maturing for \nthe construction of one or more railways across the continent, to connect, by a \ncontinuous line of transportation, the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Congress \nauthorized surveys for such road or roads, and by midsummer [1853] four \nexpeditions Avere fitted out for the purpose \xe2\x80\x94 one to explore from the upper \nwaters of the Mississippi, at \xc2\xa7t. Paul, to Puget\'s Sound, on the Pacific ; another \nto cross the continent from the Mississippi, along a line adjacent to the thirty- \nsixth parallel of latitude ; another from the Mississippi, by way of the Great \nSalt Lake, in Utah ; and a fourth from some point on the Lower Mississippi to \nthe coast of Southern California, at San Pedro, Los Angelos, or San Diego. \nThese expeditions performed their duties well, in the midst of great hardships,\' \nand over one of the routes then explored, called the Central, which trar- \nerses Missouri, Kansas, Colorado, Utah, Nevada and California, a railway \nwas completed in May, 1869. Who can estimate the effect of these \ngigantic operations upon the destiny of our Republic, so connected in \ncommercial relations with that "Farther India" whose wealth the civilized \nworld so long coveted ? \n\n\' At the time these explorations were going on, Colonel Fremont (see page 488) was at the \nhead of a similar party among the Rocky Mountains. That exploring in the direction of the \nGreat Salt Lake, was in chaKge of Captain Gunnison, of the National army. He fouad \nthe Indians \'hostile when he approached the Mormon country, and among the Wasatch \nmountains tliey Ml upon the explorers and killed a number of them, mcluding the leader. \nFremont\'s party suffered dreadfully for want of food in the midst of deep snow. For forty-fiya \ndays they fed on the meat of exhausted mules which they slew, and every particle was devoured, \neven the entrails ! They were met and saved by another party in February, 1854. \n\n\n\n516 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1853, \n\n\n\nWhile the government was putting forth its energies in preparing the way \nfor the triumph of American commerce, private enterprise was busy in the \npromotion of general industry, and in the noble work of international fraternity \nin the great interest of Labor, In the year 1851, an immense building, com- \nposed of iron and glass, was created in Hyde Park, London, under royal \npatronage, for the purpose of giving an exhibition of the results of the industry \nof all nations. It was a World\'s Fair, and representatives of every civilized \nnation on the globe were there mingling together as brothers of one family, and \nall equally interested in the perfection of each other\'s productions. The idea \nwas one of great moral grandeur, for it set an insignia of dignity upon labor, \nhitherto withheld by those who bore scepters and orders. There men of all \nnations and creeds received a lesson upon the importance of brotherhood among \nthe children of men, such as the pen and tongue could not teach. For the \nconception and consummation of that noble work, mankind will forever revere \nits author. Prince Albert, the husband of Queen Victoria. The enterprise waa \nrepeated in this country in 1853, when, at the expense of the money and\' \n\n___________ energy of private republicans, a- \n\n^7"^"^^^^^" \'^,\'"iM " Crystal Palace" was built and \na " World\'s Fair\'" was held in \nthe city of New York. It was \nopened in July of that year, with \n\'mposing ceremonies, led by the \nChief Magistrate of the nation.\' \nThe emperor of the French has \ntwice imitated the act of the \nBritish queen and her consort. \nDuring the spring and summer \nof^l867, an immense "World\'s \nFair " was open in Paris. These were important historical events, for they \nmarked a new and most promising epoch in the annals of mankind. They \nhave since been repeated.\'* History often has better stories to tell than those of \nwars and military conquests, and tlie rise and fall of dynasties and empires. \n\n\n\n\nCRYSTAL PALACE IN NEW YORK. \n\n\n\n^ On that occasion, a prayer was made by Dr. "Wainwright, provisional bishop of the Protest- \nant Episcopal Church in the diocese of New York (since deceased) ; an address was pronounced \nby Theodore Sedgwick, president of the Association by which the building was erected ; and on \nthe 1 6th of the month, a grand entertainment was given by the directors to distinguished guests, \namong whom were the President of the United States and members of his cabinet, Sir Charles \nLyeH, the eminent English geologist, and others. \n\nOne of the speakers on that occasion [Elihu Burritt] said : " Worthy of the grandest circum- \nstances which could be thrown around a human assembly, worthy of this occasion and a hundred \nlike this, is that beautiful idea, the coronation of Labor. * * * Not American labor, not \nBritish labor, not French labor, not the labor of the New "World or the Old, but the labor of man- \nkind as one undivided brotherhood \xe2\x80\x94 labor as the oldest, the noblest prerogative of duty and \nhumanity." And Rev. E. H. Chapin closed with the beautiful invocation: "0! genius of Art, fill \nus with the inspiration of still higher and more spiritual beauty. ! instruments of invention, \nenlarge our dominion over reality. Let iron and fire become as blood and muscle, and in this \nelectric net-work let heart and brain inclose the world with truth and sympathy. And thou, \n01 beautiful dome of Ught, suggeativ* of the brooding future, the future of human love and divine\' \ncommunion, expand and spread above the tribes of men a canopy broad as the earth, and glorious \nas the upper heaven." " See page 746. \n\n\n\n1853.] riERCE\'S ADMINISTRATION. 5^^^ \n\nWheu tlie Thirty-third Congress assembled, on the first Monaay in Decem- \nber, 1853, a greater degree of good feeling seemed to prevail among the mem- \nbers than had been exhibited for the several preceding years, when the chief \ntopics of their deliberations were connected with the subject of Slavery. The \n\xe2\x96\xa0country "was at peace and amity with all the world, as a general proposition,\' \nand the people looked to their representatives for the conception and adoption \nof measures for the public welfare, which the circumstances of the nation \nrequired. The construction of a raihvay across the continent was expected to \nabsorb much of their attention. Important treaties were pending between our \ngovernment and those of Mexico and Central America, concerning territoiy \nand inter-oceanic communications across the Isthmus between North and South \nAmerica ; also concerning boundary-lines in the region of New Mexico and \nCalifornia. \n\nThere was an interest, too, far away in the Pacific, that demanded serious \nconsideration. The government of the Sandwich Islands was then making \nearnest overtures for annexing that ocean empire to our republic. This was a \nmatter of great moment, for these Islands are destined to be of vast impor- \ntance in the operations of the future commerce of the Pacific Oeean. A large \n\' majority of the white people there are Americans by birth ; and the govern- \nment, in all its essential operations, is controlled by Americans, notwithstand- \ning the ostensible ruler is a native sovereign. The consuls of France and \nEngland, when they perceived a disposition on the part of the reigning \nmonarch to have his domain annexed to the United States, charged the scheme \nupon certain American missionaries, and ofiicially pi-otested against their \nalleged conduct. They declared that France and England would not remain \nindifferent spectators of such a movement. The missionaries, as well as the \nUnited States commissioner, disclaimed any tampering with the native authori- \nties on the subject ; at the same time, the latter, in a jiublished reply to the \n\n\' There was a little feeling of hostility between our government and that of Austria for a while \nin 1853, but it soon subsided. It grew out of a circumstance connected with the exercise of the \npower of our government in defense of a citizen of foreign birth in a foreign port, as follows: \nWhen Austria, by aid of Russia, crushed the rebellion in Hungary, in 1848, many of the active \npatriots became exiles in foreign lands. A large number came to the United States, and many \nof them became naturalized citizens \xe2\x80\x94 that is, after due legal preparation, took an oath to support \nthe Constitution and laws of the United States, and to perform faithfully all the duties of a citizen. \nOne of these, named Martin Koszta, a native of Hungary, had taken such steps. While engaged \nin business at Smyrna, on the Mediterranean, he was seized, by order of the Austrian consul- \ngeneral, and taken on Ijoard an Austrian brig, to be conveyed to Trieste as a rebel refugee, not- \nwithstanding he carried an American protection. Captain Ingraham, of the United States sloop- \n\xe2\x96\xa0 of- war Si. Louis, then lying in the harbor of Smyrna, immediately claimed Koszta as an American \n\xe2\x80\xa2 citizen. On the refusal of the Austrian authorities to release the prisoner, Ingraham cleared his \nvessel for action [July 2], and threatened to fire upon the brig if Koszta was not delivered up \nwithin a given time. The Austrians yielded to the powerful arguments of forty well-shotted \n\xe2\x96\xa0cannon, and Kdszta was placed in the custody of the French consul, to await the action of the \nrespective governments. Ingraham\'s course was everywhere applauded ; and Congress signified \nits approbation by voting him an elegant sword. The pride of the Austrian government was \n^severely wounded, and it issued a protest against the proceedings of Captain Ingraham, and sent \nit to all tlie European courts. Mr. Hulseman, the Austrian minister at Washington, demanded \n;an apology, or other redress, from our government, and menaced the United States with the dis- \npleasure of his royal master. But no serious diflSculty occurred. It was plainly perceived that \nthe Austrians were in the wrong; and Koszta^ under the protection of the United States flag, \nreturned to this land of free opinions. \n\n\n\n518 \' THE NATION. [1854. \n\nprotest, denied the right of foreign governments to interfere to prevent such \na result, if it sliould be deemed mutually desirable. Preliminary negotiations \nwere commenced, and a treaty was actually formed, when, on the 15th of \nDecember, 1854, King Kamehameha died, at the age of forty-nine years, and \nwas succeeded by his son. Prince Alexander Liholiho. The new king imme- \ndiately ordered the discontinuance of negotiations with the United States, and \nthe subject of annexation was not revived until after the visit of Emma, \nQueen of the Islands, to England and the United States, in 1866. That such \nannexation will finally occur, seems to be prohesied by the history of the past \nand the teachings of the present. \n\nJust as the preliminaries were arranged in Congress for entering vigorously \nupon the business of the session, the chairman of the Senate Committee on \nTerritories (Mr. Douglas, of Illinois) presented a bill [Jan., 1854] which dis- \nturbed the harmony in Congress, and the quietude of the people. In the center \nof our continent is a vast region, almost twice as large, in territorial extent, as \nthe original thirteen States,\' stretching between Missouri, Iowa, and Minne- \nsota, and the Pacific Territories, from the thirty-seventh parallel of north lati- \ntude to the British possessions,\'^ and embracing one-fourth of all the public \nlands of the United States. The bill alluded to proposed to erect this vast \nregion into two Territories, the southern portion, below the fortieth parallel, to \nbe named Kansas, and the northern and larger portion, JVebraska. The bill \ncontained a provision which Avould nullify the Compromise of 1820,^ and allow \nthe inhabitants of those Territories to decide for themselves whether they \nwould have the institution of slavery or not. This proposition surprised Con- \ngress and the whole country, and it became a subject of discussion throughout \nthe Union. The slavery agitation was aroused in all its strength and rancor, \nand the whole North became violently excited. Public meetings were held by \nmen of all parties, and petitions and remonstrances against the measure, \nespecially in its relation to JVebraska, wei-e poured into the Senate,* while the \ndebate on the subject was progressing, from the 30th of January [1854] until \nthe 3d of March. On the latter day the bill passed that body by the decisive \nvote of thirty-seven to fourteen. The measure encountered great opposition ia \nthe House of Representatives ; and by means of several amendments, its final \ndefeat seemed almost certain, and the excitement subsided. \n\nAt about this time a bill was reported in the Senate [March 10], providing \nfor the construction of a railway to the Pacific Ocean ; and on the same day \nwhen the Nebraska Bill passed that body [March 3d], the House of Represen- \ntatives adopted one called the Homestead Bill, which provided that any free \nwhite male citizen, or any one who may have declared his intentions to become \none previous to the passage of this act, might select a quarter section [one \nhundred and sixty acres] of land on the public domain, and on proof being \ngiven that he had occupied and cultivated it for five years, he might receive \n\n\n\n\' Page 174. \xc2\xab Page 480. \xc2\xbb Page 452. \n\n* A petition against the measure was presented to the Senate immediately after the passage- \nof the bill by tliat body, signed by three thousand clergymen of New England. \n\n\n\n1854.] PIERCE\'S ADMINISTRATION. 519 \n\na title to it in fee, without being required to pay any thing for it. This bill \nwas discussed in both Houses for several Aveeks ; and finally an amendment, \ngraduating the prices of all the public lands, was adopted in its stead.\' The \npublic mind had become comparatively tranquil when, on the 9th of May \n[1854], the Nebraska bill was again called up in the House of Representatives. \nIt became the absorbing subject for discussion. During a fortnight, violent \ndebates, with great acrimony of feeling, occurred, and on one occasion there \nwas a session of thirty-six consecutive hours\' duration, when an adjournment \ntook place in the midst of great confusion. The country, meanwhile, was \nmuch excited, for the decision of the question was one of great moment in its \nrelation to the future. While it was pending the suspense became painful. \nBut it did not last long. The final question was taken on the 22d, and the \nbill was passed by a vote of one hundred and thirteen to one hundred. Three \ndays afterward [May 25], the Senate agreed to it as it came from the House \nby a vote of thirty-five to thirteen, and it received the signature of the Presi- \ndent on the last day of May.^ \n\nNew difficulties with the Spanish authorities of Cuba\' appeared, while the \nNebraska subject Avas luider discussion. Under cover of some pretense, the \nAmerican steamship. Black Warrior^ was seized in the harbor of Havana \n[February 28, 1854], and the vessel and cargo were declared confiscated. The \noutrage was so flagrant, that a proposition was immediately submitted to the \nlower House of Congress to suspend the neutrality laws,* and compel the \nHavana officials to behave properly. Under the provisions of such laws, any \nnumber of citizens of the United States, who may be engaged in hostilities \nagainst Spain, would forfeit the protection of their government, and become \nliable to punishment for a violation of law. It was on this account that Crit- \ntenden and his party were shot at Havana,\' without the right of claiming the \ninterference of the government of the United States in their behalf The Presi- \ndent sent a special messenger to the government at Madrid, with instructioni \nto the American minister to demand immediate redress, in the form of indem- \nnity to the owners of the JBlack Warrior. But the Spanish government justi- \nfied the act of the Cuban authorities, when such formal demand was made. In \n\n\' It provided that all lands which had been in market ten years should be subject to entry at \none dollar per acre; fifteen years, at seventy-five cents; and so on, in tlie same ratio \xe2\x80\x94 those \nirhich had been in market for thirty 3\'ears being offered at twelve and a half cents. It also pro- \nTided that every person availing himself of the act should make affidavit that he entered the \nland for his own use; and no one could acquire more than three hundred and twenty acres, or \ntwo quarter-sections. \n\n\' A few days after the final passage of the Nebraska bill, the city of Boston was made a \ntheater of great excitement, by the arrest of a fugitive slave there, and a deputy-marshal was shot \ndead, during a riot. United States troops from Rhode Island were employed to sustain the officers \nof the law, and a local military force was detailed, to assist in the protection of the court and the \nparties concerned, until the proceedings in the case should be completed. The United States \nCommissioner decided in favor of the claimant of the slave, and he was conveyed to Virginia by a \ngovernment vessel. This commotion in Boston is known as the Burns Riot \xe2\x80\x94 the name of the \nfugitive slave being Burns. \n\n\' Page 502. \n\n* These are agreements (still existing) made between the governments of the United States \nand Old Spain, to remain neutral or inactive, when either party should engage in war with \nanother. \n\n\' Page 508. \n\n\n\n520 THE NATION. [1854. \n\nthe mean while the perpetrators of the outrage became alarmed, and the Cap- \ntain-General (or Governor) of Cuba, with pretended generosity, offered to give \nup the vessel and cargo, on the payment by the owners of a fine of six thou- \nsand dollars. They complied, but under protest.\' The matter was finally \nsettled amicably between the governments of the United States and Spain,\' and \nsince then nothing has materially disturbed the friendly relations between the \ntwo countries. \n\nThe irritation caused by the difficulties with Cuban officials was made the \npretext, after the passage of the Nebraska bill, for a conference of three of the \nAmerican ministers plenipotentiary in Europe. In August [1854], the Presi- \ndent directed Mr. Buchanan, then American embassador at London, Mr. Mason, \nembassador at Paris, and Mr. Soule, embassador at Madrid, to meet at some \n"convenient place, to confer upon the best means of settling the difficulties about \nCuba, and gaining possession of the island, by purchase or otherwise. They \naccordingly met at Ostend, a seaport town in Belgium, on the 9th of October, \n1854. After remaining there three days, they adjourned to Aix-la-Chapelle, in \nRhenish Prussia, and from thence, on the 18th of the same month, they \naddressed a letter to the United States government, Avhich embodied their \nviews. That letter is known in history as The Ostend Circular, and is \nregarded as one of the most disgraceful passages in the history of American \ndiplomacy. Its arguments were the plea of the highway robber, enforced by \nthe doctrine that " Might makes Right." It recommended the lyurchase of \nCuba, if possible ; if not, the acquisition of it by force. " If Spain," said the \nauthors of that infamous letter, " actuated by stubborn pride and a false sense \n"of honor, should refuse to sell Cuba to the United States," then " by every \nlaw, human and divine, we shall be justified in wresting it from Spain, if we \npossess the power." The bald iniquity of the proposition amazed honest \npeople in both hemispheres. Why it should have been left unrebuked by the \ngovernment at Washington was a mystery which the light of subsequent \nevents revealed. It seems clear, in that light, that it was a part of the scheme \nof those disunionists who, a few years later, attempted to destroy the Repub- \nlic, that they might establish a dazzling empire whose corner-stone should be \nHuman Slavery, of which they dreamed, and which they promised their \ndeluded followers \xe2\x80\x94 an empire which was to be comprised within what they \ncalled The Golden Circle^ whose center was Havana, the capital of Cuba.* \n\n\' Protesting against an act which a party i.s compelled to perform, leaves the matter open for a \nfuture discussion and final settlement. \n\n"^ The President of the United States, having bee li informed that expeditions were preparing in \ndifferent parts of the Union, for the purpose of invading Cuba, issued a proclamation again.st such \nmovements, on the 1st of June, 1S54, and called upon all good citizens to respect the obhgations \nof existing treaties, between the governments of our Republic and Spain. \n\n^ The Golden Circle, as defined by these disunionists, had a radius of sixteen degrees of latitude \nand longitude, with its center at Havana. It will be perceived, by drawing that circle on a map, \nthat it included the Slave-labor States of our Republic. It reached northward to the Pennsyl- \nTauia line, and southward to the Isthmus of Darien. It embraced the West India Islands, and \nthose of the Caribbean Sea, with a greater part of Mexico and Central America. The plan of the \ndisuniouists seems to have been, first, to secure Cuba, and then the other islands of that tropical \nregion, with Mexico and Central America ; and then to sever the Slave-labor and the Free-labor States \n\xe2\x80\xa2f our Republic, making the former a part of the great empire, whose corner-stone, as one of the \n\n\n\n1854.] PIERCE\'S ADMINISTRATION. 521 \n\nWhile the good name of the government was suffering at the hands of \n\xe2\x80\xa2unfaithful citizens, who were plotting mischief against its weaker neighbors, \nsome salutary measures were adopted which gave a little relief to the picture \nof that dark period in our history. While a conspiracy for obliterating the \nboundary-line between the United States and Mexico, by blotting out tlie \nnationality of the latter, was fast ripening, the two governments successfully \nnegotiated a treaty by which that boundary was defined and fixed. The treaty \nwas ratified early in 1854, and it was agreed that the decision of the commis- \nsioners appointed to run the boundary should be final. By that treaty the \nUnited States were to be released from all obligations imposed by the treaty \nof Guadalupe Hidalgo,\' to defend the Mexican frontier against the Indians, \nand as a consideration for this release, and for the territory ceded by Mexico, \nthe United States agreed to pay to the latter ten millions of dollars \xe2\x80\x94 seven \nmillions on the ratification of the treaty, and the remainder as soon as the \nboundary-line should be established. These conditions were complied with, \nand a good understanding between the two governments has ever since \nexisted. \n\nAt about the same time, a reciprocity treaty was negotiated between the \nUnited States and Great Britain, Avhich lowered, and in some instances effaced, \nthe barriers to free commerce between the British provinces in America and \n\xe2\x80\xa2our Republic. It provided that the fisheries of the provinces, excepting those \nof Newfoundland,\'- should be open to American citizens ; that disputes respect- \ning fisheries should be settled by arbitration ; that the British should have a \nright to participate in the American fisheries as far as the 36th degree of north \nlatitude, and that there should be free commerce between the provinces and \nthe United States, in floui-, breadstuffs, fruits, fish, animals, lumber, and a \nvariety of natural productions in their unmanufactured state. It stipulated \nthat the St. Lawrence River and the Canadian canals should be thrown open \nto American vessels ; and the United States government agreed to urge the \nrespective States to admit British vessels into their canals, upon similar terms. \nThis treaty was submitted to the provincial Legislatures, and to the govern- \nments of the contracting powers, and was ratified by all. The arrangement \nwas terminated, in accordance with the j^rovisions of the treaty, early in 1866, \n\nWhen the Fugitive Slave Law began to bear the bitter fruit which its \nauthor, James M. Mason, of Virginia, desired and exjjected f when the Kansas- \n\n\n\nless reticent of their number avowed, was to be human slavery. A secret association, known \nas the Order of the Lone Star, and another subsequently organized as its successor, whose \nmembers were called Knights of the Gotden Circle, wei-e lormed for the purpose of eorruptiug \nthe people and carrying out the iniquitous design. The latter played a conspicuous part in \nthe Civil War which broke out in 1861, as the secret friends and efficient allies of the dis- \ntmiouists, who were making open war on the Republic. \n\n\\ Page 497. 2 -p^^^ ^r^^ \n\nSenator Mason, one of the most persistent of these disunionists who brought about the \nlate Civil War, was the author of this Act. The writer was informed bv a personal acquain- \ntance of Mason, at Winchester, that the Senator declared to him that he made the law as ob- \nnoxious as possible to the people of the Free-Labor States, in order tliat it should excite uni- \nversal disgust and opposition, and cause such violations of it, and a general refusal to comply \nwith its repulsi\\e requirements, as to give a plausible pretext to the slaveholders to revolt and \nattempt to dissolve the Union. \n\n\n\n\n522 THE X ATI OK. [1854. \n\nNebraska bill hud opened afresh the agitation of the Slavery question, and when \nthe extraoidinary declaration of the \'\xe2\x80\xa2 Ostend Circular" appeared to give no of- \nfense to the Chief Magistrate of the nation and \nhis advisers, the disunioujsts planned more ac- \ntively and worked more boldly than ever. The \n" Great Idea of the Age," as they called it, was \nthe extension of the area of slavery, by the \nconquest and annexation of countries adjacent \nto our Republic. Their attempts on Cuba \n\'were baffled, and they turned their attention, \n\xe2\x96\xa0to Mexico and Central America. Their ope- \n\xe2\x80\xa2 rations at first assumed the form of emigra- \ntion schemes, and their first theater was a \nregion on the great Isthmus, inhabited chiefly \nby a race of degraded natives, and belonging \nto the State of Nicaragua, known as the Mos- \njAMEs M. MASON. quito coast. It promised to be a territory of \n\ngreat importance in a commercial point of view.\' Under the specions pretext \nthat the British were likely to possess it, armed citizens of the United States, \nappealing to the Monroe doctrine^ for justification, emigrated to that region. \nAlready the great guns of the American navy had been heard on the Mosquito \nshore, as a herald of coming power.\' \n\nIt was in the autumn and early winter of 1854 that the first formidable \n*\' emigration " to the Mosquito country w\' as undertaken. It was alleged that \n\n\n\n\' A railway across the Isthmus of Panama has been constructed. The first trains passed \nover it, from Aspinwall to Panama, on the 28th of January, 1855. The project of a ship-canal \nacross the Isthmus of Darien. or Panama, has occupied the attention of statesmen and commercial \nmen for many years. The first actual exploration of the Isthmus, witli a view to cutting a ship- \ncanal across it, was made in 1853, by a party of twenty-three, under the direction of William \nKennish, of New York. They were sent out by J. C. Prevost, commander of the British steam- \nship Virago, in pursuance of orders from the commander of tlie British squadron then in the \nPncific. They commenced on the Pacific coast, and traveled northward to the Atlantic shore. \nFor ten days "they traversed a dense forest, which covered a fine, fertile, and -well- watered plain, \n\xe2\x96\xa0which at no time rose more than fifty feet above the level of the sea. The party became short \nof provisions ; and having separated for some prudent purpose, a portion of them were murdered \nand plundered by the Indians. The survivors returned to the Virago, witliout accomplishing \nmucli. In Januarv, 1S54, Lieutenant Strain, of the United States Navy, with a party of twenty, \nstarted from the A tlantic side to explore the Isthmus. They suffered dreadfully ; and as nothing \nwas heard from them for several weeks, it was supposed tliat all had perished. Their provisions \nbecame exhausted, and some died from famine. The Indians, however, did not molest them, but \nfled to the mountains. When Lieutenant Strain and the survivors reached the Pacific coast, they \nwere destitute of both clothing and food. Other explorations have been made by officers of \nthe United States service, but no result has been reached. \n\n\' See note 2, page 512. \n\n=* There was a little village on the Mosquito coast called Greytown, in which some American \ncitizens resided. These alleged that they had been outraged by the local authorities, who professed \nto derive their power directly from the Mosquito king, or chief of the native tribes. An appeal was \nmade to the counuander of a vessel of the United States nav}\', then lying near. That sliallow \nofficial, named IloUius, who was always valiant when there was no danger, actually bombarded \nthe little town, as a punishment for tlie acts of its autliorities. This brought out tlie denuncia- \ntions of English residents, who alleged that, by arrangements witli the Mosquito monarch, their \nirovernment was the protector of his dominions. The British government itself assumed that \nposition, and for a wdiOe the folly of IloUins caused expectations of serious difficulty. \n\n\n\n1855.] PIERCE\'S A D M IN IS T R A T I X^ . 503 \n\na large tract of the territory had been granted by tlie ^Mosquito king to two \nBritish subjects," and upon this, by arrangement, the emigrants, led by Colonel \nH, L, Kinney, proceeded to settle. The government of Nicaragua protested \nagainst this invasion of that State, in violation of the neutrality laws of the \nUnited States. The Nicaraguan minister at Washington called the attention \nof our government to the subject [January 16, 1855], and especially to the fact \nof the British claim to political jurisdiction there, and urged that the United \nStates, while asserting the " Monroe doctrine " as a correct political dogma, \ncould not sanction the act complained of, as it was done under guarantees of \nBritish authority. Our government, as a matter of policy, interfered, but with \na mildness that^allowed the emigration scheme to go on, and assume more for- \nmidable proportions and aspects. \n\nAn agent of the filli busters named William Walker, who had already, with \na few followers, invaded the State of Sonora, Mexico, from California, and been \nrepulsed, reappeared on the theater in connection with Kinney, who invited \nhim to assist him " in improving the lands and developing the mineral \nresources " of his grant on Lake Nicaragua. Ostensibly for that purpose,. \nWalker left San Francisco Avith three hundred men, and arrived on the coast \nof Nicaragua on the 27th of June. He cast off all disguise the next day, and \nattempted to capture the town of Rivas, believing that one of the factions \nopposed to the Nicaraguan government, which he proposed to unite himself \nwith^, would aid in his scheme. In this he was mis-taken. Even one hundred \nand fifty Central Americans, who had joined him, imder General Castillon,, \ndeserted when they saw the forces of Nicaragua approaching. It was with \ngreat difficulty that Walker and his followers retreated to the coast and es- \ncaped in a schooner. \n\nWalker, who appears to have been a special favorite of Jefferson Davis, \nthe chief leader of the Confederates in the late Civil War (and who was then \nthe Secretary of War and ruling spirit in President Pierce\'s cabinet), was not \nallowed to remain idle, for the scheme to open Central America to the slave \nsystem of our Southern States^ was to be consummated, as far as possible, while \nthat functionary was in power in the government and could have its sanction \nto the practical operations of the doctrine of the " Ostend Circular." Walker \naccordingly made his appearance again on the soil of Nicaragua, with armed \nfollowers, in August ; and on the 5th of September following [1855] the \n\n\' For some time the British had been endeavoring to obtain a controlling influence in this \nregion, and they had induced the ctiief of the Mosquito nation to assume authority inde\'- \npendent of the State of Nicaragua. \n\n^ While, so early as 1850, Davis and his political friends were evidently fostering the \nscheme for seizing Cuba, that it might become a part of the slave empire already alluded to, \nthey appear to have been planning for the seizure of the Central American States for the same \npurpose, and in this project the obsequious politicians of the North who were ever ready to pro- \nmote the slave-holding interests were in complicity. A month before the sailing of the Cuban \nexpedition under\'Lopez [see page 508], a Pennsylvanian, named John Brodhead, in a letter to \nDavis, expressed his desire to be appointed a minister to Nicaragua, saying : " I should like \nto go into that country and help open it to civilization and niggers, l could get strong re- \ncommendations from the President\'s (Taylor\'s) special friends in Pennsylvania for the jilace, \nwere the mission vacant, and I think I would prove a live minister. I am tired of being a \nwhite slave in the North, and long for a home m the sunny South," President Taylor was \nSecretary Davis\'s father-in-law. \n\n\n\n^24 THE NATION. - \'- [1855 \n\n"emigrants" in the Mosquito country, assuming independence of Nicaragi\'..^ \norganized a civil government there by the appointment of Kinney as cliiel\' \nmagistrate, with a council of five assistants. At that time the inhabitants of \nNicaragua were in a state of revolution, and the government was weak. \nTaking advantage of t,his state of things, Walker pushed his scheme of armed \noccupation vigorously. He fought and vanquished [September 3, 1855] four \nhundred government troops at Virgin Bay, and marched triumphantly upon \nand captured Grenada [October 12], the capital of the State. Then he placed \nOeneral Rivas, a Nicaraguan, in the Presidential chair; treated Kinney with \ncontempt, and drove him from his Mosquito domain, and busied himself in \nstrengthening his military power by "emigrants" from the United States. A \nBritish consul recognized the ncAV government of Nicaragua, and John H. \nWheeler,\' the American minister resident there, gave it the nurturp of the sun- \nshine of his kindly regard. \n\nThis attempt to establish a political power in Central America, by armed \nadventurers from the United States, created alarm among the other govern- \nments on the Isthmus, and in the winter of 1856 an alliance of those States \nagain&t Nicaragua under its foreign usurpers was attempted. Early in March \n\xe2\x80\xa2Costa Rica made a formal declaration of war against that State ; and on the \n10th of the same month Walker, who was the real head of the new govern- \nment, made a corresponding declaration against Costa Rica. The latter called \nupon all the Central American States to " unite and destroy the invaders from \nthe North," while Walker shamelessly declared that he was there by invitation \n\xe2\x96\xa0of the liberal party in Nicaragua. Hostilities commenced on the 20th of \nMarch. The Costa Ricans marched into Nicaragua, and on the 11th of April \na sanguinary conflict occurred, in which Walker\'s troops were victorious, and \nthe invaders were driven from the State. This made the usurper arrogant. \nHe levied a forced loan on the people in support of his power. General Rivas,* \nbecoming disgusted with him, finally abdicated the presidency, abandoned \nWalker, and proclaimed against him. Tliis was followed on the 24th of June \n[1856] by a new election for President, when Walker received two-thirds of \nthe popular vote. On the 12th of July he was inaugurated President of \nNicaragua, and thus the first grand act of the conspiracy against our weak \nneighbors was accomplished. The government at Washington hastened to \n0,cknowledge the new natiou, and Walker\'s embassador, in the person of a \n\n\' John H. Wheeler was a resident of western North CaroHna, and while on his way to New \nYork, to embark for Nicaragua, two of his slaves, who attended him, were detained in Philadel- \nphia [July 18, 1855], through the instrumentality of persons there who sought to make them \nfree. One of these (Passmore Williamson) was ordered by Judge Kane (father of Dr. Kane, the \nArctic explorer), of the United States District Court, to bring the slaves before him. Williamson \n\xe2\x80\xa2declared that the slaves had never been in his custody, and of course he could not produce them. \nOn motion of Colonel Wheeler, Judge Kane committed Williamson to prison, for contempt of \ncourt, where he remained for several months. This case, in connection with -other questions la \nregard to slavery, produced great excitement throughout the country. Williamson, after hit \nreloa.se, prosecuted Kane for false imprisonment. \n\n- Rivas, who, by Walker\'s power, had been made President of Nicaragua, as we have \nseen, had sent a minister to Washington namea Parker H. French. The Government \nrefused to receive him. Davis\'s scheme was not ripe, and would not be until Walker, his pliant \ninstrument of mischief, was at the head of the government, with an army at liis back. \n\n\n\n1855.] PIERCE\'S ADMINISTRATION. 525 \n\nRoman Catholic priest named Vigil, was cordially received b)\'\' President \nPierce and his cabinet. Thus strengthened, Walker ruled with a high hand, \noffending commercial nations by his interference with trade. The other Cen- \ntral American States coalesced against him, when he declared all their ports in \na -state of blockade ; and he performed other acts whi>ch showed his innate \nweakness, and led to his ruin. \n\nFor about two years Walker held jDossession of Nicaragua by hard strug- \ngling, but the combined power of the other states finally crushed him. On \nthe 20th of May, 1857, he was compelled to surrender two hundred men, the \nremnant of his army, at Rivas, and by the interposition of Commodore Davis, \nof our navy, then on that coast, he and a few of his followers were brought \naway unharmed. So soon as he arrived at New Orleans, he commenced fit- \nting out another Nicaraguan expedition. He left there in November, 1857, \nand on the 25th of that month he landed at Puenta Arenas, Avhere Commodore \nPaulding, of our navy, seized him [Dec. 3] and two hundred and thirty-two of \nhis followers, and took Walker to New York as a prisoner. James Buchanan \nwas then President of the United States. He privately commended Pauld- \ning\'s act,\' but " for prudential reasons," he said \xe2\x80\x94 that is, to avoid giving offense \nto the slavery propagandists \xe2\x80\x94 he publicly condemned the Commodore, in a \nspecial message to Congress [January 7, 1858], for thiis "violating the sove- \nreignty of a foreign coiintry !" He declined to hold Walker as a prisoner, \nand then that willing agent of our Secretary of War and his friends was allowed \nto freely traverse the slave-labor States, preaching a new crusade against Cen- \ntral America, and collecting funds for the purpose of a new invasion. Walker \nsailed from Mobile with a third expedition, and was arrested off the mouths of \nthe Mississippi, but only for having left port without a clearance ! He was \ntried by the United States Court at New Orleans and acquitted, when he re- \ncommenced operations, went again to Central America, made much mischief, \nand was finally captured and shot at Truxillo. Thus ended one of the first \nacts in the sad drama of the late Civil War. \n\nWhile these fillibustering movements were in progress on our Southern \nfrontier, the attention of the government was called to other important matters. \nAmong these was a war by the Indians upon the white settlers in the Territo- \nries of Oregon and Washington, on the Pacific coast, tOAvard the close of 1855, \ncaused, in a great measure, by the bad conduct of government agents and \nspeculators ; and probably in a measure by the machinations of their English \nneighbors.\' United States troops were sent to suppress hostilities, but they \nfailed to accomplish it. They were defeated in battle, and not long afterward \n\n\n\n\' Oral statement to the author by Commodore Tatnall (late of the United States Navy), at \nSackett\'s Harbor, New Tork, in July, 1860. Tatnall expressed much indignation at this dis- \ngraceful conduct of the President, so calculated to demoralize the public service, and said: \xe2\x80\x94 "Few \nof us will be likely to do our duty hereafter for fear of punishment, by public censure, while the \nhand that inflicts it gives us a certificate of private approval." \n\n* Circumstancea seemed to give the color of justice to the suspicion, that the savages were \nincited to war on the settlements by persons connected with the English Hudsov^s Bay Company, \nwho had married Indian women, and who were desirous of monopolizing the fur-trade of thai \nregion. \n\n\n\n526 THE NATION. [1855. \n\nseveral white families were murdered by the savages. Finally, Major-General \nWool,\' then stationed at San Francisco, proceeded to Portland, in Oregon, to \norganize a campaign against them. The Indians had formed a powerful com- \nbination, and during the winter and spring of 1855-\'56, hostilities were so gen- \neral in both Territories, that it appeared at one time as if the settlers would be \ncompelled to abandon the country. This " Indian trouble," as it was called, \nwas brought to a close in Oregon during the ensuing summer, but there was \nrestlessness observed everywhere among the savage tribes westward of the \nRocky Mountains. \n\nThe friendly relations between our Government and that of Great Britain \nwere slightly disturbed early in 1855, by the enlistment, in the United States, \nof recruits for the British army, then, in connection with a French army, at \nwar with the Russians on the Crimean Peninsula. It was done under the \nsanction of British officials in this country, in violation of our neutrality laws. \nIn this business the British minister at Washington was implicated, and our \ngovernment demanded his recall. The British government refused compli- \nance. After waiting patiently several months, while diplomatic correspond- \nence was going on, the President dismissed the offending minister ; also the \nBritish consuls at New York, Philadelphia, and Cincinnati, who had been \nguilty of a similar offense. Irritation followed these measures for a while, but \nlaw and equity so clearly vindicated the action of the United States, that a \nnew minister was soon sent to Washington, and friendly feeling was restored. \n\nThe most prominent events to be considered in the history of the adminis- \ntration of President Pierce and his immediate successor, are what may be \ncalled the preliminary skirmishes befox-e the late great and final battle waged \nbetween the powers of Slavery and Freedom. The former, made bold and trucu- \nlent by success, was rapidly bringing not only the government, the commerce, \nand the varied industries of the Republic in abject subserviency at its feet, but \nwas making the conscience of the nation, as manifested in morals and religion, \nplastic in its hands, and giving it its own shape and proclivities. The Chief \nMagistrate at that time appeared to sympathize with its sentiments, and smile \ncomplacently upon its deeds ; and so, having disposed, as it thought, of all its \nserious opponents, it began to work its will Avith a high hand, apparently \nunconscious of the fact that there were moral forces at work in opposition, \nwhich, like those of the material universe, are sometimes, though invisible, \nintangible, and latent, more potent in action than those which are seen and \nfelt. That such forces existed was speedily made manifest. \n\nThe virtual repeal of the Missouri Compromise Act\'\' and the passage of the \nKansas-Nebraska Act^ left all the territory of the Republic open to the social \ninstitutions of every section of the Union. The question immediately arose, \nShall the domain of the Republic be the theater of all free or all slave labor, \nwith the corresponding civilization of each as a consequence? It was evident \nthat one or the other of these social systems must prevail, for the antagonism \nwas so pronounced that one or the other must immediately yield. That ques- \n\n\' Pages 413 and 484. \' Pages 452 and 501. * Pa\xc2\xabe 518. \n\n\n\n1855.] piekce\'s administration. 527 \n\ntion was scarcely uttered, when positive action proceeded to answer it. The \npower alluded to, complacently viewing its conquests, and the abjectness of \nits captives in its presence,\' had no doubt of its supremacy, for on the sur- \nface of society there seemed to be only slight ripples to indicate the agitation \nof serious opposition. So it sounded the trumpet for battle, and the newly \norganized Territory of Kansas was its chosen field of conflict. \n\nThe offensive Fugitive Slave Act, and the aggressions and arrogance of its \nupholders, had aroused the Christian manhood of the nation, and the Cham- \npion of Wrong, to its own utter astonishment, saw the gauntlet it had cast \ndown immediately taken up boldly by the Champion of Right. The latter \ncommenced the contest with the peaceful weapon of the ballot-box. Suddenly \nemigration began to flow in a copious stream from the free-labor States, and \nespecially from New England, into the new Territory. It was obvious that the \nsettlers there from those States would soon out-vote those from the slave-labor \nStates, and the dominant power thus far, alarmed and exasperated, began to \norganize physical forces in Missouri, to counteract the moral forces of its oppo- \nnent, if necessary. Combinations were formed under various titles,^ and both \nparties founded settlements and planted the seeds of towns.^ The government \nput forth its strength in that direction in October, 1854, when A. H. Reeder, \nappointed Governor of the Territory, arrived, and took measures for the elec- \ntion of a territorial legislature. \n\nWith the election of members for a legislature, at the close of March, 1855, \nthe struggle in Kansas fairly commenced. The men from the Free-labor States \nplainly perceived that they must contend against fraud and violence in every \nform. The Missouri slave-holders were prepared to go into the Territory and \nsecure the election of men in sympathy with them. Already in November \n[1854], when a delegate to Congress was elected, out of nearly twenty-nine \nhundred votes cast, over seventeen hundred were put in by Missourians who \n\n\n\n\' Merchants having a large "Southern trade," have confessed that for some time before the \nbreaking out of the late civil war, they were careful not lo allow the New York Tribune, and sim- \nilar publications that advocated the righteousness of freedom for all, to be seen in their stores \nwhen their "Southern" customers were there! \n\n* They were respectively called "Social Band," "Friend\'s Society," "Blue Lodge," -"The \nSons of the South," et cetera. So early as the 24th of July, 1854, or about two weeks after the \nrepeal of the Missouri Compromise Act, an "Emigrant Aid Society," under an act of incorpora- \ntion by the Legislature of Massachusetts, in April previous, when the cloud of difficulty was \ngathering, was formed in Boston, and was efficient in sending settlers to Kansas. This move- \nment created great exasperation among the slave-holders, and at a meeting held at Westport, \nMissouri, early in July [1 854], it was resolved that Missourian-s, who formed the associations there \nrepresented, should he ready at all times to assist, when called upon by pro-slavery citizens in \nKansas, to remove from the Territory by force every person who should attempt to settle the"** \n" under the auspices of the N"orthern Emigrant Society." They recommended the slave-holders \nof other counties in Missouri to take similar action. \n\n^ The settlers from Free-labor States founded the towns of Lawrence, Topeka, Boston (after- \nward Manhattan), Grasshopper Falls, Pawnee, and one or two others. Those from the Slave- \nlabor States founded Kickapoo, Doniphan, Atchison, and a few others on or near the Missouri \nRiver A few days after the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, hundreds of Ixissourians \nwent over into Kansas, selected a tract of land, and put a mark upon it, for the purpose of \nestablisliing a sort of pre-emiption right to it, and finally, at a public meeting, resolved as follows: \n\xe2\x80\x94 "That we will afford protection to no abolitionist as a settler of this Territory. That we \nrecognize the institution of slavery as alruady existing in this Territory, and advise slare-holders \nto introduce their property as early as possible." \n\n\n\n52S THE NATION. [1855 \n\nhad v.o business there.\' Xoav, these Missourians were more open in their usur- \npation of the rights of the citizens of Kansas. While only eight hundred and \nthirty-one legal electors voted for members of the Legislature, there were no \nless than six thousand three hundred and tAventy votes polled. A thousand \nmen came from Missouri, armed with deadly weapons, two cannon, tents, and \nother things that appear in time of war, and encamped around Lawrence.* \nThese carried the election by the most shameful fraud and violence ; and in \nlike manner such ruffians controlled every other poll in the Territory. Then a \nreign of terror commenced in Kansas, and actual civil war darkened that beau- \ntiful land for more than a year. All classes of men carried deadly weapons^ \nand a slight or accidental quarrel frequently produced unusual violence. \n\nThe Legislature of Kansas, thus illegally chosen, M\'as called by the Gov- \nernor to meet at Pawnee City, on the Kansas River, nearly a hundred miles \nfrom the Missouri line. It immediately adjourned to Shawnee Mission, on the \nMissouri border, and there proceeded to enact the most barbarous laws for the \nupholding of slavery in the new Territory. These were regularly vetoed by \nthe Governor, and as regularly passed over his veto. He was so of\xc2\xbbnoxious to \nthe pro-slavery party, that they asked President Pierce to remove him. He \ndid so, and sent ex-Governor Wilson Shannon, of Ohio-, to fill his place. That \nofficial Avas acceptable to the Missourians, for he declared that he was for slavery \nin Kansas, and that the Kansas Legislature was legal, and its laws Avere bind- \ning on the people ! \n\nThe actual settlers in Kansas, the larger portion of Avhom were from the \nFree-labor States, held a mass convention on the 5th of September [1855], \nwhen they resolved not to recognize the laws of the Legislature, fraudulently \nchosen, as binding upon them. They refused to vote for a delegate to Congress \nat an election appointed by that Legislature, and they called a delegate conven- \ntion at Topeka on the 19th of October. By that convention Governor Reeder \n\n1 A Democrat, named John "W. "Whitfield, was elected. He was an ofiBcer in the Confederate \narmy during a portion of the late rebellion. David R. Atchison, then a member of the United \nStates Senate from Missouri, was one of the chief promoters of the frauds and rufiBanism by \nwhich attempts were made to seize Kansas. He, too, was a leader in the rebellion. \n\n\' This band of lawless men were led by Claiborne F. Jackson, who was elected Governor of \nMissouri by the Democrats in 1860. He took an active part in the rebellion against his Govern- \nment, and died a refugee in Arkansas, in 1862. On the evening before the election we are con- \nsidering, his followers held a meeting at his tent, near Lawrence, and took measures to crush \nany attempt to have a legal polling of the votes. They threatened to hang an honest judge of \nthe election, should he appear, and compelled another, under similar threats, to receive every voto \noflFered by a Missourian. Some of these voted several times; and three of the men elected were \nresidents of Missouri. Every man who did not sympathize with them, if known, was not allowed \nto vote. The result satisfied the slave-holders. The newspapers in their interest advised the \nMissourians who had thus "conquered Kansas" to "hold it, or die in the attempt;" and when \nGovernor Reeder refused to give certificates to some of the men thus illegally elected, an(i \ndrdered a new election on the 22d of May, to fill their place.s, he was threatened with death. " This \ninfernal scoundrel," said a Missouri Tpuper {The Bruruwicker), "will have to be wiped out yet." \nNo man was safe who dared to express his views in support of law and order. One example of \nthe methods used by the slave-holders in conquering Kansas, cited by Mr. Greeley in his American \nConflict (l 239), will suffice: \xe2\x80\x94 "William Phdlips, a Free-State lawyer of Leavenworth, saw fit to \nsign the protest against the wholesale frauds whereby the election at that place was carried. A \nfew days thereafter, he was seized by a crowd of Missouri ruffians, taken by force to Weston, \nMissouri, eight miles distant, and there tarred and feathered, ridden oa a rail, and finally sold at \nauction to a negro, who was compelled to purchase hmi." \n\n\n\n1866.1 PIERCE\'S ADMINISTRATION. 529 \n\nWas nominated for delegate in place of Whitfield, and was elected by the \nlegal votes of the Territory. On the 2.3d of the same month a convention of \nthe same party, chosen by the settlers, assembled at Topeka and formed a con- \nstitution, which was approved by the legal votes of the Territory, whereby \nKansas should become a Free-labor State, and under this they asked for the \nadmission of their Territory into the Union as such. By this act a portion of \nthe strife between freedom and slavery for supremacy in Kansas was now \ntransferred to Washington City. There Reeder and Whitfield contested the \nclaim of each to a seat. In the mean time elections had been held [January \n17, 1856] under the new State Constitution, and matters seemed dark for the \npro-slavery party in that State, when President Pierce gave them comfort by \nsending in a special message to Congress [January 24], in which he represented \nthe action of the legal citizens of Kansas in forming a State Constitution as \nrebellion ! \n\nAll through the spring of 1856, violence and bloodshed prevailed in Kansas. \nSeeing the determination of the actual settlers to maintain their rights, ai*med \nmen flocked into the Territory from the Slave-labor States, and, under pretext \nof compelling submission to the laws of the illegal Legislature, they roamed \nover the land, committing excesses of every kind.\' Finally, Congress sent a \ncommittee of investigation^ to Kansas, whose majority made a report on the \n1st of July [1856], in which the political action of the legal voters of Kansas \nwas fully vindicated, and the frauds by which the pro-slavery Legislature had \nbeen chosen, and Whitfield elected a delegate, had been fully exposed. The \nMissouri member of the committee dissented from the report, and the mission \nfailed to produce positive action, to the great disappointment of the country.- \n\nAs the autumn advanced, and the time for the election of a President of the \nRepublic drew nigh, that question so absorbed public attention, that troubles \nin Kansas almost ceased. There were now three distinct political parties, and \nthree candidates for the Chief Magistracy were before the people. A new and \npowerful party, composed chiefly of the opponents of the extension and exist- \nence of slavery, had lately appeared. It was formed of men of every political \ncreed, who were willing to cut loose from old organizations for the purpose of \nopposing the scheme of the slave-holders, and the leaders of the party of which \nPresident Pierce was the head, to make slavery a national instead of a sectional \ninstitution. This was called the Republican party. In the autumn of 1856, it \nhad assumed vast proportions in the Free-labor States, and was kindly regarded \nby large numbers of patriotic men in the Slave-labor States. Tliere was another \npowerful political organization, known as the Aynericcai ox Know- Nothing party, \nwhose proceedings were at first in secret. Its chief bond of union was opjDosition \nto foreign influence an^ the denunciation of Roman Catholicism in our political \n\n\' A regiment of reckless young men, from South Carolina and Georgia, entered the Territory, \nunder a man named Buford, in the spring of 1856, for the purpose, as they said, of making \nKansas a Slave-labor State at aU hazards. These, with armed men under Atchison, Stringfellow, \nand other rufBans, traversed the Territory, executing their wicked wills at pleasure, without evea \na rebuke from the Executive of the nation. \n\n* Composed of William A. Howard, of Michigan, John Sherman, of Ohio, and Mordecai Olivsn \nof MissourL \n\n34 \n\n\n\n530 THE NATION. [1856. \n\naiFairs. The Democratic party, dating its modern organization at the election \nof General Jackson, in 1828,\' had been divided and weakened by the slavery \nquestion, for many wise men had left it when it became the avowed supporter \nof that institution, or had formed a new organization within its fold; while the \nold Wliig party^ was virtually annihilated as a distinct one. \n\nOn the 22d of February, 1856, a national convention of the American party, \nheld at Philadelphia, nominated ex-President Fillmore^ for -the office of Chief \nMagistrate, Avith A. J. Donelson, of Tennessee, for Vice-President. On the \n5th of June following, a national Democratic Convention* in Cincinnati nomi- \nnated for President of the Republic James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, one of \nthe authors of tlie " Ostend Circular,\'" with John C. Breckenridge, of Ken- \ntucky, for Vice-President. This nomination was satisfactory to the Slave \npower, and the convention gave the coveters of Cuba and other territory \nwithin the Golden Circle*^ to understand that the party it represented was \\v \nsympathy with their doctrines and schemes.\' \n\nOn the 17th of June [1856], a national convention of Republicans, assem- \nbled at Philadelphia, nominated John C. Fremont, of California,* for President, \nand William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, for Vice-President. That convention \nput forth strong resolutions, indicative of the creed of the new and powerful \nparty it represented.^ An exciting canvass followed these several nominations, \nand the vote [November 4, 1856] resulted in the choice of James Buchanan. \nAfter this, nothing of great importance occurred during the remainder of Presi- \ndent Pierce\'s administi-ation, which expired on the 4th of March, 1857. \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 459. \' Note 2, page 466. \' Note 5, page 501. \n\n* The two wings of the Democratic party (that leaning toward the anti-slavery policy of the \nRepublicans being called the "Free-Soil Democracy") had been reconciled, and the organization \nwas nearly a unit at this time. Delegates from each wing met in this convention, and they gen- \nerally agreed upou measures that were adopted. \n\n" Page 520. \' Note 3, page 520. \n\n\'\' In a series of resolutions, the convention took ground in favor of the efforts then making by \nJUibustavs, as the Spaniards call small bodies of invaders, in Central America, saying, in allusiom \nto Walker\'s outrages in Nicaragua : \xe2\x80\xa2\' The people of the United States cannot but sympathize with \nthe efforts which are being made-by the people of Central America to regenerate that portion of \nthe continent which covers the passage across the inter-oceanic isthmus." They declared that \nthe next administration would be expected to use every proper effort "to insure our ascendency \nin the Gulf of Mexico," and "Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition \nof the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be lionorable to ourselves and just to Spain." A. \nG. Brown, Senator from Mississippi, who was one of a committee appointed to visit Buchanan at \nhis home near Lancaster, and apprise him of his nomination, was so well satisfied that the \nnominee was in favor of tlie national policy of the slave-holders, that he wrote a cheerful letter to \nthat effect [June 18, 1856] to S. R. Adams, which he closed by saying: "In my judgment, he is \nas worthy of Southern confidence and Southern votes as ever Mr. Calhoun was." Mr. Buchanaa \ndid not disappoint his most sanguine "Southern" friends. \n\n" Page 488. \n\n\xc2\xae In tlie matter of aggression upon weak neighbors, the convention took direct issue with the \nDemocratic party, by resolving, "That the highwayman\'s plea that \'might makes right,\' embodied \nin the Ostend Circular, was in every respect unworthy of American diplomacy, and would bring \nshame and dishonor on any goverimient or people that gave it their sanction." \n\n\n\n1867.] \n\n\n\nBUCHANAN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n531 \n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2CHAPTER XV. \n\nBUCHANAN\'S ADMINISTRATION. [1857\xe2\x80\x941861.] \n\nJames Buchanan,\' the fifteenth President of the Republic, took the oath \nof office at Washington City on the 4th of March, 1857. It was administered \nto him by the venerable Roger B. Taney, the Chief Justice of the United \n\n\n\n\nStates. Among the spectators on that occasion was a citizen who bore a near \nrelationship to the great Washington, and who had been present at the inaugu- \n\n\' James Buchanan was born in Franklin County. Pennsylvania, on the 23d of April, 1791. \nHe was educated at Dickenson College, where he was graduated at the age of eighteen years. I\xc2\xbb \n1812 he was admitted to the bar, and was soon in successful practice in his native State. In 1814, \nwhen only twenty-three years of age, he was elected to a seat in the Legislature ot Pennsylvania. \nThis was his first prominent appearance in public life. In 1815 he distinguished himself in his\' \nFLate Legislature as an opponent of the United States Bank, and became one of the foremost mea \nin the Democratic party. He was elected to CJongress in 1820, and there he soon became distin- \nguished as a speaker and debater. After \xc2\xaben years\' service, he retired from Congress in 1831. \nwhen President Jackson appointed him minister to Russia. In 1833 he was elected to the United \nStates Senate, where he also served ten years. President Polk called him to his cabinet, as See- \nretary (tf State ; and in 1849 he again retired to private life. In 1853 he was appointed minister \nto EngUad ; and in June, 1856, he was nominated for President of the United States. In Noy-jw \n\n\n\nr532 THE NATION". [1867. \n\nration of every Chief Magistrate of the Republic\' Two days afterward, the \nSenate confirmed Mr. Buchanan\'s cabinet appointment.\'^ \n\nThe beginning of Buchanan\'s administration was marked by an event which \ngreatly intensified the sectional strife concerning slavery. Dred Scott, a \nnegro, had been held as a slave in Missouri until 1834, when his master, who \nwas a surgeon in the army, being ordered to a post in Illinois, took him into \nthat Free-labor State. There Scott married the slave girl of another ofiicer, \nwith the consent of the masters. They had two children, born within Free- \nlabor territory. The mother had been bought by the master of Scott, and \nwhen he returned to Missouri he held the parents and children in bondage. \nThey were sold, and Scott finally sued for his freedom, on the ground of his \ninvoluntaiy residence for years in a Free-labor region. The State Circuit Court \nof St. Louis County, in which the case was tried, gave judgment in his favor. \nThis was reversed by the Supreme Court of the State, and the question wa& \ncarried to and heard by the Supreme Court of the United States, at Washing- \nton, in May, 1854, Chief Justice Taney presiding. The decision was reserved, \nfor alleged prudential reasons, until after the Presidential election, in the \nautumn of 1856.* That decision, uttered by the Chief Justice, was against \nScott, the majority of the court agreeing with its he.ad in denying to any per- \nson, " whose ancestors were imported to this country and sold as slaves," any \nright to sue in a court of the United States ; in other words, denying the right \nof citizenship to any person who had been a slave, or was the descendant of a \nslave. \n\nThe legitimate business of the court was simply a denial of jurisdiction ; \nbut the Chief Justice took the occasion to give the sanction and aid of that \naugust tribunal to the efforts of the slave-holders to nationalize the institution \nof slavery. With a strange disregard of popular intelligence, he asserted, in \nopposition to testimony to the contrary, found in abundance in our records of \nlegislation and social life, that the framers and supporters of the Declaration \nof Independence did not include the black race in our country in the great \nproclamation that " all men are created equal ;" that our Revolutionary fathers \nand their progenitors, " for more than a century before," regarded the black \nrace among us as " so far inferior, that they had no rights which the white man \nwas hound to respect^\'\' and that they " were never thought or spoken of except \n\nber following he was elected to that high office, and on the 4th of March, 1861, he again \nretired to private life at his seat, called "Wheatland," near Lancaster, Pennsylvania, where \nhe died June 1, 1868. \n\n\' George Washington Parke Ciistis, the grandson of Mrs. Washington, the adopted son of the \npatriot, and the last surviving executor of his will. Mr. Custis died at Arlington House, near \nWashington City, in the autumn of 1857. \n\n" He appointed Lewis Cass. Secretary of State; Howell Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury; John \nB. Floyd, Secretary of War; Isaac Toucey, Secretary of the Navy; Jacob Thompson, Secretary \nof the Interior; Aaron V. Brown, Postmaster-General; and Jeremiah S. Black, Attorney- \nGeneral. \n\n* The majority of the Judges of the Supreme Court at that time, whose sympathies were witli \nthe slave-holders, decided that, on account of the excitement produced by the Nebraska bill and \nevents in Kansas, it was best to postpone the decision. " It is quite probable," says the \nauthor of Tlie American Conflict, i. 252, "that the action of the court in the premises, if made \npublic at the time originally intended [Term of 1855-6], would have reversed the issue of that \nPresidential election." \n\n\n\nas57.] BUCHANAN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 533 \n\nas property.\'\'\'\' He further alleged that the framers of the Constitution " held the \nsame views, as is equally evident from its provisions and language," when in \nthat instrument slaves are always spoken of as " persons," and not as property, \nriavmg, with these and other statements, equally discordant with the facts of \nhistory, declared the colored people of our country incapable of being citizens, \nhe proceeded to declare also that the Missouri Compromise Act, and all other \nacts of Congress restricting slavery, were unconstitutional, and that neither \nCongress, nor local Legislatures, had any authority for restricting the spread \nof the institution of slavery The majority of the court agreed with the Chief- \nJustice in these extra-judicial opinions, and the leaders of the dominant politi- \ncal party assumed that the nation was bound to acquiesce in the judgment of \nthese five or six fallible men, who proposed to turn back the tide of civili- \nzation into the darker channels of a barbaric age from which it had broken, \nand was making the desert of humanity " blossom as the rose." The conscience \nof the nation refused acquiescence.\' \n\nThe newly elected President, who appears to have been informed of this \ndecision before its promulgation, regarded it with great favor, and acted \naccordingly. In his inaugural address, delivered two days before the decision \nwas promulgated, he hinted at the measure as one that would " speedily and \nfinally " settle the slavery question.*^ " The whole Territorial question," he said, \n*\' being thus settled upon the principle of popular sovereignty \xe2\x80\x94 a principle as \nancient as free government itself \xe2\x80\x94 every thing of a practical nature has been \ndecided," and he expressed a hope that the long agitation of the subject of \nslavery was " approaching its end." A council of pi\'iests could not stop the \nmotion of the earth, and Galileo knew it, and said so ; the opinions of a few \nmen could not prevent the great heart of the nation beating with strong \ndesires to have our Republic in fact, as in name \xe2\x80\x94 \n\n" The land of the free and the home of the brave." \n\nKansas was still a battle-field on which Freedom and Slavery were openly \ncontending. The energetic measures of John W. Geary, who had succeeded \nShannon as governor of the Territory, had smothered the fires of civil war for \na time. He was succeeded by Robert J. Walker, a Mississippian, who was \nSecretary of the Treasury under President Polk ; and Frederick P. Stanton, of . \nTennessee, was appointed Secretary of the Territory. The two parties were \n\n\' Roger Brooke Taney was born in Maryland, on the I7th of March, 17 IT, and was admitted \nto the bar as a practicing law3\'er in 1799. He served, at an early age, in the Senate and Assembly \nof Maryland. He was appointed Attorney-General of the United States in 1831, and Secretary of \nthe Treasury in 1833. He was appointed Chief Justice of the United States on the death of Judge \nMarshall, and took his seat as such in January, 1837. He remained in that ofBce until his death, ia \nthe city of Washington, on the 12th of October, 1864, when his place was filled by Salmon P. \nChase, of Ohio. \n\n\'^ Discussing the right of the citizens of a Territory to settle the question whether or not \nslavery should exist in such Territory, he said: "It is a judicial question, which legitimately \nbelongs to the Supreme Court of the United States, before whom it is now pending, and will, it is \nunderstood, be speedily and finally settled. To their decision, in common with all good citizens, \nI shall cheerfully submit." It should be remembered that the subject of discussion was never \nbefore the court for adjudication in any shape, and that the decision was an extra-judicial opinion \nof the Chief Justice, supported by some of his associates, and of no more binding force in law \nthan the opinion of any other citizen. That opinion was promulgated on the 6th of March, 1857. \n\n\n\n534 THE NATION. [1858. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2working energetically for the admission of Kansas as a State, with opposing \nends in vicAV. The pro-slavery party, in convention at Lecorapton early in. \nSeptember, 1857, formed a constitution, in which was a clause providing that \n" the rights of property in slaves now in the Territory shall in no manner be \ninterfered with," and forbade any amendments of the instrument until 1864. \nIt was submitted to a vote of the people on the 21st of December following, \nbut, by the terms of the election law, no one might vote against that Consti- \ntution. The vote was taken \xe2\x80\xa2 " For the Constitution, with slavery," or " For \nthe Constitution, xoithout slavery ;" so that, in either case, a Constitution that \nprotected and perpetuated slavery would be voted for. The vote for the Con- \nstitution with slavery was, of course, largely the majority. \n\nMeanwhile, an election for a Territorial Legislature was held. Assured by \nWalker that justice should rule, the friends of Free labor generally voted, and, \nnotwithstanding enormous frauds,\' they carried the Legislature and elected a \ndelegate to Congress. The new Legislature, unquestionably legal, ordered the \nLecompton Constitution to be submitted to the people of the Territory for \ntheir adoption or rejection. The result was its rejection by over ten thousand \nmajority.^ Regardless of this strong expi\'ession of the will of the people of \nKansas, the President sent the pro-slavery Lecompton Constitution to Con- \ngress [February 2, 1858], wherein was a large Democratic majority, with a \nmessage in which he recommended its acceptance and ratification.^ It was \naccepted by the Senate (32 yeas, 25 nays), but in the House a substitute pro- \nposed by the venerable Senator Crittenden, of Kentucky, was adopted, which \nprovided for the re-submission of the Lecompton Constitution to the people of \nKansas. It was done, and that instrument was again rejected by about ten \nthousand majority. The political power in Kansas Avas noAV in the hands of \nthe friends of freedom, and finally, at the close of January, 1861, that Territory- \nwas admitted into the Union as a Free-labor State, and the thirty-fourth \nmember of the family. So ended one of the most desperate of the skirmishes \nbefore the great battle between Freedom and Slaver}^, Avhich we shall consider \npresently. And in 1862, the opinion of Chief Justice Taney, that a descendant \nof a slave could not become a citizen of the Republic, was practically rejected \nas unsound, by the issuing of a passport to one, by the Secretary of State, to \ntravel abroad as a " citizen of the United States." \n\nWhile the friends of freedom were anxiously considering how they should \nsave their country from the perils with which the institution of slavery threat- \nened it, the friends of that system, emboldened by the sympathy of the- \ngovernment, formed plans for its perpetuity, and their own profit and aggran-^ \ndizement, which would practically disregard the plain requirements of the \n\n\' One or two examples maybe given. In a little precinct on the Missouri border, where there \n\'were but forty-three legal votes, 1,600 votes were taken : and at another place, where no poll waa \nopened, 1,200 were returned. \n\n" The vote was, for the Constitution with slavery. 138; for it without slavery, 24: against it^ \n10,226. \n\n\' In that message he said, referring to the opinion of Chief Justice Taney, already considered: \n"It has been solemnly adjudged, by the highest judicial tribunal known to our laws, that slavery \nexists in Kansas by virtue of the Constitution of the United States. Kansas is, therefore, at \nthis moment, as much a slave State as Georgia or South Carolina." \n\n\n\n1857.] \n\n\n\nBUCHANAN\'S ADMINISTRATION, \n\n\n\n535 \n\n\n\nN\'ational Constitution, and defy the laws f)f tlie land and tlie Iraaiane spirit of \nthe time. Tlioy resolved to re-open the Afi-ican slave-trade. In direct viola- \ntion of the laws, native Africans were landed on the coasts of the Soiathern \nStates, and placed in hopeless bondage. In Louisiana, leading citizens engaged \nin a scheme for legalizing that horrid traffic, under the deceptive guise of what \nthey called the "African Labor-supply Association,\'" and in Savannah, Georgia, \na grand jurj^, who were compelled by law to find several bills against persons \ncharged with complicity in the slave-trade, actually protested against the laAvs \nthey were sworn to support.* Southern newspapers openly advocated the \ntraffic f and a prominent Southern clergyman asserted his conviction that the \nhorrible African slave-trade was "the most worthy of all missionary societies."* \nSouthern legislatures and conventions \nopenly discussed the subject of re-opening \nthe trade.* John Slidell, of Louisiana, \none of the fomenters of hatred of the \nUnion, urged in the Senate of the United \nStates the propriety of Avithdrawing Ameri- \ncan cruisers from the coast of Africa, that \nthe traffickers in human beings might not be \nmolested; and the administration of Mr. \nBuchanan was made to favor this scheme \nof the great cotton-planters, by protest- \ning against the visitation of suspected \nslave-bearing vessels, carrying the American \nflag, by British cruisers.* \n\nThe Fugitive Slave Act was now bear- \n\n\n\n\nJOHN SLIDELL. \n\n\n\n\' The President of that association was the late Mr. De Bow, editor of De Bmo\'s Review, pub- \nlished in New Orleans. That magazine was the acknowledged organ of tlie oligarchy of slave- \nholders, and was one of the chief promoters of the late rebellion. \n\n\' "We feel humbled," they said, "as men. in the consciousness that we are freemen but Im \nname, and that we are living, during the existence of such laws, under a tj^raany as supreme a3 \nthat of the despotic governments of the Old World. Heretofore the people of the South, firm in \ntheir consciousness of right and strength, have failed to place the stamp of condemnation upon \nsuch laws as reflect upon the institution of slavery, but have permitted, unrebuked, tiie influence \nof foreign opinion to prevail in their support." \n\n^ The True Southron, published in Mississippi, suggested the "propriety of stimulating th\xc2\xa9 \nzeal of the pulpit by founding a prize for the best sermon in favor of free-trade in negroes^ This \nproposition was widely copied with approval, and in many pulpits professed ministers of the \ngospel exhibited "zeal" in the service of the slave power, without the stimulus of an offered prize. \n\n* Doctor James H. Tliornwell, President of the Presbyterian Theological Seminary at Columbia, \nSouth Carolina. Dr. Thornwell, who died at the beginning of the late rebellion, was distinguished \nas "the Calhoun of the Church" in the South. \n\n^ The "Southern Commercial Convention," held at Yicksburg, Mississippi, on the 11th of \nMay, 1859, resolved, by a vote of 47 to 16, that "all laws. State or Federal, prohibiting tho \nAfrican slave-trade, ought to be abolished." There is ample evidence on record, that Jefferson \nDavis, Alexander H. Stephens, William L. Yancey, and other leaders in the late rebellion, were \nadvocates of the foreign slave-trade. \n\n^ By an arrangement between the governmenljf of the United States and Great Britain, tlie \ncruisers of each were empowered to board vessels of either nation suspected of being engaged \nin the African slave-trade. When, in the summer of 1858, it was known tliat the trade \nwas about to be carried on actively by men of the Slave-labor States, the British cruisers \nin the Gulf of Mexico were unusually vigilant, and in the course of a few weeks boarded \nabout forty suspected American vessels. Our government, inspired by men like Slidell, protested \n\n\n\n586 THE NATIOX [1857. \n\ning the fruit desired by its author.\' The evident intention oi the slave-hoklers, \nassisted by the President and the Chief Justice, to nationalize slavery, increased \nthe sense of its ofFensiveness ; and the denial of the obvious meaning of the \nvital doctrine of the Declaration of Independence awakened in the breast of \nthe people, especially in the Free-labor States, strong desires for removing \nfrom the national escutcheon the horrid stain of human bondage.\' The Legis- \nlatures of several Free-labor States adopted measures to prevent, by lawful \nmeans, its most injurious actions, and in a special manner to prevent the \ncarrying away of free persons of color into slavery, the law denying the right \nof the alleged fugitive to trial by jury. The Legislature of New York re- \naffirmed the determination of the State authorities to make every slave free \nthat should be brought involuntarily within its borders, and denounced the \nopinion of the Chief Justice, which denied citizenship to men of color. Ohio \npassed a bill of similar character; and Maine, Massachusetts, Connecticut, \nMichigan, and Wisconsin took strong ground in favor of the freedom of the \nslave, without assuming an attitude of actual resistance to the obnoxious Act, \nwhich all were bound to obey so long as it remained unrepealed. These " Per- \nsonal Liberty Laws," as they were called, exasperated the slave-holders, and \nthey were used by the politicians as a pretext, as it was intended they should be, \nfor kindling the flames of civil war. At about the same time a " National \nEmancipation Society" was formed at Cleveland, Ohio [August 26, ISST] \nhaving for its object the maturing of a plan for ending slavery by the purchase \nof the slaves by the National government. \n\nagainst what it was pleased to call the odious British doctrine of "the right of search," and the \nBritish government, for "prudential reasons," put a stop to it, and laid the blame on the ofiBcers \nof tJie cruisers. \n\n\' See page 521. \n\n* When the Declaration of Independence was promulgated, its precepts struck at the root of \nhuman bondage in every form; and eflbrts were made, in several States, to eradicate the institu- \ntion, sometimes in the form of propositions for immediate, and at others for gradual, emancipation. \nIt had been expehed from England by the decision of Lord Mansfield, just before the kindling of \nthe American Kevolutiou. This decision was in the case of James Somerset, a native of Africa, \nwho was carried to Tirginia, and sold as a slave, taken to England by his master, and there \ninduced to assert his freedom. The first case of a similar nature on record in England was in \n1697, when it was held that negroes "being usually bought and sold among merchants, as mer- \nchandise, and also being infidels, there might be a property in them sufficient to maintain trover." \nThis position was overruled by Chief Justice Holt, who decided that "so soon as a negro lands in \nEngland, he is free." To this decision Cowper alludes, when he says, "Slaves cannot breathe in \nEngland." In 1702, Justice Holt also decided that "there is no such thing as a slave bj\' the law \nof England." In 1729, an opinion was obtained, that "negroes legally enslaved elsewhere might \nbe held as slaves in England, and that baptism was no bar to the master\'s claim." This was \nheld as good law imtil Mansfield\'s decision above mentioned. \n\nIn the Enghsh colonies in America, the most enlightened men, regarding slavery with great \ndisfavor, made attempts from time to time to limit or to eradicate it. The utterances and actions of \nGeorge Washington, Henry Laurens, Thomas Jefferson, and other slave-holders, and of Dr. \nEranklin, John Jay, and many other leading patriots, directly refute the assertion of Judge Taney, \nthat in their time Africans by descent "were never thought or spoken of except as property." \nAmong the important public acts of those men so misrepresented, was the famous Ordinance of \n1787 [see page 362], adopted before the IsTational Constitution was framed, which was the final \nresult of an effort commenced in the Contine|>tal Congress some years before [1784] to restrict \nslavery. That action was in relation to a plan for the government of the Western Territory, then \nindudmg the whole region west of the old thirteen States, as far south as the thirty-first degree \nof north latitude, and embracing several of the late Slave-labor States. The plan was submitted \nby a committee, of wliich Thomas Jefferson was chairman. It contemplated the ultimate division \nof that territory into seventeen States, eight of them below the latitude of the present city of \n\n\n\n1859.] BUCHANAN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 537 \n\nThe attention vi\' tlie public miud was somewhat diverted for a while from \nthe absorbing topic of slavery by the movements of the Mormons in Utah/ \nearly in 1857. Incensed because their Territory was not admitted as a State, \nthey commenced revolutionary proceedings. They destroyed the records of \nthe United Spates Court for the District ; and under the instructions of their \nGovernor and spiritual head, Brigham Young,* they looked to him for alllawr. \nThe President determined to enforce those of the United States, He appointed \nColonel Cumming Governor of Utah, and sent an army to uphold his authority. \nYoung issued a proclamation, declaring his intention to resist the troops ; but \nwhen Cumming arrived there, in April, 1858, while the army was at Fort \nBridger, Young received him with courtesy, and surrendered to him the Seal \nof the Territory ; at the same time he and his people prepared to leave the \ncountry, declaring that they would emigrate to a new land rather than submit \nto military and Gentile rule. The troops, who had lost a provision train, \n\xe2\x96\xa0destroyed by the Mormons, were recalled ; the " Mormon War " ended, and \nYoung and his people were soon again applying for the admission of their \nTerritory as a State." They are yet [1883] unsuccessful. Polygamy is the \nhindrance. Measures have been taken by Congress to remove the evil. \n\nThe autumn of 1859 was the witness of a most extraordinary excitement \non the subject of slavery. The feverishness in the public mind, produced by \nthe discussions of that topic, had somewhat subsided, and there was unusual \ncalmness in the political atmosphere. Utah was quiet ; difficulties which had \narisen between our government and that of Paraguay, in South America, had \nbeen settled, and the Indian troubles on the Pacific coast were drawing to a \nclose.* "Walker\'s fillibustering operations against Nicaragua were losing much \nof their interest in consequence of his failures,\' and the National Legislature, \nduring its short session, had been much engaged in action upon the Pacific \nRailway, Homestead, Soldiers\' Pension, and other bills of national interest. \nThe summer had passed away in general quietude throughout the country, \nand the weary in the political field were hoping for rest, when the whole na- \ntion was startled, as by a terrific th under- jjeal, by an announcement from Balti- \n\n\n\nLouisviUe, in Kentucky. Among the rules for the government of that region, reported by Mr. \nJefferson, was the following: " That after the year 1800 of the Christian era, there shall be neither \nslavery nor involuntary servitude in any of the said States, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, \nwhereof the party shall have been convicted to be personally guilty." This clause was stricken \nout [April 19,. 1784], on motion of Mr. Spaight, of North Carolina, seconded by Mr. Read, of South \nCarolina. A majorit}^ of the States were against striking it out, but the Articles of Confederation \nrequired a vote of nine States to carry a proposition. See Journals of Congress. In the Ordinance \nof 1787 [see page 362], this rule, omitting the words, \'\'after the year 1800 of the Christian era," \nwas incorporated. \n\n\' See page 504. \n\n^ The successor of Joseph Smith [page 504], who was duly appointed Governor of Utah by \nPresident Fillmore in 1850. \n\n* Early in 18G2 they formed a new State Constitution, elected senators and representatives \nunder it, and applied for admission when Congress assembled, near the close of the year. No \naction was had on the application: but Congress passed a law \'\'to punish and prevent the prac- \ntice of polygamy in the Territories of the United States." and in other places, and disapproving \nand annulling certain acts of the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah. The law \nagainst polygamy has been a dead letter in our statute-books. \n\n* Page 525. \' Page 525. \n\n\n\n538 I\'HE NATIOX. [1859-. \n\nmore [October 17, 1859] that "an insurrection hatJ broken out a\'. Ilai-per\'a \nFerry,\' where an armed band of Abolitionists have full possession of the Gov- \nernment Arsenal." This was the celebrated " John Brown\'s Rai<^," which, \nkindled a blaze of intense excitement throughout the Slave-labor States, and \nrevived the " slavery agitation " Avith fiercest intensity. \n\nThe outline of the story of " John Brown\'s Raid " may be given in few \nwords. Brown* had acted and suffered much in Kansas during the civil war \nthere, where he was a prominent anti-slavery man. He was enthusiastic, fanat- \nical, and brave, arid believed himself to be the destined liberator of the slaves \nin our land. He went into Canada from Kansas by way of Detroit, Avith a \nfew followers and twelve slaves from Missouri, whom he led to freedom in the \ndominions of the British Queen. At Chatham he held a convention [May 8^ \n1859], whereat a " Provisional Constitution and Ordinances for the People of \nthe United States " was adopted, not, as the instrument itself declared, for the \noverthrow of any government, " but simply to amend and repeal ;" adding, \n" and our flag shall be the same that our fathers fought under in the Revolu- \ntion." It was part of a scheme for an uprising of the slaves for the obtaining \nof their freedom. \n\nThe summer of 1859 was spent in preparations for a decisive movement^ \nand Brown finally hired a farm a few miles from Harper\'s Ferry, where he was \nknown by the name of Smith. There a few followers stealthily congregated, \nand pikes and other weapons were gathered, and ammunition was provided, \nfor the purpose of striking the first blow against slavery in Virginia. The \nappointed time for delivering that blow was Sunday evening, the 16th of \nOctober, when Brown, moving in profound darkness, with seventeen white and \nfive colored men, entered the little village of Harper\'s Ferry, extinguished the \npublic lights, seized the armory and the railway bridge, and quietly arrested \nand imprisoned in the government buildings citizens as they appeared in the \nstreets, one by one, in the morning, ignorant of what had happened. The \nnews soon went abroad. Virginia militia flocked to the rescue, and in the \ncourse of twenty-four hours Colonel Robert E. Lee was there with government \ntroops and cannon. Struggles between the raiders and the militia and citizens \nresulted in several deaths. Two of Brown\'s sons were killed, and the leader \nwas captured. He expected a general uprising of the negroes in that region, \nbut was disappointed. He was indicted for exciting slaves to insurrection, \n\n\' At the confluence of the Potomac and Shenandoah rivers, in Virginia, where the united \nstreams burst througli the Blue Ridge. There was a National armory, in which a large quantity \nof arms were stored at the time we are considering. \n\n^ John Brown was born in Farmington, Connecticut, on the 9tli of May, 1800. When he \nwas five years of age liis family settled in Hudson, Ohio, and, as a cattle-driving boy, he was at \nthe surrender of Hull at Detroit, iu 1812. His school education was meager, and he learned the \ntrade of tanner and currier. He commenced studying for the ministr}-, but weak eyes compelled \nhim to desist. He worked at his trade and farming in both Ohio and Pennsylvania. He engaged \nextensively in wool dealing, and on account of that business went to Europe, incurring heavy \nloss, and returning a bankrupt. He moved from place to place, and finally went to Kansas with \nsons by his first wife, where he was active in public matters. He became an abolitionist in early \nlife, and the conviction that he was to be a liberator of the slaves possessed him so early as 1839. \nHe was twice married, and had seven children by his fii-st wii\'c and thirteen by his last wife,, \nwho yet [1883] survives him. \n\n\n\n1859.] BUCHANAN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 53() \n\nand for treason and murder. He was tried and found guilty [October 29], and \nwas executed on the 2d of December, under the laAvs of Virginia. \n\nThe most exaggerated reports concerning this raid went abroad. Terror \nspread over Virginia. Its Governor (Henry A. "Wise) was almost crazy with \nexcitement, and incurred the pity and ridicule of the whole country.\' Through- \nout the Slave-labor States there wa,s a wide-spread apprehension of slave insur- \nrections, and every man there from the Free-labor States was suspected of \nbeing an emissary of the abolitionists. Attempts were made to implicate \nleaders of the Republican party, and the inhabitants of the Free-labor \nStates generally, in this scheme for liberating the slaves. The author of the \nFugitive Slave law, James M. Mason,^ was chairman of a committee of the \nUnited States Senate appointed to investigate the matter; and Clement L. \nVallandigham, of Ohio, then a member of the Lower House, volunteered to \naid in proving the charge against the people of the North. The result was \npositive proof that Brown had no accomplices, and only about twenty follow- \ners. Although Brown\'s mad attempt to free the slaves was a total failure in \nitself, it proved to be one of the important events which speedily brought \nabotit the result he so much desired. \n\nThe elections in 1858 and 1859 indicated a remarkable and growing strength \nin the Republican party, and it was evident to the slave-holders that their dom- \nination in the councils of the nation would speedily end. They saw no chance \nfor the election of another President of their choice, and some leaders of that \npowerful oligarchy, who had been for years anxious for the overthrow of \nthe Republic by a dissolution of the Union, so as to establish the great sla-ve \nempire of their dreams within the Golden Circle,\'\' perceived that they must \nsti-ike the blow during or at the immediate close of Mr. Buchanan\'s adminis- \ntration, or perhaps never. They must have a pretext for the crime, and they \nset diligently to work to create one more specious than the opposition, to the \nFugitive Slave law would afford. They were in full political alliance with the \n\n\n\n\' The excited Governor was prepared, according to his own words, to make war upon aU the \nFree-labor States, for the honor of Virginia. In a letter to the President [Nov. 25, 1859], after \nsaying that he had good authority for the belief that a conspiracy to rescue John Brown existed \nin Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, and other States, he said: \xe2\x80\x94 I protest that my purpose is \npeaceful, and that I disclaim all threats when I say, with all the might of meaning, that if another \ninvasion assails this State or its citizens from any quarter, I will pursue the invaders wherever \nthey may go, into any territory, and punish them wherever arms can reach them. I shall send a \ncopy of this to the Governors of Maryland, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. \xe2\x80\x94 Autograph Letter. Before \nthe close of the late civil war, of which Wise was one of the fomenters, a daughter of John \nBrown was a teacher of a school of colored children in the ex-Governor\'s house, near Norfolk, \nYirginia, then in possession of the government. \n\nWise was willing to find victims to "punish" by secret and dishonorable means. In a let- \nter to the President, written twelve days before [November 1 3] the one above cited, he asked \nthe Executive and the Postmaster-General to aid him in a scheme for seizing and taking to Vir- \nginia Frederick Douglas, an eminent and widely-known colored citizen, who had escaped from \nslavery many years before, and was then living in the western part of the State of New York, \nthough Wise, as appears by the letter, supposed him to be in Michigan. Douglas was an elo- \nquent and influential pleader for the emancipation of his race, and was feared and intensely hated \nby the slave-holders. He was guilty of no crime \xe2\x80\x94 no act that a slave-holder could complain of \nbut escape from bondage. That was a crime quite sufficient for the crazy Governor of Virginia \nto have justified himself in hanging Douglas on the same gaUows with John Brown. \n\n" Page 521. . \xc2\xbb Page 520. \n\n\n\n540 \n\n\n\nTHE NATIOX \n\n\n\n[1860. \n\n\n\nDemocratic party then in power, and might, by acting with it in good faith, \nand electing a President of its choice in 1860, maintain its possession of the \ngovernment for some time longer, but with no certainty of a lasting tenure, \nfor a large faction of that party, under the leadership of Senator Douglas, \nshowed tangible proclivities toward affiliation with the opponents of slavery. \nSo the leaders of the oligarchy resolved to destroy the supremacy of that \nparty, and -allow the Republicans to elect their candidate, whoever he might \nbe, and thus, with the pretext that he was a sectional President, and an enemy \nto the institution of slavery, they might, with plausible appeals to the domi- \nnating passions of their class, " fire the Southern heart," and make a success- \nful revolution possible. This was a plan formed by disunionists like Jeffer- \nson Davis, of Mississippi ; John Slidell and Judali P. Benjamin, of Louisi- \nana ; William L. Yancey, of Alabama ; Eobert Toombs and Howell Cobb, \nof Georgia ; the Rhetts, W. P. Miles, and L. M. Keitt, of South Carolina ; \nT. Clingman, of North Carolina ; D. L. Yulee, of Florida ; Louis T. Wigfall, \nof Texas ; and James M. Mason and R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, who ap- \npeared most prominently as actors at the opening of the late Civil War. \nThese men, as the ordeal to which their actions soon exposed them proved, \nwere lacking in the true elements which constitute statesmen, but had for \nyears assumed the character of such. They were acknowledged leaders of \nopinion and action in the more southern Slave-labor States, to the mortal \nhurt of the Southern people. \n\nAlmost six hundred chosen representatives of the Democratic party assem- \nbled in convention in the hall of the South Carolina Institute, in Charleston, \n\nSouth Carolina, on the \n\n\n\n\nof April, 1860, for \npurpose . of nomi- \n\n\n\n23d \nthe \n\nnating candidates for the \nPresidency and Vice- \nPresidency of the Repub- \nlic. It was evident from \nthe first hour of the ses- \nsion that the spirit of the \nslave system was there, \nfull of mischief, and as \npotential as Ariel in the \ncreation of elementary \nstrife. For months there \nhad been premonitions of \na storm which might topple from its foundations the organization known as \nthe Democratic party. Violent discordant elements were now in close con- \ntact, and all felt that a fierce tempest was impending. \n\nCaleb Cushing, of Massachusetts, was chosen the Chairman of the Conven- \ntion. The choice was in accordance with the wishes of the slave-holders. In \nhis inaugural speech Mr. Cusliing declai-ed it to be the " high and noble part \nof the Democratic party of the Union to withstand \xe2\x80\x94 to strike down and con- \n\n\n\nSOUTH CAROLINA INSTITUTE. \n\n\n\nI860.] BUCHANAN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 54;J. \n\nqner " the " banded enemies of the Constitution," as lie styled the anti-slavery \nRepublican j^arty. But those in the Convention most clamorous for the Con- \nstitution wei-e not anxious, at that time, to " strike down " the Republican \nparty. They were more intent upon striking down their own great party, for \nthe moment, by dividing it ; and a greater portion of the delegates from the \nSlave-labor States came instructed, and were resolved to demand fi-om the \nConvention a candidate and a platform which should promise a guaranty for \nthe speedy practical recognition, by the general government and the people, \nof the system of slavery as a national institution. Senator Stephen A. Doug- \nlas,\' of Illinois, was the most prominent candidate of the party for a nomina- \ntion before the Convention. It was well knoAvn that he was committed to a \ncourse that would not allow him or his friends to agree to such a platform of \nprinciples. His rejection by the representatives of the slave-holders would \nsplit the Democratic party asunder, and then the first great and desired act iu \nthe drama of rebellion against their government would be auspiciously begun. \nThey resolved to employ that wedge. \n\nThe Democratic party throughout the Union had accepted the doctrine of \n" Popular Sovereignty," of which Douglas was the sponsor and exponent, and \nwhich was put forth in the resolutions of the Convention at Cincinnati that \nnominated Buchanan,^ as the true solution of the slavery question ; but now it \nwas rejected by the slave-holders as too dangerous to their interests. Their \nexperience in Kansas taught them that positive law, and not public opinion, \nmust thereafter be relied on for the support of slavery. So when the Conven- \ntion, by a handsome majority, reaffirmed the Cicinnati platform of principles \xe2\x80\x94 \xe2\x80\xa2 \nadopted the " Douglas platform " of Popular Sovereignty \xe2\x80\x94 preconcerted rebel- \nlion lifted its head defiantly. Le Roy P. Walkex-, who was Jefferson Davis\'s \nso-called " Secretary of War " at the beginning of the late rebellion, declared \nthat he and his associates from Alabama were instructed not to acquiesce in or \nsubmit to any such platform, and, in the event of such being adopted, to with- \ndraw from the Convention. That contingency had now occurred, and the \nAlabama delegates formally withdrcAv. \n\nThis action of the Alabamians was imitated by delegates from other States. \nThey were followed out of the Convention by all the delegates from Missis- \nsippi, all but two from Louisiana, all from Florida and Texas, three from \nArkansas, and all but two from South Carolina. On the following day twenty- \nsix of the thirty-four delegates from Georgia withdrew. Two delegates from \nDelaware followed, and joined the seceders ; and all met that night in St. \nAndrew\'s Hall, to prepare for a new organization. The disruption of the \nDemocratic party represented in the Convention w^as now complete, and the \ndisloyal intentions of the seceders were foreshadowed by Glenn, of Missis- \nsippi, one of their number, who said to the Convention, before leaving it : \n" I tell Southern men here, and for them I tell the North, that in less than sixty \ndays you will find a united South standing side by side with us." He was \nvehemently cheered, especially by the South Carolinians, and Charleston was \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 518. \xc2\xab Page 530. \n\n\n\ng^2 TOE NATION. [18Gv \n\nthe scene of great delight that night, because of this auspicious beginning of a \nrebellion by the leaders of the oligarchy of slave-holders. \n\nThe seceders, with James A, Bayard, of Delaware, as their chosen head, \nassembled the next day, organized what they called a " Constitutional Con- \nvention," sneeringly called the majoi-ity they had deserted a " Rum^D Conven- \ntion," and prej^ared for vigorous action. On the evening of the 3d of May, \nthey adjourned to meet in Kichmond, Virginia, in June, and invited the \n*\' Democracy " who sympathized with them to join them there. The original \nConvention adjourned to meet in Baltimore, Maryland, in June, to which time \nthe nomination of a candidate was postponed. The latter reassembled in the \nFront Street Theater, in that city [June 18, 1860], with Mr. Cushing in the \nchair. There was a stirring time again, the subject of slavery being the \nexciting cause, and Cushing and most of the Massachusetts delegation with- \ndrew.* The seceders, who had met at Richmond, were now in Baltimore, and \nthese and the Cushing malcontents organized a Convention in the Maryland \nInstitute. The regular Convention chose David Tod, of Ohio, for their presi- \ndent, and proceeded to nominate Mr. Douglas for the Chief Magistracy.\' The \nseceders, calling themselves the National Democratic Convention^ nominated \nJohn C. Breckenridge, then Vice-President of the Republic, for President. \n\nOn the 9th of May [1860], representatives of a party then about six months \nof age assembled in convention in Baltimore, styled themselves the National \nConstitutional Union Party, and was presided over by the late Washington \nHunt. They nominated for President John Bell, of Tennessee,^ and for Vice- \nPresident, Edward Everett, of Massachusetts. They adopted as their platform \nthe National Constitution, with the motto, The Union, the Constitution, \nAND THE Enforcement op the Laws. A few days later, chosen representa- \ntives of the Republican party, and a vast concourse of people, assembled [May \n16, 1860] in an immense building in Chicago, erected for the purpose, and \ncalled a " wigwam," to nominate a candidate for the Presidency. George \nAshmun, of Massachusetts, presided. The Convention adopted a platform of \nprinciples in the foi-m of seventeen resolutions,\'\' and on the 19th nominated \n\n\' Benjamin F. Butler, one of the Massachusetts seceders from the Convention in Baltimore, \nsaid before leaving it : " "We put our withdrawal before you upon the simple ground, among \nothers, that there had been a withdrawal, in part, of a majority of the States; and, further (and \nthat, perhaps, more personal to myself), upon the ground that I will not sit in a convention where \nthe African slave-trade \xe2\x80\x94 which is piracy, by the laws of my country \xe2\x80\x94 is approvingly advocated." \n\n^ James Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, was nominated for Vice-President. He declined, and \nHerschel Y. Johnson, of Georgia, was substituted. \n\n^ When the Rebellion broke out, in the spring of 1861, Mr. BeU was one of the eariiest, if not \nthe very first, of the professed Unionists of distinction who joined the enemies of his country, iu \ntheir attempt to overthrow the Constitution, and destroy the nationality of the Republic. Breck- \nenridge, the candidate of the pro-slavery wing of the Democra^tic party, became a major-general \nin the Confederate army and fought against the life of the Republic. \n\n* After affirming that the maintenance of tlie principles promulgated in the Declaration of \nIndependence, and embodied in the National Constitution, is essential to the preservation of our \nRepublican institutions ; congratulating the country that no Republican member of Congress had \nuttered or countenanced any threats of disunion, " so often made by Democratic members without \nrebuke, and with applause "from their political associates," and denouncing such threats as "an \navowal of contemplated treason," the resolutions made explicit declarations upon the topic of \nslavery, so largely occupying public attention. In a few paragraphs, they declared that each \nState had the absolute right of control in the management of its own domestic concerns; that tlie \n\n\n\nI860.] \n\n\n\nBUCHANAN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n543 \n\n\n\nAbraham Lincoln,\' of Illinois, for the Presidency, and Hannibal Hamlin, of \nMaine, for the Vice-Presidency of the Republic. There, in that " wigwam," \nwar was openly declared against the principles and purposes of the oligarchy \nof the Slave-labor States, and the standard of revolt was raised against the \noperations of a tyranny which was rapidly enslaving the nation, materially \n\n\n\n\nTHE " WIGWAM " AT CHICAGO. \n\nand morally. In that " wigwam " Abraham Lincoln was made the standard- \n"bearer in that revolt which resulted in the overthrow of slavery, and the puri- \nfication and strengthening of the nation. \n\nAnd now, in the early summer-time of 1860, the most important political \ncampaign known in this country was opened with four parties in the field, but \nonly two of them (the Republican^ and the pro-slavery wing of the Democratic \n\n\n\nnew doErma, that the Constitution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all of the Terri- \ntories of the United States, was a dangerous political heresy, revolutionary in its tendency, and \nsubversive of the peace and harmony of the country ; that the normal condition of all the territory \n\xe2\x96\xa0of the United States is that of freedom, and that neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature, \nnor any individuals, have authority to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the \nUnited States, and that the reopening of the African slave-trade, then recently commenced in the \nSouthern States, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, was \na crime against humanity, and a burning shame to our country and age. \n\n\' Abraham Lincoln was born in Hardin County, Kentucky, February 12, 1809. His ancestors \nwere Quakers in Pennsylvania. When he was seven years of age, his father settled, with his \nfamily, in Indiana. He received but little education. He worked hard for ten years on a farm, \nand, at tlie age of nineteen years, went to New Orleans as a hired hand on a flat-boat. In 1830 \nhe settled in Illinois, became a clerk in a store, and was a captain of volunteers in the Black \nHawk war, in 18o2. He was elected to the lUinois Legislature in 1834, in which he served \nfour years. He was licensed in 1836 to practice law, and commenced the profession in Spring- \nfield in 18:57. He rose to distinction. He was elected to Congress in 1846. He was named for \nthe position in which Fremont was placed by the Ropubhcans in 1856 [page 530]. He was \nalways an anti-slavery man, but did not rank with "Abolitionists." In November, 1860, he was \nelected President of the United States, and performed the duties of his office with singular fidelity, \nzeal, and wisdom, during the terrible Civil War that ensued. He was re-elected President in \n1864, and was inaugurated for his second term on the 4th of March, 1865. On the evening of the \n14th of April ne.xt ensuing he was shot by an assassin, and expired early the following morning, \nat the age of little more than fifty-six years. His remains repose in a vaiilt in the Oak Ridge \n"Cemetery, at Springfield, Illinois. \n\n\n\n5^^ THE NATION. [1860 \n\nparty) exhibiting tangible convictions, as units, on the great topic which had \nso long agitated the nation,^ and these took issue, squarely, definitely, and \ndefiantly. It had been declared by the former, Avhose standard-bearer was \nAbraham Lincoln, that there was " an irrepressible conflict between Freedom \nand Slavery," \xe2\x80\x94 " that the Republic cannot exist half slave and half free," and \nthat " freedom is the normal condition of all territory." It had been declared \nby the latter, whose standard-bearer was John C. Breckenridge, that no power \nexisted that might lawfully control slavery in the Territories ; that it existed \nin any Territory in full force, whenever a slave-holder and his slaves entered \nit ; and that it was the duty of the National government to protect them. \nThis was the issue. The conflict during the canvass, from July to November, \nwas severe. The chief opponents and enemies of the Republic were with the \nBreckenridge faction, and they and their followers used every means in their \npower to excite the slave-holders, and the masses of the people in the Slave- \nlabor States, against those of the Free-labor States. During the summer and \nautumn of 1860, they traversed the latter States, everywhere vindicating the \nclaims put forth by the extremists of the pro-slavery party. Among these \norators, in the interest of the oligarchy, William L. Yancey, a leading politi- \ncian of Alabama, was the most conspicuous. He was treated kindly, and \nlistened to patiently. Then he went back to his State, and by misrepresenta- \ntions of the temper of the citizens of the North, and with the zeal of an ear- \nnest man regardless of consequences, he aroused into rebellion the confid- \ning people he was about to betray. Like an incarnation of discord, he cried \nsubstantially as he had written two years before:^ \xe2\x80\x94 "^Organize committee^ \nall over the Cotton States ; fire the Southern heart ; instruct the Southern \nmind ; give courage to each other ; and at the proper moment, by one organ- \nized, concerted action, precipitate the Cotton States into revolution." \n\nYancey, in principles and action, was a type of politicians in the other \nSlave-labor States who now worked in co-operation with him in bringing about \na rebellion against the government, by the slave-holders. Their pretext was \nfound in the doctrines and practices of the Republican party, as revealed in their \nconvention, during the canvass, and at the election [November 6, 1860], which \nresulted in the choice of Abraham Lincoln for President.* Although Mr. Lin- \ncoln had a large majority over each candidate, and was elected in accordance \nwith the letter and spirit of the National Constitution, yet the fact that hfr \nreceived 979,163 votes less than did all of his opponents, gave factitious vigor to \n\n\n\n^ The wing of the Democratic party led by Mr. Douglas, in its platform, assumed not to know \npositively whether slavery might or might not have a lawful existence in the Territories, without \nthe action of the inhabitants thereof but expressed a willingness to abide by the decisions of the \nSupreme Court in all cases. The National Constitutional Union party, led by John Bell, declined \xe2\x80\xa2 \nto express any opinion upon any subject. \n\n^ In a letter to James Slaughter, June 15, 1858. \n\n^ The electoral cohege [see Article XII. of the Amendments to the Constitution] then chosen \nwas composed of 303 members. Mr. Lincoln received ISO votes, or 57 more than all of his oppo- \nnents. Bell received 39; Douglas, 12; and Breckenridge, 72. Of the popular vote, Lincoln \nreceived 491,295 over Douglas, 1,018,499 over Breckenridge, and 1.275.871 over Bell. The votes \nfor the four candidates were, respectively: For Lincoln. 1,86(;,452; for Bell, 590,631 : for Douglas, \n1.375,141 ; and for Breckenridge, 847,953. A fair analysis of this popular vote shows that of the \n4,690,180 ballots cast, at least 3,500,000, or three-fourths of the whole, were given by men-, \nopposed to the further extension of the institution of slavery. \n\n\n\nI860.] Buchanan\'s administration. 545 \n\nthe plausible cry, which was immediately raised by the disloyalists and their \nfriends, that the President-elect would be a usurper when in office, because he \nhad not received a majority of the aggregate vote of the people ; and that his \nantecedents, the principles of the Republican platform, and the fanaticism of \nhis supporters, pledged him to wage relentless war upon the system of slavery \nand the rights of the Slave-labor States.\' \n\nWhen it was known that Mr. Lincoln was chosen for the Presidency, there \nwas great rejoicing among the politicians in the Slave-labor States. It was \nthe pre-concerted signal for open rebellion. Making that choice and its alleged \nmenaces a pretext, the disloyalists and the politicians in their service at once \nadopted measures for precipitating ^\'the cotton States into revolution."^ A \nsystem of terrorism was organized and put in vigorous operation, to crush \nout all active loyalty to the government. In it social ostracism and threats of \npersonal injury and of the confiscation of property were prominent features \nin the region below North Carolina ; and the promise of Senator Clingman, \nof the latter State, that Union men should be hushed by " the swift atteution \nof vigilance committees," was speedily fulfilled. In this work the Press and \nPulpit became powerful auxiliaries, and thousands upon thousands of men \nand women, regarding these as oracles of truth and wisdom, followed them \nreverentially in the broad highway of open opposition to their government. \n\'\' Perhaps there never Avas a peojile," wrote a resident of a Slave-labor State \nin the third year of tlie Avar, "more bewitched, beguiled, and befooled, than \nAve Avere when we drifted into this rebellion." \n\nThe disunionists, who had been colleagues or were disciples of John 0. \nCallioun,\' and had been for years plotting treason against their government, \nnow organized rebellion. They were of one mind in regard to the overt act ; \nthey differed somcAvhat as to time and manner. Those of South Carolina, who, \nby common opinion, were expected to lead in the great movement, Avere anxious \nfor immediate action, and when they found those of sister States hesitating, \nthey resolved not to wait for their co-operation. Por a while this question \ndivided the Secessionists, but it was soon settled by general co-operation. \nEvery thing was favorable to their plans. The governors of all the Slave- \nlabor States had been elected by the Democratic party, and Avere ready, with \nthe exception of those of Maryland and Delaware, to act in sympathy, if \nnot in open co-operation, with the Secessionists. Three, if not four, of the \nleading disunionists were then members of President Buchanan\'s cabinet,^ and \ntlie President himself and his Attorney-General (Jeremiah S. Black, of Penn- \nsylvania) were ready to declare that the Constitution gave the Executive no \n\n\' The fact Avas imobserved, that in nine of the Slave-labor States the leaders had not put in \nthe field an electoral ticket, and therefore an expression of the popular will was not obtained. \nThese States were North Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, Loiiisiann, \nArkansas, Florida, and Texas \xe2\x80\x94 the States which the politicians of each attempted to sever from \n\xe2\x96\xa0 the Union. The electors of South Carolina were chosen by the Legislature, and not by the people. \n\n\' Page 544. ^ Page 458. \n\n\' The disloyal members of the cabinet were Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Secretary of the \nTreasury ; John B. Floyd, of Virginia, Secretary of "War ; and Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, \nSecretary of the Interior. Flov\'d and Cobb became general officers in the army of the Con- \nfederates. The former perished miserably. Thompson was charged Avith the most heinous \n\n35 \n\n\n\ng^g THE NATION. [I860. \n\npower to stay the arm of rebellion. Of the President, Jacob Thompson, of \nhis cabmet, said : " Buchanan is the truest friend of the South I have ever \nknown in the North. He is a jewel of a man.\'" Cobb, the Secretary of the \nTreasury, wished to hold back the blow until the close of Buchanan\'s term, but \nhe was overruled by the other disunionists, who counted upon the President\'s \npassive, if not active, sympathy with them. \n\nAccording to agreement, the politicians of South Carolina took the first \nstep toward open rebellion. For that purpose, an extraordinary session of the \nLegislature was held at the time of the Presidential election [November 6, \n1860], and on the morning after, when the result was known, the Governor of \nthat State was the recipient of many congratulatory electographs from officials \nin Slave-labor States, giving assurance of co-operation.^ In Charleston, badges \ncalled Palmetto cockades\'* were everywhere seen, and they \nwere freely worn even in Washington City. Members of \nboth Houses of Congress, from South Carolina, made trea- \nsonable speeches at the capital of that State,^ and the Legis- \nlature authorized a convention of delegates, for the purpose \nof declaring the State separated from the Union, and taking \nmeasures for maintaining what they called the " Sove- \nreignty of South Carolina." The members of that Convention \nwere chosen on the 3d of December, and on the IVth of that \n\n\n\n\nPALMETTO COCKADE. \n\n\n\nmonth they assembled at Columbia, when the prevalence of \nthe small-pox in that city caused them to adjourn to Charles- \nton. There, on the 20th [December, 1860], they adopted an Ordinance of \nSecession,^ and that evening, in the presence of the Governor and his council, \n\ncrimes during the rebellion, even of complicity in the assassination of President Lincoln. William \nH. Trescot, the Assistant Secretary of State, was also one of the disloyalists; and of Mr. Bu- \nchanan\'s seven cabinet ministers, only two (General Cass, Secretary of State, and Joseph Holt, \nPostmaster-General) seem to have been wholly disconnected with the plotters against the Gov- \nernment. \n\n^ Autograph letter, November 20, 1860. \n\n" "The people are much excited. North Carolina will secede," said one. "Large numbers \nof Bell men," said another, from Montgomery, Alabama, "headed by T. H. Watts, have declared \nfor secession since the announcement of Lincoln\'s election. The State will undoubtedly secede." \n"The State is ready to assert her rights and independence; the leading men are eager for the \nbusiness," said a dispatch from the capital of Georgia. "If your State secedes," said another, \nfrom Richmond, "we wiU send you troops and volunteers to aid you," and so from other States \ncame greetings and offers of aid. \n\n^ Made of blue silk ribbon, with a button in the center bearmg the image of a palmetto-tree. \n\n* James Chestnut, Jr., member of the United States Senate, spoke of the undoubted right of \nSouth Carolina to secede, and recommended its immediate action in that direction, saying: "The \nother Southern States will flock to our standard." W. W. Boyce, member of Congress, said: \n"I think the only policy for us is to arm as soon as we receive authentic intelligence of the elec- \ntion of Lincoln. It is for South Carolina, in the quickest manner, and by the most direct means, \nto withdraw from the Union. Then we will not submit, whether the other States will act with us \nor with our enemies." \n\n* This ordinance was drawn by John A. Inghs, and is as follows: "We, the people of Souin \nCarolina, in convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, \nthat the ordinance adopted by us in convention, on the twenty-third day of May, in the year of \nour Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, whereby the Constitution of the United \nStates was ratified, and also all Acts and parts of Acts of the General Assembly of the State, \nratifying Amendments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, and the Union now subsisting \nbetween South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is \nhereby dissolved." \n\n\n\nIS^\'l-] buchaxan\'s administeation. 547 \n\nthe Legislature, and a vast concourse of citizens, it was signed in the great \nHall orf the South Carolina Institute,\' by one hundred and seventy of the mem- \nbers. This action was speedily imitated by the politicians in the interest of \ntlie disunionists in the States of Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, \nLouisiana, Texas, Virginia, Arkansas, North Carolina, and Tennessee." On the \n4th of Fobruar}", 1861, delegates appointed by the secession conventions in six \nof the States in which there had been action on the subject, assembled at \nMontgomery, in Alabama, and formed a league, with the title of Coxfederate \nStates of Ameeica.^ A provisional constitution was adopted ; Jefferson \nDavis,* of Mississippi, was chosen *\' Provisional President," and Alexander H. \n\n\' See page 540. This building, and othei-s identified with the revolutionary movements of \nthe Secessionists and their followers in Charleston, were in ruins early in the Civil War that \nensued, and long stood as ghastly illustrations of one of the darkest pages in the history of our \nRepublic. On the occasion of the signing of the Oi-dinance of Secession, a significant banner \nwas hung back of the chair of the president of the convention. Upon it was represented an \narch composed of fifteen stones (each indicating a Slave-labor State) rising out of a heap of \nbroken and disordei\'ed stones, representing the Free-labor States. The key-stone was South \nCarolina, on which stood a statue of Calliouu. This banner was a declaration of the inten- \ntion of the convention to destroy the Eepublic, and to erect upon its ruins an empii\'e whose \ncorner-stone should be slavery. Beneath the design on the banner were the wox\'ds: "Built \nFROM THE Ruins." \n\n^ Secession ordinances were passed in the conventions in the eleven States named, in the fol- \nlowing order: Suuth Carolina, December 20, 1860; 3Iisxis.^ij)jn\\ inmunj 9), 1861; Florida, \nJanuary 10; Alabama, January 11; Georgia, 3 SiXm&YjW): Loiiit<i(iua, .January 26; Texas, Feb- \nruary 1; Virginia, April 17; Arkansas, \'May 6; North Carolina, Jlay 20; I\'ermessee, June 8. \n\nThe case of Arkansas is an example of the method of secession. The disunionists, by means \nof Knights of the Golden Circle [see page 520], procured the election of a disloyal Legislature \nand Governor, who called a convention to vote on secession. That convention voted for Uniou \nby a majority of over two-thirds. The foiled Secessionists, by false promises, gained the consent \nof the Unionists to an adjournment, subject to the call of the president, who pretended to be a \nloyal man, but was really one of the disunion ists. It was agreed to refer the question back to the \npeople, and that the convention should not reassemble before the vote should be taken in August. \nThe president, in violation of that pledge, called the convention in May, soon after Fort Sumter \nwas taken. The hall in which the members met was filled by an excited crowd. When the roll \nhad been called, a Secessionist offered an Ordinance of Secession, and moved that the "yeas" and \n"nays" on the question should be taken without debate. The president fraudulently declared \nthe motion carried ; and when the vote on the Ordinance was taken, and it was foimd that there \nwas a majority against it, he arose, and in the midst of cheers and threats of the inob, he urged \nthe Unionists to" change their votes to " ay " immediately. It was evident that the mob was \nprepared to execute their threats, and the terrified Unionists complied. There was one excep- \ntion. His name was Mui\'piiy. He was compelled to fly for his life. He was the Union Governor \nof the State in 1864. Thus, by fraud and violence, Arkansas was placed in the position of a re- \nbellious State. The Secessionists at once commenced a system of terrorism. Unionists were \nmurdered, imprisoned, and exiled. Confederate troops from Texas and Louisiana were brought \ninto the State, and Arkansas troops, raised chiefly by fraud and violence, were cent out of the \nState. The voice of opposition was silenced ; and the usurpers, with their feet on the necks of \nthe people, proclaimed the unanimity of the inhabitants of Arkansas in favor of disunion! \n\n\' This name does not express the truth. No States, as States, had withdrawn from the \nUnion, for the people, who compose a State in our Republic, had never been asked to sanc- \ntion such change. Only certain perso7is in certain Slates were in rebellion against the \nNational authority. They usurped the power and suspended the constitutions of several of \nthe States; but the confederation formed at Montgomery was only a league of confederated \nleaders, not of States. With this qualification, the name of "Confederate " may be properly \najiplied to the insurgents, and in the sense of that qualification it is used in the narrative of \nthe Civil War that follows this introduction. \n\n*\xe2\x96\xa0 JefEcrsou Davis was born in Kentucky, on the 3d of June, 1808. He was educated at the \nNational Military Academy at West Point, where he was graduated in 1824. He remained in \nthe army seven years, and was in the \' \' Black Hawk War " in 1832. He became a cotton-planter \nin Mississippi in 1835. He was a Democratic Presidential Elector in 1844, and was elected to a \nseat in Congress in 1845. He was a colonel of a Mississippi regiment in the war with Mexico. He \nwas sent to the National Senate, to fill a vacancy, in 1848, and was regularly elected to that post \n\n\n\n548 \n\n\n\nTHE NATIOX. \n\n\n\n[18G1, \n\n\n\n\nJEFFERSON DAVIS. \n\n\n\nStephens, \' of Georgia, \' \' Vice-Presideut. " And tliis organization of disunion- \nists, wholly the work of politicians (for no ordinance of secession was ever \n\nsubmitted to the jjeo^jle), made war upon \nthe Republic, by seizing forts, arsenals, \nships, custom-houses, and other public \nproperty, and raising armies for the \noverthrow of the government. \n\nIn the mean time Congress had assem- \nbled [December 3, 1860] at the National \nCapital, and tlie disunionists in both \nHouses were outspoken, truculent, and \ndefiant. The President\'s message pleased \nnobody. It was full of evidence of faint- \nheartedness and indecision, on points \nwhere courage and positive convictions \nshould have been apparent in its treat- \nment of the great topic then filling all \nhearts and minds ; and it bore painful indications that its author was involved \nin some perilous dilemma, from which he was anxiously seeking a way of \nescape. It contained many patriotic sentiments, which offended the Secession- \nists, but it contained more that was calculated to alarm the loyal people of \nthe land. It declared substantially, under the advice of the Attorney-General, \nthat the Executive possessed no constitutional power to use the army and \nnavy for the preservation of the life of the Republic ; and from the time of its \npromulgation until his term of office expired, three months later, the President \nsat with folded arms, as it were, while the Secessionists were perfecting their \nhorrid enginery for destroying the Nation.\'\' Encouraged by his declaration \nof the weakness of the government, and the assurances of leaders of his party \nin the Free-labor States that they need not fear interference,\' they worked in \n\nin 1851. President Pierce called him to his cabinet, as Secretary of War, in 1853. He again \nentered the Senate, on his retirement from tlie War Department, in 1857, and was there con- \nspicuous as one of the conspirators against the life of the Republic. In February, 1861, he was \nelected "Provisional Presidentof the Confederate Statesof America,"and in 18t)2, "Permanent \nPresident." At the close of the Civil War he was captured, and confined in Fortress Monroe, \ncharged with high crimes. He was released on bail, and has never been brought to trial. \n\n\' Stephens, with an air of real sincerity, had made a plea for the Union, at the capital of \nGeorgia, in November, 1860. By his own\'private confession it was only a political trick. He \nand Robert Toombs, one of the leading disunionists in Georgia, were aspirants for the supre- \nmacy as political leaders in that State. Toombs was an open Secessionist. Stephens expect- \ned to debase him by taking a stand for the Union, but was defeated ; and within the space of \nthree months he was the second officer in the so-called "government" of the Secessionists, \nand working with them in trying to destroy what he had declared to be the fairest poUtieal \nfabric on the face of the earth. " \n\n- After arguing that even Congress had no constitutional right to do more than defend the \npublicproperty, the Attorney-General intimated that if it should attempt to do more, the peo- \nple of the Slave-labor States interested in the matter- would be justified in rebelling \xe2\x80\x94 "would \nbe compelled to act accordingly." He wished to know whether, under such circumstances, \nall the States would "not be absolved from their Federal obligations." He virtually coun- \nseled the President to allow the Republic to be destroyed by its internal foes, rather than ta \nuse force for its preservation ; and the Chief iMagistrate followed his advice. \n\n\' At a large political meeting in Philadelphia, on the 16th of January, 1861, one of the resolu- \ntions declared : \' \' We are utterly opposed to any such compulsion as is demanded by a portion of \nthe Republican party; and the "Democratic party of the North will by all constitutional means. \n\n\n\nisoi.] Buchanan\'s administration. 549 \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0open sunshine with the avowed intention of overthrowing the government. \nThey seized i)ublic property, and fired upon the National flag, even before they \nhad formed their league at Montgomery ; and when their plans were fairly \nmcltured, the Secessionists in Congress, after rejecting every peaceful proposi- \ntion that might be made, consistent with the dignity and safety of the govern \nment,\' both in that body and in a peace convention held at Washington City* \n[February 4, 18G0], formally withdrew from the National Legislature, with \ntlie sivowal that Avar upon their government was tJieir object. And yet there \nsat the Chief Magistrate of the Republic in passive obedience to some malig- \nnant will, liolding in his hands the lightning of power confided to him by the \npeople, by which, in a moment, as it Avere, he might have consumed those \nenemies of the Constitution and violators of the law. \n\nCharleston harbor had now become the seething caldron of rebellion. \nMajor Robert Anderson,\' a loyal Kentuckian, was in command of the fortifi- \ncations there. He had warned his goA\'ernment of the evident intention of the \nSouth Carolina Secessionists to seize their strongholds, and had urged it to \nemploy measures for their protection. Floyd, a Virginian disunionist, then \nSecretary of War, and Avho had stripped the arsenals of the North and filled \nthose of the South, preparatory to rebellion, paid no attention to his entreaties. \nFinally, Avhen it Avas evident to Anderson that the South Carolinians intended \nto seize the forts, and capture his little garrison of less than one hundred men, \nhe took the latter ivom the Aveaker fort Moultrie, and placed them, Avitli his \nsujiplies, in stronger fort Sumter, where he might defy all assailants. This \nact astounded and exasperated the Secessionists. The disloyal Secretary of \nWar rebuked the loyal commander, but the patriotic people blessed him for \n\nand with its moral and political influence, oppose any such extreme policy, or a fratricidal war \nthus to be inaugurated." On the 22d of February, a political State Convention was held at Hai"- \nrisburg, thecapitalof Pennsylvania, when the memberssaid, in a resolution: "Wewill, by all \nproper and legitimate means, oppose, discountenance, and prevent any attempt on the part of \nthe Republicans in power to make any armed aggressions upon the Southern States, especially \nso long as laws contravening their rights shall remain unrepealed on the statute-books of Nortli- \nern States [Personal Liberty Laws, see page 536], and so long as the just demands of the South \nshall continue to be unrecognized by the Republican majorities in these States, and unsecured \nby proper amendatory explanations of tlie Constitution. " Such utterances in the gi-eat State of \nPennsylvania, and similar ones elsewhere, by the chosen representatives of a powerful party in \nconventions assembled, encouraged the disunionists in a belief that there would be no war made \nupon them, and for that reason they were defiant everywhere and. on all occasions. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0 In the Senate of the United States, John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, offered amendments \nto the Constitution and a series of joint resolutions, known as the "Crittenden Compromise," \nAV\'hich formed as perfect a guaranty for the protection and perpetuation of the slave system as \nthe slaveholders had ever, hitherto, asked for. Had the Secessionists not been determined on \nthe destruction of the Republic, this would have been satisfactory. But they rejected it; nor \ndid it meet with any favor on the part of the Republicans. \n\n\'For the purpose of gaining time to perfect their disloyal schemes, the Secessionists of Vir- \nginia iilanned a conference of delegates from all the States, to consider measures for averting \nCivil War. The President favored the movement. Delegates from twenty-one States assembled \nin Washington City on the 4th of February, 1861. John Tyler, of Virginia [see page 476], \nwas chosen president. A plan was adopted, having aU of the essential features of the \' \' Critten- \nden Compromise." Tyln- ;nid liis associates from Virginia pretended to acquiesce in this result, \nand in his closing address, a Tier solemn asseverations of satisfaction, he said: "So far as in me \nlios, Ishall recommend itsaili)])ti()u." Thirty-six hours afterward, in a speech in Richmond, he \ncast otf the mask of dissimulation, and denounced the Peace Convention and its doings. He \nthcrcnftcr labored with all his might to precipitate Virginia into the vortex of Revolution, \nand was successful. \n\n\n\n550 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[18G1. \n\n\n\nthe glorioii-s deed. The intelligence of it increased tlie excitement in the !Nu- \ntionul capital, caused by the discovery of a heavy robbery of Indian Trust \nBonds, held in the Department of the Interior:^\xe2\x80\x94 acrime in wh\'cli the Secretary \nof "War was involved \xe2\x80\x94 and a session of the cabinet on the 27tli was a storfny \none. The dismayed Secessionists in that council discovered that the President \nwas not disposed to follow them into paths of \nactual treason. Floyd, fearing the consequences \nof his exposed villany, resigned the seals of his \noffice and ficd to Virginia, where his fellow- \ndisunionists gave him a public dinner. He was \nsucceeded in office by Joseph Holt. A recon- \nstruction of the cabinet, with sounder materials, \nimmediately followed,\' and the loyal people felt \nsome assurance of safety. \n\nThe first two months of the year 1861 was a* \nperiod of great anxiety and gloom. Business \nwas prostrated. Cobb, the disunionist, had used \nhis power as Secretary of the Treasury, in injur- \ning, as far as possible, the public credit. Pre- \nparations for rebellion were seen on every side. The Secessionists in Con- \ngress were withdrawing from that body, and disloyal men in conventions \nwere declaring the secession of States. The President remained a passive \nsj)ectator of the maturing mischief. The General-in-Chief of the Army (Lieu- \ntenant-General Scott) was feeble in mind and body, and as the time approached \nfor the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, evidence appeared that Secessionists in \nBaltimore, in their desperation, had determined to assassinate him. Warned \nof this, he succeeded in passing through Baltimore, where the tragedy was to \nbe performed, unnoticed, and, to the chagrin and even consternation of the \ndisunionist men, he suddenly appeared in Washington City on the morning \nof the 23d of February, and remained there until his inauguration. \n\n\n\n\nROBERT ANDERSON. \n\n\n\n\' General Cass, the Secretary of State, who had discoveretl-the treasonable designs of some \nof his associates, liad resigned some time before, and his place was filled by the Attorney- \nGeneral. Edwin M. Stanton was called to the Attorney-Generalship, and John A. Dix was \nmade Secretary of the Treasury in place of Cobb, who had gone to Georgia to assist .in plung- \ning the people\'of that State into the vortex of rebellion. Holt, Dix, and Stanton were loyal \nmen, and thwarted by their vigilance and energy the schemes of the Secessionists to seize the \ngovernment before the President-elect should be inaugurated, "We intend, "said one of the \ndisunionists, "to take possession of the Army and Navy, and of the archives of the govern- \nment ; not allow the electoral votes to be counted ; proclaim Buchanan Provisional Presi- \ndent, if he will do as we wish, and if not, choose another ; seize the Harper\'s Ferry Arsenal \nand the Norfolk Navy Yard simultaneously, and, sending armed men down from the for- \nmer, and armed vessels up from the latter, take possession of Washington, and establish a \nnew government." \n\n\n\n1861.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 55I \n\nCHAPTER XVI. \n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. [I8G1 \xe2\x80\x94 1865.] \n\nAbraham Lincoln,* tlie sixteenth President of the Republic, was inaugu- \nrated on the 4th day of March, 1861, under circumstances of peculiar interest. \nIn expectation of open violence on the part of the disunionists, and their \nadherents. General Scott had made ample provision for the preservation of \norder by the strong arm of military power, if it should be necessary. This \nfact was known, and no disorder occurred. The oath of office was adminis- \ntered by Chief Justice Taney as quietly as on former occasions ; and with a firm, \nvoice the new President read from the eastern portico of the Caj^itol to the \nassembled thousands his remarkable Inaugural Address. In it he expressed \nthe most kindly feelings toward the people of every portion of the Republic, \nand his determination to administer the government impartially for the protec- \ntion of every citizen and every interest. At the same time he announced his \nresolution to enforce the laws, protect the public property, and repossess that \nwhich had already been seized by the insurgents. The vast multitude then \ndispersed, and in the evening the usual pageant of an Inauguration Ball was \nseen. On the following day the Senate, relieved of most of the disunionists \nconfirmed the President\'s cabinet nominations,"^ and the new administration \nbegan its memorable career. \n\nThe first business of the new cabinet was to ascertain the condition of the \nnation, especially its resources, and its ability to meet the crisis of rebellion, \nevidently at hand. Cobb had deeply injured the public credit, but the loyal \nmen in Congress had adopted measures for restoring it. The army and navy \npromised very little aid. The former was composed of only 16,000 men, and \nthese were principally on the frontiers of the Indian country,^ while sixteen \nforts had already been seized by the insurgents, with all the arsenals in the \ncotton-growing States.^ The little navy, like the army, had been placed far \n\n^ See note 1, page 543. \n\n^ He nominated William H. Seward, of New York, for Secretary of State ; Salmon P. Chase, \nof Ohio, for Secretary of the Treasury ; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, for Secretary of War; \nGideon Wells, of Connecticut, for Secretary of the Navy ; Caleb Smith, of Indiana, for Secretary \nof the Interior; Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, for Postmaster-General; and Edward Bates, of \nMissouri, for Attorney-Getieral \n\n^ Many of the officers of the army were natives of Slave-labor States, and a greater portion \nof these not only abandoned their flag and joined the insurgents, but attempted to corrupt the \npatriotism of the common soldiers. Among the most flagrant acts of this kind was the conduct of \nGeneral Davia E. Twiggs, whom Floyd had placed in command of the troops in Texas, to assist \nin the work of rebellion. He first tried to seduce the troops from their allegiance. Failing in this, \nhe betrayed them into the hands of the enemies of their country in February, 1861. His command \nincluded nearly one-half of the military force of the United States. They were surrendered to \nthe rebeUious "authorities of Texas," with public property valued at $ \'"\xe2\x96\xa0iSO.OOO. \n\n* The defensive works within the "seceding States," as they were called, were about thirty \nin number, and mounting over .3,000 guns. The cost of these works and their equipment was at \nleast $\'20,000,000. It is estimated that the value of National property which the insurg \nseized before the close of Buchanan\'s administration was at least $30,000,000. \n\n\n\n552 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1861. \n\n\n\nbeyond the immediate use of the government. Only forty-two vessels were in \n\xe2\x80\xa2commission, and the entire force immediately available for the defense of the \nwhole Atlantic coast of the Republic was the Brooklyn^ of twenty-five guns, \nand a store-ship. A large number of naval officers, born in Slave-labor States, \nhad resigned ; and weakness and confusion in that arm of the public service \nwere everywhere visible. The public offices were swarming with disloyal \nmen. It was difficult to decide who were and who were not trustworthy, and \nas it was necessary for the President to have proper implements to work with, \nhe was engaged for nearly a month after his inauguration in exchanging false \nfor true men in the employment of the government. He knew that rising \nrebellion could not be suppressed by proclamations, unless the insurgents saw \nbehind tliem the invincible ])ower of the State, ready to be wielded by the \nPresident, with trusty instrumentalities. These he endeavored to find. \n\n\n\n\nFORT SUMTER IN 1861. \n\nMeanwhile rebellion was open and defiant, especially at Charleston. Soon \nafter Major Anderson transferred his garrison to Fort Sumte?-,\' the insurgents, \nwho at once flocked to Charleston, began the erection of fortifications for the \npurpose of dislodging him. They seized the other forts that were for the \ndefense of the harbor, and when, so early as the second week in January, a \ngovernment vessel {^Star of tJie West) attempted to enter with men and pro- \nvisions for Fort Sumter, and with the National flag at her fore, she was fired \n\n\n\nPage 549. \n\n\n\n3861.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 553 \n\nupon by great guns aiiJ driven to sea.\' When the Confederation was formed \nat Montgomery,\'- they commissioned Major P. G. T. Beauregard, a Louisiana \n\xe2\x80\xa2Creole, who had deserted liis flag, a brigadier-general, and sent him to com- \nmand the insurgents at Charleston. Under his direction Fort Sumter was \nbesieged; and when, early in April [1861], the government informed the authori- \nties of South Carolina that supplies would be sent to Fort Sumter peaceably \nor forcibly, Beauregard was ordered by Davis and his fellow-disunionists to \ndemand its immediate surrender. This was done [April 11], when Anderson, \nwhose supplies were nearly exhausted, agreed to evacuate the fort within five \ndays, if he should receive no relief from his government. Hoping to " fire the \nSouthern heart " by bloodshed, the Secessionists would not wait for so peace- \nable a way for gaining possession, and under their direction Beauregard, with \nthousands of armed men at his back, opened full thirty heavy guns and mor- \ntars upon the fort [April 12], which was defended by only about seventy men.* \nThe little garrison gallantly responded, and fought bravely, with a hope that \na naval expedition, which they knew had been sent for their relief, might \narrive in time to raise the siege. A heavy storm prevented the succor. Pro- \nvisions were exhausted. The buildings in the fort were set on fire by the \nshells of the insurgents, and a greater portion of the gunpowder had to be \nemptied into the sea, to prevent its ignition by the flames. Finally, hopeless \nof aid, and almost powerless, Anderson agreed to evacuate the fort. This he \ndid on Sunday, the 14th, and retired with the garrison to the government \nvessels hovering outside the harbor, bearing away the flag of Fort Sumter. \nPrecisely four years afterward [April 1 4, 1 865j he took it back, and raised it \nagain over the fortress, then an almost shapeless mass of ruins. He evacuated^ \nbut did not surrender Fort Sumter^ and he and its flag, the emblem of the \nsovereignty of his government, wei-e borne to New York.^ Thus commenced \n\n\n\nCIVIL AVAR, IN 1861. \n\n\n\nTwenty-four hours after the evacuation of Fort Sumter, the President issued \na proclamation, in which he called out the militia of the country for three \n\n\' This overt act of treason and of war was commended by the Leorislature of South Carolina, \n\xe2\x96\xa0which resolved, unanimouslj\', "That this General Assembly learns with pride and pleasure of the \nBuccessful resistance this day by the troops of this State, acting under the orders of the Governor, \nto an attempt to re-enforce Fort Sumter." The public press of Charleston said: " We are proud \nthat our harbor has been so honored," and declared that " if the red seal of blood Avas yet lacking \nto the parchment of their liberties," there should be " blood enough to stamp it all in red! For, \nby the God of our fathers," shouted the exultant journalist, "the soil of South Carolina shall he \nfree!\'\' \xe2\x80\x94 Gharleston iMercuri/, January 9, 1861. \n\n^ Page 547. \n\n^ A Virginia Congressman, named Roger A. Pryor, made a speech in the streets of Charleston \n\xe2\x96\xa0on tli.^ night of the 10th. A convention was then in session in Virginia, in which tlie Union- \nists were holding the Secessionists in cheek. Pryor, in defending the seeming hesitancy of his \nState, said: " Do not distrust Virginia. Strike a blow! The very moment that blood is shed, \nOld Virginia will make common cause with her sisters of the South." This cry for blood was \ntelegraphed to Montgomery tlie next morning. It was consonant with the malevolent spirit of \nthe more zealous Secessionists owrywhere. Gilchrist, a member ol\' the Alabama Legislature, \nsaid to Davis, Walker, Benjamin, and 3Iemminger : " Gentlemen, unless you sprinkle blood in \nthe face of the people of Alabama, they will he back in the old Union in less tlian ten days." And \nso Davis and his " Cabinet "\xe2\x96\xa0unk\'nul liciincgard to shed blood, and "fire the Southern heart." \n\n* F. W. Pickens, then Governor of South Carolina, made the evacuation of Sumter the occa- \n\n\n\n55-1 THE NATION. [1861. \n\nmonths\' service, to the number of seventy-five thousand men, to suppress the- \nrising rebellion/ The Secretary of War simultaneously issued a requisition \nupon the several States for their prescribed quota.\'"\' These calls were received \nwith unbounded favor and enthusiasm throughout the Fi-ee-labor States. In \nthe six Slave-labor States included in the call, they were treated with scorn \nand defiance, the Governors sending insulting responses to the President, while \nDavis and his fellow-disunionists at Montgomery received the Proclamation \nwith " derisive laughter." In the Free-labor States there was a wonderful \nTiprising of the people. Nothing like it, in sublimity of aspect, had beea \nseen on the earth since Peter the Hermit and Pope U\'"ban the Second filled all \nChristian Europe with religious zeal, and sent armed hosts, with the cry of \n" God wills it ! God wills it !" to rescue the Sepulcher of Jesus from the hands \nof the infidel. The Republic was to be rescued from the hands of the assassin. \nMen, women, and children felt the enthusiasm alike ; and, as if by preconcert- \ned arrangement, the National flag Avas everywhere displa^\'ed, even from the \nspires of churches and cathedrals. In cities, in villages, at way-side inns, all \nover the country, it was imfurled from lofty poles in the presence of large \nassemblies of people, who Avere addressed frequently by some of the most \neminent orators in the land. It adorned the halls of justice and the sanctua- \nries of religion; and the "Red, White, and Blue," the colors of the flag in \ncombination, became ornaments of women and tokens of the loyalty of men. \n\nThe uprising in the Slave-labor -States at the same time, though less general \nand enthusiastic, was nevertheless marvelous. The heresy of State supre- \nmacy, which Calhoun^ and his disciples adroitly called State ric/hts, because a \nri(/ht is a sacred thing cherished by all, was a political tenet generally accepted \nas orthodox,* It had been inculcated in every conceivable form, and on every \nconceivable occasion ; and men Avho loved the Union and deprecated secession \nwere in agreement with the Secessiouists on that point. Hence it was that, in \nthe tornado of passion then sweeping over the South, where reason was dis- \n\nsion for an exultant speech in the streets of Charleston, on that Sunday. " Thank God." he \nexclaimed, " the ^\\\'ar is open, and we will conquer or perish. "We have humbled the flag of the \nUnited States." Alluding to his State as a sovereignty, he said, " That proud flag was never \n\nlowered before to any nation on the earth It has been humbled to-day before the glorious \n\nlittle State of S9uth Carolina." The churches of Charleston that day were resonant with disloyal \nharangues. In old St. Philip\'s the venerable and blind Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal \nChurch cried out : " Your boj\'S were there, and mine were there, and it was right that they should \nbe there." And in the Roman Catholic Cathedral Bishop Lynch had a Te Deum chanted in grati\xc2\xbb \ntude to God for the beginning of the most liorrid civil war on record 1 \n\n\' The President\'s authority for this act may be found in the second and third sections of an \nact of Congress approved February 28, 1795. That law would not allow the President to hold \nthem to service for more than three months. \n\n^ The quota of each State was as follows, the figures denoting the number of regiments : \nMaine. 1 ; New Hampshire, 1 ; Vermont, 1 ; Massachusetts, 2 ; Rhode Island, 1 ; Connecticut, 1 ; \nNew York, 17; New Jersey, 6; Pennsylvania, 16; Delaware, 1; Tennessee, 2; Maryland, 4: \nVirginia, 3; North Carohna, 2; Kentucky, -1; Arkansas, 1; Missouri. 4; Ohio. 13; Indiana, 6; \nIllinois, 6; Michigan, 1 ; Iowa, 1; Minnesota, 1; Wisconsin, 1; \n\n^ See note 3, page 459. \n\n* This was in the form of a political dogma, which declares that each State is a sovereign; that \nthe Union is only a league of sovereign States, and not a nationality ; that the States are not sub- \nservient to the National government ; were not created by it, do not belong to it, and that they \ncreated that government, whose powers they delegate to it, and that to them it is responsible. \nSuch was the essential substance of the old Confederation, before the National Constitution was \n\n\n\n1861.] LINCOLX\'S A D MINI ST R ATI OX. 555 \n\ncarded, thousands of intelligent men, deceived by the grossest misrepresenta- \ntions respecting the temper, character, and intentions of the people of the \nFree-labor States, flew to arms, well satisfied that they were in the right, \nbecause resisting Avhat they believed to be usurpation, and an unconstitutional \nattemj^t at the subjugation of a free people on the part of the National gov- \nernment. \n\nWithin a week after the attack on Fort Sumter the insurrection assumed \nthe huge proportions of a great rebellion. Its forces were at work in all the \nSlave-labor States, and the most extraordinary exertions were immediately put \nforth by the disunionists to execute the first and most important part of their \nplan, namely, the seizure of the National Capital. Thousands of their follow- \ners, armed with weapons taken from their government, were pressing into Vir- \nginia for that purpose. At the time of his inauguration at 3Iontgomery\' Jef- \nferson Davis had said : " We are now determined to maintain our position, \nand make all who oppose us smell Southern powder and feel Southern steel /" \nand he now began to carry out that threat with a high hand, while his lieuten- \nant, Alexander II. Stephens, who a few months before had declared and proven, \nthat rebellion against the government would be a monstrous crime,- now hur- \nried toward Richmond, making Georgia, the Carolinas, and Virginia ring with \nhis cry of " On to Washington P\'\' Le Roy Pope Walker, Davis\'s "Secretary \nof War,\'"* had j^rophesied on the day when Fort Sum- \nter was attacked [April 12, 1861], saying: "The flag \nthat now flaunts the breeze here will float over the \ndome of the old capitol at Washington before the \nfirst of May. Let them try Southern chivalry, and \ntest the extent of Southern resources, and it may \nfloat eventually over Faneuil Hall, in Boston." The \nmost intense desire to seize Washington City pre- \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 1 J ^1 \xe2\x80\xa2 ill 1 ii 1 THE CONFEDERATE FLAG.\' \n\nvailed among the insurgent leaders, and the people \n\nof the cotton-planting States soon realized the promise uttered by Governor \nPickens : " You may plant your seed in peace, for Old Virginia will have to \nbear the brunt of battle." \n\nVirginia did, indeed, bear much of the brunt of battle. It was now in an \nuproar, and its people was soon made to feel the terrible efiects of the treason \nof some of their leading politicians. They had assembled a convention to \nconsider the subject of secession from the Union. The Unionists were the \n\nframed. That Constitution refutes this heresy of State sovereignty and supremacy, in terms and \nspirit: "We, the People," says its preamble, "do ordain and establish," &c. That Constitution \nwas the work of the \'people^ not of State organizations ; and it is the political creator of every Stale \nsince admitted into the Union, first as a Territory, and then as a State, solely by the exercise of \nthe potential will of the people, expressed through Congress. Without the consent of Congress, \nunder the provisions of the Constitution, no State can enter the Union. The National govern- \nment is the creator of the States. See Section 3, Article IV. of the National Constitution. \n\n\' Page 547. \n\n" See Lossing\'s Pictorial History of the Civil War, vol. I., pages 54 to 57, inclusive. \n\n\' Page 541. \n\n* This is a picture of the flag of the "Southern Confederacy" adopted by the Secessionists \nand first unfurled over the State-House at Montgomery on the 4th of March, 1861. \n\n\n\n\n556 THE NATION. \'^ [1861. \n\nmajority in that body. The crisis had now come. The blow had been struck. \nTlie bloodshed evoked by the impassioned Pryor had occurred. Virginia, within \nwhose ancient embrace was the capital of the nation to be destroyed, must be \nactively on the side of the conspirators, or all might be lost. Maryland, on \nthe other side of the District of Columbia, was a doubtful auxiliary, for her \nloyal Governor and peoi^le were holding treason and rebellion in check in that \nState. The violent spirit of the disunionists everywhere manifested must not \nbo backward in Virginia, the mother of Disunion ; so the politicians, perceiv- \ning [April 16] that if the seats of ten Unionists in the convention could be \nmade vacant an ordinance of secession might be passed, waited upon that \nnumber of such men and gave them the choice of voting for secession, keeping \naway from the convention, or being hanged. They kept away. The secession \nordinance was adopted [April 17, 1861], and in defiance of an order of the \nconvention that it should be submitted to a vote of the people, a committee \nappointed by that body, witli John Tyler at its head,\' concluded a treaty with \nAlexander H. Stephens, acting in behalf of Jefferson Davis, by which their \ncommonwealth was placed under the absolute military control of the Con- \nfederacy. This was done witliin a week [April 25, 1861] after the Ordinance \nof Secession was passed, and a month before the time appointed for its submis- \nsion to the people. When that day arrived, fraud and violence deprived the \nlatter of their right.\' Virginia became a part of the Confederacy, and, by \ninvitation of its politicians, who had dragged the people into the vortex of \nrevolution, the so-called " government " of the conspirators was transferred \nfrom Montgomery to Richmond, and there it remained during the war that \nensued. \n\nWhile troops were hurrying toward Washington from the Slave-labor \nStates, to seize it, others, in larger numbers, were flocking from the Free-labor \nStates to defend it. The secessionists of Maryland were active, and tried to \nplace a barrier in the way of tlie loyal men in Baltimore, through which city \nthey were compelled to pass. They slightly assailed some Pennsylvanians \n(five unai-med companies) who passed through on the 18th of April, and \nwere the first of its defenders to reach the National capital;* and on the \nfollowing day a mob of ten thousand men assailed a single Massachusetts regi- \nment (the Sixth), as it marched from one railway station to the other, A fight \nensued. Lives were lost.^ The loyal people of the nation were terribly exas- \nperated, and it was with difficulty that the city in Avhich the tragedy occurred \n\n\' The commissioners consisted of John Tyler, \'William Ballard Preston, S. M. McD. Moore, \nJames P. Holcombe, James C. Bruce, and Lewis E. Harvie. \n\n^ The bayonet was ready everywhere to control the elections. That Union men might be \nkept from the polls, Mason, the author of the Fugitive Slave Law [page 522], addressed a public \nletter to the people, telling those who were disposed to vote against the Ordinance that they must \nnot vote at all, "and if they retain such opinions the ij must leave the State.\'" He asserted in \nanother form Jefferson Davis\'s threat, that all opposers should " smell Southern powder and feel \nSouthern steel." \n\n\' There were the Washington Artillery auA National Light Infantry coxn-panies of Pottsville; \nthe Ringgold Light Artillery, of Reading; the Logan Guards, of Lewistown; and the Allen Infantry, \nof Allentown. \n\n* The mob, encouraged by the Chief of Pohce (G. P. Kane) and well-known citizens, assaileo \n\n\n\n1861.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\nssr \n\n\n\nwas preserved from destruction. " Turn upon it the guns of Fort McHenry," \nsaid one. " Lay it in ashes !" cried another. " Fifty thousand men may be \nraised in an hour to march through Baltimore," exclaimed a third ; and one of \nour popular poets (Bayard Taylor) wrote : \xe2\x80\x94 \n\n" Bow down in haste thy guilty head I \n\nGod\'s wrath is swift and sure: \nThe sky with gathering bolts is red \xe2\x80\x94 \nCleanse from thy skirts the slaughter-shed, \nOr make thyself an ashen bed \n\nBaltimore I" \n\nThe defenders of the capital Avere not there any too soon. Already the \nVirginians had begun to play their part in the plan for seizing Washington. \nOn the passage of the ordinance of secession by the Virginian convention,\' \n\n\n\n\nHARPER S FERRY IN THE SUMMER \n\n\n\n1861. \n\n\n\nGovernor Letcher proclaimed the independence of the State and his recognition \nof the Confederacy; and, less than twenty-four hours afterward, troops were in \nmotion for seizing Harper\'s Ferry and the Navy Yard near Norfolk." Warned \nof their approach, and his force too small to make successful resistance. Lieu- \ntenant Jones, who was in command at Harper\'s Ferry, set fire to the Annory \nand Arsenal buildings there [April 18], and withdrew into Pennsylvania. The \n\n\n\nthe troops with every sort of missile. Two of the troops were killed. One was mortally and \nseveral were slightly wounded. Nine citizens of Baltimore were killed, and a considerable num- \nber were wounded. \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 556. \' See note 1, page 550. \n\n\n\n558 THE NATION. [1861. \n\ninsurgents took j^ossession of the post, and were about to march upon Wash\' \nington, when they heard of its armed occupation by loyal men. At the same \ntime, Virginians were before the Navy Yard at Gosport, opposite Norfolk, \ndemanding its surrender. The commander of the station (Commodore McAu- \nley) finding disloyalty to be rife among his officers, and apprehending immediate \ndanger from foes without, prepared to abandon the post without resistance, and \nto scuttle the vessels. Commodore Paulding arrived Avhile the vessels were \nsinking, and finding it to be too late to save them, he ordered them and the \nbuildings of the navy yard to be fired. An immense amount of property \nwas destroyed, and the Virginians, on taking possession, acquired, as spoils, \nabout two thousand cannon. These armed many a battery throughout the \nConfederacy soon afterward. \n\nThe National capital was still in great danger. Thousands of insurgents \nfrom below the Roanoke were pouring into Virginia and pressing up toward \nWashington, while, for about a week, all communication between the capital \nand the loyal States was cut ofiT. Under the sanction of the Mayor and \nChief of Police of Baltimore, the bridges of the railways extending northward \nfrom that city Avere burned on the night after the massacre in its sti\'eets, and \nthe telegraph-wires were cut. The President and his cabinet and the General-in- \nchief of the Army were virtual prisoners in the capital for several days, and \nwere relieved just in time to prevent their actual capture, by the energy of the \nveteran General John E. Wool, and the Union Defense Committee of New York \nCity, in forwarding troops and supplies in a manner to avoid the blockade of the \ndirect highway at Baltimore, and to secure the capital. The well-known Seventh \nRegiment of New York and some Massachusetts troops, under General Ben- \njamin F. Butler, proceeded by water to Annapolis [April 21], seized the railway \nbetween that city and its junction with the one leading from Baltimore to \nWashington [April 25], and took possession a few days later at the Relay \nHouse, nine miles from the former city, where the Baltimore and Ohio Railway \nturns northward toward Harper\'s Ferry. From that point, on the evening of \nthe 13th of May, Butler, with a little more than one thousand men, went into \nBaltimore, under cover of intense darkness and a thunder-storm, and quietly \ntook post on Federal Hill, an eminence commanding the city.\' The first inti- \nmation the citizens received of his presence was a proclamation from him, \npublished in a newspaper the next morning, assuring all peaceable persons of \nfull protection, and intimating that a greater force was at hand, if needed, for \nthe purposes of the outraged government. Troops then passed quietly through \nBaltimore to Washington City,\' and at the middle of May the capital was \nsafe. Thus rebellion in Maryland was throttled at the beginning, and it was \nkept from very serious mischief during the war that ensued.^ \n\n1 Butler\'s troops consisted of the entire Sixth Massachusetts, which was attacked in Baltimore \non the 19th of April [page 556] ; a part of the New York Eighth ; Boston artillerymen, and \ntwo field-pieces. They were placed in cars, headed, as a feint, toward Harper\'s Ferry. At \nevening they were backed into Baltimore, just as a heavy thunder-storm was about to break \nover tlie city, and the troops, well piloted, went quietly to Federal Hill. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x96\xa0\' Three days earher [May 10] Pennsylvanian troops passed unmolested through Baltimore to \n"Washington, under Colonel Patterson. \n\n\' General Scott had planned an expedition for the seizure of Baltimore, to consist of four \n\n\n\n1861.] LIXCOLK\'s ADMINISTRATIO?r. 559 \n\nAt the beginning of Mny, by violence and otber metbods, tbe Secessionists \nand tbeir friends bad seized tbe government property to the amount of 140,- \n000,000 ; put about forty tbousaud armed men in tbe field, more tban half of \nwboni were then concentrating in Virginia ; sent emissaries abroad, witb tbe \nname of " commissioners," to seek recognition and aid from foreign powers ;\' \ncommissioned numerous "privateers " to prey upon tbe commerce of the United \nStates ;* extinguished the luminaries of light-houses and beacons along the coasts \nof the Slave-labor States, from Hampton Roads to the Rio Grande,^ and enlisted \nactively in their revolutionary schemes the governors of thirteen States, and large, \nnumbers of leading politicians in other States/ Encouraged by their success \nin Charleston harbor,^ they were investing Fort Pickens, which had been saved \nfrom seizure by the vigilance and energy of Lieutenant Slemmer, its commander.\xc2\xae \nInsurrection had become Rebellion ; and the loyal people of the country \nand the National government, beginning to comprehend the magnitude, po^ \ntency, and meaning of the movement, accepted it as such, and addressed \nthemselves earnestly to the task of its suppression. The President called [May \n\ncolumns of three thousand men each, to approach it simultaneously from different points. Butler, \nby bold and energetic action, accomplished the desired end in one night, with a thousand men. \nScott could not forgive him for this independent action. He demanded his removal from the \ncommand of that department. The President complied, promoted Butler to Major-General, and \ngave liim a more important command, with his liead-quarters at Fortress Monroe. \n\n\' These were William L. Yancey [see page 544], of Alabama; P. A. Rost, of Louisiana; A. \nDudley Mann, of Virginia, and T. Butler King, of Georgia. Yancey was to operate in England, \nRost in France, and Maun in Holland and Belgium. King seems to have had a kind of roving \ncommission. These men so fitly represeuted their bad cause ia Europe, that confidence in ils \njustice and ultimate success was so speedily impaired, that they went wandering about, seeking \nin vain for willing listeners among men of character in diplomatic circles, and they finally aban- \ndoned their missions with disgust, to the relief of European statesmen, who were wearied with \ntheir importunities and offended by their duplicity. \n\n- Davis summoned his so-called "Congress "\' to meet at Montgomery on the 29th of April. \nHe had already announced, by proclamation [April 17, 1861], his determination to euiplo_y \n"privateers" against the commerce of the United States, and the "Confederate Congress" \nnow authorized the measure, with the unrighteous offer, by the terms of the Act, of a bounty \nof $20 for the destruction, by fire, water, or otherwise, on the high seas, of every man, woman, \nor cliild \xe2\x80\x94 "each person" \xe2\x80\x94 ^that might be found by these "privateers." That the men en- \ngaged in this business, under the sanction of the Secessionists, were pirates, is shown by the \nlaws of nations. Piracy is defined as "robbery on the high seas without authority." Davis, \nToombs, and their fellow-disunionists had no more authority to commission privateers, as \nlegalized pirates are called, than had Jack Cade, Nat. Turner, or John Brown, for they repre- \nsented no acknowledged government on the face of the earth. \n\n* The light-houses and beacons darkened by them, between Cape Henry, in Virginia, and \nPoint Isabel, in Texas, numbered 133. \n\n\'\' These were Letcher, of Virginia; Magoffin, of Kentucky; Ellis, oT North Carolina; Harris, of \nTennessee; Jackson, oi Missouri; Pickens, of South Carolina; Brown, of Georgia, Moore, of Ala- \nhavvi; Pettus, of Missi^istppi; Rector, of Arkansas ; Moore, of Louisiana; Perry, of Florida; and \nBurton, of Delaware. OxAj Governor Hicks, of Maryland, and Houston, of Texas, of the fifteen \nSlave-labor States, were loyal to the National government. The former remained so until his \ndeath ; but Houston yielded in the course of a few months, and became a reviler of the President \nand the loyal people. \n\n=\xe2\x96\xa0 Page 553. \n\n" Karly in January [1861], Lieutenant Slemmer received information that Fort Pickens and \nother fortifications on Pensacola Bay, under his charge, would be seized by the Governor of \nFlorida. He took measures accordingly. Observing a gathering cloud of danger, he placed all \nthe public property he possibly could, and his garrison, in stronger Fort Pickens. The insurgents \nseized the Navy Yard on the Main (Fort Pickens is on Santa Rosa Island), and tried to secure \nthe fort, but in vain. Slemmer held it until he was re-enforced, at about the time when Fort \nSumter was abandoned, when a large number of troops, under General Bragg (who had aban- \ndoned his flag), were besieging it. \n\n\n\n560 \n\n\n\nTHE ?fATIO]Sr. \n\n\n\n[1861.. \n\n\n\n3, 1861] for sixty-four thousand more troops (volunteers) to serve " during the \nwar,\'\' and eighteen thousand men for the navy. Forts Monroe and Pickens \nwere re-enforced, and tlie blockade of the Southern ports, out of which the \nSecessionists were preparing to send cruisers, Avas proclaimed. \n\nThe first care of the government was to secure the safety of the capital, and\' \nfor this purpose Washington City and its vicinity was made the general gath- \nering-place of all the troops raised eastward of the Alleghany Mountains. \nWhen, on the 4th of July, Congress met in extraordinary session, pursuant to \nthe call of the President, in his proclamation for troops on the 15th of April/ \nthere were about 230,000 volunteers in the field, independent of the three^ \nmonths\' men, a larger portion of whom were within ten miles of the capital. \nCongress approved the act of the President in calling them out, and authorized \n[July 10, 1861] the raising of 500,000 troops, and an appropriation of \n$500,000,000 to defray the expenses of the kindling Civil War.\' Towns, vil- \nlages, cities, and States had made contributions for this service to an immense- \namount, and the people of the Free-labor States, of every political and religious \ncreed, were united in efforts to save the life of the Republic. At the same \ntime Confederate troops in Virginia, estimated at more than 100,000 in num- \nhei*, occupied an irregular line, from Harper\'s Ferry, by way of Richmond, to \nNorfolk. Their heaviest force ^vas at Manassas Junction, within about thirty \nmiles of Washington City, and there, very soon, the first heavy shock of war \nwas felt. \n\nCongress felt the necessity of bending all its energies to a speedy ending \nof the rebellion. From the beginning of the trouble it was evident that most \nof the foreign governments and the ruling classes of Europe would view with \nsatisfaction a Civil War that might destroy the Republic, give a stunning blow \nto Democracy, and thus i-enew their lease of poAver over the people indefinitely. \nMost of the foreign ministers at Washington, regarding the secession move- \nments in several States as the beginning of a permanent separation, had \nannounced [February, 1861] to their respective governments the practical \n\n\' Page 553. \n\n" Secretary Chase, whose management of the finan- \ncial affairs of the country during a greater portion of the \nperiod of tlie -war was considered eminently wise and \nefficient, asked for $240,000,000 for war purposes, and \n$80,000, 000 to meet the ordinary demands for the fiscal \nyear ending on the 30th of June, 1862. He proposed to \nraise the $80,000,000 in addition to $60,000,000 already \nappropriated, by levying increased duties, and by excise, \nor by the direct taxation of real and personal property. \nTo raise the amount for war purposes, he proposed loans, \nto be issued in the form of Treasury notes and bonds, \nor certificates of debt, to be made redeemable at a future \nday, not exceeding thirty years distant. \n\nSalmon P. Chase was a native of New Hampshire, \nwhere he was born in 1808. In 1830 he commenced \nthe practice of the law in Omciunati, and was one of the \nfounders of the "Liberty Party " in Ohio, in 184:1. In \n1849 he was chosen a Senator of the United States, and \nin 1855 was elected Governor of Ohio. Mr. Lincoln \nappointed him Secretary of the Treasury in 1861, and \nafterward Chief Justice, He died May 7, 1873. \n\n\n\n\nSALMON p. CHASE. \n\n\n\n1861.J LINCOLN\'S ADMINISIRATIOX. ^Q^ \n\ndissolution of the American Union ; and statesmen and publicists abroad \naflected amazement because of the folly of Congress in legislating concerning \ntariif and other National measures, Avhen the nation was hopelessly expiring ! \nAnd before the rejiresentative of the new administration (Charles Francis \nAdams) could reach England, the British ministry (already having an agree- \nment with the Emperor of the French that the two governments should act in \nconcert concerning American affairs) procured, in behalf of the disunionists, a \nProclamation of Neutrality by the Queen [May 13], by which a Confederate \ngovernment, as existing, was acknowledged, and belligerent rights were \naccorded to the insurgents.* Other European governments hastened to give \nthe Confederates similar encouragement. Only the Emperor of Russia, of all \nthe reigning monarchs, showed sympathy Avith our government in its great \ntrouble. Considering this, and the possibility that they might, with equal \nunseemly haste, recognize the independence of the Confederates, and possibly \nlend them material aid. Congress worked diligently in preparations to confront \nthe rebellion with ample force. While doing so, that rebellion assumed the \nproportions of Civil War in a sanguinary battle fought so near the capital that \nthe sounds of great guns engaged in it were heard there. \n\nBlood had already been spilled in conflicts on battle-fields. The importance \nof holding possession of Western Virginia, and so the control of the Balti- \nmore and Ohio Railway, which connected Maryland and the capital with the \ngreat West, was apparent to the Confederates. Equally important Avas it for \nthem to possess Fortress Monroe, and efforts to seize and hold both were earlv \nmade. The strife for Western Virginia began first. The people of that region \nwere mostly loyal, and had already taken steps toward a separation from the \nEastern or rebellious portion of their State. Troops were accordingly seni \nfrom Richmond to restrain their patriotism. The people rushed to arms, anc\' \nunder the leadership of Colonel B. F. Kelley, a considerable force was organ \nized in the vicinity of Wheeling, Avhere, early in May, a mass convention of \ncitizens had resolved to sever all connection with the disunionists at Rich- \nmond. A delegate convention was held there on the 13th of May, and made \nprovision for a more formal and effective convention on the 11th of June. In \nthat body about forty counties were represented, and an ordinance of seces- \nsion from the old Virginia government was adopted. They established a \nprovisional government [June 20, 1861], and elected Francis H. Pierpont \nChief Magistrate. The people ratified their acts in the autumn, and in con- \nvention formed a State Constitution. In June, 1863, West Virginia was \nadmitted into the Union as a new State. \n\n\' British sjmpatbr for a rebellion avowedly for the purpose of strengthening and perpetuating \nthe institution of slavery, was a strange spectacle. Among the people of the earth, the Enghsh \n\xe2\x80\xa2 appeared pre-eminently the opposers of slavery. And so, in fact, the great body of the people \no!\' England were. It was the government and the dominant class in that country \xe2\x80\x94 the govern- \ning few as against the governed tnanij \xe2\x80\x94 who were thus untrue to principle. The Queen and the \nPrince Consort did not share in the unfriendly feeling toward us. As parents they could not \nforget the exceeding kindness bestowed by our people upon their son, the heir-apparent of the \nthrone, who visited this country in 1860 ; and it is known that herMajesty restrained her ministers \nfrom recognizing the independence of the Confederates, as ttiey were anxious to do. \n\n26 \n\n\n\n562 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION, \n\n\n\n[188T \n\n\n\n\nSEAL OF WEST VIKGINIA. \n\n\n\nThe government perceived the necessity of affording aid to the Western \nVirginia loyalists, and General George B. McClellan, who had been placed in \ncommand of the Department of the Ohio, was ordered \nto assist Kelley in driving out the Confederate troops. \nThus encouraged, the Virginia commander moved on \nGrafton, when the Confederate leader, Porterfield, fled \nto Philippi. Thither he was followed by Kelley, and \nalso by Ohio and Indiana troops, under Colonel Du- \nmont. They drove Porterfield from Philippi [June \n3] after a battle (the first after war was proclaimed), \nin which Kelley was wounded, and for a while matters \nwere quiet in that region. Grafton was made the \nhead-quarters of the National troops in Western Virginia. \n\nMeanwhile Confederate troops under Colonel Magruder, who had aban- \ndoned his flag,\' had been moving down the peninsula between the James and \nYork Pivers, for the purpose of attempting to seize Fortress Monroe. General \nButler, in command at the latter post, informed that the insurgents were in a \nfortified camp at Big Bethel, a few miles up the peninsula, resolved to dislodge \nthem, for the two-fold purpose of making Fortress Monroe more secure, and \nfor carrying out a plan he had conceived of seizing the railway between Suffolk \nand Petersburg, and, menacing the Weldon road which connected Virginia, \nwith the Carolinas, draw Confederate troops back from the vicinity of Wash- \nington. He sent a force under General E, W. Pearce for the purpose, one \ncolumn moving from Fortress Monroe, and the other from Newport-Newce, on \nthe James River, Meeting in the gloom before dawn, they fired upon each \nother, alarmed the Confederate outposts, and caused a concentration of all \nthe insurgent forces at Big Bethel. There a conflict occurred [June 10, 1861], \nin which Lieutenant J. T, Gi-eble, a gallant young artillery ofiicer, was killed. \nHe was the first ofiicer of the regular array who perished in the Civil War. \nThe expedition was unsuccessful, and returned to Fortress Monroe. \n\nThe misfortune at Bethel was atoned for the next day [June 11], when Col- \nonel (afterward Major-General) Lewis Wallace, with a few Indiana troops, dis- \npersed five hundred Confederates at Roraney, in Hampshire County, Virginia. \nIt was a most gallant feat. Its boldness and success so alarmed the insurgents \nat Harper\'s Ferry, that they fled to Winchester [June 15], eighteen miles up \nthe Shenandoah Valley, and there, under the direction of their accomplished \ncommander, Joseph E. Johnston,\'\' they made preparations for resisting the \nthreatened invasion of that region. The evacuation of Harper\'s Ferry was \nfollowed by its speedy occupation by National troops. On the day after \n\n\n\n\' "Mr. Lincoln," said Magruder to the President, at the middle of April, "everyone else \nmay desert you, but / never will." The President thanked him. Two days afterward, having \ndone all in his power to corrupt the troops in "Washington, he fled and joined the insurgents. \xe2\x80\x94 See \nGreeley\'s American Conflict, i. 506. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x96\xa0\' Johnston was a veteran soldier, and had been a meritorious officer in the National army. He \nhad tak-jn command of the Confederates at or near the confluence of the Potomac and Shenan- \ndoah RsTers, late in May, and had about 12,000 men under his command. \n\n\n\n1861.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 5g3 \n\nJohnston\'s flight, General Robert Patterson threw 9,000 men, from the Penn- \nsylvania militia, across the Potomac at Williamsport, but was compelled to \xe2\x80\xa2 \nrecall them in consequence of a requisition from the General-in-Chief to send \nhis most efficient troops to Washington, then in peril. On the 2d of July- \nPatterson crossed with about 11,000 troops, and took post at Martinsburg. \nHis advance, under General Abercrombie, met, fought, and conquered at Falling \nWaters a considerable force under the afterward famous " Stonewall " Jackson. \n\nIn the mean time stirring events were occurring in Western Virginia. For \na time it seemed as if Wallace, near Cumberland, must be cut off, and the Bal- \ntimore and Ohio Railway pass into the possession of the insurgents. But that \nvigilant officer gallantly maintained his position against great odds, while \nGeneral McClellan, advancing southward from Grafton, was striking the Con- \nfederates in the Tygart River region severe blows. Porterfield had\' been suc- \nceeded by General Garnett, whose head-quarters were at Beverly, in Randolph \nCounty; and the notorious Henry A. Wise,** bearing the commission of a \nBrigadier-General, was with a force in the Valley of the Great Kanawha \nRiver, where he was confronted by General J. D. Cox. \n\nMcClellan\'s entire command was composed of about 20,000 troops. A \nportion of these, under General W. S. Rosecrans, fought and conquered a force \nunder Colonel Pegram on Rich Mountain, not far from Beverly, on the 11th \nof July. This alarmed Garnett, who, Avith a portion of his force, fled into the \nwild mountain region of the Cheat River, pursued by General T. A. Morris, of \nMcClellan\'s command. Morris overtook Garnett at Carricksford, on a tribu- \ntary of the Cheat River, where a sharp conflict ensued. Garnett was killed \nand his troops were dispersed. Another portion of his followers, who fled from \nBeverly toward Staunton, had been pui-sued to the summit of the Cheat Moun- \ntain range, where an outpost was established under the care of an Indiana \nregiment. General Cox, in the mean time, had driven Wise out of the \nKanawha Valley, and the war in Western Virginia seemed to be at an end. \nMcClellan was called to the command of the Army of the Potomac [July 22], \nas the forces around Washington were designated, and his own troops were \nleft in charge of General Rosecrans. \n\nWhile these events were occurring beyond the Blue Ridge and the Alle- \nghany Mountains,^ others of great moment were attracting public attention \nto the National capital and its vicinity. Toward the close of May, it was \nevident that the Confederates were preparing to plant batteries on Arlington \nHeights, which w^ould command Washington City. Robert E. Lee, of Arling- \nton House,^ an accomplished engineer officer in the army, had lately resigned, \nand had joined the insurgents under circumstances peculiarly painful.* He \n\n1 Page 562. \' Page 539. \n\n\' These are nearly parallel ranges of mountains which divide Virginia between the Ohio and \nthe Atlantic slopes. \n\n* This was for more than fifty years the residence of the late George Washington Parke \nCustis [see note 1, page 532], who was the father-in-law of Colonel Lee. It overlooked the \nPotomac, Washin.gton City, and Georgetown, and batteries on the range of hills on which it stood, \ncalled Arlington Heights, would command the National capital completely. \n\n\' Lee was then a heutenant-colonel in the cavalry service, stationed in Texas, and, after the \n\n\n\n564 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1861. \n\n\n\nwas now chief of the Vh-giiiia forces, knew the value of batteries on Arling- \nton Heights, and had, it is believed, been there with engineers from Rich- \nmond. To prevent that jierilous move- \nment, troops were sent over from \nWashington City [May 24, 1861] to \ntake possession of Arlington Heights \nand the city of Alexandria, on the river \nbelow. The troops for the occupation \nof the Heights crossed the bridges \nfrom Washington and Georgetown, \nwhile those sent from Alexandria went \nby water. The NeAv York Fire Zouaves\' \nwere the first to enter Alexandria, \nAvhere their gallant young commander, \nColonel Ellsworth, was speedily killed.\' \nAt the same time, fortifications were \ncommenced on Arlington Heights, where \nFort Corcoran was speedily built by \nan Irish regiment [Sixty-ninth], and named in honor of their commander, \nColonel Corcoran. This and Fort Runyon, near the Long Bridge, built by \nXew Jersey troops, were the first regular works erected by the Nationals at \ntlie beginning of the Civil War, and the first over which the flag of the Re- \njiublic Avas unfurled. A few days later a flotilla of ai-med vessels, under \nCaptain Ward, after encountering a battery erected by the insurgents on \nSe well\'s Point, not far from Norfolk, moved up the Potomac, and at Aquia \nCreek, sixty miles below Washington, had a sharp but unsuccessful engage- \nment [May 31 and June l] with Confederate batteries constructed there. \n\n\n\n\nROBERT E. LEE. \n\n\n\nelection of Mr. Lincoln, he was permitted to leave his regiment and return home, when he was \ncordially greeted by General Scott, who loved him as a son, and gave liim his entire confidence. \nIn this relation Lee remained, making himself conversant with all the plans and resources of the \ngovernment for the suppression of the rebellion, and at the same time keeping up a continual \ncommunication with its enemies, until more than a week after the attack on Fort Sumter, and \nsix days after the Secessionists at Richmond had promised him the position of commander-in-chief \nof the Virginia forces. Then [April 20] he resigned his command, hastened to Riclimond with \nhis important knowledge of affairs at the National capital, joined the Secessionists against his \ngovernment, and speedily rose to the position of general-in-chief of the Confederate army. \n\n\' These composed a regiment under the command of Colonel E. E. Ellsworth, who were imi- \nformed in the picturesque costume of a French corps, first organized in Algiers, and bearing the \nname of Zouave. These were famous in the war on the Crimea [page 526], and their drill, \nadopted by Ellsworth, was exceedingly active. The first Zouave organization in this country wa3 \nthat of a company at Crawfordsville, Indiana, under Captain (afterwards Major-General) Lewis \nWallace, in 1860. A few weeks later. Captain Ellsworth organized a company at Chicago. \nThere were many Zouave regiments at the beginning of the war, but the gay colors of their cos- \nt\'ame made them too conspicuous, and that uniform soon fell into disuse. See next page. \n\n^ Ellsworth\'s death, and the circumstances attending it, produced a profound impression. Over \n.in inn in Alexandria, called the Marshall House, the Confederate fiag [page 555] had been flying \nf >r several days, and, immediately after landing at the city, Ellsworth proceeded to remove it. \n] le went to the roof, took it down, and, wliile descending a flight of stairs, the proprietor of the \ninn, waiting for him in a dark passage, shot him dead. The murderer was instantly killed by one \nof Ellsworth\'s companions. On the day previous to the invasion of Virginia [May 23], William \nMcSpeddon, of New York City, and Samuel Smith, of Queen\'s County, New York, went over from \nWashmgton and captured u Confederate flag. This was the first flag taken from the insurgents. \n\n\n\n1861.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n565 \n\n\n\nAbout a month later [June 27] Captain Ward attacked the Confederates at \nMatthias Point, farther down the Potomac, where liis force was repulsed and \nhe was killed. At this place, and in its vicinity, the Confederates established \nbatteries that defied the National vessels, and for many months that river, a \ngreat highway for supplies for the Army of the \nPotomac, was eifectually blockaded by them. \n\nWhile these stirring events were occurring east- \nward of the Alleghanies, others equally important \nwere observed in the Mississippi valley. In May \nand June, 186], Civil War was kindling furiously \nwherever the slave-system prevailed, for it Avas \nwaged in the interest of that institution. In the \nborder Slave-labor States of Kentucky and Mis- \nsouri, the contest began early. The governor of \neach (Beriah Magoffin, of Kentucky, and Claiborne \nF. Jackson, of Missouri) was in complicity with \nthe Secessionists; and in Kentucky, Simon B. Buck- \nner, a captain of the National army, who had been \nplaced at the head of a military organization \nknown as the Kentucky State Guard, was em- \nployed by them, through its potential means, \nfor corrupting the patriotism of the young men \nof that commonwealth. His work was facilitated \n\nby the leading politicians of that State, who claimed to be Union men, but \nwho, at the outset, resolved to withhold all aid to their government in sup- \npressing the rising rebellion.\' They succeeded in placing their State in a \nposition of neutrality in the conflict, and the consequence was that it suffered \nterribly from the ravages of war, which might have been averted had the great \nmajority of the citizens, who were loyal, been allowed to act in accordance with \ntheir feelings and judgments. \n\nIn Missouri the loyalists were the majority, but the disloyal governor and \nleading politicians, in their endeavors to unite its destinies Avith the slave- \nholders\' Confederation, caused that State, too, to be desolated by war. So \nearly as at the close of February [1861], a State convention was held at the \ncapital, in which not an openly avowed disunionist appeared. It reassembled \nat St. Louis [March 4], when Sterling Price, a secret enemy to the government, \nbut pretending to be its friend, pi-esided. The loyal men gave a loyal tone to \nthe proceedings, and the Governor, despairing of using that body for his trea- \n\n\n\n\nELLSWORTH ZOUAVE. \n\n\n\n1 The Louisville Journal, the organ of the so-called Unionists of Kentucky, said of the Presi- \ndent\'s proclamation calling for troops to put down rebellion: "We are struck with mingled \namazement and indignation. The policy announced in the proclamation deserves the unqualified \ncondemnation of everj\' American citizen. It is nnworthy, not merely of a statesman, but of a \nman. It is a policy utterly harebrained and ruinous. If Mr. Lincoln contemplated this \npolicy in his inaugural address, he is a guilty dissembler; if he conceived it under the excite- \nment aroused by the seizure of Fort Sumter, he is a guilty Hotspur. In either case he is \nmiserably unfit for the exalted position in which the enemies of the country have placed him. \nLet the people instantly take him and his administration into their own hands if they would \nrescue the land from bloodshed, and the Union from sudden and irretrievable destructioii." \n\n\n\n566 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1861. \n\n\n\n\nARSENAL AT ST. LOUIS. \n\n\n\nsonable purposes, turned to the more disloyal Legislature for aid. The latter \nyielded to his -wishes, and, under the inspiration of Daniel M, Frost, a native \nof New York, and a graduate of the Military Academy at West Point, they \nmade arrangements for enrolling the militia of the State, and placing in the \nhands of the governor a strong military force, to be used against the power \nof the National government. Arrangements were also made for seizing the \n\nNational Arsenal at St. \nLouis, and holding pos- \nsession of that chief city \nHM\'i IF llfflHIII IB fWIIIHI^^^-iin^^^**^\'\'^TBiMhi ofthe Mississippi valley. \n\nFor this purpose, and \nwith the pretext of dis- \nciplining the militia of \nthat district. Frost, com- \nmissioned a brigadier- \ngeneral by the Gover- \nnor, formed a camp near \nthe city. But the plan was frustrated by the vigilant loyalists of St. Louis \nand Captain Nathaniel Lyon, commanding the military post there. When it \nbecame evident that Frost was about to seize the arsenal, Lyon, with a large \nnumber of volunteers, surrounded the rebel\'s camp, and made him and his \nfollowers prisoners. \n\nThe government and the authorities of Missouri now took open issue. Sat- \nisfied that the Secessiouists had resolved to secure to their interest that State \nand Kentucky, the National authorities took possession of and fortified Cairo, \nSit the junction of the Oh\'o and Mississippi rivers, and of Bird\'s Point, a low \nblufl\' opposite, on the Missouri side of the " Father of Waters." It was a \ntimely movement, for Governor Jackson\' \nspeedily called [June 12, 1861] into the \nservice of the State of Missouri fifty thou- \nsand of the militia, "for the purpose of \nrepelling invasion," et cetera, and at Jefier- \nBon City, the capital of the common- \nwealth, he raised the standard of revolt, \nwith Sterling Price\' as military commander. \nAt the same time the authorities of Tennes- \nsee, who, led by the disloyal Governor, \nIsham G. Harris, had placed that State in \na military relation to the Confederacy simi- \nlar to that of Virginia,\' were working in \n^harmony with Jackson, their troops being sterlino price. \n\nunder the command of General Gideon J. \n\nPillow. That officer was making earnest efibrts for the seizure of Cairo, when, \nearly in July, Leonidas Polk, Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church of \n\n\n\n\nPage 565. \n\n\n\n1861.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 55^ \n\nthe Diocese of Louisiana, and a graduate of West Point Academy, succeeded \nliim in command. Meanwhile, Lyon, who had been promoted to Major-General, \nand placed in command of the Department of Missouri, moved a strong force \nagainst the insurgents at the State capital. With 2,000 men he went up the \nMissouri River in two steamers. When he approached Jefferson City the \ninsurgents fled. He hotly pursued, and overtook, fought, and dispersed them \nnear Booneville, The vanquished Missourians again fled, and halted not until \nthey had reached the southwestern borders of the State. Lyon now held \nmilitary control of the most important portions of it.\' \n\nThere was now great commotion all over the land. War had begun in \nearnest. Confederate pirate-ships were depredating upon the ocean. ^The \nfife and drum were heard in every hamlet, village, and city, from the St. \nCroix to the Rio Grande. Compromises and concessions seemed no longer \npossible. The soothing lullaby of the last "Peace Convention"* was lost in \nthe din of warlike preparations, and it was evident that the great question \nbefore the people, whether the retrogressive influence of slave institutions or \nthe progressive civilization of free institutions should prevail in the Republic, \ncould only be settled by the arbitrament of the sword, to which the friends of \nthe former and the enemies of the Union had appealed. A mighty army of \ndefenders of the Republic was rapidly gathering and earnestly drilling at its \ncapital, and was animated by an intense desire (shared by the loyal people) to \ngo forward, disperse the army of the conspirators, and drive their chief and \nhis counselors from Richmond, where, with great energy, they were devising \nand putting into execution plans for the overthrow of their government. The \ngratification of that desire was promised when, at the middle of July, the \nGeneral-in-Chief gave orders for the movement of the army upon the foe at \nJManassas, then commanded by Beauregard.* \n\nLieutenant-General Scott was too feeble to take command of the army in \nthe fi.eld,* and that duty was assigned to General Irwin McDowell, then at the \nhead of the Department of Virginia. Already Ohio and South Carolina troopa \n\n\n\n* He so held the whole region north of the Missouri River, and east of a hne running south \nfrom Booneville on that stream to the Arkansas border, thus giving the government the control \nof the important points of St. Louis, Hannibal, St. Joseph, and Bird\'s Point, as bases of opera- \ntions, with railways and rivers for transportation. \n\n* The VirginiaSecessionistsrepeated the trick of a "Peace Convention" [see page 549] on a \nmore limited scale after they had dragged their State into the Confederation. They proposed a \nconvention of delegates from the border Slave-labor States, to be held in Frankfort, Kentucky. \nThe 27th of May was appointed as the day for their assembling. There were present no dele- \ngates from Virginia, and only five beside those appointed in Kentucky. Those present professed \nto be eminently "neutral," and talked of "wrongs endured by the South," and the "sectional- \nism o-f the North," and regarded the preservation and National protection of the slave-system as \n"essential to the best hopes of our country." The trick was too apparent to deceive anybody, \nand had no effect. It was the last " peace conference " of its kind. \n\n^ Page 553. On taking command of that army, at the beginning of June, Beauregard, who \nwas noted throughout the war for his official misrepresentations, ludicrous boastings, and signal \nfailures as a military leader, issued a proclamation so infamous and shameless, considering tho \nconduct of himself and his superiors at Richmond, that honorable Confederate leaders like John- \nston, Ewell, and Longstreet blushed for shame. \n\n* He was afflicted with dropsy and vertigo, and for four months previously he had not beea \n\'ile to moimt a horse. \n\n\n\n568 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[18G1. \n\n\n\n\nWINFIELD SCOTT IN ]f \n\n\n\nhad measuretl sti-enfjth at Vienna, a few miles from Washington, in an \nencounter [June iVth] concerning the possession of the railway between \n\nAlexandria and Leesburg ;\' and now the \nNational army was eager to repeat the \ncontest on a larger scale. The opportunity \nspeedily offered. A little more than \n30,000 troops moved from Arlington \nHeights and vicinity^ toward Manassas \nat the middle of July, and on the ISth \na portion of these, under General Tyler,. \nhad a severe battle at Blackburn\'s Ford, on \n]>uirs Run, not far from Centreville, in \nFairfax County. The Nationals were re- \npulsed and saddened, and the Confederates \nwere highly elated. The loss of men \nwas about equally divided between the \ncombatants, being about sixty on each side. \n\nMcDowell\'s plan was to turn the right flank of the Confederates, and com- \npel both Beauregard and Johnston to fall back ; and Tyler\'s movement near \nBlackburn\'s Ford was intended as a feint, but ended in a battle. The result \nof that engagement, and his observations during a reconnoissance on the fol- \nlowing day [July 20], satisfied McDowell that his plan w^as not feasible. lie \ntherefore resolved to make a direct attack on the foe. It Avas important that \nit should be done speedily, because the terms of enlistment of his " three \nmonths men "^ were about to expire, and Patterson, yet at Martinsburg, was \nin a position to give him instant assistance, if necessary. The latter had been \nordered to so menace Johnston as to keep him at Winchester , and prevent his \nre-enforcmg Beauregard, or to go to the support of McDowell, if necessary. \nSuch being the situation, the commander of the Nationals felt confident of \nsuccess, and at two o\'clock on Sunday morning, the 21st of July [1861], he set \nhis army in motion in three columns \xe2\x80\x94 one under General Tyler, marching to \nmenace the Confederate left at the Stone Bridge over Bull\'s Run, on the War- \nranton road, while two others, under Generals Hunter and Heintzelman, taking^ \na wide circuit more to the left, were to cross the stream at different points, and \n\n\n\n\' The National troops were commanded by Colonel A. McD. McCook, who had been sent out \nto picket and guard the road. They were accompanied on this occasion by General Robert C. \nScheuck. The Confederates were in charge of Colonel Maxcy Gregg, who had been a leading \nmember of the South Carolina Secession Convention. \n\n\'\xe2\x80\xa2^ At this time the main body of McDowell\'s troops, about 45.000 strong, occupied a line, with \nthe Potomac at its back, extending from Alexandria, nine miles below Washington, almost to the \nChain Bridge, six miles above the capital. The remainder of the National arm.y, about 18,000 \nstrong, was at or near Martinsburg, under General Patterson. Both armies were liable to a sud- \nden decrease, for the terms of enhstraent of the "three months men" were about expinng. \nThe main Confederate army, under Beauregard, was at and near Manassas Junction, in a very \nstrong defensive position, about half way between the more eastern range of the Blue Ridge and \nthe Potomac at Alexandria. Jolmston\'s force at Winchester was larger than Patter.son\'s, and \nwas in a position to re-enforce Beauregard without much difficulty. He made his position quite \nBtrong, by casting up earthworks for defense. \n\n= See page 485. \xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 551. \n\n\n\nL I X C LN \' S ADMINISTRATION, \n\n\n\n569 \n\n\n\nmake the real attack on Beauregarcrs left wing, menaced by Tyler. At the same \ntime troops under Colonels Richai-dson and Davies were to march from near \nCentreville, and threaten the Confederate right.^ These movements Avere duly \nexecuted, but with some mischievous delay, and it was well toward noon \nbefore the battle was \nfairly begun. \n\nBeauregard had \nplanned an attack on \nMcDowell at Centre- \nville, the same morn- \ning. The authori- \nties at Richmond, \ninformed of the lat- \nter\'s movements, had \nordered Johnston to \nhasten to the aid of \nBeauregard, who was \nnow compelled to act \non tlie defensive. Af- \nter several hours\' \nhard fighting, with \nvarying fortunes on \nboth sides, and the \nmutual losses dread- \nful, the Nationals, \nwith superior numbers, were on the point of gaining a complete victory, when \nfrom the Shenandoah Valley came six thousand of Johnston\'s fresh troops, and \nturned the tide of battle. Johnston had managed to elude Patterson, and had \nhastened to Manassas, followed by his troops, and there, as senior in rank, he \ntook the chief command. Patterson, awaiting promised information and \norders from the General-in-Cliief (which he did not receive), failed to re-enforce \nMcDowell, and when, at about three o\'clock in the afternoon, Johnston\'s troops \nswelled the ranks of Beauregard to a volume greater than those of his foes, \nthe Nationals were throMU back in confusion, and fled in disastrous rout \ntoward Washington City.\'^ Jefferson Davis had just arrived on the battle- \nfield when the flight began. He sent an exultant shout by telegraph to his \n\n\n\n\nRUINS OF THE STOXE BRIDGE. \n\n\n\n\' The Confederate army lay along a line nearly parallel to the general course of Bull\'s Run, \nfrom Union Mills, where the Orange and Alexandria railway crosses that stream, to the passage \nof the Warrenton turnpike, at the Stone Bridge several miles above. \n\n" A large number of civilians saw the smoke of battle from Centreville and its vicinity. Sev- \neral members of Congress, and many others, went out from Washington to see the fight, as they \nwould a holiday spectacle, not doubting the success of the National troops. These were seen flying \nback in the greatest terror, while Congressman Alfred Elv, and one or two other civilians, were \ncaptured, and held as prisoners in Richmond for several months. Among tlie fugitives was W. \nH. Russell, correspondent of the London Times, who, notwithstanding he had not seen the battle, \nwrote an account of it the same night, while in an >mfit condition, as he acknowledged, to writ\xc2\xbb \nany thing truthfully. It was very disparaging to the Nationals, and filled the enemies of the \nRepubhc in Europe with joy, because of the assurance it gave of the success of the disunionists \n\n\n\n570 \'THB NATION. [1861 \n\nfellow-Secessionists at Richmond,\' and the whole Confederacy speedily rang \nwith its echoes ; while the remnant of the vanquished army hastened back in \nfragments to the defenses of Washington, and the gloom of deepest despond- \nency overshadowed the loyal heart of the nation for a moment. While one \nsection of the Republic was resonant with sounds of exultation, the other was \ngilent and cast down for a moment. \n\nThe extraordinary session of Congress\' had not yet closed, when the disas- \nter at Bull\'s Run occurred. That event did not disturb the composure or the \nfaith of that body. Fi-iends of the Confederates who yet lingered in the \nNational Legislature Avere using every means in their power to thwart legisla- \ntion that looked to the crushing of the rebellion f but the patriotic majority \nwent steadily forward in their efforts to save the Republic. When the battle \noccurred, they had under consideration a declaratory resolution concerning the \nobject of the war on the part of the government, and while the capital was \nfilled with fugitives from the shattered National army, and it was believed by \nmany that the seat of government was at the mercy of its enemies. Congress \ndeliberated as calmly as if assured of perfect safety, adopted the Declaratory \nResolution,^ and made thorough provisions for prosecuting the war vigorously. \nThe same faith and patriotic action were soon visible among the loyal people. \nTheir despondency was momentary. Almost immediately they recovered from \nthe stunning blow to their hopes and desires. They awakened from the \ndelusive and dangerous di-eam that their armies Avere absolutely invincible. \nThere was at once another wonderful uprising of the Unionists, and while the \nConfederates wei*e wasting golden moments of opportunity in celebrating their \nvictory, thousands of young men were seen flocking toward the National capi- \ntal to join the great Army of Defense. Within a fortnight after the battle \njust recorded, when the terms of service of the " three months men " had \n\n\n\n\' From Manassas Junction he telegraphed, saying: \xe2\x80\x94 "Night has closed upon a hard-fought \nfield. Our forces were victorious. The enemy was routed, and fled precipitately, abandoning a \nlarge amount of arms, ammunition, knapsacks, and baggage. The ground was strewn for miles \nwith those killed, and the farm-houses and the grounds around were filled with the wounded." \n"Our force," he said, " was 15,000 ; that of the enemy estimated at 30,000." This was not only \nan exaggeration, but a misrepresentation. From the most reliable authorities on both sides, it \nappears that, in the final struggle, the Nationals liad about 13,000 men, and the Confederates \nabout 27,000. The latter had been receiving re-enforcements all day, while not a man crossed \nBull\'s Run after twelve o\'clock at noon to re-enforce the Nationals. \n\n" Page 560. \n\n\' Page 549. Slidell, Yulee, and other Senators, remained for some time, for the avowed pur- \npose of preventing legislation that might strengthen the hands of the government. \n\n* J. J. Crittenden offered the following joint resolution : \xe2\x80\x94 " That the present deplorable Civil \nWar has been forced upon the country by the disunionists of the Southern States now in revolt \nagainst the constitutional government, and in arms around the capital; that in this National \nemergency Congress, banisliiug all feeling of mere passion or resentment, will recollect only its \nduty to its country ; that this war is not waged on our part in any spirit of oppression, not for \nany purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the \nrights or established usages of those States; but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the \nConstitution, and to preserve the Union, with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several \nStates unimpaired; and as soon as these objects are accomplished, the war ought to cease." \n\nThis resolution was adopted by an almost unanimous vote in both Houses of Congress. It \nalarmed the disunionists, for it positively denied those false allegations with which they had \ndeceived the people. They were so fearful that their dupes might see it and abandon their bad \ncause, that no newspaper in the Confederacy, it is said, was allowed to publish the fact. \n\n\n\n1861.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 571 \n\nexpired, more than an equal number of volunteers were in the camp or in the \nfield, engaged for " three years or the war," Nine-tenths of the non-com- \nbatants shared in the faith and fervor of those who took up arms, and the \npeople of the Free-labor States presented a spectacle difficult to comprehend. \nThat terrible crisis in the life of the nation was promptly met, and the salva- \ntion of the Republic was assured. At the same time that "United South" \nagainst the government, which the Secessionists had loudly proclaimed months \nbefore, now became a reality. The prestige of victory, the pressure of a ter- \nrible despotism, and the menaces of banishment and confiscation acts, passed \nby the Confederate " Congress," together with the prospect of the establish- \nment of a new nation, suddenly carved by the sword out of the Republic, with \nwhose fortunes it seemed their duty and interest to link themselves, so afiected \nthe great body of the Unionists at the South, that they yielded to necessity, \nand the voice of opposition was speedily hushed into silence.\' \n\nOn the day after the Battle of Bull\'s Run [July 22, 1861], General McClel- \nlan, whose troops had been successful in Western Virginia,\'^ was called to the \ncommand of the army at Washington. He at once set about the reorganiza- \ntion of that broken force with skill and industry. It was perfected by the \nmiddle of October, when seventy-five thousand well-armed\' and fairly disci- \nplined troops were in a condition to be placed in active service in the field. \nMcClellan\'s moral power was then tremendous. He had the confidence of the \narmy and the whole country, and he was called a " Young Napoleon." And \nwhen, on the 1st of November, General Scott resigned his position, and on his \nrecommendation his place as General-in-Chief was filled by the appointment \nof McClellan,* that act was hailed as a promise of a speedy termination of the \nrebellion, for he had said that the war should be " short, sharp, and decisive." \nHe spent the remainder of the autumn, and the whole winter, in making \npreparations for a campaign for the capture of Richmond ; and when, at the \nbeginning of March, his force, which was called the Grand Army of the \nPotomac, was put in motion, it numbered 220,000 men.^ In the mean time, \n\n\' The pressure brought to bear on the Union men was terrible, and the youth of that class \nwere driven into the army by thousands, because of the social proscription to which they were \nsubjected. The zeal of the women in the cause of rebellion was unbounded, and their influence \nwas extremely potential. Young men who hesitated when asked to enlist, or even waited to be \nasked, were shunned and sneered at by the young women ; and many were the articles of women\'s \napparel which were sent, as significant gifts, to these laggards at home. Men who still dared to \nstand firm in their true allegiance were denounced as "traitors to their country," and treated as \nsuch. \n\n* Page 563. \n\n\' We have observed [page 549] that Secretary Floyd, in preparation for the rebellion, had \nstripped the arsenals and armories of the Free-labor States, and filled those of the Slave-labor \nStates. It was necessary for the government to send to Europe for arms. For that purpose \nColonel George L. Schuyler, of General Wool\'s staff, was dispatched [July, 1861], and he pur- \nchased 116,000 rifles, 10,000 revolvers, 10,000 cavalry carbines, and 21,000 sabers, at an \naggregate cost of little over $2,000,000. Impediments were at first cast in the way of his \npurchase of arms in England and France, the sympathy of those governments being with the \nconspirators. He purchased the greater portion of them in Vienna and Dresden. \n\n* See General Orders, Xo. 94, November 1, 18G1. \n\n\' Of this number, about thirty thousand were sick or absent. Among the latter class were \nseveral hundred prisoners captured at Bull\'s Run and Ball\'s BlulY, on the Upper Potomac. The \nprison-life of captives among the Confederates was often very terrible. \n\n\n\n572 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1861. \n\n\n\nthe Confederate army, under Johnston, lying between Washington City and \nRichmond, not more than 40,000 strong at any time, had remained undisturbed, \nand Washington City had been made impregnable by the erection around it \nof no less than tifty-two forts and redoubts. \n\nWhile the process of reorganizing the Army of the Potomac was going on, \nthe war was making rapid progress west of the Alleghanies, and especially in \nMissouri. We left General Lyon, victorious, at Booueville,\' and the fugitive \n\n\n\n\ninsuigent\xc2\xab!, under \nPuce and Jack- \nson, ni the \'Nouth- \nAvestcrn part of the State. \nWhile Lyon was pursu- \ning the main body of \nthe i]isurgents, another \nUnion force, under Colo- \nnel Franz Sigel, an ac- \ncomplished German sol- \ndier, was pushing for- \nward from St. Louis, \nby way of Rolla. When he heard of the flight of the insurgents toward \nthe borders of Arkansas, he pressed on in that direction, passing through \nSpringfield and Sarcoxie, and near Carthage he fell in with the main \nbody of the Confederates, much superior to him in numbers, and espe- \ncially in horsemen. Sigel had more cannon than his foe, but, in a sharp \nengagement that ensued [July 5, 1861], the overwhelming force of the insur- \ngents pushed him back, and he retreated in good order to Springfield. To \n\n\n\nrORTlFICATIONS IN AND AROUND WASinNGTON CITY. \n\n\n\nPage 567. \n\n\n\n1861.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 5^3 \n\nthat point Lyon liastened wlieu lie lieard of the apparent peril that threatened \nSigel, and on the 13th lie took command of the nnited forces. Meanwhile the \ninsurgent Missourians had been largely re-enforced by troops from Texas and \nArkansas, and at the close of July the combined force, about 20,000 strong (a \niarge proportion cavalry), under Generals Price, Ben McCuUoch, Pearce, Rains, \nand INIcBride, "were marching on S})ringtield. Lyon\'s force did not exceed \n0,000 men (400 cavalry) and eighteen cannon. \n\nFeeble as he was, Lyon went out to meet the advancing foe. In a beauti- \nful valley, at a place called Dug Springs, nineteen miles from Springfield, he \nmet, fought, and A\'anquished his enemies, under McCulloch and Rains. So \ndesperate Avere the charges of a few of Lyon\'s cavalry, under Stanley, that \nConfederate prisoners inquired: "Are they men or devils?" Lyon returned \nto Springfield [August 4], and a few days latei\' [August 9] the Confederate \narmy, under the general command of McCulloch, wearied and half-starved, \nencamped at Wilson\'s Creek, about ten miles south of the town. Lyon again \nwent out to meet them, marching his little force in two columns, before dawn \nthe next morning [August 10]; one led by- himself, to attack their front, and \nthe other by Sigel, to fall upon their rear. A battle opened at an early lioui*. \nThe brunt of it fell upon Lyon\'s column, for Sigel\'s, deceived by a trick,\' was \nearly dis2:)ersed or captured. Lyon\'s troops, inspired by their leader, fought \njxreat odds with vigor and gallantry. The commander was everywhere seen, \nencouraging his men, until at about nine o\'clock in the morning he fell mor- \ntally wounded, and was succeeded in command by Major Sturgis, The battle \nceased at eleven o\'clock, when the Nationals were victorious. It was not safe \nf )r them to remain on the field of victor}^ nor to risk another encounter, so, on \nthe following morning [July 11], the Avhole Union force, led by Sigel, retreated \nin good order toward Rolla, safely conducting to that place a government \ntrain valued at a million and a half dollars. \n\nThe loyal civil authorities of Missouri were now striving against powerful \ninfluences to keep the State from the vortex of secession. The j^opular conven- \ntion,\'^ which reassembled at Jeflferson City on the 22d of July, declared fhe \ngovernment of which the traitor Jackson was the head to be illegal, and \norganized a provisional government for service until a permanent one should \nbe formed by the people. Meanwhile, Reynolds, Jackson\'s lieutenant-governor, \nissued a proclamation at New Madrid, as acting chief magistrate, in which he \ndeclared the State to be separated from the Union, and that, by " invitation of \nGovernor Jackson," General Pillow had entered Missouri at the head of Ten- \nnessee troops, to act in conjunction Avith M. Jeff. Thompson, a native leader, \nin xipholding the secession movement. Jackson was then in Richmond, nego- \n\n\' Sigel\'s force was composed of twelve hundred men and six guns. He marched so stealthily \ntliat the first intimation the Confederates had of his presence was the bursting of the shells \nfrom his guns over Rains\'s camp. \' The Confederates fled, and Sigel took possession of their \nl>osition, when it was reported that some of Lyon\'s column were approaching. When these, \ndressed like Sigel\'s men (they were Confederates in disguise), were within less than musket-shot \ndistance of the latter, they opened a destructive fire upon tlie Unionists with cannon and small \narms, spreading consternation in his ranks. He lost all but about three hundred men and one \ntield-piece. \'^ Page 5G5. \n\n\n\n574 THE KATION. [1861. \n\ntijiting witli the \'\'government" for the finnexation of Missouri to the Con- \nfederacy ; and the vain and shallow Pillow\' assumed the pompous title of \n"Liberator of Missouri,\'\' dating his orders and. dispatches, \'\'Head-Quarters \nArmy of Liberation." Although the conditions of annexation were not com- \nplied with, men claiming to represent Missouri performed tlie farce of occu- \npying seats in the so-called "Congress" of the Confederates at Kichmond \nduring a greater portion of the war. \n\nAt this critical juncture, John C. Fremont,\'^ wlio had lately returned from \nEurope with some arras for his government, and bearing the commission of \nMajor-General, was appointed to the command of the Western Department, \nwith his head-quarters at St. Louis. He found every thing in confusion, and \nmuch that Avas needed for the public service. He went vigorously at work in \nthe important duty assigned him. He fortified St. Louis, and took measures \nfor making the important posts of Cairo and Bird\'s Point^ absolutely secure, \nfor these were menaced by Pillow and his associates. These measures alarmed \nthe disloyal inhabitants and the invading troops, but when the retreat of the \nNationals from Springfield and the death of Lyon" became known, the seces- \nsionists assumed a bold and defiant attitude. They gathered in armed bands \nthroughout the State. The civil authority was helpless ; so Fremont, seeing \nno other way to secure the supremacy of the National government than by \ntaking the Avhole power in his department into his own hands, declared mar- \ntial law [August 31, 1861], and warned the disaffected that\' it would be \nrigorously executed. He acted promptly in accordance with his declaration, \nand the insurgents began to quail, when his vigor was checked by his govern- \nment.\' \n\nSoon after the battle at Wilson\'s Creek, Price was abandoned by McCul- \nloch, with whom he could not agree, wh\xc2\xabn he called upon the Missouri seces- \nsionists to fill his ranks, and early in September he was moving with a con- \nsiderable force northward tow^ard the Missouri River, in the direction of \nLexington, where nearly three thousand National troops were collected, under \nColonel J. A. Mulligan. Colonel Jetferson C. Davis was then at Jefferson City \nwith a larger force, and General John Pope was hastening in the direction of \nLexington from the region northward of the Missouri, with about five thousand \nmen. Price, aware of danger near, pressed forward and laid siege to Lexington \non the 1 1th of September. Mulligan had cast up some intrenchments there, but \nhis men had only about forty rounds of ammunition each, and his heavy arma- \nment consisted of six small cannon and two howitzei\'s \xe2\x80\x94 the latter useless, \nbecause he had no shells. Price had an overwhelming force, and opened fire \non the 12th. Re-enforcements came to him, and the insurgents finally numbered \n\n\' Page 5G6. " Pages 488 and 530. \' Page 566. \xe2\x96\xa0" Page 573. \n\n* In his proclamation of martial law, Fremont declared that whoever should be found guilty \nof thereafter taking an active part with the enemies of the government in the field, should suffer \nthe penalty of confiscation of their property to the public use, and have their slaves, if they pos- \nsessed any, made forever freemen. This raised a storm of indignation among the so-called \nUnionists of the Border Slave-labor States, whose pood-will the government was then trying to \nsecure, and that efficient measure against the rebellion, which, two years later, the government \nitself used, Fremont was then forbidden to employ. \n\n\n\n1861.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 5^5 \n\nabout twenty-five thousand men. Mulligan and his little band made a gallant \ndefense until the morning of the 20th [September, 1861], when he was compelled \nto surrender.\' Pie had held out with hopes of success, but when re-enforce- \nments approached it was too late for them to penetrate to his lines. This \ndisaster was severely felt, and on the 27th of September Fremont put in motion \nan army of more than twenty thousand men for the purpose of retrieving it,, \nand driving Price and his insurgents out of the State. \n\n"While these events were occurring in the heart of Missouri, important ones \nwere taking place in Kentucky. Governor Magoffin\'\' encouraged the seces- \nsionists as much as he dared. He allowed them to establish recruiting camps \nfor the Confederate army ; and when the loyal Legislature of the State assem- \nbled [September 2] he and his political associates, fearing the adverse action \nof that body, looked with complacency upon the invasion of the State, and the \nseizure of the strong position of Columbus [September 6], on the Mississippi, \nby Confederate troops under General (Bishop) Polk. In defiance of their \navowed respect for the neutrality of Kentucky, the \'\'government " at Richmond \nsanctioned the movement,^ and thus opened the way for the horrors of war, \nwhich filled Kentucky with distress. Columbus was held by the Confederates. \nThe Legislature requested the Governor to call out the militia of the State " ta \nexpel and drive out the invaders," and asked the General Government to aid in \nthe work. The Governor resisted, but was compelled to yield. General An- \nderson,* in command there, at once prepared to act vigorously, and General \nUlysses S. Grant, then in command in the district around Cairo, took military \npossession of Paducah, at the mouth of the Tennessee River. Thus ended the \n" neutrality " of Kentucky, which proved so disastrous to that State, Too late \nto avoid the consequences of that folly, the State now took a positive stand for \nthe Union, and avoided many evils, \n\nFelix K, Zollicofier, formerly a member of Congress, invaded Kentucky \nfrom East Tennessee (where the Unionists were terribly persecuted)^ on the \n\n\' The private soldiers were paroled and the officers were held as prisoners of war. Mulligan \nlost 40 killed and 120 wounded. Price\'s loss was 25 killed and 75 wounded. The spoils were 6 \ncannon, 2 howitzers, 3,000 stand of small arms, 750 horses, a large quantity of equipage, and \ncommissary stores valued at $100,000. ^ Page 565. \n\n\' Some of tlie partisans of Davis, South and North, denied that he ever sanctioned this viola- \ntion of the pledged faith of the Confederates to respect the neutrality of Kentucky, The proof \nthat he did so is undeniable. His so-called Secretary of War, as a cover to the iniquity, tele- \ngraphed publicly to Polk, directing him to withdraw his troops from Kentucky soil. At the same \ntime, Davis himself, with supreme power, telegraphed privately to Polk, saying: "The necessity \nmust justify the act." For the proof, see Lossing\'s Pictorial Hisiiwy of the Civil War, II. 75 \n\n* The defender of Fort Sumter [page 550] had been promoted to brigadier, and was then in \ncommand in Kentucky. \n\n\' Jefferson Davis was quick to act upon tlie authority given Lira by the confiscation and ban- \nishment acts of his " Congress." In districts such as East Tennessee, and other mountain regions, \nwhere the blight of slavery was httle known, the people were generally loyal to their government. \nWhen the Confederates held sway in such districts, tlie keenest cruelties were practiced upon the \nUnion inhabitants. East Tennesseans were peculiar sufferers on that account through a greater \nportion of the war. Loyalists were hunted, not only by armed men, but by bloodhounds, with \nwhich fugitive slaves were pursued.* They were taken to military camps, abused by mobs, \n\n* In the Memphis Appeal appeared an advertisement, in the autumn of ISGl, for "fifty well-bred\'\' and "one \npair of thoroughbred bloodhounds, that will take the track of a man. The purpose," said the advertisement, "for \nwhich these doss are wanted, is to chase the infernal, cowardly Lincoln bushwhackers [Unionists] of East Ten- \nnessee and Kentucky to their haunts, and capture them." Thi\xc2\xab was signed by F. N. McNairy and H. H. HarrU, \nConfederate officers in camp. \n\n\n\n5^(J THK NATION [1861. \n\nday after Polk seized Columbus,\' and Buckner, already mentioned as the cor- \nrupter of the patriotism of the young men of that State,* who had established \na camp in Tennessee just below the Kentucky border, acting in co-operation \nwith the two invaders, attempted to seize Loidsville, but Avas foiled by the \n\\ igilance of Anderson and the troops under him, Buckner advanced as far as \nElizabethtown, but was compelled to fall back to Bowling Gi*een, on the Nash- \nville and Louisville railway, where he established an intrenched camp, and \nmade it the nucleus of a powerful force gathered there soon afterward. \n\nLet us turn again for a moment to the consideration of affairs in Missouri. \n\nAYe have observed that Fremont set a heavy force in motion to drive the \nConfederates out of Missouri. Ileliad formed a general plan for driving them \nout of the Mississippi Valley, and re-opening the navigation of the great \nstream which the insurgents had obstructed by batteries.^ It was to capture \nor disperse the forces under Price, and seize Little Rock, the capital of Arkansas, \nand so completely turn the jjosition of the forces under Pillow and others, as \nto cut off their supi^lies from that region and compel them to retreat, M\'hen a \nflotilla of gun-boats, then in j^reparation near St. Louis, could easily descend \nthe river and assist in military operations against Memphis. If the latter \nshould be successful, the army and navy might push on and take possession of \nNew Orleans. Fremont accompanied his army in the initial movement of his \nplan, namely, against Price, and on the 11th of October, when well on his way \ntoward Arkansas, his forces marching in five columns,\'* he wrote: \xe2\x80\x94 "My plan \nis New Orleans straight. I would precipitate the war forward, and end it \nsoon and victorioiisly." But he was not allowed to carry out his i^lan, and at \nSpringfield, Avhere his body-guard, under Zagonyi, had made one of the most \nmemorable charges on record upon the strong foe,^ he was superseded in com- \nmand "by General David Hunter, and the army, instead of going forward, \nmarched sadly back toward St. Louis at the middle of November. Meanwhile \ndetachments of Fremont\'s army, under various leaders, had been doing gallant \nservice against bands of insurgents in various parts of Missouri, the most nota- \nble of Avhich were contests with M. Jefl^. Thompson and his guerrillas, in the \neastern part of the State, who were defeated and disjiersed in October, chiefly \nby Missouri, Illinois, and Indiana troops. \n\nthrust into prisons, and some were hanged for no other crime than active loyalty to their govern- \nment. Among the most notable of these sufferers in East Tennessee was Rev. Dr, Brownlow, a \nleading citizen, who had been a poHtical editor at Knoxville for many years, was very influential \nus a citizen, and was feared and hated hy the Confederates. His sufferings, and those of his \nfellow-patriots, form tlie subject of a volume from his pen, of great interest. At the close of the \nwar he was elected Governor of the State (having been appointed Provisional Governor), and in \n1867 he was re-elected by an immense majority of tlie legal voters of Tennessee. \n\n* Page 575. * Page 565. \n\n* So early as the 12th of January, 1861, three days after a convention of politicians in Missis- \nsippi had declared that State severed from the Union, Governor Pettus directed a battery to be \nplanted at Yicksburg, with orders to hail and examine every vessel that should attempt to pass. \nOther batteries were soon planted there and upon other bluffs m the river, and for more than two \nyears the commerce of the Mississippi was suspended. \n\n* Commanded respectively by Generals David Hunter, John Pope, Franz Sigel, J. McKmstry, \nand A Ashboth. \n\n^ Zagonyi charged upon nearly two thousand infantry and cavalry with one hundred and fifty \nof his men, routed the foe, and came out of the conflict with eighty-four of his little band dead \nor wounded. \n\n\n\n1861.J \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n577 \n\n\n\nBefore being deprived of Lis command, Fremont, in 2:)ursuance of his plan, \ndirected General Grant to make a co-operative movement on the line of the \nMississippi River. Grant determined to threaten Columbus\' by attacking \nBelmont, on the Missouri shore opposite, to prevent Polk assisting Thompson. \nWith about 3,000 troops (mostly Illinois volunteers, under General John A. Mc- \nClernand), in transports, accompanied by the wooden gun-boats Tyler and Lex- \nington^ he went down the Mississippi from Cairo, Avhile another force Avas march- \ning from Paducah^ toward the rear of Columbus, under General Charles F. Smith, \nto divert Polk\'s attention from the river expedition. That expedition suddenly \nnnd unexpectedly appeared just above Columbus on the morning of the 7th \nof Xoveraber, when the gun-boats opened \nfn-e on Polk\'s batteries. The troops were \nlanded on the Missouri shore, three miles \nabove Belmont, and immediately marched \nupon that place. Polk sent over troops \nunder General Pillow to re-enforce the \ngarrison there. A sharp engagement en- \nsued, and the Nationals were victorious, \nbut the ground being commanded by the \nbatteries on the bluffs at Columbus, it \nwas untenable, and Grant withdrew. \nPolk determined not to allow him to \nescape. He opened upon the retiring \ntroops some of his heaviest guns, sent \nCheatham to re-enforce Pillow, and then \n\nled over two regiments himself to swell the ranks of the pursuers. Grant \nfougbt his way back to his transports after suffering severely,\' and re-embarked \nunder cover of the gun-boats and escaped. The battle was gallantly fought \non both sides, and many deeds of daring are recorded. \n\nZollicoffer\'s invasion^ aroused the Unionists of Eastern Kentucky, and they \nflew to arms under various leaders. In a picturesque region of the Cumber- \nland Mountains, known as the Pock Castle Hills, they fought and repulsed \nhim. Still flirther eastward in Kentucky, loyalists under General William \nNelson fought and dispersed a Confederate force under Colonel J. S. Williams, \nnear Piketon. The latter fled to the mountains at Pound Gap, carrying away \na large number of cattle. These successes inspired the East Tennessee loyal- \nists with hopes of a speedy deliverance, but they were compelled to wait long \nfor that consummation. The Confederates, toward the close of 1861, had \nobtained a firm foothold in Tennessee, and occupied a considerable portion of \nSouthern Kentucky, from the mountains to the Mississippi River, along a line \nabout four hundred miles in length. At the same time the Nationals were \npreparing to drive them southward. Let us now consider events in the \nvicinity and eastward of the Alleghany Mountains, and along the sea-coast. \n\n\n\n\nLEONIDAS POLK. \n\n\n\nPage 575. \xc2\xbb Page 575. \n\nGrant lost in killed, wounded, and missing, 485 men, and Polk 632. \xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2 Page 575. \n\n37 \n\n\n\n578 \'^^^^^ NATION. [1861. \n\nIll tlio .autumn of 18G1 tlie Confederates struggled severely for the posses- \nsion of Western Virginia. General Robert E, Lee had been sent to take com- \nmand of tlie troops left by Garnett and Pegram in Northern Virginia.\' He \nmade liis liead-quarters at ITnntersville, in Pocahontas County, and early in \nAugust [1801] he found himself at the head of about 16,000 troops. Floyd, \nthe late Secretary of War,\'\' had been commissioned a brigadier-general, and \nsent to the region of the Gaulcy Kivcr, with troops to re-enforce the incompe- \ntent Wise, and to take chief command. Floyd was expected to sweep down \nthe Kanawha Valley, and drive General Cox across the Ohio, while Lee should \nscatter or capture the National forces under General Rosecrans in Northern \nVirginia, and open a way into Ohio, Maryland, and Pennsylvania. Pi\'ej^ara- \ntory to these decisive movements, Floyd took position between Cox and Rose- \ncrans at Carnifcx Ferry, on the Gauley River, a few miles from Summersville, \nthe capital of Nicholas County, leaving Wise to watch the region nearer the \njunction of the Gauley and New River, which form the Kanawha. \n\nRosecrans had organized an army of nearly 10,000 men at Clarksburg, on \nthe Baltimore and Ohio railway, and early in September he marched south- \nward to attack Floyd, Avherever he might be, leaving a force under General J. \nJ. Reynolds to confront Lee in the Cheat Mountain region. With great labor \nRosccj-ans\'s troops climbed over the Gauley Mountains, and on the 10th \n[Sept.], passing through Summersville, they fell upon the Confederates at Car- \nnifcx Ferry. A severe battle for three or four hours ensued. It ceased at \ndusk. Rosecrans intended to renew it in the morning, but his foes fled under \ncover of the darkness, and did not halt until they reached the summit of Big \nSewell IVfountain, thirty miles distant. \n\nThe battle at Carnifex Ferry was soon followed by stirring movements \nl)etween Reynolds and Lee. The former was holding the roads and passes of \ntlie more westerly ranges of the great Alleghany chain, from Webster, on the \nBaltimore and Ohio railway, to the head-waters of the Gauley, crossing the \nspurs of the Greenbrier Mountains. When Rosecrans moved against Floyd, \nReynolds was at the western foot of the mountains, not far from Huttonsville. \nLee was farther south. Ilis scouts were everywhere active, and it Avas evi- \ndent, early in September, that he contemplated an attack either upon Reynolds \nor Rosecrans. lie was watched with sleepless vigilance, and on the day after \nthe battle at Carnifex Ferry it was perceived that he was about to strike the \nNationals at Elkwater and on the Summit,^ for the purpose of securing the \ngreat Cheat Mountain Pass, through Avhich lay the road to Staunton, and so \nobtain free communication with the Shenandoah Valley. His troops attacked \nthe two posts just named [Sept. 12, 18G1], and Avere repulsed. Lee then with- \ndrew from the Cheat Mountain region and joined Floyd, between the Gauley \nand New River, Avhere the combined forces under his command amounted \n\n\n\n\' Page 56.^.. * Page 549. \n\n^ Here, as we h.ave seen [page 563], General McClellan established a post, and left there an \nIndiana regiment, under Colonel Kimball. It was an important point on the great highway from \nThittonsvillo, over the lofty ranges of mountains to Staunton. \n\n\n\n18G1.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 579 \n\nto about 20,000 men. There he Avas confronted by Roseerans with about \n10,000 men, composed of the brigades of Cox, Benham, and Schenck. \n\nLee, whose campaign had been thus far a failure, was soon recalled and \nsent to Georgia. The Avretched Wise was ordered to Richmond, and Floyd \nand Roseerans again became competitors for victory. Floyd took post on the \nleft or western bank of the New River late in October, from whicli he was \ndriven [Nov. 12] by the forces under Roseerans, and pursued about fifty miles \nsouthward. There Floyd took leave of his army, and a few months later he \nwas seen in a disgraceful position at Fort Donelson, in Tennessee. Meanwhile \nGeneral Kelley, who had recovered from his wounds,\' was performing gallant \nservice in defense of the line of the Baltimore and Ohio railway ; and on the \n26th of October he struck the insurgents a blow at Romney that paralyzed \nthe rebellion in that region. General Robert H. Milroy, who had succeeded \nReynolds, was also active in the Cheat Mountain region, with his head- \nquarters, at fii-st, at the Summit. In that vicinity he fought the Confederates \nunder Colonel E. Johnston, of Georgia, and was repulsed. He was more suc- \ncessful in an expedition against the Confederates at Huntersville, Lee\'s old \nhead-quarters." He disj^ersed the insurgents there late in December, destroyed \ntheir stores, and released some Union j^risoners. This event closed the cam- \npaign in Western Virginia in 1861. \n\nWhile the events we have just considered were occurring in Western \nVirginia and in the Mississippi Valley, others even more important in their \nrelations to the great contest were occurring on the sea-coast. We have \nalready considered some hostile movements in the vicinity of Fortress Monroe.^ \nIn Hampton Roads (the harbor in front of that fortress) and the then smoking \nruins of Hampton Village,\'* a large land and naval armament was seen in \nAugust, 1861. It was designed for an expedition down the Atlantic coast, the \nland forces imder General B. F. Butler\' and the naval forces under Commodore \nSilas H. Stringham. Its destination Avas Hatteras Inlet, eighteen miles from \nCape Hatteras, Avhei-e the Confederates had erected two forts (Ilatteras and \nClarke) on the western end of Hatteras Island. The fleet, composed of trans- \nports for the troops and war vessels, gathered off* the Inlet toward the even- \ning of the 2\'7th of August, and on the following morning the navy opened fire \non the forts and some of the land troops Avere put ashore. The assault was. con- \ntinued at intervals by both arms of the service until the 29th, when the forts \nwere formally surrendered to Stringham and Butler by S. Barron, Avho com- \n\n\' Page 562. \xc2\xbb Page 578. \' Page 562. \n\n* After the battle at Big Bethel [page 562], General Butler abandoned the village of Hamp- \nton, which he had previously occupied, and confined his troops to Fortress Monroe and Newport- \nNewce. The whole country between Old Point Comfort, on which Fortress Monroe lies, and \nYorlctown, was thus left open to Confederate rule. Magruder, with about 5,000 men, moved \ndown the peninsula and took post near the village of Hampton, for the purpose of closely invest- \ning the Fortress. Skirmishes ensued at Hampton bridge, and on the night of the 7th of August, \nMagruder, while drunken with liquor, ordered the village to be burnt. The act was performed by \nVirginians. So wanton was it that the venerable parish church, standing out of danger from the \nflames of the town, was fired and destroyed. \n\n\'\' General Butler was succeeded in the command at Fortress Monroe by tlie veteran General \nJohn E. "Wool. \n\n\n\n580 \n\n\n\nX A T I X \n\n\n\n[18G1. \n\n\n\n\nFOET HATTEEAS. \n\n\n\nmanded a little squadron in Pamlico Sound, and Colonel Martin and Major \nAndrews, in command of the Confederate troops." The post was then gar- \nrisoned by a portion of Colonel Hawkins\'s New York Zouave regiment, and \nthe expedition returned to Hampton Roads. General Butler was then com- \n,- = missioned to go to New \n\nEngland to "raise, arm, \nuniform, and equip a vol- \nunteer force for the war." \nIt was done. Their im- \nmediate services will be \nobserved hereafter. \n\nHawkins was re-en- \nforced in September by \nsome Indiana troops, and \nearly in October the lat- \nter, then a few miles up \nthe Island, were attacked \nand driven back to the forts by some Confederates, wdio came over in steamers \nfrom Roanoke Island. Meanwhile Hawkins had issued a conciliatory address to \nthe neighboring inhabitants of North Carolina. A convention of loyal citizens \nAvas held [Oct. 12], Avho called another, when a statement of grievances and a \ndeclaration of their independence of the Confederate government of North \nCarolina Avas adopted [No\\^ 18, 1861]. There Avas so much promise of good \nin this movement, that the President ordered an election there for a member \nof Congress. One Avas chosen [Nov. 27], but this germ of active loyalty \nAvas soon crushed by the heel of Confederate poAver.- But the substantial \nA\'ictory gained by the National forces Avas a severe bloAV to the cause of the \nconspirators, for it opened the Avay to most important results in faA^or of the \nNational authorities, as Ave shall observe hereafter. \n\nDuring the summer of 1861, Fort Pickens and its vicinity Avere AA\'itnesses \nof stirring scenes. We have observed that the fort was saved from capture \nearly in the year through the vigilance and bravery of Lieutenant Slemmer \nand his little garrison, and that it was re-enforced.^ The troops that first Avent \nto the relief of Slemmer [April 12, 1861] Avere marines from the gOA\'ernment ves- \n\n\n\n\' Barron was a naval officer wlio had abandoned his flag and joined the insurgents. The cap- \ntives received tiie treatment of prisoners of war. They were taken to New York, and afterward \nexchanged. Not one of the soldiers ef the attacking fleet or army was injured in the fray. The \nloss of the Confederates was twelve or fifteen killed and thirty-five wounded. \n\n* Tills movement was brought prominently before the citizens of New York bj^ Rev. M. N. \nTaylor, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, at a meeting over which Mr. Ban- \ncroft, the historian, presided. Taylor said that "some 4,000 of the inhabitants living on the \nnarrow strip of land on the coast had, on the first arrival of the troops, flocked to take the oath \nof allegiance, and this had cut them off from their scanty resources of traffic with the interior. \nThey were a poor race," he said, "living principally by fishing and gathering of yoakum, an \nevergreen of spontaneous growth, which they dried and exchanged for corn." The yoakum is a \nplant which is extensively used in that region as a sub.stitute for tea. \n\nThe appeal of Mr. Taylor in behalf of these people was nobly responded to by generous gifta \nof money, food, and clothing. \n\n\' See note 6, page 559. \n\n\n\n1861.] LINCOLX\'S AD Ml X I ST RAT ION. 58X \n\nsels Sabine and St. Louis, lying: ^^ the fort, and artillerymen under Captain \nVogdes, from the Brooklyn? They were there just in time to co-operate with \na loyal man at the Navy Yard in saving the fort from capture. ** The garrison \nwas again re-enforced, a few days later, by several hundred troops under Colo- \nnel Harvey Brown, who took the command, and Slemmer Avas furloughed for \nrest. Still later, while Bragg was gathering a large force in the vicinity, more \ntroops Avere sent to defend the post. These were the New York Sixth regi- \nment (Zouaves), Colonel William Wilson, Avho Avere encamped [June] on \nSanta Eosa Island, on Avhich Fort Pickens stands. Early in October the Con- \nfederates on the main attempted to surprise and capture them. It Avas done \nin the dark, with the cry of " Death to Wilson ! No quarter !"* The assailed \n\n\n\n\nZouaA-es fought desperately in the gloom, and Avith the aid of help from the \nfort, under Majors Yogdes and Arnold, the invaders, after burning Wilson\'s \ncamp, Avere driA^en to their boats Avith a loss of one hundred and fifty men, \nincluding some aa^Iio were droAvncd. The Nationals lost in killed, Avounded, \nand prisoners, sixty-four men. \n\n^ Lieutenant Worden, of the XaAy, Avas sent by the government overland Avith a message to \ntlie commander of the fleet off Pensacola, directing the re-enforcement of Pickens. On his \nreturn he Avas treacherously used by Bragg, and suffered a long captivitj-, as a prisoner of Avar. \nin the jail at Montgomery. \n\n" This was Richard Wilcox. The Confederates Avere in possession of the Xavy Yard at "War- \nrington, opposite Fort Pickens, Avhere Wilcox, unsuspected of loyalty, Avas employed as a watch- \nman. He discovered that one of Slemmer\'s sergeants was in complicity with the Confederate \ncommander in a plan for capturing tlie fort. Wilcox found means to apprise Slemmer of the- \nfact. It Avas to have been executed on the night after Worden\'s arrival. \n\n^ It Avas the general impression that Wilson\'s ZouaA^es were composed of Ncav York " roughs," \nand the Southern people Avere taught to believe that they Avere sent for the purposes of plunder \nand rapine. \n\n\n\n582 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1861, \n\n\n\nFort Pickcins had been silent since the spring-time. Late in November its \nutterances were heai\'d for miles along the Gulf coast, mingled with the thun- \nder of cannon on war-vessels, co-operating in an attack upon the forts and \nbatteries of the Confederates on the Florida main, then manned by about seven \nthousand troops under Bragg. The fort, and the steamers Niagara and Rich- \nmond, opened on the Confederate works on the morning of the 22d of Novem- \nber, In the course of forty-eight hours, the heavy guns of the foe were \nsilenced, and most of the Navy Yard, and the villages of Wolcott and War- \nrington, adjoining, were laid in ashes by shells from the fort. After that there \nwas quiet in Pensacola Bay until the first of January [1862], Avhen another \nartillery duel occurred, lasting about twelve hours, but with little effect. \n\nFarther westward along the Gulf coast little sparks of war Avere seen at \nthis time. The most notable of these was occasioned by a collision at the \nmouth of the Mississippi River [October 12], between the National blockading \nsquadron, at the Southwest Pass, and a flotilla under Captain Hollins, of Grey- \ntown notoriety.\' By a telegraphic dispatch to the conspirators at Richmond, \nthat startled the whole country, Hollins claimed a great victory, when the fact \nwas that the only -damage he had inflicted on his foe was slight bruises on a \ncoal-barge, while he Avas driven up the river to Fort Jackson in great terror, \nbecause of the danger of his being caught and hanged as a traitor.\' He Avas \nin command of a ranr called Manassas^ Avhich promised to be formidable in \n\ncompetent hands, and this fact hastened \npreparations for sending an expedition \nto tlie LoAver Mississippi, \n\nThere Avas another land and naval \nai-mament in Hampton Roads in October, \nmore formidable and imj^osing than the \none seen there in August.\'* There were \nfifty Avar-vessels and transports, and on \nthe latter AA^ere 15,000 troops, under \nGeneral T, W. Sherman, The fleet Avas \ncommanded by Commodore S. F. Du- \n])ont, and all went to sea on a beautiful \nautumnal day (October 29, 1861), the \nflag-ship Wabash leading. Their des- \ntination Avas unknoAvn to all but the \ncliief commander, but each ship carried \n\n\n\n\nS. F. DUPOXT. \n\n\n\n\' See note 3. page 522. \n\n* The following is a copy of the dispatch, dated at Fort Jackson, below New Orleans, Octo- \nber 12, 18G1: \xe2\x80\x94 "Last night 1 attacked tlie blockaders with my little fleet. I succeeded, after a \nA-ery sliort struggle, in driving them all agronnd on the Southwest Pass bar, except the Preble, \navhich I.iunJc. I captured a prize from them, and after they Avere fast in sand, I peppered them \nwell. There were no casualties on our side. It was a complete success. \xe2\x80\x94 Hollins." This dis- \npatch and the facts caused the silly Hollins to be " peppered " well with ridicule. \n\n\' A " ram " was an iron-clad vessel with a long, strong, sharp-pointed iron beak extending \nfrom its bow, by which, when the vessel, impelled by steam, was in full motion, another might be \npushed, penetrated, and sunk. These Avere very formidable Aveapons of war on the rivers. \n\n* See page 579. \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n583 \n\n\n\nsealed orders, to be opened in the event of a dispersion. That contingency \noccurred. The expedition had just passed Cape Ilatteras, when a teiTible storm \narose, and on the morning of the 2d of November only one of the other ves- \nsels might be seen from the deck of the flag-ship.\' The sealed orders were \nopened. These directed a general rendezvous off Port Royal entrance, on \nthe coast of South Carolina, and there all of the vessels, excepting four trans- \nports, were gathered around their leader by the evening of the 4th. The four \ntransports had been lost, but no life was sacrificed, in tlie great storm. \n\nPort Royal entrance is between Hilton Head and Phillip\'s Island, and on \neach was a fort that commanded the channel. In Port Royal Sound was a \nsmall flotilla under Commodore Tattnall, and this, with the land troops who \ngarrisoned the forts, comprised the obstacles to the entrance of the expedition. \nThese were soon removed. On the morning of the Yth [Nov. 1861] every thing \nwas in readiness. Dupont\'s war-vessels moved in, and, making an elliptical \ncourse, jjoured upon the forts^ a storm of shell that soon silenced them. Tatt- \nnall\'s little fleet fled to the shelter of narrower waters ; the land troops under \n\xe2\x96\xa0Generals Wright and Stevens went on shore and took possession, and the Con- \nfederates abandoned the region and hastened to the main. The National forces \ntook possession of Beaufort and the surrounding islands which the white peo- \nple had abandoned," and the last effort of the Confederates to defend them was \nat Port Royal Ferry, where, after a severe engagement [January 1, 1862], \nthey were defeated and dispersed. Du- _, " ~^_ \n\npont, meanwhile, had taken 2>ossession of \nTybee Island, at the mouth of the Savan- \nnah River, without opposition ; and at \nthe close of 1861 the National authority \nwas supreme over the coast islands, from \nWassaw Sound to tlie North Edisto \nRiver, well up toward Charleston. At \nabout the same time an ineffectual \nattempt was made to temporarily close \nthe harbor of Charleston, as a part of the \nmethod of blockade, by sinking vessels \nladen with stones in its ehaimels of ap- \n\n\n\n\nPORT ROYAL FERRY. \n\n\n\n\' This storm gave great hope of disaster to the National cause, among the Confederates, to \nwhom the departure of the expedition was known. The}" declared that tlie elements were assist- \ning them. "The stars in their courses fought against Sisera," said a jubilant Richmond journal, \nand added, "So the winds of lieaven fight for the good cause of Southern Independence. Let \nthe Deborahs of tlie South sing a song of deliverance." \n\n" The work on Hilton Head was named Fort "Walker, in honor of the Confederate " Secretary \nof War;" and that on Bay Point of Phillip\'s Island, Fort Beauregard, in honor of an insurgent \nleader. \n\n^ Tlie negroes, generally, remained, excepting those whose masters had compelled them to \naccompany them in their flight. Those who remained were soon organized into industrial com- \nmunities, and a large quantity of the valuable "Sea-Island Cotton," which the owners had not \nburnt on leaving, was secured. The fi^ith of the slaves in the National government, and their \nbelief that the invaders were their friends, and were to be their deliverers from bondage, were \nhere first exhibited in a remarkable degree. They had been assured that the "Yankees," as all \nthe inliabitants of the Free-labor States were called, were coming to steal them and s&li them into \n\n\n\n584 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION, \n\n\n\nproach.\' "While the "stone fleet," as these vessels Avere called, was approach- \ning, a fearful conflagration laid a large portion of the city of Charleston in \nruins. \n\nLet us now turn from the sea-coast, and observe the current of events at \nand near the ISTational capital. \n\nThe new organization of the Array of the Potomac, as we have observed," \nwas perfected at the middle of October. The Confederates, under Johnston,, \nwere yet lying in comparative inactivity near the field of their victory at \nBull\'s Run, in July,^ with the head-quarters of their leader at Centreville. \nBecause of a lack of cavalry and adequate subsistence, Johnston had been \ncompelled to lie idle, and see the army of his opponent grow immensely in the \nspace of a few weeks. He knew it would be simple rashness to do as the shal- \nlow Beauregard desired, and attack the intrenched Nationals at Washington ; \nand because of the interference of Davis, as Confederate experts say, he had \nnot the means for executing his favorite scheme of crossing the Potomac into \nMaryland, and taking the National capital in reverse. So for several months \nthese principal armies of the combatants lay within thirty miles of each other, \nwithout coming into a general collision. The people on both sides became \nimpatient of delay. In the hearts of the loyalists still burned the desire which \nhad given to their lips the cry of " On to Richmond !" but the memory of the \ndisasters at Bull\'s Run* made them circumspect and quiet. From time to time \nthey were cheered by rumors and movements which promised an immediate \nadvance. There were grand reviews, active drills, and sometimes skirmishes \nwith the Confederates, whose audacity became amazing as the autumn \nadvanced and the Nationals remained quiet. Their pickets approached witliin \ncannon-shot of Washington City, and for weeks they held Munson\'s Hill,, \nwhere their flag might be seen from the dome of the Capitol. \n\nWe have observed^ that the Confederate batteries blockaded the Potomac. \nSo early as June [1861] the Navy Dej:)artment had called the attention of the \nmilitary authorities to the possibility and danger of such an event, but noth- \ning was done to prevent it until the close of September, when Confederate bat- \nteries were planted along the Virginia shore of the stream. Preparations \nwere then made by McClellan to act in conjunction with the gun-boats on the \nPotomac in removing these perilous obstructions, but his delays, and his failure \nto co-operate with the naval force at the proper moment, paralyzed all eflbrts,, \nand that blockade, so disgraceful to the government, and especially to the \ngreat army near the capital, was continued until the Confederates voluntarily \nevacuated their position in front of Washington, in March following. \n\nworse bondage in Cuba; and horrible tales were told to them of the "Northerners," who were \ndescribed as monsters intent upon killing them and bur^-ing them in the sand. But that simple \npeople did not believe a word of these tales. They universally beheved that tlie Lord had sent \nthe " Yankees \'\' to take them out of bondage ; and when our ships appeared, they were seen \nwith little bundles of clothing on the shores, desiruag to go on board. \n\n\' The "stone fleet" was composed of twenty-five old vessels, chiefly whalers, which sailed \nfrom New England heavily laden with granite. These were sunken m the four channels, but \nwere soon removed by the currents or lost in quicksands, for their presence was scarcelj\' percep- \ntible after a few days. \n\n^ Page 571. = Page 569. ^ Page 570. = Page 565. \n\n\n\n1861.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION 585 \n\nThe Army of the Potomac was judiciously posted for offensive or defensive \nmeasures from Budd\'s Ferry, on the Lower Potomac, to Poolesville, near the \nUpper Potomac. As it increased in numbers, it needed more space on the Vir- \nginia side of the river than the narrow strip between the Potomac and the \nConfederate outposts. Measures were accordingly taken for pushing back tlie \nfoe, and these resulted in skirmishes. One occurred near Lewinsville [Sept. ] 2, \n1861] between the National troops, under General W. F. Smith, and Confede- \nrates, under Colonel J. E. B. Stuart, afterward the famous cavalry leader, in \nwhich the Nationals were victors. A little later [September 15] some Confed- \nerates crossed the Potomac and attacked troops under Colonel J. W. Geary, \nnot far from Darnestown, in Maryland, and were repulsed. Emboldened by \nsuccesses, the Nationals advanced, and at the middle of October they per- \nmanently occupied a line from Fairfax Court House well up toward Lees- \nburg. The Confederates retired from Munson\'s Hill [Sept. 28] and other \nadvanced posts,* and fell back to Centreville without firing a shot. \n\nEarly in October some National troops crossed the Potomac at Harper\'s \nFerry,^ to seize some wheat at mills near there belonging to the Confederates. \nMenaced by approaching foes, they called for help. Colonel Geary led six hun- \ndred men to their aid, and on the hills back of the village of Harper\'s Ferry, \nhe had a severe contest [Oct. 16, 1861] with a superior force on his front and \nthe heights near. He finally repulsed his foe, and the whole invading force \nrecrossed the river into Maryland. This movement was speedily followed by \na more important one. For some time the left Aving of the Confederate army \nunder General Evans had been lying at Leesburg, confronted by a considero,- \nble National force under General Charles P. Stone, encamped between Conrad\'s \nand Edward\'s ferries, on the Upper Potomac. On being informed (errone- \nously) that the Confederates had left the vicinity of Leesburg, McClellan \nordered General McCall to make a reconnoissance from Drainsville in that \ndirection, and telegraphed to Stone to aid the movement by a feint indicative \nof an intention to cross with his whole force. This was done at both ferries, \nand a part of a Massachusetts regiment, under Colonel Devens, was ordered to \nHarrison\'s Island, in the Potomac, abreast of Ball\'s Bluff. A reserve of three \nthousand men, under Colonel E. D. Baker, a member of the National Senate, \nacting as brigadier, was held in readiness to cross promptly, if necessary. \n\nMisinformed concerning the position of the Confederates, and supposing \nMcCall to be near to assist, if necessary. Stone ordered some Massachusetts \ntroops, under Colonels Devens and Lee, to cross to the Virginia main from Har- \nrison\'s Island. They found no foe between Ball\'s Bluff and Leesburg. But \nEvans was near in strong force, watching them, and at little past noon [Oct. \n\n\' For several weeks the Confederate works on Munson\'s Hill had been looked upon with much \nrespect, because of their apparently formidable character. They were really slight earth- \nstructures, inclosing, by an irregular line around the brow of the hiU, about four acres of ground, \nand the principal armament, which had inspired the greatest awe, consisted of one stove-pipe and \ntwo logs, the latter with a black disc painted on the middle of the sawed end of each, giving them \nthe appearance, at a short distance, of the muzzles of 100-pounder Parrott guns I These "Quaker \nguns," like similar ones at Manassas, had for six weeks defied the Army of the Potomac. \n\n\' Page 557. \n\n\n\n586 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1861. \n\n\n\n21, 1861] he assailed the invading troops, who had fallen back to the vicinity \nof Ball\'s Bluff. Baker had already been sent with reserves to Harrison\'s \nIsland, clothed with discretionary j^ower to withdraw the other troops, or \nre-enfoi-ce them. Supposing the force under McCall and others to be near, he \nconcluded to q;o forward. On reaching the field, he took the chief command \nby virtue of his rank, and was soon afterward instantly killed,\' His troops, \nunsupported,\'\' were overwhelmed by a superior force, and pushed back in great \ndisorder toward the bluff. They were driven down the declivity at twilight, \nwhere, unable to cross the swollen flood for want of transportation, they fought \ndesperately a short time, when they were overpowered, and a large number \nwere made prisoners. Many perished in trying to escape.^ The entire \nNational loss was full a thousand men, and two pieces of cannon. It was a \ndisaster inexplicable to the public mind. An explanation was loudly called \nfor, but the General-in-Chief declared that an inquiry " at that time would be \ninjurious to the public service." It was stifled, and Genei-al Stone, whom \nMcClellan at the time acquitted of all lilame,\'\' was afterward made a victim to \nappease the popular indignation.^ \n\n\n\n\' Eye-witness said that a tall, red-haired man suddenly emerged from the smoke, and when \n\xe2\x96\xa0within live feet of Baker discharged into his body the contents of a self-cocking revolving pistol, \nand at the same moment a bullet pierced his skuU just behind his ear. His death produced a \nprofound sensation, and public honors were paid to his memory afterward. He was one of the \nmost eloquent men in the National Senate. \n\n\'\' McCleUan had ordered McCall, the previous evening, to fall back to Drainsville. He neg- \nlected to inform Stone of this order. Had he done so. Baker would have recalled the troops on \nthe Virginia side, and the disaster at Ball\'s Bluff would have been prevented. \n\n^ Only one large flat-boat was there, and that, with an overload of wounded and others, at \nthe begiiining of its first voyage, was riddled by bullets and sunk. The smaller vessels had ciis- \nappeared in tlie gloom, and\' there was no means of escape for the Unionists but by swimming. \nSome, attempting\'this, were shot in the water, others were drowned, and a few escaped. \n\n* On the evening of October 22, 1861, McClellan, who had gone to the head-quarters of \nStone, telegraphed to the President, saying, " I have investigated this matter, and General Stone \nis without blame." \n\n^ A hundred da^\'S after the battle, when General Stone, in command of about 12,000 men, \nwas preparing to strike the Confederates under D. H. Hill, lying opposite his camp, he was \n\narrested at midnight in "VVash- \n_^^^r^^-:r- ington City, by order of General \n\nMcClellan, who directed him to \nbe conveyed immediately to \nFort Lafayette, near New York, \nthen used as\'a prison for persons \ncharged with treasonable acts. \nThere he was kept m close \ncontinement fifty-four days, \nwhen he was transferred to \nFort Hamilton, near. He was \nreleased on the 16th of August, \n1862, but for nearly a year \nafterward he was denied em- \n])lo.yment in the field. General \n\nStone was never informed why \n\n"^ " - \' ^=^r -^=^ he was arrested, and no charge \n\nFiiur LAFAYETTE. of miscouduct of anv kind was \n\never officially made against him. \nHe appears to have been made a scape-goat for the sins of his superiors. Without any apparent \ncause, that faithful officer and zealous friend of the country was made to suffer, unjustly, the cruel \nt^uspicion of being a traitor For a full vindication of his loyalty, made upon evidence, see Los- \nsings Pictorial History of the Civil War, ii. 146. \n\n\n\n\n^d^M \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n1861.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION 587 \n\nFor the space of nearly two months after the disaster at Ball\'s Bluff, the \npublic ear was daily teased with the unsatisfactory report : " All is quiet on \nthe Potomac !" The roads leading toward the Confederate camps near Bull\'s \nRun were never in better condition. The entire autumn had been a magnifi- \ncent one in Virginia. Regiment after regiment was rapidly swelling the \nranks of the Army of the Potomac to the number of two hundred thousand \nmen, thoroughly equipped and fairly disciplined, while at no tnne did any \nreliable report make the number of the Confederate army over sixty thousand. \nPlain people wondered why so few, whom politicians called "ragamuffins" and \na " mob," could so tightly hold the Xational capital in a state of siege, while \nso large a number of " the bravest and best men of the North " were in and \naround it. But what did plain people know about war? Therefore it was \nthat when, late in December, the " quiet on the Potomac " was slightly dis- \nturbed by General E. O. C. Ord, who, with his brigade, fought a smaller \nnumber of Confederate foragers [Dec. 20, 1861], under J. E. B. Stewart, near \nPrainsville, and whipped them soundly, after a severe contest, the loyal people \n\xe2\x96\xa0were delighted, for it gave them assurance that the Army of the Potomac was \nready to fight bravely, whenever permitted to encounter the foe. \n\nWhile the friends of the government were anxiously waiting for the almost \ndaily promised movement of the Grand Army toward Richmond as the year \n[1861] was drawing to a close, and hearts were growing sick with hope \ndeferred, two events, each having an important bearing on the war, were in \nprogress : one directly affecting the issue, and the other affecting it incidentally, \nbut powerfully. One was an expedition that made a permanent lodgment of \nthe National power on the coast of North Carolina, and the other was inti- \nm.ately connected with the foreign relations of the government. Let us first \nconsider the last-mentioned event. \n\nWe have already observed that the conspirators, at an early period of their \noperations, sent commissioners to Europe to seek recognition and aid from \nforeign govei\'nments.\' Their employers soon perceived the incompetency of \nthese men to serve their bad cause acceptably, and they commissioned James \nM. Mason\'\' and John Slidell,^ two of their ablest and most unscrupulous com- \npeers, full " embassadors," the former accredited to the British government \nand the latter to the French government. These conspirators, each accom- \npanied by a secretary, left Charleston in a blockade-runnei" on a stormy night \n[October 12, 1861] and proceeded to Cuba, Avhere they took i>assage in the \nEnglish steamer Trent for St. Thomas, intending to go from there in the \nregular packet to England. Off the northern coast of Cuba the Trent was \nintercepted [November 8] by the National war-steamer San Jacinto^ Captain \nCharles Wilkes,^ who took from the British vessel the two " embassadors " \nand their secretaries, and conveyed them in the San Jacinto to Boston harbor, \nwhere they were placed in Fort Warren, then used, like Fort Lafayette,* as \na prison for political offenders. \n\n> Page 559. "" Page 522. " Page 335. \n\n^ The commander of the South Sea Exploring Expedition, mentioned on page 476. \n* Page 586. \n\n\n\nTIIK NATIOX. \n\n\n\n[18G1. \n\n\n\nThe act of Captain Wilkes Avas applauded by all loyal men, and was \njustified and commended by the Secretary of the Navy, Avho assured hinx \n\nthat it had the " emphatic approval of \nthe Department." It was in strict con- \nformity to the British interpretation, \ntheoretically and practically, of inter- \nnational law, but it was in violation of \noften uttered American principles in rela- \ntion to the rights of neutrals \xe2\x80\x94 princi- \nples for the maintenance of which the \nUnited States declared war against \nGreat Britain in 1812.\' With great \ninconsistency, the British government \nregarded it as a national insult, and, \nbefore any communication could be \nhad /with our government, made exten- \nsive preparations for wai\', with the \nsame unseemly haste which characterized it in procuring the Queen\'s \nproclamation of neutrality.^ A peremptory demand was made for the- \ndelivery of Mason and Slidell, and, when the matter became a subject for \ncalm discussion, that demand was complied with, not becaiise it was made \nin a truculent spirit, but because fidelity to American principles required \nit.* The conspirators were delivered [January 1, 1S02] on board tlie \nBritish gun-boat JRinaldo, in which they were conveyed to St. Tlionias, Avhere \n\n\n\n\nCHAELES WILKES. \n\n\n\n1 Page 409. \n\n^ Page 561. The British press and British speakers in \nthe interest of the government, led by the London Times, \nindulged in the coarsest abuse of the government and \nloyal people of the United States. So urgent seemed the \nnecessity for preparations for M\'ar, that on Sunday, the \ndaj^ after the arrival of the news of the "Trent outrage," \nas it was called, reached England, men were engaged in \nthe Tower of London in packing 2,500 muskets to be sent \nto Canada. Orders were issued for a large increase in the \nnaval squadrons on the North American and T\\\'est India \nstations, and the great steam-packet Persia was taken from \nthe mail service to be employed in carrying troops to \nCanada. American securities were depressed, and fortunes \nwere thereby made by wise persons, under the shadow of \nhigh places, who jrarchased and held them for a rise. The \nwhole warlike movement was made to appear still more \nridiculous, when our Secretarj^ of State (William H. Seward), \nwith inimitable iron}^, offered [Januarj^ 12, 18C>2] the use \nof the railway that extends through the United States ter- \nritory from Portland, Maine, into Canada, for the trans- \nportation of British troops to be sent to fight ns, the St. \nLawrence at that winter season being frozen, and therefore \nuseless as a channel for British transports. \n\n^ The calm thoughtfulness of President Lincoln, in the midst of the storm of passion that pre- \nvailed on the reception of the news of the capture of Mason and Slidell, -was a salutary \npower. To the writer, who had an interview with him a few hours after the news reached \nWashington, lie said: "I fear the traitors will prove to be white elephants. We must stick to \nAmerican principles concerning the rights of neutrals. We fought Great Britain for insisting, by \ntheory and practice, on the right to do precisely what Captain Wilkes has done. If Great \nBritaia shall now protest against the act, and demands their release, we must give them up^ \n\n\n\n\nWILLIAM H. SEWARD. \n\n\n\n1861.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n589 \n\n\n\nthey embarked for England. They were treated with merited contempt in \nOreat Britain, and soon passed into obscurity.\' This act of our government \ndisappointed the hopes of the conspirators, for they expected great advantages \nto accrue to their cause by a Avar between Great Britain and our Republic. \nIt silenced the arrogant pretensions of Great Britain concerning its right of \nsearch and of impressment, and made its hasty and belligerent actions in the \npremises appear like an extremely ridiculous farce. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER XVII \n\n\n\nTHE CIVIL WAR. [1861\xe2\x80\x941865.] \n\nThe public mind was just becoming tranquil after the excitement caused \nIby the " Trent affair," when its attention was keenly fixed on another expedi- \ntion to the coast of North Carolina, already alluded to. The land and naval \narmaments of which it was composed were assembled in Hampton Roads early \nin January, 1862. It comprised over one hundred steam and sailing vessels \n(warriors and transports), and about sixteen thousand troops, mostly recruited \nin New England. Of this expedition General Ambrose E. Burnside was com. \nmander-in-chief, and the naval opera- \ntions were intrusted to flag-officer Louis \nM. Goldsborough, then the commander \nof the North Atlantic Naval Squadron. \nBurnside\'s lieutenants were Generals \nFoster, Reno, and Parke, each in com- \nmand of a brigade. The fleet was in \ntwo sections, in charge respectively of \nCommanders Rowan and Hazard. The \nexpedition went to sea on the lltb of \nJanuary [1862]. Its destination had \nbeen kept a profound secret. \n\nThis, like the other expeditions, \nencountered gales in the vicinity of \nstormy Cape Hatteras. Pamlico Sound \nand Roanoke Island was its destination, and it was sevei-al days before the \n\napologize for the act as a violation of our doctrines, and thus forever bind her over to keep tL?? \npeace in relation to neutrals, and so aclcnowledge that she has been wrong for at least sixty years " \nThis was the key to the admirable action of our government by the able Secretary of State. \n\n\' " Already," said a leading Liverpool journal, on their arrival, "the seven weeks\' heroes have \nshrunk to their natural dimensions;" and the London Times, speaking of the demand made by the \ngovernment, and of their release, spoke of them as "worthless booty," and said, " England would \nhave done just as much for two negroes." \n\n\n\n\nA. E. BTJRNSIDE. \n\n\n\n590 THE NATION. [186?. \n\nvessels, dispersed hv tlie -u\'ind, had entered Hatteras Inlet. It was February \nbefore the expedition moved to an attack upon Roanoke Island, Avhich the \nConfederates had fortified. They liad also obstructed the channels near it., \nand within these was a little flotilla of armed vessels, under the command of \nLieutenant W. F. Lynch, who had abandoned his flag". The batteries planted \nat difierent points numbered about forty heavy guns, which had been taken \nfrom the Navy Yard at Gosport,\' and were manned by North Carolina troops,, \nunder the chief command of Colonel H. M. Shaw." Upon the principal one of \nthese (Fort Bartow), Goldsborough opened fire toward noon of the 6th of \nFebruary, and that night, in the midst of a cold storm of rain, about eleven \nthousand troops Avere landed. These moved early the next morning to attack \nintrenchments that stretched across the narrower part of the island, General \nFoster leading. The Confederates made a gallant defense, but were driven \nbefore the Nationals, who outnumbered them." One after another of the other \nworks yielded, the Confederate flotilla fled up Albemarle Sound, and Roanoke \nIsland passed into the possession of the National forces.* This was the severest \nblow the Confederates had yet experienced. It exposed the entii-e main of \nNorth Carolina bordering on Pamlico and Albemarle Sounds to the National \npower, and opened a door of entrance to Norfolk in the rear.* \n\nThe Confederate flotilla Avas followed [Februaiy 9] by Rowan, and in the \nPasquotank River, near Elizabeth City, not far from the Dismal Swamp, it \nand land batteries were attacked by the National gun-boats. The vessels \nwere abandoned, the batteries were silenced, and Lynch, with his men and the \nland troops, retired into the interior. The National flag was then planted on \none of the shore batteries, and this was the portion of the main of North \nCarolina first " re-possessed " by the government. The conquest was followed \nby others for securing the control of the Sounds and the adjacent country ; and \nBurnside and Goldsborough jointly issued a proclamation [February 18, 1861] \nto the peaceable inhabitants, assuring them that the government forces were \nthere as their friends and not as enemies, and inviting them to separate them- \nselves from the rule of the conspirators and return to their allegiance. This \nwas met by a savage counter-proclamation by the Governor of North Carolina, \nand the poor, oppressed people, who longed for deliverance, were held firmly \nunder the yoke of the Confederate despotism. Here we will leave the National \nforces in the waters of North Carolina, prej^aring for other victories soon, and \n\n\' Page 558. \n\n^ General Henry A. Wise had been the chief commiinder, but at this time he was on Nag\'s \nHead, a sand-spit outside of Roanoke Island, and reported ill. \n\n\' In this attack a part of the Ninth New York (Hawkins\'s Zouaves), led by Major E. A. Kim- \nball, made a gallant charge across a narrow causeway and drove the garrison from the redoubt. \nThese, and portions of the Fifty-first New York and Twenty-first Massachusetts, entered the- \nworks at about the same time, and the colors of the Fifty-first were first planted on the battery. \n\n* The National loss incurred in the capture of Eoauoke Island was about 50 kihed and 222 \nwounded. That of tlie Confederates was 143 kihed, wounded, and missing. The spoils of vic- \ntory were forty-two heavy guns, three being 100-pounders. \n\n* The disaster spread consternation throughout the Confederacy. Davis, in a communication\' \nto his "congress," casts reflections upon the Confederate troops engaged in the fight, but a com- \nmittee of that body charged the loss of the island to the remissness of Benjamin, the " Secretary, \nof War." \n\n\n\n18G2.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S A D M I N I S T R AT 1 X \n\n\n\n391 \n\n\n\nobserve the course of military events in the Valley of the Mississippi. There \nwe left Fi-emont\'s dispirited army marching toward St. Louis,\' Soutliern and \nWestern Kentucky in the hands of the Confederates," and all Tennessee under \nthe heel of their military power. \n\nLate in 1861, the Department of Missouri was enlarged,^ and General IL \nW. Halleck, who had been called from California, was placed in command of \nit, and General Hunter Avas assigned to the command of the Department of \nKansas.^ General Don Carlos Buell was placed in charge of the Department of \nthe Ohio,^ and the Department of New Mexico was intrusted to Colonel E. R. S. \nCanby. Such were the military divisions of the territory west of the Alleghany \nMountains at the close of 18G1, when Halleck, with his head-quarters at St. \nLouis, was holding the secessionists and insurgents in check with a vigorous \nhand. General Pope was assigned to all the National troops between the \nMissouri and Osage Rivers, in which region Price had been gathering recruits, \nafter Hunter\'s retrograde movement.* Detachments fi-om Pope\'s army smote \nthese banded recruits here and there ; and finally, at a bridge on the Black- \nwater Creek, near Milford, Colonel Jefferson C. Davis fought and captured \nabout a thousand insurgents,\'\' and secured as spoils nearly as many horses and \nmules, and a large quantity of munitions of wai-. By vigorous movements, \nPope swept over the State west of Sedalia, toward Kansas, far enough to foil \nthe attempt of organized recruits to join Price, and to compel that leader to \nwithdraw, in search of subsistence and safety, to the borders of Arkansas. \n\nLate in December, Price, encouraged by promises of re-enforcements from \nArkansas, concentrated about twelve \nthousand men at Sj)ringfield. Against \nthese a strong force under General S. R. \nCurtis, assisted by Generals Asboth, \nSigel, Davis, and Prentiss, moved in \nthree columns early in February. Price \nfled with his ai"my on the night of the \n12th and 13th of that month, and did \nnot halt until he reached a good position \nat Cross Hollows, in Northern Arkansas. \nHe was driven a little farther south by \nthe advance of the pursuing Curtis, and \nfrom near Pea Ridge, in Arkansas, he \nreported to Governor Jackson that he \nwas " confident of the future." With \n\n\n\n\nS. R. CUBTIS. \n\n\n\n\' Page 576. \xe2\x96\xa0 Pages 575 and 577. \n\n^ It now included Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, "Wisconsin, Illinois, Arkansas, and that portion \nof Kentucky lying west of the Cumberland River. \n\n* This included the State of Kansas, the Indian Territory west of Arkansas, and the Terri- \ntories of Nebraska, Colorado, and Dakota. \n\n^ This included the State of Ohio and the portion of Kentucky lying eastward of the Cumber- \nland River. \n\n\' Page 576. \n\n\'\' Among the captives was Colonel Magoffin, brother of the Governor of Kentucky. \n\n\n\n592 THE NATION. [1862. \n\nequal confidence of the future, Halleck reported that he had purged Mis- \nsouri of armed insurgents, and that the flag of the Republic was waving in \ntriumph over the soil of Arkansas. Curtis had crossed the line on the 18th of \nFebruarj^, his soldiers cheering with delight as they saw the old banner waving \nin another of the so-called Confederate States. \n\nCurtis pushed on after Price, capturing squads of Missouri recruits, skir- \nmishing with the rear-guard of the fugitives at several places, and finally driv- \ning the whole Confederate force over the range of hills known as the Boston \nMountains. Then he fell back to Sugar Creek, not far from Bentonville, and \nencamped in a strong position. Price, meanwhile, had been joined by McCuU \nloch ; and early in March Earl Van Dorn, the Confederate commander of the \nTrans-Mississippi Department, and one of the most dashing and energetic offi- \ncers in that region, arrived at his camp and took chief command. There, too, \nhe was joined by the notorious Albert Pike with a band of Indians, trained by \nhim for savage warfare,\' and these forces combined, almost twenty-five thousand \nstrong, prepared to fall upon Curtis and drive him out of Arkansas. The force \nof the latter did not exceed eleven thousand men, with forty-nine pieces of \nartillery. \n\nVan Dorn advanced so cautiously that Curtis was not aware of his approach \nuntil he was very near [March 5], when the latter concentrated his forces near \nMottsville, a short distance from Pea Ridge, a spur of the Ozark Mountains. \nThere, on the morning of the \'7th of March, Van Dorn, who Avas assisted by \nGenerals Price, McCulloch, Mcintosh, and Pike, having accomplished a flank \nmovement, in which a part of his force had a sharp contest with some troops \nunder Sigel, proceeded to attack Curtis\'s main body in the rear. The latter \npromptly changed front to meet him, and took the initiative of battle. The \nstruggle that ensued was very severe, and resulted in the loss to the Confede- \nrates of Generals McCulloch and Mcintosh, who were mortally wounded, and \nmany brave soldiers on both sides. The battle was renewed the next morning, \nwhen the Confederates were soon routed, and Van Dorn\'s army was so suddenly \nbroken into fragments, and so scattered in its flight, that Curtis was puzzled to \nknow which way to pursue. The victory for the Nationals was complete, but \nthe spoils were few.** Curtis held the battle-field. Van Dorn retired behind \nthe mountains, and disappeared on the borders of the Indian country. At \nlength the victor, perceiving no formidable foe in that region, mo^-ed leisurely \ntoward the Mississippi River, in the direction of Helena. \n\n\' Pike was a native of Boston, but long a resident in the Slave-labor States. He was com- \nmissioned by Governor Rector to organize the most savage of the Indian tribes (Choctaws and \nChickasaws) on the borders of Arkansas. He raised two regiments, was commissioned a briga- \ndier, and with them he joined the army of tlie conspirators. He dressed himself in gaudy cos- \ntume, and wore a large plume on his head to please the Indians ; and before the battle at Pea \nRidge, it is said, he maddened them with liquor, that they might allow the savage nature of their \nrace to have unchecked development. In their fury they respected none of the usages of civi- \nlized warfare, but scalped the helpless wounded, and committed atrocities too horrible to men- \ntion. After the war this man was among the earliest of the most conspicuous rebels, who was \n"pardoned " (as relief from amenability to law was called) without trial by President Johnston. \n\n^ Curtis lost 1.351 killed, wounded, and missing. Yan Dorn never reported his loss officially, \nbut estimated it at about COO. The brunt of the strife fell upon the division of Colonel Carr, \ncomposed chiefly of Iowa and Missouri troops. He lost 701 men. \n\n\n\n1862.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n593 \n\n\n\nWhile these events were occurring in Missouri and Arkansas, Hunter was \n"busily engaged in sujipressing rebellion on the borders of Kansas, and war was \nkindling in Canby\'s Department of Texas.\' We have seen how Twiggs \nbetrayed his army in the latter State f now the instruments of the conspira- \ntors attempted similar measures for attaching New Mexico to the Confederacy, \nColonel Loring, a Noi\'th Carolinian, had been sent there for the purpose, in \n1860, by Floyd, the traitorous Secretary of War.^ He was made commander \nof the Department of New Mexico, and he employed Colonel Geoi-ge B. Crit- \ntenden, an unworthy son of Senator Crittenden, of Kentucky,^ to corrupt the \ntroops in that region. He failed, and Loring and Crittenden were compelled \nto flee from the coiintry to avoid the wrath of the loyal soldiery. The fugi- \ntive oflicers found those of a garrison on the frontiers of Texas ready to aid \nthem in their treasonable designs. By these the troops were led out from the \nfort and betrayed into the hands of Texas insurgents, when it was believed \nNew Mexico would fall an easy prey to the Confederate power. Otero, the \ndelegate of that Territory in Congress, was in practical complicity with the \nconspirators, and all seemed working well for their cause, when Canby^ arrived \nand changed the aspect of afllxirs. The loyal people gathered around him. \nHis regular troops. New Mexican levies, and volunteers, soon made a respecta- \nble force, and these were speedily called to action, for Major H. H. Sibley, a \nLouisianian, who had abandoned his flag, invaded the Territory at the middle \nof February with 2,300 Texans, most of them rough "Rangers," when Canby \nwas at Fort Craig, on the Rio Grande. Near \nthat post (at Valverde), on the 21st of Febru- \nary [1862], Canby and Sibley had a battle. \nThe former, defeated, fled to Fort Craig, but \nthe latter, alarmed at Canby\'s developed \nstrength, instead of following, hurried tOAvard \nSanta Fe, the capital of the Territory. Can- \nby followed. Sibley captured but could not \nhold Santa Fe, and he was soon driven over \nthe mountains into Texas. The area of the \nactive rebellion now extended from Maryland \nto New Mexico, and was everywhere marked \nby vigor and terrible malevolence. \n\nLet us now see what was further done to- \nward the execution of Fremont\'s plan for \ncrushing the rebellion in the Mississippi Valley,^ \n\nWe have observed how the Confederates obtained a foothold in Southern \nand Western Kentucky.\' Under the shadow of military power there, a con- \nvention of secessionists was held [November 18, 1861], at which, with ludicrous \ngravity, a declaration of independence and an ordinance of secession were \nadopted, a provisional government was organized, and delegates were chosen \n\n\n\n\nTEXAS RANGER. \n\n\n\nPage 591. \nPage 591. \n\n\n\nNote 3, page 551. \n\n\n\n549. \n\n\n\nPage 5 "7 6. \n38 \n\n\n\nNote 1, page 549. \nPages 575 and 576. \n\n\n\n594 THE NATION. [1862. \n\nto the "Congress" of conspirators\' at Richmond [Nov. 20, 1861]. Bowling \nGreen, whei\'e Buckner had made his head-quarters,* and where Albert Sidney \nJohnston, an able officer, who had abandoned his flag, was now in chief com- \nmand, was made the capital of the new State. Meanwhile Johnston was con- \ncentrating troops there, and General Hardee was called from Soutliwestern \nMissouri to supersede Buckner. The position of Polk, at Columbus,^ was \nstrengthened. Zollicoffer^ was firmly planted at the important Pass of Cum- \nberland Gap \xe2\x80\x94 a passage-way between Kentucky and East Tennessee \xe2\x80\x94 and for- \ntified posts were established betAveen the extremes of the army, the most \nimportant of which were Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland River, and Fort \nHenry, on the Tennessee River. \n\nIn the mean time General Buell had organized a large force at Louisville.* \nThese were thrown forward along the line of railway toward Bowling Green, \n40,000 strong, under General A. McD. McCook, and pushed the Confederate \noutposts beyond the Green River. In the mean time stirring events had \noccurred in Eastern Kentucky, where, near Prestonburg, on the Big Sandy, \nGeneral Garfield fought [January 7, 1862] insurgents under Humphrey Mar- \nshall, and scattering them put an end to the military career of the latter leader. \nFarther westward a severe battle was fought [January 19], near Mill Spring, \non the Cumberland River, between the Nationals, under General George H. \nThomas, and Confederates led by Generals Zollicofier and Crittenden.* In this \n\xe2\x96\xa0engagement Thomas was victorious. Zollicofi:er was killed,\' and the Confede- \nrates fled into Northeastern Tennessee through a country almost barren of sub- \nsistence. The battle was fought desperately by both parties, for victory was \nspecially desirable to both. It proved to be a great advantage to the winner, \nand disastrous to the cause of the loser, for it broke the Confederate line in \nKentucky,^ opened a door of deliverance for the East Tennesseeans, and pre- \npared the way for a series of successful operations by which, very soon after- \nward, the invaders were driven from both States. By order of the President, \nthe Secretary of War said, in a public thanksgiving to the officers, " In the \nprompt and spirited movements and daring at Mill Spring, the nation will \nrealize its hopes." \n\n\' George W. Johnson was chosen provisional governor, with a legislative council of ten, a \n-treasurer, and an auditor. The farce of representing Kentucky in the Confederate Congress, now \ncommenced, was kept up during the entire war. Tiie people had no voice in their appointment, \nand of such usurpers a greater portion of the so-called " Confederate Congress " was continually \ncomposed. \n\n- Page 576. \' Page 575. \xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x96\xa0 Page 577. \n\n^ General BueU had under his command, early in January, 1862, about 114,000 men, cbicflj \ncitizens of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Pennsylvania, and loyalists of \nKentucky and Tennessee, with about 126 pieces of artillery. This force was arranged in four \ngrand divisions, commanded respectively by Brigadier-Generals Alexander McDowell McCook, \n\'Ormsby M. Mitchel, George H. Thomas, and Thomas L. Crittenden, acting as major-geu\'srals, \naided by twenty brigade commanders. These divisions occupied an irregular line across the fcjtate, \nnearly parahel to that held by the Confederates. \n\n\xc2\xb0 This was the Crittenden employed to corrupt the army in New Mexico. See page 59? \n\n^ Thomas lost 247 men killed and wounded. The Confederate loss was 349, of whom 89 \nwere prisoners. The spoils of victory for Thomas were considerable, including twelve piece* of \nartniery, many small arms, and more than a thousand horses and mules. \n\n* Page 577. \n\n\n\n^SG2.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n595 \n\n\n\n\nZ^^ \n\n\n\nH. W. HALLECK. \n\n\n\nIt was now determined to concentrate the forces of Ilalleck and Buel in a \n^rand forward movement against the main bodies and fortifications of the Con- \nfederates. Thomas\'s victory at Mill \nSpring had so paralj^zed that line east- \nward of Bowling Green, that it was \npractically shortened at least one-half, \nand the bulk of the Confederates and \ntheir chief fortifications Averd* between \nNashville and Bowling Green, and the \nMississippi River. During the autumn \n-and early winter a naval armament, pro- \njected by Fremont for service on that \nriver, had been in preparation at St. \nLouis and Cairo, for co-02:)eration with \nthe western armies, and at the close \nof January [1862] it consisted of twelve \ngun-boats, carrying one hundred and \ntwenty-six heavy cannon, and some lighter guns, the whole commanded by \nflag-officer A. H. Foote, of the National navy. Seven of these were covered \nwith plates of iron, and were built wide, so that, on the still waters of the \nrivers, M^hen attacking fortifications, their guns might have almost the steadi- \nness of those in land batteries. \n\nSome movements preliminary to the grand advance puzzled the Confede- \nrates and perplexed loyal spectators. There were reconnoissances down both \nsides of the Mississippi River from Cairo, and Thomas feigned a march in force \ninto East Tennessee. Meanwhile an expedition against Forts Henry and Don- \nelson\' had been arranged. Halleck\'s troops, destined for the enterprise, were \nplaced under the chief command of General U. S. Grant. Foote was sum- \nmoned to the Tennessee River with his flotilla of gun-boats, and at dawn on \nthe 3d of February, 1862, he was up that stream a few miles below Fort \nHenry, and Grant\'s army was landing from transports near. At noon on the \n6th the flotilla opened its guns on the fort. The army was then in motion to \nco-operate, but before it could reach the scene of action the post Avas in pos- \nsession of Foote, by surrender. The Confederate troops outside of the fort, \npanic-stricken, fled without firing a gun. The Commander (General Tilghman), \nand less than one hundred artillerists, had made a gallant defense, but were \ncompelled to yield. This, and Fort Hieman, on the opposite side of the river, \nwith all their armament, became spoils of victory- \xe2\x80\x94 a victory most important \nin its immediate and more remote effects. It not only gave a formidable post \ninto the possession of the Nationals, but it proved the efficiency of gun-boats \non the narrow rivers of the West. The National troops were now firmly \nplanted in the rear of Columbus, and there was nothing left to obstruct the \n\n\n\n> Page 594. \n\n\' The National loss was 2 killed and 38 wounded. Of the latter, 29 of them were wounded \nand scalded on board the gun-boat E>isex. Captain W. D. Porter, whose boiler was exploded by a \nshot that entered it. The Confederate loss was five killed and ten wounded. \n\n\n\n596 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1862 \n\n\n\npassage of gun-boats up the Tennessee to the fertile regions of Northern Ala- \nbama, and carrying the flag of the Republic far toward the heart of the Con- \nfederacy, \n\nThe fall of Fort Henry was followed by immediate preparations for an; \nattack on Fort Donelson, a formidable work among the hills near the village \nof Dover, the capital of Stewart County, on the Cumberland River. The object \nwas to reduce that sti\'onghold, and then sweep over Tennessee with a large \nforce into Northern Alabama. Foote had hurried back to Cairo to bring up \nhis mortar-boats for the new enterprise, and Grant was equally active in pre- \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n(WtHf., \'^<\'t \n\n\n\nVIEW AT FORT DONELSON.\' \n\nparing soldiers for the work. He reorganized his army into three divisions^ \ncommanded respectively by Generals John A. McClernand, C, F. Smith, and \nLewis Wallace, and on the evening of the 12th [February, 1862] the divisions \nof the first two, which had moved from Fort Henry that morning, invested \nFort Donelson, which was then in command of ex-Secretary Floyd,^ assisted \nby Generals Pillow^ and Buckner.* Early the next morning picket-skirmishing \nspeedily developed into a general battle between the investing troops and the \n\n\n\n\' This is a view sketched by the author in May, 1866, from the river-bank within the fort, \noverlooking the mounds of the water-batteries below, and down the river to the place where \nPoote\'s gun-boats lay, here indicated by the little steamboat in the distance. \n\n* Pages 549 and 574. ^ Page 566. \' Page 565, \n\n\n\n4862.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\ni97 \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0garrison,\' in which the former were beaten and fell Lack,\' determined to wait \nfor the arrival of Foote\'s flotilla, with which was coming a portion of Wallace\'s \n\xe2\x96\xa0division. Wallace (who had been left at Fort Henry) was summoned to Fort \nDonelson by Grant, and at noon the next day he reported his whole division as \n<on the field and ready for action. Meanwhile Foote\'s flotilla had arrived, but \nwithout the mortar-boats, and during the afternoon of the 1 4th it fought the \nwater-batteries and guns from others bearing on the river with great gallantry, \nuntil the vessels were so much injui-ed that they were withdrawn.^ \n\nThe night of the 14th was one of anxiety in both camps. Foote hastened \nback to Cairo to have damages repaired and to bring up his mortar-boats, and \n<arrant determined to wait for his return. The Confederates in the fort held a \n\xe2\x80\xa2council of war, and resolved to make a sortie the next morning to rout or \ndestroy the investing army, or to cut through it and escape to the open coun- \ntry in the direction of Nashville. The troops selected for this desperate \nTueasure, about ten thousand in number, were placed under Pillow and Buckner. \nThose led by the former were to strike McClernand on tlie right of the Na- \ntional line, while Buckner should fall upon Wallace\'s division in the center. \nThe movement was attempted. McClernand, sore \n\xe2\x80\xa2pressed, called upon Wallace for aid. It Avas \npromptly given, and, after a desperate and gallant \nfight by all, the Confederates Avere driven back to \n\'.their trenches. " I speak advisedly," wrote Hill- \nyer, Grant\'s aid-de-camp, to Wallace, the next \nday, with a pencil on a slip of paper, " God bless \nyou ! You did save the day on the right." \nMeanwhile, Smith had been vigorously and suc- \ncessfully striking the right of the Confederates, \nand when darkness fell at evening the National \ntroops were victorious, the A\'anquished garrison \nwere imprisoned within the lines, and their leaders \nwere busied with endeavors to solve the important \nquestion. How shall we escape ? In a midnight conference, when it Avas found \nthat they must surrender, Floyd and Pillow exhibited the greatest coAvardice. \nOnly Buckner acted like a man. The other two fled from the fort,^ and left \nthe latter to surrender it the next morning [February 16, 1862]. \n\n\n\n\nLEWIS WALLACE. \n\n\n\n\' The Caronddet, Captain "Walke, of Foote\'s flotilla, had gallantly contended with the water- \n*batteries of the Fort. \n\n^ There had been a great change in the weather, and the troops, not prepared for it, suffered \nterribly from intense cold, and a lack of clothing and tents. A little snow had fallen, and insuf- \nficient food and shelter made their sufferings most severe. \n\n^ Never was a little squadron exposed to a more severe fire. Twenty heavy guns were \n\xe2\x80\xa2trained upon it, those from the hillsides, on which the mam works of the fort lay, hurling plung- \ning shot with awful precision and effect, when only twelve guns could reply. The four armored \nA\'essels in the fight {St. -Louis, the flag-ship, Carondelet, Pittsburg, and Louisville) received in the \naggregate no less than 141 wounds from the Confederate shot and shell, and lost 54 men killed, \n.and maimed. \n\n* The council of war was held at Pillow\'s head-quarters, in Dover. Between Floyd and Pillow \nthere were criminations and recriminations, and each, fearing to fall into the hands of the Na- \ntionals, seemed to think of littie else than his personal safety. When it was decided that they \n\n\n\n598 T^^ NATION. [1862:. \n\nThat Avas a happy Sabbath for the Union troops. Tliey had Avon a most \nimportant victory for the National cause.\' Intelligence of it filled the con- \nspirators with despair, and from that time no European court entertained, \nserious thoughts of acknowledging the independence of the Confederate States^ \nor recognizing them as a nation. ** The victory produced great joy among the \nloyal people of the Republic. They and the government were satisfied that a \nwithering blow had been given to the rebellion, and that henceforth its propor- \ntions would be less, and its malignity not so dangerous to the life of the \nRepublic* When Fort Donelson fell, Kentucky and Missouri, and all of \nNorthern and Middle Tennessee, were lost to the Confederates, and the more \nsouthern States, whose inhabitants expected to have the battles for their \ndefense fought in the border Slave-labor States, Avere exposed to the inroads- \nof the National armies. \n\nJohnston noAV clearly perceived that BoAvling Green^ and Columbus\' Avere \nboth untenable, and that the salvation of the Confederate troops at those \nplaces required their immediate evacuation. He issued orders accordingly^ \nThe troops at BoAvling Green marched in haste to Nashville, followed by \nBuell, and at the same time National gun-boats moved up the Cumberland to \nClarksville, to co-operate Avith the land troops from Fort Donelson, under \n\n\n\nAvould be compelled to surrender, Floyd quickly said ; " Gentlemen, I cannot surrender ; you \nknow my position with the Federals [his treasonable acts while in Buchanan\'s cabinet] : it \nwouldn\'t do, it wouldn\'t do." Pillow, whose vanity made him over-estimate his importance, took \na similar stand, and when Floyd offered to resign the command to him, he quickly replied: "I \nwill not accept it \xe2\x80\x94 I will never surrender myself or my command." While speaking-, he turned \ntoward Buckner, who said: " I will accept, and share the fate of my command." Floyd and \nPillow both stole away from the fort during the night, and saved themselves; and an epigram- \nmatist of the day wrote concerning the former\'s infamous desertion of his troops, saying: \xe2\x80\x94 \n\n"The thief is a coward by Nature\'s law ; \n\nWho betrays the State, to no one is true ; \nAnd the brave foe at Fort Donelson saw \nTheir light-fingered Floyd was light-footed too." \n\n\' Buckner sent a flag of truce to ask upon what terms Grant would accept the surrender of \nthe troops and post. Regarding them simply as rebels. Grant replied : " No terms other than ao \nunconditional surrender can be accepted. I propose to move immediately upon your works."\' \nBuckner made a foolish reply, saying that he should feel impelled, notwithstanding " the brilliant \nsuccess of the Confederate arms" the day before, "to accept the ungenerous and unchivalrous \nterms" proposed. This was followed by the speedy surrender of the fort, with 13,500 men \n(including the sick and wounded) as prisoners of war, with 3,000 horses, 48 field pieces, 17 heavy- \nguns, 20,000 muskets, and a great quantity of military stores. The National loss Avas estimated \nat 446 killed, 1,745 wounded, and 150 prisoners. \n\n^ The oliief conspirators at Richmond received the intelligence with emotions of mingled \ndismay and anger. Following so close upon the fall of Roanoke Island (page 590), it greatly- \nperplexed them. Notwithstanding Johnston tried to excuse the cowardice and perfidy of \nPillow and Floyd, Davis ordered them to be suspended from command. \n\n^ At Fort Donelson was successfully begun that system of army mail service devised by Colonel \n(afterward General) A. 11. Markland, which was one of the wonders and among the most salutary- \nmeasures of the war. "Within one hour after the troops began to march into Fort Donelson,"\' \nGeneral Grant wrote to the author, in July, 1866, "the mail was being distributed to them from \nthe mail- wagons." Under the direction of Colonel Markland, this service Avas continued through- \nout the war, linking the army with home, and keeping off that terrible liome-sickness which so \noften prostrates the volunteer soldier, physically and morallj\\ For months an average of twO" \nhundred and fifty thousand mihtary letters were received at and sent from the post-office at Iha- \nNational capital, daily. \n\n* Page 576. \xc2\xbb Page 575. \n\n\n\n18d2.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 599, \n\nGeneral Smith, in movements against Nashville. Meanwhile, the panic in the \nlatter place became fearful. The terrified Governor (Harris) fled, Johnston\'s \narmy passed farther southward, and on the 26th of February Nashville was \nformally surrendered by the civil authorities and the National troops took: \npossession.^ Provision w^as at once made at Washington City for civil gov-- \nernment in Tennessee, and Andrew Johnson was appointed Provisional- \nGovernor, with the military rank of Brigadier-General. He entered upon the - \nduties of his office on the 4th of March, 1862, with the avowal that he should \nsee to it that "intelligent and conscious treason in high places" should be \npunished. \n\nAnother bloodless victory soon followed the evacuation of Nashville. It \nwas the taking possession by National troops, wdthout opposition, of Colum- \nbus. Beauregard was then in command of the Department of Mississippi, and \nout-ranked Polk. The former, obedient to instructions from Richmond,, \nordered the latter to transfer his command, and as much of the munitions of" \nwar as possible, from Columbus to a safer place, when Polk went to New \nMadrid, Madrid Bend, and Island Number Ten, there to prepare for defense. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nf^^s^^ggM/\'^- -,^^,_, \n\n\n\nj^j \n\n\n\nISLAND NUMBER TEN. \n\n\n\nMeanwhile Foote had moved down the Mississippi with a flotilla of gun-boats \nand transports, the latter bearing about two thousand men under General \nW. T. Sherman, and when they approached Columbus [March 4, 1862] they \nsaw the National flag waving over its fortifications, having been planted there \nthe evening before by a scouting party of Illinois troops, from Paducah. A \ngarrison was left to hold the post, and Foote returned to Cairo to prepare for \na siege of the new position of ihe Confederates, which the latter hoped to \nmake impregnable. \n\nNew Madrid, at a great bend in the river, with Island Number Ten, a few \n\n\' Floyd and Pillow, who fled from Fort Donelson, were in command at Nashville, the order \nfor their suspension not having yet reached head-quarters. As the Nationals approached they \nwere again overcome with terror, when they fired the bridges over the Cumberland at Nashville, \nin defiance of the protests of the citizens, and scampered away southward by the light of the \nconflagration, leaving the more courageous Forrest with his cavalry to cover their inglorious \nflight. Floyd died miserably not long afterward, and Pillow sunk into merited obscurity. \n\n\n\nQQQ THE NATION. [1862. \n\nmiles above, was a thousand miles, by the current, from New Orleans, yet it \nwas now regarded as the key to the Lower Mississippi. Its importance was per- \nceived by both parties. General McCown was placed in command there, and \nGeneral Beauregard commanded in person at first on Island Number Ten.\' \nThey were there just in time to prevent the occupation of these places by the \nNationals, for while Johnston was flying southward from Bowling Green, Gene- \nral Pope, dispatched from St. Louis [February 22] by General Ilalleck, was press- \ning toward New Madrid with Ohio and Illinois troops. He appeared before that \npost on the 3d of March, and found it occupied by McCown, supported by a \nConfederate flotilla of gun-boats under Captain Hollins.^ He sent to Bird\'s \nPoint^for siege-guns, and on the 13th [March, 1862] he opened a heavy fire on the \nConfederate works and Hollins\'s gun-boats. That night, during a violent \nthunder-storm, the Confederates evacuated New Madrid and retired to Island \nNumber Ten, with a loss unknown. Pope lost fifty-one killed and wounded. \n\nIsland Number Ten now became the chief objective of attack and defense. \nBeauregard had thoroughly fortified it. Pope desired to cross the Mississippi \nat New Madrid with his troops, and to march over Madrid Bend and attack \nthe post, while Foote should assail it from the river. He begged the latter to \nallow gun-boats to run by and come to his aid, but Foote thought it too peri- \nlous to do so, and while the navy was pounding away at the defenses of the \nIsland,^ Pope was chafing with impatience to do something to help the \nbesiegers. At length he caused the execution of a plan suggested by General \nSchuyler Hamilton for flanking the Island. This was the cutting of a canal \nthrough a swamp, from the river above the Island to a bayou that flows into \nthe Mississippi at New Madrid, below the Island.\' Through this transports \nand gun-boats might pass. Perceiving this, and the peril threatened by it, \nthe Confederates sunk steamers in the river to prevent the passage of vessels, \nand endeavored to flee from the Island. They were intercepted and captured \nby Pope\'s troops under Stanly, Hamilton, and Paine ; and Island Number Ten, \nwith its batteries and supports, and over 7,000 prisoners, became the spoils of \nvictory for Pope and Foote.^ This was another severe blow to the Confede- \n\n^ At about this time Beauregard sent out a proclamation to the planters of the Mississippi \nValley, caUing upon them to consecrate to the use of the Confederacy their church, plantation, \nand other bells, to be converted into cannon. There was a liberal response to the appeal, and the \ncontributions were all sent to New Orleans. There they were found by General Butler, who \nsent them to Boston, where they were sold by auction and devoted to peaceful uses. \n\n" Page 582. ^ Page 566. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0* Foote began the siege on Sunday morning, the 16th of March, and opened upon tlie Confede- \nrate works heavy shells from rifled guns and thirteen-inch mortars. " Island Number Ten," \nwrote Foote to the Secretary of the Navy on the 19th of March, " is harder to conquer than Colum- \nbus, as the island shores are lined with forts, each fort commanding the one about it." \n\n* This canal was twelve miles in length, and was cut in the space of nineteen days, half the \ndistance through a growth of heavy timber. Tlie width of the canal through this timber was \nfifty feet, and in some places the trees were sawed off four feet under water. It was a wonderful \nmonument to the engineering skill and indomitable perseverance of the Americans. On the night \nbefore its completion [April 3], Pope\'s wishes concerning the aid of gun-boats were partially \ngratified. The gallant Commander Walke performed the perilous feat of running by the batteries \nwith the Oarondelet, at midnight, during a heavy thunder-storm. This, with steamers that came \nthrough the canal, enabled Pope to operate on the river below New Madrid, in connection with \nFoote. \n\n^ The number of prisoners taken by Foote and Pope together was 7,273, including three \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION \n\n\n\n601 \n\n\n\nrates, from which they never recovered. They almost despaired. It seemed \nprobable that Memphis, one of their strongholds on the Mississippi, where \nthey liad .mmense workshops and armories, would soon share the fate of Co- \nlumbus, and that the great river would be patroled by National gun-boats \nfrom Cairo to New Orleans, and the rich trans-Mississippi country be separated \nfrom the rest of the Confederacy. Panic prevailed all the way down to the \nGulf, for already, as we have seen, Curtis had broken the power of the Con- \nfederates in Arkansas,\' and a heavy force was making its way up the Tennes- \nsee River, in the direction of Alabama. \n\nGrant newly organized his foi\'ces after the capture of Fort Donelson, and \nmade vigorous preparations for ascending the Tennessee from Fort Henry, \nwhere General Wallace was in command, and where head-quarters were tem- \nporarily established. Immediately \nafter the fall of Fort Henry\'^ Grant \nhad sent three gun-boats up the Ten- \nnessee, under Lieutenant-Commander \nPhelps, who penetrated the country \nas far as Florence, in Alabama. \nPhelps reported the existence of much \nloyal feeling in that region, and this \nmade the Unionists anxious to push \non and occupy the country. That \nmovement was now attempted. \nCorinth, on the Memphis and Charles- \nton railway, was the grand objective, \nthe possession of which, with the rail- \nways running east and west, and \nnorth and south, and intersecting \nthere, would give immense power to the army. Troops in large number were \nsent up the Tennessee in transports to Savannah and its vicinity, and some, \nunder General Sherman, went much farther up the river. Finally, at the \nbeginning of April [1862], the main body of Grant\'s army was encamped \n"between Pittsburg Landing and Shiloh Meeting-House, eighteen or twenty \nmiles from Corinth. At the latter place Beauregard had been for some time \ngathering an opposing force, and at the period in question General A. S. John- \nston was there, and in chief command. \n\nYv\'^hile this movement up the Tennessee was occurring. General Buell\'s army \nwas slowly making preparations to march southward, overland, and join Grant\'s \nat Savannah. He left Nashville late in March, leaving General Negley in com- \nmand there. A part of his force, under the energetic General Mitchel, pushed \nrapidly southward, captured Huntsville [April 11], on the Memphis and \nCharleston railway, and secured control of that road for a hundred miles, \n\ngenerals and 273 field and company officers. The spoils of victory were nearly 20 batteries, with \n123 cannon and mortars, the former ranging from 32 to lOO-ponnders; 7,000 small arms; many \nhundred horses and mules; an immense amount of ammunition, and four steamers afloat. \n\' Page 592. "^ Page ^95. \n\n\n\n\nU. S. GRANT. \n\n\n\n(302 THE NATION [1862. \n\nbetween Tuscumbia on the west and Stevenson on the east. Mitchel had thus \nplaced his little array midway between Corinth and Nashville, opened commu- \nnication with Buell, and controlled the navigation of the Tennessee for more \nthan one hundred miles. His swift marches and his conquests had been accom- \nplished without the loss of a single life.\' \n\nMeanwhile very important events had occurred on the Tennessee River. The- \nbulk of the National army, under Grant, was encamped, as we have observed, \nbetween Pittsburg Landing and Shiloh Meeting-IIouse.^ The division of Gen- \neral Lewis Wallace was stationed at Crump\'s Landing, below, to watch the- \nmovements of the Confederates west of the Tennessee in that region. On \nthe memorable Sunday morning, the 6th of April [1862], the main army, lying \nnear the river, stretched across the roads leading from Corinth to Pittsburgh \nand Hamburg Landings, from the Snake Creek to the Lick Creek. It was com- \nmanded by Generals Sherman, McClernand, Prentiss, W. H. L. Wallace, and \nHurlbut. At that time the Confederate forces under General A. S. Johnston, \nled by Generals Beauregard, Polk, Bragg, Hardee, and Breckenridge, as prin- \ncipal commanders, had advanced from Corinth to a j^oint Avithin four miles of \nthe National camp, without being discovered. Almost the first intimatiorn \ngiven of their near approach was their vigorous attack, early on that beautiful \nspring morning, first upon Sherman, and then upon Prentiss, on his left. The \ncolumns of the latter were broken up, and the general and a larger portion of \nhis men were captured. All day long the battle raged. Grant had come \nupon the field early from his head-quarters below, and directed the storm of \nconflict on the part of the Nationals as well as he could, but night found his \narmy terribly smitten and pushed back to the verge of the Tennessee River, \nthen full to the brim with a spring flood, and Beauregard, who had succeeded \nJohnston, slain on the field that day, telegraphing a shout of victory to \nhis employers at Richmond.^ One more blow, vigorously given, might have \ndriven the Nationals into the turbulent waters, or caused their captivity. A \nblow was given, but so feebly, on account of prompt and effective responses by \ntwo gun-boats {Tyler and Lexington), and some heavy guns hastily placed in \nbattery, that the Nationals stood firm.\'\' \n\n\' In a stirring address to liis troops, Mitcliel said: "You have struck blow after blow with. \na rapidity unparalleled. Stevenson fell, sixty miles to the east of Huntsville. Decatur and Tus- \ncumbia have been in like manner seized, and are now occupied. In three daj^s you have extended \nyour front of operations more than one hundred miles, and your morning guns at Tuscumbia may \nnow be heard by your comrades on the battle-field made glorious by their victory before Corinth."\' \nThis address was on the IGth of April, when the battle of Shiloh, recorded in the text on the- \nnext page, had been fought and won by tlie Nationals. \n\n* Page 601. \n\n^ The following is a copy of the dispatch, dated "Battle-field of Shiloh, April 6, 1862: We- \nhave this morning attacked the enemy in a strong position in front of Pittsburg, and after a severe- \nbattle often hours, thanks to Almighty God, gained a complete victory, driving the enemy from, \nevery position. The loss on both sides is heavy, including our commander-in-chief. General \nAlbert Sidney Johnston, who fell gallantly leading his troops into the thickest of the tight." \n\n* During a lull in the battle, toward evening, three light earthworks were thrown up, in \nsemicircular form, half a mile back from the river-bluff, and twentj^-two heavy guns were mounted, \non them. The gun-boats had been brought up to the mouth of a little creek that traverses a \nravine at Pittsburg Landing, and up that hollow they hurled 7-inch shells and 64-pound shot in \ncurves that caused them to drop into the midst of the Confederates. At nine o\'clock in tha \nevening the battle ceased. \n\n\n\n1862.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION.- \n\n\n\n605- \n\n\n\nBuell had been slowly advancing to join Grant. His vanguard appeared \non the opposite side of the Tennessee toward the evening of the day of battle. \nThese crossed ; and all night long other battalions of Buell\'s army were com- \ning up the river. At midnight General Lewis Wallace, who had been ordered \nup from Crump\'s Landing, arrived with his division. Grant\'s army was now \nsafe. The fruits of victory were snatched from Beauregard. Before s-unrise next \nmorning Wallace opened the contest anew on the Confederate left, where Beau- \nregard commanded in person. Others speedily co-operated, and again the bat- \ntie became general along the whole line. The Confederates were steadily \npressed back by a superior force, all the while fighting most gallantly. They \nwere pushed through and beyond the National camps seized by them on Sun- \nday morning. Perceiving that all w^as lost, they fled, in the midst of a cold \nstorm of rain and sleet, to the heights of Monterey, in the direction of Corinth,, \ncovered by a strong rear-guard under Breckenridge,\' and there encamped. \nThey had lost over 10,000 \nmen in battle, and full \n300 of the wounded died \nduring that terrible re- \ntreat of nine miles. \xc2\xb0 Fif- \nteen thousand of the \nNationals were killed, \nwounded, and prisoners, \nand the hospital steamers \nthat went down the Ten- \nnessee were crowded with \nthe sick and maimed. \nThe slain troops were \nspeedily buried, the dead \nhorses were burned, and \nevery sanitary precaution was observed. The Confederates Avere not pursued \nfar in their flight; and both parties, one on the battle-field and the other at \nCorinth, prepared for a renewal of the struggle. \n\nBeauregard\'s army Avas so shattered, that he sent an imploring cry from \nCorinth to Richmond for help.^ The way seemed opened for his immediate \ndestruction, and Grant was anxious to walk vigorously in it. But his superior^ \nGeneral Halleck, who noAV came from St. Louis [x\\pril 12] and took command \n\n\n\n\nBURNING HORSES ON SHU \n\n\n\n> His force Avas about 12,000 men. Beauregard said to him, "This retreat must not be a. \nrout. You must hold the enemy back, if it requires the loss of j-our last man." \n\n^ An eye-witness Avro to: \xe2\x80\x94 "I passed long Avagon-trains tilled with Avounded and dying sol-- \ndiers, Avitliout even a blanket to shield them from the driving sleet and hail." Beauregard \nreported his loss at 1,728 killed, 8,012 wounded, and 957 missing\xe2\x80\x94 total, 10.697 Grant reported \nhis loss 1,735 killed, 7,882 Avounded, and 3,956 prisoners\xe2\x80\x94 total, 13,573. Subsequent statements \nshow that the loss on each side Avas about 15,000. \n\n= He said he could not then muster more than 35,000 effective men, but that Earl Van Dora, \n[see page 592] might join him in a few days Avith 15,000. He asked for re-enforcements, and \nBaid. \xe2\x80\x94 "If defeated here Ave lose the Mississippi Valley, and probably our cause." This dis- \npatch, Avritten in cipher, General Mitchel intercepted at Huntsville, when he seized the telegraplv \noEBce there. \n\n\n\n604 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[18G2. \n\n\n\nof the victorious army, thought otherwise, and the impatient troops loitered \nnear Corinth until their foe had fully prepared for another contest. Twenty \ndays after the battle, the Grand Army of Tennessee, as it was now called, \nmoved [April 2*7] nine miles, and a week later [May 3d] it moved near to \nCorinth, making vigorous use all the while of pick-ax and spade. On that \nday troops under Generals Paine and Palmer pushed on to Farmington, east \nof Corinth, and fought and conquered Confederates at an out-post there, but \nthey in turn were driven back to their lines. For twenty-seven days longer \nthe Nationals kept digging and piling the earth, in a siege of the Confederates, \nwho were every day growing stronger, and continually annoying the besiegers \n\\>j sorties. Finally, on the 29th of May, the Confederates were expelled from \ntheir advanced batteries, and Halleck prepared for a sanguinary battle the \nnext morning. All that night the vigilant ears of his sentinels heard the con- \ntinuous roar of moving cars at Corinth, and their lips reported to their chief. \n\nAt dawn [May 30] skirmishers were sent \nout, but no foe confronted them. Then \nthe earth was shaken by a series of ex- \nj)losions, and dense smoke arose from the \nbosom of Corinth. " I cannot explain \nit," said Halleck to an inquiry made by \nSherman, when told to " advance and \nfeel the enemy." There was no enemy \nthere to feel. Beauregard had evacxxated \nCorinth during the night, burned and \nblew up what he could not carry away, \nand after an exciting flight before pur- \nsuers for a short distance, the ridiculous \nboaster\' gathered his scattered ti-oops at \nTupelo, many miles southward of \nCorinth, and there left them (as he sup- \nloosed temporarily) in charge of Bragg, while he retired to Bladen Springs, in \nAlabama, to find repose and health.\'\' Halleck took possession of Corinth, and \n\xe2\x80\xa2shortly afterward he was called to Washington City, to perform the duties of \nOeneral-in-Chief of all the armies of the Republic. \n\nMeanwhile there had been stirring events on the shores of the Mississippi. \nSoon after the capture of New Madrid and Island Number Ten,^ Commodore \nFoote went down the river with his flotilla, and General Pope\'s army on \n\n\n\n\np. G. T. BEAUREGARD. \n\n\n\n1 On the 8th of May Beauregard issued a pompous address to his army, then composed of his \nown and the forces of Yan Dorn. "Shall we not drive back to Tennessee," he said, "the pre- \n\xe2\x96\xa0-sumptuous mercenaries collected for our subjugation ? One more manly effort, and, trustuig in \n\'God and the justness of our cause, we shall recover more than we lately lost. Let the sound of \n\xe2\x80\xa2our victorious guns be re-echoed by those of Virginia on the l^istoric battle-field at Yorktown." \nOn that day the Confederates fled from Yorktown before McClellan\'s troops. \n\n^ Jefferson Davis, whose will was now law, took this occasion to get rid of Beauregard, and \nput Bragg in permanent command of the army. He "passionately declared," said the Confede- \nlate General Jordan, that Beauregard should not be reinstated, " though all the world should urge \n\'3iim to the measure." \n\n^ Page 599. \n\n\n\n1862.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n605 \n\n\n\n\nA MORTAR-BOAT. \n\n\n\ntransports, to attemj^t the caj^ture of Memphis. At Fort Pillow, on the first \nChickasaw blufis, eighty miles above Memphis by the river, the expedition \nwas confronted by a Confederate flotilla under Ilollins,\' and three thou- \nsand troops under M. Jeff". Thompson.\' The post was besieged by Foote \non the 14th of April, with gun-boats and mortar-boats, while Pope\'s troops^ \n\nobeyed Halleck\'s call to Shiloh. The \xe2\x80\xa2 - \n\nnavy w^as left to do the work ; but there \nwas no serious fighting until the 10th of \nMay, when IloUins attacked the flotilla. A \nsharp fight ensued between the armored \nvessels, while the heavy guns of the fort \nassisted Hollins, but he was repulsed; \nand for more than a fortnight afterward \nthe two flotillas lay Avatching each other. \nThen a " ram" squadron under Colonel \nCharles Ellet, Jr.^ joined the National \nflotilla, and preparations w^ere made for \nanother battle, when, on the night of the \n4th of June, the Confederates, having \nheard of the retreat of Beauregard from Corinth, fled from Fort Pillow, fleet \nand army, as fast as steam could carry them, and took position for the defense \nof Memphis. Commodore Davis (Foote\'s successor\'*) followed, and in a very \nsevere engagement with the Confederate flotilla in front of Memphis [June 6, \n1862] was victorious. Thompson and his troops fled, and the National stand- \nard was soon seen floating in the air over the affi-ighted town. This event \nwas soon followed by the entrance and occupation of the city by troops under \nGeneral Wallace, fresh from the successful siege of Corinth. \n\nAll Kentucky, Western Tennessee, and Northern Mississippi and Alabama, \nwere now in the possession of the National authorities, and it was confidently \nexpected that East Tennessee would almost immediately be in the same posi- \ntion. When Buell joined Mitchel, after the close of the siege of Corinth, the \nlatter urged his superior to march directly into and occupy that region. But \nBuell would not consent, and various eflforts which Mitchel had made, pre- \nparatory to such an expedition, were rendered almost fruitless. His com- \nmanders had been keeping danger from his rear and making the foe on his \nfront exceedingly circumspect. Negley, Turchin, Lytic, and others had been \noperating in the region of the railway between Decatur and Columbia ; and the \nfirst-named had climbed over the mountains northeast of Stevensen, drove the \n\n\n\n\' Page 600. " Page 573. \n\n\' This squadron had been suggested by Colonel Ellet, who was the eminent civil engineer \nwho constructed the Niagara Suspension Bridge, and under his superintendence the rams \nhad been built. They were river boats, some with stern wheels and some with side \nwheels, whose bows were strengthened by additions of heavy timber, and covered with plates; \nof iron. \n\n* At the siege of Fort Donelson Commodore Foote\'s ankle had received a severe contusion \nfrom a piece of falling timber. It became so painful, that on the 9th of May he was compelled ta \nwithdraw from active service. On retiring, he left the command of the flotilla with Captain C. H. \nDavis. \n\n\n\n606 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1862. \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0Confederates before him near Jjisper, and on the 7th of June [1862] aj^peared \non the Tennessee River, opposite Chattanooga. With a little help, that key \nto East Tennessee and Northern Georgia might have been captured and held, \n"but it was refused ; and ten days afterward, when the Confederates, without a \nstruggle, evacuated Cumberland Gaj), the " Gibraltar of the Mountains," and \nallowed General George W. Morgan, with a few Ohio and Kentucky troops, \nto occupy it, Buell refused to march in at the open door, to the relief of East \nTennessee, and the persecuted inhabitants of that loyal region were compelled \nto wait much longer for deliverance. The cautious Buell and the fiery MitcheP \n\ndid not work well together, and the \nlatter was transferred to another field \nof duty. For a short time now there \nwas a lull in the storm of war westward \nof the Alleghanies, but it was only the \ncalm before a more furious tempest. \n\nLet us now turn to a consideration \nof events on the coast of North Caro- \nlina, where we left Burnside and the \naccompanying naval force,^ preparing \nfor more conquests. That expedition \nappeared in the Neuse River, below \nNew Berne, on the evening of the 12th \nof March [1862], and early the next \nmorning about fifteen thousand land \n\nORMSBY M. MITCHEL. ^ \n\ntroops Avent ashore, and marched toward \nthe defenses of that city, which were in charge of a force under General \nBranch. At daylight on the 14th the Nationals moved to the attack in three \ncolumns, commanded respectively by Generals Foster, Reno, and Parke, the \ngun-boats in the river, under Commodore Rowan, co-operating. A very severe \n"battle ensued, in which the Nationals were conquerors. Pressed on all sides \nby a su23erior force, the Confederates fled from the field across the Trent, \nburning the bridges behind them, and escaped, with the exception of the killed \nand wounded and two hundred made prisoners.\'\' The Nationals took posses- \n\n\n\n\n\' With the sanction of General Buell, Mitchel sent out an important expedition toward the \nmiddle of April. It was composed of twentj^-two picked men, led by J. J. Andrews, and their \nduty was to destroy the railway between Chattanooga and Atlanta. They went in detach- \nments to Marietta, in Georgia, where they joined, and at a station a few miles northward of that \ntown they seized the train in which they were traveling, while tlie conductor and passengers \nwere at brealcfast, and started for Chattanooga, doing what damage they could to the road. They \nwere pursued, and were finally so closely pressed that they abandoned the train and fled to the \nwoods. Some escaped, some were captured, and nine of them, including Andrews, the leader, \nwere hung. \n\n* Page 590. \n\n^ The National loss was about one hundred killed and four hundred wounded. The loss of \nthe Confederates, in killed and wounded, was less. The spoils of victory were important, con- \nsisting of the town and harbor of New Berne; eight batteries, mounting forty-six heavy guns; \nthree batteries of light artillery, of six guns each ; a number of sailing vessels ; wagons, horses, \nand mules ; a large quantitj\' of ammunition and army supplies ; the entire camp equipage of the \nConfederates, and much turpentine, rosin, and cotton. Most of the white inhabitants fled to \nGoldsboro\', on the Weldon Railway. \n\n\n\n1862.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. Q()) \n\nsion of tlie city of New Benie, and tlieu proceeded to attempt the capture of \nJ\'ort Macon, at the entrance to the harbor of Beaufort. The expedition was \nintrusted to tlie command of General Foster, who effected a lodgment on \nBogue Island, a long sand-spit on which Fort Macon stands, and from bat- \nteries which he planted there he began a bombardment of the fort on the \nmoi\'ning of the 25th of April, Some gun-boats, under Commander Lockwood, \nparticipated in the attack. At four o\'clock in the afternoon the garrison gave \ntokens of submission, and early the next day the fort and its occupants were \nsurrendered to the Nationals.^ At the same time troops under General Reno \nwere quietly taking possession of important places along the waters of Albe- \nmarle Sound and threatening Norfolk in the rear. At a place called South \nMills, near Camden Court House, Reno\'s troops encountered the Confederates \nin a sharp engagement, and defeated them. Winton, at the head of the \nChowan ; Plymouth, at tlie mouth of the Roanoke, and Washington, at the \nliead of the Pamlico River, were all seized and occupied by the National \ntroops. Burnside now held almost undisputed sway over the coast region, from \nthe Dismal Swamp nearly to the Cape Fear River, until called to the Virginia \nPeninsula, in July, to assist McClellan. \n\nWhile Burnside and Rowan were operating on the coast of North Carolina, \nSherman and Dupont^ were engaged in important movements on the coasts of \nSouth Carolina and Georgia, having for their first object the capture of Fort \nPulaski, on Cockspur Island, near the mouth of the Savannah River. Bat- \nteries were planted on Big Tybee Island, under the skillful direction of General \nQ. A. Gillmore, so as to command the fort;^ and on the 10th of April [1862] \n\n1 Burnside made his head-quarters at the fine old Stanley mansion in tlie suburbs of New \nBerne. Almost before the smoke of battle was dissipated, tlie Christian spirit of tlie friends of \n\nthe government was made conspicuous in acts of _^ ^ __ _^^^^^ \n\nbenevolence. Vincent Colyer, a citizen of New ^^^^^=^- ""^^^B^^^^^^ \n\nYork, and originator of the Christian Commission \nof the army, was with the expedition on an errand \nof mercy. Under the sanction of Burnside, he dis- \ntributed to the sick and wounded the generous \ncontributions of the loyal citizens of the North, and \nassumed a fostering care of the poor and ignorant \ncolored people, from whose limbs the hand of the \nvictor had just unloosed the shackles of hopeless \nslavery. He opened evening schools, and had over \n\xe2\x80\xa2eight hundred eager pupils, wlien Edward Stanley, a \nNorth Carolinian, who had been appointed Military \nGovernor of the State, making use of one of the \nbarbarous slave-laws of that commonwealth, which \nmade it " a criminal oftense to teacli the blacks to \nread," closed them. Stanley also made zealous ef- \nforts to return fugitive slaves to their masters; and \nthe hopes of that down-trodden race in that region, colter\'s head-quarters. \n\nwhich were so delightfully given in promises, were \nsuddenly extinguished. Stanley\'s administration was happilj^ a short one. \n\n^ The fruits of the victory\'were the fort and five hundred prisoners, the command of tlio \nimportant harbor of Beaufort, "twenty thousand pounds of gunpowder, and a large amount of other \nordnance stores. \n\n\' Page 582. \n\n* The planting of these batteries, all things considered, was a wonderful feat of engineering \nskiU. The island is a marsh, and the armament had to be carried over it on causeways built with \ngreat labor. "No one," said Gillmore, in his report, "can form any but a faint conception of the \n\n\n\n\n08 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1862, \n\n\n\n^Se \n\n\n\nGeneral Hunter, then in command of the Department, summoned the garri- \nson to surrender. It was refused, and thirty-six heavy rifled cannon and \n,^^ _ mortars, constituting- \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 =-- ^Jf :_ eleven batteries, opened \n\n^^^ \'^^w\xc2\xbbi^to% ^-" - -^ fire upon it. The bom- \n\n^^ bardment continued un- \n\ntil late the next day, \nwhen the fort was so \nshattered and its maga- \nzines so exposed to fiery \nmissiles, that it was un- \ntenable.\' On the morn- \ning of the 12th, the \nfort, Avith its garrison \nof three hundred men \nand considerable spoil, \nwas suri-endered to the- \nNationals. The battle \nhad been a hard-fought \nbut almost bloodless \none.^ The victory was \nimportant, for it enabled the Nationals to close the port of Savannah against \nblockade-runners.^ \n\nWhile Gilhnore and Viele were besieging Fort Pulaski, Commodore Dupont \nand General Wright were making easy conquests on the coast of Florida. \nThey captured Fort Clinch, on the northern end of Amelia Island, early in \nFebruary [1862], and this was the first of the old National fortifications \n" repossessed" by the government. The Confederates fled from the fort, and \nfrom the town of Fernandina near. They abandoned other forts along the \ncoast in the same way, and the Nationals took possession of them. A flotilla \nof gun-boats and transports, with troops, under Lieutenant Thomas Holdup \nStevens, was sent up the St. John\'s River to capture Jacksonsville (March 11),^ \nand was successful. At about the same time Commander C, R, P, Rosrers \n\n\n\n\nFORT PULASKI BREACHED. \n\n\n\nherculean labor by which mortars of eight and a half tons weight, and colurabiads but a trifle \nlighter, were moved in the dead of night over a narrow causeway bordered by swamps on each \nside, and liable at any moment to be overturned and buried in the mud beyond reach." The \ncauseways were built of poles and planks, and the guns were placed in battery on heavy plank \nplatforms. \n\n\' Ten of the guns of the fort were dismounted; and so destructive of masonry had been the \nParrott projectiles, that there was imminent danger of their penetrating the magazine. Some of \nthese projectiles went through six or seven feet of solid brick wall I \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x96\xa0* The assailing troops were under the immediate command of General Yiele. He had but one \nman killed. The spoils were, the fort, forty-seven heavy guns, forty thousand pounds of gun- \npowder, and a large supply of fixed ammunition and commissary stores. \n\n^ We have seen [page 561] how the British government proclaimed its neutrality at the \nbeginning. British subjects at once entered into the dishonorable business of violating the \nblockade, not only declared [page 560], but well sustained by force, and supplying the insurgents \nwith arms, ammunition, and necessaries of every kind. Fast-sailing steamers were built for the dur- \npose, and painted a graj\' color, so as not to be distinguished in even a light fog. They frequently \neluded the blockaders, and rendered great service to the enemies of our government. \n\n\n\n1862.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n609 \n\n\n\ntook possession of St. Augustine ; and the Confederates abandoned Pensacola \nand the fortifications on the main opposite Fort Pickens. Dupont returned to \nPort Royal at the close of March, and found Sherman in possession of Edisto \nIsland, well up toward Charleston. And so it was, that before the first anni- \nversary of the fall of Fort Sumter, the whole Atlantic coast, from Cape Ilat- \nteras to Perdido Bay, excepting the harbor of Charleston and its immediate \nsurroundings, had been abandoned by the insurgents. \n\nTurning again to Hampton Roads, we see General Butler there at the head \nof another expedition.\' He had completed his recruiting in New England,* \nand on the 23d of February [1862] he received orders, as commander of tlie \nDepartment of the Gulf, to co-operate with the navy, first in the capture of \nNew Orleans and its appi\'oaches, and then in the reduction of Mobile, Galves- \nton, and Baton Rouge, with the ultimate design of occupying Texas. On the \n25th of February he sailed from Hampton Roads with nearly 14,000 men; \nand thirty days later he re-embarked on Ship Island, off the coast of Missis- \nsippi, in the Gulf of Mexico. It was already in possession of National troops, \nunder General Phelps, and a naval force was there under Commodores Farragut \nand Bailey. With these oflScers Butler arranged a plan of operations against \nNew Orleans. A fleet of bomb-vessels \nunder Commander David D. Porter had \n"been prepared to co-operate with the \nforces which rendezvoused at Ship \nIsland, and early in April an extensive \narmament was in the Mississippi River,^ \nprepared to attack Forts Jackson and \nSt. Philip, on the banks of that stream, \nat a sharp bend, seventy-five miles above \nthe passes of the river into the Gulf \n\nGeneral Mansfield Lovell, formerly a \nNew York politician, was in command \nat New Orleans and of its defenses, \namong which were the forts just named.* \nHe and the people of that region sup- \nposed these defenses to be impregnable,\' \nand they rested in fancied security until late in April, Avhen startling events \nundeceived them. \n\nAll things were in readiness for an assault on the forts on the 1 7th [April, \n1862], and a battle with these fortifications began on the morning of the 18th, \n\n\n\n\nD. D. PORTER. \n\n\n\n\' Page 579. " Page 580. \n\n\' The fleets of Farragiit and Porter comprised forty-seven armed vessels, eight of which were \n\xe2\x80\xa2large and powerful steam sloops of war. Butler\'s troops, composed of Massachusetts, Connecti- \ncut, Indiana, "Wisconsin, and Michigan men, were borne on five transports. \n\n* Fort Jackson was built by the government. Fort St. Philip was an old Spanish work, \nwhich figured somewhat in the war of 1812. They were near each other, on opposite sides of \nthe river. The general command of these, and other river defenses below New Orleans, was \nintrusted to General J. R. Duncan, formerly an office-holder in the city of New York. \n\n\' A leading newspaper said: \xe2\x80\x94 "Our only fear is that the Northern invaders may not appear. \nWe have made such extensive preparations to receive them, that it were vexatious if their invio- \n\n\n\n610 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1862. \n\n\n\nFarragut commanding the squadron of gun-boats, and Porter the mortar fleet, \nthe former being the chief officer. Soon perceiving but little chance for redu- \ncing the forts, Farragut made arrangements to run by them with his gun-boats. \nThis was attempted on the night of the 23d, the mortar-boats keeping their \nposition and covering the advance with their fire. It was a most perilous \nundertaking. Obstructions below the fort were first removed, and then, under \nthe heavy fire of the Confederates, the squadron moved up the swift current \n(the Mississippi was full to the brim), and soon encountered a formidable fleet \nof rams and gun-boats lying just above the forts. One of the most terrific \nnaval fights on record ensued,\' in which Farragut and commanders Bailey and \nBoggs were most conspicuous. It resulted in victory for the Nationals. \nWithin the space of an hour and a half after the National vessels left their \nanchorage, the forts were passed, the struggle had occm-red, and eleven of the \nConfederate vessels, or nearly the whole of their fleet, were destroyed.\' The \nNational loss was thirty men killed, and not more than one hundred and \ntwenty-five wounded. All of Farragut\'s vessels which had passed the forts, \nthirteen in number, rendezvoused at the Quarantine, which was the first gov- \nernment property in Louisiana " repossessed " by the National forces. \n\nWhile this desperate battle was raging, the land troops under Butler \nwere preparing to perform their part in the drama. They were landed in \nthe rear of Fort St. Philip, and in small boats they made their way to the \nQuarantine on the Mississippi [April 27] through narrow and shallow bayous* \nTheir appearance alarmed the Confederates, and a mutiny in the garrison of \nFort Jackson, caused by their menace, compelled the surrender of the forts.* \nMeanwhile Farragut had gone up to New Orleans with his fleet. He had been \npreceded by intelligence of disasters below, and there was a fearful panic in \nthe city. Four millions of specie was sent away by the banks, and a vast \namount of private property, with many citizens, was soon on the wing. \n\ncible armada escapes the fate wo have in store for it." In and around New Orleans was a force \nof about 10,000 armed men. In order to deceive the people, it was given out by the authorities \nthat there were more than 30,000 troops ready for the defense of the city; and the redoubtable \nHoUins was spoken of as "a Nelson in his way !" \n\n* "Combine," said Major BeU, of Butler\'s staff, who was present, "all that yon have ever \n\nheard of thunder, and add to it all you \nhave ever seen of lightning, and you \nhave, perhaps, a conception of the \nscene." And all this noise and destruc- \ntive energy \xe2\x80\x94 blazing fire-rafts sent \ndown upon the current to destroy the \nNational vessels ; the floating volcanoes \nsending forth fire, and smoke, and bolts \nof death, and the thundering forts and \nponderous rams \xe2\x80\x94 were all crowded, in \nthe gloom of night, within the space of \na narrow river. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x96\xa0\' Among the vessels destroyed was \nthe ram Manassas, which was set on \nfire, and went roaring down the stream. \nFinally, like a huge amphibious mon- \nster, it gave a plunge, and disappeared in the turbulent waters. \n\n* The number of prisoners, including some taken at the Quarantine, was about 1,000. The \nentire loss of the Nationals, from the beginning of this contest imtil the capture of New \'^-\'\xe2\x80\x94"~ \nwas 40 killed and 177 wounded. \n\n\n\n\n[ANASSAS" ON FIRE. \n\n\n\n\n1862J LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. QH \n\nWomen wero <een in the streets crying, "Burn the city! burn the city!" \nVehicles werr\xc2\xab everywhere observed carrying cotton to the levee to be \ndestroyed; and when, on the 25th, Farragut, with nine vessels, approachecl \n\nthe town, a sheet \n\nof flame and pall ^^^^ ~"^=^ \n\nof smoke, caused \n\nby the burning of \n\ncotton, sugar, and \n\nother property, \n\nwas seen along the \n\nlevee a distance of ^^ \n\nfive miles.\' The i \n\ncity was utterly \n\ndefenseless. The ^ \n\ntroops had mostly \n\nfled, and Farragut \n\nheld the rebellious \n\ncitizens in check by the fear of his shells,\'\' until the arrival of General Butler \n\nwith his troops on the first of May, These were landed. The General made \n\nhis head-quarters at the St. Charles Hotel, and there, in conference with the \n\ncity authorities and some leading citizens, he foreshadowed a policy that proved \n\nefiectual in maintaining order. By the most vigorous action the rebellious \n\nspirit of leading politicians was subdued, the refractory were punished, the \n\npoor were relieved, and the peaceful were protected.^ The capture of New \n\n\' More than a dozen large ships, some of them laden with cotton, and as many magnificent \neteam-boats, with unfinished gun-boats and other vessels, were seen in flames. In this confla- \ngration no less than 15,000 bales of cotton, valued at $1,500,000, were consumed. \n\n* Captain Bailey was sent ashore with a flag to demand the surrender of the city, and the \ntaking down of the Confederate flag from the government custom-house and mint. This was \nrefused, when a force landed, and unfurled the National flag over the mint. As soon as the force \nretired, some young men, led bj^ a notorious gambler named Mumford, pulled it down and dragged \nit in derision through the streets. When Butler, who arrived soon afterward and took command, \nheard of this, he wrote to the Secretary of War, saying: \xe2\x80\x94 \'\'This outrage will be punished in \nsuch manner as in my judgment will caution both the perpetrators and abettors of the act, so \nthat they shall fear the stripes if they do not reverence the stars of our banner." Mumford was \nafterward active in inciting a mob to violence, when he was arrested, tried for and convicted of \ntreason by a court-martial, and hung. \n\n^ The Mayor of the city, John T, Monroe, one of the most violent of the Secessionists, wai? \nvery refractory for a while, but, with all others like him, he was soon compelled to be quiet. \nButler discovered a list of subscribers, composed of bankers, merchants, and other wealthy citi- \naens, to a fund for carrying on the rebellion. These he assessed for the benefit of the poor, to \nthe amount of twenty-five per cent, on their subscription. Foolish women, of the wealthy and \nrebellious class, defied the military authority ; and one of these, with the low manners of tho \ndegraded of her sex, deliberately spat m the faces of two officers in the street. Forbearance was \nno longer a virtue, and Butler issued an order which effectually cured the growing evil. It pub- \nlicly directed the treatment of women, so acting, to be such as would be given to the abandoned \nof their sex.* This order, which was perverted and misrepresented, produced the most intense \n\n* The followins is a copy of the document called the " Woman Order," dated New Orleans, May 15, 1862:- - \n" General Order ^o. 23: \n\n" As the officers and soldiers of the United States have been subject to repeated insults from the women (call- \ning themselves ladies) of New Orleans, in return for the most scrntiulous non-interference i nd courtesy on our \npart, it is ordered that hereafter, when any female shall, by word, gesture, or movement, insult or show contempt \nlor any officer or soldier of the United States, she shall be regarded and held liable to be treated as a womm of \nthe town plying her avocation. \n\n" By command of \n\nMajor-General Butlek. \n"Qkobgb C. Stbong, Assistant Adjutant- General, Chief of Staff." \n\n\n\n612 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1862. \n\n\n\nOrleans was the heaviest blow the Confederacy had yet received, and for \nawhile it staggered under its infliction.\' \n\nLet us now return to a consideration of the Army of the Potomac, which \n\'we left in a quiet condition after the little flurry at Drainsville. \n\nAt the beginning of 1862, when the Grand Army numbered full 200,000 \n\xc2\xabien, the prospect of its advance seemed more remote than ever, for the fine \n\nautumn weather had been succeeded by \nstorms and frost, and the roads were \nbecoming wretched in Virginia. The \npeople were impatient and the Presi- \ndent was dissatisfied. He could get no \nsatisfaction from the General-in-Chief \n(McClellan) when he inquired why that \narmy did not move. He therefore \nsummoned [January 10, 1862] Generals \nMcDowell and Franklin to a conference \nwith himself and cabinet, for he had \nresolved that something must be done \nby the Army of the Potomac, either \nwith or without the General-in-Chief \nGEO. B. M\'cLELLAN. ^^^^^r confercnccs were held, in which \n\nMcClellan participated ; and in a gene- \nral order on the 27th of January, the President directed a simultaneous for- \nward movement of all the " land and naval forces of the United States against \nthe insurgent forces." This order sent a thrill of joy through every loyal \nheart. It was heightened by another order, directing McClellan to form all \nof the disposable forces of the army, after providing for the safety of Wash- \nington, into an expedition for operating against the Confederates at Manassas. \nBut the General-in-Chief had other plans, and, instead of obeying, he remon- \nstrated. He proposed to take his army to Richmond, by way of the Chesa- \npeake Bay and the peninsula between the York and James Rivers, instead of \nfalling upon the Confederates at Manassas. Discussioa followed. A council \nof officers decided in favor of McClellan\'s plan. The President dissented from \ntheir views, but acquiesced in their decision. Orders were issued for the move- \nment. Still there was delay, and finally, on the 8th of March, the Executive \nissued an order for the army to advance by the Chesapeake as early as the 1 8th \nof that month. \n\nAt that moment events were occurring which caused a material modifica- \ntion of the plans of the General-in-Chief The Confederates suddenly evacuated \nManassas [March 8 and 9] and hastened toward Richmond. The Army of the \n\n\n\n\n.excitement throughout the Confederacy, and Davis issued a proclamation of outlawry against \nButler. \n\n\' " It annihilated us in Louisiana," said a Confederate historian of the war, " diminished our \nresources and supphes by tiie loss of one of the greatest grain and cattle countries within the \nlimits of the Confederacy, gave to the enemy the Mississippi River, with all its means of naviga- \ntion, for a base of operations, and finally led, by plain and irresistible conclusion, to our virtual \nabandonment of the great and fruitful Valley of the Mississippi." \n\n\n\n1862.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. gj^ \n\nPotomac followed as far as the deserted post, and some cavalry a little beyond ;, \nand the loyal people rejoiced because the march on Richmond had begun. \nThey were instantly disappointed. The whole Grand Army of the Potomac \nwas ordered back, and the few Confederates who had been keeping it in check \nfor months\' were allowed to make their way peacefully to Richmond, and there \nprepare to hold that grand army in check for many months at another point. \nThe government was now satisfied that the burden of care which had been \nlaid upon the General-in-Chief was greater than he was able to bear, and the \nPresident kindly relieved him [March 11, 1862] of much of it, by dividing the \ngreat labor of command, and leaving in McClellan\'s charge only the Army of \nthe Potomac\' \n\nThe evacuation of Manassas was simultaneous with the sudden appearance \nof a new naval power in Hampton Roads, the operations of which formed \none of the causes for a modification of McClqllan\'s plans for moving against \nRichmond. It was the notable iron gun-boat called the Mouitor, constructed, \non a novel plan for oiFensive and defensive war.^ It was then known that \nthe Merrimack^ sunk at Norfolk,\'\' had been raised and converted into a \nformidable iron-clad warrior. Its speedy appearance in Hampton Roads- \nwas expected, and dreaded, because it would greatly imperil the wooden \nvessels of the government there. On the 8th of March it suddenly made its \nappearance. It moved directly upon the sailing frigates Congress and Gum- \nherland, at the mouth of the James River, and destroyed them. It also- \nattacked other armed vessels, and then seemed to take a little rest for the task.- \nof utterly destroying the warriors and transports in Hampton Roads on the-^ \nfollowing morning. The intervening night was consequently passed in great \nanxiety by the National commanders on land and Avater in that region. There \nseemed to be no competent human agency to avert the threatened disasters,^, \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 1 Johnston, informed cf tlie strength of the Army of the Potomac, was satisfied that he could" \nnot witlistand its advance, and had been preparing for the evacuation for several weeks, but with . \nsuch skill tliat McClellan was not aware of it. This was necessary, for his troops were so few \nthat he could not form a respectable rear-guard to cover his retreat, with his supplies. Wooden \nguns took the place of some of iiis heavy ones at Manassas, when his ordnance was sent away. \nSo well liad Johnston managed to deceive McClellan as to his force, that on the day when he \nevacuated Manassas, the chief of McClellan\'s secret service corps reported 98,000 Confede- \nrate soldiers "within twenty miles of Manassas," and a total of 115,000 in Virginia, with 300\' \ntield-pieces. and twenty-six to thirty siege-guns \'-before Washington." At the same time Gen- \neral Wool, at Fortress Monroe, and General Wadsworth, back of Arlington Heights, gave th&,- \ngovernment (what were subsequently proven to be truthful) statements, from reliable information,, \nthat not over 50,000 troops were then in front of the Army of the Potomac. The actual number- \nseems to have been but 40,000. \n\n\xc2\xbb By the President\'s order, dated March 11, 1862, General McClellan was relieved of the com- \nmand of other military departments. To General Halleck was given the command of the troops\'- \nin the Valley of the Mississippi and westward of the longitude of Knoxville, m Tennessee; and ai \nMountain Department, consisting of the region between Halleck and McClellan, was created, andii . \nplaced in charge of General Fremont. The commanders of departments were ordered to reportt \ndirectly to the Secretary of War. \n\n^ This vessel presented the appearance on the water of a simple platform, sharp at each emit \nlying just above the surface, on which was a round revolving iron Martello tower, twenty feet in \ndiameter and ten feet in height above the deck, and pierced for two guns. This turret, or tower, \nwas made to revolve, so tlia\'t the guns could be brought to bear independent of the position of \nthe hull of the vessel. The hull and turret were of heavy iron, and impervious to shot and \nBhelL This vessel was the invention of Captain John Ericsson, a scientific Swede, who had then \nbeen a President of this country full twenty years. Tlieodore 11. Timby invented the revolving \nturret, * Page 558. \n\n\n\n614 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1862. \n\n\n\nwhen, at a little past midnight [March 9, 1862], a mysterious thing came in \nfrom the sea between the capes of Virginia, lighted on its way by the blazing \nCongress.\'^ It was the Jlonitor on its ti\'ial trip, commanded by Lieutenant \nJohn L. Worden.^ That gallant officer was soon made acquainted with the \nsituation, and prepared to meet the devouring monster in the morning. Before \nsunrise, on that beautiful Sabbath day, it came sweeping down the Elizabeth \nKiver. The Jlotiitor, like a little David, hastened to meet the Confederate \nGoliath. As it drew near, its invulnerable citadel began to move, and from \nit were hurled ponderous shot in quick succession. These were answered by \nbroadsides from the Merrimack. The combat was temble. From the turret \n\n\n\n\nCOMBAT BETWEEN THE MONITOR AND MEEKIMACK, \n\nand deck of the Monitor heavy round shot and conical bolts glanced off as \npebbles would fly from contact with solid granite. The Merrimack was finally \ndisabled by its mysterious antagonist, and fled up to Norfolk,^ The safe navi- \ngation of Hampton Roads, and, to some extent, that of the James River, was \nsecured to the National vessels. The event produced joy in every loyal heart, \nand Ericsson, the inventor, and Worden, the commander, shared in the public \ngratitude.* \n\nLnpressed Avith the belief that the navigation of the James River was now \n\n\n\n\' The Cumberland was sunk aud the Congress was set on fire by the Merrimack. The maga- \nzine of the latter exploded, and destroyed what was left of her by the flames. Nearly one-half \nof the ofBcers and crews of both vessels were killed or wounded. Of the 434 men of the Congress, \nonly one-half responded to their names the next morning at Newport-Newce. The dead were \nburied at that place, and their remains are among those of scores of Union soldiers. On a board, \nill the form of a cross, at the head of one of the latter, whose name and history are unknown, \nmight have been read in 1866 one of the most touching and poetical epitaphs ever inscribed. It \nread: "A Soluikb of the Union mustered out." \n\n"" Note 1, page 581. \n\n\' Franklin Buchanan, a veteran officer of the National navy, who had abandoned his flag, wa3 \nthe commander of the Merrimack (which the Confederates named Virginia), and was so badlj \nwounded in the engagement that he was unfitted for service for some time. \n\n* "Worden was severely mjured during the engagement. In the turret of the Monitor was a \nsmall peep-hole, out of which the commander might see how to direct the turning of it, so as to bring \nliie guns properly to bear. While Worden was looking through this, a heavy shot struck squarely \nin front of the peep-hole, shivering some cement there and casting it violently into the face aud \n\n\n\n1862.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. QIQ \n\nfree for the National gun-boats, McClellan, in accordance with the decision of \na council of officers [March 13], proceeded to transfer the Army of the Potomac \nto Fortress Monroe, from which, as a base, it might march on Richmond, It \nwas important for the security of Washington City, at the same time, to hold \nthe Confederates in check in the Shenandoah Valley. Already the dashing \nGeneral Lander, by a successful attack on " Stonewall Jackson \'" at Blooming \nGap [February 14, 1862], had made that leader circumspect. Now General \nN, P. Banks was in command in the Valley. When Johnston evacuated \nManassas, Jackson, who had taken post at Winchester, moved farther up the \nValley, followed by some of Banks\'s troops. The latter fell back, and a con- \nsiderable force under General Shields took post at Winchester. Jackson \nreturned, and at Kernstown, near Winchester, he and Shields had a severe \nengagement on the 22d of March,\' at the close of which the defeated Confede- \nrates went in swift retreat up the Valley, followed far by Banks, who remained \nin that region to watch the foe, while McClellan should move on Richmond \nby way of the Virginia Peninsula. \n\nAt the beginning of April McClellan was at Fortress Monroe, and began \nhis march [April 5] up the Peninsula, with fifty thousand men, in two columns, \nled respectively by Generals Heintzelman^ and Keyes, one in the direction of \nYorktown and the other toward Warwick Court House, nearer the James \nRiver. The Confederates, under Magruder,* about eleven thousand strong, \nwere stretched across McClellan\'s path, from the York to the James, and by a \nskillful and deceptive display of strength in numbers, kept the Array of the \nPotomac before them (which speedily numbered one hundred thousand men) \nat bay for a month,* its leader calling earnestly for re-enforcements to enable \nhim to move forward. He closely besieged his foes at Yorktown, and when \nthe latter perceived that it was no longer prudent to remain, they fled up the \nPeninsula [May 3, 1862] and made a stand behind a strong line of works in \nfront of Williamsburg, The bulk of the National army pursued, under the \ndirections of General Sumner, while McClellan remained at Yorktown, to \nfiuperintend the forwarding of an expedition up the York River, under General \nFranklin, to flank the Confederates. \n\neyes of the commander. The shock was so great that the persons in the turret were prostrated. \nOnly Worden was seriously hurt. For several days afterward his life was in great peril. He \nrecovered, and did gallant service afterward on the Southern coast. \n\n\' Thomas J. Jackson, who became one of the most renowned of the Confederate leaders, was \nin command of a brigade at the battle of Bull\'s Run, where his men gallantly withstood all \nassaults. "See I" exclaimed another leader (General Bee), when trying to rally panic-stricken \ntroops, "there stands Jackson like a stone wall!" The latter was ever afterward called "Stone- \nwall Jackson," and his troops the "Stonewall Brigade." \n\n" Shields reported his loss at nearly 600 men, of whom 103 were killed. Jackson\'s loss was \nover 1,000. It was estimated at 1,500 by Shields. \n\n* In Heintzelman\'s column were the divisions of Fitz-John Porter, Hamilton, and Sedgwick; \n\xc2\xabnd with Keyes were the divisions of Generals Couch and W. F. Smith. \n\n* Page 562. \n\n\' The tedious operations of a regular siege, by casting up intrenchments, were under the \n\xe2\x96\xa0direction of General Porter. Frequent skirmishes occurred during the siege, but only one tliat \nhad the semblance of a battle. That was on the 16th of April, when General Smith attacked the \n\xe2\x82\xaconfederates on the "Warwick River, between the mills of Lee and Winn, He was repulsed, with \nthe loss of one hundred men on liis part and of seventy-five on the part of liis foe. McClel* \n^n\'s army suffered much from sickness during the month\'s detention in that swampy region. \n\n\n\n616 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1862. \n\n\n\n\nThe works in front of Williamsburg were strong, extending across that \nnarrowest part of the Peninsula from estuaries of the York and James Rivers. \nThere the Confederate leader left a strong rear-guard to check the pursuers, \nwhile the main body (a greater portion of which had not been below Williams- \nburg), then under the command of General Joseph E. Johnston, who had come \n\ndown from Richmond, should retreat up \nthe Peninsula. Johnston\'s intention was \nto concentrate all his troops near Rich- \nmond, and then give battle. The pur- \nsuing force, after their advance under \nGeneral Stoneman had been checked in \nfront of the Confederate works, pushed \nboldly up to attack them under such \nleaders as Hooker, Kearney, and Han- \ncock, who were conspicuous on that occa- \nsion. Hooker began the assault early on \nthe morning of the 6th [May, 1862], and \nbore the brunt of battle almost nine \nconsecutive hours, when Kearney came \nto his assistance, and Hancock turned the \nleft of the Confederates. The latter, overpowered, retreated, and such was \ntheir haste, that they left nearly eight hundred of their wounded behind.\' \nMcClellan came upon the battle-field toward the close of the engagement, and \nthe next morning he sent tidings of the victory to the government from the \nancient capital of Virginia. Johnston was then pressing on toward the Chick- \nahominy, with fearful anticipation of disaster if again struck in his retreat by \nthe Nationals ; but the pursuit there ended, and McClellan\'s army, during the \nsucceeding ten or fifteen days, made its way leisurely to the Chickahominy, \nbehind which Johnston was then safely encamped." In the mean time Frank- \nlin\'s expedition, too long held at Yorktown by the Commander-in-Chief to win \nthe advantages of a flank movement, had secured a strong footing near the \nhead of the York River, and there, on the bank of the Pamunkey River, Gene- \nral McClellan established his base of supplies for the Army of the Potomac. \n\nOn the 20th of May [1862], McClellan\'s army was on the borders of the \nChickahominy River, and a portion of it, under General Casey, occupied the \nheights on the Richmond side of the stream, on the New Kent road. In the \nmean time important events had occurred in the rear of the Army of the Poto- \n\n\n\nJOSEPH E. JOHNSTON. \n\n\n\n\' So vigorous was the assault of Hooker, that Johnston sent back a greater part of his force \nto the assistance of his rear-guard. The final retreat was made under the lead of General Long- \nstreet, one of the best of the Confederate generals. \n\n" On the evening after the battle, McClellan telegraphed to the Secretary of "War that the Con- \nfederates were before him in force probably greater than his own, and strongly intrenched, and \nassured the Secretary tliat lie should "run the risk of holding them in checlt there." At \nthat time Johnston\'s 30,000 men were fleeing as rapidly as possible toward the Cliiekaliominy \nbefore McClellan\'s victorious 100,000 men. P^xperts on both sides declared tliat had the pursuit \nbeen continued, in the morning after the battle at Williamsburg, the National army might haTe \ncrushed that of the Confederates, or followed them directly into Richmond. \n\n\n\n1862.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n6ir \n\n\n\nmac. General Wool/ in command at Fortress Monroe, had long desired to \nattempt the capture of Norfolk. Permission was at length given him by the \nPresident and Secretary of War.\' With a few regiments he landed [May 10, \n1862] in the rear of the Confederate works below Norfolk, and marched tri- \nxmiphantly toward the city. The Confederate forces there, under General \nHuger, destroyed the Merrimack^ and fled toward Petersburg and Richmond. \nNorfolk was surrendered to Wool by the civil authorities. The Confederate \nvessels of war in the James River fled up toward Riclmiond, and were followed \nby National gun-boats, under Commodore Rogers, to Drewry\'s Blufi^, eio-ht \nmiles below the capital of the Confederates, where they were checked [May \n15] by a strong fort. \n\nImportant events had also been occurring in the Shenandoah Valley and \nthe adjacent region. At about the time of the siege of Yorktown, General \nFremont was at Franklin, among the mountains of Western Virginia. Gene- \nral Banks was at Strasburg, in the Shenandoah Valley, and General McDowell \nwas at Fredericksburg, on the Rappahannock, for the double purpose of cover- \ning Washington and co-operating with McClellan. Jackson had been joined \nby the skillful Ewell, in the vicinity of Harrisonburg. Other troops were near, \nand he was watching Banks closely. At McDowell [May 8], west of Staunton, \nhe struck one of Fremont\'s brigades, under General Milroy, a severe blow, \nwhile Ewell pressed Banks back to Strasburg. Jackson and Ewell soon after- \nward captured and dispersed [May 23] a National force under Colonel Kenly^ \nat Front Royal, and sent Banks flying down the Shenandoah Valley from \nStrasburg, hotly pursued to Winchester. There Ewell attacked him [May 25]\xc2\xbb \nand after a severe contest he continued his \nflight to the banks of the Potomac, near Wil- \nliamsport. The National capital was now in \nperil, and McDowell was ordered to send a \nlai-ge force over the Blue Ridge, to intercept \nthe Confederates, if they should retreat, Avhile \nFremont should march on Strasburg from the \nwest, for the same purpose. Jackson perceived \nhis peril, and his whole force fled up the valley \nin time to elude the troops on their flank. \nFremont pursued them up the main valley, and \nShields, with a considerable force, marched \nrapidly up the parallel Luray Valley. At a \nplace called Cross Keys, near Harrisonburg, \nFremont overtook Ewell, when a severe but \n\nundecisive battle ensued [June V]. Jackson was then at Port Republic, a few \nmiles distant, sorely pressed by Generals Carroll and Tyler. He called Eweh \nto his aid. The latter moved off" in the niq;ht. Fremont followed ; but Ewell \n\n\n\n\nT. J. JACKSON. \n\n\n\n\' Page 413, and note 5, page 570. \n\n" Wool\'s command was not under the direction of McClellan. It remained an independent \none so long as that veteran was at the head of that department. \n\' Page 614. \n\n\n\n^l^ THE NATION [1862. \n\nmanaged to cross the Shenandoah and burn the bridge behind him before Fre- \nmont could reach that stream. Meanwhile Jackson\'s assailants had been \nrepulsed, and on the 9th of June the whole National army on the Shenandoah \nretraced their steps. So ended the second great race of the National and Con- \nfederate troops in the Shenandoah Valley. \n\nWhen Rogers went up to Drewry\'s Bluff,\' the James and York Rivers \nwere both opened as highways for supplies for the Army of the Potomac, \nMcClellan determined to continue his base at the head of York, until he \nshould form a junction with McDowell. That event was postponed by others \nin the Shenandoah Valley, just recorded, and the two great armies stood face \nto face near Richmond toward the close of May, with little expectation of aid \nfrom their respective comrades in that Valley, Their first collision was on \nthe 23d, near Mechanicsville, when the Confederates were driven, and the army \nand loyal people were thrilled by a general order issued by McClellan the next \nday, which indicated an immediate advance upon Richmond. Every thing \nwas in readiness for the movement, and the Confederates were trembling in \nanticipation of it,\' McClellan hesitated, and the golden moments of opportu- \nnity were spent in flank movements, which resulted in severe struggles, that \nwere fruitless of good to the National army,^ \n\nThe skillful and vigilant Johnston, soon perceiving the perilous position of \nthe National forces, divided by the fickle Chickahominy,^ and the timidity of \ntheir chief, marched boldly out from his strong intrenchments before Rich- \nmond to attack them. On the afternoon of the 31st [May, 1862], a heavy \nforce of the Confederates fell furiously upon the most advanced National \ntroops, under General Casey, and a sanguinary battle ensued. Casey fought \nliis foe most gallantly, until one-third of his division was disabled, and he was \n\n1 Page 617. \n\n\' The appearance of Rogers\'s flotilla before Drewry\'s Bluff simultaneously -with McClellan\'s \nadvance toward the Chickahominy produced the greatest consternation in Richmond, especially \namong the Secessionists. Davis, their chief, almost despaired, and the general expectation \n\xe2\x96\xa0 that the National forces would speedily march into Richmond, caused the chief leaders to make \npreparations for flight. The "archives of the government," so called, were sent to Columbia, \nSouth Carolina, and to Lynchburg. The railway tracks over the bridges at Richmond were \n\xe2\x80\xa2covered with planks, so as to facilitate the passage of artillery, and every man who was active in \nthe rebellion trembled with fear. The Legislature of Virginia, then in session, disgusted with \nthe cowardice and perfidy of Davis and his chief associates in crime, passed resolutions calling \nupon them to act witli manliness and honor, and to stay and protect at all hazards the people they \nhad betrayed. .This action, it is believed, was inspired by the manly Johnston, then at the head \nof the army, whose virtues were a standing rebuke to the cold selfishness of the chief con- \nspirator. \n\n^ The troops engaged were regular cavalry under General Emory ; Benson\'s horse-battery ; \nMorrell\'s division, composed of ihe brigades of Martindale, Butterfield, and McQuade, and Ber- \ndan\'s sharp-shooters; three batteries under Captain Griffin, and a "provisional brigade," under \n\xe2\x96\xa0Colonel G. K. Warren, in support. Their first encounter was near Hanover Court House [May \n27], when a charge by Butterfield\'s brigade dispersed the Confederates. At the same time Gen- \n\xe2\x96\xa0eral Martindale was contending with fresh troops that came up from Richmond, and attacked him \nwhile moving between Peake\'s Station and Hanover Court House. Porter sent assistance to \nMartindale, when the Confederates, outnumbered, fell back, with a loss of 200 men dead on the \nHeld, and 700 made prisoners. The National loss was 350. \n\n. \xe2\x96\xa0* The Chickahominy River is a narrow stream, and liable to a sudden and great increase of \nvolume and overflow of its banks by rains. For this reason it might, in a few hours, become an \nimpassable barrier between bodies of troops where bridges did not exist. In this instance the \nConfederates had destroyed the bridges. \n\n\n\n1862.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. gl9 \n\ndriven back by an overwhelming force. Troops sent to his aid by Keyes \ncould not withstand the pressure, and all were driven back to Fair Oaks Sta- \ntion, on the Richmond and York River Railway, w^here the struggle continued. \nHeintzelnian and Kearney pressed forward with re-enforceraents, but fresh \nConfederates were there to meet them, and it seemed at one time as if the \nwhole of the National forces on the Richmond side of the Chickahominy were \ndoomed to destruction. At that critical moment the veteran General Sumner \nappeared, with the divisions of Sedgwick and Richardson, and checked the \nConfederate advance by a storm of canister-shot from twenty-four guns. But \nthey soon pressed forward again and fought gallantly, notwithstanding John- \nston, their chief, who was directing the battle, was severely wounded and \nborne away. Finally, at eight o\'clock in the evening, a bayonet charge by \nfive regiments broke the Confederate line into dire confusion. The contest \nwas renewed in the morning [June l], and after a struggle for several hours, \nin which Hooker\'s command also was engaged, the Confederates withdrew, \nand retired to Richmond that night. So ended the battle of Fair Oaks, or \nSeven Pines. \n\nFor nearly a month after this the Army of the Potomac lay along the \nChickahominy, a few miles from Richmond, in a very unhealthful situation, \nquietly besieging the Confederate capital. Robert E. Lee\' succeeded John- \nston, and he was joined by Jackson and Ewell, with a force so considerable \nthat he prepared to strike McClellan a deadly blow. Fifteen hundred of his \ncavalry, under J. E. B. Stewart," made a complete circuit of the Army of the \nPotomac at the middle of June, threatening its supplies at the White House,\' \nnear the head of York River, and gaining valuable information. Meantime \nthe public expectation was kept on the alert by frequent assurances that the \ndecisive battle would be fought " to-morrow." For that purpose re-enforce- \nments were called for, and sent ; yet the cautious commander hesitated until \nLee made a movement which compelled him to take a defensive position, and \nprepare to abandon the siege and retreat to the James River. That movement \nwas made on the 26th of June. Jackson, with a considerable force, marched \nfrom Hanover Court House to turn McClellan\'s right, and fall upon his com- \nmunications with his supplies at the White House ; and at the same time a \nheavier force, under Generals Longstreet and D. H. and A. P. Hill, crossed the \nChickahominy near Mechanicsville, and assailed the National right wing, com- \nmanded by General Fitz John Pox\'ter. A terrific battle ensued near Ellison\'s \n\n\' Page 564. \' Page 585. \n\n^ The White House was the name of an estate on the Pamimkey River, that belonged to the \nCustis family by inheritance from Mrs. Washington, whose first husband owned it. Her great- \ngrand-daughter was the wife of Robert E. Lee, and this property was in the possession of the \nlatter\'s eldest son when the Civil War broke out. The name was derived from the color of the \nmansion on the estate at the time Washington was married to Mrs. Custis. It was white, and \nthus distinguished from others. That mansion was demolished more than thirty years before \nthe war, and near its site was another, of modest form and dimensions, which was called the \n" White House." This was held sacred, for some time, by the Union troops, in consequence \nof a false impression given by the family that it was the \'original "White House." When \nMcClellan changed his base to the James River, and his stores were fired, the modern \n\xe2\x96\xa0"White House" was consumed. \n\n\n\n(320 THE NATION. [1862. \n\nMill, which resulted in the defeat of the Confederates, who suffered a fearful \n\n\n\nNotwithstanding this victory, McClellan decided that the time had come \nfor him to fly toward the James River, if he would save his army. He was \n\nleft to choose between \na concentration of his \nwhole force on the left \nbank of the Chick- \nahominy, and give \ngeneral battle to Lee\'s \narmy ; to concentrate \nit on the right bank, \nand march directly on \nRichmond, or to trans- \nfer his right wing to \nthat side of the stream, \nand with his supplies \nretreat to the James \nRiver. He chose the \nlatter course, and made \npreparations accord- \ningly.* He ordered \nthe stores at the White \nHouse to be destroyed if they could not be removed, and held Porter\'s \ncorps in a strong position near Gaines\'s Mills, a short distance from \nEllison\'s Mill, to give protection as far as possible to the supplies, and \nto the remainder of the troops in the removal of the siege-guns, their pas- \nsage of the river, and their march toward the James. There, between Cool \nArbor^ and the Chickahominy, in line of battle on the arc of a circle. Porter \nstood when attacked by the Hills and Longstreet,* on the afternoon of the \n^Ith of June. Very severe Avas the battle that ensued. Porter, hard pressed, \nsent to McClellan, then on the opposite side of the Chickahominy, for aid, but \nthe commander, believing Magruder\'s 25,000 men at Richmond to be 60,000 \nin number, could spare only Slocum\'s division of Franklin\'s corps. Later, the \nbrigades of Richardson and Meagher were sent, and these arrived just in time \nto save Porter from annihilation, for his shattered and disheartened army was \n\n\n\n\nVIEW ON THE CHICKAHOMINY NEAR MECHANICSVILLE. \n\n\n\n\' It was between 3,000 and 4,000 men. The National loss was about 400. The latter were \nwell posted on an eminence ; the former were much exposed in approaching over lower and open \nground. . *. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x96\xa0\' According to ofiBcial and other statements by the Confederates, Richmond was at that time \nentirely at tlie mercy of the Army of the Potomac, it being defended by only 25,000 men under \nMagruder, who in his report declared that if McClellan had massed his force and moved on Rich- \nmond while Lee was beyond the Chickahominy, he might easily have captured it. "His failure \nto do so," said Magruder in his report, "\'is the best evidence that our wise commander fully \nunderstood the cliaracter of his opponent." \n\n^ The place of an ancient tavern and summer resort for the inhabitants of Richmond two \ngenerations before. \n\n* Page 619. \n\n\n\n1862.] LIXCOLN*S A D MI XIST R ATIO N. gO^ \n\nfalling back to the river in disorder, closely pressed by the foe. The appear- \nance and cheers of the fresh troops encouraged the fugitives, who re-formed, \nchecked the alarmed pursuers, and drove them back to the field they had won. \nSo ended the battle of Gaines\'s Mills.\' During that night Porter\'s corps with- \ndrew to the right bank of the Chickahominy, destroying the bridges behind \nthem. \n\nMcClellan now turned his back upon Richmond, with his face toward the \nJames, and gave orders for his army to move through the White Oak S^\'amp \nin the direction of Turkey Bend, on that river. Keyes led the way [June 28]. \nPorter followed ; and after these moved a train of 5,000 wagons, laden with \nammunition, provisions, and baggage, and a drove of 2,500 beef cattle.^ So \nwell was this movement masked from Lee, that he had no suspicion of it until \nmore than twenty-four hours after it began.^ He had observed, in the mornino-, \nsome singular movements of the divisions which remained behind, and some \nskirmishes had taken place, but he supposed McClellan might be preparing to \nmove his forces and give battle in defense of his stores at the White House, \nor, if he retreated, would take the route on the left bank of the Chickahominy, \nby which Johnston came up from Williamsburg.* But on the night of the 28th \nthe amazing fact was disclosed to Lee that a greater pqrtion of the Army of \nthe Potomac had departed, not to give battle on the north side of the Chicka- \nhominy, nor to retreat down the Peninsula, but to take a new position on the \nJames River. Scouts had already informed him that a large portion of the \nsupplies at the White House had been removed, and that the remainder, and \nthe mansion itself, were then in flames, \n\nMcClellan had full twenty-four hours the start of Lee, yet he found himself \ncompelled to struggle for life in that retreat. His rear-guard, under Sumner, \nAvas struck at Savage\'s Station, where a severe battle was fought [June 29]. It \ncontinued until late in the evening, when the Confederates recoiled; and \nbefore morning [July l], the whole of McClellan\'s army was well on its way \ntoward the James. Franklin, with a rear-guard, had been left to hold the \nmain bridge over White Oak Swamp Creek, and so to cover the withdrawal \nof the army to the high open country of the Malvern Hills ; and at that point \nand at Glendale,\' a short distance to the right, severe engagements ensued. \nThe battle at the latter place was very sanguinary, in which the Pennsyl- \nvanians under McCall suffered much. That leader was captured, and General \nMeade was severely wounded. By the timely arrival of fresh troops under \n\n\' The National loss was about 8,000 men, of whom about 6,000 were killed and wounded. \nThe Confederate loss was about 5,000. Porter lost twenty-two siege-guns. \n\n^ The sick and wounded men, who could not march, were left behind, with surgeons, rations, \nand medical stores. These fell into the hands of the Confederates, and the men suffered terribly. \nThe reason given for this abandonmeut of the helpless, and the sending away of the ambulances \nempty, was, that so large a number (about 2,500) of wounded and sick men would embarrass \nthe army in its flight, and its escape might be impossible. \n\n^ All day long Magruder and Huger had reported to Lee that the National fortifications on their \nfront were as fully manned as usual, and Lee supposed his foe was preparing for an offensive \nmovement. \n\n* Page 616. \n\n\' The name of an estate. The battle occurred on the property of several owners. Tt is some- \ntimes called the Battle of Frazier\'s Farm. \n\n\n\n622 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1862. \n\n\n\nHooker, Meagher, and Taylor, victory was given to the Nationals ; and early \nthe next day the Army of the Potomac, united for the first time since the \nChickahominy first divided it,\' was in a strong position on Malvern Hills,^ in \nsight of the James River. It was not considered a safe place for the army to \nhalt, for it was too far separated from its supplies ; so, on the morning of the \n1st [July, 1862], McClellan went on board the gun-boat Galena^ and pro- \nceeded down the river to " select the final location for the army and its depots," \nThis was fixed at Harrison\'s Bar, a short distance from Malvern Hills. \n\nPreparations were made on Malvern Hills for a battle. Lee concentrated \nhis troops at Glendale for that purpose on the morning of the 1st [July, 1862], \nand resolved, with a heavy line under Jackson, Ewell, Whiting, the Hills, \nLongstreet, Magruder, and Huger, to carry the intrenched camp of the Nationals \nby storm, and " drive the invaders," he said, " into the James." This was \nattempted. A furious battle ensued, in which Porter, Couch, and Kearney \nwere the chief leaders of fighting troops on the part of the Nationals, and these \nwere assisted by gun-boats in the river. The struggle was intense and destruc- \ntive, and did not cease until almost nine o\'clock in the evening, when the Con- \nfederates were driven to the shelter of the ravines and swamps, utterly broken \nand despairing. The victory for the Nationals was decisive, and the Union \nleaders expected to \'follow it up, pursue Lee\'s shattered columns, and enter \nRichmond within twenty-four hours, when they were overwhelmed with \ndisappointment by an order from the Commander-in-Chief (who had been \non the Galena most of the day) for the victorious army to "fall back \n\n=el ,= still farther " to Harrison\'s Landing.* \n\nThis seemed like snatching the palm of \nvictory from the hand just opened to \nreceive it, but it was obeyed, and on the \nevening of the 3d of July the Army of \nthe Potomac, broken and disheartened, \nwas resting on the James River, and on \nthe 8th what was left of Lee\'s Army of \nNorthern Virginia was behind the de- \nfenses of Richmond.* \n\nVery grievous was the disappoint- \nment of the loyal people when they heard \nof this disastrous result of the campaign \nagainst Richmond, and most astounding to the government was the assurance of \n\n\n\n\nTHE HARRISON MANSION. \n\n\n\n\' Page 616. \n\n" These form a high rolling plateau, sloping toward Richmond from bold banks toward the \nriver, and bounded by deep ravines, making an excellent defensive position. \n\n\' McClellan\'s order produced consternation and great dissatisfaction among the officers and men. \nThe veteran General Kearney was very indignant, and in the presence of several officers said : \n"I, Philip Kearney, an old soldier, enter my solemn protest against this order for a retreat. "VVe \nought, instead of retreating, to follow up the enemy and take Richmond ; and, in full view of all \nthe responsibilities of such a declaration, I say to you all, such an order can only be prompted by \ncowardice or treason." \n\n* The aggregate loss of the National army during the seven days\' contest before Richmond, or \nfrom the battle near Mechanicsville [M\xc2\xbby 23] until the posting of the army at Harrison\'s Bar, was \n\n\n\n1862.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. g23 \n\nthe commander of the Army of the Potomac, three days after the battle on \nMalvern Hills, that he had not " over 50,000 men left, with their colors !" \nWithin the space of a hundred days 160,000 men had gone to the Peninsula. \nWhat had become of the vast remainder ? The anxious President hastened to \nthe head-quarters of McClellan for an answer to that question, for the latter \nwas now calling for more troops, to enable him to " capture Richmond and put \nan end to the Rebellion." Jhe President found nearly 40,000 more men there \nthan the general had reported, and yet 75,000 were missing. He could get no \nsatisfactory statement from McClellan,\' and he found that several of the corps \ncommanders had lost confidence in the chief. In view of this fact, the con- \ncentration of Confederate troops in the direction of Washington, and the \nassurance of McClellan that his army was not strong enough to capture Rich- \nmond by " one hundred thousand men, more rather than less," it was thought \nadvisable by the President to withdraw that army from the Peninsula and \nconcentrate it in front of the National capital. Orders were given accord- \ningly. McClellan was opposed to the measure, and at once took steps to \ndefeat it. \n\nHere we will leave the Army of the Potomac for a little while, and observe \nevents nearer the National capital, with which its movements were intimately \nconnected. To give more efficiency to the troops covering Washington, they \nwere formed into an organization called the Army of Virginia, and placed \nunder the command of Major-General John Pope, who was called from the \nWest\' for that purpose. The new army was arranged in three corps, com- \nmanded respectively by Major-Generals McDowell, Banks, and Sigel.^ In \naddition to these, a force under General S. D. Sturgis was in process of forma- \ntion at Alexandria ; and the troops in and around Washington were placed \nunder Pope\'s command. He also had about five thousand cavalry. His army \nfor field-service, at the close of June, numbered between forty and fifty \nthousand effective men. He wrote to McClellan, cordially offering his co-opera- \ntion Avith him, and asking for suggestions. The cold and vague answer \nassured Pope that he need not expect any useful co-working with the com- \nmander of the Array of the Potomac. \n\nImmediately after the retreat of McClellan to Harrison\'s Landing,^ the Con- \nfederates formed plans for the capture of Washington City ; and when, at the \nclose of July, Halleck^ ordered the Army of the Potomac to prepare to move \n\nreported by McClellan at 1,582 killed, 7,709 wounded, and 5,598 missing, making a total of 15,249. \nLee\'s loss was never reported. He declared that he captured 10,000 prisoners, and took 52 pieces \nof cannon and 35,000 small arras. \n\n\' After his return to Washington, the President wrote to McClellan [July 13], asking him for \nan account of the missing numbers, lie reported 88,665 "present and fit for duty;" absent by \nauthority, 34,472; absent without authority, 3,778; sick, 16,605, making a total of 143,580. Tlio \ngovernment was much disturbed by one item in this report, namely, that over 34,000 men, or \nmore than three-fifths of the entire number of the army which he had reported on the 3d, were \nabsent on furloughs granted by permission of the commanding general, when he was continually \ncalling for re-enforcements and holding the government responsible for the weakness of his army. \nThe President said to him: "If you had these men with you, you could go into Richmond in tlia \nnext three days." \n\n" Page 600. \' Page 572. * Page 622. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 Halleck was now acting General-in-Chief See page 604. \n\n\n\n^24 "^^^^ NATION. [1862. \n\nto the front of tlie National capital, and join Fope in its defense, Lee moved \nwith energy to execute the orders of his masters, before the junction of the \ntwo Union armies could be eftected. Satisfied that no further movements \nagainst Richmond were then conteinplated, he was left free to act in full force. \nIn the plan of the Confederates was the expulsion of the National troops from \nthe soil of Slave-labor States, the invasion and plunder of Ohio and Pennsyl- \nvania, and the dictation of terms of peace at Cincinnati and Philadelphia ; and \nthe people of the " Confederate States " were made to expect a speedy vision \nof Davis in the chair of Dictatorship at AYashington City. These dreams \nwere almost realized before the heats of summer had departed. \n\nPope moved vigorously toward the advancing Confederates, in the direc= \ntion of Richmond, at the middle of July, and some of his cavalry destroyed \nrailway-tracks and bridges within thirty-five miles of the Confederate capital \nMeanwhile a heavy force under " Stonewall " Jackson had gathered at Gor- \n<lonsville, and Pope\'s main army Avas near Culpepper Court-House, between \nthe Rappahannock and Rapid Anna\' Rivers. They each advanced in force, \nand at the foot of Cedar, or Slaughter Mountain, a few miles west of Culj^ep- \nper Court-House, they had a severe battle on the 9th of August. The Nation- \nals were under the general command of Banks, ably assisted by Generals \nCrawford, Geary, Auger, and others. They were finally pressed back by \noverwhelming numbers and pursued, when the Confederates were checked by \nthe timely arrival of Ricketts\' division of McDowell\'s corps. The strife had \nbeen one of the most desperate of the war, a part of it hand to hand in the \ndarkness, and under a pall of smoke that obscured the moon.* Two days \nafterward Jackson retreated precipitately to Gordonsville, leaving some of his \ndead unburied. He was chased, bixt a sudden rise of the Rapid Anna placed a \nbarrier between the pursuers and the pursued. Both parties claimed the palm \nof victory in the battle of Cedar Mountain. \n\nSoon after this conflict Pope and Jackson were both re-enforced. The \nformer was joined by troops under Burnside, from North Carolina,^ and others \nunder Stevens, from the coast of South Carolina ; and the latter was strength- \nened by divisions under Longstreet, some troops under Hood, and Stuart\'s \ncavalry. Pope moved to the Rapid Anna, with the intention of holding that \nposition until the arrival of the Army of the Potomac in his rear ; but before \nthat event occurred, he was compelled to fall back by the advance of Lee in \ncrushing force. He retired behind the forks of the Rappahannock, closely pur- \n\n\' The name of this river has generally been spelled Rapidan. It is one of three rivers in that \nportion of Virginia bearing the name of Anna \xe2\x80\x94 namely, tlie Rapid Anna, North Anna, and South \nAnna. The first is the chief tributary of the Rappahannock, and the two latter form the Pamim- \nkey River. \n\n. * General Crawford\'s brigade came out of that terrible fight a mere remnant. Some regiments \nlost half their number. General Geary, with Pennsylvania and Ohio troops, made desperate \ncharges, and was severely wounded. General Auger was also wounded, and General Price was \nmade prisoner. The National loss was about two thousand in killed and wounded, and that of \nthe Confederates about the same. \n\n^ Page 590. These had first gone to the Peninsula to aid McCleUan. and were the first of the \ntroops there who promptly obeyed the summons of the Army of the Potomac to the defense of \nWashington Cit\\-. \n\n\n\n32.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n62 5 \n\n\n\n\xc2\xabued by Lee\'s cavalry, and along the line of that river, above Fredericksburg, \nthere was an artillery duel for two days [August 20 and 21, 1862]. Lee found \nthat he could not force a j^assage of that stream, so he moved toward the \nmountains, for the jKiriJose of flanking the Nationals. Pope made skillful and \nenergetic efforts to thwart the design of his enemy, but the danger became \ngreater every hour. Pope\'s force had l)een greatly weakened by fighting and \nmarching, and the Army of the Potomac Avas coming to his relief so tardily, \nthat he almost despaired of its arrival in time to be useful.\' \n\nThe National capital was now, late in August, in great peril. Pope, \nencouraged by the belief that McClellan\'s fresh troops, which had been resting \nfor a month, would almost immediately re-enforce him, massed his army near \nRappahannock Station [Aug. 23, 1 862], for the purpose of fiilling upon a heavy \nflanking force. Movements to this end were made. Franklin, of the Army of \nthe Potomac, had lately arrived with troops, and Ileintzelman and Porter, of \nthe same army, were also near, so that, on the 25th, Pope\'s army, and its re-en- \nforcements at hand, with their backs on Washington and their faces to the foe, \nwei-e about sixty thousand strong, but still somewhat scattered. On that day \n" Stonewall Jackson," leading the great flank movement, crossed the Rappa- \nhannock, and with his ac- \ncustomed celerity made \'^^ -^ \nhis way over the Bull\'s ^ \nRun Mountains at Tho- \nroughfare Gap. At twi- \nlight on the 26th he was \non the railway in Pope\'s \nrear, and between his \narmy and Washington \nCity. The Confederate \ncavalry swept over the \ncountry in the direction \nof Washington, as far as \nFairfax Court-House and \nCentreville, and Jackson, \n\ntaking possession in strong force of Manassas Junction, \nan approaching heavy column under Longstreet. \n\nBoth armies were now in a critical situation. Pope took vigorous measures \n\n\n\n\n^m\\ \n\n\n\n-\'^w^m*^>^^i\' \n\n\n\nTHOROUtiHFAKE GAP. \n\n\n\nited the arrival of \n\n\n\n^ At the dose of Jalj, Halleck ordered preparations for the removal of tlie Army of the Poto- \nmac from the Peninsula, and on the od of August he issued a positive order for it to move at once. \nMcClellan protested. He told his government that the force under Pope was " not necessary to \nmaintain a strict defensive in front of Washington and Harper\'s Ferry:" instructed his \nsuperiors that the " true defense of Washington was on the banks of the .James, where the fate \nof the Union was to be decided;" and then awaited further orders. Halleck repeated his com- \nmand, and urged McClehan to use all possible diligence in effecting the departure of his troops. \nAfter the battle of Cedar Mountain he told him there \xe2\x80\xa2\xe2\x96\xa0 must be no further delay " in his move- \nments, for Washington was m danger. It was twenty days after McClellan received orders to \ntransfer his army to Aquia Creek, oa the Potomac, before they were executed, and that army \nfailed to give Pope timely and sufficient aid. \n\n" Pages 5G7 and 572. \n\n40 \n\n\n\n626 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[862. \n\n\n\nfor capturing Jackson, or at the least preventing the junction of his and Long- \nstreet\'s forces. His plans, experts say, were well chosen, and, had they been \nas well executed by all of his subordinates, success must have crowned his \nefforts. But they were not, and disaster was the consequence. Longstreet, \nwith the van of Lee\'s army, joined Jackson [August 29] near Groveton, not \nfar from the Bull\'s Run battle-ground, and there the combined forces fought \nthe whole of Pope\'s army, excepting Banks\'s command, then at Bristow\'s Sta- \ntion. The battle was very severe, but not decisive. The loss was about seven \n\n\n\n\nMONUMENT AND BATTLE-GROUND NEAR GROVETON.\' \n\nthousand on each side. Prudence counseled a retreat for Pope, but, still \nexpecting immediate re-enforcements, he prepared for a renewal of the strug- \ngle in the morning. When morning came he was assured of no further aid \nfrom McClellan,\' and he had then no alternative. He must fight. He prepared \nfor battle. A movement of the enemy deceived him, and supposing Lee to be \nretreating, he ordered a pursuit. On a portion of the Bull\'s Run battle-groimd, \nnear Groveton, his advance was assailed [August 30] by a heavy force in \nambush. A sanguinary conflict ensued, in which the Nationals were defeated \nand driven across Bull\'s Run by way of the Stone Bridge.^ At Centreville \nthey were joined by the corps of Franklin and Sumner. Lee was not disposed \nto attack them there, so he sent Jackson [August 31], with his own and Ewell\'s \ndivisions, to make another flank movement. This brought on another battle on \n\n\n\n\' After the war, Union soldiers, stationed near this battle-ground, erected a monument of the \nsand-stone of the vicinity, on the field of strife, to tlie memory of their comrades. The above \npicture shows the monument and the battle-field, looking toward Manassas Junction. \n\n* Pope had received no re-enforcements or supplies since the 2Gth. He confidently expected \nrations and forage from McClellan, who was at Alexandria, and had been ordered to supply them, \nbut on the morning of the 30th, when it was too late to retreat and perilous to stand still, Pope \nreceived information that supplies would be "loaded into available wagons and cars," so soon as \nhe should send a cavalry escort for the train ! \xe2\x80\x94 a thing utterly impossible. Meanwhile the corps \nof Sumner and Franklin, of McClellan\'s command, which might on that day have secured victory \nfor the Nationals, were not permitted to go within supporting distance of the struggling armj \nuntil the next dav, when Pope, for want of support, had lost every advantage. \n\xc2\xbb Page 569. \n\n\n\n1862] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n627 \n\n\n\nthe 1st of September, at Chantilly, not far from Fairfax Court-Hoiise, in which \nGenerals Kearney and Stevens were shot dead, and many gallant oflScers and mea \nwere mortally wounded.\' The Nationals \nheld the field that night, and on the fol- \nlowing day [Sept. 2] fell back within the \nfortifications around Washington City.^ \nThus ended Pope\'s campaign in Virginia, \nand also his military career in the East. \nHe had labored hard under many difficul- \nties, and he bitterly complained of a lack \nof co-operation with him, in his later \nstruggles, by McClellan and some of his \nsubordinates.^ \n\nThe Repiiblic now seemed to be in \ngreat danger, and the loyal people were \nvery anxious. Already the President, \nby a call on the 1st of June, had drawn \nforty thousand men for three months \nfrom New England, Already the loyal \ngovernors of eighteen States, acting under the conviction of a large portion of \ntheir constituents, who were evidently losing confidence in the leader of the \nArmy of the Potomac, had requested the President to call for three hundred \nthousand rolunteers "for the war,"\'\' and he had complied [July l] ; and when \nPope was struggling with Jackson near the Rapid Anna, he called [August \n9th] for three hundred thousand men for nine months, with the understanding \nthat an equal number of men would be drafted from the great body of the \ncitizens who were over eighteen and less than forty-five years of age, if they \ndid not appear as volunteers. These calls met with hearty responses, for the \nloyal people had determined to save the Republic. Thousands of volunteers \nwere now flocking . to the standard of their country. The Confederates were \nalarmed, and Lee was instructed to take advantage of the reverses to the \nNational arms, and act boldly, vigorously, and even desperately, if necessary, \nin an attempt to capture Washington City. He was re-enfoi\'ced by the divi- \n\n\n\n\nPHILrP KEARNEY. \n\n\n\n\' The National loss in Pope\'s campaign in Virginia, from the battle of Cedar Mountain to that \nof Chantilly, was never officially reported in full. Careful estimates make it (including aa \nimmense number of stragglers who were returned to their regiments) 30,000. Lee\'s loss was \nprobably about 15,000. \n\n\'\' See map on page 572. \n\n^ During the last few days in which the Army of Virginia was struggling for life, the authori- \nties at Washington, by commands and assistance, made every effort to induce McCleUan to aid \nPope, but in vain. And when, on the 29th of August, Halleck telegraphed to McClellan, saying, \n" I want Frankhn\'s corps to go far enough to find out something about the enemj^," the latter \ntelegraphed to the President, saying: \xe2\x80\x94 "I am clear that one of two courses should be adopted: \nFirst, to concentrate all our available forces to open communication with Pope. Second, to leave \nPope to get out of his scrape, and at once use all our means to make the capital safe." \n\n* Clamors began to arise on every side. Men of influence, whose faith in the " young Napo- \nleon," as McCleilan was fondly called, had been unbounded, now shook their heads doubtingly. \nThey clearly perceived that if 150,000 to 200,000 men could not make more headway in the work \nof crushing the rebellion than they had done under his leadership, during full ten months, more \nmen must be called to the field at once, and put under a more efficient leader, or all would be lo\xc2\xbbt \n\n\n\n6i8 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1862. \n\n\n\nsion of D. II. Hill, and then, operating upon the original plan of General John \nston, of pushing into Maryland and getting in the rear of Washington,\' he \ncrossed the Potomac with almost his entire force by the 7th of September, with \nthe belief that thousands of the citizens of Maryland would join his standard.- \nThe Army of Virginia had now disappeared as a separate organization, and, \nbecame a pai\'t of the Army of the Potomac, with McClellan still at its head. \nAYhen the latter was informed of Lee\'s movement into Maryland, he left Gene- \nral Banks in command in Washington City, and with a greater part of his \narmy, nearly 90,000 in number, he went in pursuit. He moved very cautiously, \nbut was soon advised that Lee\'s plan was to take possession of Harper\'s Ferry, \nand open communication with Richmond by way of the Shenandoah Valley: \nand meanwhile to draw McClellan far toward the Susquehanna, and, turning \nsuddenly u{)on him, defeat him and march upon Washington.\' McClellan fol- \nlowed him through Frederick and over South Mountain into the Antietam \nValley. At Turner\'s Gap, on the South Mountain, a portion of the National \narmy, led by Burnside, had a severe tight [September 14] with a part of Lee\'s, \nand at the same time another portion, under Franklin, was striving to force its \n\nway over the same \nrange of hills at Cramp- \nton\'s Gap, nearer Har- \nper\'s Ferry. In the \nbattle on South Moun- \ntain, the gallant Gene- \nral Reno was killed.^ \nThe strife ceased at \nevening, and the Na- \ntionals were prepared \nto renew it in the morn- \ning. During the night \nthe Confederates with- \ndrew from the emi- \nnence, and Lee concen- \ntrated his forces near the \nAntietam Creek, in the \nvicinity of Sharpsburg. \n\n\n\n\nBATTLE-FIELD ON SOUTH MOUNTAIN.\' \n\n\n\n1 Page 584. \n\n\' Lee issued a proclamation [Sept. 8], and raised the standard of revolt. He called upon the \nMarylanders to join his invading host, assuring tliem that he had come to assist them in throw- \ning off "the foreign yoke" they were compelled to bear, and to "restore the independence and \nsovefeignty of their State." He discoursed fluently concerning the " outrages " and indig- \nnities inflicted upon them by their ever-generous National government ; but his appeals \n-were met by unexpected coldness. He found that the few disloyal Marylanders who had \njoined liis army in Virginia did not represent the great mass of the people of that State. \nHe lost more by desertion than he gained by recruits in Maryland. \n\n^ McClellan\'s advance, on entering Frederick, found a copy of Lee\'s general order, issued on \nthe 9th, which revealed his plan. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0* McClellan reported his loss in this engagement at 1,5G8, of whom 312 were killed. The \nConfederates lost about the same number in killed and wounded, and 1.500 prisoners. \n\n* This shows the part of the battle-field where General Reno was killed. The stone near the \n\n\n\n1862.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. g29 \n\nAll eyes were now turned toward Harpers Ferry, then in command of \nColonel D. H. Miles, a Marylander. Franklin fought his way over the moun- \ntain at Crampton\'s Pass into Pleasant Valley, and on the evening of the ] 4th \nof September he was within six miles of Harper\'s Ferry, then strongly invested \nby troops under " Stonewall Jackson." They had possession of Maryland and \nLoudon Heights, which completely commanded that post. Its salvation from \ncapture depended upon the ability of the garrison to hold out until relief \nshould come. But Miles, either incompetent or.disloyal, sent off his cavalry, \ntwo thousand strong, on the night of the 14th, and surrendered to Jackson \nthe next morning, before the victorious Franklin could make his way thither.\' \n\nMcClellan followed the Confederates in their flight from South Mountain on \nthe morning of the loth [Sept., 1862], but Avas so impressed with the idea that \nthey were on his front in overwhelming numbers, that he deferred an attack \nuntil the next day. The Confederates were posted along the right bank of tlie \nAntietam, and the ISTationals on its left; and on the morning of the 16th the \nformer opened artillery upon the latter. It was past noon before McClellan \nAvas ready, there being a lack of ammunition and rations, for which he Avaited_ \nFinally, Hooker crossed the Antietam on the extreme left of the Confederates^ \nand other troops were sent over during the night. Hooker\'s force had a shar]> \nand successful fight, and rested on their arms that night ; and both armies pre- \npared for a decisive struggle in the morning. Hooker opened it at dawn on \nthe Confederate left, and with varying fortunes the l)attle raged on tliat Aving \nand along the center until late in the afternoon. MeauAvhile the National left, \nunder Burnside, had been contending Avith the Confederate right under Long- \nstreet, Avith A^aried success \'^ and when darkness fell upon the scene that niglit,,, \nboth armies, sorely smitten, rested Avhere for tAvelve or fourteen hours they \nhad contended, the advantage being Avith the Nationals.- \n\nThe Confederates Avere noAV in a perilous position. Lee couM not easily" \ncall re-enforcements to his aid, his supplies Avere nearly exhausted, and his- \narmy was terribly shattered and disorganized. McClellan, on the contrary, \nhad fourteen thousand fresh troops near, and these joined him the next morn- \ning. It Avould have been an easy matter, it seems, to liaAC captured the Avhole \nof Lee\'s army by a Angorous moA\'ement. Prudential considerations restrained \nMcClellan,^ and when he was ready to move on his foe, thirty-six hours after \nthe battle [Sept. 18], Lee, Avith his shattered legions, were behind strong bat- \nteries on the Virginia side of the Potomac, AAdiither they had fled imder the- \n\nfigure with a cane marks the spot where he fell. The chestnut tree was scarred bj- bullets whea \nthe writer visited the field, iu tiie autumn of 1866. \n\n\' The number of men surrendered was 11,583, most of them new levies. The spoils were 73 \ncannon, 13,000 small arms, 200 wagons, and a large quantity of supplies. \n\n* In this battle McClellan\'s effective force was 87.000, and Lee\'s 60,000. McClellan reported \nhis entire loss at 12,469 men, of whom 2.010 were killed. Among the latter was General J. K. \nP. Mansfield, and General Richardson Avas mortally wounded. Lee\'s loss was probably .somewhat \nlarger. Six thousand of his men were made prisoners, and the spoils were 15,000 small arras, 13 \ncannon, and 39 battle-flags. \n\n^ In his report ho said: \xe2\x80\x94 " Virginia was lost, Washington menaced, Maryland invaded \xe2\x80\x94 the \nNational cause could afford no risks of defeat." He therefore hesitated, and. in opposition to the \nadvice of Franklin and others, deferred a renewal of the battle until Lee had placed the Poto- \nmac between the two armies. \n\n\n\n630 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1862. \n\n\n\ncover of darkness the night before. A feeble attempt to follow was made, and \n<|uickly abandoned [Sept. 19], when Lee moved leisurely up the Shenandoah \nValley, and McClellan took jiossession of Harper\'s Ferry. He now called for \nj-e-enforcements and supplies, and ten days after the battle, the government \nniid the loyal people, who hourly expected the announcement that the Army \nof the Potomac was in swift pursuit of Lee\'s broken columns, were sadly dis- \nappointed by McClellan\'s declaration that he intended to hold his army where \nit was, and " attack the enemy should he attempt to recross into Maryland." \nThe President hastened to McClellan\'s head-quarters [Oct. l], and there became \n\n\n\n\nVIEW OF THE ANTIETAM BATTLE-GKOUND. \' \n\nSO well satisfied that the army was competent to move at once in pursuit of \nLee, that he instructed its leader to cross the Potomac immediately for that \npurpose. Twenty days were spent in correspondence between the commander \nof the Army of the Potomac and the National authorities before that order \nAvas obeyed, during which time the beautiful October weather, when the roads \nAvere good in Virginia, had passed by, and Lee\'s army had become thoroughly \ni-ecruited, strengthened, and supplied, and his communication Avith Richmond \nwas re-established. On the 2d of November McClellan announced that his \n\n\n\n\' This was the appearance of that portion of the battle-ground where the struggle was most \n\xe2\x80\xa2severe, on the Confederate left, as it appeared when the author sketched it, early in October, \n1866. The five birds seen in the distance are over the spot where Mansfield was killed. The \nAntietam Creek is seen in the foreground. The view is from near the house of Mr, Prj, where \nMcClellan had his head-quarters. \n\n\n\n1S62.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n631 \n\n\n\nwhole army was once more in Virginia, prepared to move southward, on the \neast side of the Blue Ridge, instead of pursuing Lee up the Shenandoah Val- \nley, on the western side. Tlie faith of the government and of the loyal people \nin McClellan\'s ability or disposition to achieve a victory by such movement \nwas now exhausted, and on the 5th of November he was relieved of command, \nand General Burnside was put in his place. Thus ended McClellan\'s unsuccess- \nful military career. \n\nBurnside now reorganized the Army of the Potomac (then numbering about \none hundred and twenty thousand men) and changed the plan of ojierations, \nby which the captui-e of Richmond, rather than the immediate destruction of \nLee\'s army, was the objective. He made Aquia Creek, on the Potomac, his \nbase of supplies, and took position at PVedericksburg, from which he intended \nto advance. Before he had accomplished that movement and was prepared to \ncross the Rappahannock, Lee had occupied the heights in rear of Fredericks- \nburg, in full force, full eighty thousand strong. The bridges were destroyed, \nand Burnside could pass the river only on pontoons or floating bridges. These \nwere constructed, and under cover of a heavy fire of artillery from Stafford \nHeights, the National columns crossed over. A sanguinary battle ensued on the \n13th of December. Ter- ^_ \n\nrible was the roar of \nthree hundred Confede- \nrate cannon and half \nthat number of Na- \ntional guns. The city \nw^as battered and fired. \nThe Nationals were re- \npulsed.\' Two days \nmore [December 14- \n15] they remained on \nthe city side of the \nriver, and then with- \ndrew under cover of \nthe darkness, and Lee \ntook possession of Fred- \nericksburg. Burnside \nwas soon afterward \nsuperseded in com- \nmand [January 26, 1S63] by General Joseph Hooker. Here we will leave the \nArmy of the Potomac, in winter quarters on the Rappahannock, and consider \nthe stirring events in the great Valley of the Mississippi. \n\nWe left the Lower Mississippi, from its mouth to New Orleans, in posses- \n\n\n\n\nSCENK IN FREDERICKSBURG ON THE MORNING OP THE 12TH. \n\n\n\n\' The National loss was about 15,000 men. A large number of the wounded (seventy per \n/)ent.) soon rejoined the army, their hurts being slight. There were 3,234 of the total loss \nreported "missing." many of whom soon returned, so that the absolute loss to the army, other \nthan temporary, was not Very large. The Confederate loss was probably about 7,000. \n\n\n\n632 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[18621 \n\n\n\nsion of the National forces under Butler and Farragut\' at the "beginning of the \nsummer of 1862, and at the same time the river was held by the same power \nfrom Memphis to St. Louis. Southern Tennessee and Northern Alabama and \nMississippi were also held by the Nationals, and the Confederate army, driven \nfrom Corinth, was at Tupelo.** At about this time a Kentuckian, named John. \nH. Morgan, and a" notorious leader of a guerrilla band who had penetrated his \nnative State from East Tennessee, was raiding through that commonwealth^ \npreparatory to the advent, under E. Kirby Smith, of an invading force of \nConfederates, the advance of an army under General Bragg. Another bold \nleader of Confederate horsemen was N. B. Forrest, who swept throfigh Ten- \nnessee in various directions, and finally, at the middle of July, threatened \n\n\n\n\nFORTIFICATIOXS OF xfaE STATE-HOUSE AT NASEVH-LE.\' \n\nNashville, then in command of General Negley, who had caused fortification* \nto be built at points around the city, and breastworks to be throAvn up around \nthe State capitol in its midst. In the mean time Bragg was moving through \nthe State eastward of Nashville, toward Kentucky, while General Buell was \nmoving in the same direction, on a nearly parallel line, to foil his intentions. \n\nGeneral E. Kirby Smith, with a considerable force, entered Kentucky from \nEast Tennessee, and pushed on in the direction of Frankfort, the capital of the \n\n\n\n\' Page 611. \' Page 604. \n\n\' This is a view of the breastworks at one of the fronts of the capitol. seen near the three \nsmaller figures, with a portion of the city, the Cumberland River, and the country arc uud, as they \nappeared when sketched by tlie writer in May, 1866. \n\n\n\n1862.1 \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n63S \n\n\n\nState. He fought a severe battle [August 30, 1862] with Union troops under \nGeneral M. D. Manson, near Richmond, Avhere General Xelson\' took command. \nThe Nationals were routed ancl scattered, and Smith passed on to Lexington. \nThe affrighted Legislature of Kentucky, then in session at Frankfort, fled to \nLouisville. The secessionists of that region warmly welcomed the invader, \nand the conqueror pushed vigorously toward the Ohio, Avith the intention of \ncapturing and plundering Cincinnati. He was unexpectedly confronted there \nby strong fortifications constructed and a large force collected on the southern \nside of the Ohio, under the direction of the energetic General Lewis Wallace, \nBy these \'the career of the invader was checked, the city was saved, and Wal- \nlace received the thanks of the authorities of Cincinnati and of the Legislature \nof Ohio, for " the promptness, energy, and skill exfiibited by him in organizing \nthe forces and planning the defenses " which saved the soil of that State from \ninvasion.^ Foiled in this attempt. Smith turned his face toward Louisville- \nHe captured Frankfort,^ and there awaited the arrival of Bragg, Avho for almost \nthree weeks had been moving northward from Chattanooga, with over fortj" \nregiments of all arms and forty cannon. His destination was Louisville. \n\nBragg crossed the Cumberland River at Carthage, and entered Kentucky \non the 5th of September, his advance, eight thousand strong, pushing toward \nthe railway between Nashville and Louisville. At Mumfordsvillc, on that \nrailway, a National force under Colo- \nnel T. J. Wilder fought [September 14] \nsome of the troops of the disloyal Buck- \nner for five hours, and repulsed them. \nTwo days afterward, a strong Confede- \nrate force under General Polk appeared, \nand, after another severe battle [Sep- \ntember 16], Wilder was compelled to \nsurrender. Bragg was elated by this \nevent. Buell, then at BoAvling Green, \nhad sent no relief to Wilder, and he \nseemed to be so exceedingly tardy, that \nthe Confederate leader had no doubt of \nan easy march upon Louisville. On the \n1st of October he formed a junction \nwith Kirby Smith\'s troops at Frank- \nfort, and his marauding bands were out plundering the people in all direc- \ntions.^ Then Buell, who had kept abreast of Bragg, turned upon the latter^ \n\n\n\n\nDON CAELOS BUELL. \n\n\n\n1 Page 577. \n\n" Wallace was satisfied that nothing but the most vigorous measures would save the city. \nRe declared martial law, and ordered t;ie citizens, under the direction of the Mayor, to assemble \nan hour afterward, in convenient public places, to be organized for work on intrenchments on the \nsouth side of the river. "The willing," he said, "shall be properly credited, the unwilling \npromptly visited. The principle adopted is : citizens for labor \xe2\x80\x94 soldiers for the battle." \n\n^ There Bragg perfc7med the farce of making a weak citizen, named Hawes, "Provisional \nGovernor of Kentucky." \n\n* On tlie 15th of September Bragg issued a proclamation to the inhabitants of Kentucky, assu- \nriog them that he came is their \xe2\x80\xa2\'liberator from the tyranny of a despotic ruler." He told them \n\n\n\n^34 T^^ NATION. [1862. \n\nand near Perry ville they had a severe battle on the 8th [October, 1862], \nin which the Confederates were so roughly Ij^ndled that they fled during \nthe night, and made their way as raj^idly as possible toward East Tennessee.\' \nBragg pretended that he expected a general uprising in Kentucky in favor \nof the Confederate cause on his arrival, and Avas greatly disappointed. His \ninvasion proved a disaster rather than a benefit. It might have proved utterly \nruinous had the invaders been vigorously pursued in their retreat, but General \nBuell, like General McClellan, was too cautious to secure all of the advantages \nof a victory. The government perceived this, and at the close of October \nrelieved him of his command, and gave it to General Rosecrans.** Then the \ntitle of his large force, called the Army of the Ohio, was changed to that of \nthe Army of the Cumberland. \n\nSimultaneously with the movement of Bragg toward Kentucky, w^as an \nadvance of Generals Van Dorn and Price (who had been left in Mississippi) \ntoward Tennessee ; and strong bands of Confederates, under different leaders, \nwere raiding through the western portion of that State, all working in aid of \nBragg\'s movement. Rosecrans was then at the head of the Army of the \nMississippi, whose duty was to hold the region in Northern Mississippi and \nAlabama which the capture of Corinth^ and the operations of Mitchel* had \nsecured to the Nationals. He w^as at Tuscumbia when word came from Grant \nthat danger was gathering west of him. He moved his main force toward \nOorinth, when Price advanced to luka Springs,* and captured a large amount \nof National property there. \n\nGeneral Grant, in chief command in that region, had watched these move- \nments very vigilantly, and now he sent a force under General Ord to co- \noperate with Rosecrans against Price. Before Ord\'s arrival, Rosecrans, \nwith a greatly inferior force, attacked Price [September 19], and, in a severe \nbattle near the village of luka Springs, the Confederates were beaten.* \n\n\n\nhe must have supphes for his army, but that they should be fairly paid for. He had neither \nmeans nor intention to do so. He plundered the people, witliout inquiring whether they \nwere his friends or foes ; and he started to flee from the State with a wagon train of stolen sup- \nplies forty miles in length, but so fearful was he of capture that he left a large portion of his \nplunder behind. In truth, the invasion of Kentucky by Kirby Smith and Braxton Bragg was \nnothing but a great plunderiug raid, and the wealth of that State and of Southern Indiana and \n\xe2\x96\xa0Ohio was the chief object of their march from the Tennessee toward the Ohio River. \n\n\' Buell\'s entire army numbered at this time about 100,000 men. Bragg\'s force in Kentucky \nwas about 65,000. Only portions of each army were in the battle near Perry ville. Buell reported \nthat his force which advanced on Bragg was 58,000 strong, of whom 22,000 were raw troops. \nHe reported his loss in the battle at 4,348, of whom 916 were killed. Among the slain were \n\xe2\x96\xa0(renerals Jackson and Terrell. The Confederate loss is supposed to have been nearly the same. \nBragg claimed to have captured 15 guns and 400 prisoners. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2\' Page 563. * Page 604. * Page 601. \n\n\' This is a celebrated summer resort for the people in the Gulf region. It is on the Memphis \nand Charleston railway, a few miles east of Corinth. \n\n\' The disparity of numbers in this engagement was very great. "I say boldly," reported \nGeneral Hamilton, on the 23d of September, "that a force of not more than 2,800 met and con- \nfronted a rebel force of 11,000, on a field chosen by Price, and a position naturally very strong." \nOnly a small portion of Rosecrans\'s force was engaged, and these won the victory, but with fearful \nloss to the few National regiments in the fight. The men of the 11th Ohio Battery suffered \ndreadfully. Seventy-two were slain or wounded, and ah tlie horses were killed before the guns \nwere abandoned. The appearance of their burial-place on the battle-field, when the writer visited \n%Le spot, in the spring of 1866, is seen m the engraving on the next page. Rosecrans reported his \n\n\n\n1862.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n635 \n\n\n\nThey fled southward, pursued some distance by the victors, and at Uipley, in \nMississippi, the forces of Van Dorn and Price were united. Then they moved \nupon Corinth, now occu- ^_ \n\npied by Rosecrans, and \nthere, on tlie 3d and 4th \nof October [1862], a san- \nguinary battle was fought, \nin which both parties dis- \nplayed the greatest valor. \nThe Nationals were be- \nhind the fortifications, \nand had some advantage \nin that respect.\' The \nstruggle was fearful, and \nended in the repulse of \nthe assailants, who fled \nsouthward, vigorously \npursued as far as Ripley.\' \n\nThe repulse of the Confederates at Corinth was followed by brief repose \nin the department over which General Grant liad chief command. But there \nwere stirring scenes lower down the Mississippi River. Tlie liills about the \n\xe2\x96\xa0city of Yicksburg had been covered with fortifications, and the capture of this \npoint, and the works at Port Hudson below, Avhich constituted the only for- \nmidable obstructions to a free navigation of the river, was now an object \ntoward which military movements in tlie Southwest were tending. Curtis, \nwhom we left, after the battle of Pea Ridge, marching eastward,^ was making \nhis way toward Helena for that purpose, and the forces under Butler and \nFarragut were at Avork for the same end. So early as the 7th of May \n[1862], Baton Rouge, the capital of Louisiana, had been captured, and Far- \n\n\n\n\n\'i,f>^^,/\'"" \n\n\n\nGRAVKS OF THE ELEVENTH OHIO BATTERY-MEN. \n\n\n\nloss in this battle at 782, of whom 144 were killed. He estimated the Confederate loss at 1,438. He \ncaptured from them 1.629 small arms and 13.000 rounds of ammunition and other war materials. \n\' The fortifications thrown up around Corinth by the Confederates had been strengthened by \nthe Nationals and new batteries constructed. At one of these, called Fort \nRobinet, the struggle was very severe. In four lines Texans and Missis- \nsippians approached to assail it, in the face of a terrible storm of grape and \ncanister shot. They reached the ditch, paused for a moment, and then, with \na brave leader (Colonel Rogers) bearing the new Confederate flag* in his \nhand, they attempted to scale the parapet, when the concealed Nationals \nbehind suddenly arose, and poured murderous volleys of bullets upon them \nthat swept them down by scores. \n\n^ In this retreat troops under General Ord had a severe battle at Davis\'s \nBridge, on the Hatcheo River, with a part of Van Dorn\'s column, m which \nthe Union general was severely wounded. Ro.secrans reported his loss in \nthe battle at Corinth and in the pursuit at 2,3,)9, of whom 315 were killed. \nHe estimated the Confederate loss, including 2,248 prisonens, at a little more \nthan 9,000. Among the trophies were fourteen flags, two guns, and 3,363 \nsmall arms. Roseerans reported that, according to Confederate authoritj-, \nthey had 38,000 men in the battle, and that his own force was less than 20,000. \n=* Page 592. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 By a recent Act of the Confcdei-tite " Coiisrress," the "Stars anfl Bars" of the first Confederate flag [page565J \nbad been superseded by a white flag, the st.irs on a blue field arranged in the form of a cross. \n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0CONPKDKEATK FLAG.\' \n\n\n\n636 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[18G2. \n\n\n\n\nDAVID G. FARRAGUT. \n\n\n\nragut\'s vessels went up to Yicksburg and exchanged greetings with others \nthat came down from Memphis. Vicksburg was attacked on the 26th of \n\nJune, and Farragut, with his flag-ship \n[Sartford) and other vessels, ran by \nand above it. He besieged Vicksburg, \nand attempted to cut a canal across the \npeninsula in front of it, so as to avoid \nthe city and its fortifications altogether. \nBut these operations failed, and the \nfleet went down the river. Not long \nafterward the National troops at Baton \nRouge, under General Williams, were \nassailed [August 5, 1862] by Confede- \nrates under Breckinridge. Williams \nwas killed, but the Confederates were \nrepulsed,\' and this result was followed \nby the destruction of the formidable \nConfederate ram Arkansas\'^ [August 6] \nby the JEsscx, Captain Porter, and two other gun-boats. Then Porter went \nup the river to rconnoiter, and on the Yth of September he had a sharp fight \nwith the growing batteries at Port Hudson. \n\nAt the beginning of September General Butler was satisfied that the Con- \nfederates had abandoned all idea of attempting to retake Xew Orleans, so he \nsent out some aggressive expeditions. The most important of these was for \nthe purpose of " repossessing" the rich La Fourche district of Louisiana. The \ncommand of it was intrusted to General Godfrey Weitzel. He soon accom- \nplished the task, after a shai-p engagement [October 27] near Labadieville, in \nwhich he lost eighteen killed and seventy-four wounded, and captured two \nhundred and sixty-eight prisoners. A large portion of Louisiana, bordering on \nthe western shore of the Mississippi, was brought under the National control \nbefore the close of the year,^ when General Butler was relieved of the command \nof the Department of the Gulf, and General Banks became [December 16] his \nsuccessor. \n\nIn the mean time there had been active military movements in Missouri \nand Arkansas. Since the autumn of 1861, General J. M. Schofield had been in \ncommand in the former State, and Avith twenty or thirty thousand men, scat- \ntered over the commonwealth, he made successful warfare on the Confederate \n\n\n\n\' The National loss was 371, of whom 82 were killed. The Confederate loss is unknown- \nOne hundred of the latter were made prisoners. \n\n" This ram was built in the Yazoo River, in the rear of Yicksburg, and was intended to \nsweep the National giui-boats from the Mississippi. She came down to assist Breckinridge in tlie \ni^ssault on Baton Rouge. Five miles above that place she was attacked, driven ashore, set orr \nfire by lier commander, and by the explosion of her magazine was blown into fragments. \n\n^ The rebellion had paralyzed the industrial operations in that region, and General Butle^ \ntliought it expedient, as a State polic\\% and for the sake of humanity, to confiscate tbe entire \nproperty of La Fourche di^^trict. He appointed a commission to take charge of it, who employed \nthe negroes and saved the crops. Two Congressional districts were "repossessed," and in De> \ncember the loj\'al citizens of New Orleans elected two members of Congress. \n\n\n\n1862.] \n\n\n\nL I X C L X \' .S A D M I X I S T R A T I X , \n\n\n\n637 \n\n\n\nguerrilla bands late iu the summer of 1862. From April until September of \nthat year, about one liundred battles and skirmishes occurred in Missouri. \nTroops from Arkansas, who came thither to aid their insurgent brethren, were \ndriven back. These formed a nucleus for a force which, late in September, \nAvas gathered in Arkansas, full forty thousand strong, under T. C. liindman, a \nformer member of Congress. Against these Schofield marched with what was \ncalled the Army of the Frontier. Joining General J. G. Blunt, in the southern \npart of Missouri, the combined forces, ten thousand strong, sought the insur- \ngents. The latter were shy, and hovered cautiously among the Ozark Hills, \nA portion of them were attacked near Maysville [October 22] by Blunt, and \ndriven in disorder into the Indian country. Six days afterward, another por- \ntion, mostly cavalry, were struck by General Francis J. Ilerron, and driven to \nthe mountains. Soon after this ill liealth compelled Schofield to leave the \nfield, and the command devolved on General Blunt. \n\nHindman now determined to strike a decisive blow for the recovery of his \nState. Toward the close of November he had collected an army about twenty \nthousand strong on its western border. His advance was attacked by Blunt \non the Boston Mountains on the 26th of that month, and Avere driven tow^ard \nVan Buren, when Blunt took position at Cave Hill. Hindman, with about \neleven thousand men, marched from Van Buren to crush him. Bhint sent for \nHerron, then in Missouri, to come and help him. He did so, and at a little \nsettlement called Prairie Grove, on Illinois Creek, they utterly defeated Hind- \nman in a severe battle, and drove his shattered army over the mountains. In \nthe mean time there was bloody strife in Texas, Avhere Confederate rule was \nsupreme, and the Unionists there sufiered the rigors of a reign of terror \nunparalleled in atrocity. Some attempts had been made to "repossess" impoi- \ntant points of that State, especially the \ncity of Galveston. So early as May, \n1862, a demand for the surrender of \nthat city had been made by the com- \nmander of a little squadron and refused, \nand so matters remained until the 8th \nof October, when the civil authorities \nof Galveston surrendered it to Com- \nmander Renshaw, of the National navy. \n\nLet us now see what was occurring \neastward of the Mississippi, bearing \nupon the capture of Vicksburg, at the \nclose of 1862. Grant had then moved \nthe bulk of his army to the region of \nHolly Springs, in Mississippi, Avhere he \nwas confronted by Van Dorn ; and \nRosecrans, who succeeded Buell,\' was moving southw^ard from Nashville. \n\nRosecrans found the Army of the Ohio (now the Army of the Cumberland) \n\n\n\n\nWILLIAM S. ROSECRANS. \n\n\n\nPage 634. \n\n\n\n638 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1862, \n\n\n\nin a sad condition \xe2\x80\x94 wasted in substance by marches and conflicts, and de- \nmoralized by lack of success \xe2\x80\x94 "its spirit broken, its confidence destroyed, \nits discipline relaxed, its courage weakened, and its hopes shattered.\'" Its \neffective force was only sixty-five thousand, and its cavalry was weak in \nnumber and equipment, while the rough-riders of Forrest and Morgan were \nvery strong and bold. That army was in the vicinity of Bowling Green and \nGlasgow when Rosecrans took command of it, and Bragg had concentrated \nhis forces at Murfreesboro\', below Nashville, from which went out expeditions \nthat seriously threatened the latter city. Perceiving its peril, Rosecrans moved \nin that direction at the beginning of November, and very severe encounters \nbetween his forces and Bragg\'s w^arned the latter that he had now a loyal, \nearnest, and energetic leader to deal with, and he became circumspect. \n\nRosecrans prepared to move upon Bragg, and on the morning of the 26th \nof December, the bulk of his army, about forty-five thousand in number, went \nforward, and, after various preliminary operations, it appeared before the Con- \nfederate post at Murfreesboro\' on the 29th of December. Both armies made \nvigorous preparations for battle. Rosecrans had among his subordinate leaders \nGenerals McCook,Thomas, Crittenden, Rousseau, Harker, Palmer, Sheridan, J. C. \nDavis, Wood, Van Cleve, Hazen, Negley, Mathews, and others ; and Bragg had \nPolk, Breckinridge, Ilardee, Kirby Smith, Cheatham, "Withers, Cleborne, and \nWharton. The armies lay upon each side of Stone\'s River, within cannon-shot \ndistance of Murfreesboro\'. There a most sanguinary battle was begun on the \nmorning of the 31st [Dec, 1862], and raged until evening with varied success, \n\nwhen the Nationals \nhad lost very heavily \nin men and guns, but \nwere not disheartened.\'- \nThe gallant Rosecrans \nhad been seen at every \npost of danger during \nthe battle, and his men \nhad perfect confidence \nin him. \n\n\n\nfelt sure of victory, and \nexpected to find his foe \nin full retreat before \nmorning. He was mis- \ntaken. There was Rose- \ncrans ready for battle. \nThe astonished Bragg \nmoved cautiously, and \n\n\n\n\nih\xc2\xa3< \n\n\n\nMONUMENT ERECTED BY HAZEN S BRIGADE. \n\n\n\n\' Annals of the Army of the Cumberland, by John Filch. \n\n^ To the brigade of Acting Brigadier-General W. B. Hazen was freely given the honor of \nsaving the df^y for the Nationals. Upon his gallant band the brunt of battle fell at a critical \nmoment, when his thirteen hundred men, skillfully handled, kept thousands at bay, and stayed \n\n\n\n1863] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. ggg. \n\nthe sum of that day\'s [Jan. 1, 1863] operations was some heavy skirmishing. \nOn the following morning [Jan. 2] the conflict was renewed. The struggle \nwas terrific. Both sides massed their batteries and plied them with destruc- \ntive effect. For a time it seemed as if mutual annihilation would be the result. \nFinally, a charge by seven National regiments\' decided the day. The Con- \nfederates Avere scattered by it, and in the space of twenty minutes they lost \ntwo thousand men. So ended, in complete victory for the Nationals, the battle \nof Stone\'s River or Murfreesboro\'.\'\' Bragg retreated to Tullahoma, in the direc- \ntion of Chattanooga, and Rosecrans occupied Murfreesboro\'. Such continued \nto be the relative position of the two armies for several months afterward. \n\nWhile for more than a year and a half the National armies had been striv- \ning to crush the gigantic rebellion, the loyal people and the government had \nbeen contemplating the propriety of striking a withering blow at the unrigh- \nteous Labor System, for the spread and perpetuation of which the war was \nwaged by the Secessionists and their friends. The subject of slavery, and its \nabolition, as a war measure, occupied much of the attention of Congress dur- \ning its session in the winter of 1861-62. The public mind had been fbr a \nlong time excited by the conduct of several military commanders who had \nreturned fugitive slaves to their masters. This was forbidden by law ; and \nthe Republican party* in Congress pressed with earnestness measures looking \nto the emancipation of the slaves as a necessary means for suppressing the \nrebellion. The President, kind and forbearing, proposed to Congress to co-ope- \nrate with any State government whose inhabitants might adopt measures for \nemancipation, by giving pecuniary aid ; but the slave-holders everywhere \nrefused to listen to any propositions tending to such result. So Congress \nabolished slavery in the District of Columbia, over which it had control ; and \nfinally that body gave the Chief Magistrate discretionary power to declare the \nemancipation of all slaves in States where rebellion existed, imder certain con^ \nditions, and to employ them in the armies of the Republic. Accordingly, on \nthe 22d of September, 1862, the Chief Magistrate declared it to be his purpose \nto issue a proclamation on the first of January, ] 863, pronouncing forever free \nthe slaves within any State or designated parts of a State, the people whereof \nshould then be in rebellion. At this the Secessionists sneered, and their \nfriends compared the proclamation to " the Pope\'s bull against a comet ; " and \non the designated day the insurgents were more rampant tlian ever. The Presi- \ndent, who had hoped that kindness might afEect the misled people, now saw that \n\nthe tide of victory for the Confederates, which had been rolling steadily forward for hours. On \nthe spot where the struggle occurred Hazen\'s men erected a monument to the memory of their \nslain comrades. \n\n\' The 19th Illinois, 18th, 21st, and 74th Ohio, 78th Pennsylvania, 11th Michigan, and 37th \nIndiana. \n\n\xc2\xbb Rosecrans officially reported his loss at nearly 12,000 men, while Bragg estiTnnted it at 24.000. \nRosecrans had 1,533 killed. Bragg admitted a loss of 10,000 on his part, of whom 9,000 were \nkilled and wounded. Among the killed were Generals Rains and Hanson. \n\nWhile the movements of the two armies were tending toward the decisive battle, Bragg\'* \nsuperior cavalry were raiding over Western Tennessee, to prevent communication between Gran^ \nand Rosecrans, and to strike the communications of the latter with Nashville. At about the sam^ \ntime a successful counter-raid into East Tennessee was made by General S, P. Carter. \n\n\xc2\xbb Page 529. \n\n\n\n^40 ^^^^ NATIOX. - [1863. \n\nevery concession was spurned with scorn, and on the designated day [January \n1, 1863], lie issued the threatened Proclamation of Emancipation.\' Then the \nshackles fell from the limbs of three millions of slaves ; and from that hour \nwhen the nation, by its chosen head, proclaimed that act of justice, the power \nof the rebellion began to Avane. The conspirators were struck with dismay, \nfor they well knew that it was a blow fatal to their hopes. It touched with \nmighty power a chord of sympathy among the aspirants for genuine freedom \nin the elder world ; and from that hour the prayers of true men in all civilized \n\n\' The following is a copy of that proclamation : \n\nWhereas, On the 22d day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred \nand sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, eontammg, \namong other things, the following, to wit : \n\n"That on the 1st day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and \nsixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people \nwhereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and for- \never free ; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval \nauthority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or \n-acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual \nfreedom. \n\n"That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate \nthe States and parts of States, if any, in whicli the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in \nrebelhon against tl^e United States ; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on \nthat day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen \nthereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, \nphall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such \nState, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States." \n\nNow, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power \nin me vested as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and N\'avy of the United States in time of \nactual armed rebellion against the authority and Government of the United States, and as a fit \nand necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first first day of January\', \nin the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my \npurpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first \nabove mentioned, order and designate, as the States and parts of States wherein the people \nthereof, respectively, are this day in rebellion against the United States, the foUowing, to wit: \n\nArkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefierson, St. \nJohn, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, Ste. Marie, St. \nMartin, and Orleans, including the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, \nSouth Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia (except the forty-eight counties designated as West \nVirginia, and also the counties of Berkley, Acconiac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess \nAnne, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which excepted parts \nare, for the present, left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued. \n\nAnd by vii\'tue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all per- \nsons held as slaves within said designated States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall \n"36 free ; and that the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and \nnaval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons. \n\nAnd I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless \n-n necessary self-defense; and I recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor \nfaithfully for reasonable wages. \n\nAnd I further declare and make known that such persons, of suitable condition, will be \nreceived into the armed service of the United States, to garrison forts, positions, stations, and \nother places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. \n\nAnd upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution, \n\'ipon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind, and the gracious favor of \nAlmighty God. \n\nIn testimony whereof I have hereunto set my name, and caused the seal of the United States \no be affixed. \n\nDone at the City of Washington, this first day of January, in the year of our Lord \nfi.. s.] one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the Independence of the United \nStates the eighty-seventh. \n\nABRAHAM LINCOLN. \n\nBy the President. \nWilliam H. Seward, Secretary of State. \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n641 \n\n\n\nlands went up to the throne of God in supplication for the success of the \narmies of the Republic against its enemies/ \n\nWhile the National government was thus working for the elevation of the \nrace, the " Confederate States government " at Richmond was putting forth \namazing energies in the prosecution of measures for the perpetuation of slavery. \nTheir " Provisional Constitution \'" had been succeeded by a " Permanent \nConstitution," and Jefferson Davis had been elected [Feb. 2\'2d, 1862] "Perma- \nnent President " of the Confederacy for six years.* In the " Congress " at \nRichmond were delegates from all the Slave-labor States excepting Maryland \nand Delawai-e, and resolutions were adopted and measures were devised for \nprosecuting the war with the greatest vigor, declaring that they would never, \n" on any terms, politically affiliate with a people who were guilty of an inva- \nsion of their soil and the butchery of their citizens." With this spirit they \nprosecuted the war on land, and by the aid of some of the British aristo<?racy, \nmerchants, and ship-builders, they kept afloat hostile craft on the ocean, that \nfor a time drove most of the carrying trade between the United States and \nEurope to British ships. One of the most noted of these marauding vessels was \nthe Alabama, built, equipped, armed, pro- \nvisioned, coaled, and manned by the British,* \nand commanded by Raphael Semmes. She \nroamed the ocean a simple sea-robber ;\' and \nduring the last ninety days of 1862, she \ndestroyed by fire no less than twenty-eight \nhelpless American merchant vessels. While \nher incendiarism was thus illuminating the \nsea, the George Grisioold, laden with pro- \nvisions, furnished by the citizens of New \nYork who had suffered most by the piracies, \nwas out upon the ocean, bearing a gift of \nfood from them, valued at one hundred thou- \nsand dollars, to the starving English opera- \ntives in Lancashire, who had been deprived of \nwork by the rebellion. And tliat ship of mercy vvai^ -convoyed by an American \n\n\n\n\nRAPHAEL SEMMES. \n\n\n\n\' The first regiment of colored troops raised by the authority of an act of Congress was \norganized in Beaufort District, South Carohua; and on the day when this prochimatiou was \nissued, a native of that district (Dr. Brisbane), who had been driven away many years before \nbecause he emancipated his slaves, announced to these troops and other freed people the great \nfact that they were no longer in bonds. \n\n^ Page 547 \n\n^ His immediate advisers, to whom he gave the titles of the cabinet ministers of his govern- \nment at Washington, were Judah P. Benjamin, "\'Secretary of State;" George W. Randolph, \n\'^Secretary of War;" S. R. Mallory, "Secretary of the Navy;" C. G. Memminger, "Secretary of \nthe Treasury;" Thomas H. Watts, "Attorney-General;" and John H. Reagan, "Postmastcr- \nCreneral." \n\n* Wh\'de these vessels were a-building in England, and their destination was known, the \nAmerican minister in London called the attention of the British government to the fact. He \nfaded to elicit any action that might prevent their going to sea, fully manned and armed. It was \npainfully evident that the government was willing they should go to sea in aid of the rebellion. \n\n^ Immediately after the attack on Fort Sumter [page 553], Jefferson Davis recommended, and \nhis fellow-disiinionists in " Congress " authorized, the employment of armed vessels to destroy \n\n41 \n\n\n\n642 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1865. \n\n\n\nship of war to protect her from the torch of a foe lighted by British hands. \nThe subsequent career of the Alabama will be considered hereafter. \nLet us now turn again to a consideration of military events. \nAt the close of 1862, the Civil War was in full career. Up to that time \nthe loyal people had furnished for the contest, wholly by volunteering, more \nthan one million two hundred thousand soldiers, of whom, at the beginning of \n1863, about seven hundred thousand were in the service. The theate\xc2\xbb of strife \nwas almost co-extensive with the Slave-labor States, but the most important \nmovements were those connected with preparations for a siege of Vicksburg, \nand the capture of Port Hudson, twenty-five miles above Baton Rouge. \nBetween these places only, the Mississippi was free from the patrol of National \nwar-vessels, and it was determined to break that link between the Confederates \neast and west of the river. For that purpose Grant concentrated his troops \nnear the Tallahatchee, where the Confederates were strongly posted. Troops \nunder Hovey and Washburne came over from Arkansas to co-operate with him, \nand early in December his main army was at Oxford, and an immense amount \n\nof his supplies were at Holly Springs, \nThe latter, through the carelessness or \ntreachery of the commander of their \nguard, were captured by Van Dorn on \nthe 20th. This loss compelled Grant \nto fall back and allow a considerable \nConfederate force, under General J. C. \nPemberton, to concentrate at Vicks- \nburg. \n\nMeanwhile, in accordance with \n\nGrant\'s instructions. General W. T. \n\nSherman moved down the Mississippi \n\nfrom Memphis, with a strong force, and \n\nsiege-guns, to beleaguer Vicksburg. \n\nTroops from Helena joined him at \n\nFriar\'s Point [Dec, 20], and there he \n\nwas met by Admiral D. D. Porter, whose naval force was at the mouth of the \n\nYazoo River, just above Vicksburg. The two commanders arranged a plan \n\nfor attacking Vicksburg in the rear, by passing up the Yazoo a few miles and \n\n\n\n\nJOHN C. PEMBERTON. \n\n\n\nAmerican shipping on the high seas. These, according to the laws of nations and the proper \ndefinition of the word, were pirates. A pirate is defined as "a robber on the high seas," and \npiracy, as "taking property from others by open violence, and without authority, on the eea." \nThese vessels, and their officers and crews, answered this definition, for Davis and Toombs, who \nsigned their commissions, were not " authorized" to do so by any real government on the face of \nthe earth. The \' \'government" they represented had no more "authority" than Jack.Cade, Daniel \nShays, Nat Turner, or John Brown. Hence these Confederate marauders were not " privateers." \nbut " pirates." Semmes\'s vessel had neither register nor record, and no ship captured by her \nwas ever sent into any port for adjudication. She had no acknowledged flag or recognized \nnationality. All the regulations of public justice which discriminate the legalized naval vessel \nfrom the pirate were disregarded. She had no accessible port into which to send her captives, \nnor any legal tribunal to adjudije her captures. She was an outlaw roving the seas, an enemj \nto mankind. \n\n\n\n1863.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 543 \n\nreducing batteries along a line of blufts, by which approaches to it Avere \ndefended. This was undertaken, but after a severe battle on the Chickasaw \nBayou [Dec. 28, 1862], in which Sherman lost about 2,000 men, and his foe \nonly 207, the Nationals were compelled to abandon the enterprise. At that \nmoment [January 2, 1863] General McClernand\' arrived, and, ranking Sher- \nman, took the chief command. \n\nToward the middle of January the army and navy in the vicinity of Vicks- \nburg Avent up the Arkansas River and captured Fort Hindman, at Arkansas \nPost [January 11, 1863], a very important position. The fort and much valu- \nable property w^as destroyed.\'\' Meanwhile Grant had come down the river \nfrom Memphis, and arrangements were at once made for a vigorous prosecu- \ntion of the siege of Vicksbui-g. He organized his army into four corps,^ and \nencouraged the enlistment of colored men. He weighed well all proposed \nplans for the siege, and being satisfied that the post was too well fortified to \nwarrant an attack on its river front, he determined to get in its rear. First \nthe canal begun by Farragut* received his attention. It was a failure, and that \nproject was abandoned. Other passages among the neighboring bayous were \nsought, and finally a strong land and naval force made its way into the Yazoo, \nwith the intention of descending that stream, carrying the works at Haines\'s \nBluff,^ and so gaining the rear of Vicksburg. The expedition was repulsed at \nFort Pemberton, near Greenwood, late in March, and the enterpi-ise was aban- \ndoned. Porter, with amazing energy and perseverance, tried other channel;-, \nbut failed. A record in detail of the operations of the army and navy in that \nregion, during the winter and spring of 1863, would fill a volume. \n\nIn the mean time there were stirring scenes on the bosom of the Missis- \nsippi. Some of the war-vessels passed by the batteries at Vicksburg [Feb., \n1863], for the purpose of destroying Confederate gun-boats below, but were \nthemselves captured.^ Later, when Grant had sent a strong force down tho \nwest side of the river, under McClernand and McPherson, toward New Car- \nthage, Porter determined to run by Vicksburg with nearly his whole fleet, and \nthe transports and barges. This was successfully done on the night of the \n16th of April. Six more transports performed the same perilous feat on the \nnight of the 22d, and Grant prepared for vigorous operations against Vicks- \nburg on the line of the Big Black River, on its flank and rear. \n\nLet us now turn for a moment, and see what was occurring in the Depart- \nment of the Gulf under General Banks, the successor of General Butler, Avho \n\n\' Page 577. \n\n\' The National loss was 980 men. The Confederates, to the number of 5,000, were made \nprisoners, and the spoils were 17 cannon, 3,000 small arms, and a large quantity of stores. \n\n\' These were commanded respectively by Generals McClernand, Sherman, Hurlbut, and \nMcPherson. \n\n* Page 636. \n\n\' This was at the end of the range of bluffs extending from Vicksburg to the Yazoo. \n\n* One of them was the powerful iron-clad Indiamla. She was attacked, injured, and captured. \nWhile the Confederates were repairing her. Porter, one evening, sent down the river an old flat- \nboat, arranged so as to imitate a gun-boat or ram. It seemed very formidable, and drew the fire \nof the Vicksburg batteries as it passed sullenly by them. "Word was sent to warn Confederate \nvessels below, and the Jndianola was blown into fragments to prevent her being captured by this \nsupposed ram. \n\n\n\n<644 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1863. \n\n\n\nwas co-operating with Grant against Vicksburg, and was also charged with the \ntaslc of gaining possession of Louisiana and Texas. Galveston, as we have \nseen, was in possession of a National naval force.\' Banks sent troops to its \nsupport, and on the morning of the first of January, 1863, the Confederates, \nunder General Magruder,^ attacked the troops and the war-vessels. A severe \nstruggle ensued, which resulted in the defeat of the Nationals. Galveston was \nrepossessed by the Confederates, but on account of a vigorous blockade, at \nonce established by Farragut, the victory was almost a barren one. \n\nBanks now turned his attention to the recovery of Louisiana west of the \nMississippi, and along its shores. Already a force under General Grover occu- \npied Baton Rouge; and early in January [1863] a land and naval force undei- \n>General Weitzel and Commodore Buchanan was sent into the Teche region, a \n\ncountry composed of fertile \nplantations, extensive forests, \nsluggish lagoons and bayous, \nand almost impassable swamps. \nThe expedition was successful. \nBanks now concentrated his \nforces, about 12,000 si.rong, at \nBaton Rouge, for tho purpose \nof co-operating witk Admiral \nFarragut in an attempt to pass \nthe now formidable batteries \nat Port Hudson. This was \nattempted on the night of the \n13th of March, when a terrible \ncontest occurred in the gloom \nbetween the vessels and the \nland batteries. Only the flag- \nshij) {Hartford) and com- \npanion [Albatross] passed by. \nThen Banks again sent a large \nportion of his available force \ninto the interior of Louisiana, \nwhere General Richai-d Taylor was in command of the Confederates. Thu \ntroops were concentrated at Brashear City early in April, and moved trium- \nphantly through the country to the Red River, accompanied by the Depart \xe2\x80\xa2 \nment commander. At the close of the first week in May they were al \nAlexandria, on the Red River, where Banks announced tnat the power of the \nConfederates in Central and Northern Louisiana was broken. With this \nimpression he led his troops to and across the Mississippi, and late in May \ninvested Port Hudson. \n\nWe left Grant, late in April, below Vicksburg, prej^ared for new operations \nagainst that post.^ By a most wonderful raid, performed by cavalry under \n\n\n\n\nLOUISI.^XA SWAMP. \n\n\n\nPage G37. \n\n\n\nrage 562. \n\n\n\nPage 643. \n\n\n\n1863] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S AD M I N 1 S T K AT TON. \n\n\n\n645- \n\n\n\nColonel Grierson,, in the heart of Mississippi,\' lie was satisfied that tlic bulk of \nthe Confederate soldiers of that region were near Yieksburg, under Peraber- \nton. So he prepared to act with vigor. Porter attacked and ran by [April \n29] the batteries at Grand Gulf, and Grant\'s army crossed the river at Bruins- \nburg, a little below, pushed on, and near Port Gibson gained a decisive vic- \ntory [May 1] over the Confederates." Meanwhile Sherman, who had been left \nto operate in the Yazoo region, and had made another unsuccessful attempt to \ncapture Haines\'s Bluff,^ was ordered to march down the west side of the Mis- \nsissippi and join the main army. This junction Avas effected on the 8th of \nMay, near the Big Black River, and the whole army pressed on toward Jack- \nson, the capital of Mississippi, where General Joseph E. Johnston was in com- \nmand. In a severe battle at Raymond [May 1 2], on the way, the Confederates \nwere defeated.^ Such, also, was the result of a battle at Jackson [May 14], \nwhen the Confederates were driven northward, the city was seized, and a large \namount of jjublic property was destroyed. Then the victors turned toward \nYieksburg, and fought [May 16] a severe battle with the Confederates under \nPemberton at Cliampion Hills, and were victorious.\' Grant pressed forward,., \nand after a battle at the passage of the Big Black River [May 1 7], the Confede- \nrates were again driven. Grant crossed that stream, and on the 1 9tL of May^ \nhis army, which for a fortnight had subsisted off the country, invested Yieks- \nburg, and received sup- \n]ilies from a base on the \nYazoo established by \nAdmiral Porter. \n\nGrant made an un- \nsuccessful assault upon \nYieksburg on the day \nof his arrival. x\\nother, \nwith disastrous effect on \nthe Nationals, was made \nthree days later [May \n22], when Porter with \nhis fleet co-operated, and \nthen Grant commenced \na regular siege, which \ncontinued until the first \n\n\n\n\nCAVE-LIFE IN VICKSBURG. \n\n\n\n\' Grierson left Lagrange, Tennessee, on tlie 17th of April, witli a body of cavalry, and swep-f \nthrough the country southiward, between the two railways running parallel with the Mississippi-: \nRiver, striking them here and there, smiting Confederate outposts, and destroying public propertj\'_ \nAt times his troops were scattered on detached service, rind often rode fifty and sixty miles a dhy;. \nover an exceedingly difficult country to travel in. They killed and wounded about 100 of the foe>- \ncaptured and paroled full 500 ; destroyed .3,000 stand of arms, and inflicted a loss on the ConfrJ-- \nerates of property valued at about $0,000,000. Grierson\'s loss was 27 men, and a number of \n]iorses. \n\n" The National loss was 840 men. They captured 3 guns, 4 flags, and 580 prisoners. \n\n^ Page 643. \n\n* The National loss was 442 men, and that of the Confederates 823. \n\n* The National loss was 2,457. The loss of the Confederates in the battle was about the \nsame, besides 2,000 prisoners. \n\n\n\n646 ^SE NATION. \n\nweek ill July, and produced the greatest distress in the city, and in the belea- \ngured camps. Shot and shell were hurled upon it daily from land and water, and \nthe inhabitants were compelled to live in caves\' cut in the clay hills on which \nVicksburg is built,- as the only safe place for their persons. At length one of the \nj>rincipal forts was blown up by a mine made under it by the Nationals, and \nother mines were ready for their infernal work. Famine was stalking throuoh \nthe city and the camps. Fourteen ounces of food had become the allowance \nfor each person for forty-eight hours, and the flesh of mules had been pi-o- \nnounced a savory dish.^ Pemberton now lost all hope of aid from Johnston, \nin Grant\'s rear (who had been watching for an opportunity to strike the \nbesiegers), or the salvation of his army, and on the 3d of July he offered to \nsurrender. That event took place on the morning of the 4th, when 27,000 \nmen became prisoners of war, and the stronghold of Vicksburg passed into \nthe possession of the National power.^ \n\nThis victory, won simultaneously with another at Gettysburg, in Pennsyl- \nvania, produced unbounded joy in all loyal hearts. It was followed a few days \nlater by the surrender of Port Hudson, which had been besieged by General \nBanks for forty days, his gallant troops at times performing great achievements \nof valor and fortitude. He had been ably supported by Farragut and his squad- \nron. The missiles sent by the army and navy had caused great destruction witliin \nthe fortifications. The ammunition and provisions of the garrison were nearly \nexhausted, and when news came of the fall of Vicksburg, General Gardner, \nthe commander of Port Hudson, despairing of succor, surrendered the post, \nand its occupants and spoils, on the 9th of July. Then, for the first time in \n\n\' The streets of Vicksburg are cut through the liills, and houses are often seen far above the \nstreet passengers. In the perpendicular banks formed by these cuttings, and composed of clay, \ncaves v/ere dug at the beginning of the siege, some of them sufficiently large to accommodate \nwhole families, and in some instances communicating with each other by corridors. Such was the \ncharacter of some made on Main Street, opposite the house of Colonel Lyman J. Strong, for the \ni!se of his fomily and others, and of which the writer made the sketch on page 645, in April, 1866. \nThese caves were then in a partially ruined state, as were most of them in and around Vicksburg, \nfor rains had washed the banks away, or had caused the filling of the entrances. In this picture \ntlie appearance of the caves in their best estate is delineated, with furniture in accordance with \ndescriptions given to the writer by the inhabitants. \n\n" "This da)\'," wrote a citizen of Vicksburg in his diary, under date of June 30, "we heard of \nthe first mule meat being eaten. Some of the officers, disgusted with the salt junk, proposed to \nslaughter some of the fat mules as an experiment; as, if the siege lasted, we must soon come to \ntliat diet. The soup from it was quite rich in taste and appearance. Some of the ladies ate of it \nwithout knowing the difference." \n\n\' Grant and Pemberton met under a live-oak tree, on a slope of the hiU on which the fort that \nwas blown up was situated, and there agreed upon terms of surrender. That tree was soon \nafterward cut down and converted into canes and other forms, as mementoes of the event. A \nmarble monument, with suitable inscriptions, was afterward placed on the spot. It soon became \nmutilated, and in its place a 1 00-pounder iron cannon was erected, and suitably inscribed. \n\nG-eneral Grant thus stated the result of the operations of his army from Port Gibson to \nVicksburg : " The result of this campaign has been the defeat of the enemy in five battles outside \nof Vicksburg; the occupation of Jackson, the capital of the State of Mississippi, and the capture \nof Vicksburg and its garrison and munitions of war ; a loss to the enemy of tliirty-seven thousand \n(37,000) prisoners, among whom were fifteen general officers; at least ten thousand killed and \nwounded (among the killed Generals Tracy, Tilghman, and Green), and himdreds, and perhaps \nthousands, of stragglers, who can never be collected and reorganized. Arms and munitions of \nwar for an army of sixty thousand men have follon into our hands, besides a large amount of \nother public property, consisting of railroads, Icrcmutives, cars, steamboats, cotton, <fec., and much \nwas destroyed to prevent our capturiug it." \n\n\n\n\'\xe2\x96\xa0MM^: \n\n\n\nj&. fr-^^^"- \n\n\n\n\nimTrnmrnmr mmTwrnim ^mmT^mm wmmmmim^\'m -. \n\n\n\n1863.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN^ S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n647 \n\n\n\nmore than two years, every impediment to the free navigation of the Missis- \nsippi was removed. Powerful portions of the Confederacy were thus severed \nand weakened, and the loyal people of the land were jubilant with the hope \nand expectation that the end of the terrible strife was nigh. The blow dis- \nmayed the Secessionists, and the wiser men in the Confederacy clearly perceived \nthat all was lost.\' \n\n\n\nCHAPTER XVIII \n\n\n\nTHE CIVIL WAR. [1861\xe2\x80\x941865.] \n\nWhile a portion of the National troops were achieving important vic- \ntories on the banks of the Lower Mississippi," those composing the Army of \nthe Potomac w^ere winning an equally important victory not far from the \nbanks of the Susquehanna. We left that army in charge of General Joseph \nHooker after sad disasters at Fredericksburg;^ let us now observe its move- \nments from that time until its triumphs in the conflict at Gettysburg, between \nthe Susquehanna and Potomac rivers. \n\nFrom January until early in April, Hooker was employed in preparing the \nweakened and demoralized Army of the Potomac for a vigorous campaign. \nIt lay on the northern side of the Rappahannock River, nearly opposite Freder- \nicksburg, and, with the exception of some slight cavalry movements, it remained \nquiet during nearly three months of rest and preparation. It was reorganized,^ \n\n\' Tlie blow was unexpected to the Confederates. They knew how strong Vicksburg was, and \nwere confident that the accomplished soldier. General Johnston, would compel Grant to raise the \nsiege. Even the Ddily Citizen, a paper printed in Vicksburg, only two days before the surrender \n(July 2), talked as boastfully as if perfectly confident of success. In a copy before the writer, \nprinted on wall-paper, the editor said: "The great Ulysses\xe2\x80\x94 the Yankee generalissimo surnamed \nGrant\xe2\x80\x94 has expressed his intention of dining in Vicksburg on Saturday next, and celebrating the \nFourth of July by a grand dinner, and so forth. When asked if he would invite General Joe \nJohnston to join him, he said, \' No ! for fear there will be a row at the table.\' fTZy.wes must get \ninto the city before he dines in it. The way to cook a rabbit is, \'first catch the rabbit,\' &c." In \nanother paragraph, the Citizen eulogized the luxury of mule-meat and fricasseed kitten. \n\n- See page 646. " See page 631. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0* The army was arranged in seven corps, named, respectively, the 1st, 2d, 3d, 5th, 6th, 11th, \nand 12th, and each was distinguished by peculiar badges, worn on the hat or cap, and composed \n\xc2\xabf scarlet, white, and blue cloth, made in the forms shown in the engraving, whose numbers cor- \nrespond with those of the respective corps, as follow : \xe2\x80\x94 \n\n\n\n\n^ir^iif \n\n\n\n\nThe corps composed twenty-three divisions; and at the close of April [1863], the army consisted \nof 110,000 infantrv and artillerv, with 400 guns, and a well-equipped cavalry force, 13.000 strong. \nThe corps commanders were Generals J. F. Reynolds, D. N. Couch, D. E. Sickles, G. G. Meade, \nJ. Sedgwick, 0. 0. Howard, and H. W. Slocuna. \n\n\n\n648 TS^ NATION. [1863. \n\nand weeded of incompetent and disloyal officers.\' Measures were taken ta \nprevent desertions and to recall a vast number of absentees.\' Order and dis- \ncipline were thoroughly established; and, at the close of April, Hooker found \nhimself at the head of an army more tlian one hundred thousand in number, \nAvell disciplined, and in fine spirits. General Lee, in command of the Army \nof Northern Virginia, then lying on the Fredericksburg side of the Rappahan- \nnock, had been equally active in reorganizing, strengthening, and disciplining \nhis forces. A vigorous conscription act was then in operation throughout the \nConfederacy, and in April, Lee found himself at the head of an army of little \nmore than sixty thousand men of all arms,^ unsurpassed in discipline, and full \nof enthusiasm. A part of his army, under General Longstreet, was absent in \nSoutheastern Virginia, confronting the troops of General J. J. Peck, .in the \nvicinity of Norfolk. Yet with his forces thus divided, Lee felt competent to \ncope with his antagonist, for he was behind a strong line of intrenchments \nreaching from Port Royal to Banks\'s Ford, a distance of about twenty-five \nmiles. \n\nWe have observed that only some cavalry movements disturbed the quiet \nof the Army of the Potomac in the winter and spring of 1863. Early in Feb- \nruary the Confederate General W. H. F. Lee made an unsuccessful attempt to \nsurprise and capture National forces at Gloucester, opposite Yorktown ; and \nat a little past midnight of the 8th of March, the notorious guerrilla chief, \nMoseby, with a small band of mounted men, dashed into the village of Fairfax \nCourt-House. and carried away the Union commander there and some others. \nA few days later the first purely cavalry battle of the war occurred not far \nfrom Kelly\'s Ford, on the Rappahannock, between National troops under Gen- \neral W. W. Averill and Confederates led by Fitz-Hugh Lee. Averill encoun- \ntered Lee while he was pushing on toward Culpepper Court-House, from the \nRappahannock, when a severe contest ensued, and continued until late in the \nevening, when Averill retreated across the river, pursued to the water\'s edge \nby his foe. Each lost between seventy and one hundred men. \n\nEarly in April, before the ranks of his army were full, Hooker determined \nto advance, his objective being Richmond, for the terms of enlistment of a \nlarge portion of his men would soon expire. He ordered General Stoneman to \n\n\' There were officers in that army, high in rank, who were opposed to the pohcy of eman- \ncipating the slaves as a war measure, which, from the beginning, liad been contemplated by the \ngovernment. The proclamation of the President to that effect developed this opposition in con- \nsiderable strength, and this in connection with the active influence of a part of the Opposition \nparty, known as the Peace Faction, upon the friends of tlie soldiers at home, had a most depress- \ning effect upon the armJ^ The men were impressed with the idea that it was becoming a "war \nfor the negro," instead of \'\xe2\x96\xa0 a war for the Union." Officers known to be inclined to give such a \ntone of feeling to their men were replaced by loyal men, in active sympathy with the government \nin its efforts to crush the rebellion. \n\n* When Hooker took command of the army, he found the number of reported absentees to be \n2.922 commissioned officers and 81,964 non-commissioned officers and privates. This, doubtless, \nincluded all the deserters since the organization of the Army of the Potomac, and the sick and \nAvounded in the hospitals. It is estimated that 50,000 men, on the rolls of that army, were absent \nat the time we are considering, namely, the close of January, 1863. \n\n\' Lee\'s army was composed of two corps, commanded respectively by Generals J. Longstreet \nand T. J. ("Stonewall") Jackson. His artillery was consohdated into one corps, under the com- \nmand of General Pendleton as chief. \xe2\x80\xa2 _ \n\n\n\n1863,] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n649 \n\n\n\n\nJOSEPH HOOKER. \n\n\n\ncross the Rappahannock with a large force of cavah-y, strike and disperse the \nhorsemen of Fitz-Hugh Lee, of Stuart\'s cavahy, known to be at Culpepper \nCourt-House, and then, pushing on to Gordonsville, turn to the left, and \ndestroy the railways in the rear of \nLee\'s army. Heavy rains, which made \nthe streams brimful, foiled the move- \nment at its beginning, and Stoneman \nand his followers swam their horses \nacross the Rappahannock, and returned \nto camp. Hooker then paused for a \nfortnight, when he put his whole army \nin motion, for the purpose of turning \nLee\'s flank, \xe2\x80\xa2 He sent ten thousand \nmounted men to raid on his rear, and \nthrew a large portion of his army \n(Fifth, Eleventh, and Twelfth Corps) \nacross the Rappahannock, above Fred- \nericksburg, with orders to concentrate \nat Chancellorsville, in Lee\'s rear, ten \n\nmiles from that city. This was accomplished on the evening of the oOtb \n[April, 1863], when over thirty-six thousand troops threatened the rear of the \nConfederate army. \n\nMeanwhile, the left wing of Hooker\'s army (First, Third, and Sixth Corps), \nunder General Sedgwick, left near Fredericksburg, had so completely masked \nthe movements of the turning column, by demonstrations on Lee\'s front, that \nthe latter was not aware of the peril that threatened his army until that \ncolumn had crossed the Rappahannock, and was in full march on Chancellors- \nville, Hooker expected Lee would turn and fly toward Richmond when he \nshould discover this peril, but he did no such thing. On the contrary, he pro- \nceeded to strike his antagonist a heavy blow, for the twofold purpose of \nsecuring the direct line of communication between the parts of Hooker\'s now \nsevered army, and to compel him to fight, with only a part of his force, in a \ndisadvantageous position, at Chancellorsville, which Avas in the midst of a \nregion covered with a dense forest of shrub-oaks and pines, and tangled under- \ngrowths, broken by morasses, hills, and ravines, called The Wilderness, For \nthis purpose, Lee put " Stonewall " Jackson\'s column in motion [May 1] toward \nChancellorsville, at a little past midnight. \n\nEarly in the morning Jackson was joined by other troops, and the whole \nforce moved upon Chancellorsville by two roads. Hooker sent out a greater \npart of the Fifth and the whole of the Twelfth Corps, with the Eleventh in \nits support, to meet the advancing columns, A battle ensued ; and the efforts \nof Lee to seize the communications between the parts of Hooker\'s army, just \nalluded to, were foiled. But the Nationals were pushed back to their intrench- \nments at Chancellorsville, and there took a strong defensive position. \n\nBoth commanders now felt a sense of impending danger, for both armies \nwere in a critical position in relation to each other. Hooker decided to rest on the \n\n\n\n^50 T H P: N A T I N . [1863. \n\ndefensive, but Lee, in accordance with the advice of Jackson, took the bold aggres- \nsive step of detaching the whole of that leader\'s corps and sending it on a secret \nflank movement, to gain the rear of the National army. The movement was \nsuccessfully made, though not entirely unobserved ; but the troops seen moving \nbehind the thick curtain of The Wilderness thickets were supposed to be a \npart of Lee\'s army in retreat. While General Sickles, in command of that \nportion of the line where the discovery was made, was seeking positive knowl- \nedge in the matter, Jackson, who had gained the National rear, solved the \nproblem by bursting suddenly from behind that curtain with twenty-five thou- \nsand men, falling suddenly and firmly upon Hooker\'s right, crumbling it into \natoms, and driving the astounded column in wild confusion upon the remainder \nof the line. A general battle ensued, in Avhich the residue of the Confederate \narmy, under the direct command of General Lee, participated, he having \nattacked Hooker\'s left and center. The conflict continued until late in the \n\xe2\x96\xa0evening, when the Confederates sustained an irreparable loss in the death of \nJackson, who was accidentally shot, in the gloom, by his own men.* \n\nHooker made new dispositions to meet the inevitable attack the following \nmorning [May 3, 1863]. He had called from Sedgwick the First Corps, full \ntwenty thousand strong, and it arrived that evening and swelled the National \nforce at Chancellorsville to about sixty thousand men. He had also ordered \nSedgwick to cross the Rappahannock at once, seize and hold the town and \nheights of Fredericksburg, and push the bulk of his force with all possible \nhaste along the roads to Chancellorsville. He also changed a portion of the \nfront of his own line so as to receive the expected attack. During the night \nLee eflfected a slight connection between the two wings of his army, and soon \nafterward, Stuart, at dawn, shouted at the head of the Confederate column on \nHooker\'s right, " Charge, and remember Jackson !" whose troops he was lead- \ning, and fell furiously upon a portion of the line commanded by General \nSickles. Lee attacked Hooker\'s left and center again. The struggle was \nsevere and sanguinary, and when, toward noon. Sickles, finding himself sorely \npressed, sent to Hooker for re-enforcements, the chief had just been prostrated \nby an accident, and for a brief space the army was without a head.-* There \nwas an injurious delay, and finally, after long and hard fighting, the whole \nNational army was pushed from the field, and took a strong position on the \nroads back of Chancellorsville, leading to the Rapid Anna and Rappahannock. \nLee\'s army was now united, while Hooker\'s remained divided. \n\nSedgwick had endeavored to obey Hooker\'s command to join him, but \nfailed to do so. He had thrown his army across the river on the morning of \nthe 2d [May], and was lying quietly when he received the order at midnight. \nHe moved immediately, and took possession of Fr\'edericksbui-g. General \n\n1 Jackson had been reconnoiteriiig in front of his forces, and, when retiring in the darkness, \nhe and his companions were mistaken by their friends for Union cavalry, and were fired upon. \nJackson feU, pierced by their bullets, and some of his staff were killed. His arm was shattered, \nand afterward amputated. He died on the 10th of May. \n\n\' A cannon-ball struck a pillar of the Chancellor House, and hurled it with such force \nagainst Hooker, that it stunned him. The command then devolved on Couch, but Hooker was \nable to resume it in the course of a few hours. \n\n\n\n1S63.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. g5;l \n\nEarly was then in command on the heights. Sedgwick formed storming col- \numns in the morning, drove the Confederates from the fortified ridge, and with \nnearly his entire force pushed on toward Chancellorsville, At Salem Churcli, \na few miles from Fredericksburg, he was met and checked, by a force sent by \nLee, after a sharp fight, by which he lost, that day, including the struggle for \nthe heights in the morning, about five thousand men. Instead of joining- \nHooker, Sedgwick found himself compelled, the next day, in order to save his \narmy, to fly across the Rappahannock, which he did, near Banks\'s Ford, on the \nnight of the 4th and 5th of May. Hooker, meanwhile, had- heard of the \nperilous situation of Sedgwick, and, on consultation with his corps command- \ners, it Avas determined to retreat to the north side of the river. Lee had pre- \npared to strike Hooker a heavy blow on the 5tli. A violent rain-storm \nprevented, and that night the Nationals passed the river in safety without \nmolestation. On the same day the Confederate army resumed its position on \nthe heights at Fredericksburg. Both parties had suffered very severe losses.\' \nWhile Hooker and Lee were contending at Chancellorsville, a gi-eater por- \ntion of the cavalry of the Army of the Potomac, commanded by Stoneman, \n\n\n\n\nEUINS OF THE CHANCELLOR MANSION. \n\n\n\nwere raiding on the communications of the Army of Northern Virginia. \nThey crossed the Rappahannock [April 29], and swept down toward Rich- \nmond in the direction of Gordonsville. Unfortunately for the efliciency of \nthe expedition, the command was divided, and raided in various directions, \none party, under Kilpatrick, approaching within two miles of Richmond. They \ndestroyed much property, but the chief object of the expedition, namely, the \nbreaking up of the railways between Lee and Richmond, was not accomplished, \nand the week\'s work of the cavalry had very little bearing on the progress of \nthe war. \n\n\' The National loss was reported at 17,197, including about 5,000 prisoners. They left \nbehind, in their retreat, their dead and wounded, 13 pieces of artillery, about 20,000 small-arms, \n17 colors, and a large quantity of ammunition. Tlie Confederate loss was probably about 15,000, \n\xe2\x80\xa2of whom 5,000 were prisoners, with 15 colors, and 7 pieces of artillery. \n\n* The villa and out-buildings of Mr. Chancellor constituted "Chancellorsville." Tliat man- \nsion was beaten into ruins auring the battle. The picture gives its appearance when the writer \nsketched it, in June, 1866. \n\n\n\n552 "^^^ NATION. [18G3. \n\nWe liave observed \' that Longstreet was operating agaiust General Peek \nin the vicinity of Norfolk. The latter officer, Avith a considerable force, was \nin a strongly fortified position at Suifolk, at the head of the Nansemond River, \nfrom Avhich he kept watch over Norfolk and the mouth of the James River, \nand furnished a base for operations against Petersburg and the important Wel- \ndon railway. Early in April [1863], Longstreet made a sudden and vigorous \nmovement against SuflEblk, expecting to drive the Nationals from that post, \nseize Norfolk and Portsmouth, and perhajis make a demonstration against \nFortress jNIonroe. But Peck met his foe with such skill and valor that \nLongstreet was compelled to resort to a siege. In this he failed, and on \nliearing of the battle at Chancelloi-sville, he withdrew and joined Lee, making \nthat commander\'s army nearly as strong as that of his antagonist. Hooker\'s \nlosses, and the expiration of the terms of his nine months\' and two years\' \nmen, to the number of almost 30,000, about to occur, greatly reduced his num- \nbers. Lee\'s army Avas buoyant,\'^ and Hooker\'s Avas desponding. \n\nImpelled by false notions of the temper of the people of the Free-labor \nStates, and the real resources and strength of the government, and elated by \nthe events at Chancellorsville, the Chief Leader now ordered Lee to invade \nMaryland and Pennsyhania again. Hooker suspected such intention, and so \nreported, but the autliorities at Washington were sIoav to believe that Lee \nwould repeat the folly of the previous year. But he did so. By a flank \nmovement he caused Hooker to break up his encampment on the Rappahan- \nnock, and move toward Washington, after there had been some sharp cavalry \nengagements near the river, above Fredericksburg. Lee. sent his left wing, \nunder EavcII, through Chester Gap of the Blue Ridge, into the Shenandoah \nValley. He swept down rapidly to Winchester, and drove Milroy [June 15, \n1863], who Avas there with seven thousand men, across the Potomac into Mary- \nland and Pennsylvania, Avitli the loss of nearly all of his artillery and ammu- \nnition. He also lost many men in the race from Winchester to the Potomac, \nbut saved his trains. \n\nHooker, at the same time, had moved from the Rap])ahannock to Centre- \nville, for the purpose of covering Washington, Avhile Longstreet marched on a \n\n1 See page 648. \n\n" The Confederates and their friends were full of hope at this time. The repulse of the Army \nof tlie Potomac seemed to promise security to Richmond for some time. Vicksburg and Port \nHudson [see page 646] then seemed impregnable ; and the promises of the disloyal Peace Faction- \nal the North, of a counter-revolution in the Free-labor States, seemed likely to be soon fulfilled. \nThe news of the Battle of Chancellorsville inspirited the friends of the Confederates in England, \nand these were clamorous for their government to acknowledge the Confederacy as an inde- \npendent nation; and in the spring of 1864 a large bodj^, representing the ruling classes in Eng- \nland, formed a league, to assist the Confederates, called the Southern Indqjendence Association. \nBut the British government wisely hesitated, and only the Pope of Rome, of all the rulers of the \nearth, ever recognized "President" Davis as the head of a nation. In a friendly letter he \naddressed him as " tlie Illustrious and Honorable Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate \nStates of America." At this time a scheme of the French F]niperor for destroying the Republic \nof Mexico and aiding the Confederates, was in operation, 20,000 French troops and 5,000 recreant \nMexicans being engaged in the work. The Austrian Archduke Maximilian was made Emperor* \nof Mexico by means of French bayonets, but Avhen the Civil War closed, in 1865, and the \nscheming Napoleon saw tliat our Republic was stronger than ever, he abandoned the enterprise \naud his dupe, and Maximilian, overthrown, was shot by order of the legitimate Republican Chief \nMagistrate of Mexico. \n\n\n\n1863.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n653 \n\n\n\nparallel line along the eastern bases of the Blue Ridge, watching for an oppor- \ntunity to pounce upon the National Capital. Cavalry skirmishes often occurred, \nfor the hostile forces were continually feeling each other. Meanwhile fifteen \nhundred Confederate cavalry had dashed across the Potomac in pursuit of \nMilroy\'s wagon-train, swept up the Cumberland Valley to Chambersburg, in \nPennsylvania, destroyed the railway in that region, and plundered the people. \nThis raid produced great alarm. Governor Curtin issued a call for the Penn- \nsylvania militia to turn out in defense of their State, and the National authori- \nties had taken measures to meet the peril. AYhen, a little later, the Confederate \narmy was streaming across the Potomac, about fifty thousand troops, or one \nhalf the number the President had called for from the States nearest the Capi- \ntal, were under arras. Almost one half of these were from Pennsylvania, and \nfifteen thousand were from New York. The apathy shoAvn by Pennsylvanians \nwhen danger seemed remote, now disappeared. \n\nBy skillful movements, Lee kept Hooker in doubt as to his real intentions, \nuntil Ewell\'s corps had crossed the Potomac at Williamsport and Shepards- \ntown [June 22 and 23], and was pressing up the Cumberland Valley. Ewell \nadvanced with a ])art of his force to within a few miles of the capital of Penn- \nsylvania, on the Susquehanna, while another portion, under Early, reached \nthat river farther down, after passing through Emmettsburg, Gettysburg, and \nYork, and levying contributions on the people. These movements created \nan intense panic, and with reason, for at one time it seemed as if there was no \npower at hand to prevent the invaders from marching to the Schuylkill, and \ne\\en to tlie Hudson. Three days after Ewell crossed the Potomac, Longstreet \nand Hill followed, and on the 25th of June []8(3;3] the whole of Lee\'s army \nwas again in Maryland and Pennsylvania. \n\nThe Army of the Potomac was thrown across the river at and near \nEdwards\'s Ferry, one hundred thousand strong, having been re-enforced by \ntroops in the vicinity of Washington. \nA diiference of opinion now arose be- \ntAveen Generals Hooker and Halleck \n(the latter then General-in-Chief of the \narmies), concerning the occupation of \nHarper\'s Ferry. Their views were ir- \nreconcilable, and the former oiFered his \nresignation. It Avas accepted, and Gen- \neral George G. Meade was placed in \ncommand of the Army of the Potomac, \nnnd did not relinquish it until the close \nof the war. A change in the com- \nmanders of an army in the presence of \nan enemy is a perilous act, but in this \ncase no evil followed. General Meade \nassumed the command on the 28th of \nJune, when the army was lying at Frederick, \n\n\n\n\nGEORGE G. MEADE. \n\n\n\nMaryland, \n\n\n\nin a position \n\n\n\n10 dart through the South Mountain Gaps upon Lee\'s line of communication, \n\n\n\ng54 "I\'HE NATION. [1863, \n\nupon his columns in retreat, or to follow liim on a parallel line toward the \nSusquehanna. \n\nLee was about to cross the Susquehanna at Harrisburg, and march on \nPhiladelphia, when he was alarmed by information of the position of the Army \nof the Potomac in increased force, wliich was threatening his flank and rear. \nHe observed at the same time the rapid gathering of the yeomanry of Penn- \nsylvania, and troops from other States on his front, and he thought it prudent \nto abandon his scheme of further invasion. He immediately recalled Ewell, \nand ordered a concentration of the Army of Northern Virginia in the vicinity \nof Gettysburg, Avith a view of falling upon the Nationals with crushing force, \nand then marching on Baltimore and Washington, or, in the event of defeat, \nto have a direct line of retreat to the Potomac. \n\nIn the mean time Meade had put his army in motion toward the Susque- \nhanna, but it was not until the evening of the 30th of June that he was \nadvised of Lee\'s evident intention to give battle in full force. Satisfied of this,. \nhe prepared to meet the shock on a line south of Gettysburg. He had already \nsent his cavalry forward to reconnoiter. At Hanover, east of Gettysburg^ \nKilpatrick\'s command encountered [June 29] and defeated, in a sharp fight, \nsome of Stuart\'s cavalry, and on the same day Buford and his horsemen \nentered Gettysburg. The Confederates were not yet there, and on the follow- \ning day the First Corps, commanded by General J. F. Reynolds, reached that \nplace. General Hill was then approaching from Chambersburg, and that night \nBuford lay between the Confederates and Gettysburg. On the following \nmorning [July 1] he met the van of the Confederates. A hot skirmish ensued. \nReynolds hastened forward to the scene of action, and on Oak or Seminary \nRidge a severe battle was fought, in Avhich Reynolds was killed. Meanwhile \nthe Eleventh (Howard\'s) Corps came up, and the conflict assumed grander \nproportions, for Lee\'s troops were concentrating there. The Nationals were \nfinally pressed back, and under the direction of Howard took an advantageous \nposition on a range of rocky heights back of but close to Gettysburg, forming \ntwo sides of a triangle, whereof Cemetery Hill, nearest the town, was the \napex. There the Nationals bivouacked that night, and Meade and the \nremainder of the troops hastened to join them. Lee\'s army occupied Seminary \nRidge that night. \n\nBoth commanders were averse to taking the initiative of battle, and it was \nbetween three and four o\'clock in the afternoon of the 2d before the struggle \nAvas renewed. Then Lee fell heavily upon Meade\'s left, commanded by Sickles. \nA sanguinary contest ensued, which gradually extended to the center, where \nHancock was in command. The chief struggle was for a rocky eminence, \ncalled Round Top Ridge, or Little Round Top ; but the Nationals firmly held \nit against fierce assaults. Heavy masses were thrown against Hancock, but \nthese w^ere cast back with heavy losses ; and, at sunset, the battle ended on \nthe left and center of the Nationals. When the sounds of conflict died away \non that part of the field, they were heard on the right and right center, where \nSlocum and Howard were in command. Howard was on Cemetery Hill, and \nSlocum on Gulp\'s Hill. Against these Early and Johnson, of Ewell\'s corps, \n\n\n\n1863.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n655 \n\n\n\nadvanced with great vigor. They were thrown back from Cemetery Hill, but \nsucceeded in penetrating, and holding for the night, the Avorks on the extreme \nright of Slocum\'s command. It Avas near ten o\'clock at night [July 2, 1863] \nwhen the battle ended, and the advantage seemed to be with the Confederates. \n\nBoth parties now prepared for another struggle the next day. It was \nbegun at four o\'clock in the morning [July 3], when Slocum drove the Con- \nfederates out of his lines, and some distance back. It required a hard fight for \nfour hours to accomplish it, but it was done. Then Ewell was firmly held in \ncheck. Round Top Ridge, on Meade\'s extreme left, was impregnable, and so \nLee determined to assail his more vulnei-able center. He spent the whole fore- \nnoon in preparations for an attack, and, at one o\'clock, he opened upon Cem- \netery Hill and its immediate vicinity one hundred and forty-five cannon. A \nhundred National guns quickly responded, and for the space of two hours \nGettysburg and the surrounding country were made to tremble by the thunder \nof more than two hundred cannon. Then, like a stream of lava, the Confed- \nerates, preceded by a cloud of skirmishers, swept over the plain, and assailed \nthe National line. Fearful was the struggle, and fearful the loss. At near \nsunset the assailants were repulsed at every point, and the great and decisive \nBattle of Gettysburg was won by the Array of the Potomac. It had been \nfought with amazing courage and fortitude by both ai\'mies, and each was \ndreadfully shattered by the collision,\' The writer was upon the ground a few \ndays after the battle, \nwhen full two hundred \ndead horses were still \nunburied. The annexed \npicture shows a group of \nthem as they fell in the \nroad in front of a farm- \nhouse, near General \nMeade\'s head-quarters. \n\nOn the evening of the \nday after the battle [July \n4, 1863], Lee began are- \ntreat to^Tard Virginia, \nand, the next day, was \nfollowed by Meade, who \nchased him to the Potomac, at Williamsport, above Harper\'s Ferry. There, by \nstrong intrenchments and a show of force, Lee kept Meade at bay until he could \nconstruct pontoon bridges, Avhen, over these, and by fording the river above, the \nwhole remnant of his army, his artillery and trains, passed into Virginia, and \nescaped, much to the disappointment of the loyal people. When it was known \nthat the Confederates had been beaten at Gettysburg, and were in full retreat. \n\n\n\n\nSCENE ON THE GETTYSBURG BATTLE-GROUND. \n\n\n\n\' The National loss during the three days of conflict was 23,186 men, of whom 2,834 were \nkilled, 13,709 wounded, and 6.643 were missing. Leo, as u-sual, made no report of his losses. \nHe spoke of them as having been " severe." A careful estimate, made from various statementa. \nplaces it at about 30,000, of whom 14,000 were prisoners. \n\n\n\n^56 \'^^^^ NATION. [1863. \n\nit was expected they would be captured at the margin of the swollen Potomac. \nBut that disappointment speedily gave Avay to a feeling of satisfaction because \nof the important victory. That battle proved to be the pivotal one of the \nwar \xe2\x80\x94 the turning point in the rebellion. The scale of success Avas then turned \nin favor of the National cause. It was so regarded at the time, and in view of \nthe importance of the victory, the President, as the representative of the \nnation, recommended the observance of a day [Aug. 15] "for National thanks- \ngiving, praise, and prayer." \' \n\nWhile the loyal people were rejoicing because of the great deliverance at \nGettysburg, and the government was preparing for a final and decisive \nstruggle with its foes, leading politicians of the Peace Faction, evidently in \nafiiliation with the disloyal secret organization, known as Knights of tlie \nGolden CitcU^ were using every means in their power to defeat the patriotic \npurposes of the Administration, and to stir up the people of the Free-labor \nStates to a counter-revolution. This had been their course for several months \nduring the dark hours of the Republic, before the dawn at Gettysburg ; and \nthe more strenuous appeared the efforts of the government to suppress the \nrebellion, more intense was their zeal in opposing it. This opposition was \nspecially active, when the President, according to the authority of Congress, \nfound it necessary, in consequence of the great discouragements to volunteering \nproduced by the Peace Faction, to order [May 8, 1863] a draft or conscription \nto be made, to fill up the ranks of the army. This measure, the suspension of \nthe privilege of the writ of Habeas Corjms, and arbitrary arrests, were severely \ndenounced. These, and the arrest and j^unishment, for treasonable practices, \nof C. L. Vallandigham, a citizen of Ohio and late member of Congi*ess, one of the \n\n\n\n\' The Secretary of State, satisfied that the rebellion would soon be ended, addressed [August \n12, 1863] a cheering circular to the diplomatic agents of the government abroad, in which he \nrecited the most important events in the history of the war thus far, and declared that the countr}^ \n\xe2\x80\xa2\'showed no signs of exhaustion of money, men, or materials;" and mentioned the fact that our \nloan was purchased, at par, by our citizens at the average of \xc2\xa71,200,000 daily, and that gold was \nselling in our market at 23 and 28 per cent, premium, "while in tlie insurrectionary region it \n\xe2\x80\xa2commanded 1,200 per cent, premium." According to the report of the Confederate "Secretary \nof the Treasury," at that time, the Confederate debt was over $600,000,000. At about the same \ntime "President" Davis sent forth an address, for the purpose of "firing the Southern \nheart," and reconciling the people^to the merciless conscription they were then subjected to, filled \nwith the most flagrant misrepresentations. He told them, in effect, that the Northern people \nwere little better than savages. " Their malignant rage," he said, "aims at nothing less than the \nextermination of yourselves, your wives, and your children. They seek to destroy what thc}^ \ncannot plunder. They propose as spoils of victory that your homes shall be partitioned among \nwretches whose atrocious cruelty has stamped infamy on their government. They design to \nincite servile insurrection, and light the fires of incendiarism whenever they can reach your \nhomes ; and they debauch an inferior race, heretofore docile and contented, by promising them \nthe indulgence of the vilest passions as the price of their treachery." \n\nDavis was th^n exasperated by the failure of an attempt of his to gain an official recognition \nby the government, by means of a trick. He sent his lieutenant, Alexander H. Stephens, under \na. false pretense, at the moment when Lee, as he thought, was marching triumphantly on Phila- \ndelphia, to seek an interview with the President, as the representative of the "government," so- \ncalled, at Richmond. \' Stephens went to Fortress Monroe, but was not permitted to go farther. \nHis mission to Wasliington doubtless had a twofold object, namely, an official recognition of the \nConfederacy by the act of treating with it, and for the purpose of proclaiming the " Confederate \ngovernment," with Jefferson Davis as Dictator, from the portico of the Capitol, when Lee should \nseize "Washington, as it was confidently believed he was about to do. \n\n^ See page 520. \n\n\n\n1863.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n657 \n\n\n\n\n\n\nmost conspicuous leaders of the Peace Faction,\' furnished that active fragment \nof the Democratic party* with pretenses for the most bitter denunciations \nof the government, and violent opposition to its measures. \n\nThe inflammatory appeals of politicians excited the passions of the more \n\xe2\x96\xa0dangerous classes in cities, and finally led to a fearful riot in the city of New- \nYork, at the middle of July, the immediate pretext being opposition to the \nDraft, which commenced there \non Monday, the 13th. A mob \nsuddenly collected, destroyed \nthe apparatus for making the \nDraft, and burned the build- \ning. Like a plague this pub- \nlic disorder seemed to break \nout simultaneously at different \npoints in the northern part of \nthe city, and for three days \nthe commercial metropolis \nwas at the mercy of lawless \nmen and women, chiefly na- \ntives of Ireland of the lower \nclass, and disloyal men from Slave-labor States, \nsoon ceased, and was followed with that of, " Down with the Abolitionists ! \nDown with the Nigger ! Hurrah for Jeff. Davis !" Arson and plunder \nbecame the business of the rioters, and maiming and murder was their recrea- \ntion. The colored population of the city were special objects of their wrath. \nThese were hunted down, bruised, and killed, as if they had been noxious wild \nbeasts. Men, Avomen, and children shared a common fate. An asylum for \ncolored children Avas sacked and burned, while the poor, affrighted orphans, \nsome beaten and maimed, fled in terror to Avhatever shelter they could find. \nFinally, the police, aided by some troops, quelled the riot with the strong arm \nof power, after a sacrifice of full four hundred human lives, and the destruction \nof property valued at $2,000,000. After that, the Draft was resumed, and \nwent quietly on.^ \n\n\n\n\nThe cry against the Draft \n\n\n\n^ General Burnside, in command of the Department of the Ohio, issued an order for the sup- \npression of sedition and treasonable speech and conduct. Vallandigham, whose sympathy with \nthe cause of the Confederates had been conspicuously shown from the beginning, denounced thus \norder, and openly violated it. He was arrested, tried by a military commission, found guilty, and, \nby orders of the President, was sent within the Confederation, with a penalty of imprisonment \nshould he return. He was treated with contempt by his "Southern friends," and soon made hia \nway in a blockade-runner to Halifax, and thence into Canada. \n\n\'^ The Peace Faction of the "Democratic" or Opposition party did not fairly represent the \ngreat mass of the members of that party. It was essentially disloyal : they were loyal. Yet \nthe influence of that faction was so potent, that it controlled the policy of the party as an organi- \nzation. Its aims appeared no higher than the control of the emoluments and oflBces of the gov- \nernment ; and the encouragement it continually held out to the Conspirators, by falsely repre- \nsenting the Opposition party as friendly to their cause, and discouraging volunteering and other \nefforts for putting down the rebellion, prolonged the war at least two years, and, as a consequence, \ntens of thousands of precious lives, and tens of millions of treasure, were wasted. \n\n\' Horatio Seymour, who was one of the ablest of the leaders of the Peace Faction, and then \nOovernor of the State of New York, had denounced the government aa a despot, because of the \n\n\n\ng58 ^2^ NATION. [1863L \n\nThere appears to be ample evidence tliat preparations liad been made \namong the disloyal politicians of, the Free-labor States, at the time we are con- \nsidering, for a counter-revolution, which should compel the government to \nmake terms of peace with the Confederates, on the basis of a dissolution of the \nUnion and the independence of the so-called Confederate States. The invasion \nof Maryland and Pennsylvania, so as to encourage the Peace Faction, was a \npart of the drama;\' and chiefly for the encouragement of the same class irj \nthe Western States, and to form a nucleus for armed opponents of the govern- \nment in that region, the notorious guerrilla chief, John H. Morgan, was sent \ninto Indiana and Ohio at the close of June, with over three thousand mounted \nmen. He crossed the Ohio River from Kentucky into Indiana, some distance \nbelow Louisville, and, pushing a little into the interior, made a plundering \nraid eastward through that State and Ohio, well toward the Pennsylvania \nborder. There was an uprising of the people because of his presence, but not \nsuch a one as the Peace Faction had led him to expect. Within forty-eight \nhours after Morgan entered Indiana, sixty thousand of its citizens had re- \nsponded to the call of the Governor to turn out and drive him out of it. \nEqually patriotic were the people of Ohio. Morgan was pursued, and \nfinally captured, with a remnant of his band, nearly all of whom were killed \nor made prisoners. The truth seemed to be that the reverse of Lee at Gettys- \nburg had disconcerted the leaders of the Peace Faction, and they were com- \npelled, by prudence, to postpone their revolutionary operations. The riot in \nNew York seems to have been an irregular manifestation of an organized out- \nbreak in that city, when, as it was expected, the neighing of the horses of Lee\'s \ncavalry would be heard on the opposite banks of the Hudson. \n\nWhen Lee escaped into Virginia [July 14, 1863], and moved up the Shen- \nandoah Valley, Meade determined to follow him along the route pursued by \n\narrest and punishment of Vallandigham, "not," he said, "for an offense against law, but for a \ndisregard of an invalid order, put forth in an utter disregard of the principles of civil liberty." \nHe opposed the Draft; mildly and without effect he interposed his authority as Governor to quell \nthe riot, and sent his adjutant-general to Washin2:ton to demand the suspension of the Draft. \nThis he told the mob, and said : " Wait till my adjutant returns from Washington, and you shall \nbe satisfied." He wanted the Draft postponed until the courts should decide whether it was con- \nstitutional, but this obvious advantage to the Confederates, who were then filling their ranks by a \nrigorous conscription, the President refused to give, and the Draft went on. \n\n\' Lee\'s invasion was counted on largely as an aid to the Peace Faction in carrying out their \nplans. And aftef his failure, and he was lying quietly near the Rapid Anna^ in September, the \nRichmond Enquirer said : " The success of the Democratic party [at the approaching election] \nAvould be no longer doubtful, should General Lee once more advance on Meade. . . . He \nmay so move and direct his arlny as to produce political results, which, in their bearing upon this \nwar, will prove more effectual than the bloodiest victories. Let him drive Meade into Washing- \nton, and he will again raise the spirits of the Democrats, confirm their timid, and give confidence \nto their wavering. He will embolden the Peace party should he again cross the Potomac, \nfor he will show the people of Pennsylvania how little security they have from Lincoln for the \nprotection of their homes." \n\nMatthew F. Maury, formerly Superintendent of the National Observatory, and one of the \nmost active enemies to his country, said, in a letter to the London Times, on the nth of \nAugust, 1863: "There is already a Peace party in the North. All the embarrassments with \nwhich that party can surround Mr. Lincoln, and all the difficulties that it can throw in the way \nof the War party in the North, operate directly as so much aid and comfort to the South. . . . \nNew York is becoming the champion of State Rights in the North, and to that extent is taking \nSouthern ground. . . . Yallaudigham waits and watches over the border, pledged, if elected \nGrOTemor of Ohio, to array it against Lincoln and the war, and go for peace." \n\n\n\nJ863.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. g5gA \n\nMcClellan in his race for the Rappahannock with the same foe the year before,\' \nkeeping close to the eastern slopes of the Blue Ridge, and using its gaps as circum- \nstances might dictate. The Army of the Potomac crossed the river on the 1 7th \nand 18th of July, and moved rapidly forward, getting the start of its antagonist^ \nwhich had lingered between the Potomac and Winchester. Lee tried to recall \nMeade, by threatening another invasion of Maryland. He failed, and then \nmarched rapidly up the Shenandoah Valley to meet the dangers that threatened \nhis front and flank. There were skirmishes in the mountain-passes during this \nexciting race, one of which, at Manassas Gap, so detained Meade\'s army, that . \nLee, by a quick movement, went through Chester Gap, and took position in. \nfront of the Nationals, between the Rappahannock and Rapid Anna rivers.. \nMeade slowly advanced to the Rappahannock, and then the two armies rested \nfor some time. Both were somewhat weakened by drafts upon them for men \nto serve elsewhere. Finally, at the middle of September, Meade crossed the \ni"iver and drove Lee beyond the Rapid Anna, where the latter took a strongly \ndefensive position. In the mean time Meade\'s cavalry had not been idle, and \ndivisions under Buford and Kilpatrick had considerable skirmishing with those \nof Stuart between the two rivers. \n\nGeneral Meade contemplated a forward movement for some time, and Lee,,, \nfeeling able to cope with his antagonist, proposed to march directly on Wash- \nington, at the risk of losing Richmond, but he was overruled by his "govern- \nment." So he proceeded to employ the more cautious measure of turning- \nMeade\'s right flank, and attempting to get in his rear and seize the National \nCapital. He had moved some distance for this purpose, and was on Meade\'s \nflank before the latter was aware of it. Then a close race in the direction of \nWashington, by the two armies, occurred for the third time. The Army of \nthe Potomac was the winner, and reached the heights at Centreville, the first . \nobjective [October 15, 1863], before its antagonist. There had been some^ \nsevere collisions on the way. Gregg\'s cavalry Avas routed, with a loss of five \nhundred men, at JeiFersonton. Stuart, with about two thousand men, hung \nclosely upon the rear flank of Meade\'s army, and at Auburn he came near \nbeing captured, with all his men. He escaped, however ; and from that point \nto Bristow Station there was a sharp race. There a battle occurred between \nihe corps of Generals Warren and Hill, in which the pursuing Confederates \nwere repulsed, and the Union force moved on and joined the main army, thenr. \nat Centreville. At Bristow Station Lee gave up the ^^e, and fell back to the-i \nRappahannock, destroying the Orange and Alexandria railway behind him,. \nMeade slowly followed, after the railway was repaired, attacked the Confed- \nerates at Rappahannock Station, on the river, and, after a severe battle, drove \nthem toward Culpepper Court-House. \n\nLee now took post again behind the Rapid Anna, and Meade\'s army- \nlay quietly between the two rivers until late in November, while he was \nwatching for a favorable opportunity to advance on his foe, whose forces,, \nhe had observed, were spread over a considerable surface, in the directioit \n\n\' See page 631. \n\n\n\n1560 \n\n\n\nT H K NATION. \n\n\n\n[1863. \n\n\n\nof Gordonsville. But Lee had begun the construction of strong defenses along \nthe line of Mine Run, and Meade determined to advance and attempt to turn \nhis position. It Avould be a perilous undertaking at that season of the year, \nfor it involved the necessity of cutting loose from his supplies, M\'hich could not \nbe carried with safety to the south side of the Rapid Anna. The risk was \ntaken. The troops were provided with ten days\' rations, and, crossing the \nriver on the 26th [November, 1863], pushed on in the direction of Mine Run^ \nalong the line of which were strong intrenchments, defended by heavy abatis \n\n\n\n\nCJeneral Warren, in the advance, opened a battle, but it was soon found that \nthe Confederates were too strongly intrenched to promise a successful assault. \nSo Meade suspended the attack, withdrew, and established his army in winter \nquarters on the north side of the Rapid Anna. So ended the campaign of the \nArmy of the Potomac in 1863, \n\nIn Western Virginia, adjoining the great theater on which the armies of \nthe Potomac and of Northern Virginia were performing, there had been very \nfew military movements of importance since the close of 1861. In the summer \nof 1863 a raiding parMkunder Colonel Tolland, went over the mountains from \nthe Kanawha Valley, and struck the Virginia and Tennessee railway at \nWytheville. Finding sharp resistance, they retraced their steps with great \nsufifering. A little later. General W. W. Averill went over the mountain- \nranges from Tygart\'s Valley, with a strong cavalry force, destroyed Confed- \nerate salt-works and other property, and menaced Staunton. He fought Con- \nfederate cavalry near White Sulphur Springs for nearly two days [August 26 \nand 27], and Avas compelled to retreat. Early in November he started on \n\n\n\n\' Abatis is a French term in Fortification, for obstructions placed in front of works, composed \nof felled trees, with their branches pointing outward. Such obstruction is represented in the \nengraving. \n\n\n\n1863.] LINCOLN\'S A D M IN I STR A T 1 X. QQ1 \n\nanother exi^edition, pusliiiiix the Confederates before liim in the niountahi \nregions, and nearly purging AVest Virginia of armed rebels. He pushed for- \nward for the purpose of breaking up the Virginia and Tennessee railway^ \nwhich was the chief communication between the armies of Lee and Bragg^ \nand on the 16th of December, after a perilous march, over icy roads, he struck \nthat highway at Salem, and destroyed the track and other property over ai\xc2\xbb \nextent of about fifteen miles. The Confederates in all that region wei-e \naroused, and no less than seven diflerent leaders combined in an attempt \nto intercept Averill\'s return, but failed. The raider escaped, with two hun- \ndred prisoners, and a loss of only six men drowned, five wounded, and ninety- \nmissing. \n\nLet lis now turn our attention to events in Tennessee, Avhere we left the large \narmies of Rosecrans and Bragg, after the Battle of Stone\'s River, the former \nat Murfreesboro\' and the latter a little further southward.\' Bragg\' s line was \nalong the general direction of the Duck River, from near the Cumberland \nmountains westward,\'^ and in that relative position the two armies lay front \nJanuary until June [1863], Rosecrans waiting to complete full preparations for \nan advance, before moving. Meanwhile, detachments of the two armies, chiefly \nof mounted men, were active in minor operations. At the beginning of Feb- \nruary, General Wheeler, Bragg\'s chief of cavalry, Avith Wharton and Forrest \nas brigadiers, concentrated his forces, over four thousand strong, at Franklin, \na little south of Nashville, and, advancing rapidly to the Cumberland River, \nattempted to capture the post of Fort Donelson,^ then commanded by Colonel \nHarding. They were repulsed, after considerable loss on both sides. Genei-al \nJ. C. Davis was operating in Wheeler\'s rear, and hastened his dej^arture from \nthe region of the Cumberland. A little later. General Earl Van Dorn was-, \nfound hovering around Franklin with a considerable force of cavalry audi \ninfantry, and against these General Sheridan and Colonel Colburn were sent.. \nThe latter was compelled to surrender [March 5] to superior numbers, whiles \nthe former drove Vau Dorn southward across the Duck River. \n\nThere was a severe struggle eastward of Murfreesboro\' [March 1 8] between- \ntroops under Colonel Hall and those of Morgan, the guei-rilla chief, in which \nthe latter were worsted, and lost between three and four hundred men. \nEarly in April Van Dorn was again in the vicinity of Franklin, with a force- \nestimate^ at nine thousand men, the object being to seize that post, pi-eliminary \nto an attack on Nashville, the great depository of Rosecrans\'s supplies. Gen- \neral Gordon Granger was then in command at Franklin, where he Avas building-; \na fort on the bank of the Harpeth River, and, being forewarned, he was pre- \npared for an attack, which Van Dorn made on the 10th [April, 1863]. Tlicr \nConfederates were repulsed and retired to Spring Hill, after a loss of about \n\n\' See page 639. \n\n\' Bragg\'s line extended from Columbia, on the west, to McMinnville, on the east. His infantrr \noccupied the space between Wartrace and Shelbyville ; his cavalry, on his right, stretched out to \nMcMinnville, and on his left as far as Spring Hill, between Franklin and Columbia. \n\n* Forrest had been operating at one or two other points on the Cumberland, for the purpose \nof cutting off Rosecrans\'s supplies by way of that river, for his army was chiefly subsisted by \nprovisions that came down from the region of the Ohio River. \n\n\n\n\xe2\x82\xac62 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[18G3. \n\n\n\nthree hundred men. The Union loss was less than forty.\' A few days later \n^-detachment of Rosecrans\'s army, under General J. J. Reynolds, drove a band \nof Morgan\'s men from McMinnville [April 20], and destroyed a good deal of \ndonfederate property there ; and these and lesser expeditions, sent out from \nriime to time, while Rosecrans was procuring cavalry horses and making other \npreparations for an advance, caused great circumspection on the part of the \nConfederates, \n\nA more ambitious expedition than any previously sent out by Rosecrans, \n\xe2\x96\xa0moved toward the middle of April, under Colonel A. D. Streight, for the pur- \npose of crippling the resources of the foe. He left Nashville in steamers [April \n11], and, debarking at Fort Donelson, crossed over to the Tennessee River at \nFort Henry, and ascended that stream to the borders of Mississipi^i and Ala- \n\xe2\x80\xa2bama, gathering horses for his use on the way. At Tuscumbia, most of his \n".troops being then mounted, Streight turned southward, and, sweeping through \nAlabama in a curve bending eastward, pushed on toward Rome, in Northern \n\'\xe2\x80\xa2\'Georgia, where extensive iron-works were in operation, and Atlanta, an import- \n:4nt railway center. The cavalry of Forrest and Roddy followed. The \n;parties skirmished and raced; and finally, when near Rome, Streight\'s \ncaxhausted command was struck and mostly captured [May 3, 1863], when \n\n\n\n\nLIBBY PRISON, KICHMOND. \n\n\n\nthey were sent to Richmond, and confined in the famous Libby Prison. From \nith2,t loathsome place the leader and one hundred of his officers escaped, in \n^i^^ebruary following, by burrowing under the foundations of the building. \n\nAs June wore away, and the Army of the Cumberland (Rosecrans\'s) was \n\n\' Van Dora was one of the most dashing of the Confederate leaders. , He was shot soon after \nTi,he battle we have just considered, by an indignant husband, whose wife the Confederate leader \n:liad dishonored. \n\n\n\n1863.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. gg3 \n\nyet lying at Murfreesboro\', the public, unable to comprehend the obstacle to \nits advance, became impatient of the delay. The cavalry of that army was \nthen in a fair condition, and its supplies being abundant, Rosecrans, on the \n23d of June, ordered an advance, his grand objective being Chattanooga \nBragg, his antagonist, was strongly intrenched among hills favorable for \ndefensive operations. Yet the Army of the Cumberland, moving in three \ncorps, commanded respectively by Generals Thomas, McCook, and Crittenden, \nwas so skillfully managed, that the Confederates were soon pushed from their \nposition along the line of the Duck River, back to Tullahoma. When Bragg \nsaw Rosecrans seize the mountain passes on his front, and threaten his flanks \nin hi* new jjosition, he fled [June 30, 1863] without offering to give a blow in \ndefense of a line of most formidable works which he had cast up in the course \nof several months. \n\nRosecrans now pressed hard upon the rear of the fugitive Confederates, \nbut the latter having the railway for transportation, kept out of his reach, and \npushed as rapidly as possible over the Cumbei-land Mountains toward the Ten- \nnessee River, which they crossed at Bridgeport, destroyed the bridge behind \nthem, and hastened to Chattanooga.\' Rosecrans advanced his army to the \nbase of the mountains, when, finding Bragg too far ahead to be easily over- \ntaken, he halted his entire force, arjd rested more than a month while gathering \nsupplies for his army at proper places,* and repairing the railway from the \nhigh table-land at Decherd, down through the mountain pass of Big Crow \nCreek, to Stevenson. At the middle of August he moved forward, his army \nstretched over a long line east and west, with cavalry on its flanks. In the \ncourse of four or five days it crossed the mountain ranges and stood along the \nshores of the Tennessee from above Chattanooga westward for a hundred \nmiles, startling [August 21, 1863] Bi-agg by its apparition, the thunder of can- \nnon on the eminences opposite that town, and the screaming of shells over the \nConfederate camp. \n\nEarly in September, Thomas and McCook crossed the Tennessee with theil" \n\xe2\x80\xa2corps at points each side of Bridgeport, where the railway spans it, and by \nthe 8th had secured the passes of Lookout Mountain as far as Valley Head, \nwhile Crittenden\'s corps took post at Wauhatchie, in Lookout Valley, nearer \nthe river. Informed of these threatening movements, Bragg abandoned Chat- \ntanooga, passed through the gaps of the Missionaries\' Ridge ^ to the West \nChickamauga River, in Northern Georgia, and posted his army in a strong \nposition near Lafayette, to meet the National forces expected to press through \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 This expulsion of Bragg\'s armj from Middle Tennessee, by which a greater portion of that \nState and Kentucky was left under the absolute control of the National authority, was a dis- \nheartening event for the Confederates, and they now felt that every thing depended upon their \nholding Chattanooga, the key of East Tennessee, and, indeed, of all Northern Georgia. \n\n" Bragg had stripped that mountain region of forage, so Rosecrans waited until the Indian \ncorn, in cultivated spots, was sufficiently grown to furnish a supply. Meanwhile he gathered \nsupplies at Tracy City and Stevenson, and thoroughly picketed the railway from Cowan to \nBridgeport. \n\n\' The writer was informed by the late John Ross, the venerable Chief of the Cherokee \nNation, that this undulating ridge, lying back of Chattanooga and rising about 300 feet above the \nTennessee River, was named the Missionaries\' Ridge because missionaries among the Cherokees \nhad a station on the southeastern slope of it. \n\n\n\n664 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION \n\n\n\n[1863. \n\n\n\nthe mountain passes. This was done in expectation of precisely what Rose- \ncrans proceeded to do, namely, pass through the mountains, and threaten his \nenemy\'s communications between Dalton and Resaca. Rosecrans came to this \ndetermination with the mistaken idea, when informed by Crittenden that \nBragg had left Chattanooga, that the latter had commenced a retreat toward \nRome. Crittenden, wdio had made a reconnoissance on Lookout Mountain^ \nand from its lofty summit looked down upon Chattanooga and observed that \nBrago- had retreated from it, immediately moved his corps into the Chatta- \nnooga Valley, and on the evening of the 10th of September, encamped at \nRossville, Avithin three or four miles of the deserted village. Thus, Avithout a \nbattle, the chief object of the movement of the Army of the Cumberland \nover the mountains Avas gained. With great ease Bragg had been expelled \nfrom Middle Tennessee, and was now held at bay in an imfortified position, \naAvay from the coveted stronghold and strategic position of Chattanooga. \n\nGeneral Burnside, Avho Avas in command of the Army of the Ohio, Avas \nnow brou"-ht into active co-operation Avith Rosecrans, having been ordered to \npass over the mountains into East Tennessee to assist that leader in his struggle \nwith Bragg. When summoned to that field, he concentrated his command, \nthen in hand, about tAventy thousand in number, at Crab Orchard, in South- \neastern Kentucky. He prepared for a rapid movement. His infantry Avere \n\nmostly mounted ; his cavalry and artil- \n_^ l:;f% lery had good horses, and his supplies \n\nN were carried on pack-mules, that more \n\n^i facile movements might be made than a \n\nwagon-train Avould alloAA^ On the day \nAvhen Bragg Avas startled by the great \nguns of his pursuer at Chattanooga \n) [August 21, 1863], Burnside began his \nmarch over the Cumbei\'land mountains, \na cavalry brigade in advance. They \nsoon passed the great ranges, and Avere \nspeedily posted on the line of the rail- \nAvay southwesterly from Loudon, on the \nPACK-MULES. Tennessee River, so as to connect Avith \n\nRosecrans at Chattanooga. General \nBuckner, Avho commanded about twenty thousand troops in East Tennessee, \nhad retired on Burnside\'s approach, and joined Bragg, and the important moun- \ntain pass of Cumberland Gap Avas soon in possession of the Nationals. The \ngreat valley between the Alleghany and Cumberland mountains, from Cleve- \nland to Bristol, seemed to be permanently rid of armed Confederates.\' \n\n\n\n\n\' The maguificent Valley of East Tennessee has an average width of seventy-five miles, and \na length of two hundred miles. The loyal inhabitants of that region received the National \ntroops with open arms. It is difficult to conceive the intensity of the feelings of the Union peo- \nple along tlie line of Burnside\'s march. "Everywhere," wrote an eye-witness, "the people \nflocked to the roadsides, and, with cheers and wildest demonstrations of welcome, saluted tho \nflag of the Republic and the men who had borne it in triumph to the very heart of the \' Confed- \neracy.\' Old men wept at the sight, wluch they had waited for through months, of sufferings \n\n\n\n1863.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION, \n\n\n\n665 \n\n\n\nBelieving, as we liaA\'e observed, that Bragg had begun a retreat toward \nRome, Rosecrans pushed his troops through the gaps of Lookout Mountain to \nstrike his flank, but he soon ascertained that his foe, instead of retreating, was \nconcentrating his forces at Lafayette, to attack the now attenuated line of the \nArmy of the Cumberland, whose left was at Ringgold and its right near Alpine \n\xe2\x80\x94 points, by the National line, about fifty miles apart. Rosecrans immediately \nordered the concentration of his own troops, to avoid and meet perils that \nthreatened them. This was quickly done, and at a little past the middle of \nSeptember [1863], the contending forces confronted each other, in battle array, \non each side of the Chickaraauga Creek, in the vicinity of Crawfish " Spring \nand Lee and Gordon\'s Mill, the line of each stretching northward to the slopes \nof the Missionaries\' Ridge. \n\nGeneral Thomas took position on the extreme National left, and opened \nbattle on the morning of the 19th [September], by attacking the Confederate \nright. The conflict raged almost without intermission until four o\'clock in the \nafternoon, when there was a lull. It was renewed by the Confederates at five \no\'clock, and continued until dark. On the right center there had been some \nsevere fighting, and when night fell the advantage appeared to be with the \nNationals. In the mean time Long- \nstreet, who had been sent from Vii*- \nginia, by Lee, with his corps, to help \nBragg, and had passed through the \nCarolinas and Georgia to Atlanta, was \nnow coming up with his forces. He \narrived on the field that night, and \nassumed command of Bragg\'s left, and \non the morning of the 20th the Con- \nfederates had full seventy thousand \nmen opposed to fifty-five thousand \nNationals. \n\nBoth parties prepared to renew \nthe struggle in the morning, Thomas\'s \ntroops intrenched during the night. \nA heavy fog enveloped the armies in \n\nthe morning, and when it lifted, between eight and nine o\'clock, a most san- \nguinary battle was commenced on the wing where Thomas was in command. \nIt soon raged furiously along the whole line. Finally a desperate charge was \nmade upon the temporarily AVeakened right center of the Nationals, when the \nline was broken. The right wing was shattered into fragments, and fled in \ndisorder toward Rossville and Chattanooga, carrying along upon its turbulent \nand resistless tide Rosecrans, Crittenden, and McCook, while Sheridan and \n\nchildren, even, hailed with joy the sign of deliverance. Nobly have these persecuted people \nstood by their faith, and all loyal men will rejoice with them in their rescue at last from tho clutch \nof the destroyer." "They were so glad to see Union soldiers," wrote another, \'-that they cooked \nevery thing they had, and gave it freely, not asking pay, and apparently not thinking of it. Women \nBtood by the roadside with pails of water, and displayed Union flags. The wonder was wher\xc2\xbb \nall the \'Stary and Stripes\' caii\':\' from.\'\' \n\n\n\n\nGEORGE H. THOMAS. \n\n\n\n^QQ THE NATION. [1863. \n\nDavis rallied a portion of it upon another road. Rosecrans, unable to join \nThomas, and believing the whole army would be speedily hurrying, ijell-raell, \ntoward Chattanooga, pushed on to that place to make provision for holding \nit, if possible. But Thomas stood firm, and for awhile fought a greater part \nof the Confederate army, enduring shock after shock, and keeping it at bay \nuntil he could withdraw his forces, in obedience to an order from Rosecrans. \nThis was done in good order, and the worn and wearied troops took position in \nthe Rossville and Dry Valley gaps of the Missionaries\' Ridge, where they \nbivouacked that night. On the following evening the whole army fell back to \nChattanooga ; and within forty-eight hours after the battle it was so strongly \nintrenched that it defied Bragg, who had not thought it prudent to follow the \nretreating forces from the battle-field. He contented himself with taking pos- \nsession of the Missionaries\' Ridge and Lookout Mountain. Victory was won \nby the Confederates in the battle of Chickamauga, but at a fearful cost to both \narmies.\' \n\nThe Army of the Cumberland was now closely imprisoned at Chattanooga. \nBy holding Lookout Mountain, which abuts upon the Tennessee River, Bragg \ncommanded that stream and cut ofi* Rosecrans\'s communication with his sup- \nplies at Bridgeport and Stevenson, and compelled hihi to transport them in \nwagons, over the rough mountains, fifty or sixty miles. This was a severe and \nprecarious service. For awhile the army was on short allowance, and not less \nthan ten thousand horses and mules were worked or starved to death in the \nservice. In the mean time a change in the organization of the army was \neffected. It was determined by the government to hold Chattanooga, and for \nthat purpose it was ordered that the armies under Burnside, Rosecrans, and \nGrant, should be concentrated there. Over these combined forces Grant was \nplaced. His field of command was called the Military Division of the Missis- \nsippi.* \n\nWhen Grant arrived at Chattanooga, late in October, he found Thomas \nalive to the importance of securing a safe and speedy way for supplies to reach \nthat post. Nearly the whole of Bragg\'s cavalry had been operating against \n\n1 The National loss was reported at 16,326, of whom 1,687 were killed. The total loss of \nofiBeers was 974. It is probable the entire Union loss was 19,000. The Confederate loss was \n20,950, of whom 2,674 were killed. Rosecrans brought off from the field 2,003 prisoners, 36 \nguns, 20 caissons, and 8,^50 small-arms. \n\n* Rosecrans was relieved of the command of the Army of the Cumberland, and was succeeded \nby Thomas, and General W. T. Sherman was promoted to the command of Grant\'s Army of the \nTennessee. Rosecrans was ordered to St. Louis, and was placed in command of the Department \nof Missouri. \n\nBefore Grant was called to his enlarged command, he had taken measures for securing every \nadvantage of the victories at Vicksburg and Port Hudson. He sent his paroled prisoners (see \npage 646) to the Confederate lines at Jackson, and on the same day ordered Sherman to lead a \nheavy force against Johnston, whose troops were hovering in the rear of Vicksburg. His head- \nquarters was at Jackson, and when Sherman advanced, he concentrated his forces there, behind \nintrenchments. From there he was driven on the 13th of July, when he fled toward the interior \nof Mississippi. Grant cast up a line of fortifications around Vicksburg, and Avith these, and the \nexpulsion of Johnston, that post was made secure. On the day of the fall of Vicksburg, the \nimportant post of Helena, in Arkansas, farther up the Mississippi, was attacked by a heavy force \nof Confederates, but they were repulsed with heavy loss ; and when Grant was summoned to the \n-command at Chattanooga, the freedom of navigation on the Mississippi River seemed to be per- \nmanently secured. \n\n\n\nJ\xc2\xab63.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n667 \n\n\n\nhis line of communications among tlie mountains. They had seized and \n<lestroyed wagon-trains, and, notwithstanding they were driven here and there \nhy Union cavahy, these raiders made the safe transportation of supplies so \ndoubtful, that the troops at Chattanooga Avere threatened with famine. Thomas \nliad already devised a method of relief General Hooker had been sent with \nthe Eleventh and Twelfth Corps (How-ard\'s and Slocum\'s), from the Army of \nthe Potomac, to guard Rosecrans\'s communications. He was now at Bridge- \nport with a part of these forces, and it was proposed that he should cross the \nTennessee with them, and, pushing into Lookout Valley, threaten Bragg\'s \nleft, and cover the river to a point where a short route by land to Chattanooga \nmight be obtained. Grant approved the plan, and it was executed. Hooker \nreached Wauhatchie, in Lookout Valley, after some fighting, on the 28th of \nOctober, and at the same time General W. F. Smith came down from Chatta- \nnooga, and threw a pontoon bridge across the river at a point only a few miles \nfrom that town.\' This movement, a Richmond journal said, deprived the \nConfederates " of the fruits of Chickamauga." \n\nFrom the hour when Hooker entered Lookout Valley, his movements had \nbeen keenly watched by the Confederates on Lookout Mountain, and at mid- \nnight [October 28, 29] a strong body of them swept down from the hills and \nfell suddenly upon the Nationals at Wauhatchie, commanded by General \nGeary, expecting to surprise them. They were mistaken. Geary was awake, \nand met the attack bravely; and, with the help of troops from Howard\'s \n(Eleventh) corps, repulsed the assailants, and scattered them in every direc- \ntion. From that time the safe passage of the river, from Bridgeport to \nBrown\'s Ferry, was secured. Bragg\'s \nplans for starving the National army \nwere defeated, and a little steamboat, \ncalled Chattanooga^ was soon carry- : \ning 2)rovisions up the river, in abun- \ndance.* \n\nWhile these events were occurring \nnear Chattanooga, others of importance \n\nwei\'e seen in the great Valley of East 7;fi^-i\xe2\x80\x94 \xe2\x80\x94LLjJ 7 \n\nTennessee. Burnside\'s forces were busied -\' ^ \n\nin endeavors to drive the armed rebels ^; 2r \n\nout of that region, and in so doing sev- \'^^^ \n\neral skirmishes and heavier engagements ^^^ Chattanooga. \n\noccurred, the most prominent of which \n\nwere at Blue Springs and Rogersville, Meanwhile, Longstreet was sent by \n\n\' Eighteen hundred troops, under General Hazen, went down the river in batteaux at abouf \ntnidnight [October 26 and 27], gliding unobserved by the Confederate sentinels along the base of \nLookout Mountain, where the Tennessee sweeps around Moccasin Point, and, with other troops \nthat went down by land, seized Brown\'s Ferry and threw a pontoon bridge across the river there. \nHooker\'s troops coming up, connected with those at the ferry, and secured its possession to the \nNationals. \n\n* There was no steamboat to be found on the Tennessee River in that region, so mechanics of \nthe army built one for the public service, and called it Chattanooga. \n\n\n\n\ngg3 \'^\'^^^ XATIOX. [1863. \n\nBragg to sei\xc2\xbb\xc2\xabe Knoxville and drive tlie Nationals out of East Tennessee. He \nadvanced swiftly and secretly, and on the 20th of October struck the first \nstartling blow at the outpost of Philadelphia, and drove the ISTationals to the \nTennessee, at Loudon. Below that point he crossed, and moved on Knoxville, \nbut was temporarily checked by Burnside in a severe fight at Campbell\'s Sta- \ntion, each losing between three and four hundi*ed men. Burnside fell back to \nKnoxville, where he Avas strongly intrenched, closely followed by Longstreet, \nwho began a regular siege of the place. \n\nWhile the Confederates were besieging Knoxville, stirring events were \noccurring near Chattanooga. Grant had been waiting for the arrival of forces \nunder Sherman, to enable him to advance on Bragg and send relief to Burn- \nside. So early as the 22d of September, that commander had been ordered, \nwith as many troops as could be spared from the line of the Mississippi, to \nproceed to the help of Rosecrans. These troops were on the line of the Mem- \nphis and Charleston railway, at the middle of October, and toward the close \nof the month they were summoned by Grant to Stevenson, to head off an \nanticipated flank movement by Bragg, in the direction of Nashville. When \nSherman arrived there, events were in such shape that Grant thought it proper \nto attack Bragg as speedily as possible, for the twofold purpose of preventing \nhis flight southward, Avhich he suspected was his design, and to demoralize or \nweaken Longstreet\'s force and compel him to abandon the siege of Knoxville. \n\nGrant determined to aim his first heavy blow at Bragg\'s right, on the Mis- \nsionaries\' Ridge. Sherman was directed to cross the Tennessee, and menace \nhis right on Lookout Mountain, and then secretly recross, move to a point \nabove Chattanooga, cross again, and advance on the Ridge. All this was \nsatisfactorily done. Meanwhile, it was thought best to make a movement \nfrom the center, at Chattanooga. This was performed [November 23] by \nThomas, when a commanding eminence in front of the Missionaries\' Ridge^ \ncalled Orchard Knob, was seized by the Nationals and fortified. Hooker was \nthen ordered to attack Bragg\'s right on Lookout Mountain early the next \nmorning, so as to attract the attention of the Confederates while Sherman \nshould cross the Tennessee above Chattanooga. \n\nHooker performed his prescribed duty with vigor and success. He opened \nhis guns upon the breastworks and rifle-pits of the Confederates along the \nsteep, wooded, and broken slopes of the mountain, and then his troops, dash- \ning vigorously forward, swept every thing before them, and captured a large \nportion of their foes on their front. Then the victors scaled the rugged sides \nof the mountain, up to the muzzles of cannon planted in a hollow far toward its \nsummit, and driving the Confederates there around an arable belt in the direc- \ntion of the Chattanooga Valley, established a line firmly on the eastern face \nof the mountain, with its right resting at the palisades at its top. During a \ngreater part of the struggle Avhich ended in this advantage to the Nationals, \nLookout Mountain was hooded in a mist that went up from the Tennessee in \nthe morning, and Hooker\'s troops were literally fighting in the clouds, and \nwere hidden from their listening brethren at Chattanooga below, who heard \nthe thunders, of the cannon, but could oidy get an occasional glimpse of the \n\n\n\n186.^.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n\nUnion banners.\' Perceiving the danger of having their only way of retreat to \nthe Chattanooga Valley cut oft", the Confederates occupying th(3 summit of the \nmountain fled at midnight, masking their retreat by an attack on the Nationals, \ni.i the gloom. In the bright sunlight and \ncrisp morning air the next day, the National \nflag was seen by delighted eyes below, wav- \ning over Pulpit Kock, on the top of Lookout \nMountain, where, only a few days before, Jef- \nferson Davis had stood and assured the assem- \nbled troops that all was well with the Con- \nfederacy. \n\nWhile Hooker was fighting on Lookout \nMountain, Sherman\'s troops were crossing \nthe Tennessee on pontoon bridges. They \nwere all over at noonday, and, pressing for- \nAvard, secured a position on the northern end \nflf the Missionaries\' Ridge, fhat night [No- \nvember 24] both armies prepared for a struggle \nin the morning. Bragg withdrew all of his \nforces from Lookout Mountain, and concen- \ntrated them on the Missionaries\' Ridge; and \non the following day [November 25, 1863] \nthey were attacked there in flank and front. \nSherman moved early along the ridge, with \n\nflank columns at the base on each side. Hooker descended from Lookout \nMountain, and, entering Ross\'s Gap, made a similar movement upon Bragg\'s \n\n\n\n^. \n\n\n\n"^^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\nPULPIT ROCK. \n\n\n\n\n\nTHE missionaries\' RIDGE, FROM THE CEMETERY AT CHATTANOOGA." \n\nright, in the afternoon. A terrible struggle ensued, which Grant, standing on \n\n\' During this struggle, a battery, planted on Moccasin Point, under Captain Naylor, did \nexcellent service. It actually dismounted one of the guns in a Confederate battery, on the \nsummit of the mountain, 1,500 feet above the river. \n\n\'\' This ridge is made up of a series of small hills, with gaps or passes between. The hUl more \nm the foreground, at the left, is Orchard Knob, on which Grant made his quarters during the \nbattle of the 25lh. \n\n\n\n670 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1S63. \n\n\n\nOrchard Knob, watched witli the most intense interest. The center, under \nThomas, was ordered forward. The eager sokliers cleared the rifle-pit# at the \nfoot of the ridge, and then scaled the acclivity. The Confederates were speedily \ndriven from their stronghold, and fled in the direction of Ringgold ; and that \nnight the Missionaries\' Ridge blazed with the camp-fires of the victors.\' Early \nthe next morning, Sherman, Palmer, and Hooker went in pursuit of Bragg\'s \nflying army. His rear-guard, under Cleburne, the " Stonewall Jackson of the \nSouth," was struck at Ringgold, and, after sharp fighting, was driven. Then \nGrant\'s troops fell back, and General Sherman was sent to the relief of Burn- \nside. Bragg retreated to Dalton, established a fortified camp there, and was \nsucceeded in command by General Joseph E. Johnston. Davis made Bragg \nGeneral-in-Chief of the Confederate armies. \n\nImmediately after his arrival before Knoxville, Longstreet opened some of \nills guns [November 18, 1863] upon the National works, and sharply attacked \n\ntheir advance, under General W. P. \nSanders, who was in immediate com- \nmand there. A severe but short en- \ngagement ensued, in which Sanders \nwas killed, and his troops were driven \nback to their works. From that time \nuntil the dark night of the 28th, \nLongstreet closely invested Knoxville.\' \nThen, alarmed by the news of Bragg\'s \ndisaster at Chattanooga, and being \nre-enforced by nearly all of the Con- \nfederate troojis then in East Tennessee, \nhe proceeded, at midnight, to assail \nFort Sanders, the principal Avork of \nthe defenses of Knoxville. It was \na strong, bastioned earth-work. The \ntroops that defended it, as well as others there, were under the immediate \ncommand of General Ferrero. A gallant defense was made. A heavy storming \nparty of Confederates, who made a most courageous attack, Avere repulsed \n\n\n\n\nJAMES LONGSTREET. \n\n\n\n\' The Union loss was 5,616, of whom 757 were killed. The Confederate loss was a little \nover 9,000, of whom 6,000 were prisoners. Grant captured, 40 pieces of cannon and 7,000 \nsmall-arms. General Halleck said, in a report of tlie operations of the army: "Considering the \nstrength of the rebel position and the diflficulty of storming his intrenchments, the Battle of \nChattanooga must be regarded as the most remarkable in history. Not only did the ofBcers and \nmen exhibit great skill and daring in their operations in the field, but the highest praise is also \ndue to the commanding general for his admirable dispositions for dislodging the enemy from a \nposition apparently impregnable." \n\n\' When the siege commenced there was in the commissary department little more than one \nday\'s rations, and supplies could then be received only from the south side of the Ilolston, across \na pontoon bridge, the foe holding the avenues of approach to Knoxville on the north side of the river. \nBurnside\'s efforts were directed to keeping open the country between the Holston and the French \nBroad, and every attempt of Longstreet to seize it was promptly met. A considerable quantity \nof corn and wheat, and some pork, was soon collected in Knoxville, but almost from the beginning \nof the siege the soldiers were compelled to subsist on half and quarter rations, without coffee or \nsugar. Indeed, during the last few days of the siege, the bread of their half-rations was mad\xc2\xbb \nof clear bran. \n\n\n\n1863.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. Qtjl \n\nwith fearful loss, and Knoxville was saved.\' Sherman\'s .forces were then \npressing forward, and on the morning of the 3d of December, when Long- \nstreet perceived that his army was flanked, he raised the siege, and withdrew \ntoward Virginia. Then Sherman and his troops returned to Chattanooga. \nBecause of the victory at the latter place and the salvation of Knoxville, the \nPresident recommended the loyal people to give public thanks to Almighty \nGod " for the great advancement of the National cause." \n\nLet us now turn again to the Atlantic coast, and consider the most prom- \ninent events there after the departure of Burnside from North Carolina and \nthe seizure of the coasts of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida.\' Burnside left \nGeneral Foster in command of the troops in North Carolina ; and from New \nBerne, which was his principal head-quarters, the latter sent out expeditions \nfrom time to time to break up rendezvous of Confederates and scatter their \nforces, for it was evident that they were watching opportunities to recapture \nlost posts in that State. Sometimes sharp skirmishes would ensue, and heavy \nlosses occur. In one of his raids to Goldsboro\' [December, 1862], for the pur- \npose of damaging the Weldon and Wilmington railway, Foster lost over five \nhundred men. He attempted to establish communication with the National \nforces at Suffolk and Norfolk, but when Burnside was repulsed at Fredericks- \nburg,^ and Confederate troops sent from North Carolina to assist Lee in that \ncampaign were thereby released, he abandoned further attempts at that time. \nFinally, General D. H. Hill was ordered to make a diversion in favor of Long- \nstreet at Suffolk,^ where, with a considerable force, he first menaced New \nBerne, and then marched on Little Washington. Pie invested that place \n[March 30, 1863], and the little garrison of twelve hundred men were speedily \ncut off from the outside world. Finally, the Fifth Rhode Island Regiment \nAvent to its relief, from New Berne [April 8], by water. The blockade of the \nriver was nin [April 13], and the garrison was relieved; and when, a little \nlater, Foster marched upon Hill, the latter withdrew to the interior of the \nState. During the succeeding summer Foster kept up his raids, until he was \ncalled to take the place of General Dix, in command at Fortress Monroe. \n\nLooking farther down the Atlantic coast, we observe vigorous preparations \nfor an attempt to take Charleston. Admiral Dupont Avas Avorking with Gen- \neral Hunter to that end, in the spring of 1862, when, at the middle of 3Iay, a \nslave named Robert Small (a pilot), and a few fellow-bondmen, came out of \nthe harbor of Charleston in the Confederate steamer. Planter^ delivered her to \nDupont, and communicated information concerning military affairs at Charles- \n\n\' The charge of the storming party was greatly impeded by a novel contrivance. Between the \nabatis and rifle-pits in front of Fort Sanders, the ground was covered with the stumps of recently \nfelled trees. Extending from one to another of these stumps were strong wires, about a foot \nabove tlie ground, and these tripped the assailants at almost every step. Whole companies were \nprostrated by this wire net-work, and at the same time the double-shotted guns of the fort were \nplaying fearfully upon them. Yet the assailants pressed up, gained the ditch, and one officer \nactually reached the parapet and planted the Confederate flag there. He soon rolled dead into \nthe ditch, which was swept by a bastion cannon. Lieutenant Benjamin, chief of artillery in the \nfort, actually took bomb-shells in his hand, ignited the fuses, and threw them over into the \nditch, where they produced great destruction of life. \n\n* See pages 607 and 608. \' See page 63L * See page 652. \n\n\n\n^^^2 \'^^^^ XATvON. [1863. \n\nton of great value. Iluuter concentrated troy^ps on Edisto Island, preparatory \nto throwing them suddenly upon Jameses Island, and marching swiftly on the \ndeeply offending city, while other troops were sent to break up the railway \nconnecting the cities of Charleston and Savannah. Meanwhile the Confed- \nerates prepared to meet the Nationals on James\'s Island; and, finally, when \nUnion troops crossed over to that island, under the direction of General Ben- \nham, and attacked [June 16, 1862] Confederate works at Secessionville, they \nwere repulsed with great loss. This event postponed the intended march on \nCharleston, and in September Hunter was superseded by the energetic General \nO. M. Mitchel. That officer Avas making prepai\'ations for vigorous measures \nfor indirect operations against Charleston, when he sickened and died [Oct. \n30]. General Brannan attempted to carry out liis plans against the Charleston \nand Savannah railway, but he found that road so well guarded at points to \nAvliich lie penetrated that he could not accomplish his purpose. \n\nAfter Mitchel\'s death little was done by the military in the Department \nof the South until the following spring. The navy in that region was some- \nwhat active in other than mere blockading service. Late in February [1863], \nthe famous blockade runner, JVcishville, imjarisoned in the Ogeechee River, \nbelow Savannah, was attacked by the " monitor " MontmcJc, commanded by \nCaptahi John L. Worden, and destroyed [Feb. 28, 1863]. She had been lying \nunder the protection of the guns of Fort McAllister, and upon this work Com- \nmander Drayton tried the guns of some armored vessels a few days later, but \nwithout serious effect. Meanwhile Admiral Dupont was preparing for a vigor- \nous attack on Charleston. Hunter was again in command of the Department \nof the South, and was strengthened, for co-operation with Dupont, by twelve \nthousand troops from North Carolina. Four thousand men, under General \nTruman Seymoui-, Avere stationed in a masked position on Folly Island at the \nbeginning of April, and on the 6th of that month Dupont crossed Charleston \nbar with nine " monitor " A^essels, leaving five gun-boats outside as a reserA-e \nsquadron. It had been determined by the gOA^ernraent to speedily reduce the \noffending city to subjection, for resisting forces Avere yet intensely actiA\'e \nthere.\' \n\nDupont moved up to attack Fort Sumter, the most formidable obstacle in \nthe way to Charleston. The Confederate batteries near Avere ominously silent, \nxmtil the advanced vessels became entangled in a terrible net-AVork of torpe- \ndoes and other obstructions. Then Fort Sumter, and other batteries, bearing \nan aggregate of nearly three hundred guns, opened a concentric fire upon the \nassailants, repulsed them after a sharp fight, and destroyed the lueokuk, one \nof the smaller but most daring of the monitors. The fact Avas, the harbor \nwas filled with formidable obstructions, and around it were guarding batteries \n\n\n\n\' At the close of January [1863] two formidable "rams" darted out of Charleston harbor \nin the obscurity of darkness and fog, and attacked the blockading squadron. Two of the ships \nwere quickly disabled, and compelled to strike their colors. Although the assailants fled back to \nCharleston without taking possession of the disabled vessels, the " government " at Richmond \nactually proclaimed to the world that the blockade of Charleston harbor was raised. \n\n\n\n1863.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION \n\n\n\n673 \n\n\n\nof great strength,\' and the attempt to enter it was necessarily a failure. The \nland troops were not in a condition to co-operate, excepting in the event of \nthe reduction of Fort Sumter. \n\nThere was comparative quiet along the coasts of South Carolina and Geor- \ngia for some time after Dupont\'s attack on Fort Sumter, General Hunter was \nsucceeded [June 12, 1863] Ly General Q. A. Gillmore,\' He found a little less \nthan eighteen thousand troops in the Department, with arduous duties to per- \nform,^ There were eighty cftective cannon and an ample supply of small-arms, \nmunitions and stores, at his command. With these forces and supplies he set \nabout organizing an expedition for the capture of Charleston by troops and ships. \nHe determined to seize Morris Island and its fortifications, and from it batter \ndoAvn Fort Sumter and lay the city in ashes by his shells, if not surrendered. \nDupont, having no faith in the scheme so far as the navy was concerned, was \nrelieved of the command of the fleet there, and was succeeded by Admiral \nDahlgi-en on the 6th of July.* \n\nGillmore found Folly Island, next to Morris Island, well occupied by Union \ntroops on his arrival. He caused batteries to be erected to bear upon the lat- \nter, so as to make way for his \nforces to cross Light-House In- \nlet to that island, and attack \nFort Wagner. These fortifica- \ntions were well made behind a \ncurtain of pine-trees, under the \ndirection of General Vogdes, \nand a large number of cannon, \nmostly Parrott guns, were \nplanted on them. Then General Terry was sent to James\'s Island with a force \n\n\' The fortifications consisted of two batteries on Sullivan\'s Island seaward from Fort Moultrie, \nand Battery Bee, landward from it. On Mount Pleasant, on the main near the mouth of Cooper \nRiver, was a heavy battery. In front of the city was Castle Pinckney ; and on a submerged \nsand-bank, between this work and Fort Johnson, was Fort Ripley, or Middle-ground Battery. \nAlong the southern border of the harbor were Fort Johnson \nand some batteries. On Morris Island, not far from Fort Sum- \nter, was Battery Gregg, on Cummings\'s Point, from which the \nfirst shot was hurled at Fort Sumter in 1861 ; and back of it \nwas Fort Wagner, a very strong work, stretching entirely \nacross Morris Island at that point. Across the channels of \nTORPEDO. the harbor, rows of piles had been driven, and there were chains \n\ncomposed of railway iron linked ; and across the main channel \na cable was stretched, from which hung festoons of torpedoes in the form given in the engraving, \nwhich were to be exploded by electricity, through wires extending from apparatus at Forts Sumter \nand Moultrie. At one point, where a "space in the row of piles had been left open, inviting a ship \nto enter, was a submerged mine containing 5,000 pounds of gunpowder. \n\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x96\xa0^ See page 607. \n\n= The Department did not extend far in the interior, but its line parallel with the coast was \nabout two hundred and fifty miles in length. This was to be picketed, and posts at different \n\xe2\x80\xa2points were to be maintained. ,^ \n\n* At about the time of Gillmore\'s arrival, rumors reached Dupont that a powerful " ram \nwas nearly ready, at Savannah, to make a raid on his blockading squadron, near the mouth of \nthe Savannah River. This was the swift blockade-runner Fmgal, which, unable to escape to sea, \nhad been converted into an armored warrior of the most formidable kind, and named Atlanta. \nDupont sent two monitors ( Weehawkm and Nahant) to "Warsaw Sound to watch her. She appeared \nin those waters on the morning of the 17th of June. She was supposed by the Confederates to \nbe an overmatch for botli monitors; and gun-boats, filled with spectators, accompanied her to tow \n\n43 \n\n\n\n\nPARROTT GUN. \n\n\n\n\n674 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[186S. \n\n\n\nto mask the real intentions of the Nationals, when General Strong, with two \nthousand men, went in boats to Morris Island, landed suddenly [July 10, \n1863], and, with the help of the batteries on Folly Island, drove the Confed- \nerates to Fort Wagner. Strong allowed his troops to rest until the next morn- \ning, when he assailed Fort Wagner, but was repulsed. These movements \ngreatly alarmed the Confederates, and Beauregard and the Mayor of Charles- \nton advised all non-combatants to leave the city. \n\nFort Wagner was stronger than Gillmore suspected it to be, and he deter- \nmined to attempt to reduce it, first by a bombardment, and if that failed, then \nby a regular siege. A line of batteries were erected across the island within \nrange of Fort Wagner, and Dahlgren\'s fleet took position to open fire on that \nwork. This was done by the land and naval foi-ces on the 18th [July], with a \nhundred great guns ; and while, at sunset, a heavy thunderstorm was sweeping \nby, arrangements were made for another assault on the fort. Terry had with- \ndrawn from James\'s Island after a sharp fight, and now Gillmore\'s troops were \nconcentrated for the important work. Two assaulting columns moved upon \nthe fort. The first, under General Strong, was repulsed with great slaughter. \nThe second, and smaller one, under Colonel H. S. Putnam, met a similar fate.\' \nGillmore now abandoned the plan of direct assault, and began a regular \nsiege, approaching the fort by parallels. He also, with great labor, planted a \n\nbattery in the midst of \n^ ~ ^^ ^^ a marsh between Morris \n\n^^fe^^^ =^^i=~^r -^^ an(j James\'s Islands, on \n\nwhich was mounted a \n200-pounder Parrott gun, \ncalled "The Swamp An- \ngel," from which shells \nwere hurled into Charles- \nton, a distance of five \nmiles.^ Finally, Gill- \nmore\'s preparations for \nattack on Fort Wagner \nwere completed, and ^n \nthe iVth of August fire \nfrom twelve batteries, and from Dahlgren\'s fleet, was opened upon it and Fort \nSumter. Before nio;ht the walls of the latter began to crumble, and its ffuns \n\n\n\n\nTHE SWAMP ANGEL. \n\n\n\nback to Savannah the captured iron-clads. She first encountered the Weehawken. Four shots \nfrom the latter caused the Atlanta to haul down her colors; and instead of sweeping the block- \nading squadron from the coast, and opening southern ports to the commerce of the world, as was \nexpected by the Confederates, she was sent to Philadelphia, and exhibited for the benefit of the \nUnion Volunteer Refreshment Saloon of that city. \n\n\' Strong was mortally wounded, and Putnam was killed. In this assault a regiment of col- \nored troops from Massachusetts, under Colonel Shaw, performed gallant deeds. Shaw was killed, \nand the Confederates, supposing they were disgracing the young hero, buried him in a pit in the \nsand under a large number of his slain negro troops. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x96\xa0\' The mud on which this battery was constructed was about sixteen feet in depth. Piles \nwere driven through it to the solid earth, and on these, timbers were laid. Colonel Serrell, of \nNew York, had the matter in charge, and he assigned to a lieutenant the superintendence of the \nwork. When the spot chosen for building the battery was shown to the latter, he said the thing \nwas impossible. "There is no such word as \'impossible\' in the matter," the colonel answered. \n\n\n\ni863.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n675 \n\n\n\nwere silenced, under tlie pounding of Dahlgren\'s cannon. The land troops \npushed the parallels closer to Fort Wagner, and at near midnight, of September \n6th, Terry was prepared to storm the works. It was soon ascertained that the \nConfederates had abandoned them, Gillmore immediately took possession of \nFort Wagner and Battery Gregg, turned their guns upon Fort Sumter and \nCharleston, and made the " Cradle of Secession " a desolation in the world of \nbusiness. Fort Sumter was made apparently harmless, yet a garrison remained \nthere, and Avhen one night [Sept. 8] a party from the fleet attempted to sur- \nprise and capture the fort, they were repulsed with terrible loss. Finally, late \nin October, Gillmore opened heavy guns upon it, and made it a sloping heap \nof rubbish from the parapet to the water.\' \n\nLet us now change our field of observations, in the extended theater of the \nwar, fx-om the sea-coast to the region beyond the Mississippi River, a thousand \nmiles farther westward, and see what of importance occurred there since the \nbattle of Prairie Grove,^ the re-occupation of all Texas by the Confederates,^ \nBanks\'s march to the Red River,* and the battle at Helena,Mn July, 1863. \nMissouri and Arkansas, after brief repose, were convulsed by the machinations \nof disloyal citizens and the contests of hostile troops. Marmaduke, a noted \nleader, suddenly burst out of Arkansas, and fell upon Springfield, in Missouri, \nearly in 1863, when he was repulsed with a loss of two hundred men. After \nreverses at other points, he fled back into Arkansas early in February. There \nwere some stirring movements in Northwestern Arkansas at about the same \ntime. Two thousand Confederates attacked a Union force under Colonel Har- \nrison, at Fayetteville [April 18, 1863], when the assailants were repulsed, and \nfled over the Ozark mountains. \n\nMarmaduke, meanwhile, had gone to Little Rock, the capital of Arkansas, \nand there, with the chief leaders in that region, planned a raid into Missouri, \nchiefly for the purpose of capturing National stores at Cape Girardeau, on the \nMississippi River. With about eight thousand men, he pushed rapidly into \nthat State, and following the general line of the St. Francis River to Freder- \nicton, turned eastward, and moved on Cape Girardeau. General McNeil was \nthere to receive him, and after a severe engagement [April 26, 1863], drove \nMarmaduke out of the State. \n\nIn May, three thousand Confederates, under Colonel Cofiey, menaced Fort \nBlunt [May 20] in the Indian country just west of Arkansas, but did not ven- \n\nand directed the lieutenant to build the battery, and to call for every thing required for the work. \nThe next day the lieutenant, who was something of a wag, made a requisition on the quarter- \nmaster for one hundred men, eighteen feet in height, to wade through mud sixteen feet deep, \nand then went to the surgeon to inquire if he could splice the eighteen-feet men, if they were \nfurnished him. This pleasantry caused the lieutenant\'s arrest, but he was soon released, and \nconstructed the work witli men of usual height. \xe2\x80\x94 Davis\'s History of the One Hundred and Fourth \nPennsylvania Regiment, page 253. \n\n\' In his annual report to Congress, in December, 1863, the Secretary of the Navy, in summing \nup the operations of that arm of the service on the Southern coast, said : " Not a blockade runner \nhas succeeded in reaching tlie city for months, and the traffic wiiich had been to some extent, \nand witli large profits, previously carried on, is extinguished. As a commercial mart, Charleston \nhas no existence ; her wealth, her trade, has departed. In a military or strategic view, the place \nis of little consequence ; and whether the rebels are able, by great sacrifice and exhaustion, to \nbold out a few weeks, more or less, is of no importance." \n\n\' See page 637. \' See page 644. * See page 644. \' See note 2, page 666. \n\n\n\n0Y6 ^^^ NATION. [1863. \n\nture to attack. So they moved off, with a large drove of cattle, for some \nweaker prey. A little more than a month later, a wagon-train for Fort Blunt \nwas attacked [July l] by Texans and Creek Indians. These were repulsed, \nand the train reached the fort in safety. Just then a great peril threatened \nthat post. Six thousand Confederates were approaching to assail it. General \nBlunt had just arrived. He at once led three thousand troops, with twelve \nlight cannon, to attack the Confederates. He found them at Honey Springs, \nunder General Cooper, where he fell upon them suddenly. After two hours\' \nhard fighting [July 1 7], the Confederates gave way. Only an hour afterward, \nGeneral Cabell, whom Cooper was expecting, came up with three thousand \nTexan cavalry. It was too late. Cabell did not think it prudent to attack \nBlunt, and so he moved across the Canadian River into Texas. \n\nGuerrilla bands were now active in Blunt\'s rear. Early in August, about \nthree hundred of these, composed chiefly of desperate characters of Missouri, \nand led by a white savage, who had assumed the name of Quantrell, crossed \ninto Kansas, and attacked the town of Lawrence [August 13], inhabited chiefly \nby Unionists. The town was wholly without defenders, and the guerrillas \nmurdered people and destroyed property without hinderance. In the course \nof a few hours, one hundred and forty persons were murdered, and one hun- \ndred and eighty-flve buildings were in flames. This crime produced horror \nand indignation ; and when, ten- days afterward, the guerrilla chief, M. Jeff. \nThompson, was captured, it was very difiicult to shield him from personal \ninjui-y. \n\nSoon after the capture of Vicksburg, General Steele organized an expedi- \ntion at Helena for the capture of Little Rock. He moved, on the 10th of \nAugust, with about twelve thousand men and forty cannon. He crossed the \nWhite River at Clarendon, and pushing back the Confederates under Marma- \nduke, reached the Arkansas, below Little Rock, on the 7th of September. A . \npart of his forces, under General Davidson, crossed to the south bank, and \nupon opposite sides of the river the two columns moved on Little Rock. Mar- \nmaduke made some opposition, but with General Price and others, and all the \ntroops in that vicinity, he abandoned the Arkansas capital, leaving several \nsteamers on fire. On the evening of the 10th [Sept., 1863], Steele\'s forces \noccupied the city and the fortifications. The Confederates retreated rapidly \nto Arkadelphia, on the Washita River, This successful campaign occupied \nforty days. \n\nBlunt, meanwhile, was trying to bring the Confederates and Indians in the \nregion west of Arkansas to battle, but failed to do so; and Cabell, with a large \nforce, hastened to the aid of Price at Little Rock. He did not reach there in \ntime, but joined Price in his retreat to Arkadelphia. Blunt took possession of \nPort Smith, and garrisoned it ; and early in October, when on his way from \nKansas to that post, with an escort of a hundred cavalry, he was attacked \n[October 4], near Baxter\'s Springs, by Quantrell and six hundred guerrillas. \nThe escort was demolished ; an accompanying train was plundered and burned, \nand Blunt, with about a dozen followers, barely escaped with their lives to \nLittle Fort Blair. The Confederates in that region, now finding their supplies \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\nG7r \n\n\n\nto be nearly exhausted, a part of Cabell\'s command, under Colonel Shelby, \nundertook a raid into Missouri, to procure some. In the southwestern part of \nthat State they were joined by a considerable force under Coffey, when the \ncombined army was twenty-five hundred strong. They penetrated the State \nto Booneville [October 1, 1863], on tho Missouri River, but were quickly \ndriven back into Arkansas by Generals Brown and McNeil, when the lattei- \nwas placed in command of the Army of the Frontier. Comparative quiet \nprevailed in Missouri and Arkansas after that for some time, the only hostile \nmovement of note being an attack [Oct. 25] by Marmaduke upon Pine Bluff, \non the Arkansas River, with two thousand men and twelve guns. The little \ngarrison, und^r Colonel Clayton, with the help of two hundred negi-oes in \nmaking barricades, drove off the assailants, after a contest of sevex-al houi-s. \n\nLet us now see what w^as occurring west of the Mississippi, in the Gulf \nDepartment, commanded by General N". P. Banks. When that commander \nwithdrew from Alexan- \ndria, on the Red River, \nto invest Port Hudson,\' \nGeneral Dick Taylor, \nAvhom he had driven intn \nthe wilds of Western \nLouisiana, returned, took \npossession of the aban- \ndoned towns of Alexan- \ndria and Opelousas, and \ngarrisoned Fort de Rus- \nsy, early in June [18G3]. \nThen he swept rapidly \nthrough the State toward \nthe Mississippi, and in \nthe direction of New Orleans, causing Banks to draw in his outposts to \nBrashear City. But this post was soon captured [June 24, 1868], with an \nimmense amount of public property, and a thousand prisoners.* A few days \nlater, a Confederate force, under General Green, attempted to seize Fort \nButler [June 20], at Donaldsonville, on the Mississippi, but were repulsed, \nAvith a loss of over three hundred men ; and, on the 1 2th of July, the same \nleader attacked some troops under General Dudley, in the rear of Donaldson- \nville, when, after a partial success, the Confederates were driven, and retreated \nout of that district. This was about the last struggle of Taylor\'s troops to \ngain a foothold on the Mississippi, for Banks\'s force, released by the fall of \nPort Hudson,^ quickly expelled the Confederates from the region eastward of \nthe Atchafalaya. \n\n\n\n\nFORT DE RUSSY. \n\n\n\n\' See page 644. \n\n\' The Confederates took possession of the fort there, with its ten guns : also, a large amount \nof small-anns, munitions of war, provisions. &c., the whole valued at full $2,000,000. A thousand \nrefugee negroes were also seized there, and remanded into slavery worse than they had endured \nbefore. \' See page 64&. \n\n\n\nQhQ \' THE NATION. [1863. \n\nBanks now turned his thoughts to aggressive movements. Grant visited \nhim early in September, Avhen the two leaders united in an earnest expression \nof a desire to move, with their combined forces, on Mobile. But the represent- \nations of Texan loyalists, then in Washington City, caused the government \nto order an expedition for the recovery of Texas. Banks fitted out one, to \nmake a lodgment in that State at Sabine Pass, on the boundary-line between \nLouisiana and Texas. He sent four thousand veteran troops for the purpose, \nunder General Franklin ; and Admiral Farragut detailed, as a co-operative \nnaval force, four gun-boats, under Lieutenant Crocker, The expedition crossed \nthe bar at Sabine Pass on the 8th of September [1863], when, instead of the \ntroops landing, according to instructions, and taking the Confedirate works in \nreverse, the gun-boats proceeded to make a direct attack. They were repulsed \nby a handful of men behind a small work, armed Avith eight guns,\' and the \nexpedition returned to New Orleans, leaving behind two steamers, with fifteen \nrifled-guns, two hundred men as prisoners, and fifty men killed and wounded. \n\nThe notice given to tl* Confederates by this unfortunate expedition, of a \n\xe2\x96\xa0design to invade Texas coastwise, caused an abandonment of the scheme at that \ntime, and Banks concentrated his forces on the Atchafalaya, for the purpose \nof penetrating that State by way of Shreveport, on the Red River. There \nappeared insuperable obstacles to an expedition over that route. Banks deter- \nmined to make an attempt to seize and hold the harbors of that commonwealth \non the coast. General C. C. Washburn was ordered to mask the movement \nl)y marching from Brashear toward Alexandria, and, on the 26th of October, \nan expedition, consisting of about six thousand troops and some war-vessels, \nrsailed from New Orleans directly for the Rio Grande. The troops, under the \nimmediate command of General Dana, landed at Brazos Santiago, drove some \nConfederate cavalry toward Brownsville, thirty miles up the river, and, fol- \nlowing them, reached that post on the 6th of November. Detachments were \nsent to other points, and in the space of a month National troops took posses- \nsion of Texan seaports and fortified posts on the coast, from the Rio Grande \neastward, to near the mouth of the Brazos. Only the latter place, and Galves- \nton Island, were now held by the foe. There they had formidable works. At \nthe close of the year all Texas west of the Colorado was abandoned by them.\' \n\n\' This fort had a garrison of 200 men ; but, at the time of the attack, all but forty-two were \nabsent. Those present were chiefly Irishmen, and belonged to an organization known as the \n"Davis Guards." For their gallantry on this occasion, Jefterson Davis presented each man with \na small silver medal, a representation of which may be found in Lossing\'s Pictorial Field-Book of \nthe Civil War. iii., 222. \n\n" While the events we have just noticed were occurring in the region westward of the \nLower Mississippi, others, having a slight bearing upon the war, occurred on the same side of the \ngreat river, in the region of its upper waters. This was a war with the Siou.T tribe of Indians, in \nthe State of Minnesota. It broke out in the summer of 1862, when Little Crow, a saintly-looking \nfriavage in civilized costume, led his fellow-savages in the butchery of the white inhabitants at \ndifferent places along tlie frontier settlements. These warriors besieged Forts Ripley and Aber- \n^i-rorabie in the autumn, and in that region they massacred about five hundred white people \xe2\x80\x94 men, \nwomen, and children. Finally, troops under General Sibley captured about five hundred of tlic \n\xe2\x96\xa0savages, and thirty-seven of the worst offenders were hanged. Little Crow wn.s shot by a ppvate \n.citizen wliile the savage was picking blackberries. His skeleton is preserved in *.he Minnesota \nHistorical Society. The war was not ended until the summer of 1863, when General Pope w-as \nin command of that Department. \n\n\n\n1863.J LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. g^Q \n\nBefore proceeding to a consideration of military affairs in 1864, let us take \na brief glance at the aspect of civil affairs at the beginning of that year. The \nmanagement of the finances of the nation were yet in the hands of Mr. Chase.\' \nThe public debt had then reached the appalling sum of considerably over \n$1,000,000,000;\' the great war was in full career, and the debt was increasing \nevery day ; and yet the public credit, among American citizens, never stood \nliigher. " The history of the world," said the Secretary of the Treasury, a \nyear later, when he had been fully sustained by the people, " may be searched \nin vain for a parallel case of popular financial support to a National move- \nment." The Secretary, in his report to Congress in 1862, had shown that, to \nmeet all demands to the close of the fiscal year, at the end of June, 1864 \n(eighteen months), provision must be made for raising over $900,000,000 more. \nSuch a demand would have appalled the representatives of a less hopeful \npeople. But they met the matter firmly, and took measures for raising the \nmoney. The people manifested their confidence in the government, by lending \nit, within the space of two months after the adjournment of Congress [March \n3, 1863], 1169,000,000. \n\nThe finances of the Confederates were in a deplorable condition at the \nbeginning of 1864. Their jiublic debt, in round numbers, was $1,000,000,000, \nwith a prospective increase at the end of the year to full $2,000,000,000. The \n<;urrency in circulation amounted to $600,000,000, and Avas so depreciated that \nthe "government" could see nothing but ruin ahead. Few persons, besides \ndeceived and sympathizing Europeans, particularly Englishmen,\' could be in- \nduced to take the " government " bonds willingly. The producers of the \nConfederacy were unwilling to take the promises of the " government " to \njtay for their products, and want had threatened their army with destruction. \nSo the authorities at Richmond had boldly adopted the measure of seizing \nsupplies for their armies ; and, for the purpose of keeping their ranks full, \nIiad passed a law declai\'ing, in substance, every white man in the Confederacy, \nliable to bear arms, to be in the military service, and that upon failure to re- \nport for duty at a military station within a certain time, he was liable to the \n2)enalty of death as a deserter.* \n\nNotwithstanding these disabilities and the fading away of every hope of \nrecognition by foreign governments, or the moral support of any civilized \npeople,* the Conspirators at Rich mond, holding the reins of despotic power \n\n\' See page 560. ^ ..,,,,. . \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2\xe2\x96\xa0\' The National debt on the first of July, 1863, was $1,098,793,181. It was estimated that at \nthe same period in 1804 it would be $1,686,956,190. The average rate of interest on the whole \ndebt, without regard to the varying margin between coin and notes, had been reduced from 4-36 \nper cent., on the first of July, 1862, to 3-77 per cent, on the first of July, 1863. _ ^ ,, ^ \n\n^ The Confederates negotiated a loan in Europe of $15,000,000, on the security of cott\xc2\xbbn to \nbe sent abroad and sold. Members of the Southern Independence Association, m England, com- \nposed of persons of the ruling class, were heavy losers by the transaction. _ , , . ,< ,. .\xe2\x80\x9e \n\n* The history of civilized nations has no paraUel to this act Mr. Davis and bis cabinet \nhad then reached a critical point in their career. They well knew that f^^^\'-^J^their tre- \nmendous undertaking would be ruin to themselves, and they seemed willing Jo sacnfice every \nman, ruin every family, waste all the property in the Confederacy, and s\xc2\xab\xc2\xab^then^ fair section \nof the Republic converted into a wilderness in a desperate effort to win success. 1 hey seemed \nto regard the "common people" as of no account. u;^\xe2\x80\x9ef^\xe2\x80\x9e fr^rwarHp^l tr. \n\n^ On the 1st of April, 1864, Lord Lyons, the British minister ^t Wash ngton, om^^^^ \nJefferson Davis, by permission of our government, a letter from Earl ^"^^^"^^h\', ? .^^if^,*,^^^^^^^^^ \nSecretary, in which, in the name of "her Majesty\'s government." he protested agaln^t the further \n\n\n\n580 THE NATION. [1863. \n\nwith firm grasp, resolved to carry on the war regardless of consequences to \ntheir wearied and oppressed people. They employed the President\'s Proclama- \ntion of Emancipation \' as a means for " firing the Southern heart," and they \nput foi-th the grossest misrepresentations to deceive the people. They devised \nschemes for retaliation, and the most cruel measures toward negro troops and \ntheir white commandei\'s were proposed. They refused to recognize captive \nnegro soldiers as prisoners of war, and sought, by threats of vengeance, to \ndeter negroes from enlisting. But more prudent counsels prevailed, for it Avas \nseen that such measures might be retorted with fearful efiect. The President \nstood firm concerning emancipation. His proclamation was the exponent of \nthe future policy of the government. Congress passed laws in consonance \nwith it. The organization of negro troops for military service was authorized \nand carried out, and the government took the just ground that all its soldiers \nshould have equal protection. The slave-holders were exasperated. The \nPeace Faction protested. The loyal people said to the government, Be firm. \n" The signs," the President said, " look better." \'More than fifty thousand \nsquare miles had been recovered from the Confederates in the West. The \nautumn elections [1863] showed that the friends of the government, who had \nspoken at the ballot-box, were overwhelming in numbers and moral strength. \nThe government took fresh coui-age, and adopted measures for a vigorous \nmilitary campaign in 1864. The President, with the hope of weakening the \nmoral strength of the Confederates issued a generous Amnesty Proclamation,^ \n\nprocuring of pirate vessels within the British dominions by the Confederates. After courteously \nreciting facts connected with the matter, RusseLl said: "Under these circumstances, her Majesty\'s \ngovernment protests and remonstrates against any further efforts being made on the part of the \nso-called Confederate States, or the authorities or agents thereof, to build, or cause to be built, or \nto purchase, or cause to be purchased, any such vessels as* those styled \'rams,\' or any other ves- \nsels to be used for war purposes against the United States, or against any country witli which \nthe United Kingdom is at peace and on terms of amity; and her Majesty\'s government further \nprotest and remonstrates against all acts in violation of the neutrality laws of the realm." \n\nThese words from one who, personally and as the representative of the British government, \nhad given the insurgents all the "aid and comfort " a wise business prudence would allow, kindled \nthe hottest indignation of the chief leaders, and Jefferson Davis instructed one of his assistants \n(Burton N. Harrison) to reply that it "would be inconsistent with the dignity of the position he \n[J. Davis] fills as Chief Magistrate of a nation comprising a population of more than twelve mil- \nlions, occupying a territory many times larger than the United Kingdom, and possessing resources \nunsurpassed by those of any other country on the face of the globe, to allow the attempt of Earl \nRussell to ignore the actual existence of the Confederate States, and to contemptuously style them \n\' so-called,\' to pass without a protest and a remonstrance. The President, therefore, does pro- \ntest and remonstrate against this studied insult ; and he instructs me to say that in future any \ndocument in which it may be repeated will be returned unanswered and unnoticed." The scribe \nof the irate "President " added: "Were, indeed, her Majesty\'s government sincere in a desire \nand a determination to maintain neutrality, the President would not but feel that they would \nneither be just, nor gallant to allow the subjugation of a nation like the Confederate States, by \nsuch a barbarous, despotic race as are now attempting it." \n\n\' See page 640. \n\n^ The President offered full pardon, and restoration of all rights of property, excepting as to \nslaves, to all persons (with specified exceptions), who had participated in the rebellion, who should \ntake a prescribed oath of allegiance to the government. The persons excepted were all who were \nor had been civil or diplomatic agents of the so-called Confederate government; all who had left \njudicial stations under the United States to aid the rebellion : all who were or had been military \nor naval officers of the so-called Confederate government above the rank of colonel in the army \nand lieutenant in the nav}\' ; all who left seats in the National Congress to aid the rebellion ; all \nwho resigned commissions in the National Army or Navy, and afterward aided the rebellion; and \nall who had engaged in any way in treating colored persons, or white persons in charge of such, \notherwise than lawfully as prisoners of war. \n\n\n\n1864.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. ggj \n\nand a prescription for the reorganization of States wherein rebellion existed. \nThe new Congress (XXXVIIIth) had heavy majorities of loyal members in \nboth Houses, \n\nThe National forces in the field at the opening of 1864 numbered about \n800,000. Those of the Confederates were about half that number. The former \nAvere ready and disposed to act on the offensive ; the latter, generally, stood \non the defensive. The government and people were tired of delays and the \nalmost indecisive warfare of posts, as the struggle had been up to this time. \nIt was evident that proper vigor in the control of the armies could only be \nobtained by placing that control in the hands of one competent man in the \nfield. For this purpose Congress created the office of Lieutenant-General. \nThe President nominated Ulysses S, Grant to fill it. The Senate confirmed \nthe nomination [March 2, 1864], and that successful leader was commissioned \n[March 8] General-in-Chief of the Armies of the United States, and made his \nhead-quarters in the field, with the Army of the Potomac. \n\nGrant had no sympathy with a system of warfare half coercive and half \npersuasive. That had been tried too long for the public good. He believed \nhis government to be right and the Confederates wrong. He regarded sharp \nand decisive blows as the most merciful in the end, and calculated to save life \nand treasure, and so he resolved to make Avar with all the terrible intentions of \nwar, and end it. He at once organized two grand expeditions, having for \ntheir geographical objectives the capture of Richmond in Virginia and Atlanta \nin Georgia ; and their prime object was the destruction of the two great \narmies of the Conspirators, commanded by Lee and Johnston. The Army of \nthe Potomac, destined to conquer Lee, Avas placed under the command of \nGeneral George G. Meade ; that intended to fight Johnston Avas intrusted to \nGeneral W. T. Sherman. Events proved the wisdom of Grant\'s choice. \n\nBefore considering these great campaigns, let us notice, briefly, other \nimportant movements in the country between the mountains and the Missis- \nsippi River, and the region beyond that stream. \n\nWhen Sherman went to the assistance of Rosecrans,\' he left General J. B.. \nMcPherson in command at Vicksburg. Late in October [1863] that officer \nAvent out with about eight thousand men, to drive the Confederates from the \nline of the raihvay between Jackson and Canton, but Avas met by a superior \nforce [October 21], and returned Avithout fighting. MeauAvhile, the Confed- \nerate guerrilla chief, Forrest, Avith about four thousand men, broke into West \nTennessee fi-om Northern Mississippi, and making Jackson, in that State, his \nhead-quarters [December], sent out foraging parties in various directions. \nTroops Avere sent by Hurlbut, at Memphis, to catch him, but he managed to- \nescape Avith much plunder. Sherman soon afterward reappeared in Mississippi,, \nand on the 3d of February he left Vicksburg with about tAventy-three thou- \nsand effective men, for a grand raid through that State, in the direction of \nMontgomery, in Alabama, and to march on Mobile, if circumstances should \nwarrant the movement. General (Bishop) Polk Avas then in command in that \n\n\' See page 668. \n\n\n\n682 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\nri8C4. \n\n\n\nreo-ion, with a large force of infantry and cavalry. He made but a feeble \nresistance, and fell back as Sherman moved victoriously to Meridian, at the \nintersection of important railways. There the latter halted, and waited for \na division, chiefly of cavalry, under General W. S. Smith, expected from \nTennessee. Sherman\'s path from Jackson to Meridian, was marked by the \ndestruction of the railway, its station-houses and rolling stock, besides stores \nand other public property ; and during a week that he staid at Meridian he \nmade the most complete destruction of railroads each way from that point. \nIn the mean time Smith failed to join him. He started late, and was driven \nback by a Confederate force under Forrest and others. Shermazi, at the end \nof a week, laid Meridian in ashes, and returned to Vicksburg with four hun- \ndred i^risoners, a thousand white Union refugees, and about five thousand \nnegroes. His raid spread dismay throughout the Confederacy, from the Mis- \nsissippi to the Savannah, and inflicted a heavy loss on the foe.\' \n\nSherman\'s raid caused Johnston, at Dalton, in Northern Georgia, to send \ntroops to the aid of Polk. Informed of this. Grant, at ChattanoQga, sent the \nFourteenth Army Corps, under General Palmer, to menace Johnston and \n\xe2\x80\xa2compel him to recall his detachments. The retrograde movement of Sherman \n\xe2\x96\xa0caused these detachments to fall back, when Palmer, confronted by a superior \nforce, after some severe fighting [February, 1864], between Ringgold and \nDalton, returned to Chattanooga. \n\nForrest, whose sphere of duty had been enlarged, M\'as now charged with \nthat of preventing re-enforcements from reaching Johnston\'s opponent, from \nthe region of the Mississippi, by keeping them employed there. Late in \nMarch he made a rapid raid through Tennessee and Kentucky, to the Ohio at \nPaducah, with about five thousand men, capturing Union City and Hickman \nby the way. He assailed the fort and garrison at Paducah, under Colonel \n\nHicks, and was repulsed. \n\n\n\nwhen he hurried to attack \nFort Pillow, on the Miss- \nissippi, above Memphis, \n^ commanded by Major L. \nH F. Booth, Avith a garrison \n, composed largely of col- \nored troops. This post \nForrest besieged on the \n13th of April. Booth was \nassisted in the defense by \n^ the gun-boat A^?o M\'a, \n=^ Captain Marshall, but was \novercome by a trick rather \nthan by arms. Forrest \n\n\n\n\xc2\xab., \n\n\n\n\nsent in a flag of truce, demanding a surrender of the fort, and while it was \n\n\n\n\' The sum of injury done to the Confederates during Sherman\'s raid, including that of Smith, \n\xe2\x80\xa2nd an expedition which Porter sent simultaneously to attack Yazoo City and distract the Con- \n\n\n\ni864.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. ggg \n\nthere, and the summons was under consideration, he secretly placed large \nnumbers of his troops in ravines near, Avhere they might effectually fall upon \nthe fort from points where their presence was least expected. This was done, \nwith the cry of " No quarter," Avhen a large number of the garrison, who \nthrew down their arms, were slaughtered by methods most cruel. The poor \nnegro troops were objects of the direst vengeance of the assailant.\' " Forrest\'s \nmotto," said Major C. W. Gibson, one of his men, to the Avriter, " was, \' War \nmeans fight, and fight means kill \xe2\x80\x94 we want but few prisoners.\' " This principle \nwas fully illustrated by Forrest by his cruel deed at Fort Pillow.\' \n\nAn attempt was made to intercept Forrest in his retreat southward from \nFort Pillow. It failed. Some Aveeks later General Sturgis was sent out \nfrom Memphis with a large force into Mississippi, to hunt up and beat him, \nwhen the former was attacked near Gun Town, on the Mobile and Ohio rail- \nw^ay, by Forrest, and, after a severe battle [June 10], was compelled to fly \n\nfederates, may be stated in general terms as follows : The destruction of 150 miles of railway, 67 \nbridges, 700 trestles, 20 locomotives, 28 cars, several thousand bales of cotton, several steam \nmills, and over 2,000,000 bushels of corn. About 500 prisoners were taken, and over 8,000 \nTiegroes and refugees followed the various columns back to Vicksburg. \n\nThe expedition sent to Yazoo City consisted of some gun-boats, under Lieutenant Owen, and \na detachment of troops under Colonel Osband. They did not then capture the place, but inflicted \nconsiderable damage, and returned with a less of not more than 50 men. Yai^oo City was soon \niiftervvard occupied by a Union force, composed of the 8th Louisiana and 200 of the Seventh Mis- \nsissippi colored troops, and the 11th Illinois. Tliey were attacked by a superior force on the 5th \nof March. A desperate fight ensued. The assailants were finally ariven away by some re-en- \nf^rcements from below, and soon afterward the town was evacuated. The Union loss in this \nstruggle was 130. That of the Confederates was about the same. \n\n\' There was much opposition to the employment of negroes as soldiers, until quite a late \nperiod of the war. At tiie breaking out of the rebellion, colored men in the Free-labor States \noffered their services as soldiers, but they were not accepted. When Crcneral Hunter took com- \nmand in the Department of tlie South, he proclaimed the freedom of the slaves, and was about to \norganize regiments of colored men. The government would not sanction his proceedings. When \nfieneral Phelps, commanding a short distance from New Orleans, proposed to make fighters of \nthose colored men who fled into his camp from their masters, and was ordered by General Butler \nto employ them only as servants, he declared that he was not \'\xe2\x80\xa2 willing to become a mere slave- \ndriver," and t-hrew up his commission and returned to Vermont. But, as the war went on, and \nprejudice gave way to necessity, the enlistment of colored men into the army was authorized. \nTlieir usefulness was proven at Milliken\'s Bend, Port Hudson, Fort Wagner, and other places. \nIn March, 1863, the Adjutant-General of the armies was sent to tlie Mississippi Valley for the \npurpose of promoting tlie enhstment of colored troops. During the war full 200,000 of these \ndusky soldiers were seen in the uniform of the armies of the Republic. For awhile the Confed- \nerates refused to consider them as prisoners of war and subjects of equal exchange with white \ncaptives. But they were finally compelled to acknowledge their equality as soldiers, and accept \ntlie conditions imposed by necessity. \n\n^ In a report of a sub-committee of the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War, \nmade shortly after the deed, the perpetration of the most horrible cruelties were proven. One or \ntwo iUnstrative instances will suffice: "All around were heard cries of \'No quarter! Kill the \ndamned niggers! Shoot \'em down !\' and all who asked for mercy were answered by the most \ncr\\iel taunts and sneers. Some were spared for a time, to be murdered under circumstances of \n\nthe greatest cruelty One negro, who had been ordered by a rebel officer to hold his \n\nhorse, was killed by him when he remounted; anotlier, a mere child, whom an officer had taken \nup behind him, was seen by Chalmers [General Chalmers, one of Forrest\'s leaders], who at once \nordered the officer to put him down and shoot him, which was done." They burned huts and \nleuts in which tlie wounded had sought shelter, and were still in them. "One man was deliber- \nately fastened down to the floor of a tent, face upward, by means of nails driven througli his \nclothing and into the boards under him, so that he could not possibly escape, and then the tent \nset on fire. Another was nailed to the side of a building outside of the fort, and then the build- \ning set on fire and burned These deeds of murder and cruelty ceased when night \n\ncame on, only to be renewed the next morning, when tlie demons carefully sought among the \ndead, lying about in all directions, for any of tlie wounded yet alive, and those they found wera \ndehberately shot." \n\n\n\ng34 T2^ NATION. [18G4. \n\nback to Memjjhis as rapidly as possible, with very heavy loss. Another expe- \ndition, under General A. J, Smith, composed of about twelve thousand men, \nwas sent on a similar errand. He fought and defeated Forrest near Tupelo \n[July 14], and then returned to Memphis. Three weeks afterward Smitli \nreturned to Mississippi, with ten thousand men, in search of Forrest, but while \nhe was there, that bold leader, with three thousand picked men, flanked him, \ndashed into Memphis in broad daylight, hoping to capture some Union generals \nat the Gayosa House, and then fled back to Mississippi. \n\nLet us now look across the Father of Waters, and see what Avas occurring \nthere in 1864. \n\nEarly in January, General Banks received orders from Hall\'eck, the General- \nin-Chief of the armies, to organize an expedition for the recovery of Texas, to \ngo by way of the Red River, to Shreveport, in the vicinity of Avhich was a \nconsiderable Confedei-ate force, under General E. Kirby Smith and other \nleaders. It Avas proposed to have troops from Sherman\'s command, and a fleet \nof gun-boats under Admiral Porter, to co-operate directly with Banks, while \nSteele, at Little Rock,\' should more remotely aid the expedition. Accordingly, \nearly in March, Porter was at the mouth of the Red River [March 7], Avith \nhis fleet, and transports Avith Sherman\'s troops under General A. J. Smith. \nThe latter Avere landed at Simms\'s Port on the Atchafalaya. They marched to \nFort de Russy\'^ and captured it [March 14, 1864], and then, on transports, \nwent up the river to Alexandria, and took possession of the town [March 16]. \nBanks\'s column had marched, meauAvhile, from the vicinity of Brashear City, \nunder General Franklin, and moving by Avay of Opelousas, arrived at Alex- \nandria on the 26th. Banks had arrived there two days before. Smith\'s troops \nAvent forAvard, driving the Confederates who were gathering on their front, and \ntook post twenty miles farther up the river, in the direction of Shreveport. \n\nThe Avater in the Red River Avas low, and falling, and it Avas Avith much \ndifiiculty that the fleet and transports got above the rapids at Alexandria. \nThey did so after a few days of hard labor. Banks\'s column, meanwhile, had \nadvanced to Natchitoches, eighty miles above Alexandria [April 3], the Con- \nfederates, in increasing numbers, falling back as they advanced. Smith\'s \ntroops on transports, and the fleet, advanced to Grand Ecore, near Natchi- \ntoches, and from that point the great body of the expedition moved toward \nShreveport. The larger gun-boats could go no further, so a detachment of \nSmith\'s command, under General T. Kilby Smith, accompanied the transports \nand lighter gun-boats, Avith supplies for the army. \n\nThe expedition encountered the Confederates on the Avay, now and then, \nbut they invariably fell back, until they reached Sabine Cross Roads, not far \nfrom Mansfield, where they made a stand in heavy force. There Banks\'s \ncavalry, and part of his infantry and artillery, engaged in a sharp struggle \n[April 8], Avhen they were forced to retreat a short distance by overwhelming \nnumbers. Franklin came up with re-enforcements late in the afternoon, when \nthe whole body of National troops were routed with heavy loss of men and \n\n> See page 676. " See page 677. \n\n\n\n1SG4.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. (Jg5 \n\nmaterials of war. Fortunately the fine division of General Emory was near, \nand took a stand at Pleasant Grove to receive the fugitives and resist the \n(Confederates. Another heavy battle ensued, when the Nationals were again \nvictorious. They thought it prudent, however, after the battle, to fall back to \nPleasant Hill, fifteen miles in the i*ear, for it was not certain that General \nSmith would come up in time to aid the Avearied troops on the field of victory. \nThere the united forces took a strong position. The Confederates had fol- \nlowed closely, and there another severe battle was fought [April 9, 1864], \nwhich resulted in another victory for the Nationals. Banks proposed to move \nagain toward Shreveport, in the morning, but the v;nanimous opinion of the \noflScers of his and Smith\'s command, was that it would be best for the expedi- \ntion to fall back to the Red River, at Grand Ecore.\' The transports and \nguarding troops, and the lighter gun-boats, which had gone up to Loggy \nBayou, after some fighting on the way with Confederates on the banks of the \nriver, joined the army at Grand Ecore. \n\nThe troubles of the expedition were not at an end. It was determined to \nfall back to Alexandria, and it was an easy matter for the army to do so, but \nthe water in the Red River was so low, and still falling, that it was difticult to \nget the fleet over the bar at Grand Ecore. This was accomplished, however, \nand on the 1 7th of April the fleet started down the river, when one of the \nvessels was sunk by a torpedo. The army moved on the 21st [April, 1864], \nbut was met at the passage of the Cane River, where the Confederates, on \nMonet\'s Bluflf, confronted them. These were dislodged by skillful maneuvers \nand sharp fighting, and the National forces entered Alexandria on the 27th, \nafter an absence of twenty-four days. Some of the fleet had a severe struggle \nwith a battery at the mouth of Cane River, but the vessels ran by it in the \ndarkness, excepting a pump-boat. The expedition against Shreveport was now \nabandoned, and it was determined to return to the Mississippi. \n\nThe fleet encountered a most serious obstacle at Alexandria. The water \nwas so low that it was impossible for the vessels to pass over the rapids, A \nmeans had been suggested, by Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Bailey, Engineer of \nthe Nineteenth Corps, so early as the day of the battle at Pleasant Hill, \nwhen a retreat was thought of. It was to dam the river at the foot of the \nrapids, so as to deepen the water on them, and thus, when the vessels were \nthere, open a sluice and allow them to go down with the deep current.* This \n\n\' The chief reasons offered were: (I.) The difficulty in bringing his trains which had been \nsent forward on the road toward Grand Ecore, in time to move quickly after the flying Confede- \nrates; (2.) A lack of water for man or beast in that region, excepting such as the wells afforded; \n(3.) The fact that all surplus ammunition and supplies of the army were on board the transports \nsent up the river, and the impossibility of knowing whether these had reached their destination ; \n(4.) The falling of the river, which imperiled the naval part of the expedition; and (5.) The report \nof a scouting party, on the day of the battle, that no tidings could be heard of the fleet. " These \nconsiderations," said Banks, "the absolute deprivation of water for man or beast, the exhaustion \nof rations, and the failure to effect a connection with the fleet on the river, made it necessary for \nthe army, although victorious in the struggle through which it had just passed," to retreat to a \npoint where it would be certain of communicating with the fleet, and where it would have an \nopportimity for reorganization." \n\n^ Admiral Porter, in his dispatch to the Secretary of the Navy, said: "The work was com- \ntnenoed by running out from the left bank of the river a tree-dam, made of the bodies of very \n\n\n\n686 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[18G4, \n\n\n\nMas done successfully. All of the Aessels passed tlic I\'apids safely into the \ndeep water below, made so by an upward current of the brimful Mississippi, \none hundred and fifty miles distant. With very little further trouble, the \nwhole expedition moved down to the Mississippi. At Simms\'s Port on the \n\n\n\n\n\xc2\xab. y<&/^\'\'- \n\n\n\n^m^^^^^^^^\' \n\n\n\n\nBAILEY\'S RED RIVER DAM \n\n\n\nAtchafiilaya, General Canby appeared, and took command of Banks\'s troops, \nand the latter returned to New Orleans. General Smith returned to IMissis- \nsippi, and Porter resumed the service of patrolling the Mississippi River. \n\nGeneral Steele had not been able to co-operate with the expedition, as Avas \nexpected. He started southward from Little Rock late in March with about \neight thousand troops, and was soon joined by General Thayer, commander of \nthe Army of the Frontier. They pushed back Price, Marmaduke, and others, \nwho opposed them in considerable force, and captured the important post of \nCamden [April 15, 1864], on the Washita River. It was a difficult one to \nhold, and Steele soon abandoned it, and returned to Little Rock, after a severe \nbattle at Jenkinson\'s Ferry on the Sabine River. So ended, in all its parts, \nthe disastrous campaign against Shreveport for the repossession of Texas. It \nfailure was owing to a Radically defective plan, over which the leaders had na \ncontrol.\' \n\n\n\nlarge trees, brush, brick, and stone, cross-tied witli other heavy timber, and strengthened in every \nway ingenuity could devise. This was run about three hundred feet into the river. Four large \ncoal-barges were then filled with briclc, and sunk at tlie end of it. From the right bank of the \nriver cribs filled with stone were built out to meet the barges." \n\n\' General Banks had so often objected to taking tlie route of the Red Eiver, for Texas, tliat \nwhen Halleck again urged it, he did not feel at liberty to demur. He laid before the General-in- \nChief a memorial, in wliich were explicitly stated the obstructions to be encountered, and the \nmeasures necessary to accomplish tlie object in view. It recommended as indispensable to \nsuccess: (1.) Such complete preliminary organization as would avoid the least delay in move- \nments after the campaign had opened ; (2.) Tliat a line of supply be established from the Missis- \nsippi, independent of water-courses, because these would become unmanageable at certain seasons \nof the year ; (3.) The concentration of the forces west of tlie Mississippi, and such other force as \nshould be assigned to this duty from General Sherman\'s command, in such a manner as to expel \nthe enemy from Northern Louisiana and Arkansas ; (4.) Such preparation and concert of action \namong the different corps engaged as to prevent the enemy, by keeping him constantly employed, \nfrom operating against our positions or forces elsewhere ; and (5.) That the entire force should \nbe placed under the command of a single general. Preparations for a long campaign was also \nadvised, and the month of May was indicated as the point of time when the occupation of \n\n\n\n1864.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. ggT \n\nThe failure of the Red River expedition, and the expulsion of Steele from \nthe region below the Arkansas River, emboldened the Confederates, and they \nsoon had almost absolute control of the State. Raiding parties roamed at \nwill ; and very soon the Unionists were awed into silence, and the civil power, \nin a great degree, passed into the hands of the enemies of the Republic.\' \nThis condition of affairs was favorable to a long-contemplated invasion of \nMissouri by Price, which had both a military and political object in view. \nIn the Western States, and particularly in Missouri, were secret associations in \nsympathy with the Confederates, known as Knights of the Golden Circle^ and \n" Sons of Liberty." An arrangement appears to have been made for an \narmed uprising of the members of these associations, when Price should \nenter the State, and he was induced to do so by promises of being joined by \nover twenty thousand of these disloyal men. The vigilant Rosecrans, then \ncommander of the Department of Missouri,\' discovered their plans, made \nsome arrests, and so frightened the great mass of these secret enemies of the \ngovernment, that when Price ajjpeared, he fcfund very few recruits. \n\nPrice, and Shelby, with nearly twenty thousand followers, entered South- \neastern Missouri, late in September, and pushed on to Pilot Knob, half way to \nSt. Louis from the Ai\'kansas line. There General Ewing, Avith a single brigade, \nstruck him an astounding blow that made him very circumspect. Fortunately \nRosecrans had just been re-enforced by volunteers from the surrounding region, \nand by troops under General A. J. Smith, which had been stopped at Cairo on \ntheir way to join Sherman in Northern Georgia, with others under General \nMower, which speedily arrived. Price saw that a web of peril was rapidly \nweaving around him, so he abandoned his design of marching upon St. Louis. \nHe hastened toward Jefferson City, but passed on without touching it, and \nfled toward Kansas, closely pursued. It was an exciting chase, and was made \nlively, at times, by sharp encounters. Finally, early in November, Price was \ndriven into AVestern Arkansas with a broken and dispirited army. It was the \nlast invasion of Missouri. \n\nTurning our attention eastward, at about this time, we observe some, \nstirring events in East Tennessee. After Longstreet\'s retirement from Knox- \nville* he lingered some time between there and the Virginia border. General \nFoster took Burnside\'s place as the commander of the Union troops there. \nSome severe skirmishing occurred at different places, but no pitched battle ; \nand, finally, Longstreet withdrew into Virginia, to re-enforce the menaced army \nof General Lee. The notorious Morgan and his guerrilla band lingered in \n\nShreveport might be anticipated. "Not one of these suggestions," said General Banks in his \nreport, " so necessary in conquering the inherent difficulties of the expedition, was carried into \nexecution, nor was it in my power to establish them." There existed that bane of success, a \ndivided command Banks, Porter, and Smith, acted independently of each other, as far as they \npleased, there being no supreme authority to compel unity or co-operation in action. \n\n\' After Steele took possession of Little Rock in the autum of 1863, the Unionists of Arkansas \nheld a Convention there, and proceeded to re-estabhsli civil government according to the prescrip- \ntion contained in the President\'s Amnesty Proclamation. Now the State was so absolutely under \nthe control of the Confederates, that the disloyal government called a session of the old Legis- \nlature [September 22, 1864], and elected a representative in the so-called "Senate" of the Con- \nfederates, at Richmond. \n\n^ See page 520. = See note 2, page 666. * See page 6tl. \n\n\n\n688 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[18G4. \n\n\n\nEast Tennessee a few months longer. At the close of May he went over the \nmountains into Kentucky, and raided through the richest portions of that \nState, well ujj toward the Ohio, for the purpose of drawing Union ti-oops, \nthen threatening Southeastern Virginia, in that direction. General Burbridge \nliastened after him, and struck him such blows that his shattered column \nwent reeling back into East Tennessee. At Greenville, early in September, \nMorgan was surprised, and was shot dead while trying to escape. Soon after \nthis, Breckinridge moved into East Tennessee with a considerable force ; and \nfrom Kuoxville to the Virginia line, Avas a theater of stirring minor events of \nthe war. \n\nEarly in 18G4, there Avere some movements having in view the capture of \nRichmond, and the release of Union prisoners in the Libby, and on more hor- \nrible Belle Isle in the James River. The first of these which attracted much \niittention, occurred in February, when General B. F. Butler, then in command \nof the Department of Virginia and North Carolina, sent about fifteen hundred \ntroops against Richmond. The expedition, owing to treachery, was fruitless. \nLater, General Kilpatrick, with five thousand cavalry, swept around Lee\'s \n\n__--^ \xe2\x80\x94 =^ \xe2\x80\x94 _ . right flank, down to Rich- \n\nmond, and into its out- \ner line of fortifications \n[March 1, 1864], but was \ncompelled to retire. At \nabout the same time \nColonel Dahlgren, with a \npart of Kilpatrick\'s com- \nmand, appeared before \nRichmond [March 2, \n1864], at another point, \nbut was repulsed, and \nwhile retiring, was killed \nThe Confederate authori- \nties were so exasperated by the audacity of Kilpatrick, that they contemplated \nthe summary execution of ninety of Dahlgren\'s command, who were captured ;\' \nand they actually placed gunpowder under Libby Prison for the purpose of \nblowing it up with its hundreds of captive Union soldiers, should they attempt \nto escape !^ A few days later. General Custer, with a considerable force, \n\n\' A Bebfl War Clerk\'s [J. B. Jones] Diary. March 5, 18G4. The Richmond press, in the \ninterest of the Confederates, strongly recommended the measure. "Let them die," said the \nRichmond Whig, not by court-martial, not as prisoners, but as hastes humani generis by general \norder from the President, Commander-in-Chief" \n\n"^ A Rebel War Clerk\'s Diary, March 2, 1864. "Last night," says the Diary, "when it was \nsupposed probable that the prisoners of war at the Libby might attempt to break out. General \nWinder ordered that a large amount of powder be placed under the building, with instructions to \nblow them up if the attempt were made." Seddon would not give a written order for the diaboli- \n.-al work to be done, but he said, significantly, "the prisoners must not be allowed to escape, \nunder any circumstances." "which," says the diarist, "was considered sanction enough. Captain \n\nobtained an order for and procured several hundred pounds of gunpowder, which was \n\nplaced in readiness. Whether the prisoners were advised of this I know not ; but I told Captain \nit would not be justitiable to spring such a mine in the absence of their knowledge of the \n\n\n\n\nBELLE ISLE. \n\n\n\n1864.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. QgQ \n\nthreatened Lee\'s communications in the direction of Charlottesville and the \nShenandoah Valley. \n\nWe now come to the consideration of one of the great campaigns, planned \nby General Grant, namely, that of the Army of the Potomac under General \nMeade, against the Army of Northern Virginia under General Lee, and Rich- \nmond, the head-quarters of the Conspirators. Grant, as we have seen,\' made \nhis head-quarters with the Army of the Potomac, which was re-organized, and \ndivided into three corps, commanded, respectively, by Generals Hancock, \nWarren, and Sedgwick, and known in the order of the commanders named, as \nthe Second, Fifth, and Sixth. General Burnside, who, since his retirement \nfrom East Tennessee, had been re-organizing his old Ninth Corps, was ordei-ed \nforward, and joined the Army of the Potomac, on the Rapid Anna. Re-enforce- \nments rapidly filled the armies, and at the close of April [1864], Grant gave \norders for Meade in Virginia, and Sherman in Northern Georgia, to advance. \n\nThe Army of the Potomac crossed the Rapid Anna, into the tangled region \nknown as The Wilderness, on the morning of the 4th of May. At that time \nLee\'s army lay strongly intrenched behind Mine Run,* and extending from the \nRapid Anna almost to Gordonsville. It was also divided into three corps, \nunder Ewell, Hill, and Longstreet. Grant intended to move swiftly by Lee\'s \nflank, masked by The Wilderness, and plant the Union array between that of \nthe Confederates and Richmond; but the latter was vigilant, and boldly \nleaving his intrenchments, attacked the Nationals in The Wilderness. A very \nsanguinary battle ensued [May 5 and 6], on that strange battle-field,^ by which \nboth armies were shattered, but without any decided advantage gained by \neither. It continued two days, when Lee withdrew behind his intrenchments, \nand Meade prepared to get out of The Wilderness, into the open country near \nSpottsylvania Court-House, as soon as possible. In this sanguinary battle, \nthe gallant Union General Wadsworth was killed, and the Confederate General \nLongstreet was wounded. \n\nGeneral Warren led the movement out of The Wilderness, and Grant\'s plan \nof flanking Lee would doubtless have been successful, but for delays. When, \non the morning of the 8th [May, 1864], Warren emerged into the open country \ntwo or three miles from Spottsylvania Court-House, he found a part of Lee\'s \narmy across his path, in strong position behind intrenchments previously cast \nup, and the remainder rapidly arriving. Before the whole of the Army of the \nPotomac could arrive, that of Northern Virginia was there and ready to \noppose Grant in flanking movement. Dispositions were made for battle, \n\nfate awaiting them in the event of their attempting to break out, because such prisoners are not \nto be condemned for striving to regain their liberty. Indeed it is the duty of a prisoner of war to \nescape if he can." \n\n\' See page 68 L " See page 660. \n\n\' Covered with a thick growth of pine, cedars, and shrub-oaks, and tangled under-brush, it \nWas a country in which maneuvering, in the mihtary sense, was almost impossible, and where by \nthe compass alone, like mariners at murky midnight, the movements of troops were directed. \nThe three hundred guns of the combatants had no avocation there, and the few horsemen not \naway on outward duty were compelled to be almost idle spectators. Of the two hundred thou- \nsand men there ready to fall upon and slay each other, probably no man\'s eyes saw more than a \nthousand at one time, so absolute was the concealments of the thickets. Never in the history of \nwar was such a spectacle exhibited. \n\nU \n\n\n\n690 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1864 \n\n\n\nafter some skirmishing on the morning of the 9th, and that day was spent \nin preparations. The gallant Sedgwick was killed while superintending the \narrangement of a battery. Every thing was in readiness for battle on tlic \nmorning of the 10th. It opened vigorously, and raged furiously all day, with \ndreadful losses on both sides. On the following morning [May 11, 1864],^ \nGeneral Grant sent to the government that famous dispatch in which occurred \nhis declaration, \'\xe2\x80\xa2\'\xe2\x80\xa2I propose to fight it out on this line, if it takes all summer.\'\'\'\' \n\nEarly on the 12th, another and equally sanguinary contest ensued, when \nHancock broke through the Confederate lines, gained a great advantage, and \nheld it. Another day of terrible fighting ensued, and did not wholly cease \nlantil midnight, when Lee suddenly withdrew behind his second line of intrench- \nments, and was apparently as strong as ever. In the space of eight days, the \nArmy of the Potomac had lost nearly thirty thousand men. Yet Grant, sent a \ncheering dispatch to the government ; and the whole country was listening \nwith the deepest anxiety for tidings from the two great armies. Finally, \nGrant determined to turn Lee\'s present position, and made dispositions accord- \ningly. Lee proceeded to thwart him, and a severe battle occurred on the 19th \nof May, in which the Nationals were successful in repulsing Lee, but with \nfearful loss to themselves. About forty thousand of the army that crossed the \nRapid Anna was now disabled. Lee had lost about thirty thousand. \n\n\n\n\nTHE PLACE WHERE SEDGWICK WAS KILLED.\' \n\nWhen the Army of the Potomac emerged from The Wilderness, General \nPhilip H. Sheridan, with a greater portion of the National cavalry, went upon \na raid on Lee\'s rear. He SAvept down into the outer line of works before \nKichmond, fighting and killing on the way, a few miles north of the city, the \neminent cavalry officer. General J. E. B. Stuart, and destroying the railways \nand a vast amount of public property. He pushed on to the James River below, \nand then returned to the army. In the mean time a co-operating force, under \nGeneral Sigel, in the Shenandoah and KanaAvha Valleys, was active. A part of \n\n\' This is from a sketch made by the author in June, 1 866, taken from the breastworks in front \nof the Union line. Toward the right is seen the logs of the battery, the construction of which \nSedgwick was superintending, and near which he fell. The bullet came from the clump of tree* \n\xc2\xa9n the knoll seen more to the right, on rising ground. \n\n\n\n1864.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION, \n\n\n\n691- \n\n\n\nit under Sigei in person, fought Confederates under Breckinridge, at New \nMarket [May 15], when the Nationals were routed. Another part, under \nGenerals Crooke and Averill, moved out of the Kanawha Valley, and pro- \nceeded toward the Virginia Central railway, to destroy it, and also some lead \nmines near Wytheville. But little was accomplished. Later than this. General \nHunter, who had succeeded Sigel in command, fought [June 5] the Confeder- \nates at Piedmont, not far from Staunton, where he was joined by Crook and \nAverill. Then the whole body, twenty thousand sti\'ong, Avent over the mount- \nains to capture Lynchburg. It was too strong ; and Hunter, after destroying a \nvast amount of property in that region, withdreAV into West Virginia, and was \nnot able to join in the campaign for several weeks afterward. \n\nWhile the Army of the Potomac Avas struggling with Lee, General Butler, \nwho had been joined by troops, under General Gillmore, which had been called \nup from Charleston, made effective co-operative movements. He went up \n"\xe2\x99\xa6.he James River [May 4, 1864], in armed transports, with about twenty-five \nthousand men, followed by a squadron of gun-boats under Admiral Lee, and \nunarmed transports. Fort Powhatan, Wilson\'s Landing, and City Point, at \nthe mouth of the Appomattox River, were seized, and Butler proceeded at \nonce to take possession of and hold the peninsula of Bermuda Hundred between \nthe rivers James, and Appomattox. Simultaneously with this movement up \nthe James, General Kautz, with five thousand cavalry, w^ent out from Sufiblk, \nto break up the railways south and west of Petersburg ; while Colonel West, \nwith fifteen hundred mounted men went up the Peninsula, forded the Chick- \nahominy, and took post on the James River, opposite City Point. All this was \ndone with scarcely any opposition, for Confederate troops were then few in \nthat region. \n\nGeneral Butler proceeded to cast up a strong line of intrenchments across \nthe peninsula of Bermuda Hundred, and to destroy the railway between Peters- \nburg and Richmond. The former place was then at his mercy, and might \nhave been easily taken, but misinformation from Washington made Butler \nmove cautiously. Meanwhile, the withdrawal of Gillmore\'s troops having \nrelieved Charleston of immediate danger, left the Confederate forces there free \nto act elsewhere. So, when Butler moved up the James, Beauregard was \nsummoned to Richmond with all the troops he could collect. He passed over \nthe Weldon road before Kautz struck it, and filled Petersburg with defenders \nbefore Butler could move upon it in force. His columns were receiving acces- \nsions of strength every hour, and while Butler was intrenching, Beauregard \nwas massing a heavy force on his front along the line of the railway. Finally, \non the morning of the 16th [May], while a dense fog shrouded the country, he \nattempted to turn Butler\'s right flank, which was connected with the James by \na thin line. A National brigade was utterly overwhelmed by the first heavy \nblow, when two regiments, standing firmly at the junction of roads, checked \nthe victoi\'s. At the same time a force that had fallen on Butler\'s front, was \nrepulsed. The assault was renewed, on the National right, when the Union \ntroops all fell back to their intrenchments. In this collision the Nationals lost \nabout four thousand of their number, and the Confederates, about three thou- \n\n\n\n692 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1864. \n\n\n\nsand. For several days afterward there was some sharp fighting in front of \nButler\'s line, Kautz, meanwhile, had been on the railway communications in \nthe rear of Petersburg, inflicted considerable but not very serious damage, and \nreturned to head-quarters. \n\nAnd now Grant\'s flankmg column was moving grandly forward. Lee had \nthe advantage of higher ground, and a more direct road to Richmond, and \nwhen the Army of the Potomac approached the North Anna River, near the \nFredericksburg railway crossing, it found its antagonist strongly posted on the \nopposite side, to dispute its passage. A heavy battle ensued [May 23], when \nLee withdrew a little to a stronger position. Grant became satisfied, after \ncareful examination of that position, that he could not carry it. So he with- \ndrew [May 2G],and resumed his march on Richmond, well eastward of his foe, \nSheridan, with the cavalry, in the advance; and on the 28th the entire Army \nof the Potomac was south of the Pamunkey River, with an unobstructed com- \nmunication witli its new base of supplies at White House, near the mouth of \nthat stream. But Lee, moving by a shorter road, was again in a strongly \nintrenched 2)osition on the National front, covering the turnpike and the two \nrailways to Richmond. There heavy battles were fought [May 28, 29], when \nGrant, again finding Lee\'s position too strong to be carried, began another \n\nflanking movement, with the intention \nof crossing the Chickahominy near \nCool Arbor. Sheridan had seized an \neligible position at Cool Arbor, and \nthere, on the following day, the Army \nof the Potomac was re-enforced [May \n31] by ten thousand men under Gen- \neral W. F. Smith, sent up by Butler \nfrom the Army of the James at Ber- \nmuda Hundred. \n\nMeade now gave orders for an \nadvance upon the foe, and the forcing \nof a passage of the Chickahominy. \n-Here was the old battle-ground where \nMcClellan and Lee fought two years \nbefore, and here were now some san- \nguinary engagements preparatory to the final struggle which occurred on the \n3d of June, when the Army of the Potomac attempted to break through the \nJines of the Army of Northern Virginia, and cross the Chickahominy. The \n-Struggle w^as feai-ful and bloody, but brief Twenty minutes after the first shot \nwas fired, full ten thousand Union men were killed or wounded. The Nationals \nlost no ground, but did not attempt to advance farther. They wei\'e attacked \nthat night, but repulsed their assailants. Another attack the next day, and \nalso at night, had a similar result, but with heavy losses on both sides.\' Mean- \n\n\n\n\nPHILIP H. SHERIDAN. \n\n\n\n\' The total loss of the Unionists in the struggle around Cool Arbor, wa? 13,133, of whom \n1,105 were killed. 9.042 wounded, and 2.405 missing. \n\n\n\n18G4.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. (393 \n\nwhile the Nationals were gradually moving to tlie lett, and on the Ttli [June] \nthat wing touched the Chickahominy. Then Sheridan was dispatched Avith \ntwo divisions of cavalry around Lee\'s left. He tore up the railways in that \ndirection, and scattered all Confederate forces that opposed him until lie reacheJ \nGordonsville, where he found them so numerous that he retraced his steps. \n\nGrant now formed the bold resolution to cross the Chickahominy far to \nLee\'s right, and then pass the James River and attack Richmond from the \nsouth. This resolution startled the authorities at Washington Avith fears that \nLee might turn back and seize that city. Grant had considered all the contin- \ngencies incident to such a bold movement, and feared no evil from it.\' To \nthis end tht whole army was put in motion [June 12, 13]. The most of the \ntroops crossed the Chickahominy at Long Bridge, and moved toward the \nJames by way of Charles City Court-House, carrying Avith them the iron work \nof the raihvay between the Chickahominy and White House. The passage of \nthe river Avas safely made by the army on ferry-boats and pontoon bridges 011 \nthe 14th and 15th of June. At the same time unsuccessful efforts Avere made \nby a portion of the Army of the James to seize Petersburg before aid should \ncome down to Beauregard from Lee. The failure to do so Avas a sad misfor- \ntune, and from that time, for about ten months, Petersburg and Richmond sus- \ntained a most j^vessing siege. \n\nGeneral Grant established his head-quarters at City Point, ami thither \nMeade hastened, after posting his army [June 10], to consult lum, when it Avas \ndetermined to make a general assault that evening on Petersburg. It was done \nby the combined corps of Warren, Hancock, and Burnside, at a heavy cost of \nlife, but with the gain of a slight advance of the National line. It Avas evident \nthat a greater portion of Lee\'s army was noAV south of the James River. A \nforce under Terry, sent out by Butler to seize and hold the raihvay, Avas driven- \nby Long-street and Pickett. Another general assault Avas ordered on the morn- \ning of the 18th, AA^hen it Avas found that the Confederates had AvithdraAvn to a \nstronger line of works nearer Petersburg. The attack Avas made in the after- \nnoon, and resulted in no gain to the Nationals, but in a heavy loss of men. \n\nIt Avas noAV evident that Petersburg could not be carried by a direct assault, \nso a flanking movement Avas made for the purpose of seizing and cutting the \nWeldon road, and turning the Confederate right. The turning column Avas \nheavily attacked [June 22, 1864] by General A. P. Hill, and Avere falling back, \nAvhen Meade arrived. Then the line Avas restored, and, by an advance at \nnightfall, nearly all of the lost ground Avas recovered. The Weldon road Ava&^ \nreached the next morning, but just as destructive operations upon it ivcre com- \nmenced. Hill struck the Nationals a stunning bloAV, Avhich made them recoil- \nIn this unsuccessful flank movement, the Unionists lost about four thousand \nmen, mostly by capture. At the same time General Wilson, Avith his OAvn and \nKautz\'s cavalry, struck the Weldon raihvay at Reams\'s Station, destroyed tlie \n\n\n\n\' The country between Lee\'s shattered army and "Washington, was thoroughly exhausted by \nthe troops that had passed over it, and had Lee attempted such a movement, Grant could have \nsent troops from the James by way of the Potomac for the protection of the capital mtich toouer \nthan Lee could have marched to the attack. \n\n\n\n694 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1864. \n\n\n\nbuildings and track, and then pushed on to the Lynchburg road. Tliis was \nalso destroyed over a distance of twenty-two miles. In the prosecution of this \n^destructive business, the cavalry went on to the Staunton River, when they \nturned, and found themselves compelled to fight their way back. Wearied \nand worn, the shattered column reached the army, with a loss of their guns, \ntrain, and nearly a thousand men made captive. \n\nButler now threw a pontoon bridge across the James River at Deep Bottom, \nover which troops passed and menaced Richmond. Lee sent a force to con- \n\n\n\n\nPONTOON BRroGE AT DEEP BOTTOM. \n\n\'front them, when Hancock crossed ovei*, flanked the Confederate outpost, and \n^drove them back to the shelter of strong works at Chapin\'s Bluff, not fat \nIwlow Fort Darling, on Drewry\'s Bluff. These Sheridan attempted to flank. \nLee was so alarmed by these movements within a few miles of Richmond, that \nhe withdreAV a large portion of his army from the south side of the river to \nmeet the menace, when Grant took the opportunity to make a vigorous attempt \nto carry the Confederate lines before Petersburg. He had secretly run a mine \nunder one of their principal forts, in front of Burnside\'s position, and this was \nsprung oif the morning of the 30th of July. The explosion produced a large \ncrater where the fort stood, and by it about three hundred inmates of the work \nperished. At the same moment the National Artillery was opened along the \nwhole line, but a simultaneous assault that was to have been made at the point \nof the explosion for the purpose of penetrating the Confederate works, was \nnot undertaken in time, and the scheme failed.\' \n\n\n\n\' Owing to a lack of readiness on the part of the attacking cohimn, the assault was not mado \n;-initil the Confederates had recovered from the shock, and massed troops at the breach. Theso \n\n\n\n1864.1 LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n695 \n\n\n\nThere was now a brief lull in operations before Petersburg and Richmond, \nduring which there were some stirring events in Maryland. When Hunter \ndisappeared beyond the mountains,\' General Early, who had been sent by Lee \nto drive the former from Lynchburg, hastened to the Shenandoah Valley, and, \nwith about fifteen thousand men, swept down to and across the Potomac, driv- \ning General Sigel into Maryland. Early did not stop to molest some of Sigel\'s \ncommand on Maryland Heights at Harper\'s Ferry, but pushed on to Hagers- \ntown and Frederick. His Avas a powerful raid, for the purposes of plunder \nand a possible seizure of Baltimore and Washington, but chiefly to cause \nGrant to send heavy bodies of troops for the defense of tlio latter city, and so \ncompel liim to raise the siege of Petersburg. \n\nAt that time the only force at hand to confront Early were a few troops \ncommanded by General Lewis Wallace, whose head-quarters were at Baltimore. \nThat energetic officer proceeded at once to a judicious use of the small force \nunder his control, in which he was ably seconded by the gallant General E. B. \nTyler. On hearing of Early\'s movement, General Grant had sent the Sixth \nCorps, under General Wright, to Washington, and, fortunately, the Nineteenth \nCorps, under General Emory," arrived at this juncture at Fortress Monroe, from \nNew Orleans. The division of General Ricketts, of that corps, was imme- \ndiately sent to Baltimore, and with these, and such troops as he could gather \nin his department, Wallace made a stand behind the Monocacy River, not far \nfrom Frederick. There, with his handful of men, he fought Early [July 9, \n1864], whose cavalry were making demonstrations on his flanks. Wallace was \ncompelled to fall back on Baltimore after heavy loss.^ Then Eaiiy pushed on \ntoward Washington, but the check and lesson given him by Wallace so \nretarded his movements that the Sixth and Nineteenth Corps arrived there in \ntime to save the city from captui-e. Early withdrew from in front of Wash- \nington on the night of the 12th, and with much booty crossed the Potomac \ninto Virginia at Edwards\'s Ferry. General Wright pursued him through \nSnickers Gap to the Shenandoah River, where, after a sharp conflict [July 19], \nEarly began a retreat up the Valley, and Wright returned to Washington. \nThreatenings in that valley caused both the Sixth and Nineteenth Corps to be \nquickly sent there, and soon afterward occurred Sheridan\'s brilliant campaign \nin that region, which will be noticed presently. \n\nA fortnight after the failure of the mining operations at Petersburg, Grant \nsent another expedition to the north side of the James, at Deep Bottom, com- \nposed of the divisions of Birney and Hancock, and cavalry under Gregg. As \nbefore, Richmond was seriously threatened, but in engagements on the 13th \nand 16th of August, no decided advantage to the Unionists was gained, except- \ning the incidental one of assisting similar demonstrations on the right of the \nConfederates, against which Warren was impelled, for the purpose of seizing \n\n\n\nrepulsed the assaulting column when it moved forward, and inflicted a loss on the Unionists of \n\nabout 4,400 men. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 See page 691. \'See page 684 \n\n\xc2\xbb He lost nearly two thousand men, including 1,282 who were made prisoners, or were other- \n\nivise missing. His killed numbered 98, and his wounded 57^ \n\n\n\n696 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1864. \n\n\n\nthe Weldon road. Tliis he eftected [August 18], with a loss of a thousand \nmen. There he commenced intrenching, when a stronger force than he had \nencountered endeavored to regain the road. In so doing they temporarily- \nbroke [August 19] Warren\'s line, and captured twenty-five hundred of his \nmen, including General J. Hayes. But the Nationals held the road in spite of \nall efforts to dislodge them. They repulsed another heavy attack on the 21st, \nand on the same day Hancock, who had returned from the north side of the \nJames, struck the Weldon road at Reams\'s Station, and destroyed the track \nfor some distance. The Confederates attacked them in heavy force, when they \nwere most gallantly opposed by Miles and others. The Nationals Avere finally \ndriven off after a loss of 2,400 men out of 8,000 men ; also five guns. \n\nFor a month after this there was comparative quiet along the lines, when \nNational troops moved simultaneously upon the right and left flanks of the Con- \nfederates, That of Warren, on their right, was more for the purpose of mask- \ning a more formidable one by Butler on their left, on the north side of the \nJames, with the Tenth Corps, under Birney, and Eighteenth, under Ord. \nWarren gained some advantage by pushing forward the National lines, but \nthat gained by Butler was of far more importance. He stormed and captured \ntheir strongest Avork [September 29, 1864] on \nthat side of the river, known as Fort Harrison, \nwith fifteen guns and a line of intrenchments. \nIn an attack upon another fort near, immediate- \nly afterward, the Nationals were repulsed, and \nGeneral Burnham was killed. The gallant \nbehavior of colored troops in this charge was \nsuch that General Butler, after the war, caused \na number of silver medals to be struck and \ngiven to the most distinguished among them, \nin testimony of their valor on that occasion. \nNow there was another pause for a month, \nwhen an attempt was \nmade to turn the Con- \nfederate right, while \nButler menaced their \nleft on the north side \nof the James River. \nThe bulk of the Army \nof the Potomac was \nmassed on Lee\'s right, \nand moved [October \n27] upon his Avorks on \nHatcher\'s Run, west \nof the Weldon road. \nFor that position there Avas a severe struggle, which resulted in a repulse of \nthe Natioiials, and theii final Avi.hdraAval [Occober 29] to their intreachments \nin front of Petersburg From that time until the opening of the spring cam- \n\n\n\n\nTHE BUTLER MEDAL. \n\n\n\n1864.] \n\n\n\nLIXCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n69r \n\n\n\npaign, little was done by the Nationals inimediately in front of Petersburg and \nRichmond, excepting an extension of their line to Hatcher\'s Run. Up to the \nfirst of November, from the fifth of May, the losses of the Array of the Potomac \nhad been fearful \xe2\x80\x94 a little more than 88,000 men. Probably the entire loss \namong troops engaged in the campaign against Richmond during that time \nwas 100,000 men. \n\nIn the mean time there had been stirring events in the Shenandoah Valley. \nOn the day after Wright and Early fought,\' Averill, moving up from Martins- \nburg, had a contest with and worsted a Confederate force near Winchester \n[July 20], taking prisoners and guns. Two or three days afterward, Crook \nwas driven back from that neighborhood by a strong attacking party, and it \nwas evident that Early had not, as was expected, hastened to rejoin Lee, but \nwas in full force in the Valley, and ready to fight. His own estimate of his \n])Ower was eviiiced by his sending General McCausland and others on a raid \ninto Maryland and Western Pennsylvania, at which time they burned about \ntwo-thirds of the city of Chambersburg. When the raiders turned again \ntoward the Potomac, Averill, who was in the vicinity of Chambersburg, fol- \nlowed, but they Avent back to Virginia with plunder, without much molesta- \ntion. \n\nWhen information of this daring raid reached Washington, the Sixth unit \nNinth Corps were sent first in quest of the invaders, and then into the Shenan- \n\n\n\n\nVIEW AT CEDAR CREEK. \n\n\n\ndoah Valley, where they were joined by Hunters troops. The whole force. \nabout 30,000 strong, was placed under the command of General Sheridan early \nin August. After a month\'s preparation, he assumed the offensive against \nEarly, and by a series of brilliant movements and a sharp battle, he sent him \n\n\n\n698 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1864. \n\n\n\n" whirling up the Valley," as he expressed it. First there was a severe battle \nnear Winchester [Sept. 19], when Early retreated to the strong position of \nFisher\'s Hill, not far from Strasburg. He was driven from this vantage \nground on the 21st, with heavy loss, and fled to the mountains with not more \nthan half his army with which he had at first met Sheridan. The latter fell \nback to a position behind Cedar Creek, near Strasburg, where, on the 19th of \nOctober, Early, who had been re-enforced, and had come down to Fisher\'s \nHill, fell suddenly and crushingly upon the Nationals, and came near over- \nwhelming them with destruction. They fell back to Middletown and beyond, \nwhere, under the chief direction of General Wright, they turned upon their \npursuers. Sheridan had just come up from Winchester, A sharp conflict \n-ensued, when the tide was turned, and Early was again sent in swift retreat up \nthe Shenandoah Valley, with heavy loss, Sheridan\'s short campaign in the \nValley was a brilliant success, and ended hostilities in that region, for he nearly \nannihilated Early\'s army, and Lee could spare no more men for warfare away \nirom Richmond. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER XIX. \n\n\n\nTHE CIVIL WAR. [1861\xe2\x80\x941865,] \n\nLet us here turn from a consideration of the campaign against Richmond, \nand its defenders, for awhile, and observe the progress of that against Atlanta \nand the army that stood in the way of the National advance. General William \nT. Sherman was chosen by Grant, to lead the troops in the campaign in \n\nGeorgia, and he set out from the \nvicinity of Chattanooga, at the be- \nginning of May, with nearly 100,000 \nmen.\' His antagonist. General Joseph \nE, Johnston, then at Dalton, had \nabout 55,000 men,^ Johnston was in \na strong position at Dalton, the ap- \nproaches to it, through gaps in a \nmountain range, being strongly forti- \nfied, Sherman, when he moved for- \nward, was satisfied that a direct \nattack on Johnston\'s front, through \nBuzzard\'s Roost Pass in Rocky Face \nRidge, would be disastrous to his \nmen, so he began that series of mas- \n\n\' Sherman was the commander of the Military Division of the Missisippi, which Grant held at \nthe time of his promotion. His force for the campaign comprised three armies, namely : Army \nof the Cumberland, led by General George H. Thomas, 60,773 ; Army of the Tennessee, General \nMcPherson. 24,465; and Army of the Ohio, General Schofield. 13,559; total, 98,797. \n\n* Johnston\'s army was divided into three corps, commanded respectively by Generals Hardee, \nHood, and Folk. \n\n\n\n\n18G4.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. ^99 \n\nterly flank movements by which he compelled his adversary (who was deter- \nmined to save his army), to abandon one strong position after another. \n\nSherman menaced Johnston on front and flank, on the Vth of May, when \nthe latter abandoned his position at Dalton, and fell back behind strong works \nat Resaca, which extended from the Oostenaula River, northward. When \nSherman approached, Johnston sent out troops to attack a portion of his com- \nmand. A sharp fight occurred [May 15], about two miles from Resaca Station, \nin which the Confederates were driven, and retreated, across the Oostenaula \ncovered by the corps of Hardee. The Nationals closely pursued, Thomas \nfollowing directly in the rear of the fugitives, while McPherson and Schofield \ntook routes to their right and left. General J. C. Davis and his division pushed \non to Rome, where they destroyed mills and founderies of great importance. \nNear Adairsville, Johnston made a brief stand against the central pursuing \ncolumn, but on the near approach of the Nationals, he continued his retreat to \na strong and fortified position at Cassville. There he evidently intended to \ngive battle, but he thought it prudent to move on [May 1 9], when he crossed \nthe Etowah River, burnt the bridges behind him, and took another good \nposition covering the Allatoona Pass, in a mountainous region. \n\nSherman now rested his army a little. He perceived that Johnston\'s posi- \ntion was almost impregnable, so he determined to flank him out of it, by \nmoving well to the right, and concentrating his army at Dallas. Johnston \nattempted to thwart the movement, and in that vicinity a severe but indecisive \nbattle was fought [May 25], Johnston\'s army, meanwhile, had been very \nbusy in casting up inti-enchments between Dallas and Marietta, over a broken \nAvooded region, in which it was very difticult for troops to operate. In that \nregion much skirmishing and fighting occurred, and finally, on the first of June, \nJohnston was compelled to evacuate the Allatoona Pass. He also, soon after- \nward, abandoned his intrenchments near New Hope Church and Ackworth. \nSherman now garrisoned Allatoona Pass, and made it a secondary base of sup- \nplies, he having caused the railway and its bridges between there and Chatta- \nnooga to be put in order. He was now re-enforced by infantry, and cavalry, \nmaking his army nearly as strong as when it left Chattanooga ; and he moved \nforward [June 9] to Big Shanty, not far from the great Kenesaw Mountain, \naround and upon w^hich, as well as upon Lost Mountain and Pine Mountain, \nthe Confederates had lines of intrenchments. \n\nIn this region there was much maneuvering and fighting, for a few days, \nin the midst of almost incessant rain, during which General (Bishop) Polk was \nkilled. By persistent assaults, Sherman compelled Johnston to abandon, first, \nPine Mountain [June 15], then Lost Mountain [June 17]; and finally, after \nsome sanguinary engagements, in which both parties suffered terribly, he was \ncompelled to evacuate the great Kenesaw Mountain [July 2], overlooking \nMarietta. At dawn on the 3d, the National banner was seen waving over that \npeak, and at eight o\'clock in the morning Sherman rode into Marietta, close \nupon the rear guard of Johnston\'s army, then hastening to the Chattahoochee \nRiver, near Atlanta, closely pursued by the Nationals. Sherman hoped to \nstrike Johnson a fatal blow while he was crossing that stream, but that skillful \n\n\n\nroo \n\n\n\nT H E NATION \n\n\n\n[1864. \n\n\n\nleader so quickly covered the j^assage by strong iiitrenchments, that his army \n\xe2\x96\xa0was all across, excepting troops holding the works, early on the morning of \nthe 5th, without having been molested. \n\n\n\n\nSUMMIT OF GREAT KENESAW MOUXTAIN.\' \n\n\n\nSherman pi-om])tly advanced to the Chattahoochee, where quick and success- \nful turning movements by Schofield and Howard, caused Johnston to abandon \nthe line of the river, and retreat toward Atlanta [July 10, 1864]. He formed \na new line, covei-ing that town, with the Chattahoochee on his left, and Peach- \ntree Creek on his right. Now the two armies rested a little ; and at that time \n\nJohnston Avas relived of command, \nand General J. B. Hood, of Texas, was \nappointed to fill his place. The former \nhad been careful to preserve his army. \nHis force was every way inferior to \nthat of his antagonist, and he knew \nthat in pitched battles he Avould doubt- \nless lose a large portion of his men \nand materials. The \'^government" at \nRichmond were dissatisfied w^ith his \nwise caution, and committed his army \nI to a dashing and brave soldier, who \npreferred the quick work of brute force \nto the slower achievements of mili- \ntary science. Hood received from \nJohnston full fifty thousand effective \nWith these he resolved to fight, and not \n\n\n\n\nJ. B. HOOD. \n\n\n\nmen, of whom 10,000 were cavalry, \nretreat. \n\nOn the 16th of July, General Rousseau joined Sherman with 2,000 cavalry; \n\n\n\n\' This is from a sketch made by the author in May, 1866. The high peak in tlie distance is \nLost Mountain. The eminence on the extreme right is Pine Mountain, on which General Polk \ni\\\'as killed while watching the movements of troops. \n\n\n\n1864.] LIXCOLX\'S ADMINISTRATION. fjQi \n\nand on the 19tli such of tlie National forces as had not crossed the Chatta- \nlioochee, passed over it. Then the left, led by Schofield and McPherson, \nadvanced with the intention of striking the railway east of Decatur, that \nconnects Atlanta with Augusta. Thomas, at the same time, crossed Peach-tree \nCreek at several places, and heavy skirmishing occurred along the entire front \nof the advancing columns. McPherson struck and destroyed the railway for \nseveral miles, and Schofield reached Decatur. Hood had determined to give \nbattle at an auspicious moment, and on the afternoon of the 20th he fell \nheavily upon the corps of Howard and Hooker, and a part of Palmer\'s, but \nwas repulsed after a most gallant struggle, in which both sides suffered \nseverely.\' \n\nOn the morning of the 22d [July, 1864], Sherman discovered tliat the Con- \nfederates had abandoned the heights along Peach-tree Creek, and it was con- \ncluded that Hood, following the example of Johnston, was about to evacuate \nAtlanta. The army was at once moved rapidly toward that city, when, at an \naverage of two miles from it, it encountered a very heavy line of intrencli- \nments, which had been cast up the previous year, with Hood and his army \nbehind them. General Blair, commanding the Seventeentli Corps, had carried \nan important point the night before, and was in full view of the city, and \npreparations were made for assailing the Confederate lines in heavy force, \nwhen they were compelled to perform less acceptable service. Hood had \nl>cen holding the Nationals in check with a small part of his army, and had \nmade a long night march around with his main body, and now he fell with \ncrushing force upon Sherman\'s rear. The first assault was made by Hardee ; \nand at about the same time, McPherson, who was riding about alone in the \nwoods, and in fancied safety, making observations, was shot dead, whei\xc2\xbb \nGeneral Logan succeeded to the command of his troops. A terrible battle, \nthat lasted for hours, succeeded Hardee\'s assault, when, toward evening, the \nConfederates, who had lost very heavily, unable to carry the coveted points, \ndesisted. The assault was soon renewed, and after another desperate struggle, \nthe Nationals were victorious, and the Confederates retired to their works.- \n\nHood now seemed more disposed to be quiet, and Sherman dispatched \ncavalry to make raids on the railways in the rear of his antagonist. Generals \nE, M. McCook and Stoneman were sent on this business, on different routes, \nbut with the intention of co-operating. Failing in this, their operations, \nthough important, fell short of Sherman\'s expectations, Stoneman effected \nvery little, and his force, divided and weakened, was captured or dispersed, \nand himself made prisoner. Meanwhile Sherman made dispositions for flanking \nHood out of Atlanta, when the latter attacked the Nationals [July 28], and a \nsanguinary battle ensued. Hood Avas repulsed with heavy loss, and soon \nperceiving that Sherman was gradually getting possession of the railroads by \n\n\' The Union loss, mostly of Howard\'s corps, was about 1,500 men. Sherman estimated the \nConfederate loss at 5,000. They left 500 dead, and 1,000 severely wounded, on the field, besides \nmany prisoners. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2\' The National loss in the struggles of that day was 3,722, of whom about 1,000 were pnsoners. \nSherman estimated Hood\'s total loss at not less than 8,000. He left 2,200 dead on the field, \nwithin the Union lines, and 1,000 prisoners. \n\n\n\nf^()2 \'^^^ NATION. [1S64. \n\nAvliich the Confederates in Atlanta received their supplies, he sent his cavalry \nto retaliate in kind, by striking Sherman\'s communications. This absence of \nHood\'s cavalry gave Sherman a coveted opportunity to harm his antagonist \nseriously. He dispatched Kilpatrick at the middle of August with 5,000 \nliorsemen, to break up the railways leading, one tOAvard Montgomery, in \nAlabama, and the other to Macon, in Georgia. This raid was successful, and \nwas followed by a movement of nearly the whole army from Atlanta to the \nrailways in its rear, when Hood, fatally dividing his army, sent a part under \nHardee, to fight Howard at Jonesboro\', twenty miles south, on the Macon \nroad, while he, with the remainder, staid at Atlanta. There was a desperate \nbattle at Jonesboro\' [August 31], in which the Nationals w^ere victorious. \nHoward lost about 500 men, and Hardee 2,500. The Confederate works \ncovering Jonesboro\' were captured, and Hardee retreated. ~ \n\nOn bearing of the disaster at Jonesboro\', Hood blew up his magazines at \n\n^ ^^ _ Atlanta, and fled to a point of junction \n\n^^ ,^ with Hardee, Sherman took possession \n\n=r ^^Z=S^ of the city and fortifications, and found \n\n^ that Hood had not only left the place \ndesolate by the destruction of factories, \nfounderies, and other industrial establish- \nments, but had left scarcely any food for \nthe inhabitants. It was impossible for \nSherman to subsist both them and his \narmy, so he humanely ordered them to \nleave for the North or the South, as their \ninclinations might lead them.\' \n, While Sherman was resting his army \n\nSHERMAN\'S HEAD-QUARTERS IN ATLANTA. ^^ - _ , ^ . . \xe2\x80\xa2\' \n\nat Atlanta, Hood flanked his right, \ncrossed the Chattahoochee, and made a raid upon his communications. With \na strong force he threatened Sherman\'s supplies at Allatoona Pass, then lightly \nguarded, but Gei^eral Corse hastening up from Rome assisted in saving them. \nNot doubting it to be Hood\'s intention to push up into Tennessee, Sherman \nsent Thomas to Nashville, so soon as he heard of Hood\'s flank movements ; \nand leaving Slocum (who had succeeded Hooker) in command at Atlanta, he \npushed the bulk of his array in the direction of Allatoona Pass, and from the \ntop of Great Kenesaw, told Corse, by signal, that help Avas near, and to hold \nout until it should reach him. The Confederates were repulsed, and then \nHood moved northward, threatening posts along the line of the railway, under \ninstructions, to entice his adversary out of Georgia. Sherman closely followed \nhim, well up toward Chattanooga, when the route of the chase deflected \nwestward. In Northern Alabama, Sherman relinquished it, and sending \nSchofield, and most of his cavalry, under Wilson, to Thomas at Nashville, he \nreturned to Atlanta, taking with him the garrisons of posts, dismantling the \n\n\' In government wagons, and at the cost of the government, over 2,000 persons with much \nfurniture and clothing were carried south as far as Rough and Ready, and those who desired to \ngo north, were kindly taken to Chattanooga. \n\n\n\n\n1864.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n705 \n\n\n\nrailway, and burning founderies, &c. He cut loose from all liis cAnmuni- \ncations on the north, and prepared for a march to the sea. \n\nSherman\'s great march to the sea was begun, with 65,000 men of all arms, \non the nth of November, 1864, on which day he cut his telegraphic communi- \ncations with the North, and was not heard from for some time, excepting \nthrough Confederate newspapers. His army moved in two grand divisions, \nthe right led by General O. O. Howard, and the left by General H. W. Slocum. \nGeneral Kilpatrick led, Avith 5,000 cavalry. Much of Atlanta was destroyed \nbefore they left it, and the railways and public property were made desolate in \nthe track of the two heavy columns. Wheeler\'s cavalry afforded the chief \nannoyance to the army on its march. Feints Avere made here and there, to \ndistract the Confederates, and were successful. The destination of the \nNationals from the beginning, had been Savannah or its vicinity, but the \nfoe sometimes thought it was Augusta, and then Milledgeville. They passed \non, and on the 13th of December, [1864], General Hazen captured Fort \nMcAllister, on the Ogeechee River, not far from Savannah. That city was \nimmediately invested, and on the night -- \xe2\x80\x94 \xe2\x80\x94 \n\nof the 20th, Hardee, in command there \nwith 15,000 troops, evacuated it, and \nfled to Charleston, after destroying much \npublic property. On the following day \nthe National troops took possession of \nSavannah,\' and there rested. The army \nhad marched two hundred and fifty-five \nmiles in the space of six weeks, inflicting \nmuch injury on the Confederates, but \nreceiving very little injury in return.^ \nAs Sherman approached the coast. Gen- \neral Foster, commanding in that region, \nmade valuable co-operative movements ; \nand when Hardee fled to Charleston, he occupied strong positions on the rail- \nway between the two cities, at Pocotaligo, and other places. \n\nThere were some stirring scenes in 1864, in the region of the Atlantic \ncoast between the Pamlico and St. John\'s rivers, Avhich had passed into history \nwhen Sherman reached the estuaries of the sea at the close of that year. "We \nleft Gillmore easily holding Charleston Avith a tight grasp at the close of 1863.* \nInformation had then reached him, and the government, that Florida Avas \nready to step back into the Union, through the open door of amnesty, but \nneeded a military escort, for there Avere some active Confederate troops, under \n\n\n\n\nSHERMAN S HEAD-QUARTEKS IN SAVANNAH. \n\n\n\n\' Sherman, in a dispatch to the President, said : "I beg to present yon, as a Christmas gift, the \ncity of Savannah, with 150 heavy guns, and plenty of ammunition, and also about 25,000 bales of \ncotton. \n\n" Sherman lost during the march, 567 men, whereof only 63 were killed. He captured 1,323 \nmen, and 167 guns. He found and used ample subsistence on the route, amounting, in the \naggregate, to 13,000 beeves, 160,000 bushels of com, and over 5,000 tons of fodder; also 5,000 \nhorses, and 4,000 mules. He burned about 20,000 bales of cotton, and captured 25,000 bales, at \nSavannah. \' See page 675, \n\n\n\n704 Tf^^ NATION. [1864. \n\nGeneral Finnegan, yot Avitbin her borders. General GiUmore accordingly sent \nGeneral Truman Seymour, witb about six thousand troops, horse and foot, to \nassist in the restoration of Florida to the Union.\' He entered the St. John\'s \nRiver on a fleet of steamers and sailing vessels, with an imposing display, and \non the 7th of February, took possession of the ruined city of Jacksonville, \nfrom which Finnegan had fled on Seymour\'s approach. \n\nFinnegan was immediately pursued. Colonel Henry, with cavalry, leading \nin the chase. He dro^-e the Confederates from place to place, capturing their \nguns, their stores, and men, and was closely followed by Seymour with the \nresidue of the ai\'my. Finally, Seymour concentrated his forces at Sanderson, \nand, Avith about five thousand men, moved toward the Suwannee River. At \nOlustee Station, where the railway that crosses the peninsula passes through a \ncypress swamp, he encountered Finnegan [February 20, 1864], in a strong \nposition, and in a severe battle that ensued, was repulsed. He retreated to \nJacksonville in good order, burning, on the way, stores valued at $1,000,000. \nIn that unfortunate expedition Seymour lost about two thousand men. \n\nAt about that time Rear-Admiral Bailey destroyed important salt-works, \non the Florida coast, which were valued at $3,000,000. There were some \nraids in Florida in the course of the summer, but after the battle at Olustee, \nvery little was done toward the restoration of Florida to its place in the \nUnion.\' In Georgia, Sherman\'s invasion wa\'fe absorbing all interest. In South \nCarolina, very little of importance, bearing upon the progress of the war, was \naccomplished.\' There were some unsuccessful offensive movements in the \nvicinity of Charleston. Gillmore\'s guns kept watch and ward over the harbor \nand city, while he and some of his troops went np the James, to assist in \noperations against Petersburg, and Richmond, as we have seen.^ \n\nThere were some events a little more stirring, in North Carolina, early in \n1864. On the first of February, a Confederate force under General Pickett, \nmenaced New Berne, and destroyed a fine gun-boat lying there. A few weeks \nlater. General Hoke marched seven thousand men against Plymouth [April 17, \n\n>1864], neai^the mouth \nof the Roanoke River, \nwhere General Wessells \nwas in command of a \ngarrison of about twen- \nty-four hundred men, \nwith some fortifica- \ntions. A formidable \n" ram," called the Al- \nbemarle, lying in the \nRoanoke, assisted in the attack, and on the 20th, Wessells was compelled to \n\n\' The President commissioned, John Hay, one of his private secretaries, as major, and sent him \n[January 1 3], to Hilton Head, for the purpose of accompanying the expedition, to act in a civil \ncapacity, if circumstances should require him to. \n\n* On the 20th of May there was a Union Convention, at Jacksonville, to take measures for the \nrestoration of civil authority in Florida. No practical advantage resulted from the gathering. \n\n* See page G91. \n\n\n\n\nTHE ALBEMARLE. \n\n\n\n1864.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 7()5 \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0sun-ender tlie jilaee, Avitli sixteen liuudred men, twenty-five gixns, and a large \nquantity of small-arms and stores. After the fall of Plymouth, General Palmer \nabandoned [April 28] Washington, at the head of Pamlico Sound, and \nHoke summoned New Berne to surrender, expecting the co-operation of the \nAlbemarle in a siege. She was enticed from her safe anchorage under the \nguns at Plymouth, and after a severe fight with the Sassacus, was compelled \nto flee for safety up the Roanoke. The siege of New Berne was abandoned, \nand Iloke was called to the James River. Several months later, the gallant \nLieutenant Gushing, of the navy, destroyed [October 27], the dreaded Albe- \nviarle with a torpedo, in the Roanoke. Four days afterward, the National \ntroops re-entered Plymouth. After that the war in that region consisted \nchiefly of a series of encounters between Union raiders and detachments of \nConfederates. \n\nWhen Sherman sent Thomas to Nashville, he gave him the widest dis- \ncretionary poAvers. These were used with gi-eat judgment, and Thomas pre- \npared for the stirring events Avhich soon followed, with wise skill. Hood, as \nSherman had anticipated, pushed across the Tennessee River, Forrest\'s cavalry \nheralding his advance. That active leader went raiding up the railway that \nleads from Decatur to Nashville, when he was met at Pulaski by Rousseau, \nand compelled to turn eastward to the Ghattanooga road. Rousseau again \nconfronted him at TuUahoma. At the same time General Steedraan was \nmarching against him in considerable force from another direction. Forrest \neluded them, and for awhile, in September and October [1864], there were \n:stirring scenes between the Tennessee and Duck rivers, for several detach- \nments of National troops were vainly endeavoring to catch the bold raiders. \nAt length, late in October, Hood appeared near Decatur, in Northern Alabama, \nthen held by General Gordon Granger. He menaced that post, but only as a \nmask to the passage of his army over the Tennessee, near Florence. Forrest \nwas again on the war-path, co-operating with Hood, and caused the destruc- \ntion, at Johnsonville, on the Tennessee River, of National stores and other \nproperty, valued at |1, 500,000. \n\nHood had been re-enforced by a part of Dick Taylor\'s army, and he now \npressed vigorously nortliward with more than 50,000 men, a large number of \nthem natives of Tennessee and Kentucky. Thomas had about 30,000 imJ2> \ndiately available troops, with nearly as many more scattered over Tennessee \nand Northern Alabama. He sent troops forward to impede rather than pre- \nvent Hood\'s march on Nashville, and was successful. Schofield, with a strong \nforce at Pulaski, fell back, as Hood advanced, across Duck River, with his \ntrain ; and at Columbia he kept the Confederates on the south side of that \nstream until his wagons were well on toward Franklin, where he took a posi- \ntion on the 30th of November, and, casting up intrenchments, prepared to \nfight, if necessary, until his trains should be safely on their way to Nashville. \nHood came up in the afternoon, and attempted to crush his opponent by the \nmere weight of numbers. A most desperate struggle ensued. At the first \nonset the Confederates drove the whole Nationalline, capturing the works and \nguns, and gaining, apparently, a complete victory. A counter charge was \n\n45 \n\n\n\n706 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1864. \n\n\n\nmade, when the Confederates were driven out of the captured works, the o-uns \nwei-e recovered, ten flags and three Imndred men were captured from the \nassailants, and the National line was restored, chiefly through the skill and \n\n\n\nixSS^ \n\n\n\n\nVIEW ON THE BATTLE-GEOUND AT FRANKLIN. \n\nbravery of General Opdyke, directing gallant soldiers. Hood made desperate \nbut unavailing attempts to retake the works, and the battle raged until \ntoward midnight. Hood\'s loss was terrible \xe2\x80\x94 at least one-sixth of his effective \nforce.\' \n\nSchofield now fell back to Nashville, carrying with him all of his guns, \nwhen Hood advanced and invested that post with about 40,000 men. Thomas \nhad been re-enforced by General A. J. Smith\'s troops, which had just come \nfrom assisting in chasing Price out of Missouri.^ Thomas\'s infantry was fully \nequal in numbers to those of his adversary, but he was deficient in cavalry. \nRousseau was in Fort Rosecrans, at Murfreesboro\', to hold the railway to \nChattanooga, and Thomas allowed Hood to remain in front of him as long as \npossible, so as to give himself time to increase his own supply q\xc2\xa3 horses and \nobtain means for transportation. Finally, on the 15th of December, Thomas \nmoved out upon Hood, The battle was opened by the Fourth Corps, under \nGeneral T. J. Wood. The Confederates Avere driven out of their works, and \npressed back to the foot of the Harj^eth hills with a loss of 1 ,200 prisoners and \n16 guns. "Wood again advanced the next day [Dec. 16, 1864], and Avith other \ntroops, after a severe battle, drove the Confederates through the Brentwood \nPass. They left behind them most of their guns, and a large number of their \ncompanions as prisoners.* They were hotly pursued for several days. Hood \nturning occasionally to fight. Forrest joined him at Columbia, and formed a \ncovering party ; and at near the close of the month Hood escaped across the \nTennessee River with his shattered columns. So ended, in complete victory \n\n\n\n\' The Confederate loss was reported by General Thomas at 6,252, of wliom 1,150 were killed. \nThe National loss was 2,326, whereof 189 were killed. Nearly 1,000 were captured. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2^ See page 687. \n\n^ In the two days\' battles, Thomas captured 4,462 prisoners, of whom 287 were officers, one \nof them a major-general ; also fifty-three guns and many small-arms. \n\n\n\n1864] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. ^Q\'^ \n\nfor the Nationals, Thomas\'s admirably managed campaign in Tennessee.* \nHood\'s army had now ceased to be formidable in numbers or spirit, and at \nTupelo, in Mississippi, that commander was relieved, at his own request, on \nthe 23d of January, 1865, and was succeeded by Beauregard. \n\nLet us now turn a moment from the consideration of the struggle on the \nland, to some events of the war on the ocean. We have already noticed the \npirate ship Alabama^ commanded by Raphael Semmes. The same man had \npreviously commanded the pirate ship Sumter, Avhich, after a brief but destruct- \nive career on the ocean, was blockaded by the ship-of-war Ttiscarora at Gibral- \ntar, and there sold early in 1862. A superior cruiser, built for the Conspirators, \nin England, called the Florida, afterward roamed the sea in charge of J. N. \nMaffit. Also the Georgia, built in Great Britain, and sailing under British \ncolors. These freebooters captured and destroyed scores of ships, and cargoes \nvalued at many millions of dollars ; and they drove at least two-thirds of the \ncarrying trade between the United States and Europe into British bottoms. \nThey were heartily welcomed into all British ports ; and the remonstrances of \nthe American Minister in London against the building, fitting out, and encour- \nagement of these marauders, as we have seen,^ were of no avail. Three others \nwere added by British shipmasters in 1864 [Tallahassee, Olustee, and Chickor \nmauga), whose ravages quickly swelled the sum total of damage inflicted \nupon American commerce by Anglo-rebel pirates.^ \n\nThe new cruisers were equally destructive, and great eSbrts were made to \ncapture them. The Georgia was seized off the port of Lisbon in August \n[1864], by the Niagara, Captain Craven; and on the Yth of October, the \nWachicsetts, Captain Collins, captured the Florida in a Brazilian port.^ The \n\n\n\n1 Thomas had sent Stoneman from his army, and Burbridge from Eastern Kentucky, in No- \nvember, to confront Breckinridge in East Tennessee. They drove him out of that region, and \ncaptured Abingdon, in Virginia, where they destroyed a large quantity of Confederate stores. In \nthese movements there had been severe skirmishes. These were continued. The Confederate \ncavalry was commanded by General Yaughan, and these were repeatedly attacked by General \nGillem in that mountain region. Stoneman, who had been followed in his advance on "Wytheville, \nby Breckinridge, turned upon him at Marion, when the latter fled over the mountains into North \nCarolina. East Tennessee was now entirely cleared of Confederate troops. \n\nGeneral Thomas reported that during his campaign, from September 7, 1864, to January 20, \n1865, when all was quiet in the region of his command, he had captured, including officers, \n11,587 prisoners, besides 1,332, who "had been exchanged. He had also administered the oath \nof allegiance to 2,207 deserters from the Confederate armies, and captured 72 serviceable guns \nand 3,079 small-arms. His total loss during the campaign was about ten thousand men, which \nhe estimated to be less than half that of the enemy. \n\n* See page 641, and note 5, same page. \n\n\' See note 4, page 641. . \n\n* At the beginning of 1864 the pirates then on the ocean had captured 193 American merchant \nships, whereof all but 17 were burnt. The value of their cargoes, in the aggregate, was esti- \nmated at $13,445,000. So dangerous became the navigation of the ocean for American vessels, \nthat about 1,000 of them were sold to foreign merchants, chiefly British. . <. .. \n\n* This act the Secretary of State disavowed in behah"of our government, on the ground ot the \nunlawfulness of any unauthorized exercise of force by this country within a Brazilian harbor. \nAt the same time, whUe making this reparation, he declared that Brazil justly owed reparation \nto the United States for harboring the pirate. On that point ho said that the government main- \ntained that the Florida, "like the Alabama, was a pirate, belonging to no nation or lawful be yjerent \nand. therefore, the harboring and supplving of these piratical ships and their crews, in belligerent \nports, were wrongs and injuries for which Brazil justly owes reparation to the United States, as \nample as the reparation she now receives from them." \n\n\n\n708 \n\n\n\nX A T I X . \n\n\n\n[1864. \n\n\n\n\nJOHN A. WINSLOW. \n\n\n\nAlabama had already been sent to the bottom of the sea by the Kearsarge^ \nCaptain Winslow, off the French port of Cherbourg, whei\'e the two vessels \n\nhad a combat on Sunday, the 1 9th of \nJune. After a mutual cannonade for \nan hour, the Alabama was disabled \nand in a sinking condition, when she \nstruck her flag, and in twenty minutes \nwent down. The Alabama had a \nBritish tender near, named the Deer- \nhound, which was active in rescuhig \nSemmes and his officers, so that tiiey \nmight not be captured and become \nprisoners of war.\' The "common \npeople" of the ship were rescued by \n\xe2\x80\xa2the Kearsarge and a French vessel. \n\nSoon after the destruction of the Ala- \nbama, measures were taken for further \ndiminishing the aid continually given to the Confederates by British vessels, \nby closing, against the blockade-runners, the ports of Mobile and Wilmington, \nthe only ones now remain- _^ ^^ \n\ning open to them. These ^fc?" ^ \xe2\x80\x94 J^Z-^ \n\nhaving double entrances, \nmade it difficult for block- \nading squadrons to pre- \nvent the swift, light-draft \nblockade-runners, from \nslipping in with valuable \ncargoes of supplies, and \nslipping out with cargoes \nof cotton.^ It Avas re- \nsolved to seal up Mobile \nfirst, and for that purpose \nAdmiral Farragut appeared [August 5, 1864] off the entrance of Mobile Bay, \nwith a fleet of eighteen vessels, four of them iron-clad, while a land force, sent \nfrom New Orleans, under General Gordon Granger, was planted upon Dauphin \n\n\n\n\nBLOCKADE-RUNNEB. \n\n\n\n1 The Deerhound was a yacht belonging to one of the British aristocracy, named Lancaster, \n\xe2\x96\xa0who was in her, and watched with eagerness the fight between his friend Semmes and Winslow. \nIt appears clear that he was there by previous arrangement, to afford the pirate any needed assist- \nance in his power, and especially, in the event of disaster, to keep him out of the hands of \nthe victor. This was done. He carried Semmes and his officers to England. At Southamp- \nton a public dinner was offered to Semmes ; and a British admiral (Anson) headed a list of \nsubscribers to a fund raised for the purpose of purchasing an elegant sword to present to the \ncorsair. \n\n^ These vessels were generally painted a light gray, so that it was not easy to discern them \nin a fog, or the light haze that often lay upon the waters around the seaports. They were built \nfor speed, with raking smoke-stacks, and were generally more nimble m a chase than their pur- \nsuers. A very large number of these vessels were captured, and it is believed that a balance- \nsheet, illustrative of the pecuniary results of the business, in th& aggregate, would show a loss to \nthe violators of law. \n\n\n\n1864.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 7Q9 \n\nIsland for the purpose of co-operating. Early on that day the fleet sailed in \nbetween Forts Morgan and Gaines, the vessels tethered to each other in couples, \nand the Admiral himself lashed to the rigging at the main-top of his flag-ship, \nthe Hartford, that he might overlook his whole fleet, and not be thrown down \nby the shocks of battle.\' All went safely, in spite of the opened guns of the \nfort, excepting the iron-clad Tecumseh, which was destroyed by a torpedo.* \nThey drove before them three Confederate gun-boats. The forts were passed, \ntheir fire had become almost ineftectual, and the battle seemed to be over, \nwhen a Confederate " ram," called the Tennessee, commanded by Buchanan, \nof Merrimac fame,^ came swiftly down the bay, accompanied by the other gun- \nboats, and made a dash at the fleet. A brief but furious naval engagement \nnow ensued, which resulted in the capture of the Tennessee, and a complete \nvictory for the Nationals.\'* \n\nFarragut noAV turned his attention to the forts. He shelled Fort Gaines, on \nDauphin Island; and on the following day [August 7, 1864] it was surrendered, \nfor Granger and his troops were threatening its rear. Then Farragut turned \nupon Fort Morgan, the far stronger work, situated on Mobile Point, on the \nsite of Fort Bowyer.^ Granger\'s troops were transferred to that peninsula \n[August 17], and invested the fort, and on the 23d, its commander, seeing no \nchance for relief or escape, surrendered it.* With the two forts the victors \nreceived one hundred and four guns, and 1,464 men. By this victory the port \nof Mobile Avas eftectually closed, and the land operations against the city, \nwhich occurred some months later, became easier and more speedily effectual. \nThe victories at Mobile and Atlanta,\' following close upon each other, with \nminor successes elsewhere, and the noble response given to the call of the \nPresident a few weeks before [July 1 8] for three hundred thousand men to \nre-enforce the two great armies in the field, gave assurance that the end of \nthe Civil War and the return of peace was nigh. Because of these triumphs, \nand the hopeful aspect of affairs, the President issued a proclamation [Sept. 3, \n1864] in which he requested the people to make a special recognition of divine \ngoodness, by offering thanksgivings in their respective places of w^orship on \nthe following Sabbath [Sept. 11]. And on the same day he issued orders for \nsalutes of one hundred guns to be fired at several places in the Union.\'* \n\nWhile the National armies were struggling desperately, but almost every- \n\n\' By means of a tube extending from his lofty position to the deck, Farragut communicated \nMs orders. He exemplified in this act a characteristic remark of his own, that \'\'exposure is one \nof the penalties of rank in the navv." \n\n^ The Tecumseh was commanded by Captain Craven. She was sunk almost instantly, and \nCraven and nearly all of his officers and crew went down in her. Only 17 men out of 130 were \nsaved. \n\n^ See page 614. \n\n* The Union loss in this contest was 335, of whom 165 were killed, including the 113 who \nwent down in the Tecuimeh. The Confederates lost nearly 300, chiefly in prisoners. Admiral \nBuchanan was severely wounded. With him were captnred 190 men. \n\n^ See page 438. \n\n\xc2\xab These forts were about thirty miles from Mobile. Into Fort Morgan about three thousand \nshells were cast before it surrendered. \n\n\' See page 702. ,^ ^ \xe2\x80\x9e \n\n" At Washington, New York, Boston, Philadelphia. Pittsburg. Baltunore. Newport (Ken- \nlucky), St. Louis,^New Orleans, Mobile Bay, Pensacola, Hilton Head, and Now Berne. \n\n\n\n710 THE NATION. [1864. \n\nwhere successfully, during the summer and autumn of 1864, the people in the \nFree-labor States Av^ere violently agitated by a political campaign, the chief \nobjective of which, to use a military phrase, was the election of a President of \nthe Republic, as Mr. Lincoln\'s term of office would expire early in the ensuing \nspring. At a " Union " National Convention, held at Baltimore on the 7th \nof June, a series of ten resolutions were adopted, by which the party there \nrepresented were pledged to sustain the government in its war against rebel- \nlion, and to uphold its position in regard to slavery. The acts of the President \ntouching the prosecution of the war for the life of the ReiDublic, were heartily \napproved, and an amendment of the Constitution, so as to do away with \nslavery forever, was recommended.^ Mr. Lincoln was nominated for the Presi- \ndency by a unanimous vote of the delegates, and Andrew Johnson, of Ten- \nnessee, then Military Governor of that State, was nominated for the Vice- \nPresidency.\'-\' \n\nOn the 29th of August, the Opposition, or "Democratic" party held a \nNational Convention at Chicago, over which Governor Seymour, of New York, \npresided, and who, in his address on taking the chair, took strong groimd \nagainst the war. Besides the delegates gathered there, a vast concourse of \nmembers of the " Knights of the Golden Circle," and other secret associations \nin sympathy with the Conspirators, together with Confederate officers from \nCanada, crowded Chicago, and the most inflammatory speeches were made at \noutside meetings.^ It is asserted that the gathering of these disloyal men, and \nthese inflammatory harangues, were parts of a scheme for making that the occa- \nsion for inaugurating a counter-revolution in the West, the first act to be the \nliberating and arming of 8,000 Confederate pi-isoners then in Camp Douglas, \nnear Chicago, and at Indianapolis. These schemes were frustrated by the vigi- \nlance and energy of Colonel B. J. Sweet, then in command (fver Camp Douglas.\'* \n\n^ In these resolutions the noble services of the soldiers and sailors were recognized ; the \nemployment of freednien in the public service was recommended; the duty of the government to \ngive equal protection to all its servants was asserted ; and the rigid inviolability of the National \nfaith pledged for the redemption of the public debt, was enjoined as a solemn duty. \n\n^ Already there had been a convention at Cleveland [May 31, 1864], composed, as the call for \nit directed, of "the radical men of the nation." About 350 delegates were present, and after \nadopting a series of thirteen resolutions, they nominated General John C. Fremont for President, \nand John Cochrane of New York, for Vice-President. "When, at a later period, it was seen that \nthese nominations might make divisions in the Union ranks, both candidates withdrew. \n\n^ Mr. G-reeley, in his American Conflict, ii. 667, gives specimens of speeches by two clergymen \nbelonging to the Peace Faction, at outside meetings in Chicago. One of them, named Chauncey \nC. Burr, said that Mr. Lincoln "had stolen a good many thousand negroes; but for every negro \nhe had thus stolen he had stolen ten thousand spoons. It had been said that if the South would \nlay down their arms, they would be received back into the Union. The South could not honor- \nably lay down their arms, for she was fighting for her honor. Two millions of men had been \nsent down to the slaughter-pens of the South, and the army of Lincoln could not again be filled, \neither by enlistments nor conscription " The other clergyman alluded to, named Henry Clay \nDean, exclaimed: "Such a failure has never been known. Such destruction of human life had \nnever been seen since the destruction of Sennacherib by the breath of the Almighty. And still the \nmonster usurper wants more men for his slaughter-pens. . . . Ever since the usurper, traitor, \nand tyrant had occupied the Presidential chair, the Republican party had shouted \' "War to the knife, \nand the knife to the hilt!\' Blood lias flowed in torrents; and yet the thirst of the old monster \nwas not quenched.\'\' \n\n* Mr. Greeley says (^mer/ca\xc2\xab Conflict, ii. 668, note 19): ""Weeks later, with larger means and a \nbetter organization, the Conspirators liad prepared for an outl^reak on the day of the Presidential \nelection ; but Sweet, fully apprised of their designs, pounced upon them on the night of Novem- \n\n\n\n\nIF.AmMiv.\xc2\xa9Iinr Eif^ISIEHM\xc2\xa9 M(Q)IBEILE ISiSf, \n\n\n\n1864.] \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n711 \n\n\n\n\nC. L. VALLANDIGHAM. \n\n\n\nIn the Convention there prevailed a decidedly anti-war feeling. C. L. Val- \nlandigham\' had come boldly from his exile in Canada/ and was the master- \nspirit of that body. He was the most \nactive man on the committee appointed \nto prepare a platform or declaration of \nprincijiles for the coming canvass, \nwhereof James Guthrie, of Kentucky, \nwas chairman. This was in the form \nof six resolutions, the second of which \ndeclared the war to be a failure, and \nthat " humanity, liberty, and the pub- \nlic welfare," demanded its immediate \ncessation. The last resolution tendered \nthe " sympathy of the Democratic par- \nty" for the soldiers in the field, and \nassured them that if that party should \nobtain power, they should " receive all \nthe cure and protection, regard and \nkindness," which they deserved. \n\nThe Convention then proceeded to nominate General George B, McClellan \nfor President, and George H. Pendleton for Vice-President. The latter, next \nto Vallandigham, had been the most bitter opponent of the war, in Congress. \nThe former had once been general-in-chief of the armies for crushing the rebel- \nlion. He accepted the nomination, and, with such candidates and such plat- \nforms, the two parties went into the canvass. The voice of the Convention, \ndeclaring the war a failure, had scarcely died away, when a shout went over \nihe land, announcing the victories of Sherman and Farragut, and great guns \nthundered a joyful accompaniment to anthems of thanksgiving chanted by \nthe loyal people. Mr. Lincoln was re-elected by an unprecedented majority, \nMcClellan securing the electoral vote of only the two Slave-labor States of \nDelaware and Kentucky, and the State of New Jersey. The ofier of sympathy \nand i>rotection to the soldiers in the field, by the Chicago Convention, was \n-answered by the votes of those soldiers in overwhelming numbers against the \nnominee of that Convention. They did not regard the war they had so nobly \n\xe2\x96\xa0waged as " a failure," and they required no " sympathy and protection " from \nany political party.^ \n\n\n\nher 6, making prisoners of Colonel G. St. Leger Grenfell, who had been John Morgan\'s adjutant; \nColonel Vincent Marmaduke [brother of the rebel general of that name] ; Captahi Cantrill, of \nMorgan\'s old command, and several Illinois traitors, thus completely crushing out the conspiracy, \njust as it was on the point of inaugurating civil war in the North." \n\n1 See page 656. * See note 1, page 657. \n\n^ On account of the secret operations of the Peace Faction, in giving " aid and comfort " to \nthe enemies of the Republic, those who belonged to it were called, by the Unionists, Copperheads, \nin allusion to the habit of the venomous American snake of that name; which, unlike its equally \nvenomous but more magnanimous fellow-reptile, that gives warning of danger to its intended vic- \nTim, always bites from a hidden place and without any notice. The epithets ,of " Copperhead " \nand " Black Republicavi " (the latter in allusion to the desire of the Republican party to give \nfreedom lo ihe negro slaves), were rife among politicians during a greater portion of the Civil \nWar. \n\n\n\nfj^-^2 THE NATION. [1864. \n\nLet lis now return to the consideration of military events. \n\nGeneral Sherman gave his army more than a month\'s rest at Savannah, \nwhen he began his memorable march northward through the Carolinas. Gen- \neral Blair was sent, with the Seventeenth Corps, by water to Port Royal, and \nthen to Pocotaligo, to menace Charleston, while the bulk of the army crossed \nthe Savannah River, into South Carolina, at different points at about the first \nof February [1865], the extreme left under General Slocum, with Kilpatrick\'s \ncavalry, passing it at Sister\' Ferry. These forward movements at widely \nsepai\'ated points, distracted the Confederates, and prevented their concentrating \na large force anyAvhere. Incessant rains had flooded the whole low country \nby the overflow of rivers, and Wheeler\'s cavalry, hovering around the National \nadvance, had felled trees everywhere in their path. \n\nSteadily and irresistibly the entire army moved nearly due north in the \ndirection of Columbia, the capital of South Carolina, which was surrendered \nto Sherman on the iTth of February. There had been, thus fai-, no formid- \nable resisting force in front of the National army ; and that which opposed it \nin the vicinity of Columbia, being under the command of the incompetent \nBeauregard,\' was easily swept away. The flag of the Republic was raised \nover the old State House, and also the unfinished new one. Wade Hampton,^ \nin command of the Confederate rear-guard, had ordered all the cotton in the \ncity to be piled in the public sti-eets, and fired, notwithstanding the wind was \nblowing a gale. The consequence was that the city was set on fire, and a \nlarge portion of that beautiful town was laid in ashes. \n\nThe fall of Columbia was the signal for the Confederates to evacuate \nCharleston, which Sherman\'s army had now flanked. Hardee fled, and on the \n18th [February, 1865], colored Union troops marched in and took possession \nof the city, which they found in flames, the torch having been applied by the \nConfederates when they left. Then the National flag was raised over Fort \nSumter, Avhere it was first dishonored by the Conspirators,^ and on the fourth \nanniversary of the evacuation of that fortress. General Anderson,^ with his \nown hand, raised over the fort the identical flag which he had been compelled \nto pull down, but not to surrender. \n\nSherman moved onward into North Carolina, making a track of almost \nabsolute desolation, forty miles in width, across South Carolina. The chief \nobstacles to his march, for some time, were the cavalry of Wheeler and Hamp- \nton, with whom Kilpatrick had some sharp skirmishes. The whole army \nreached Fayetteville, in North Carolina, on the 12th of March, and there \nSherjuan communicated with the troops under General Schofield, on the coast. \nAnd now Johnston was on his front with a concentrated force drawn from \nthe west and the coast region, together with Hardee\'s from Charleston, and \ncavalry, making an aggregate of not less than 40,000 men, mostly veterans. \n\n\' Beauregard was placed iu command of Hood\'s shattered army. [See page 707], and h& \nwas afterward succeeded by General Joseph E. Johnston, its old commander. At the time we- \nare considerinpr. the bulk of that army was pressing forward, under General Cheatham, to gaia \nSherman\'s front. \n\n" See page 553. . ^ See oag^ 550. \n\n\n\n1865.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. JJ\'jg \n\nIn view of this formidable obstruction to iiis northward jjrogress, and tlie \nnecessity for giving rest to his army, Slierman halted at Faj^etteville tliree \ndays. \n\nWhile Sherman was moving through the interior of South Carolina, there \nhad been efticient and important co-operative movements on the coast of Xorth \nCarolina. When it was determined to close up the harbor of Mobile \' it was \nalso determined to seal up that of Wilmington, the more difficult one to \nblockade effectually. An expedition was fitted out against the fortifications \nthat guarded the entrance to it, in the autumn of 1864, composed of a powerful \n\n\n\n\nINTERIOR OF PORT FISHER. \n\n\n\nfleet under Admiral D D. Porter, and land troops under the immediate \ncommand of General Godfrey Weitzel. This expedition, accompanied by \nGeneral Butler, the commander of the Department, appeared off Fort Fisher \nlate in December [1864], and made a. combined movement against that work,, \nthe main fortification, on Christmas day. The fleet opened a terrible bombard- \nment of the fort ; and at the middle of the afternoon, a little over 2,000 \ntroops were landed upon the narrow tongue of land on which the fortress \nstood ; but its many guns, with one exception, having been untouched by the- \nshells from the fleet, and being ready to sweej) the peninsula Avith murderous- \neffect, it was thought prudent not to make an attack ; so the troops Avithdrew. \nThe fleet remained, and General Grant promptly sent another land force, under \nGeneral A. II. Terry, to co-operate with it in an attack on the fort. \n\nProfiting by the experience of Christmas-day, Porter took a position for \nmore effectual Avork on the fort, and under cover of a fire from the fleet, Terry \nlanded, with 8,000 men on the 13th of January. A bombardment of more \nthan thirty hours silenced a greater portion of the guns which commanded the \npeninsula, when the army, skillfully handled, and bravely acting in conjunction \nwith 2,000 sailors and marines, assaulted and carried the Avorks on the 15th. \nThere Terry, Avho was too Aveak to advance, Avas joined on the 9th of February \nby General Schofield, Avho had been called from Tennessee, by Grant, and sent \ndown the coast in steamers, from the Potomac. This re-enforcement raised \nthe number of the land troops to about 20,000 men. Schofield, the senior \nofficer, took command. ThroAving a portion of the troops across the Cape \nFear River, the Nationals advanced on Wilmington, the Confederates abandon- \n\n\n\n<^14 TH^ NATION. \xe2\x96\xa0 [1865. \n\ning Fort Audersoii, and Luniiug the pirate steamers Tallahassee and Chicha- \nmauga^ lying iii tlio river. They also fled from Wilmington, after burning \ncotton, and naval military stores there ; and on the 22d of February [1865], the \nvictorious Nationals entered that city. Soon after this an army tug and a gun- \nboat Avent up the Cape Fear, from Wilmington, and opened communication \nbetween Sherman and Schofield.- \n\nAt the end of three days of rest, Sherman\'s army advanced from Fayette- \nville, where they had destroyed the government armory, and the costly \nmachinery which had been taken there from Harper\'s Ferry.\' The army \nmoved, as before, in a deceptive and distracting way, a portion of the left \nwing covered by Kilpatrick, marching in the direction of lialeigh, while the \nremainder of the left, with the right wing, moved eastward toward Goldsboro\', \nthe real destination of the army. Rains had made the roads almost impassable, \nyet the troops moved steadily forward, and on the morning of the 16th [March, \n1865], not far from Averysboro\', Confederates under Hardee, about 20,000 \n\xe2\x96\xa0strong, were encountered by Slocum. A severe battle ensued, which lasted until \nnight, when the Nationals were victorious. Eacli party lost about four hundred \nand fifty men. The Confederates retreated toward Smithfield, under cover of \ndarkness, when Slocum moved on toward Goldsboro\'. He was soon attacked \n[March 18], near Bentonville, by nearly the whole of Johnston\'s army. That \nable leader fully expected to crush Slocum, before he could receive support ; \nbut he Avas mistaken. Six desperate assaults made by Johnston were repulsed, \nand when night fell, Slocum held his ground firmly. That night he was \nre-enforced, and the next day Johnston\'s^ forty thousand men were confronted \nby sixty thousand Nationals, who, in endeavoring to gain the flank and rear \n\xe2\x80\xa2of their antagonist, frightened him away. Johnston retreated [March 21] \nrapidly on Raleigh.\'\' Sherman then moved on to Goldsboro\', Avhere he met \nGenerals Schofield and Terry, Avho had fought their way from Wilmington,\' \n\xe2\x80\xa2driving the Confederates before them, and entered 1;hat town on the 20th of \nMarch. Sherman now went in a swift steamer from New Berne to City Point, \nwhere he held a consultation [March 27] with the President, and Generals \n\xe2\x96\xa0Grant and Meade, and returned to Goldsboro\' three days afterAvard. \n\nLet us now turn our attention to the Gulf region again. There avc haA-e \n\xe2\x80\xa2seen Farragut and Granger, preparing the way for the capture of Mobile. \nAfter that, arrangements Avere made for securing the repossession of all Ala- \nbama. For this purjDose General Canby, in command of the Gulf Department, \nmoved [March, 1865] over tAA^enty-fiA^e thousand troops against Mobile: while \nGeneral Wilson, of Thomas\'s army, with fifteen thousand men, Avhereof thirteen \nthousand Avere mounted, SAvept doAvn into Alabama, at about the same time, \nfrom the Tennessee River, Avith sixty days\' supplies carried by a ti-ain of two \nhundi-ed and fifty Avagons. Wilson left Eastport, on the Tennessee, late in \nFebruary, and pushed rapidly into Northern Alabama, across the head-Avaters \nof the Tombigbee River, and by quick moA^ements menaced simultaneously \n\n\' See page 708. " See page 713. ^ See page 557. \n\n* In the engagement near Bentonville, the Nationals lost 1,643 men, of whom 191 were killed. \nThey buried 267 of their foes, left on the field, and took 1,625 prisoners. \n\n\n\n1865.J LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n715 \n\n\n\nColumbus, in Mississippi, and Tuscaloosa, and Selma, in Alabama. He first \nencountered Confederate^ in force, under Roddy, on the banks of the Cahawba. \nForrest was in chief command in that region, and strained every nerve to \ncover Selma, on the Alabama River, where the Confederates had an arsenal \nand armory, and very extensive founderies. His efforts were vain. He was \nthere with a motley force of about seven thousand horsemen, when Wilson \narrived [April 2, 1865], with nine thousand cavalry. A sharp conflict ensued, \nbut Wilson soon took the city, and tlie public works of the Confederates there \nwere utterly destroyed.\' \n\nWilson moved toward Montgomery on the 10th, and reached that city, the \ncapital of Alabama, on the 12th, when he found that the Confederates had \njust burned 125,000 bales of cotton. The city was instantly surrendered, and \nwas spared. Then the raiders moved eastward [April 14], destroying rail- \nways and other public pi\'operty, all the way to the Chattahoochee ; and near \nColumbus, Georgia, they had a severe fight, captured the place and twelve \nhundred prisoners, and destroyed a large amount of property.* On the same \nday a part of Wilson\'s force captured Fort Tyler, a strong work commanding \nthe railway crossing of the Chattahoochee at West Point. On the following \nmorning, nearly the whole of his command were across that stream, on their \nway toward Macon, in Georgia, where they arrived on the 21st [March, 1865]. \nThe remainder, under Cuxton, reached there on the 30th, after a destructive \nraid over a route of six hundred and fifty miles, in the space of thirty days. \nThis march through Alabama and Georgia, so slightly resisted everywhere, \nmade Wilson readily believe the assurance of General Howell Cobb, in com- \nmand at Macon, that the war was virtually ended.^ \n\nWhile Wilson w^as on his triumphant ride, Canby was busy in the reduc- \ntion of Mobile. The Seventeenth Corps reached Dauphin Island on the 12th \nof March, when Canby moved his entire disposable force against the Confed- \nerate defenses of that city. The "thirteenth Corps, General Granger, moved \nup from Mobile Point, to strike the post from the east, and General Steele, \nmoved from Pensacola, with a division of colored troops, on Blakely. At the \n\n1 Wilson\'s loss in the encounter, was about 500 men. He captured 32 guns, and 2,700 \nprisoners, with vast stores of every kind. The Confederates had just burned 25,000 bales of \ncotton, and Wilson burned 10,000 more. The arsenal, foundries, and workshops of every kind \nwere destroyed, and the town was sacked. When the writer was there a year later the place \npresented a scene of great desolation. \n\n^ The Confederate "ram" Jackson was destroyed; 15 locomotives, 250 cars, 115,000 bales of \ncotton, wefe burnt, and a vast amount of stores were consigned to destruction. With the \nprisoners were captured 52 field giuis. Wilson\'s loss was only 2-t killed and wounded. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2\' There had been some important raids in Mississippi three or four mouths earlier than this, \ndesigned, chiefly, to attract attention from General Sherman\'s march through Georgia. One of \nthese, under General Dana, went out from Vicksburg, to Jackson, fought a Confederate force on \nthe Big Black River, and destroyed the railway [November 25, 1864], and a great deal of other \nproperty. Another, under General Davidson, went out from Baton Rouge, doing similar work, \nand alarming tlie garrison at Mobile. Another, led by General Grierson, went out from Memphis, \n[Dec. 21], and sweeping southeasterly througli Northern Alabama to Tupelo, broke up the \nMobile and Ohio railway some distance soutluvard from Okolona, and destroyed a largo quantity \nof stores. At the little railway station of Egypt he had a sharp fight, in which he routed his \nfoes, and then went raiding through Mississippi. The expedition finally made its way to Vicks- \nburg with 500 prisoners, 800 beeves, and 1,000 negroes. A great amount of property had been \ndestroyed. \n\n\n\n71(5 THE NATION. [1865. \n\nsame time a brigade was transported to Cedar Point, on the west side of the \nbay, nndcr a heavy fire of shells from the National iron-clad vessels. After a \npreliminary struggle, a siege was begun [March 25] in front of Blakely and \nSpanish Fort, the chief defenses of Mobile, in which the land troops and the \nfleet co-operated. These posts fell on the 9th of April. General Maury, in \ncommand at Mobile, noAV saw that the works immediately around the city \nwere no longer tenable, and on the 10th and 11th, he fled iij^ the Alabama, \nwith nine thousand troops, leaving five thousand prisoners in the hands of \nthe victors, with one hundred and fifty guns. The victory had cost the \nNationals about twenty-five hundred men,\' \n\nGeneral Grant\'s chief business throughout the Avinter of 1864-65, was to \nhold the Confederate army and " Government " in Virginia, and prevent the \nformer joining forces with Johnston in North Carolina, to crush Sherman. \nSo, while Sherman was making his way from the Savannah, around to the Cape \nFear and the Neuse rivers. Grant was holding Lee and his fifty thousand \nmen, Avith a tight grasp, ujson the James River. The Confederates well knew \nthe reason of Grant\'s comparatively defensive attitude during the winter \nmonths, but were powerless either to strike him a damaging blow, or to compel \nhim to be an aggressor. Only twice, during the winter, did he show a \ndisposition to attack. Early in December Warren was sent out [Dec. 7, 1864] \nby Meade to destroy the Weldon road near the North Carolina line, which the \nConfederates were using to advantage ; and again in February two corps, with \ncavalry, were sent [Feb. 5, 1865] across that road, to Dinwiddle Court-House, \napparently for the purpose of feeling the strength of the Confederates in that \ndirection, which resulted in a severe action, Avith a loss of about 2,000 men on \nthe 23art of the Unionists, and 1,000 by the Confederates. The National gain \nwas the extension of their line, permanently, to Hatcher\'s Run. In the meg,ni \ntime, the Confederates, perceiving the AvithdraAval of a large part of the naval \nforce on the James River, for service against Fort Fisher,\' sent a squadron* \ndoAvn that stream, under cover of darkness [January 23, 1865], to do Avhat mis- \nchief they might. They gained nothing, and lost one of their Avooden gun-boats. \n\nTlie Confederate horsemen, under Mosby, Rosser, McNeil, and others, were \nsomcAvhat active in "West Virginia, and in the vicinity of the Baltimore and \nOhio raihvay, during the Avinter. Sheridan Avas then at Winchester, in the \nShenandoah Valley. He easily brushed away these annoyances on his flank, \nand at the close of February, he left head-quarters Avith 10,000 mounted men \nfor a grand raid, ordered by Grant, on Lee\'s communications generally, and \nagainst Lynchburg, his great , store-house of supplies, especially. Sheridan \nswept through Staunton [March 2], scattered Early\'s forces at Waynesboro\',* \nand proceeded to Charlottsville, destroying the railroad on the Avay. There \n\n\' Before he evacuated the city, Maury sunk two powerful rams which had been built there. \nIn addition to the loss of men, tlie Nationals had four gun-boats, and one transport sunk by \ntorpedoes. \'^ See page 713. \n\n^ The sfjuadron consisted of three iron-clad, and five wooden gun-boats, and three torpedo \nboats. \n\n* Early had 2,500 men. Sheridan captured 1,600 of them, with 11 guns, 17 battle-flags, and \n200 loaded wagons. \n\n\n\n1865. J \n\n\n\nLINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n717 \n\n\n\nhe demolished manufactories, bridges, and otlier ])roperty, when, satisfied that \nLynchburg was too strong for him, he divided\' his forces, one column for the \ndestruction of the railway in the direction of Lynchburg, and the other for the \ndemolition of the James River Canal. Then he passed around Lee\'s left to \nWhite House, and joined the Army of the Potomac on the 27th of March. \n\nSheridan\'s raid was most destructive, and it thoroughly alarmed Lee, wlio \nclearly perceived that he must break through the armies encircling jiim, and \nform a junction with Johnston, or his own army, and with it the Confederacy, \nmust perish. For that purpose he concentrated his forces near Grant\'s center, iu \nfront of Petersbiirg, and \n\nmade a desperate attack ^-J \'\xe2\x96\xa0^ "^ ^ a^^"^ \'^^^^^^\xe2\x96\xa0^ >- ^ ^ \n\non Fort Steadman, for the .^ j;- \n\npurpose of cutting in two \nthe Army of the Potomac. \nThey carried that work, \n"but were no further suc- \ncessful, and the assault \nwas not only repulsed, \nAvith heavy loss to the \nConfederates,^ but it re- \nsuited in the gain to the \nNationals of a portion of \ntheir antagonists\' line. \nLee\'s chance for escape \ninto North Carolina was \n\nmade more remote, by this movement. Grant had now prepai-ed for a gen- \neral advance by his left, and for that purpose, large bodies of troops Avere \ncalled from the Army of the James on the north side of the river. The grand \nmovement was begun on the 29th [March, 1865], when Slieridan, Avith 10,000 \n\xe2\x80\xa2cavalry, was on the extreme left of the Union army, joined on his right \nby the Second and Fifth Corps, under Humphreys and Warren, Avhile General \nParke held the extended lines. Lee perceived the imminent peril of his army, \nand liastened to attempt to avert it. Leaving Longstreet Avith 8,000 troops to \nhold Richmond against the depleted Army of the James, he massed his forces \n\xe2\x96\xa0on his endangered right. A desperate struggle ensued, chiefly by Warren, on \nthe Ifnion side, in Avhich, at one time, Lee was almost victorious. MeauAvhile \nSheridan was vigorously co-operating, but Avas driven at Five Forks, to Din- \nwiddle Court-House [April 1, 1865], Avhere he held his position until his foe \nAvithdrew under cover of night. The heavy fighting in that vicinity resulted \nin final success for the Nationals. \n\nOn the evening of the first of April, Grant ordered the guns all along the \nfront of Petersburg to open upon the Confederate works and the city. It Avas \ndone, and an awful night it Avas for the Confederate troops in the trenches, and \nthe fcAV inhabitants in the toAvn. At dawn [April 2, 1865], the works Avere \n\n\n\n\nFOET STEADMAN. \n\n\n\nEach army lost about 2,500 men in the struggle. \n\n\n\n718 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1865. \n\n\n\n\n\n\nassailed by infantry, and some of tliem were carried. Equal success was \nattending similar eftbrts on the extreme left. Longstreet had come down \nfrom Richmond to help, but it was too late. Lee held Petersburg, but his \nright was too much crushed to hope to retrieve disasters in that direction. \nHe had lost 10,000 men; and he now saw but a narrow door through which \nthere was any possibility for his army to escape into North Carolina, and that \nAvas liable to be shut any moment. So he telegraphed to Davis, at Richmond, \nin substance : " My lines are broken in three places ; we can hold Petersburg \nno longer; Richmond must be evacuated this evening."^ \n\nA scene of wildest confusion appeared in the Confederate Capital that \nafternoon, when it became known that the city was to be evacuated by the \ntroops. Consternation filled the minds and hearts of all friends of the Con- \nspirators, and hundreds fled from the doomed town. Davis and his " Cabinet " \nwere speedily on the wing to secure their personal safety; and, at midnight, a \nlurid glare shot up from the brink of the river. The Confeder.ate authorities, \nin disregard of the danger to the city, had ordered the burning of warehouses \ncontaining military stores. These were then in flames; and before sunrise a \ngreater portion of the principal business part of Richmond was a crumbling, \nsmoking ruin. At an early houi", General Weitzel (who was in command \nof the troops on the north side of the river), with his staif, entered the aban- \ndoned and bui-ning city, followed by colored troops ; and then Lieutenant J. L. \nDe Peyster, of Weitzel\'s military family, raised the flag of the Republic over \nthe State Capitol. General G. F. Shepley was appointed Military Governor \nof Richmond, and Lieutenant-Colonel Manning was made Provost-Marshal.^ \n\nDavis and his " Cabinet " \xe2\x80\x94 his more immediate associates in the Great \nCi-ime \xe2\x80\x94 fled to Danville, whither Lee hoped to follow with his army. But \n\n_^z^ ^ ^ loyal men, with trusty \n\n^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ r * arms, stood in his way. \n\n=^^^ "^ .,= Petersburg had also been \n\nevacuated, and the Army \nof Northern Virginia, re- \nduced to about 35,000 \nmen, was concentrated \nat Chesterfield. They \nmoved rapidly AvestAvard, \nbut Avere confronted by \nSheridan not far from \nAmelia Court - House. \nThere were active move- \nments and considerable \nfifrhtinsr for three or four \n\n\n\n\nTHE C.U\xc2\xbbITOL AT rjCHilOND. \n\n\n\n1 This was ou Sunday forenoon, April 2, 1865. The message found Davis in the house of \n-worship he was in the habit of attending. He left the church immediately, without saying a \nword to any one, but nobody misinterpreted his exit. \n\n\'\' Weitzel took 1.000 prisoners in the city, besides 5,000 sick and wounded, in the hospital. \nAlso 500 guns, full 5,000 small-arms, 30 locomotives, 300 cars, and a large amount of other pub- \nlic property. \n\n\n\n1865.] LINCOLN\'S ADMINISTRATION. 7I9. \n\ndays afterward, while Lee was making desperate efforts to escape. Finally, \nnear Appomattox Court-IIouse, the last charge of the Army of Northern Vir- \nginia, with the hope of breaking through the National lines, was made on the \nmorning of the 9th of April. It was unsuccessful ; and on that day, Grant \n\n\n\n\n:# \n\n\n\n^i^ \n\n\n\nM LEAN S HOtrSE. \n\nand Lee met at the house of W. McLean,\' near the Court-House, Avhere terms of \nsurrender on the part of Lee, were agreed upon. These terms were very \ngenerous.* \n\n\' It is a curious fact that Mr. McLean, whose residence at the beginning of the war was on a \nportion of the battle-field of Bull\'s Run, and had left that region for another that promised more \nquiet, was again disturbed by the clash of arms at the close of the war. \n\n* The Confederate army, officers and men, were paroled on the condition that they were not \nto take up arms against their government until properly exchanged. " The arms, artillery, and \npublic property," ran Grant\'s letter to Lee [April 9, 1865], "to be parked and stacked, and turned \nover to the officers appointed by me to receive them. This will not embrace the side-arms of the \nofficers, nor their private horses or baggage. This done, each officer and man will be allowed ta \nreturn to his home, not to be disturbed by United States authority so long as they observe their \nparoles and the laws in force where they may reside." \n\nThis generous offer of full amnesty for Lee and his companions-in-arms, who had. been \nwaging war for four years agaiust their government, was gladly accepted by them ; and on the \nfollowing day [April 10, 1865] Lee, regardless of that generosity, and under the shield of that \nsacred promise, issued an address to his troops, commendatory of their devotion to the cause of \nthe Conspirators in the following words : \xe2\x80\x94 \n\n" After four j-ears of arduous service, marked by unsurpassed courage and fortitude, the Army \nof Northern Virginia has been compelled to yield to overwhelming numbers and resources. I \nneed not tell the brave survivors of so many hard-fought battles, who have remained steadfast to \nthe last, that I have consented to this result from no distrust of them; but feeling that valor and \ndevotion could accomplish nothing that would compensate for tlie loss that must have attended a \ncontinuance of the contest, I determined to avoid the useless sacrifice of those whose past ser- \nvices have endeared them to their countrymen. By the terms of agreement, officers and men can \nreturn to their homes and remain until exchanged. You will take with you the satisfaction that \nproceeds from the consciousness of dutv faithfuDy performed, and I earnestly pray that a merci- \nful God will extend to .you his blessing and protection. With an increasing admiration of your \nconstancy and devotion to your country, and a grateful remembrance of your kmd and generous \neonsideration for myself, I bid you all an affectionate farewell." \n\n\n\n720 ^^^ NATION. [1865. \n\nPresident Lincoln had been at City Point several days previous to the \nevacuation of Richmond, and two days after that event [April 4] he was con- \nveyed to that city in a gun-boat, and with Admiral Porter and a small escort \nwent to the head-quarters of General Weitzel, in the house lately occupied by \nJefferson Davis, where he received a lai-ge number of army officers and \ncitizens. He afterward rode around the city in an open carriage, and then \nreturned to City Point. This visit was repeated two days afterward [April 5,] \nwhen Mr. Lincoln returned to Washington City, full of joy because of the \nprospect of a speedy return of peace. There was gladness throughout \nthe Republic ; and the sounds of rejoicing were swelling louder and louder \neverywhere, when they were suddenly hushed into silence by the awful \ntidings that the hand of an assassin had taken the life of the good President. \nWhile Mr. Lincoln was seated, Avith his wife, in a private box in a theater \nat Washington City, on the evening of the 14th of April, a man named John \nAVilkes Booth crept stealthily behind him, and shot him through the head with \na pistol-ball. Then leaping upon the stage with the cry of " Sic semper \ntyrannis " \xe2\x80\x94 the legend of Virginia\'s State seal \xe2\x80\x94 Booth turned to the audience, \nbrandishing a dagger, and exclaimed, " The South is avenged ! \'\'"\' and imme- \ndiately fled out of the theater by a back passage. The murderer was soon \nafterward mortally wounded in an attempt to capture him ; and several of \nhis confederates, one of whom attempted to assassinate the Secretary oi \nState, the same evening, were arrested, tried by a military commission, and \nhung.\'^ \n\nMl*. Lincoln expired on the morning of the loth of April, and less than six \nhours afterward, his constitutional successor, Andrew Johnson, the Vice-Presi- \ndent, took the oath of office as President of the Republic." Thoughtful people, \n\n\n\n\' There appears t-j have been a conspiracy for assassinating not only the President, but other \nmembers of the Executive Department of the government ; also General Grant and distinguished \nleaders of the Republican party. The object seems to have been to put out of the way men in \ntigh places opposed to the Conspirators who, on the death of the President, might administer the \ngovernment, hoping thereby to produce anarchy which in some way might lead to the accession \nto power of the leaders of the rebellion. By a strange oversight in the managers of the scheme, \n"the Vice-President, who would \'legally succeed tlie murdered President, seems to have been \nomitted in their list of victims, there being no evidence that anj\' attempt was made to take his \nlife. He immediately assumed the reinsi of government without any disturbance of its functions\'; \nand on the 2d of May he issued a proclamation which w\'as countersigned by William Hunter, \n"acting Secretary of State," charging that the crime of Booth and his associates had been \n" incited, concerted, and procured, between Jefferson Davis, late of Richmond, Ya., and Jacob \nThompson, Clement C. Clay, Beverly Tucker, George X. Sanders, W. C. Cleary, and other rebels \nand traitors against the government of the United States, harbored in Canada." He offered a \nreward of $100,000 for the arrest of Davis, and from $10,000 to $25,000 each for the arrest of the \n\xe2\x96\xa0other persons named. \n\n^ Mr. Johnson requestea Mr. Lincoln\'s Cabinet ministers (see note 2, page 551) to remain, and \nthey did so. At that time they consisted of William H. Seward, Secretary of State ; Hugh \nMcCuhough, Secretary of the Treasury; Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War; Gideon Welles, \nSecretary of the Navy; John P. Usher, Secretary of the Interior; James Speed, Attorney- \nGeneral; and William Dennison, Postmaster-General. Mr. Chase, the former Secretary of the \nTreasury, had been elevated to the seat of Chief-Justice of the United States, on the death of \nJudge Taney. Mr. Stanton had succeeded Mr. Cameron in the War Department, early in 1862; \nand President Lincoln, satisfied that the pubhc good required the removal of Montgomery Blair, \nthe Postmaster-General, bad asked liim to resign. The request was granted, and Mr. Dennison \nwas put in his place. Caleb Smith had di\xc2\xabd, and Mr. Lusher had taken his place. \n\n\n\n\ncXaS^^^ \n\n\n\n5] \n\n\n\nJOHNSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n721 \n\n\n\ni^^J^^ \n\n\n\n\nwho regarded private virtue as the basis of public integrity, and who sadly re- \nmembered the conduct of the Vice-President at his inauguration only a few weeks \nbefore, which shocked the moral sense of \nright-minded citizens, were filled with \ngloomy forebodings concerning the fu- \nture of the Republic, for the most pro- \nfound wisdom and exalted virtue in the \nChief Magistrate were needed at that \ncritical time. But the new incumbent \nof the chair of Washington made the \nmost satisfactory promises with so much \napparent sincerity, that the people \ntrusted him. How that confidence was \nrequited, the history of his administra- \ntion reveals.^ \n\nOn the surrender of Lee, the Con- \nfederacy fell, and the war was speedily \nended. Sherman, immediately on hear- \ning the glad news, moved from Golds- \nboro\' against Johnston. Stoneman, meanwhile, had been making a successful \nraid in the rear of Johnston, and in aid of Sherman. He proceeded from \nKnoxville, in East Temiessee, late in March, to destroy the railway in the \ndirection of Lynchburg, from Wytheville. There he turned southward, and \nswept down into North Carolina, where he struck and destroyed the railway \nbetween Danville and Greensboro\', and then pushed on toward Salisbury, \nwhere a large number of Union prisoners had been confined. He was met ten \nmiles from that town by a Confederate force, which he routed, capturing all \ntheir guns (14) and 1,364 prisoners. In Salisbury he destroyed a vast amount \nof public property. Sherman ordered him to remain operating in Johnston\'s \nrear, in aid of his own movement against the Confederate front, but Stoneman \nrefused to do so, and returned to East Tennessee. \n\nOn the 10th of April, Sherman moved upon Johnston at Smithfield. The \nlatter burned the bridge over the Neuse, and retreated on Raleigh, destroying \nthe railway behind him. Sherman followed him sharply. The pursued and \npursuers pushed on, in heavy rains, in the direction of Hillsboro\', where the \n<^hase was ended by a note from Johnston to Sherman [April 14], inquiring \nwhether the latter was Avilling, for the purpose of stopping the further eflusion \nof blood, to agree to a temporary suspension of hostilities until General Grant \n\n1 Andrew Johnson was born in Raleigh, North Carolina, on the 29th of December, 1807. He \nwas taught the business of a tailor at an earlj age. During his apprenticeship he learned to \nread, but was not able to write or cipher until, at the age of twenty years, he was taught by his \nyoung wife, when he was settled in Greenville, in East Tennessee, in the business of garment- \nmaKing. He became an Alderman of that vUlage, and was Mayor for three years. He was \nchosen a member of the Tennessee Legislature, and was a Presidential elector m 1840. In 1843 \nhe was elected to Congress, and in 1853, was chosen Governor of Tennessee. In 1857 he was \nelected a National Senator. In 1863 he was appointed Military Governor of Tennessee, and in \nthe autumn of 1864, was chosen to be Vice-President of the United States. He arose to tli\xc2\xab \nPresidency on the death of Mr. Lincoln. His career in that office is noticed in the text. \n\n46 \n\n\n\n722 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1865, \n\n\n\nshould be asked to take action in regard to the other armies, similar to that \nhad in the case of general Lee\'s. Sherman promptly complied with Johnston\'s \n\xe2\x96\xa0wishes, and met that general at Durham Station on the l7th. On the follow- \ning day an agreement Avas signed by the two generals, which would, in effect, \ninstantly restore to all persons who had been engaged in the rebellion every \nright and privilege, political and social, they had enjoyed before they rebelled,, \nwithout any liability to punishment. It proposed an utter forgetfulness, prac- \ntically, of the events of the war, and made it a hideous farce with the features \nof a dreadful tragedy. The government, of course, rejected it, and sent Grant \nto Sherman to direct an immediate resumption of hostilities. This was fol- \nlowed by the surrender of Johnston\'s army to Sherman, on the 26th, on the \ngenerous terms accorded to Lee. The surrender of other bodies of troops \nspeedily followed, and early in May the armed Rebellion was ended.\' \n\nExpecting Lee and his army at Danville, the fugitive " President of the \nConfederacy " attempted to set up a government there, but when he heard of \nthe surrender of Lee and his army, he and his "cabinet," fled in the direction \nof Mississippi. Difficulties lay in their way, and they turned southward with \na daily diminishing cavalry escort. The " government " soon dissolved, each \nmember seeking safety as best he might, Davis, accompanied by his family, \nand by Reagan, his "Postmaster-General," pushed on toward the Gulf of \n\nMexico, over whose waters he hoped to \nescape from the countiy. His flight had \nbeen made known to the vigilant Wilson, \nat Macon,\' who sent out cavalry forces in \nquest of him. Lieutenant Pritchard, of the \nFourth Michigan, leading one of these de- \ntachments, found the fugitive encamped \nnear Irwinsville, the capital of Irwin County, \nin Georgia, and captured him on the 11th \nof May.^ Pritchard conveyed Davis and \nhis party, to Macon, whence the fallen \nchief was sent to Fortress Monroe.^ There \nhe was confined in one of the casemates \xe2\x80\x94 \na most comfortable prison \xe2\x80\x94 and treated \nwith marked kindness during a long cap- \ntivity, when he was admitted to bail, charged with the crime of Treason. \n\nThe armies of the Republic, whose fortitude, valor, and skill had saved \n\n\' E. Kirby Smith, commanding in Texas, was disposed to longer resistance. On hearing of \nthe surrender of Lee, he issued an address to his troops, urging them to a continuance of the \nstruggle in that region The hxst tight of the Civil War occurred not far from Brazos Santiago, in \nTexas, on the i:5th of May. Soon after that. Smith and others were fugitives in Mexico. \n\n^ See page 716. \n\n^ Davis was found in a disguise, composed of a wrapper, and a woman\'s shawl thrown over \nhis head, and was making his way, with a bucket, toward a spring where his horses and arms \nwere. In this disguise, and seeming avocation, he appeared like a woman, but it did not save \nhim. \n\n* Alexander H. Stephens, the " Yice-President of the Confederacy" (who was arrested at \nabout this time, at his home in Crawfordsville), and " Postmaster-General" Reagan, were sent to \nyort "Warren, in Boston Harbor. They were released in the autumn. \n\n\n\n\nDATIS\'S PRISON, FORTRESS MONROE. \n\n\n\n1865.] JOHNSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. 723" \n\nits life, and achieved tiie freedom of an enslaved race, were now seen making \ntheir way homeward, everywhere received with the warmest demonstrations- \nof affection. The military prisons were opened, and the captive Confederate- \nsoldiers were set free and kindly sent to their homes at the expense of the \nvovernment.^ On the 2d of June General Grant issued a stirring farewell\' \naddress to the " Soldiers of the Armies of the United States ;" ^ and by mid \nautumn [1865], the wonderful spectacle was exhibited of vast armies of soldiers, \nsurrounded by all the paraphernalia of War, transformed, in the space of one \nhundred and fifty days into a vast army of citizens, engaged in the blessed \npursuits of Peace.* No argument in favor of free institutions, and a repub- \n\n\' The number of Confederate prisoners released, after the close of hostilities, was 63,442. \nTlie number surrendered and paroled in the several Confederate armies, was 174,223. It is a \nfact, susceptible of the clearest proof, that the treatment of Confederate prisoners, as a rule, was \nhumane, and even generous, while the treatment of Union prisoners was exactly the reverse. \nThe sufferings of captives at Ricliraond, Salisbury in Nortli (Jarolina, Danville in Virginia, and \nespecially at Andersonville, in Georgia, were awful, and witliout excuse. It is a proven fact \nthat General Winder, placed in charge of the Andersonville prisoners, inaugurated a systena \nof treatment which surely tended to the absolute destruction or permanent disablement of \nthe captives in his hands. It is plainly evident that a system of treatment intended, if not \nactually to murder, surely to permanently disable the Union prisoners of war, by unwhole- \nsome and insufficient diet, was inaugurated and carried out. The records of Andei-son- \nville show this. There the prisoners were actually tortured, and starved to death, in the \nmidst of plenty, as the march of Shennanthrough that State in the autumn of 1864, developed.. \nSee note 2, page 703. It may be well to note, in this connection, the fact, sliown by the- \nrecords of the War Department, that 230,000 Confederate soldiers were captured during the- \nwar, of whom 20,430 died of wounds or diseases during then- captivity, while of 126,940^ \nUnion soldiers captm-ed, nearly 23,000 died while prisoners. It is estimated that the whole \nnumber of Union captives was* about 196,000, of whom 41,000 died while prisoners. \n\n\' The following is a copy of General Grant\'s address: " Soldiers of the Armies of the United \nStates: By your patriotic devotion to your country in the hour of danger and alarm, your \nmagnificent fighting, bravery and endurance, you have maintained the supremacy of the Union, \nand the Constitution, overthrown all armed opposition to the enforcement of the laws, and of \nthe proclamation for ever abolishing slavery \xe2\x80\x94 the cause and pretext of the Rebellion \xe2\x80\x94 and opened \nthe way to the rightful authorities to restore order, and inaugurate peace on a permanent and; \nenduring basis on every foot of American soil. Your marches, sieges, and battles, in distance,, \nduration, resolution, and brilliancy of results, dims the luster of the world\'s past military achieve- \nments, and will be the patriot\'s precedent in defense of liberty and right, in all time to come>. \nIn obedience to your country\'s call, you left your homes and families, and volunteered in her- \ndefense. Victory has crowned your valor, and secured the purpose of your patriotic hearts p \nand, with the gratitude of your countrymen, and the highest honors a great and free nation can \naccord, you will soon be permitted to return to your homes and families, conscious of having \ndischarged the highest duty of American citizens. To achieve these glorious triumphs, and \nsecure to yourselves, your fellow-countrymen, and posterity, the blessings of free institutions, \ntens of thousands of your gallant comrades have fallen, and sealed the priceless legacy with their \nblood. The graves of these, a grateful nation bedews with tears, honors their memories, and wilk \never cherish and support their stricken families." \n\n\' The records of the "War Department show that, on the first of March, 1865, the muster-rrfls? \nof the army exhibited an aggregrate force of 965,591 men; of whom, 602,593 were presen-t for- \nduty, and 132,538 were on detached service. By the middle of October following, 785,205 were- \nmustered out of the service. \n\nThe whole number of men called into the service during the war, was 2,628,523. Of these,. \n\n\n\nY24 \'^^^^ NATION. [1865. \n\nlican form of government, so conclusive and potential as this, was ever before \npresented to the feelings and judgment of the nations of the earth. The great \npolitical problem of the nineteenth century, was solved by the Civil War. Our \nKepublic no longer ap^^eared as an experiment but as a demonstration. \n\nAfter the terrible convulsion of the Civil War \xe2\x80\x94 the paralysis of State \ngovernments, and the entire disruption of the industrial and social system of \na large portion of the Republic \xe2\x80\x94 came the business of reorganization, not of \nreconstruction, for no institution worthy of preservation had been destroyed. \nNo State, as a component part of the Republic, had been annihilated. Those \nin which rebellion had existed were simply in a condition of suspended \nanimation. They were all equal, living members of the CommonAvealth, \nincapacitated by derangements for healthful functional action, and awaiting \nresuscitation at the hands of the only healer, the National Government. To \nthat resuscitation \xe2\x80\x94 that reorganization, and fitting for active life, the govern- \nment was now called upon to employ its powers. \n\nA preliminary step toward reorganization was taken by the President on \nthe 29th of April, 1805, when he proclaimed the removal of restrictions on \ncommercial intercourse with the inhabitants of States in which rebellion had \nexisted. A month later [May 29], he issued a proclamation, slating the terms \nby which the people of the paralyzed States, with specified exceptions, might \nreceive full amnesty and pardon, and be reinvested with the right to exercise \nthe functions of citizenship. This was followed by the appointment by the \nPresident of provincial governoi\'s for seven of those States,^ clothed with \nauthority to assemble citizens in convention, who had taken the amnesty oath, \nwith power to reorganize State governments, and secure the election of repre- \nsentatives in the National Congress. The plan was to restore to the States \nnamed, their former position in the Union without any provision for securing to \nthe freedman the right to the exercise of citizenship, which the amendment to \nthe National Constitution, then before the State Legislatures, would justly \nentitle them to.^ The i-eorganized State governments were bound only to \ni-espect their freedom. \n\nabout 1,490,000 were in actual service. Of this number, nearly 60,000 were killed on the field, \nand about 35,000 were mortally wounded. Disease in camps and hospitals slew 184,000. It is \nestimated that 300,000 Union soldiers perished during the war. Full that number of the Confed- \nerate soldiers perished; and the aggregate number of men, including both armies, who were \ncrippled, or permanently disabled by disease, was estimated at 400 000. The actual loss to the \ncountry, of able-bodied"men, in consequence of the Rebellion, was fully 1,000,000. \n\n\' These were North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and \nTexas. \n\n^ On the 31st of January, 1865, the House of Representatives passed a joint resolution, already \nadopted by the Senate at a previous session, for an amendment to the National Constitution, in \nthe following words : \xe2\x80\x94 \n\n"Sectiox 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, \nwhereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any \nplace subject to their jurisdiction. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2\' Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation." \n\nThis amendment was adopted by a vote of 119 yeas, against 56 nays. Eight members did \nnot vote. Senator Wilson, one of the most earnest and able of the pubhc men of the country, \nin labors for this consummation, says, in his Anti Slavery Measures in Congress, page 393, that \nwhen the Speaker announced that the required two-thirds majority had voted in ftivor of the \njoint resolution, the House and the spectators gave expression to their satisfaction by an outburst \nof applause. " The Repubhcan members," he says, " instantly sprang to their feet, and applauded \n\n\n\n1865.] JOHNSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. ^25 \n\nThis total disregard of the liighest interests of the freedmen, and the fact \nthat the President was making haste to pardon a large number of those who \nhad been active in the rebellion, and Avould exercise a controlling influence in \nthe States which he was equally in haste to reorganize on his plan, startled \nthe loyal men of the country, and made them doubt the sincerity of his \nvehement declarations of intention to punish traitors and to make treason \nodious.\' They felt that Justice, not Expediency, should be the rule in the \nreadjustment of the affairs of the Republic ; and it was demanded, as an act of \nNational honor, that the freedman, when made a citizen by the Constitution, \nshould have equal civil and political rights and privileges Avith other citizens, \nsuch as the elective franchise. \n\nIt soon became evident that the President was willing to take issue, upon \nvital points of j^rinciple and policy, with the party which had carried the \ncountry triumphantly through the great Civil War, and had given him the \nsecond office in the Pepublic\' And, at the close of the year, it was plain to \nsagacious observers that the Chief Magistrate was more friendly to the late \nenemies of his country than consistency with his profession, or the safety of \nthe Republic, would allow. As a consequence of that friendliness, it was per- \nceived that the politicians who had worked in the interest of the rebellion, and \nnewspajiers which had advocated the cause of the Confederates, had assumed a. \nbelligerent tone toward Congress and the loyal people, which disturbed the \nlatter by unpleasant forebodings. Meanwhile measures for perfecting peaceful \nrelations throughout the Republic had been taken. The order for a blockade \nof the Southern ports was rescinded [June 23, 1865]; more of the restrictions \n\nwith cheers and clapping of hands. The spectators in the crowded galleries waved their hats^ \nand made the chambers ring with enthusiastic plaudits. Hundreds of ladiea gracing the gallerip \nwith their presence, rose in their seats, and, by waving their handkerchiefs, and participating irt \nthe general demonstration of enthusiasm, added to the intense excitement and interest of a scene \nthat will long be remembered b}\' those who were fortunate enough to witness it." \n\nWhen tli\'is crowning act of Emancipation was accomphshed, Mr. Ingersoll of Illinois, said : \n" In honor of this immortal and subhme event, I move that the Hoiise adjourn." The motion \nwas carried by 121 to 24. On the following day, it was resolved to send the Act to the State \nlegislatures for ratification ; and on tlie ISth day of December following, the Secretary of State, bj \nproclamation, certified that three-fourths of the legislatures had ratified it. \n\n\xc2\xbb The fiery zeal with which tlie new President denounced treason and traitors, made moderate \nmen fear that he would deal too harshly with tliem. To a delegation from New Hampsl lire, who \nwaited upon him soon after his inauguration, he said : " Treason is a crime, and must be punished \nas a crime. It must not be regarded as a mere difference of political opinion. It must not be \nexcused as an unsuccessful rebellion, to be overlooked and be forgiven. It is a crime before which \nall other crimes sink into insignificance." Similar, and even severer language toward those who \nhad lately tried to destroy the Republic, was used by him at that time. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x96\xa0\' So early as August, or about four months after his accession to the Presidency, Mr. Johnson \nmanifested an unfriendly feeling toward the most earnest men of the Republican party, and wlio \nhad been most zealous supporters of the government during the war. In a telegraphic dispatch \nto Mr. Sharkey, whom he had appointed provisional governor of Mississippi, he recommended \n[August 15, 1865] the extension of the elective franchise to all persons of color in that State, who \ncould read the National Constitution or possessed property valued at S\'-^oO. This would affect but \nvery few people of that class, who, in that State, were kept enslaved and poor by the laws. 11 1.^ \nsole motive for the recommendation, as appears in the dispatch, was expressed in these words : \n" Do this, and, as a consequence, the radicals, who are wild upon negro franchise wdl be com- \npletely foiled in their attempt to keep the Southern States from renewing their relations to the \nUnion." More than a year before, Mr. Lincoln had suggested similar action to the Governor ot \nLouisiana, but with a different motive. " They would probably help," he said, almost propheti- \ncally, " in some trying time to come, to keep the jewel of Liberty in tJiefamUy of Freedom, \xe2\x80\x94letter to \nMichael Hahn, March 13, 1864. \n\n\n\nY26 ^^^^\'^ NATION. [18G5. \n\non internal commerce were removed [August 29] ; State prisoners were paroled \n[October 12]; and the act suspending the privilege of the writ of Habeas \n4Jorpus was annulled [December 1]. \n\nThe provisional governors appointed by the President were diligent in \n\xc2\xabcarrying out his policy of reorganization, and before Congress met, in Decem- \nber, conventions in five of the disorganized States had ratified the Amendment \nof the Constitution concerning slavery ; formed new constitutions for their \nrespective States, and caused tiie election of representatives in Congress. The \nPresident had hurried on the work by directing the provisional governors of \nthe five States to resign their power into the hands of others elected under the \n.new constitutions. Some of these had been active participants in the rebellion, \nrand some of the Congressmen elect, in those States, had been hard workers, it \n?tvas said, in the service of the enemies of the Republic. The loyal people \n\xe2\x80\xa2^vere filled with anxiety because of these events, and the assumptions of powers \nby the President in doing that which, as prescribed by the Constitution, \nbelongs exclusively to the representatives of the people to do. Yet they \nwaited, with the quieting knowledge that Congress had a right to judge of the \nqualifications of its members, and with the belief that disloyal men would not \nbe allowed to enter that body over the bar of a test oath prescribed by law.\' \n\nWhen Congress assembled [Dec. 4, 1865], the subject of reorganization \nwas among the first business of the session, and by a joint resolution a com- \nanittee of fifteen Avas appointed\' to make inquiries and report. This was \nriinown as the " Reconstruction Committee." This action offended the Presi- \n"dent. It was an interference of the representatives of the people with his \nchosen policy of reorganization, and hostility to Congress was soon o^jcnly \nmanifested by him. This was vehemently declared by the President in a \nspeech to the populace in front of the Presidential Mansion on the 22d of Feb- \nruary [1866] \xe2\x80\x94 a speech which Americans would gladly blot from the record of \n<their country \xe2\x80\x94 in which, forgetting the dignity of his position and the gravity \n^of ihe, questions at issue, he denounced, by name, leading members of Con- \njgress, and the party which had given him their confidence. The American \nipeople felt humiliated by this act ; but it was a small matter when compared \n\xe2\x80\xa2with wbat occurred later in the year [August and September, 1866], when the \n\n1 By an Act passed on the 22d of July, 1862, Congress prescribed that every member should \n:make oath that he had not " voluntarily borne arms against the United States since ho had been \na citizen thereof," or " voluntarily given aid, countenance, counsel, or encouragement to persons \n\xe2\x96\xa0engaged in hostility thereto," and had never "yielded voluntary support to any pretended gov- \nernment, authority, power, or constitution within the United States, hostile or inimical thereto." \n\n^ On the first day of the session, the House of Representatives, by a vote of 133 against ^i". \nproposed, and agreed to a joint resolution to appoint a joint committee, to be composed of nir.e \nmembers of the House and six of the Senate, to "inquire into the condition of the States which \n; formed the so-called Confederate States of America, and report whether they, or any of them, arc \n\xe2\x80\xa2\xe2\x80\xa2entitled to be represented in either House of Congress, with leave to report at any time, by bill \n< or otherwise ; and until such report shall have been made and finally acted upon by Congress, no \niraember shall be received in either House from any of the so-called Confederate States ; and all \npapers relating to the representatives of the said States, shall be referred to the said committee." \n\xe2\x96\xa0 The resolution was adopted by the Senate on the 14th. The House appointed Messrs. Stevens, \nVashburne, Morrill, Grider, Bingham, Conkling, Boutwell, Blow, and Rogers, as its representa- \n:tives in the committee, and the Senate appointed Messrs. Fessenden, Grimes, Harris, Howland. \nJohnson, and Williams. \n\n\n\n1866.] JOHNSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. ^27 \n\nPresident and a part of his Cabinet, with the pretext of honoring the deceased \nSenator Douglas by being present at the dedication of a monument to his \nmemory at Chicago, on the 6th of September, made a journey to that city and \nbeyond. He harangued the people in language utterly unbecoming the chief \nmagistrate of a nation, and attempted to sow the dangerous seeds of sedition, \nby denouncing Congress as an illegal body, deserving of no respect from the \npeople, and the majority of its members as traitors, " trying to break up the \ngovernment." That journey of the President, so disgraceful in all its features \n\xe2\x80\x94 its low partisan object, its immoral performances, and its pitiful results \xe2\x80\x94 \nforms a dark paragraph in the history of the Republic\' \n\nHaving laid aside the mask of assumed friendship for those who had \nlabored most earnestly for the suppression of the rebellion and for the freed- \nmen, the President used his veto power to the utmost in trying to thwart the \nrepresentatives of the people in their efforts to reorganize the disoro-anized \nStates, and to quickly secure a full and permanent restoration of the Union on \nthe basis of equal and exact justice.\' He made uncompromising war upon the \nlegislative branch of the government, and caused members of his cabinet, who \ncould not agree with him, to resign, with the exception of the Secretary of \nAYar. The friends of the Republic urged that officer to remain, believing his \nretention of his bureau at that critical period in the life of the nation would \nbe for the public benefit. He did so, and became the object of the President\'s \nhatred. \n\nOn the 2d of April, the President, by proclamation, declared the Civil \nWar to be at an end. Congress, meanwhile, was working assiduously in per- \nfecting its plans for reorganization. Tennessee was formally restored to the \nUnion by that body on the 23d of July; and on the 28th of that month, after \na long and arduous session. Congress adjourned. Meanwhile notable events in \nthe foreign relations of the government had occurred. The Emperor of the \nFrench had been informed that the continuation of French troops in Mexico \nwas not agreeable to the United States, and on the 5th of April [1866], Napo- \nleon\'s Secretary for Foreign Affairs gave assurance to our government that \n\n\' A convention had just been held [Aug. 14] in PhUadelpliia, composed chiefly of men who \nhad been engaged in the rebellion, and the enemies of the Republican party, for the purpose of \norganizing a new party, with President Johnson as its standard-bearer. So discordant were the \nelements there gathered, that no one was allowed to debate questions of public interest, for fear \nof producing a disruption and consequent failure of the scheme. It utterly failed. A convention \nof loyal men from the South Was held in Philadelphia soon afterward, in which representatives \nof the Republican party in the North participated. The President\'s journey being wholly for a \npolitical purpose, members of the latter convention followed in liis track, making speeches in \nmany places in support of the measures of Congress for effecting reorganization. \n\nSo disgraceful was the conduct of tlie President at Cleveland and St. Louis, in the attitude of \na mere demagogue making a tour for partisan purposes, that the common council of Cincinnati, \non liis return journey, refused to accord him a public reception. The common council of Pitts- \nburg, iu Pennsylvania, did the same. When, on the 15th of September, the erring President and \nhis traveling party returned to Washington, the country felt a relief from a sense of deep \nmortification. \n\n^ On the 19th of February, 1866, he vetoed the act for enlarging the operation.^, oi the Freed- \nman\'s Bureau, established for the relief of freedmen, refugees, and abandoned lands. On the 27th \nof March he vetoed the act known as the Civil Rights Law, which was intended to secure to all \ncitizens, without regard to color or a previous condition of slavery, equal civil rights in the \nRepublic. This Act became a law, after it was vetoed by the President, by the vote of a constitu- \ntional majority, on the 9th of April. \n\n\n\nf^2S IRE NATION. [1866. \n\nthose troops should be withdrawn within a specified time.\' A military organ- \nization of Irish residents of the United States, known as the Fenian Brother- \nhood, with the ostensible aim of procuring the independence of Ireland from \nEngland, made movements in May and June [1866] for a formidable invasion \nof the neighboring British provinces. Our government interfered, and the \neffort was a failure. With England, at about the same time, a peaceful bond \nof Union Avas formed, by the successful laying of a telegraphic cable between the \ntwo countries. The first dispatch, announcing the conclusion of a treaty of \npeace between Prussia and Austria, passed over it on the 29th of July, and on \nthe following day the President of the United States received by it, from \nQueen Victoria, a message of congratulation because of the completion of the \ngreat work, which she hoped " might serve as an additional bond between the \nUnited States and England." So early as October, 1862, telegraphic commu- \nnication had been opened across this continent between the coasts of the \nAtlantic and Pacific oceans ; and Avhile the great Civil War was in progress, \nour government cordially promoted an enterprise having for its object a line \nof telegraphic communication around the world, by connecting Asia and \nAmerica, with the delicate cord, at Behring\'s Straits. \n\nThe State elections held in the autumn of 1866 indicated the decided \napproval by the people, of the reorganization plans of Congress as opposed to \nthat of the President, who was now openly afl&liated with the Democratic party \nand the late enemies of the government in the South and elsewhere. The \nmajority in Congress felt strengthened by the popular approval of their course, \nand went steadily forward in perfecting measures for the restoration of the \nUnion. They took steps for restraining the action of the President, who, it \nwas manifest, had determined to carry out his own policy in defiance of that \nof Congress. And as an indication of the general policy of the latter, con- \ncei-ning suffrage, a bill was passed [December 14] l)y a large majority of \nboth Houses for granting the elective franchise in the District of Columbia, \nover Avhich Congress has direct control, to persons, " Avithout any distinction \non account of color or race." The President vetoed the bill [January 7, 1867], \nwhen it was re-enacted by the constitutional vote of two-thirds of the mem- \nbers of both Houses in its favor. On the same day [January 7], Mr. Ashley, \nRepresentative from Ohio, arose in his seat, and charged "AndreAV Johnson, \nVice-President and Acting-President of the United States, with the commis- \nsion of acts which, in the estimation of the Constitution, are high crimes and \nmisdemeanors, for which he ought to be impeached." He offered specifications \nand a resolution instructing the Committee on the Judiciary to make inquiries \non the subject.** The resolution was adopted by a vote of one hundred and \nthirty-seven to thirty-eight, forty-five members not voting. This Avas the first \n\n\' This was done, and the Archduke Maximilian, of Austria, whom Louis Napoleon had placed \non a throne in Mexico, with the title of Emperor, was deserted by the pertidious ruler of France, \nand after struggling against the native Republican government for awhile, was captured and shot. \n\n^ Mr. Ashley presented the following : " I do impeach Andrew Johnson, Vice-President and \nacting President of the United States, of high crimes and misdemeanors. I charge him with \nusurpation of power and violation of law: (1) In that he has corruptly used the appointing \npower ; (2) In that he has corruptly used the pardoning power ; (3) In that he has corruptly uspd \n\n\n\n1867.] JOHNSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. \'J\'29 \n\npublic movement in the matter of the impeachment of the President, whicli \ni-esulted in his trial in May, 1868. \n\nAt a former session of Congress, bills were passed for the admission of the \nTerritories of Colorado and Nebraska as States of the Union. The President \ninterposed. Now similar bills were passed, prescribing as a preliminary to \nadmission a provision in their constitutions granting impartial suffrage to their \ncitizens, and the ratification of the Amendment to the Constitution. The \nPresident vetoed them; when that for the admission or Nebraska was passed \nover his veto. That Territory became a State on the first of March, making the \nthirty-seventh. A bill limiting the authority of the President in making official \nappointments and removals from office, known as the " Tenure-of-Office Act," \nwas passed, and was vetoed by the President, when it was passed over the \nveto.\' Another bill was passed, vetoed, and passed over the veto, repealing so \nmuch of an Act of July 17, 1862, as gave the President power to grant amnesty \nand pardon to those Avho had been engaged in the rebellion. A bill was also \npassed, with the same opposition from the President, for the military govern- \nment of the disorganized States.^ The Thirty-ninth Congress closed its last \nsession on the 3d of March, and the Fortieth Congress began its first session, \nimmediately thereafter. In view of the conduct of the President, which \nthreatened the country with revolution, this action of the National Legislature \nwas deemed necessary for the public good. It adjourned on the 31st of March, \nto meet on the first Wednesday in July. \n\nCongress assembled on the 4th of July, and on the 20th adjourned to meet \non the 21st of November. The chief business of the short session was to \nadopt measures for removing the obstructions cast by the President in the way \nof a restoration of the disorganized States. A bill supplementary to the one \nfor the military government of those States was passed over the usual veto of \nthe President, and it was believed that the Chief Magistrate would refrain \n\nthe veto power ; (4) In that he has corruptly disposed of public property of the United States ; \nand (5) In that he has corruptly interfered in elections, and committed acts which, in contempla- \ntion of the Constitution, are high crimes and misdemeanors." \n\nOn the 14th of January, Representative Loan, from Missouri, in the course of a debate con- \ncerning the duty of the House to proceed to the impeachment of the President, said that the \nleaders of the rebellion comprehended the advantages of having such a man as the then incum- \nbent, in the Presideniial chair. "Hence," he said, " the assassination of Mr. Lincoln. The crime \nwas committed. The way was made clear for the succession. An assassin\'s hand, wielded and \ndirected by rebel hand, and paid for by rebel gold, made Andrew Johnson President of the \nUnited States of America. The price that he was to pay for his promotion was treachery to the \nRepublic and fidelity to the party of treason and rebellion." Mr. Loan was called to order. The \nSpeaker decided that he was not out of order, the subject of debate being the charges against the \nPresident of " high crimes and misdemeanors," a member having the right, on his own responsi- \nbility, \xc2\xbbto make a specific charge. This decision was appealed from, when the Speaker was sus- \ntained bv a vote of 101 to 8. \n\n\' It "took from the President, among other things, the power to remove a member of his \ncabinet, excepting by permission of tlie Senate, declaring that they should hold office " for and \nduring the term of the President bv whom thev may have been appointed, and for one month \nthereafter, subject to removal by and with the consent of the Senate." The act was passed over \nthe veto by a vote in the Senate of 35 to 11, and in the House of ]?,\\ to 37. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2\' Those States were divided into five military districts, and the following commanders were \nappointed : First District, Virginia, General J. M. Schofield ; Second District, North and South \nCarolina, General D. P]. Sickles ; Third District, Georgia, Florida, and Alabama, General J. Pope ; \nFmirth District, Mississippi and Arkansas, General E. 0. C Ord ; Fifth District, Louisiana and \nTexas, General P. H. Sheridan. \n\n\n\n730 \n\n\n\nTHE NATION. \n\n\n\n[1867. \n\n\n\nfrom farther acts calculated to disturb the public peace. Not so. Immedi- \nately after the adjournment of Congress, he proceeded, in defiance of that \nbody, and in violation of the Tenure-of-Office Act, to remove the Secretary of \nWar [Mr. Stanton], and to place General Grant in his place. The President first \nasked [August 5, 1867] the Secretary to resign. Mr. Stanton refused.* A \nweek later the President directed General Grant to assume the duties of Secre- \ntary of War. Grant obeyed. Stan- \nton retired, under protest, well satisfied \nthat his office was left in the hands of \na patriot whom the President could \nnot corrupt nor unlawfully control.* \n\nThe removal of the Secretary of \nWar was followed by the removal of \nGeneral Sheridan from the command \nof the Fifth District, and General \nSickles from that of the Second Dis- \ntrict, by which the country was notified \nthat the most faithful officers, who \nwere working with the representatives \nof the people for the proper and speedy \nrestoration of the Union, would be \ndeprived of power to be useful. Gen- \neral Grant protested against these acts, but in vain. The country was greatly \nexcited, and the loyal people waited with impatience the reassembling of Con- \ngress, npon which they relied in that hour of seeming peril to the Republic. \nThat body met at the appointed time, and on the 12th of December the Presi- \ndent sent to the Senate a statement of his reasons for removing the Secretary \nof War. They were not satisfactory, and on the 13th of January the Senate \nreinstated Mr. Stanton, and General Grant retired from the War Department. \nAlready Congress had made much progress toward the restoration of the dis- \norganized States, to the Union, by providing for conventions for framing con- \nstitutions and electing members of Congress ; and a few days after the restora- \ntion of INIr. Stanton, a new bill for the further reorganization of those States \nwas passed by the House of Representatives, in Avhich larger powers were \n\n\n\n\nEDWIN M. STANTON. \n\n\n\n^ The President addressed a note to the Secretary, in which he said : " Grave public consider- \nations constrain me to request your resignation as Secretary of War." The Secretary replied : \n" Grave public considerations constrain me to continue in the office of Secretary of "War uptil the \nnext meeting of Congress." It was believed that the President was then contemplating a revo- \nlutionary scheme, in favor of the late enemies of the country, and was seeking to use the army \nfor that purpose. \n\n" The President was angry with General Grant for quietly giving up the ofiSce to Stanton, at \nthe bidding of the Senate, and he charged the General-in-Chief with having broken his promises, \nand tried to injure his reputation as a soldier and a citizen. A correspondence ensued, which \nspeedily found its way to the public. It assumed the form of a question of veracity between the \nPresident and the General-in-Chief Finally, Grant felt compelled to say to the President : \n" When my honor as a soldier and integrity as a man have been so violently assailed, pardon me \nfor saying that I can but regard this whole matter, from beginning to end, as an attempt to involve \nme in the resistance of law, for which you hesitated to assume the responsibility in orders, and \nthus to destroy my character before the country." The President did not deny this charge. \n\n\n\n18GS.] \n\n\n\nJOHNSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n731 \n\n\n\ngiven to the General-in-Chief of the armies, in their military government, and \ndepriving the President of all power to interfere in the matter. \n\nOn the 21st of February, the President caused a new and more intense \nexcitement throughout the country, by a bolder step in opposition to the will \nof Congress than he liad hitherto ventured to take. On that day he issued an \norder to Mr. Stanton, removing him from the office of Secretary of War, and \nanother to Lorenzo Thomas, the Adjutant-General, appointing him Secretary \nof War, ad interim. These orders were officially communicated to the Senate, \nwhereupon that body passed a resolution that the President luid no authority \nunder the Constitution and laws to remove the Secretary of War. In the \nmean time Thomas had appeared at the War Department and demanded th.e \nposition to which the President had assigned liim, when Mr. Stanton, his supe- \n\n\n\n\n= itjuiiii. 1 HP (I. mi I in 1 1 i \n\n\n\n{ MinilljilllUlNIMJ \n\n\n\n\'mjki^^ \n\n\n\nrUE NATIUXAL CAPITOL. \n\n\n\nrior, refused to yield it, and ordered him to return to his proper office. The \nPresident being satisfied that he would not be permitted to use military force \nin the matter, did not attempt to eject Mr. Stanton by force, and so that officer \nretained his place. This action of the President was so manifestly in violation \nof law, that on the following day [February 22, 1868], the House of Repre- \nsentatives, by a vote of 126 to 47," "Resolved that Andrew Johnson, President \nof the United States, be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors." \' On \nthe 29th [February, 1868], a committee of the House, appointed for the pur- \n\n> Tliis was an almost strictly party vote. Only two Republicans (Gary of Ohio and Stewart \nof New York) voted in the negative, while all the Democrats voted agamst the resolution. \n\n\xc2\xbb We have seen (page 728) that the subject of the impeachment of the President was referred \nto the t:ommittee on the Judiciarv. That committee submitted reports (Nov. 2.*), 18b i) which \nwere acted upon on the 7th of December, when the House of Representatives, taking into con- \nsideration the gravity of such a proceeding, and indulging a hope that the President would cease \nmaking war upon Congress and attend to his legitimate duties as simply the Executor ot the \npoeple\'s wiU, expressed by their representatives, refused, by a large majority, to entertam a pro- \n\n\n\n^32 THE NATIOX. [1868. \n\npose,\' presented articles of impeachment, nine in number,* and these, Avith slight \nalterations, were accepted on the 2d of March.\'^ The House then proceeded to \nthe appointment of Managers, to conduct the business before the Senate,^ when \nthe Democratic members of the House, to the number of forty-five, entered a \nformal protest against the whole proceedings. \n\nOn the 5th of March [1868], the Senate was organized as a jury for the \ntrial of the President. Chief-Justice Salmon P. Chase presided.* On the 7th \nthe President Avas summoned to appear at the bar ; and on the 13th, when the \nSenate was formally opened for the inquest, he did so appear, by his counsel, \nwho asked for a space of forty days wherein to prepare an answer to the \nindictment. Ten days were granted, and on the 23d the President\'s counsel \npresented an answer. The House of Representatives, the accuser, simply \ndenied every averment in the answer, when the President\'s counsel asked for a \npostponement of the trial for thirty days. The Senate allowed seven days, \nand on Monday, the 30th of March, the trial began. The examination of \n\nposition for impeachment. Now, so flagrant was the act of the President, that the RepubUcan \nmembers were eager to place liira upon trial, and several who were not present when the vote \nrecorded in tlie text was taken, afterward entered their votes in favor of impeachment. \n\n\' Tlie committee consisted of Messrs. Boutwell, Stevens (who made the motion for im- \npeachment), Bingham, Wilson, Logan, Julian, and Ward. Messrs. Stevens and Bingham were \nappointed a committee to announce to tlie Senate the action of the House. This they did on tlie \n25th (Feb.), when the Senate, by unanimous vote, referred the subject to a select committee of \nseven, to consider it. \n\n\'^ The following is a brief summary of the cliarges in the Articles of Impeachment : \xe2\x80\x94 Article 1. \nUnlawfully ordering the removal of Mr. Stanton as Secretary of War, in violation of the \nprovisions of the Tenure-of-OflBce Act. Article 2. Unlawfully appointing General Lorenzo \nThomas as Secretary of War, ad interim. Article 3. Substantially the same as Article 2, with the \nadditional averment that there was at the time of the appointment of General Thomas, no \nvacancy in the office of Secretary of War. Article 4. Conspiring with one Lorenzo Thomas, and \nother persons to the House of Representatives unlvnown, to prevent, by intimidation and threats, \nMr. Stanton, the legally appointed Secretary of War, from holding that office. Article 5. Con- \nspiring with General Thomas and others to hinder the execution of the Tenure-of-OfRce Act; and \nin pursuance of this conspiracy, attempting to prevent Mr. Stanton from acting as Secretary of \nWar. Article 6. Conspiring with General Thomas and others to take forcible possession of the \nproperty in the W^ar Department. Article 7. Repeated the charge of conspiring to hinder the \nexecution of the Tenure-of-Office Act, and prevent Mr. Stanton from executing the office of Secre- \ntary of War. Article 8. Repeated the charge of conspiring to take possession of the War \nDeptytment. Article 9. Charged that the President called before him the commander of the \nforces in the Department of Washington and declared to him that a law, passed on the 30th of \nJune, 1867 (see page 729). directing that "all orders and instructions relating to military opera- \ntions, issued by the President or Secretary of War, shall be issued through the General of the \nArmy, and in case of his inability, through the next in rank," was unconstitutional, and not bind- \ning upon the commander of the Department of Washington; the intent being to induce that com- \nmander to violate the law, and to obey orders issued directly from tlie President. \n\nOn the 3d of March, the managers presented two additional articles, which were adopted by \nthe House. The first charged that the President had, by inflammatory speeches, during his jour- \nney from Washington to Chicago, already mentioned (page 727), attempted, with a design to set \naside the autliority of Congress, to bring it into disgrace, and to excite the odium and resentment \nof the people against Congress and the laws it enacted. The second charged that in August, \n1866, the President, in a public speech at Washington City, declared that Congress was not a \nbod}\' authorized by the Constitution to exercise legislative powers ; and tlien went on to specify \nhis offenses in endeavoring by unlawful means, to prevent the execution of laws passed by Con- \ngress. These formed the 10th and 11th Articles of Impeachment. \n\n\' The following members of the House of Representatives were chosen to be the managers, \non its part, of the impeachment case: Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania; Benjamin F. Butler, \nof Massachusetts; John A.Bingham, of Ohio; George S. Boutwell, of Massachusetts ; James \nF. Wilson, of Iowa; Thomas Williams, of Pennsylvania, and John A. Logan, of Illinois. The \nchief management of the case, on the part of the House, as prosecutor, was intrusted to Mr. Butler. \n\n* See clause 6, section 3, of Article I., of the National Constitution, in the Supplement \n\n\n\n1868.1 \n\n\n\nJOHNSON\'S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n733 \n\n\n\nwitnesses was closed on the 22d of April, and on the following day the argu- \nments of counsel began. These closed on the afternoon of Wednesday, \nthe 6th of May, when the case was submitted to the judgment of the Senate. \nIts decision was given on the 26tli of the same month. Every member of \nthe Senate was present and voted. Thirty-five pronounced the President \nguilty, and nineteen declared him not guilty. So he escaped conviction \nby one vote.\' \n\n\n\n\nTHE NATIONAL fciEXATE CHAMBER. \n\n\n\nThe political campaign preparatory to an election of a new President of \nthe Republic, had begun about a week before the final act in the impeach- \nment case. On the 20th of May, a national convention of representatives \nof the Republican party assembled at Chicago, and by unanimous voice \nnominated General Ulysses S. Grant^ for the presidency, and Schuyler \nColfax, then Speaker of the House of Representatives, for Vice-President. \nThe party was immediately organized for action. The Opposition deferred \ntheir nominations until the 4tli of July, when, in a national convention \n\n\n\n1 The vote of the Senate was as follows : \xe2\x80\x94 /-, r. \n\nFor Conviction\xe2\x80\x94 Mcssv^. Anthony, Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conklniff, Conncss Cor- \nbett, Cragin, Drake, EfVmunds, Ferry, Frelinghuvsen, Harlan, Howard, Howe, Morgan, JMorrill \nof Vermont, Morrill of Maine. Morton, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy, Kamsey, \nSherman, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Wade, WiUey, Williams, Wilson and lates. \nThese wore all " Republicans." ^ , t^ , ,-. \xe2\x80\xa2 \n\nFor ^<-7,\xc2\xaby/\xc2\xab/\xe2\x80\x94 Messrs. Bayard, Buekalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fesscnden, Fowler, Grimes, \nHenderson, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreerv, Norton, Patterson of Tennessee, Ross Saulslniry, \nEight of these, namely. Bayard, Buekalew, Davis, llen- \n\n\n\nTrumbull, Van Winkle, and Vickers. \ndricks, Jolinson, McCreery, Saulsbury, and Vickers \nThe remainder were elected as " Republicans." \n2 See portrait of General Grant, on page 601. \n\n\n\nelected to\'the Senate as " Democrats. \n\n\n\nY34 THE NATION. - [186a \n\nlield in Tammany Hall, in New York City, Horatio Seymour of New York,\' \nwas named for President, and Francis P. Blair of Missouri, for Vice-Pres- \nident. The canvass was carried on with great warmth on both sides. ^ \nThe elections in November resulted in the choice of Grant and Colfax for \nthe respective high offices, by very large majorities. \n\nIn the meantime, important events in the process of the reorganization \nof the national Government had taken place. The subject of a fourteenth \namendment of the Constitution proposed by Congress in July, 1866, for \nsecuring the rights of citizenship to all persons " born or naturalized in \nthe United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof;" disabling a \ncertain class of cliief offenders in the late rebellion ; declaring the validity \nof the national debt, and forbidding the payment of any part of the so- \ncalled " Confederate debt," had been before the people and the State \nLegislatures for several months. ^ On the 20th of July, the Secretary of \nState publicly certified that the requisite number of States had ratified the \nproposed amendment, and on the following day. Congress, warned by the \nactive opposition of the President to the measure,^ declared, by a concur- \nrent resolution, the amendment to be a part of the National Constitution. \nOn the 28th of the same month, the Secretary of State issued a proclama- \ntion to that effect. As the work of reorganization had now been accom- \nplished in all but three States, and civil governments therein established, \nthe General-in-Chief of the armies issued a proclamation (July 28, 1868) \ndeclaring that so much of the Reconstruction acts as provided for the \norganization of military districts, subject to the military authority of the \nUnited States, had become inoperative. \n\n\n\n1 See Note 3. pa,2:e 657. \n\n2 Wade Hampton, N. B. Forrest (see pages 682, 683,) and several other prominent leaders in \nthe rebellion were members of the Democratic Convention, and were controlling architects of its \nplatform, in which the acts of Congress for the re-organization of the Government were declared \nto be "usurpations, unconstitutional, revolutionary and void." In a letter written by Francis P. \nBlair, the nominee for Vice-President, a few days before the Convention, to Colonel James O. \nBrodhead, he laid down a plan for the inauguration of another civil war, in the event of the elec- \ntion of the Democratic nominees, in these words : " There is but one way to restore the Govern- \nment and the Constitution, and that is for the President elect to declare these acts [of Congress] \nnull and void, compel the army to undo its usurpations at the South, disperse the Carpet-bag State \nGovernments, [established under the authority of Congress,] allow the white people to re-organize \ntheir own governments, and elect Senators and Representatives. The House of Representatives \nwill contain a majority of Democrats from the North, and they will admit the Representatives \nelected by the white people of the South, and with the co-operation of the President it will not \nbe difficult to compel the Senate to submit once more to the obligations of the Constitution." \n\nThe Convention having approved this plan for usurpation, revolution and civil war, by the lan- \nguage of a portion of its platform, and the nomination of its author for the second office in the \nGovernment, large numbers of the patriotic and thinking men of the Opposition refused to accept \nthat platform, and to vote for the nominees. In accordance with the feelings of all true Ameri- \ncans, General Grant, in his letter of acceptance, had said, " Let us have peace," and with that \ndesire an immense majority of the people gave him and Colfax their support. \n\n3 See Article XIV of the Amendments of the Constitution, in Supplement. \n\n* The President took the position that the State Governments in the South, established by Con- \ngress, were illegal and could have no voice in national affairs ; consequently, the amendment was \nnot ratified. He had also, on the 4th of July, issued a proclamation of general and unconditional \npardon and amnesty for all who had been engaged in acts of rebellion, excepting a few who were \nunder presentment or indictment for the offence. This was calculated to weaken the force of a \nuart of the amendment. \n\n\n\nJ \n\n\n\nl^\'^-\'-J JOHNSON\'S ADMINISTRATION ^o- \n\nCongress took a recess in August to meet again in September, if the \npublic good should seem to require. The recess conthmed until near the \ntime of the regular session, in December. Before the adjournment, the \nSenate had ratified an important treaty with the Emperor of China, by \nwhich mutual intercourse between the citizens of the United States and \nChina, and mutual privileges of trade, travel, education and religion, \nshould be secured to each. This was a concession never made by the \nChinese to any nation.\' During a greater part of the recess, the attention \nof the people was absorbed by the Presidential election ; and the result \nwas such, that when Congress re-assembled, the Republicans in that body \nwere very strong, not only in numbers, but in the moral power of a \nmajority well sustained by the people. A condition of such strength is \ngreat responsibility. There was in the aspect of public affairs at home \nand abroad, reasons for the exercise of the greatest caution and wisdom. \nAmong other perplexing and important duties was the devising ways for \nending a war with the Indians which had been raging a long time on \nthe great plains of the West, without positive results. To this end ; to \nthe further security of rights to all citizens of the Republic ; and to the \nstrengthening of the public credit, the attention of Congress was specially \ndirected. \n\nThe military leaders engaged in war with the Indians, recommended the \nmost rigorous and unrelenting measures, and for that purpose it was pro- \nposed to vest the entire control of the Indians "^ in the War Department. \nBut a more humane policy, promising excellent results, was finally adopted \non tlie recommendation of General Grant after he became President. \nTtecognizing the fact that the chief cause of wars with the Indians has \nbeen the injustice the red men were subjected to at the hands of dishonest \nor incompetent ofiicers in charge of them, and of the traders and con- \ntractors W\'ith whom they are compelled to deal, the President recommended \nthe appointment of a number of members of the Society of Friends or \nQuakers, who are noted for their general uprightness and peaceful princi- \nples and conduct, as Indian Agents. Congress approved, and in April, \n(1869,) on the nomination of the President, sixteen Friends were chosen \nfor the important service. \n\nA fifteenth amendment of the Constitution, intended to secure the exer- \ncise of the right of suffrage to all citizens of the RepubHc, without regard \n\n1 This treaty was negotiated, and brought from China by Minister Burlingame who, having been \nappointed by "the Emperor a general commissioner to several of the Christian powers of the Earth, \ncame attended by high officials of the Chinese Empire. After concluding the business of his \nmission at home, h^ went to Europe with the embassadors. \n\n2 In one of his reports. General Sheridan, who was in command of the forces employed against \nthe Indians, said : " Indian tribes should not be dealt with as independent nations. They arc \nwards of the Government, and should be made to respect the lives and property of citizens. The \nIndian history of this country for the last three hundred years shows that of all the great nations \nof Indians, only remnants have been saved. The same fate awaits those now hostde ; and the \nbest way for the Government is to make them poor by the destruction of their stock, and then \nBettie them on the lands allotted to them." \n\n\n\n7o6 THE NATION. [ISW. \n\n1:0 race, color, or previous condition, was recommended by a joint resolu- \ntion of both houses of Congress, on the 26th of February, 1869.^ It was \nimmediately submitted to the authorities of the several States, for action,, \nand was ratified by the required number. \n\nAt about the same time, an important financial bill was passed in the \nlower house of Congress, (and afterward in the Senate, and became a \nlaw,) the chief provision of which was as follows : " The faith of the \nUnited States is solemnly pledged to the payment in coin or its equiva- \nlent, of all interest-bearing obligations of the United States, except in \ncases .where the law authorizing the issue of any such obligation has \nexpressly provided that the same may be paid in lawful money or other \ncurrency than gold and silver." This was intended to strengthen the \npublic credit at home and abroad, and such was its effect in a remarkable \ndegree. \n\nThe administration of Mr. Johnson closed on the 4th of March, and on \nthat day Ulysses S. Grant was inaugurated the eighteenth President of \nthe Kepublic.2 The oath of oflice was administered by Chief Justice \nChase. At noon, the same day, the Forty-first Congress assembled ; and \non the 5th, the Senate promptly confirmed the President\'s Cabinet ap- \npointments.^ The new administration began its career under circum- \nstances apparently very auspicious for the future prosperity of the nation. \nAt home, the work of reorganization and pacification was going on pros- \nperously. Abroad, the relations of our Government were eminently \npeaceful. The only subject that promised difficulty in the future, waa \nthe claims against Great Britain for damages inflicted by the Anglo-Con- \nfederate ship Alabama, and others." The special business of Keverdy \nJohnson, lately appointed minister plenipotentiary to Great Britain, was \nthe negotiation of a treaty for the settlement of those claims. It was ac^ \ncomplished, but the treaty was so unsatisfactory to our government and \npeople that the Senate promptly rejected it by a vote of 54 to 1, and Mr. \nMotley, the historian, was sent to England to supersede Mr. Johnson. \n\niThe following is a copy of tlie Amendment : \n\n"Article 15. The right of the citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied en \nabridged by the United States or any State, on account of race, color, or previous condition of \nservitude. \n\n"Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. \n\n2 Ulysses S Grant was born in Clermont County, Ohio, on the 27th of April, 1822. When a \nboy he was employed in his fether\'s tannery. He entered the West Point Military Academy in \n1839, and was graduated in 1843, when he entered the a;my as brevet second lieutenant. His \nconduct as a brave soldier, was conspicuous during his services in the war with Mexico, at the \nclose of which he bore the brevet rank of captain. He received a commission as full captain in \n1 853 He left the army the next year, and settled near St. Louis. Fivb years later he became a \npartner with his father," in the leather trade, at Galena, Illinois. When the civil war broke out in \n1861, he entered the service in the field as colonel of the 21st Illinois Volunteers. His promotion \nfrom rank to rank was rapid. How he performed the duties of each position in which he was \nplaced, these pages reveal, in brief outline. From a comparatively obscure leather dealer in 1861, \nhe has arisen, in the course of eight years, to the highest official dignity in the Republic. \n\n2 It was found neoessarv to make some changes in the appointments. The following named \ngentlemen composed the cabinet as finally chosen : \n\nSecretary ,,/ State, Hamilton Fish. Secretary of the Treasury, George S. Boutwell. Secretary \nof War, John A Rawlins. Secretary of the Navy, Adolph E. Borie. Secretary of the Interior, \nJacob D. Coxe Post master- General, John A. J. Creswell. Attorney- General, E. Rockwood Hoar. \n\n- See page 707- \n\n\n\nGKANT S ADMINISTKAl ION, 737 \n\n\n\nCHAPTER XX \n\n\n\nWhen President Grant^ entered upon his duties lie found the reor- \nganization of the Union incomplete, and on the 7th of April, 1809, he \nsent a message to Congress, urging that body to take steps for accom- \nplishing an object so important at as early a period as possible.^ The \nspecial session of the new Congress, which had been called, ended on the \n10th of April, when the Senate was convened for executive business, \nand continued in session until the 22d. \n\nThe President and Congress took measures for securing the desired \nUnion, and did all in their power under the restrictions of the amended \nNational Constitution to induce the people of the States not represented \nin Congress to assist in bringing about that result. It was accomplished \nin the spring of 1872. On the 23d of May every seat in Congress was \nfilled, for the first time since the winter of 1861, when members from \nseveral of the slave-holding States abdicated. On the previous day (May \n22, 1872) an Amnesty Bill was passed, for removing the political disa- \nbilities imposed by the third section of the Fourteenth Amendment to \nthe Constitution from all persons excepting members of the Thirty-sixth \nand Thirty-seventh Congresses, heads of departments, members of diplo- \nmatic corps, and officers of the army and navy, who had engaged in the \nrebellion. The political reorganization of the republic was now com- \nplete. \n\nAt about the same time a most important event occurred in the \nsocial and commercial history of our country. It was the completion of \na railway communication across our continent from the Atlantic to the \nPacific ocean, by which the States bordering on the two seas and those \nbetween, were firmly linked in interest, and by which, also, a vast over- \nland trade with China and Japan, and the islands of the sea, was inaugu- \nrated. The last " tie " was laid, and the last spikes were driven, on the \n10th of May, 1869, in a grassy valley at the head of the Great Salt Lake \nin Utah. That " tie " was made of polished laurel wood, its ends bound \nwith silver bands. A spike of gold was sent by California ; one of silver \n\n^ See portrait on page 601. \n\n\' In that message the President said : *\' It is desirable to restore the States -which \nwere engaged in the rebellion to their proper relations to the government and tlie \ncountry, at as early a period as the people of those States shall be found willing to \nbecome peaceful and orderly communities, and to adopt and maintain such constitu- \nf ions and laws as will effectually secure the civil and political rights of all persons \nivithin their borders." \n\n\n\n738 THE NATION. tlt^eat \n\nbj Kevada, and one of gold, silver, and iron hj Arizona ; and these \nwere driven in the presence of three thousand people. So was com- \npleted what is commonly known as the Union Pacific Railroad.^ \n\nAn insurrection in Cuba had now assumed such proportions that the \nAmericans, naturally sympathizing with a colony struggling for freedom, \nwere disposed to give the insurgents moral and material aid, and expedi- \ntions were fitted out, under the general directions of a " Cuban Junta \'\' \nin New York City, for the purpose of carrying men and materials of \nwar to the Cubans. Our government wisely resolved to maintain its \nneutrality, at least until the Cubans should show their ability to maintain \ntheir independence, and took measures to suppress all Jillihustering move- \nments, at the same time, keeping faith with other governments. The \nUnited States authorities seized a large number of Spanish gunboats \nthat had been built in this country, on suspicion that they were intended \nfor war against Peru. They were soon released. \n\nThese relations with Cuba and Spain gave the government of the \nUnited States much trouble, and, at times, war seemed inevitable. \nFinally, late in 1873, the steamship Virginius, flying the flag of this \nrepublic, suspected of carrying men and supplies to the Cubans, was \ncaptured by a Spanish cruiser ofi" the coast of Cuba, taken into port, and \nmany of her passengers, with her captain and some of her crew, were \nshot by the local military authorities. The affair produced intense ex- \ncitement in the United States. But the difficulties involved in it were \n"visely settled by diplomacy. The vessel was surrendered to the United \ni jates, and ample reparation offered. While the Virginius was on her \n"v ly, under an escort, to New York, she sprung a leak and went to the \nb ttom of the sea off Cape Fear, at near the close of December, 1 873. \n\nAn organization of Irishmen in the United States, known as " Fe- \nnians," prepared to invade the British dominions on our frontiers, for the \navowed purpose of liberating Ireland from British rule \xe2\x80\x94 how, in that \nway, is not clearly seen. In the last week in May, 1870, between two \nand three thousand of them had assembled on the borders of Canada, in \nVermont, and there invaded that province. The authorities of both \ngovernments interfered, the leaders were arrested, and no similar viola- \ntion of the neutrality laws of the republic has since been attempted by \nadopted citizens. \n\nThe possession of territory by the United States, among the West \nIndia Islands, has been considered desirable for a long time ; and in the \nyear 1869 our government and that of Haj-^ti conferred upon the subject \n\n\' To aid in the construction of this railway from Kansas to the Pacific, the na- \ntional government offered a subsidy of $52,000,000. The distance by railwaj \nbetwe\'^n New York and San Francisco, by way of Chicago, is, in round numbers, \nabout, 8,400 miles. \n\n\n\n^^^1 grant\'s administration. 739 \n\nof the annexation of the island to our domain. The President was de- \ncidedly in favor of the measure. In November, that year, a treaty for \nannexation was made, but the Senate of the United States refused to \nratify it. More information was needed, and in December, ISTO, the \nPresident appointed a commission, composed of eminent and judicious \ncitizens, to proceed to San Domingo and inquire concerning the resources, \nthe political condition, and the disposition of the government and people \nof that republic on the subject of annexation. The report of the Com- \nmittee in the spring of 1872 did not lead to the ratification of the treaty, \nand the subject was dropped as a national measure. A private company \nmade a treaty with the authorities of San Domingo in December, 1873, \nby which that government ceded to them a large portion of the island \nwith valuable franchises and privileges. All the public lands on the \npeninsula of Samana, and the waters of Samana Bay, were ceded to the \n\xe2\x80\xa2\' Samana Bay Company." \n\nAn inter-oceanic ship canal across the Isthmus of Darien has been a \nsubject before the public a long time. During President Grant\'s admin- \nistration some steps were taken in connection with such a project. In \nJuly, 1871, Commander Selfridge returned from an exploration of a \nroute which he considered feasible. It was from the Xapipi river, a con- \nfluent of the Atrato river that empties into the Gulf of Darien, across \nthe Isthmus to Limon Bay on the Pacific coast. The entire length of \nthe can*\xc2\xbbl would be thirty -two miles. Its cost he estimated at about \n$130,000,000, and the time to be occupied in its construction about twelve \nfears. In March, 1872, the President appointed a commission to exam- \nine all plans and proposals for an inter-oceanic canal across the Isthmus.^ \nMeanwhile an international company had been formed in Euroiie to con- \nstruct a canal across the Isthmus of Panama. \n\nIn October, 1871, one of the most destructive fires on record con- \nsumed a large part of the business section of Chicago. It raged about \ntwenty-eight hours ; spread over two thousand acres of ground ; laid \ntwenty-five hundred buildings in ruins, and consumed property, real and \npersonal, to the amount of about $200,000,000. Of this amount, $90,- \n000,000 worth was insured. In November the following year a fire in \nthe heart of Boston swept over sixty acres of ground, and destroyed \nproperty to the amount of $75,000,000, on which was an insurance of \n$50,000,000. \n\nMormonism, in its political relations to the state, remains a vexatious \nquestion. It seems to be strongly intrenched, in the heart of the conti- \nnent, among the everlasting hills ; and it appears to be popular among \n\n\' Composed of Major-General A. A. Humphreys, Professor Benjamin Pierce, and \nCaptain Daniel Ammen. \n\n\n\n740 THE NATION. [ISTI. \n\nthe sex which the practice of polygamy most degrades. In 1871 the \nvlelegate in Congress from Utah presented to that body a petition fifty \nfeet in length, signed by twenty-five hundred Mormon women, in favor \nof polygamy. The elective franchise has been given to women in that \nterritory (as well as in Wyoming territory) ; and of the 215,324 votes \ncast in favor of a state constitution in Utah in 1872, nearly one-half \nwere by women. They have enough citizens to entitle them to a state \norganization, but the moral sense of Congress has been strong enough to \ndeny the polygamists a place in the Union of States. \n\nWe have observed, on page 736, that the settlement of claims against \nGreat Britain, on account of the depredations of the Alabama and other \nAnglo-Confederate vessels, was an open question when Grant became \nPresident. lie proposed a joint commission to negotiate a treaty for tlie \nadjustment of all pending difficulties between the two governments. \nGreat Britain acceded to it, and each government appointed commis- \nsioners.\' This "Joint High Commission," as it was called, met at \nWashington city, and on the 8th of May, 1871, completed a treaty which \nboth governments promptly ratified. That treaty provided for the settle- \nment, by arbitration by a mixed commission, of all claims on both sides \nfor injuries by either government to the citizens of the other, during the \nCivil War; for the permanent regulation of the American coast-fish- \neries ; for the free navigation of certain rivers, including the Ot. Law- \nrence, and for determining which of two channels between T aueonver\'s \nIsland and the mainland, on the Pacific coast, constituted the boundary- \nline between the territory of the United States and Great Britain. \n\nIn accordance with the provisions of this treaty, arbitrators were \nappointed.^ The Tribunal of Arbitration, as this was called, met at \nGeneva, in Switzerland, on the 15th of December, 1871, and organized \nby the appointment of Count Sclopis president of the board. After two \nmeetings the Tribunal adjourned to the 15th of June following. The \nfinal meeting of the Tribunal was held on the 14th of September, 1872, \nwhen the decision was announced. The sum of fifteen million five hun- \ndred thousand dollars in gold was awarded to the government of the \nUnited States, to pay to its citizens for losses incurred by the depreda- \ntions of the Alabama and other Anglo-Confederate vessels. That \n.amount was paid into the Treasury of the United States in September, \n\n^ The United States appointed Hamilton Fish, Robert C. Schenck, Samuel Nelson, \n:Ebenezer R. Hoar, and George H. Williams. Great Britain appointed Earl de Grey \nand Ripon, Sir Stafford Northcote, Sir Edward Thornton, Sir John McDonald, and \nProfessor Montague Bernard. \n\n*The United States appointed Charles Francis Adams ; Great Britain appointed \n\xe2\x80\xa2Sir Alexander Cockburn ; the King of Italy appointed Count Frederic Sclopis; the \nPresident of the Swiss Confederation named Jacob Staempfli, and the Emperor of \nBrazil the Baron d\'ltazuba. J. C. Bancroft Davis was appointed agent of the \nUnited States, and Lord Tenterden of Great Britain. \n\n\n\n\'^\'"\'\'\xe2\x80\xa2J GRANT S ADMINISTRATION. Y41 \n\n1873.1 So -A^as settled, bj the Christian-like method of diplomacy, serious \ndifficulties between two powerful nations. The Emperor of Germany^ \nto whom the question of boundary on the Pacific coast was referred,, \ndecided in favor of the claim of the United States, which n-ives to our \nterritory the island of San Juan, the domain in dispute. \n\nOn the hrst of May, 1872,^ a national convention of politicians styled \n"Liberal Kepublicans," held\'at Cincinnati, nominated Horace Greeley \nfor President of the United States, and B. Gratz Brown for Vice-Presi- \ndent. At a convention held at Baltimore on the 9th of July, the \n" Democrats " coalesced with the " Liberal Republicans," and nominated \nthe same candidates. Meanwhile a convention of " Pepublicans " had \nassembled at Philadelphia (June 5th) and nominated President Grant \nfor a second term, with Henry Wilson for Vice-President. Grant and \n"Wilson were elected in the autumn by a large majority over the coalition, \ncandidates. \n\nDuring President Grant\'s first term several important measures were, \nadopted, besides those already mentioned. < A system of weather signals \nby means of the Morse electro-magnetic telegraph was established, under- \nthe superintendence of the National Signal Bureau, by wh.ich the changes \nin the weather in all parts of the republic are noted simultaneously at \nvarious hours of the day, and predictions given concerning those changes \nfor about twelve hours ahead. This is a most important branch of the \npublic service, and is especially useful to the commercial and agricultural \ninterests of the country. A new apportionment in representation was. \nestablished, making the ratio 137,800, and giving a House of Bepresenta- \n4ives of 283 members. A new Pension Bill was passed, giving eight dol- \nlars a month to all surviving ofiicers, enlisted and drafted men and volunr- \nteers in the wars of the Revolution and of 1812, or their surviving widows^. \n\n\'The banking firms of Drexel, Morgan & Co., Morton, Bliss & Co., and Jay- \nCooke & Co., made a contract with the British government to pay tliis award on or \nbefore the 10th of September, 1873. Tlie contracting bankers, from time to time, \nbought exchange, which they deposited in comparatively small amounts and received \ncoin certificates for such deposits, and purchased United States bonds. These bonds \nand coin certificates they finally exchanged with the Secretary of the Treasury for a \nsingle certificate for $15,500,000, which reads as follows: "It is hereby certified \nthat fifteen million five hundred thousand dollars have been deposited with the- \nTreasurer of the United States, payable in gold at his office to Drexel, Morgan & , \nCo., Bliss & Co., Jay Cooke & Co., or their order." This was endorsed by an order \xe2\x96\xa0 \nby these parties to pay the amount to the Britisli Minister at Washington (Sir YA-- \nward Thornton) and the Acting Consul General at New York (E. B. Archibald).. \nThe Minister and Consul endorsed it with an order to pay the amount to Hainiltopj \nFish, Secretary of State, and he in turn endorsed it with an order to pay it to W.. \nA. Richardson, Secretary of the Treasury. This was the method of payment of the; \naward into the Treasury of the United States, without moving a dollar of coin. A \ncommission was afterward appointed to distribute tlie award among the just claim- \nants for damages. The money was immediately invested in the then new five ner \ncent, bonds of the United States of the funded loan, redeemable after tlie first aay \nof May, 1881. \n\n\n\n742 THE NATION. tlSTi \n\nAt the beginning of 1875, our government was paying for petisions at the \nrate of about thirty million dollars annually. Early in 1873 the Frank- \ning privilege was abolished, by which the mails have been relieved and \nHioney saved for the government to the amount of two and a quarter mil- \nlion dollars annually. During that first term, an important embassy came \nfrom Japan (1872) to inquire about the renewal of former treaties be- \ntween our government and that. It consisted of twenty-one persons, \ncomposed of the heads of the several departments of the Japanese gov- \nernment, and their secretaries. In the same year the Grand Duke \nAlexis, son of the Emperor of Russia, visited the United States. Steps \nhad also been taken by the government for a celebration of the centennial \nanniversary of the national independence, by a display at Philadelphia \nof the products of all nations. This matter will be more fully mentioned \nhereafter. \n\nGrant and Wilson took the prescribed oath of ofiice, administered by \nChief Justice Chase, on the 4:th of March, 1873, and the Senate imme- \ndiately confirmed the President\'s nominations for the heads of the several \ndepartments.^ The future of the country apj^eared bright and prom- \nising. There was a steady improvement in the tone of public feeling \nafter the irritations caused by the Civil War, for the government, in its \ndealings with the leaders in the insurrection, had been exceedingly \nlenient.^ There was a gradual lightening of the burden of taxation\' \nwhich that war had imposed, and recuperative energy was visible every- \nwhere. In January, 1875, Congress passed a law providing for the \nresumption of specie payments, suspended in 18C1, beginning with the \nredemption of legal tender notes on the first of January, 1879, silver \ncoin being meanwhile substituted for fractional paper currency. \n\nWe have noticed, on page 735, the more humane policy toward the \nIndians, inaugurated by President Grant. Owing to the unwise feature \nof that policy in treating the Indians as foreigners, keej)ing them on \n\n*The following named gentlemen composed the President\'s cabinet at the begin- \nning of his second term of office : Hamilton Fish, Secretary of State ; William W. \nBelknap, Secretary of War; William A. Richardson, Secretary of the Treasury; \nGeorge M. Robeson, Secretary of the Navy; Columbus Delano, Secretary of tlie In- \nterior; John A. J, Cresswell, Postmaster-General; George H. Williams, Attorney- \nGeneral. \n\n"Of the thousands of the citizens of the republic who consciously and willingly \ncommitted "treason against the United States," according to t lie prescription of the \nNational Constitution (see clause 1, section 3, Article III.), not one had been pun- \nished for the crime, and only one offender had been indicted when this record was \nclosed. That one was Jefferson Davis, the acting head of the Rebellion, who was \nreleased from peril by a proclamation of amnesty made by President Johnson on \nChristmas day, 1868. \n\n^Taxation was reduced, as compared with 1869, at the rate of $170,000,000, \nwhilst the revenue had increased from $371,000,000 in 1869, to $430,000,000 in 1873. \nThe exports of 1873 showed an increase, as compared with 1869, of more than \ntwenty-five per cent., whilst the value of imports ]iad increased $155,000,000. \n\n\n\n1875.] grant\'s administration. 743 \n\nreservations, and so making necessary the employment of agents and con- \ntractors, who are not always true men, that policy has not worked so well as \n\xe2\x96\xa0\'^s friends had hoped. There exist the same causes for irritation on the part \nof the savages, and always will exist so long as the system of reservations \nand agencies is sustained.\' Make the Indians citizens of the republic, and \nhold every individual responsible to the laws, and the evil will be cured. \nIt is estimated that about three hundred thousand Indians are livino- within \nthe domain of our republic, of whom ninety-seven thousand are civilized, \none hundred and twenty-five thousand are semi-civilized, and seventy-eight \nthousand are wholly barbarous or savage. To reclaim these\xe2\x80\x94 to civilize and \nChristianize them\xe2\x80\x94 the most earnest efforts of the Church and State should \nbe given. \n\nDuring the year 1875, there was much uneasiness observed among the Sioux \nIndians, and threatened or actual trouble with them instantly appeared. The \ndashing cavalry officer. General George A. Custer, had been sent the year \nbefore into the region of the Black Hills, a part of the Sioux reservation \naround the tributaries of the Yellowstone River in Dakota and Wyoming \nTerritories. Custer went with a considerable military force to examine and \nreport upon the features of the country and the state of affairs there. He was \ncharmed with the region, and reported that it was another Florida in floral \nbeauty and extremely rich in precious metals. This report excited the cupid- \nity of miners, and very soon numbers of them appeared there. The jealousy \nand suspicions of the Sioux were thereby excited. Finall}\' at near the close \nof 1874, a bill was introduced into Congress for the extinguishment of the \nIndian title to so much of the Black Hills reservation as lay within the Terri- \ntory of Dakota. This movement when reported to the leading chiefs of the \nSioux, greatl}\' irritated them for they justly regarded it as a preliminary step \ntoward robbing them of their rightful domain. \n\nIn the spring of 1875, a government geologist was sent to the Black Hills to \nmake a survey of that region, under an escort of a considerable body of cav- \nalry and infantrv. The military and the surveyors excited the jealousy of the \nSioux ; and all through the year they exhibited conspicuous signs of prepara- \ntions for hostilities. Early in 1876 a strong military force was in the region \nof the Yellowstone, so disposed in three separate columns, as to make a simul- \n\n\'The number of reservations h ninety-two, upon which are seated about 1\'50,000 \nIndians. They aggregate 108,000 square miles. Of these reservatious thirty-one \nare east of the Mississippi river, aggregating 2,700 square miles. Between the \nMississippi and the Rocky Mountains are forty-two reservations, aggregating nearly \n144,000 square miles; and upon the Pacific slope are nineteen, aggregating 20,000 \nsquare miles. There are 40,000 Indians who have no lands awarded to them by \ntreaty, but have reservations set apart upon the public lauds of t!ie republic, lo the \nnumber of fifteen, aggregating about 60,000 square miles. It is estimated that the \npotentially hostile tribes at this time [1888] number about 56,000. The wonder is \nthat there are not more hostile Indians, when we consider the horrible injustice \nwhich these natives c: the cott?try have sufliered at the hands of the EuroiMjan \nraces- \n\n\n\n744 THE NATION. [1875. \n\ntjineous movement upon the Sioiix, if necessary. General Alfred H. Terry was \nm chief command of the expedition. These columns were led respectively by \nGenerals Terry, Crooke and Gibbon, and these forces were to form the meshes \nof a net into which they expected to ensnare the Indians, who were led by an \nable chief named Sitting Bull. \n\nGeneral Custer, accompanied by Terry and his staflf, pushed across the \ncountry from the Missouri River toward the Yellowstone, and at the mouth of \nthe Rosebud Creek they met Gibbon. It was foimd that Indians were in the \nvicinity in large numbers. General Crooke had fought them on the 17th of \nJune, and as the savages were much greater in number than his own force, \nand were well armed, he had been compelled to retreat. As Custer\'s force \nwas stronger than GKbbon\'s (consisting of the whole Seventh Cavalry, twelve \ncompanies) he was ordered to make the attack. He and Gibbon marched to \nthe vicinity of the Big Horn River. Custer arrived first and discovered a \ntarge Indian camp on a plain. He had been directed to await the arrival of \nGibbon, to cooperate with him, but beheving the Indians were moving off, he \ndii-ected Colonel Reno with seven companies of the cavalry to attack at one \npoint, while he dashed oflf with the remainder to attack at another point. \nCuster had a terrible fight with the savages who numbered five to one of the \nwhite men. With Custer perished his two brothers, a brother-in-law and \nother gallant officers. \n\nThis sad event occurred on the 25th of Jime, 1876. The Government \nimmediately ordered a large mihtaiy force into that region, to watch the \nSioux, but the latter evaded the troops, who finally went into camp for the \nwinter. Sitting Bull and his followers anticipating severe chastisement, at \nlength withdrew into the British possessions. \n\nDm-ing the siunmer of 1875, our government engaged in war with the Nez- \nPerc^ (Pierced-Nose) Indians, in Idaho. These Indians were peacable and had \nalways been true friends to the white people, from the time when explorers were \nsent out to that region by President Jefi"erson, early in the present century. \nTheir dweUing-place had always been in the beautiful and fertile Wallowa \nValley, where they were happy and contented. About thirty years ago, the \nUnited States government sent an agent there to look after the Indiana As a \nconsequence this measiu-e led to discontent on the part of the barbarians \nVery soon white people began to settle among them, and, as usual, after \nawhile these began to lay plans for dispossessing the Indians. Treaties were \nmade with a part of the latter, providing for their settlement on a reservation, \non the receipt from the government of a fixed annuity in exchange for their \nlands. \n\nOld Joseph, a veteran chief, who took no part in the treaties, refused to \nleave the Valley. To this determination his band adhered, so, also, did others of \nthe non-treaty Indians. Old Joseph died and was succeeded by his son, Joseph. \nLake his father, he, as well as his band, preferred the ancestral home and refused \nto go. President Grant, recognizing their right to remain, issued orders, in \n1873, to prevent interference with them. But he was induced to revoke thif \n\n\n\n^^^\xe2\x80\xa2^ grant\'s administration. \n\n\n\n745 \n\n\n\norder in 1875, when the greedy white settlers, rapaciously encroached upon the \ndomain of their dusky brethren. The Nez-Perc^s pleaded for justice and right; \nthe United States sent troops to di-ive them from their patrimony. Just be- \nfore the time fixed for expelUng the Indians from their home, some of Joseph\'s \nband, exasperated by contact with the encroaching white people, murdered full \ntwenty settlers. War ensued, and the distressing conflict continued from June \nuntil in the autumn of 1S77. The Indians, as usual, were beaten and compelled \nto make a humihating treaty of peace. These events embittered the feehnga \nof the fi-iendly Nez-Perces toward the white people, and converted them into \npassive enemies. \n\nWe have observed that Sitting Bull and his followers fled north, and into \nthe British possessions. There he remained, suUen and revengeful, an unwel- \ncome refugee on the Queen\'s domain. Conferences with him on the part of the \nUnited States through appomted commissioners, to make proposals for a pacifi- \ncation, were held ; but the propositions of the commissioners were treated with \nscorn, until at about the beginning of 1880. The British autl?,jrities had given \nSitting Bull notice, that if he should attempt to recross the border with hostile \nattitude or intentions, he would not only have the Americans, but the British, \nas his enemies. Finally, negotiations for a surrender of the barbarians were \nagain opened, in 1880, and at the close of that year the Sioux chief oifered to \nsurrender himself and his band. About one thousand of his followers did sur- \nrender early in 1881, after having been in exile for about five years, but their \nfamous leader had not given himself up at the time of the present writing, early \nin March, 1881. \n\nThe year 1876 was distinguished by two conspicuous featurea It was the \n\'\' Presidential Year " \xe2\x80\x94 the year when the election of a President of the Re- \npublic takes place. It was, also, the "Centennial Year\'\' of the nation, which \nwas celebrated at Philadelphia, from May until November, by a marvellous ex- \nhibition of the industry and arts of many nations. The campaign for the prize \nof the Presidency opened at about the middle of June, when the Bepubhcans, \nin national convention at Cincinnati, (June 16,) nominated Ruthei\'ford B. Hayes, \nof Ohio, for President, and William A. AMieeler, of New York, for Vice-Presi- \ndent. On the 27th of the same month a national convention of Democrats \nmet at St. Louis, and nominated Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, for President, \nand Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, for Vice-President. A most exciting \ncanvass ensued, which resulted in the election of Hayes and Wheeler. \n\nIn the political world, the Centennial Year was also distinguished by the im- \npeachment of a cabinet minister for malfeasance in office. It was Mr. Belknap, \nthe Secretary of War. The trial ended early in August, with a verdict of ac- \nquittal. At about the same time the House passed a resolution for an amend- \nment of the National Constitution, concerning popular education by pubhc au \nthority. A resolution for a similar object, offered in the Senae, was rejected \noy that body, and the subject was deferred. At near the close of June, a joint \nresolution was adopted, providing for the issue of $10,000,000 in silver coin, iu \nexchange for legal tender paper currency; and silver soon became very plentiful \n\n\n\n74 U \n\n\n\nTHE NATION \n\n\n\n1876. \n\n\n\nOne of the most important events in the history of our Country occurred in \nthe year 1876, namely the Centennial Exhibition at Philadelphia. When the \ncivil war had ended, and the strength and stability of our national government \nwas no longer in the category of experiments, but was a matter of absolute de- \nmonstration, the citizens of the Repubhc looked back, with just pride, over the \nninety years of their national history which had then elapsed, since the inde- \npendence of the English-American colonies had been declared. Many felt a \nwish that the one hundreth anniversary of that event might be celebrated in an \nAppropriate manner ; and between the years 18G5 and 1870 the newspapers \ncontained suggestions concerning the propriety of such a celebration. Finally \nA communication from the Franklin Institute of Philadelphia to the municipal \nauthorities of that city, asking for the use of a portion of Fairmount Park for \na centennial celebration was presented to the select Council by a member of \nShat body. A joint committee of seven from each chamber of the city govern- \ncnent took the subject into consideration. \n\nThis Committee proceeded to lay the subject before Congress. The Legis- \nlature of Pennsylvania resolved to ask Congress to take action in favor of an \ninternational celebration at the city of Philadelphia on the one hundredth birth- \nday of the Repubhc, and appointed a Committee to proceed to Washington to \nurge the matter. This committee joined the Philadelphia committee in presen- \nting a memorial to Congress. Congi-ess took action, and provided for the \nappointment, by the President of the United States, of a Commission and \nalternate Commission from each State and Territory of the Union, who were \nto be nominated by the respective governors of the States and Tenitories. \nIt also provided that the Exhibition should take place at Philadelphia. This \n\nact became a law on the 3d of March, \n1871. The commissioners and alternate \ncommissioners met at Philadelphia on \nthe 4th of March, 1872. Twenty-four \nStates and three territories were repre- \nsented. They organized a United States \nCentennial Commission, by choosing \nJoseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut, \nPresident ; Hon. Orestes Cleveland, A. \nT. Goshom, William M. Byrd, J. D. \nCreigh, and Robert Lowry, Vice-Presi- \ndents; Lewis Wain Smith, Temporary \nSecretary ; an Executive Committee and \na Solicitor. John L. Campbell of In- \ndiana, finally became the permanent \nSooretoiy. The oommiasioners adopted rules for their goverment, and also an \nofficial seal, which may be described as follows : \n\nIn concentric circles around the edge of the seal is the title of the oganiza- \ntion \xe2\x80\x94 "The United States Centennial Commission." In the centre of the \nseal is a view of the State House as it appeared when the Declaration oJ \n\n\n\n\nJOSEPH R. HATTLET. \n\n\n\n1876.] \n\n\n\nORANT^S ADMINISTRATION. \n\n\n\n74! \n\n\n\nIndependence was signed in its great iiall. Beneath the building are the worda \nwhich were cast on the State-House bell in Colonial times, " Proclaim liberty \n\nTHROUGHOUT THE LAND : AND TO ALL TUB \nINHABITANTS THEREOF." \n\nIn April, 1873, a Centennial Board \nof Finance was created, of whom \nmore than one-half were residents of \nPhiladelphia. They were author- \ni/\'^^d to issue bonds not to exceed in \namount the sum of $10,000,000, and \nto proceed to the preparation of the \ngrounds and the erection of buildinga \nin Fairmount Park. On the 4th of \nJuly, 1873, the Park Commissioners \nformally sm-rendered to the custody of \nthe Centennial Commission, the/por- \nSEAL or THE CENTENNIAL coMMissios.i Uon of thc groimds wliich had been \n\ndesignated for the purpose. On that day the President of the United States \nissued a proclamation, announcing the fact that an " International Exhibition of \nArts, Manufactures, and Products of the Sod and Mines," would be opened at \nPhiladelphia in Aprd, 1876. The next day, July 5, 1873 the Secretary of State \nsent a note to all the foreign ministers of the United States, containing the regu- \nlations adopted by the Commission concerning exhibitors, and directing these \nministers to call the attention of the foreign governments to the proposed \nExhibition. Early in the summer of 1874, the President issued a cordial invi- \ntation of the United States Government to the Goverments of other nations, \nto be represented in the Exhibition, and to take part in the Centennial \n\n\n\n\n\nCENTENIflAL MEDAL. \n\n\n\nExposition. Congress also passed an act authorizing medals, commemorating \nthe one hundredth anniversary of the first meeting of the Continental \n\n\n\n7 IS THE NATION. [1876 \n\nCongress, and also of the Declaration of Independence, to be struck. A \npicture of the latter is given in the engraving.* \n\nGrand Buildings were erected for the accommodation of the ai\'ticles exhib- \nited, at an aggregate cost of $4,444,000. They covered, with their annexes, \nabout 75 acres of ground. They were five in number, namely : Main Exhibi- \ntion Building, Art Gallery, Machinery Hall, Horticultural Hall and Agricul- \ntui\'al HalL Beside these many other buildings were erected by national and \nIndividual exhibitors, and by several States and Territories, making the whole \nnumber of buildings in the Centennial grounds, 190. \n\nWhen, in the svunmer of 1875, it was found that applications for space in \nthe Centennial Exhibition from foreign countries, were so numerous that under, \nthe rules for classification much work done by women would be thrown out, or \nlost in the crowd of other exhibitors, a separate building for the product of \nwoman\'s hands was suggested. A Woman\'s Centennial Exhibition Com- \nmittee was* formed, with Mrs. E. D. Gillespie of Philadelphia at its head, \nwith able assistants in the various States and Territories. She gathered from \nthe women of our country sufficient money to build and equip a magnificent \n" Woman\'s Pavilion," at a cost of more than $30,000. The display of the \nwork of women in nearly all departments of art and industry seen in that \nbuilding, was among the most attractive features of the Great International \nFair. The women of our country conti-ibuted $100,000 to the funds raised \nfor making preparations for the Exhibition. \n\nAt the opening of 1876, it was found that about $1,500,000 \'were yet lacking \nfor the completion of the preparations, and Congress was asked to supply that \nsum. Thirty-six nations had accepted the invitation of our government to \nparticipate in the exhibition, and every true patriot felt that nothing should \nbe wanting to make it what it had been promised to be ; and yet our people \nhad the mortifying spectacle presented, of a powerful minority voting against \nthe measiire. The appropriation was made, however, but with a proviso that \nthe amount shoiild be refunded to the National Treasury out of the proceeds \nof the Exhibition, and it was done. The preparations were carried on vigor- \nously to completiop., and the Exhibition was opened on the appointed day, the \n10th of May, 1876, with imposing ceremonies. Privileged ones were first ad- \nmitted and took their seats. Among them was Dom Pedro, Emperor of Brazil, \nwith his Empress \xe2\x80\x94 the only foreign sovereign present. The President of the \nUnited States (General Grant) arrived at the appointed hour, when the inaugural \n\n\' On one side is a feminine figure representing the Genius of Liberty with a sword buckled to \nher girdle, the shield of the Stars and Stripes leaning a\xc2\xbb \'\xe2\x80\xa2est, whilst with each hand she extends \na welcome and a chaplet to other feminine figures, representing Art and Science, who present evi- \ndences of their skill and craft to do honor to the date, 1776, which is inscribed upon the platform. \nAround the whole are the words, "In COMMEMORATION OF THE HUNDKEDTH anniveksaky \nOF American Independknxe, " and "Act of Congress, June, 1874." On the other sidtt \nis a feminine figure representing the Genius ot America rising from a recumbent position, grasp- \ning with her right hand the sword which is to enforce her demands, and raising her left in a[> \npealing pride to the galaxy of thirteen stars, which, indicating the original Colonies and States, \nare blazing in the firmament. Beneath is the date 1776, and around the whole the kernel of the \nresolution for independence, in these words, " Thbsk COI ONIE8 AKK, AND OF RIGHT OCaHT TO \nBK, FREE AND INDKPENDEaiT STATES." \n\n\n\n^^^\xe2\x80\xa21 GBANT^S ADMINI8TB1TI0N. 749 \n\nceremonies were begun with music by Tbeodore Thomas\'s orchestra. After a \nfervent invocation by Bishop Simpson of the Methodist Episcopal church, a \nthousand voices sang a beautiful " Centennial Hymn," composed by John G. \nWhittier. The buildings were then formally presented to the United States \nCentennial Commission, by the President of the Centennial Board of Finance. \nA cantata was sung, when General Hawley presented the Exhibition to the \nPresident of the United States. Then the American flag was unfurled over \ntLe lofty tower of the Main Exhibition Building, as a signal that the Great \nFair had begun. \n\nThe attendance of the Exhibition through the intense heats of that Summer \nwas limited, but early in the Autumn, the number increased to an average of \n80,000 or 90,000 a day. On the "Pennsylvania Day," the number of admis- \nsions was about 275,000. The largest attendance for a full month, was in \nOctober, when 2,663,911 persons were admitted in thirty-one days. The \ntotal number of admissions from the opening until the closing, was 9,910,965* \nThe total amount of cash receipts during the exhibition was $3,813,725. \n\nOn the 4th day of July, 1876 \xe2\x80\x94 the Centennial day of the RepubHc \xe2\x80\x94 the \nTerritory of Colorado was admitted into the Union as a State, making the \nwhole number thirty-eight. Ten other Territories are preparing to enter ; \nand the time is probably not far distant when they will all take their places as \ncommonwealths of the Republic, and other Territories will be organized. \n\nThe result of the Presidential election was long in doubt. Each party \nclaiming a majority for its candidate. One hundred and eighty-five votes ia \nthe Electoral College were necessary to a choice. It was decided immediately \nafter the election that Mr. Tilden had one hundred and eighty-four votes, \nwhile the result in South Carolina, Florida and Louisiana was doubtful \nConcerning that result there was a long and bitter contest. Representative \nmen of each party went into these states to witness the coimting of the votes. \nMeanwhile pubHc excitement ran high throughout the country. In anticipa- \ntion of violence, the President took the precaution so early as the 10th of \nNovember, to order the United States troops in New Orleans to be in instant \nreadiness to preserve the peace. The same measure was adopted in South \nCarolina. \n\nCharges and counter-charges of fraud were rife in the three doubtful states, \nand the subject occupied much of the attention of Congress during its session. \nThe difference of opinion concerning the legal method prescribed by the Con- \nstitution, for the final opening and counting of the votes of the Electoral \nCollege, was so wide that it was agreed to submit the whole affair to an \nElectoral Commission to be composed of an equal number of representatives \nof each poHtical party. A committee, similarly constituted, was appointed to \nsubmit a bill for the purpose. They reported on the 18th of January, 1877 \nThe bill provided for the appointment of five members from each House, with \nfive associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, four of them \nto select the fifth : the entire Commission to be presided over by the associate \niustice longest in commission. It was agreed that their decisions should be \nfinal. \n\n\n\n750 \n\n\n\nTHB MATIOV. \n\n\n\n[1878. \n\n\n\nAftor much stormy debate, the bill was adopted by both Houses on the \n86th; was signed by the President on the 29th, and the next day the \ncommission was appointed.^ They met in the Hall of the House of Representa- \ntives, on the first of Febuary, to open and count the votes. Great care, delib- \nation and impartiality were observed in the business, and the Commission \ndid not reach their final decision until just at the close of the session, when it \nwas declared that Mr. Hayes had received a majority of the Toteg ol the \nElectoral College. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXL \nHates\' Administration. [187 7\xe2\x80\x941881.] \n\n\n\n\nRutherford B. Hayes was inaugurated the niuoteenth President of the United \nStates, on Monday, the 5th of March, 1877 ; Chief-Justice Waite administering \nthe usual oath of office. He named his Cabinet \nMinisters and the Senate confirmed them.\' Honored \nwith the confidence of the majority of both parties, \nin his integrity and ability, and with the concurrence \nof his cabinet, the President inaugurated an era of \napparent good feeling by adopting a liberal, kind \nand conciliating policy toward the people of the \nlately disorganized but now reorganized States.^ \nA prominent featvire in his administration at the \nvery beginning, was the adoption of measures for \nconciliating the feelings of the yet disaffected in \nthe States in which insurrection had prevailed, \nknown as his "Southern Policy." Mr. Key, of \nTennessee, the Postmaster-General, had been a \nconfederate military leader. He removed a prominent object of bitter com- \nplaiut, namely, the United States troops from Southern States, and left the \ngovernment of affairs there in the hands of the civil authorities ; and he de- \n\n\' The Senate elected Messrs. Edmunds, Morton, Frelinghuysen, Thurman and Bayard ; and \nthe house elected Messrs. Payne, Hunton, Abbot, Garfield and Hoar. The four associate Jus- \ntices chosen, were Clifford, Miller, Field and Strong; and these chose for the the fifth, Justice \nJoseph P. Bradley. \n\n* These were Wm. M. Evarts, of New York, Secretary of State ; John Sherman, of Ohio, \nSecretary of the Treasury ; George W. McCrary, of Iowa, Secretary of War; Richard W. \nThompson, of Indiana, Secretary of the Navy ; Carl Schurz, of Missouri, Secretary of th\xc2\xab Interior ; \nDavid M. Key, of Tennessee, Postmaster-General; and Charles Devins, of Massachusetta, \nAttorney-General. \n\n^ Rutherford Birchard Hayes, the nineteenth President of the United States, was bom in \nDelaware, Ohio, Oct 4, 1822. He \\b of Scotch descent His father emigrated to Ohio from \nVermont He was educated at Kenyon College, and graduted at the Cambridge Law School in \n1845. He practised law in Cincinnati until 1861, when he entered the Union Army as major of \nOhio Volunteers, and served with his regiment in Western Virginia, a part of the time on the staff \n^f General Rosecraiis as Judge AdvocatK. In December 1862, he was promoted to the commau\'l \n\n\n\nEUTHERFORD B. HATES. \n\n\n\n^^-^ HAYESES ADMINI8TBATI0N. 751 \n\nclared bis intention to endeavor to bring about a more cordial union among alJ \nsections. Much has been accomplished toward that desii-able end. \n\nPresident Hayes also attempted to carry out much needed reforms in the \nCivil Service of the government, and was partially successfvd ; not so much in \nactually affecting reforms, as in opening the way to them by awakening a pub- \nlic consciousness of the necessity of such reforms. \n\nThe XLVth Congress, at its regular session having failed to make appro- \npriations for the maintenance of the mihtary estabHshment, the sum needed \nbeing nearly $35,000,000, the President called an extraordinary session of the \nCongress on the 15th of October, 1878. In the House, there were 180 Demo- \ncratic, and 140 RepubHcan members, and in the Senate, 38 Repubhcans, 33 \nDemocrats, and 2 Independents, with 3 vacancies. The session continued \nuntil the opening of the regular session (Dec. 3.) The chief object for which \nthe special session had been called was not accomphshed, and exciting debates \nof a partisan character occupied nearly the whole of the ensuing regular \nsession. During that session, and the next, there appeared a disposition on the \npart of the opposition to block the wheels of government unless peculiar \nmeasures which they had proposed should become law. They passed a bill for \nalmost prohibiting, by restrictive measures, Chinese emigration, in violation of \nthe spiiit of existing treaties. The bill was vetoed by the President, and the \nopposition, having the power, caused Congress to fail to pass the necessary ap- \npropriation bills. \n\nThis failui-e made a special session of Congress necessary, and the President \nconvened it on the 18th of March, 1879. The opposition, having a majority \nin Congress, put upon each appropriation bill such obnoxious " riders," that the \nPresident felt compelled to veto them. The special session continued to July \n1, (1879), when most of the objectionable features of the several bills which \nbad been vetoed, having been removed, they became law by the signature of \nthe President. An ineffectual effort was made to pass a bill, prohibiting the \nservice of United States troops and of United States marshals in keeping or- \nJer and preserving the purity of the ballot-box at elections. \n\nIn 1879, there was a remarkable exodus of negroes from States on the lower \nMississippi River and from the CaroUnas. The larger number, and the earlier \nemigrants went to Kansas, and later a considerable number went to Indiana. \nCongress appointed a committee to inquire into the causes of the remarkable \nexodus, but there labors were not satisfactory. \n\nOne of the most remarkable events in our national history occurred on the \nIst of January, 1879. It was the resumption of specie payments by the national \n\nof the first brigade of the Kanawha Division, in which capacity he served until the Fall of 1864. \nHe had engaged in the battle of South Mountain in 1862, and he was conspicuous in the battles of \nWinchester, Fishers\' Hill, and Cedar Creek, and was promoted to Brigadier General " for gallant \nservice." He was four times wounded during the war, and had four horses shot under him. \nIn 1864, General Hayes was elected to Congress, and served a full term. He was re-elected in \n1866, resigned in 1867, and was twice chosen Governor of Ohio, in which position he won the \nrespect of all classes. In 1875, he was a third time elected Governor of Ohio, and m 1876, was \nxhosen by the Republicans, to fill the office of President of the United States. He was luaugu- \n\xe2\x96\xa0(rated in March, 1877. His administration was conspicuous for its purity. \n\n\n\n752 THE NATIOH. C1W9- \n\ngovernment and the brinks, after about 18 years of suspension. It had been \ninitiated in a degree, by the law of January, 1875, already mentioned. This \nmeasure had ever since been violently opposed by inflationists, or those who \ndesired to have che government issue a limited or an unlimited quantity of \npaper currency, known as "greenbacks," because the backs of the bills were \nprinted with a green color. These opposers were crystallized into a political \nparty, known as the "Greenback Party." They prophesied financial ruin, or \nat least great financial embarrassment, that would foUow the act of resimiption. \nIn (Spite of all opposition, and of the propbets of evil, the act of resmnption took \nplace at the appointed time with the most salutary effects. The business of \nthe country which had been depressed for six years, immediately improved, and \nhas ever since, moved on toward uncommon prosperity in all the industries. \nNot one of the evils predicted, occurred. \n\nA distressing hostile outbreak of the Ute Indians occurred early in the \nautumn of 1879. They became dissatisfied with the treatment they had re- \nceived from the national government, and were in arms. They murdered N. \nC. Meeker, the government agent, at their reservation. Major Thomburgh \nwas sent with national troops to suppress the outbreak, and was fiercely at- \ntacked by the Utes on September 29. He and ten of his men were slain, and \nthe remainder of his command were surrounded by the hostile barbarians, for \nsis days. The troops were intrenched and held out until succor arived. The \nUtes were soon subdued. \n\nA joint resolution was introduced in the Senate of the United States on Jan- \nuary 19, 1880, and in the House of Representatives, on January 30, to amend \nthe national constitution to secure the elective franchise for women. The \namendment offered was as follows : \n\n" Article 16. The right of Suffrage in the United States shall be based on \ncitizenship, and the right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not bo \ndenied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of sex, \nor for any reason not equally appMcable to all citizens of the United States. \n\n"Congress shall have power to enforce this article by apppopriate legislation." \n\nThe project of an interoceanio canal across the isthmus which connects \nNorth and South America, was revived by a visit, early in 1880, from M. deLes- \nseps, the constructor of the Suez canal, who extended his journey to the isthmus. \nHe announced his confidence in the feasibUity of his plan, and his intention \nto raise the funds for its construction and press forward the work speedily. \nThe feelings of Americans being averse to the supreme contrcl of such a work, \nif done, by Europeans, President Hayes deemed it wise to apprise the world \nof it through a message to Congress, March 8, 1880, in which he declared that \nit is the duty of the United States to assert and maintain such supervision \nand authority over the enterprise as will protect our national interests. \n\nIn June, 1880, national conventions of four distinct political parties, to nomi- \nnate a candidate for President of the United States, were held. The Repub- \nlican convention was held at Chicago on the 2d, when James A. Garfield, of \nOhio, was nominated for President, and Chester A. Arthur, of New York, for \n\n\n\n^^^^\xe2\x80\xa2^ Hayes\'s administration. 75a \n\nVice-President. The convention of the "National" or Greenback party v^a& \nheld at Chicago on June 9, and nominated James B. Weaver, of Iowa, for Presi- \ndent, and Benjamin J. Chambers, of Texas, for Vice-President. The Prohibi- \ntion convention was held at Cleveland, Ohio, on the IVth of June, and nomi- \nnated Neal Dow, of Maine, for President, and A. H. Thompson of Oluo for Vice- \nPresident. The Democratic convention assembled at Cincinnati on June 22^ \nand nominated Winfield S. Hancock, U. S. Army, for President, and William \nH. English, of Indiana, for Vice-President. There was a fifth (anti-masonic) \ncandidate for President\xe2\x80\x94 John W. Phelps, of Vermont. Samuel C. Pomeroy,. o\xc2\xa3 \nKansas, was the anti-masonic candidate for Vice-President. \n\nThe canvass for President and Vice-President was an exciting one, and results \ned in the choice of James A. Garfield, of Ohio, and Chester A. Arthur, of \nNew York, by considerable majorities, the Republican candidates having 213. \nElectoral votes, and the Democratic candidates 156. The result of the election \ngave a powerful impulse to the business of the country, and the year 1880 closed \nwith evidences of increasing and permanent material prosperity throughout th& \nEepublic. Taxes had gradually decreased, and the burden of the pubHc debt \nhas been greatly lightened, year after year, by the operation of the sound finan^ \ncial policy of the government. That debt, on the first of January, 1866, amounted,, \nin round numbers, to a little more than $2,800,000,000; at the close of 1881 it. \nwas less than $1,900,000,000, or more than $900,000,000 reduction in 14 years-. \nSince 1877, the government has refunded about $850,000,000 of the public debt, \ninto bonds bearing interest at the rate of four-and-a-half and four per cent, a year. So^ \nhigh is the public credit that these bonds are now (1881,) sought after with \navidity and bear a considerable premium. The reduction of the annual interest \ncharge on the public debt by this refunding is about $17,000,000. During: \nHayes\' administration of four years, about $209,000,000 of the pubhc debt wasi \npaid. \n\nA new funding bill, fixing the rate of interest at three per cent, a year, was^ \ndebated for some time, and two days before the close of the 46th Congress it \nwas passed, and sent to the President. On account of a very mischievous \nsection, the President vetoed it the next day (March 3, 1881), and no further \naction upon it ensued. The House of Representatives also passed a new Appor. \ntionment bill, fixing the number of the members of that House at 319, in the. \n48th Congress, instead of 293, as in the present Congress. The ratio of repre^- \nsentation is increased from 131,425 under the census of 1870, to 154,764^ trades- \nthe census of 1880. The Senate did not act upon it. \n\nGeneral Garfield/ the President elect, left his home at Mentor, Ohio, on the \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2James A. Garfield was born in Cuyahoga County, Ohio, fifteen miles from Cleveland, Nov. 19, 1831. His \nfather was a small farmer, and died when this, his youngest son, was two years of age. His widow, a woman \nof great energy and perseverance, was left with four children to support, and for many years the straggle of \nthe family for a livelihood was very severe. When James was old enough he worked on the httle farm in \nBummer, and in the winter worked at a carpenter\'s bench, and went to school when he could. At the age of \nseventeen, he hired out as a driver on a canal, and soon rose to the position of pilot of the boat. He finally, \nby dint of hard labor, obtained first an academic education, working at the carpenter\'s trade mornings and \nevenings, and teaching school in winter. He entered Williams College when he was twenty-three years old, \nbecame professor in a small college in Ohio, and in less than two years was its p)resident. He studied law, \nand was admitted to the bar in ISfiO, and the same year was elected to the Ohio State Senate, in which hm. \nIras active in promoting measures for the safety of the Union. He was made colonel of Ohio Volunteers, \n\n\n\n^54 THE NATION. [1881. \n\n\'28th of February, with his family. Among its members was his venerable \nmother, eighty years of age. He arrived in Washington on the first of March, \n. and on Friday, the 4th, was inaugurated the twentieth President of the United \n-States, just one hundred years after the adoption, by the Continental Congress, \n\xe2\x96\xa0 \xc2\xa3>f the first constitution of the United States. The day was pleasant, and Chief - \nJustice Waite administered the usual oath of office to General Garfield, in \nthe presence of fifty thousand citizens of the Republic. His inaugural address \nwas dehvered in a strong, clear voice, that might be heard by many thousand \n3p\xc2\xabjtators. \n\nPresident Hayes had called a special executive session of the Senate to act \nupon the new President\'s nominations of Cabinet Ministers. They assembled \nimmediately after the inauguration ceremonies were closed. On Saturday after- \nnoon the President sent in the names of persons he had chosen for advisers. \nliChese nominations were confirmed without debate.\' \n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXII. \n\nGarfield\'s Administration. \n\n\n\nPresident Garfield, in his inaugural address, promised full and equal protec- \ntion of the Constitution and laws for every citizen, irrespective of race or color; \n-advocated universal education as a safeguard of sufErage; recommended such \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 an adjustment of our monetary system " that the purchasing power of every coined \n\xe2\x80\xa2dollar will be exactly equal to its debt-paying power in all the markets of the \n"\'world; and that the national debt should be refunded at a lower rate of interest, \n\nwithout compelling the withdrawal of National Bank notes; the prohibition of \npolygamy within the borders of our republic, and the regulation of the civil \nservice by law." These were the principal points discussed in the inaugural \naddress. \n\nAt the very beginning of the new administration there was a struggle in the \n/Senate of the United States between the two great parties (Repubhcan and Dem- \nocratic) for power in that body, each refusing to yield on the question of com- \npleting the organization, one wishing to elect new officers of that body, the other \n^insisting upon keeping the old ones. There was a dead-lock for several weeks, \n^^^\'here was also strife concerning the confirmation of nominations made by the \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 aid admirable service in eastern Kentucky in 1861. lie was appointed chief of General Rosecrans\'s staff in \n-a864, and rose to the rank of major-general. He was elected to Congress while in the field, and in that body \n\'3ie did excellent service on the Committee on Military Affairs. General Garfield was sixteen successive years \n\xe2\x80\xa2a member of that body, and for some time a Republican leader. In January, 1880, he was elected to the \n^Senate of the United States, but never took his seat, for in the fall of that year he was elected Presideat of \nsthe United States. He was inaugurated March 4, 1881. He was shot by an assassin July 2, and died Sep- \n\xe2\x96\xa0--tcmber 19, at Long Branch, on the New Jersey shore. \n\n\xc2\xbbThe followinggentlemen constituted the Cabinet: James G.Blaine, of Maine, Secretary of State; Wdliam \n"Windom, of Minnesota, Secretary of the Treasury; Robert Lincoln, (son of President Lincoln,) of Illinois, \nSecretary of War; William H. Hunt, of Louisiana, Secretary of the Navy; Samuel J. Kirkwood, of Iowa, Sec- \n\xe2\x96\xa0 retaryof the Interior; Thomas L. James, Postmaster- General, Wayne McVeagh, of PennBylvania, Attorney- \n\'Qeneroi. \n\n\n\n1881.] \n\n\n\nGarfield\'s administration. \n\n\n\n75^ \n\n\n\nPresident of the United States, of incumbents for office in the State of Neic \nYork, particularly that of the collector of the port of New York. The nomine*i \nfor that office, it was conceded, was thoroughly qualified to fill it, but was- pen-- \nsonally distasteful to the senior U. S. Senator (Roscoe ConkHng) from New York.-, \nand he vehemently opposed his confirmation by the Senate. Because the- Senate\'; \ncould not agree with him, the Senator resigned his seat, deserted his post andf \nreturned home, taking with him his Senatorial colleague, so leaving the great- \nState of New York unrepresented in the Senate of the United States. Ther \nPresident withdrew all of the nominations for New York, excepting that for tlie \ncollectorship which was immediately confirmed, and the Senate adjourned (Ma^ \n20) sine die. \n\nThe New York Legislature was in session at \nthat time, and were compelled to take immediate \nsteps to fill the seats deserted by the two New \nYork Senators. Mr. ConkHng had no doubt that \nhe and his colleague would be immediately re- \nchosen to fill their vacated seats. He was mis- \ntaken. Instead of meeting general support and \nsympathy, he encountered general opposition and \nindignation among his political friends and others \nfor his unwarrantable course. Perceiving this, \nhe repaired to the State capital, and there con- \nducted, for several weeks, a most persistent per- \nsonal struggle for a re-election, but was defeated. \nHis seat and that of his colleague were filled by \nthe choice of two other men. This strife had \nagitated the whole nation, and in the final result the people felt great relief. \n\nWhile these personal struggles were going on at Washington and Albany, tZse \ngovernment, which was moving on in successful progress, had confirmed impor- \ntant treaties; one with China, concerning immigration and commerce; an extra- \ndition treaty with the United States of Colombia; a consular convention witb- \nItaly, modifying and defining the judicial powers of certain consulates; aeon--, \nvention with Morocco respecting the taxation prerogatives of the Moorish Gov- \nernment, and a treaty with Japan prescribing reciprocal duties for the Japanese- \nand United States Governments, in cases of shipwrecks upon their respective- \ncoasts. On May 18, the Senate postponed the resolution asserting the "Monroe-, \ndoctrine" in the case of the Isthmus Ship Canal.\' \n\nThe fearful agitation of the people by the humiliating strife for office at Albany? \nintensified the ill-feeling of disappointed office-seekers everywhere, and producecj \nits logical result. While that struggle was at its height the nation was appalled J \nby the fact that one of this dangerous class \xe2\x80\x94 dangerous alike to public order andi \npublic virtue \xe2\x80\x94 had shot the President of the United States as he was about tec \nleave the national capital on a trip to New York and New England. The terri- \n\n\n\n\nGARFIELK.. \n\n\n\nSee page 752. \n\n\n\n756 THE NATION. [1881. \n\niAe deed was done at the station of the Bahimore & Potomac railway, in Wash- \nangfton, at about 9 o\'clock on Saturday morning, July 2, 1881, where he was to \nfoe joined by members of his cabinet. As he was walking through the passenger \nrroom arm-in-arm with Mr. Blaine, the Secretary of State, two pistol-shots were \n\'fired in qiuck succession from behind them, and the President sank to the floor, \nbleeding profusely. Only one shot touched his body; that entered it through \n:the eleventh rib, about four inches to the right of the spine, and taking a tortu- \nous (Course lodged some distance to the left of the lumbar vertebrae at the lower \nmargin of the pancreas. It was, externally, a jagged wound, caused by a ball \nof the size known as cahbre 44. The wounded President was at first carried to \n;a room in the second story of the building where he was shot, and an hour later \nSie was conveyed to the Executive Mansion. The assassin was instantly arrested \nIby a police officer (Kearney), to whom he said; "I did it and will go to jail for \n^. I am a Stalwart [the political name given to the friends of Senator Conkling \nin tlie strife then going on] and Arthur will be President." In his pocket \nwas found the following letter directed " To the White House": \n\n\'"The President\'s tragic death was a sad necessity, but it will unite the Republican party and save the \nt\xc2\xabpublic. Life is a flimsy dream, and it matters little when one goes. A human life is of small value. Dur- \ning the war thousands of brave boys went down without a tear. I presume the I\'resident was a Christian, \nand that he will be happier in Paradise than here. It will be no worse for Mrs. Garfield, dear soul, to part \nwith her husband this way than by natural death. He is liable to go at any time any way. I had no ill-will \n-toward the President. His death was a political necessity. \n\n"I am a lawyer, a theologian, and a politician. I am a Stalwart of the Stalwarts. I was with Gen. Grant \ncand the rest of our men in New York during the canvass. I have some papers for the press which I shall \nSeave with Byron Andrews and his co-journalists at 1,340 New York Avenue, where all the reporters tan see \nRthem. I am going to the jail. "Charles Guiteau." \n\nA much shorter letter, but of similar import, was found, addressed to General \nSherman, asking him to send troops to protect the jail. The assassin (Guiteau) \n\'had been an unsuccessful office-seeker for a long time, and had led a precarious \nand disreputable life in various large cities in the Union. Soon after the arrival \n-of the ambulance, with the President, at the Executive Mansion, the Cabinet \nMinisters and their wives who had taken the cars for the journey came in haste \nt,o the "White House." Soon afterwards the gates which lead to the Executive \nMansion were closed, and armed military sentinels silently took their places \nabout the house and grounds to relieve the police force. Before he was taken \nIfrom the station, the President, anxious about the effect of the intelligence of \nliis wounding upon his wife, who had lately recovered from severe illness, \ndictated the following note to Colonel Rockwell: \n\n** 3frg. Oarfleld, Elberon, Long Branch. \n\nThe President desires me to say to you, from him, that he has been seriously hurt, how Beriouely he \n(Oaimot yet -say. He is himaelf, and hopes you will come to him soon. He Bends his love to you. \n\n"A. F. Rockwell." \n\nMrs. Garfield left Long Branch on a special train at near two o\'clock, p.m. \nWhen the President was told of her departure, he said, " God bless the little \n\'.woman 3 " Owing to a slight accident on the road, she did not arrive at the bed- \naide of her husband until after six o\'clock. After the first nervous prostration, \n?She President\'s usual cheerfiilness returned. The best physicians in Washington \n-^irere in attendance upon him. "Conceal nothing from me, doctors," he said, \n^for remember I am not afraid to die." Late in the afternoon, when there were \n\n\n\n1881.] Garfield\'s administration. 757 \n\nevidences of internal hemorrliage, he asked Dr. Bliss what the prospects were. \nThe Doctor rephed, \'\'Your condition is very critical. I do not think you can \nlive many hours." The President firmly responded, " God\'s will be done, Doctor} \nI am ready to go if my time is come." \n\nWhen Mrs. Garfield entered his room, all others retired. She remained fifteen \nminutes, when the surgeons were admitted. The President was conscious, but \nvery weak; his pulse being 146. "There is no hope for him," said Dr. Bliss; \n"he will not probably live three hours; he may die in half an hour." But he \nrevived, and with it a faint hope of his ultimate recovery. \n\nOn the morning of the 4th of July it was thought he could not live until noon. \nThe preparations for the joyous observance of the national hohday were \nabandoned in all parts of the Union, and it became a day of great solemnity \namong the people. Messages of condolence to the stricken family and to the \nnation soon came from every part of the civilized world. The frequent bulletins \nissued by the surgeons in attendance day after day were sent over the land by \ntelegraph and across the sea; and hke the ebbing and flowing of the tide was the \ncondition of the hopes and fears of the watching millions. Prayers ascended \nhourly from devout hearts all over Christendom, asking for the recovery of the \nPresident; and medical skill, science, experience, and tender ministrations of love \nwere exhausted in efforts to save the precious life. The surgeons in daily and \nnightly attendance upon the sufferer were Doctors D. W. Bliss, J. K. Barnes, \nJ. J. Woodward, and R. Reyburn, of Washington City, and the chief nurse was \nMrs. Doctor Edson, of the same city. Doctors Hayes Agnew, of Philadelphia, \nand Frank H. Hamilton, of New York, were the consulting surgeons. \n\nThe President had relapses and physical complications, but at length, early in \nSeptember, it was hoped that he was on the sure way to recovery. Dreading \nthe effects of the malaria-laden atmosphere of the vicinity of the Wliite House, it \nwas resolved to remove him to Long Branch, on the borders of the sea. This \nwas done by railway in the space of about seven hours, on the 6th of September, \nthe cars running at the average speed of 55 miles an hour. He was lodged at \nLong Branch in an upper room of a cottage there, where from his bed he could \nlook out upon the sea. He continued to improve, apparently, until he was able \nto sit up awhile in an easy chair. The way to permanent convalescence appeared \nto be assured. His Cabinet ministers were lodged close by, and were admitted \nto his presence. Only Dr. Bliss, of the regular attending surgeons in the case, \nremained with him. Dr. Bo)Titon, his family physician (who was not in the \ncase), and Drs. Agnew and Hamilton were also in attendance. On Friday, Sept. \n16, he had an alarming relapse. Chills followed at intervals until Monday, and \nthe physicians lost hope. At ten o\'clock on Monday night Dr. Bliss inquired of \nhim if he was uncomfortable. He replied with his usual cheerfulness, " Not at \nall." The Doctor retired. General Swaim, the President\'s warm personal \nfriend, remained with him. The patient slept. Awaking suddenly, he said, \n\'\'Swaim, I am suffering great pain here," laying his hand near his heart. "Oh, \nSwaim 1 " These were his last words. The Doctors and Mrs. Garfield were \n\n\n\n758 THE NATION. [1881. \n\nBtunmoned. He was dying, and at 10.35 p.m., Sept. 19, he drew his last breath. \nFor eighty days the President had struggled for life heroically, hopefully, and \ncheerfully. \n\nA few minutes after his death the sad news was flashed over the Republic \nand beyond the seas. Back, from states and territories, and from all Europe, \ncame quick responses of condolence and sympathy. From the Queen of England, \nwho knew by her own experience how to feel for Mrs. Garfield, the brave, loving, \nhopeful wife of the President, came this dispatch : \n\n" Words canuot express the deep sympathy I feel for you at this terrible moment. May God support \nand comfort you as He alone can. " The Queen. \' \n\n\'\xe2\x96\xa0\'Balmoral Court.\'\'\'\' \n\nMessages of condolence came from high dignitaries everywhere in Europe and \nAmerica, and even from far-off Australia and New Zealand; and Queen Victoria \nordered her court to wear mourning for a week in token of respect for the dead \nPresident. The courts of Belgium and Spain were also ordered to wear mourning. \nImmediately after the President\'s death, the Cabinet ministers who were present \nsent a dispatch to Vice-President Arthur, giving him the sad news, advising him to \ntake the oath of office as President of the United States, "without delay," and \ninviting him to come to Long Branch the next morning. The oflBcial oath was \nadministered before Mr. Arthur slept. That act was performed in his parlor by \nJudge John R. Brady, of the Supreme Court, in New York, in the presence of a \nfew friends, at nearly two o\'clock in the morning of September 20. President \nArthur arrived at Long Branch the same day at about one o\'clock in the after- \nnoon, accompanied by Secretaries Blaine and Lincoln, and there met the other \nmembers of the Cabinet. \n\nOn the next day (Wednesday, Sept. 21), the body of the dead President was \nconveyed from the ocean shore to the rotunda of the Capitol at Washington, \nwhere it lay in state under the great dome until noon on Friday, Sept. 23, and \nwas looked upon by thousands of citizens of all classes and ages. Near the \ncasket were many floral offerings; and upon its lid was placed by Victor Drum- \nmond, of the British legation at Washington, by command of his Queen, a \nbeautiful wreath of flowers. A card was attached to the wreath, which read as \nfollows : \n\n"Queen Victoria to the memory of the late President Garfield An expression of her sorrow, and \nsympathy with Mrs. Garfie\'d and the American Nation. Sept. 22, 1881." \n\nPresident Arthur was formally inaugurated at Washington on the 2 2d, in the \nVice-President\'s room at the Capitol. The oath of office was administered by \nChief -Justice Waite, in the presence of members of the Cabinet, Ex-Presidents \nGrant and Hayes, General Sherman, some Senators and others, after which \nPresident Arthur read a brief inaugural address. The following is a copy of the \naddress: \n\n" For the fourth time in the history of the Republic its chief magistrate has \nbeen removed by death. All hearts are filled with grief and horror at the \nhideous crime which has darkened our land, and the memory of the murdered \nPresident, his protracted sufferings, his unyielding fortitude, the example and \n\n\n\n1881.] \n\n\n\nGarfield\'s administration. \n\n\n\n759 \n\n\n\nachievements of his life and the pathos of his deatli will forever illumine the \npages of our history. For the fourth time the officer elected by the people and \nordained by the Constitution to fill a vacancy so created is called to assume the \nExecutive chair. The wisdom of our fathers, foreseeing even the most dire \npossibiHties, made sure that the government should never be imperiled because \nof the uncertainty of human Kfe. Men may die, but the fabric of our free \n\n\n\n\n^^"\'\'^J^yyyy r \n\n\n\nCHESTER A. ARTHUR. \n\n\n\ninstitutions remains unshaken. No higher or more assuring proof could \nexist of the strength and i)ermanence of popular government than the fact \nthat, though the chosen of the people be struck down, liis constitutional \nsuccessor is peacefully installed without shock or strain, except the sorrow \nwhich mourns the bereavement. All the noble aspirations of my lamented \npredecessor which found expression in his life, the measures devised and \nsuggested during his brief administration to correct abuses and enforce \neconomy, to advance prosperity and promote the general welfare, to insure \ndomestic security and maintain friendly and honorable relations with the \nnations of the earth, will be garnered in the hearts of the people, and \nit will be my earnest endeavor to profit and to see that the nation shall \nprofit by his example and experience. Prosperity blesses our country; \n\n\n\n760 THE KATIOK. [1881 \n\nour fiscal policy as fixed by law is well grounded and generally approved ; \nno threatening issue mars our foreign intercourse, and the wisdom, in- \ntegrity, and thrift of our people may be trusted to continue undisturb- \ned the present assured career of peace, tranquillity, and welfare. The \ngloom and anxiety which have enshrouded the country must make repose \nespecially welcome now. No demand for speedy legislation has been \nheard; no adequate occasion is apparent for an unusual session of Con- \ngress. The Constitution defines the functions and powers of the Execu- \ntive as clearly as those of either of the other two departments of the Govern- \nment, and he must answer for the just exercise of the discretion it permits \nand the performance of the duties it imposes. Summoned to these high \nduties and responsibilities, and profoundly conscious of their magnitude \nand gravity, I assume the trust imposed by the Constitution, relying for aid \non Divine guidance and the virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the Ame- \nrican people." \n\nHe then issued a proclamation designating Monday, the 26th (the day \nappointed for the funeral of the President at Cleveland, Ohio), as a day of \nfasting, humiliation, and prayer throughout the country. The next day \n(Sept. 23) the President issued another proclamation, calling a session of \nthe TJ. S. Senate on Monday, October 10. \n\nFuneral services were conducted by Rev. Dr. Powers, of the Church of the \nDisciples in "Washington (of which the late President was a member), and other \nclergymen, on Friday, September 23, at three o\'clock in the afternoon, in the \npresence of a large number of members of Congress, also of those of the Supreme \nCourt, the Cabinet ministers, the diplomatic corps, officers of the Army and Navy, \nEx-Presidents Grant and Hayes, and other distinguished persons. After this \nservice the casket was borne to the hearse, adorned only by the wreath of \nflowers placed upon it by Queen Victoria, The hearse was escorted to the rail- \nway station by troops and a funeral cortege, and at about five o\'clock in the \nafternoon the funeral train left Washington for Cleveland, Ohio, where it arrived \non Saturday morning. There, beneath a catafalque in a spacious pavilion \nerected for the purpose of holding the final public funeral services, the body of \nPresident Garfield lay in state until about seven o\'clock on Monday morning. \nThe people from Northern Ohio flocked in immense numbers to Cleveland. All \nday and all night (the public square was illuminated at night by electric lights) \nthe people went in and out of the pavilion, passing the coffin. They walked in \nsolemn silence, four abreast. It was estimated that on Sunday nearly 10,000 \npersons so passed the coffin each hour, and that the whole number who joined in \nthat procession was fully 200,000. \n\nThe gate of entrance to the pavilion was spanned by a triple arch clothed in \nblack cloth, and adorned by many appropriate floral emblems. Before the outer \nface of the keystone was a floral ladder composed of white balsams, on the \nrounds of which were names indicating the progressive steps of the ascent of \nPresident Garfield in human greatness, \xe2\x80\x94 \'\'Chester, Hiram, WilUams, Ohio \n\n\n\n^^^\xe2\x80\xa23 Garfield\'s administration. 761 \n\nSenator, Colonel, General, Congressman, United States Senator, President, and \nMartyr." Chester was the little semmary where his education was begun; \nHiram is the small college which will be forever identified with his name, and \nWilliams is the college where he was graduated. \n\nOn Monday, Sept. 26, the pubUc funeral services were held in the paviHon at \nCleveland. They began at about eleven o\'clock in the morning, and did not \nend, at the cemetery, until about three o\'clock in the afternoon. They were \nopened by singing, and the reading of portions of Scripture by Bishop Bedell, \nof the Protestant Episcopal Church. Then followed a prayer by Rev. R. M. \nHoughton, of the Methodist Church, and an address by Rev. Dr. I. Errett, of \nCindnnati, of the Church of the Disciples. The service closed with a prayer by \nRev. Dr. Pomeroy. The casket was now removed to the funeral car, which was \ndrawn by twelve black horses, and an immense funeral procession moved along \nEuclid avenue to the Lake View Cemetery, where the body was placed in the \nreceiving vault by artillery-men, who had guarded it from the city to the place of \nburial. Within the portals of the vault were seen beautiful floral decorations. \nAmong them was a lyre sent from Washington by the Brazilian legation; also \na cross and crown sent by the Bolivian legation. The entrance to the vault \nwas strewn with tender evergreens and flowers. The burial service at the vault \nVas performed between the hours of two and three o\'clock in the afternoon, \ndtiring which time there fell a copious shower of rain. When the casket was \ncarried from the funeral car to the vault the only floral ornament upon it was \nthe wreath of flowers placed there by Queen Victoria. This mournful journey \nwas witnessed by the wife and aged mother of the deceased President from their \ncarriage. The ceremonies at the Cemetery were closed with remarks by the \nRev. Mr. Jones, who was the chaplain of General Garfield\'s Ohio Regiment (the \n42d) when it first entered the service in 1861. In the bosom of a knoll not far \nfrom the pubHc vault will be the final resting-place of the mortal remains of the \nlate Chief Magistrate of the Republic. Upon that spot it is proposed to erect a \nmagnificent monument to the memory of James Abpam Garfield. \n\n\n\nSUPPLEMENT, \n\n\n\nABOIIOLES OP CONFEDERATION. \n\nSo mAj u Jnlj, 1775, Doctor Franklin Bnbmitted to the consideraaon of CongT\xc2\xabu a iketeh \nof ijtiolM of Confederation between the colonies, \' limiting the duration of their Titality to tie \ntime when reconciliation with Great Britain should take place ; or, in the \xc2\xabvent of the failure of \nthat desirable result, to be perpetual. At that time, Congress seemed to have no fixed plans for \nthe future\xe2\x80\x94 the teeming present, with all its vast and novel concerns, engrossed their whole \nattention\xe2\x80\x94 and Dr. Franklin\'s plan seems not to have been discussed at all in the National Council. \nBut when a Declaration of Independence was proposed, that idea alone suggested the necessity \nof a confederation of the States to carry forward the work to a successful consummation. Con- \ngress, therefore, on the 11th of June, 1776, resolved that a committee should be appointed to \nprepare, and properly digest, a form of confederation to be entered into by the several States. \nThe committee appointed under the resolution consisted of one delegate from each state.\' John \nDickenson, of Pennsylvania, was chosen chairman, and through him the committee reported a \ndraft of Articles of Confederation on the 12th of July. Almost daily debates upon the subject \nensued until the 20th of August, when the report was laid aside, and was not taken up again for \nconsideration until the 8th of April, 1777. In the meanwhile, several of the States had adopted \nConstitutions for their respective government, and Congress was practically acknowledged the \nsupreme head in all matters appertaining to the war, public finances, &o. It emitted bills of \ncredit, or paper money, appointed foreign ministers, and opened negotiations with foreign govern- \nments. \n\nFrom the 8th of April until the 15th of November following, the subject was debated two or \nthree times a week, and several amendments were made. As the confederation might be a per- \nmanent bond of union, of course local interests were considered prospectively. If the union had \nbeen designed to be temporary, to meet the exigencies arising from the state of war in which the \ncolonies Uien were, local questions could hardly have had weight enough to have elicited debate ; \nbut such was not the case, and of course the sagacious men who were then in Congress looked \nbeyond the present, and endeavored to legislate accordingly. From the 7th of October until the \n15th of November, the debates upon it were almost daily, and the conflictmg interests of the sev- \neral States were strongly brought into view by the different speakers. On that day the following \ndraft, containing all of the amendments, was laid before Congress, and after a spirited debate \nwas adopted : \xe2\x80\x94 \n\nArticle 1. The style of this confederacy shall be, "The United States of America." \n\n1. Page 267. \n\n2. The committee consisted of Messrs. Bartlett, Samnel Adams, Hopkins, Sherman, R. R. LiTinf\'-",oa \nuickenson MoKean, Stone, Melaon^ Hewea, Edward Batledge, and Qwinnett. \n\n\n\nj\xc2\xab SUPPLEMENT. \n\nArticle 2. Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, \njurisdiction, and right, which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States \nin Congress assembled. \n\nArticle 3. The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each \nother for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general wel- \nfare ; binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon \nthem, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretense whatever. \n\nArticle 4. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and intercourse among the \npeople of the different States in this Union, the free inhabitants of each of these States, paupers, \nvagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities \nof free citizens in the several States ; and the people of each State shall have free ingress and \nregress to and from any other State, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and com- \nmerce, subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions, as the inhabitants thereof respect- \nively, provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property \nimported into any State to any other State, of which the owner is an inhabitant; provided, also, \nthat no imposition, duties, or restriction shall be laid by any State on the property of the United \nStates, or either of them. \n\nIf any person guilty of or charged with treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor, in any \nState, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of the United States, he shall upon demand of \nthe Governor or executive power of the State from which he fled, be delivered up and removed \nto the State having jurisdiction of his offense. \n\nFull faith and credit shall be given in each of these States to the records, acts, and judicial \nproceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State. \n\nArticle 5. For the more convenient management of the general interests of the United States, \ndelegates shall be annually appointed in such manner as the Legislature of each State shall direct, \nto meet in Congress on the first Monday in November in every year, with a power reserved to \neach State to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others \njn their stead for the remainder of the year. \n\nNo State shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor by more than seven members; \nand no person shall be capable of being a delegate for more than three years in any term of six \nyears ; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the United \nStates, for which he, or another for his benefit, receives any salary, fees, or emoluments of any \nkind. \n\nEach State shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the States, and while they act as \nmembers of the committee of the States. \n\nIn determining questions in the United States, in Congress assembled, each State shall have \none vote. \n\nFreedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court \nor place out of Congress ; and the members of Congress shall be protected in their persons from \narrests and imprisonments, during the time of their going to and from, and attendance on Con- \ngress, except for treason, felon}-, or breach of the peace. \n\nArticle 6. No State, without the consent of the United States, in Congress assembled, shall \nsend any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, \nalliance, or treaty, with any king, prince, or State ; nor shall any person holding any office of \nprofit or trust under the United States, or any of them, accept any present, emolument, office, or \ntitle of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign State ; nor shall the United States \nin Congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility. \n\nNo two or more States shall enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance whatever between \nthem, without the consent of the United States, in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the \npurposes for which the same is to be entered into and how long it shall continue. \n\nNo State shah lay any imposts or duties which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties \nentered into by the United States, in Congress assembled, with any king, prince, or State, in pur- \nsuance of any treaties already proposed by Congress to the courts of France and Spain. \n\nNo vessel of war shall be kept up in time of peace by any State, except such number only as \nshall be deemed necessary by the United States, in Congress assembled, for the defense of such \nState or its trade ; nor shall any body of forces be kept up by any State in time of peace, except \n\n\n\nARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. ilj \n\nBuch number only as in the judgment of the United States, in Congress assembled, shall b\xc2\xa9 \ndeemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defense of such State ; but every State \nshall always keep up a well-regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutered, \nand shall provide and have constantly ready for use, in pubhc stores, a due number of fleld-pieccs \nand tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp equipage. \n\nNo State shall engage in any war without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, \nunless such State be actually invaded by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a reso- \nlution being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such State, aud the danger is so imminent \nas not to admit of a delay till the United States, in Congress assembled, can be consulted ; nor \nshall any State grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, \nexcept it be after a declaration of war by the United States, in Congress assembled, and then \nonly against the kingdom or State, and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so- \ndeclared, and under such regulations as shall be established by the United States, in Congress- \nassembled, unless siich State be infested by pirates, in which case vessels of war may be fitted \nout for that occasion, and kept so long as the danger shall continue, or untU the United States, \nin Congress assembled, shall determine otherwise. \n\nArticle 7. When land forces are raised by any State for the common defense, all officers of or \nunder the rank of Colonel shall be appointed by the Legislature of eacla State respectively by \nwhom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such State shall direct, and all vacancies \nBhaU be filled up by the State which first made the appointment. \n\nArticle 8. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common \ndefense or general welfare, and allowed by the United States in Congress assembled, shall be \ndefrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several States in proportion \nto the value of aU land within each State granted to or surveyed for any person, as such land and \nthe buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated, according to such mode as the United \nStates, in Congress assembled, shall from time to time direct and appoint. \n\nThe taxes for paying that proportion shall be paid and leyied by the authority and direction \nof the Legislatures of the several States, within the time agreed upon by the United States, in \nCongress assembled. \n\nArticle 9. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have the sole and exclusive right \nand power of determining on peace and war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth article; \nof sending and receiving embassadors; entering into treaties and alliances \xe2\x80\x94 provided that no \ntreaty of commerce shall be made whereby the legislative power of the respective States shall be \nrestrained from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners as their own people are subjected \nto, or from prohibiting exportation or importation of any species of goods or commodities what- \nsoever; of establishing rules for deciding in all cases what captures on land or water shall be \nlegal, and in what manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United States, \nshall be divided or appropriated; of granting letters of marque and reprisal in times of peace ; ap- \npointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and establishing- \ncourts for receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of captures; provided that no \nmember of Congress shall be appointed a judge of any of the said courts. \n\nThe United States, in Congress assembled, shall also be the last resort, on appeal, in all dis- \nputes and differences now subsisting, or that hereafter may arise between two or more States \nconcerning boundarj^, jurisdiction, or any other cause whatever; which authority shall always be \nexercised in the manner following: whenever the legislative or executive authority or lawful \nagent of any State in controversy with another shall present a petition to Congress, stating \nthe matter in question, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given by order of \nCongress to the legislative or executive authority of the other State in controversy, and a day \nassigned for the appearance of the parties, by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to \nappoint, by joint consent, commissioners or judges to constitute a court for hearing and determin- \ning the matter in question; but if they can not agree, Congress shall name three persons out of \neach of the United States, and from the list of such persons each party shall alternately strike \nout one, the petitioners beginning, until the number shall be reduced to thirteen ; and from that \nnumber not less than seven, nor more than nine names, as Congress shall direct, shall, in the \npresence of Congress, be drawn out by lot; and the persons whose names shall be so drawn, oi \nany five of them, shall be commissioners or judges, to hear and finally determine the cont^ove^sy^ \n\n\n\nIv SrPPLEMEXT. \n\nso always as a major part of the judg-es. who sliall hear the cause, shall agree in the determina-\' \nlion ; and if either party shall neglect to attend ai the da\\\' appointed, without showing reasons \nwhich Congress shall judge sufficient, or, being present, shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall \nproceed to nominate three persons out of each State, and the Secretary of Congress shall strike in \nbehalf of such person absent or refusing ; and the judgment and sentence of the court, to be \nappointed in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and conclusive ; and if any of the parties \nsliall refuse to submit to the authority of such court, or to appear, or to defend their claim or \n\xe2\x96\xa0cause, the court shall nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence or judgment, which shaU in \nlike manner be final and decisive \xe2\x80\x94 the judgment or sentence and other proceedings Ijcing in either \ncase transmitted to Congress, and lodged among the acts of Congress for the security of the \nparties concerned ; jirovided that every commissioner, before he sits in judgment, shall take an \noath, to be administered by one of the judges of the Supreme or Superior Court of the State, \nwhere the cause shall be tried, " well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, \naccording to the best of his judgment, without favor, affection, or hope of reward;" provided, also, \nthat no State shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the United States. \n\nAll controversies concerning tlio private right of soil, claimod under different grants of two or \nmore States, whose jurisdiction as th6y may respect such lands, and the States which passed \n3uch grants are adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same time claimed to have \noriginated antecedent to such settlement of jurisdiction, shall, on the petition of either party to \nthe Congress of the United States, be finally determined, as near as may be, in the same manner \nas is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting territorial jurisdiction between different \nStates. \n\nThe United States, in Congress assembled, shall also have the sole and exclusive right \nand power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own authority or by that of \nthe respective States ; fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the United States ; \nregulating the trade and managing all aflairs with the Indians not members of any of the States \xe2\x80\x94 \nprovided that the legislative right of any State within its own limits be not infringed or violated; \nestablishing and regulating post-offices from one State to another throughout all the United \nStates, and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same as may be requisite to \ndefray the expenses of the said office ; appointing all officers of the land forces in the service of \nthe United States, excepting regimental officers ; appointing all the ofiicers of the naval forces, \nand commissioning all ofBcers whatever in the service of the United States ; making rules for the \ngovernment and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and directing their operations. \n\nThe United States, in Congress assembled, shall have authority to appoint a committee to sit \nin the recess of Congress, to be denominated " a Committee of the States," and to consist of one \ndelegate from each State ; and to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be \nnecessary for managing the general afiairs of the United States under their direction; to appoint \none of their number to preside, provided that no person be allowed to serve in the oflSce of \nPresident more than one year in any terra of three years ; to ascertain the necessarj\'^ sums \nof money to be raised for the service of the United States, and to appropriate and apply the \nsame for defraying the public expenses ; to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the \nUnited States \xe2\x80\x94 transmitting every half year to the respective States an account of the sums of \nmoney so borrowed or emitted ; to build and equip a navy ; to agree upon the number of land \nforces, and to make requisitions from each State for its quota, in proportion to the number of \nwhite inhabitants in such State, which requisition shaU be binding, and thereupon the Legis- \nlature of each State shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men, and clotlie, arm, and \nequip them, in a soldier-like manner, at the expense of the United States ; and the officers and \nmen so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time \nagreed on by the United States, in Congress assembled ; but if the United States, in Congress \nassembled, shall, on consideration of circumstances, judge proper that any State should not raise \nmen, or should raise a smaller number than its quota, or that any other State should raise a \ngreater number of men than the quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, ofiScered, \nclothed, armed, and equipped, in tlie same manner as the quota of such State, unless the Legis- \nlature of such State shall judge that such extra number can not be safely spared out of the \nsame ; in which case they shall raise, officer, clothe, arm, and equip, as many of such extra num- \n\xe2\x96\xa0ber as they judge can be safely spafed. And the officers and men so clothed, armed, and \n\n\n\nARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. y \n\nequipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United \nStates, in Congress assembled. \n\nThe United States, in Congress assembled, shall never engage in a war, nor grant letters of \nmarque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor \nregulate tlie value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for the defense and \nwelfare of the United States, or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of \nthe United States, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to \nbe built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commande- \nin-chief of the army or navy, unless nine States assent to the same ; nor shall a question on any \nother point, except for adjourning from day to day, be determined unless by the votes of \na majority of the United States, in Congress assembled. \n\nThe Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any time within the year, \nand to any place within the United States, so that no period of adjournment be for a longer \nduration than the space of six months; and shall publish the journal of their proceedings \nmonthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or military operations, as \nin their judgment require secresy ; and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each State on any \nquestion, shall be entered on the journal when it is desired by any delegate ; and the delegates of \na State or any of them, at his or their request, shall be furnished with a transcript of the said \njournal, except such parts as are above excepted, to lay before the Legislatures of the several \nStates. \n\nArticle 10. The committee of the States, or any nine of them, shall be authorized to execute, \nin the recess of Congress, such of the powers of Congress as the United States, in Congress \nassembled, by the consent of nine States, shall from time to time think expedient to vest them \nwith; provided that no power be delegated to the said committee, for the exercise of which, by \nthe articles of confederation, the voice of nine States, in the Congress of the United States \nassembled, is requisite. \n\nArticle 11. Canada, acceding to this confederation, and joining in the measures of the United \nStates, shall be admitted into, and entitled to, all the advantages of this union; but no other \ncolony shall be admitted into the same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine States. \n\nArticle 12. All b\'Us of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts contracted, by or under \nthe authority of Congress, before the assembhng of the United States, in pursuance of the present \nconfederation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States, for \npayment and satisfaction whereof the said United States and the pub he faith are hereby solemnly \npledged. \n\nArticle 13. Every State shall abide by the decision of the United States, in Congress \nassembled, on all questions which, by this confederation, are submitted to them. And the \narticles of this confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union shall be \nperpetual ; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them, unless such \nalteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be afterward confirmed by the \nLegislature of every State. \n\nCongress directed these Articles to be submitted to the Legislatures of the several States, and, \nif approved of by them, they were advised to authorize their delegates to ratify the same \nin Congress, by affixing their names thereto. \n\nNotwithstanding there was a general feeling that something must be speedily done, the State \nLegislatures were slow to adopt the Articles. In tlie first place, they did not seem to accord with \nthe prevailing sentiments of the people, as set forth in the Declaration of Independence ; and in \nmany things that Declaration and the Articles of Confederation were manifestly at variance. The \nformer was based upon declared right ; the foundation of the latter was asserted power. The \nformer was based upon a superintending Providence, and the inalienable rights of man ; the lat- \n\'ter resting upon the " sovereignty of declared power ; one ascending from the foundation of \nhuman government, to the laws of nature and of nature\'s God, written upon the heart of man ; \ntlie other resting upon the basis of human institutions, and prescriptive law, and colonial char- \nters."\' Agam, the system of representation proposed was highly objectionable, because each \n\n1. John Quincy Adams\'s Jubilee Discourse, 1839. \n\n\n\nVI \n\n\n\nSUPPLEMENT. \n\n\n\nState was entitled to the same voice in Congress, whatever might be the difference in populatioo. \nBut the most objectionable feature of all was, that the limits of the several States, and also in \nwhom was vested the control or possession of the crown-lands, was not only unadjusted, but \nwholly unnoticed. These and other defects caused most of the States to hesitate, at first, to \nadopt the Articles, and several of them for a long time utterly refused to accept them. \n\nOn the 22d of June, 1778, Congress proceeded to consider the objections of the States to the \nArticles of Confederation, and on the 27th of the same month, a form of ratification was adopted \nand ordered to be engrossed upon parchment, with a view that the same should be signed by \nsuch delegates as were instructed so to do by their respective Legislatures. \n\nOn the 9th of July, the delegates of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecti- \ncut, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and South Carolina signed the Articles. The delegates \nfrom New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland were not yet empowered to ratify and sign. Georgia \nand North Carolina were not represented, and the ratification of New York was conditioned that \nall the other States should ratify. The delegates from North Carolina signed the Articles on the \n21st of July ; those of Georgia on the 24tli of the same month ; those of New Jersey, on the 26th \nof November; and those of Delaware, on the 22d of February and 5th of May, 1779. Maryland \nstiU firmly refused to ratify, until the question of the conflicting claims of the Union and of th* \nseparate States to the crown-lands should be fully adjusted. This point was finally settled by \ncessions of claiming States to the United States, of all unsettled and unappropriated lands for the \nbenefit of the whole Union. This cession of the crown-lands to the Union originated the Terri- \ntorial system, and the erection of the Northwestern Territory into a distinct government, \nsimilar to the existing States, Imving a local legislature of its own. The insuperable objection \nof Maryland having been removed by the settlement of this question, her delegates signed the \nArticles of Confederation on the first day of March, 1781, four years and four months after they \nwere adopted by Congress.\' By this act of Maryland, they became the organic law of the Union, \nand on the 2d of March Congress assembled under the new powers. \n\n1. The following are the names of the delegates from the several States appended to the Articles of Confederation:-\' \n\nIffw Hampshire^ Josiah Bartlett, John Wentworth^ Jr. \n\nMassachusetts Bay, John Hancock, Samuel Adams, Elbridge Gerry, Francis Dana, James Lovell, Samuel Holten. \n\nRhodt Island, William Ellery, Henry Marchant, John ColUns. \n\nConnecticut, Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, Oliver Wolcott, Titua Hosmer, Andrew Adams. \n\nJVew York, James Duane, Francis Lewis, William Duer, Gouverneur Morris. \n\nJfew Jerset/, John Witherspoon, Nathaniel Scudder. \n\nPennsylvania, Robert Morris, Diiniel Roberdeau, Jonathan Bayard Smith, William Clingai, Joseph Reed. \n\nDelaware, Thomas McKean, John Dickenson, Nicholas Van Dyke. \n\nMaryland, John Hanson, Daniel Carroll. \n\nVirginia, Richard Henry Lee, John Banister, Thomas Adams, John Harvie, Francis Lightfoot Lee. \n\nNorth Carolina, John Penn, Cornelius Harnett, John Williams. \n\nScmth Carolina, Henry Laurens, William Henry Drayton, Jonathan Matthews, Richard HutsoB, Thomas Hejward, J\xc2\xab \n\nOtergitt, John Walton, Edward TelC\xc2\xbbir, Edward Langworthy. \n\n\n\n11. \n\n\n\nTHE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION.^ \n\n\n\n\nWb the People of the United States,* in order to form a more perfect Union, establish Jnstfc^ \n\n\n\n1. In U53, the writer made a very careful copy of the Constitution of the United States, from the original in the State Department nt \nWashington City, together with the autographs of the mi-mbers of the Convention who signed it. In orthography, capital letters, and puDC- \ntaation, the copy here given may be relied upon as correct, it having been subsequently carefully compared with a copy poblished by Mr\xc2\xbb \nHickey, in his useful little volume, entitled M\xc2\xab CorulitiUion oftht United Stales of America, etc., and attested, on the 20th of July, 1846, by^ \nNicholas P. Trist, Chief Clerk of the State Department, \n\nThe most prominent American writers upon constitutional law, are the late Justice Story and Chancellor Kent Joseph Story was born at \nMarblehead, Massachusetts, in September, 1779, and was educated at Harvard University. He studied law ; and soon, on entering upon his \npractice, took a prominent position. He was a member of hia State Legislature, and of the National Congress, and was chiefly instrumental ia \neffecting the repeal of the Embargo Act (page 403). He was only thirty-two years of age when President Madison made him an associate of \nthe Supreme Court of the United States. From that time he discarded poliiics. In commercial and constitutional law he was peerles*. Hl\xc2\xbb \nCommerUariei on the ConetittUion of the United States, published in three volumes, in 1833, will ever be a standard work. Judge Story disd at \nCambridge, Massachusetts, Id September, 1845, at the age of sixty-six years. His own words, applied to another, may be appropriately said, \nof him : " Whatever subject he touched was touched with a master\'s hand and spirit. He employed his eloquence to adorn his learning, and \nhis learning to give solid weight to his eloquence. He was always instructive and interesting, and rarely without producing an Instantaneous \nconviction. A lofty ambition of excellence, that stirring spirit which breathes the breath of Heaven, and pants for immortality, sustained his. \ngenius in its perilous course." \n\n8> Preyions to the Beyolution, there were three forms of government la the Coloniu, namely Charter, Proprietary, and Trovineial, Ttm \n\n\n\ny^ SUPPLEMENT. \n\ninsure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote \nOlff^ct*. the general "Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves \n\nand our Posterity,\' do ordain and establish this Constitution for the \nUnited States of America. \n\nARTICLE I. \n\nSection 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Con- \n\nJLeffUlative Powers, gress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of \n\nRepresentatives.\'\' \n\nSection 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second \n\nYear by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State \n\nJRWM ofRepreamta- gj^^jj Yia,\\Q the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous \n\nBranch of the State Legislature.\' \n\nNo\' Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty-five \n\nYears, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall \n\n^"^Zntativ^^^^\'\' not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State\' in which he shall be \n\nchosen.* \n\nRepresentatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may \n\nbe included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, \n\nApportionrnmto/Hep- which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, \n\nresentatives. including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indiana \n\nnot taxed, three-fifths of all other Persons.^ The actual Enumeration shall \n\nbe made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and \n\nwithin every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The \n\nNumber of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand ; but each State shall \n\nhave at Least one Representative ; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New \n\nHampshire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence \n\nPlantations one, Connecticut five. New York six. New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware \n\none, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five. South Carohna five, and Georgia three.\xc2\xae \n\nWhen vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Execu- \ntive Authority thereof shaU issue "Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies. \nSpeaker, haw The House of Representatives shaU chuse their Speaker and other Offi- \n\napp^nted. cers ; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment. \n\nSection 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two \n^fi^ome^TtatZ* Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six Years ; \nand each Senator shall have one Vote.\' \n\ndh\xc2\xabrt\xc2\xabr govemmeiita were Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island, They had power to umke lawa not mcoDsistent with those of Eng- \nlaacl. The- proprietary governments were Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Delaware. Their governors were appointed by their proprietors, and \nfhnwf mni the proprietors usually made the laws. The provincial were New Hampshire, New York, New Jersey, Virginia, North Carolina, \nSffitb Carolina, and Georgia. In these the governor and hia council were appointed by the crown, and these, with chosen representatives of \nttc people, made the laws. \n\nThe Union is older than the Constitution. It was formed in the first Continental Congress (page 228), by the representatives of thirteen \nnpoate but not independent nor sovereign provinces, for they had ever been subject to the British crown. Then the inhabitants of those \nc\xc2\xbb1onie\xc2\xbb were solemnly leagued as one people, and two years later (see page 252) they declared themselves collectively independent of \nGnat Britain, and recognized the supremacy of the Continental Congress as a central government. See Curtis\'s Ilialory of the Constitvlion, i. \n39^401. The plan of independent Stale governments then adopted huviug failed, a national one was formed, and the framera of the Constitu- \ntSoOjtogive-emphasia to the fact, said in the preamble of the Instrument, "We the people of the United States," instead of "We the peopl* \n\xc2\xabf Meaaachusetts, New York," et cetera. So argued the Supreme Court. See Wkeaton\'s S. C. RepoHe, i. 301. \n\nI* Six objects, it ia seen, were to be obtained, each having a national breadth of purpose. \n\n1. The members of the House of Representatives are elected to seats therein fur two years, and they hold two regular sessloui or alttiDgi \n\xe2\x80\xa2Anfng-that time. Each full term is called a Congress. Senators are elected by the State legialatures, to serve for six years. \n\na. There ia a Senate and House of Representativea, or Assembly, in each State. Any person qualified to vote for a member of bii Stata \nJUacmhIy, may vote for a member of the National House of Representatives. \n\n4. A person born in a foreign country, may be elected a representative after he has been for seven years a citizen of the United States. \n\n5. It has been dei;ided that this does not restrict tlie power of imposing direct taxes, to States only. The Congress of the Cnitea 6late\xc2\xab \nlas power to do so, but only for the purpose of paying the national debts and providing for the national welfare. See Kent\'s Commemariet \n\xe2\x80\xa2u-rtf Constitution, abridged edition, page 330. Direct taxes had been laid three times by the National Congress, previous to the Great Ul\'vil \nWsu- that broke out in 1S61, namely, in 1198, 1813, and 1815. The "other persona" here mentioned were slaves. In making the apportlon- \nm\xc2\xabit, every five slaves were accounted three persons. The Thirteenth Amendment of the Constitution (see page 756) renders this sentence s \n*=\xc2\xabi letter. \n\n\xc2\xa3. The apportionment is made as soon aa practicable after eich enumeration of the inhabitants ia completed. The ratio based on the cen- \nooaof 1790, was one Representative for every 33,000 persons. The ratio according to the census of 1360, was one for every 127,316 peraons. \n\n1. This gives perfect equality to the States, in one portion of the legislative branch of the Government. The small CVites of Rhode laUad \nand Delaware have as much power in the National Senate as the large ones of New York and Ohio. \n\n\n\nTHE XATIOXAL CONSTITUTION. [^ \n\nImmediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first Election, they sliall ba \ndivided as equally as may be into three Classes. The Seats of tlie Senators \nof the first Class shall be vacated at the E.xpiration of the Second Year, of classification \xc2\xabf \nthe second Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class Senatorn. \n\nat the Expiration of the sixth Year, so that one third may be chosen every \neecond year;i and if Vacancies happen by Resignation or otherwise, during the Recess of tl* \nLegislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next \nMeeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies. \n\nNo person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of \nthirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States,\' and who Qualification of \n^haU not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be Senators. \n\nchosen. \n\nThe Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, \nbut shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided.^ ^\'\'^\'t^fsenftT\'^ \n\nThe Senate shall choose their other Officers,\'\' and also a President pro \ntempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the \nOffice of President of the United States. \n\nThe Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments:* "When Senate a court for \nsitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath, or Affirmation. When ^\'"\'"^ ""^ impeachmsntt. \nthe President of the LTnited States is tried, the Chief-Justice shall preside : \nand no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members \npresent. \n\nJudgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to J^idgmenfinca\xc2\xab\xc2\xabef \nremoval from Office, and Disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of *^""\'\' "\'"\' \n\nHonor, Trust, or Profit under the LTnited States : but the party convicted \nshall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment, and Punishment, acconJ\xe2\x80\x94 \ning to Law.\xc2\xae \n\nSection 4. The Times, Places, and Manner of holding Elections for Sen- \nators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legis- Mecti&ns ofSenatmt \nlature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such *\'"\xe2\x96\xa0*\' Bepresentative*. \nRegulations, except as to the places of chusing Senators.\'\' \n\nThe Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and such \nmeeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by Law Meeting of Congrttit^ \nappoint a different day.\xc2\xae \n\nSection 5. Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns, and Qualifications of its= \nown Members, and a Majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do \nBusiness; but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day, and may Organization <f \nbe authorized to compel the Attendance of absent Members, in such man- Congress. \n\nner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide. \n\nEach House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its \nMembers for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Concurrence of two thirds^ Rule\xc2\xab of proceeding \nexpel a Member. \n\nEach House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to Journal of Congrest. \ntime publish the same,^ excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment \n\n1. This ia a wise provision. It leaves representatives of the people in that branch, at all times, familiar with the legislation thereof; aod \ntherefore more eCBcient than if an entirely new delegation should be chosen at the end of six years. \n\n5. This was to allow a foreign-born citizen to make himself familiar with our institutions, before he should be eligible to a seat in tliji \nhighest legislative hall. \n\n3. He is not a representative of any State. By this arrangement, the equality of the States is preserved. \n\n4. Secretary, clerk, aergeant-at-arms, door-keeper, and postmaster. \n\n5. The House of Representatives, it will be observed, accuse the alleged offender, and the Senate constitutes the court whereia ke is trin*. \n\n6. This was a modification of the British Constitution, giving greater exclusive jurisdiction to the National Judiciary. In Great Britain, \nthe House of Commons accuses, and the House of Lords (answering to our Senate) tries the offender. The latter is also invested with power \nto punish in every form known t\xc2\xab the laws, by ordering the infliction of fines, imprisonments, forfei ure of goods, banishment, and death. \n\n7. This provision was to prevent the mischief that might arise at a time of intense party excitement, when the very existence of the \nNational Congress might be at the mercy of the Stale Legislatures. The place of choosing the Senators is where the SUte Legislatuie shall \nbe in session at the time. \n\nS. This secured an annual meeting of tie National Legislature beyond the control of State legislation. The second, or laet MMi<n of every \nI\'ongreas (note 3, page 366), expires at twelve o\'clock at noon on the 4th of March. \n\n9. The object is to preserve, for the use of the sovereign people, and make public for their benefit, every \xc2\xabct of I \n\n\n\nX SUPrLEMENT. \n\nrequire Secresy;\' and the Teas and Nays of tlie Members of either House on any question shall, \ngit the Desire of one fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal." \n\n, ,. ^ . Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the Con- \n\n-Aajoiimmsnt of r> i i n /. o > i \n\n\xc2\xa3ongr.e8i. sent 01 the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other Place \n\nthan that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.\' \nAction G. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation for their Services. \nto be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States.* \nCempensaUon and They shall in all cases, except Treason, Felony, and Breach of the Peace, be \nprivileges o/members. privileged from Arrest during, their Attendance at the Session of their re- \nspective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same ; and for any \nSpeech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place.^ \n\nNo Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed \n\nto any civil Office under the Authority of the United States, which shall have \n\nJ>lwrality of offices been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been increased during \n\njprohiUted. gm>i^ ^^jj^g . ^nd no Person holding any office under the United States, shall \n\nbe a Member of either House during his Contmuance in office."^ \n\nSection 7. All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of \nBilU, how originated. Representatives : but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments \nas on other Bills.\'\' \nEvery Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, suuU, before \nit become a La vv, be presented to the President of the United States : if he \nHow UUshecome. approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections, to \nthat House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections \nat large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it." If, after such Reconsideration, two thirds \n\xe2\x80\xa2of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the \n\xe2\x96\xa0other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that \nHouse, it shaU become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be deter- \nsmined by Yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be \nentered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the \nPresident within ten Days (Sunday excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the \nSame shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjourn- \nment prevent its Return, in whicli Case it shall not be a Law. \n\nEvery Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate and House of \nRepresentatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment), \nApproval and veto shah be presented to the President of the United States; and before the \npowers 0/ President. Same shall take Effect, shaU be approved by him, or being disapproved by \nhim, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representa- \ntives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill\' \nSection 8. The Congress shall have power \xe2\x80\x94 \ntPoioers nested in To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts, and Excises ; to pay the Debts \n\nCongress. g^^^ provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United \n\nStates; but all Duties, Imposts, and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States; ^^ \n\n1. There are occasioaa when the public good requires secret legislation, and a withholding fr.im the people a knowledge of measures dis- \n\xe2\x80\xa2cusaed \xc2\xbbBa adopted In Congress, as in a time of war, of insurrection, or of very important diplomatic negotiations. \n\n2. The object of this is to make a permanent record of the votes of members, so that the constituents of each may know their action on \nSraportast \xe2\x96\xa0questions. It is a salutary regulation. \n\n3. This \'is to prevent a majority, in either House, from interrupting, for more than three days, the legislation of Congress. \n\n4. Formerly the members were paid a certain amount per day, with n specified amount for each mile traveled in going to and returning \n4Vora the National capital. The present compensation is a filed sum for each Congress, with mileage. \n\n5 This was to prevent the interruption of their duties, during the session of Congress, and to give them perfect freedom of speech. \n\n6. This serves as a check to the increase of the power of the eiecutive over the legislative department of the Government, by the mean. \n\xe2\x80\xa2rS appointment to office. It prevents wide-spread political corruption. A person holding an office, when elected to Congress, is compelled to \nB-csign it before he can tike his seat. \n\n7. The members of the House of Representatives are more immediately elected by the people, and are supposed to better understand the \n"ivishea \xc2\xabnd wants of their constituents, than those of the Senate. The Senate, being the representative of the equality of the States, staudj \n.^\xe2\x96\xa0< a check to legislation that might impose too heavy taxation on the smaller States. \n\na This power is given to the President to arrest hasty or unconstitutional legislation, and to operate as a check on the encroachment on the \nfrights asd powers of one department over another, by legislation. It is not absolute, as the context shows, as it may be set aside by a vote of \nffiwo thirds of the members cf the Senate and House "f Representatives, who passed it. \n\n9. This requirement is made that Congress may not pass, with the name of order, resolution, or vote, what, as a bill, the President has \nalready vetoed, as his method of returning a bill, with his objections, is called. \n\nJO. The power of Congress to (ay and collect dutiti, Ac, for national purposes, extends to the District of Columbia, and to the TerritoriM \n\n\n\nTHE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION. \n\nTo borrow Money on the credit of the United States ;\' \n\nTo regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the \nIndian tribes ;" \xe2\x80\xa2 \n\nTo establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization,\' and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankrupt \ncies * throughout the United States ; \n\nTo coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of \n"Weights and Measures ; * \n\nTo provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United \nStates ; \n\nTo establish Post Offices and Post Roads ; \n\nTo promote the progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors \nand Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective "Writings and Discoveries \xe2\x80\xa2 \xc2\xb0 \n\nTo constitute Tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court ; \n\nTo define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Ofiences against \nthe Law of Nations ; \' \n\nTo declare "War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures \noil Land and Water ; \n\nTo raise and support Armies ; but no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer \nTerm than two Years ; \n\nTo provide and maintain a Navy ; \n\nTo make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the Land and Naval Forces \xe2\x80\xa2 \n\nTo provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrec- \ntions, and repel Invasions; \n\nTo provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the Militia, and for governing such Part \nof them as may be employed in the Service of the United States \xe2\x80\x94 reserving to the States respect- \nively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to tha \nDiscipline prescribed by Congress ; \xc2\xb0 \n\nTo exercise exclusive Legislation in aU Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding \nten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become \nthe Seat of the Government of the United States,* and to exercise like Authority over all Places \n. purcliased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erec- \ntion of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, Dockyards, and other needful Buildings ; \xe2\x80\x94 And \n\nTo make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the fore- \ngoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United \nStates, or in any Department or Officer thereof. \n\nSection 9. The Migration or Importation -of such Persons as any of the Immigrants, h/rw \nStates now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by a mt e . \n\no\' the United States, as well as to the States ; but Congress is DOt bound to extend a direct tax to the District and Territories. The stipnla- \n-tion that the taxes. &c., shall be uniform throughout the United States, is to prevent favors being shown to one State ors\xc2\xa3ction of the Repub- \nlic, and not to .-mother. \n\n1. This was to enable the Government to provide for its expenses at a time of domestic insurrection or a foreign war, when the lource* 0/ \nrevenue by taxation and impost, might be obstructed. \n\n2. This power was lacking, under the Articles of Confederation. It is one of the most important powers delegated by the people to their \nrepresentatives, for it involves national development and prosperity. \n\n3. The power of naturalization was posseGsed by each State under the Confederation. There was such want of uniformity of laws on the \n\xc2\xabubjoct, that confusion was already manifested, when the people, by the Constitution, vested the power exclusively in Congress. Thus * \nState is prohibited from discouraging emigration, or casting hinderances in the way of obtaining citizenship. By \xc2\xab recent decision of the \nAttorney-General of the Republic, every person born within its borders is entitled to the rights of citizenship. It is a birthright \n\n4. Since the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, a State has authority to pa\xc2\xabs a bankrupt law, provided such law does not \nimpair the obligations of contracts within the meaning of the Constitution (art. i, sec. 10), and provided there be no act of Congress in force \nto establish a uniform system of bankruptcy conflicting with such law. \n\n6. This was to insure uniformity in the metallic currency of the Republic, and of weights and measures, for the beneflt of the people Im \ncommercial operations. \n\n6. The first copy-right law was enacted in 1790, on the petition of David Ramsay, the historian, and others. A copy-right, or pateat-rlfbt \nto an invention, is given for a specified time. A copy-right is granted for 88 years, and a renewal for H years. Patents are granUd for 11 \nyears, without the right of extension. \n\n7. Congress has power to provide for the punishment of offences committed by persons on board of an American ship, wherever th\xc2\xbbt ship \n\n8. Clauses II to 16 inclusive, define the war powers of the Government, such as granting licenses to privateers (see page 377. and note 6, \npage 641), raising and supporting armed forces on land and sea, calling out the militia, Ac. See Article II. of the AmendmenU to thl\xc2\xbb CoD- \natitution. These powers, used by the hand of an eflii lent and judicious Executive, are quite sufficient. The President csnnot eiercis* any of \nthem, until the power is given him by Congress, when he is bound by his oath to take care that all the laws aball be executed. \n\n\xc2\xbb. Congress has auhority to impose a direct tax on the District of Columbia (not* I, page 383), in proportion to the census dlrecUd bjr tk* \nCoBstitution to be taken. \n\n\n\nXii SUrPLEMENT. \n\nthe Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eiglit, but a Tax or Duty may be \nimposed on sueh Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person.^ \n\nThe Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus^ shall not be suspended^ \nEdbeas Corpus. unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may \nrequire it. \nAttainder. j^o Bill of Attainder^ or ex post Facto law shall be passed/ \n\nNo Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion to \nTaxei. ^\\^Q Census or Enumeration herein before directed to be taken.\' \n\nNo Tax or Duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. \nNo Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or \nBegulatiom regard- Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another ; nor shall Vessels \ning u es. bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in \n\nanother.\xc2\xae \n\nNo Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Ap- \nMoney, how drawn, propriations made by law ; and a regular Statement and Account of the \nReceipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time \nto time.\' \n\nNo Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States : And no \nTitles of nobility Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the \nprohibited. Consent of the Congress, accept of any Present, Emolument, Office, or Title, \n\nof any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or Foreign State." \nSection 10. No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation ; grant Letters \nof Marque and Reprisal ; coin Money ; emit Bills of Credit ; make any Thing \nPowers of States but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts ; pass any Bill of \ndefined. Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, \n\nor grant any Title of Nobility. \nNo State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or \nExports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection Laws : and the \nMet Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the \nUse of the Treasury of the United States ; and aU such Laws shall be subject to the Revision \nand Controul of the Congress. \n\nNo State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of Tonnage, keep Troops, oi \nShips-of-War in time of Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with \na foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will \nnot admit of Delay.* \n\nARTICLE II. \n\nExecutive power, in SECTION 1. The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the \nwhom vested.\' United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of \n\n1. The object of this clause was to end the slave-trade, or the importation of negroes from Africa, to become slaves in the United States, \nafter the first of January, 180S. The Articles of Confederation allowed any State to continue the traffic indefinitely, for the States were inde- \npendent of each other, and the organic law was silent on the subject. The importation of slaves after the beginning of ISOS, was prohibited \nunder severe penalties by ihe Act of March 2, 1807. Acts on the subject have since been passed by Congress from time to time. That of 1820 \ndeclared the foreign slave-trade to be piracy. In July, 1862, Congress made provisions for carrying into effect a treaty with Great Britain for \nthe suppression of the slave-trade. A domestic slave-trade was kept up nntil the beginning of the Civil War, in 1861. It was Virginia\'s \nlargest source of revenue. \n\n2. This is a writ for delivering a person from false imprisonment, or for removing a person from one court to another. The act of suf \npending the privilege of the writ must be done by the Executive, in the cases specified, under the authority of an Act of Congress. \n\n3. A deprivation of power to inherit or transmit property, a lose of civil rights, 4c. \n\n4. Declaring an act criminal or penal, which was innocent when committed. \n6. This was to secure uniformity in taxes laid on persons or on lands. \n\n6. To secure free trade between the States, that one might not have an advantage over another, was the object of these two clauMi. \n\n7. This gives to Congress the control of the money belonging to the Republic, and places it beyond the reach of the Executive. \n\n8. This was to secure equality of rights and privileges among the citizens, and to check the bad effects of foreign influences in the form of \naristocratic distinctions. \n\n\xc2\xbb. By this section the people of the several States who, in conventions, ratified the National Constitution, invested the General Govern- \nment with the supreme attributes of sovereignty exclusively, while reserving to themselves, or their respective commonwealths, the power* \npeculiar to the municipal authority of a State, which are essential to the regulation of iU internal affairs, and the preservation of it\xc2\xabdome\xc2\xabti\xc2\xab \ninstitutions from interference by another State, or by the National Government in a time of domestic tranquillity. The National Governmenl \nis hereby empowered to act for the people of the whole R\xc2\xabpublic ae a nation. Having no superior, it is sovereign. See Story\'s Oi>mm\xc2\xabiU\xc2\xabri\xc2\xab\xc2\xab \n\xc2\xbbn tht CtnMitvti<m, chapter iixv. \n\n\n\ni \n\n\n\nTHE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION. xiii \n\nfour Years,\' and together with the Tice President, chosen for the same Term, be elected, as \nfollows : \n\nEach State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of \nElectors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to \nwhich the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Repre- presidential electors. \nsentative, or Person holding an OflBce of Trust or Profit under the United \nStates, shall be appointed an Elector. \n\n[The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for two persons, ot \nwhom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with them- \nselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the ^\'\xe2\x96\xa0\xc2\xab\xc2\xab*\'^\xc2\xab!\\< (^^^ T^\xc2\xabc\xc2\xab- \n\n\xe2\x80\x9e ~ , ,.,,., , ,r . President, how \n\nnumber of votes for each; which list they shall sign and certify, and trans- elected. \n\nmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to \n\nthe President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate \nand House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The- \nperson having the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such number be a majority \nof the whole number of electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such \nmajority, and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immedi- \nately chuse by ballot one of them for President ; and if no person have a majority, then from \nthe five highest on the list the said House shall in like manner chuse the President. But in \nchusing the President, the votes shall be taken by States \xe2\x80\x94 the representation from each State \nhaving one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two \nthirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. In every \ncase, after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the \nelectors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal \nvotes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice President.^] \n\nThe Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, and the Time of choosing \nDay on which they shall give their Votes; which Day shall be the same eetots. \n\nthroughout the United States." \n\nNo Person except a natural born Citiaen, or a Citizen of the United States at the tim^of the \nAdoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President; \nneither shall any person be eligible to that Office who shall not have at- QuaUficafions of the \ntained to the Age of thirty-five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident Prestdent. \n\nwithin the United States. \n\nIn Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or \nInability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said office, the same \nshall devolve on the Vice President* and the Congress may by Law provide jteaort in case of hi\xc2\xbb \nfor the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation or Inability, both of the Presi- disaUUty. \n\ndent and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, \nand such ofiBicer shall act accordingly, until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be- \nelected.\' \n\nThe President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, a Compen- \nsation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the Period for Salary of the Presi- \nwhich he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that \'^*"\'- \n\nPeriod any other Emolument from the United States, or any of them.\xc2\xb0 \n\nBefore he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shaU take the follow- Oath of Qffic\xc2\xab. \ning Oath or AfiBrmation : \n\n1 The Executive is a co-ordinate but not coequal branch of the Government with the legislative, for he is the agent provided in the Con- \n\xe2\x96\xa0titution for executing the laws of a superior, the Congress or legislature. \n\n2. This clause was afterward annulled, and Article XII. of the Amendments to this Constitution was substituted for it Originally th. \n.lectors voted by ballot, for two persons, one of whom, at leas!, should not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves. The one who- \nreceived the highest number of votes was declared to be President, and the one receiving the next highest number was declared to be Vice- \nPresident, For an example, see page 383. \n\n3. See Amendments to the Constitution, Article XII. By an Act passed in 1845 (January 23), the electors must be chosen, in each State, on \nthe Tuesday next after the first Monday in the month of November of the year in which they are to be elected. In the preceding portion ol \nthis history, when the election of a President is spolsen of, it is meant that electors favorable to such candidates were chosen at that time. \n\n4. For examples, see piiges 476, 501, and Til. \n\n6. Provision has been made for the President of the Senate, for the time being, or if there shall be no such officer, the Speaker of the Hon.* \n\xc2\xbbf Representatives, shall perform the executive functions. \n\n6. The salary n.f the President was fixed by the first Congress at \xc2\xbb25,000 a year, and that of the Vice-President at $8,000, and such they \xc2\xbb\xc2\xbb \n\xe2\x80\xa2t present. The salary for each entire term was so fixed, that the executive might be independent of the legislative department (or it \n\n\n\nxiv SUPPLEMENT. \n\n" I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of tha \nUnited States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution \n\xc2\xa9f the United States." \n\nSection 2. The President shall be Commander in chief of the Army and \n\nDutiesofthePresi- Navy of the United States, and of the Mihtia of the several States, when \n\nde7it. called into the actual Service of the United States;* he may require the \n\nOpinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Depart- \n\nrients, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have \n\nPower to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of \n\nImpeachment.\' \n\nHe shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, \nprovided two thirds of the Senators present concur ; and he shall nominate, \nITis power to make ^^^ ^J ^^^ ^\'^^^\'^ the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Am- \ntreaites, appoint em- bassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, \na\xc2\xbbm s,ju ff ,e . ^^^ ^^^ other Officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein \nhitherto provided for, and which shall bo established by Law :\' but the Con- \ngress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the \nPresident alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments. \n\nThe President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen \nMay fill vacancies, (jm-j^g tjie Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall ex- \npire at the End of their next Session.* \nSection 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the \nUnion, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall \nPower to cowcene judge necessary and expedient;* he may, on extraordinary Occasions, con- \nVongress. ygne both Houses, or either of them," and in Case of Disagreement between \n\nthem, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to \nsuch Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers;\' \nhe shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the officers of \nthe Ufiited otates. \n\nSection 4. The President, Vice President, and all civil Officers of the \nHow officers may be United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Con- \nviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes or Misdemeanors. \n\n\n\nARTICLE III. \n\nSection 1. The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, \nand in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and \nestablish. \xe2\x80\xa2 The Judges both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold \nJudicial p^cmer, how ^^^^^ q^^^^ ^j^^^j^^ ^^^^ Behaviour, and shall, at stated Times, receive for \ntheir Services, a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their \nContinuance in Office.* \n\n1. This was to insure unity \xc2\xabnd efficiency in action, when foreign war or domestic insurrection should call for the services of the army and \nnavy. His large powers as Executive are directed by constitutional provisions. He is the arm of the nation to execute its bidding. \n\n2. It is presumed that the Executive is above the personal, local, or sectional influences that might be brought to bear, in these cases, on \nthe courts or on legislative bodies. The Executive, according to a decision of the Supreme Court, has power to grant a pardon before trial or \nconviction. See Brightley\'s Analytical Digest of the Laws of the United States, page 7, note (e). \n\n3. The President is presumed to be more fully informed concerning the foreign relations of the Republic, and the fitness of men for tha \nhighest offices. The Senate represents the legislative department of the Government in treaty-making and the appointment of high offlctri, \n\xc2\xabnd is a cht-ck on the Executive against any encroachments on the rights of Congress in the matter. \n\n4. This limitation to executive appointments is to prevent the President from neutralizing the action of the Senate as a co-ordinat\xc2\xab power. \n\n5. It is the practice of the President to submit to Congress, at the opening of each session, a statement of national affairs. This is called \nbis Annual Message. Washington and John Adams read their messages in person to the assembled Congress. Jefferson first sent his messag* \nto them, by his private secretary. That practice is still kept up. \n\n6. The President, with his better information concerning national affairs, can best judge when an extraordinary session of Congress may be \nnecessary. \n\n7. He may also refuse to receive them, and thereby annul or prevent diplomatic relations between the United States and any country. \n\n8. See page 368, and note I, page 369. This section provides that the Supreme Court shall be a co-ordinate branch of the National Gov- \nernment, yet independent of and distinct from both the legislative and executive departments. The powers of the National Government, il \nwill be seen, are threefold, namely, /epf3^it>f,yu(ficza^, and executive. The first enacts laws, the second interprets them, and tha third \n\xe2\x80\xa2olbrcaa them. The Supreme Court consists of one chief-justice and several associate justices, who bold an annual tauion at tba natianal \naapltal, commencing on the day when Congress meets\xe2\x80\x94 firstiWednesday in December. \n\n\n\nTHE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION. XV \n\nSection 2. The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity, arising under \nthis Constitution, the Laws of tlie United States, and Treaties made, or which \nsliall be made, under their Authority; \xe2\x80\x94 to all cases affecting Ambassadors, To what oases it \nother public Ministers and Consuls; \xe2\x80\x94 to all Cases of admiralty and marl- extends. \n\ntime Jurisdiction ; \xe2\x80\x94 to Controversies to which the United States shall be a \nParty ; \xe2\x80\x94 to Controversies between two or more States ; \xe2\x80\x94 between a State and Citizens of another \nState; \xe2\x80\x94 between Citizens of different States;\' \xe2\x80\x94 between Citizens of the same State claiming \nLands under Grants of different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, and foreign \nStates, Citizens or Subjects. \n\nIn all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a \nState shall be a Party, the supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In \nall the other Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appel- jurisdiction of tht \nlate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under Supreme Court. \nsuch Regulations as the Congress shall make. \n\nThe Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by \nJury ; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall \nhave been committed ; but when not committed within any State, the Trial Rules respeotino \nshall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have trials. \n\ndirected.\' \n\nSection 3. Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levy- \ning "War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Treason defined. \nComfort.^ \n\nNo Person shall be convicted of Treason, unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the \nsame overt Act, or on Confession in open Court. \n\nThe Congress shall have Power to declai\'e the Punishment of Treason, \nbut no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture Sow punished. \nexcept during the Life of the Person attainted.\'\' \n\n\n\nARTICLE IV. \n\nSection 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public Acts, Records, and \njudicial Proceedings of every other State.* And the Congress may by general \nLaws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records and Proceedings ^^\'^^defin^!\'^^ \nshall be proved, and the Effect thereof.* \n\nSection 2. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges Privileges of citi^ns. \naud Immunities of Citizens in the several States.\' \n\nA person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who \nshall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand of Executive requisition. \nthe executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to \nbe removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime.\' \n\n1. A citizen of the District of Columbia (note 1, page 383) is not a citizen of a State, within the meaning of this Constitution. The Di\xc2\xbb- \ntrict is under the immediate control of Congress, and hna neither a legislature or governor. \n\n2. See Amendments to the Constitution, Articles V., VI., VII., VIII. \n\n3. At the trial of Aaron Burr (see page 3911), Chief-Justice Marshall said: "Any combination to subvert by force the Government of the \nUnited States ; violenUy to dismember the Union ; to compel a change in the adminisiration, to coerce the repeal or adoption of a general \nlaw, is o conspiracy to levy war. And if conspiracy be carried into effect by the actual employment of force, by the embodying and \nassembling of men for the purpose of executing the treasonable design which was previously conceived, it amounts to levying war." \n\n4. The limit as to forfeiture applies only to the real estate of the criminal, which, at his death, must be restored to his heirs or assigns \nThe dower right of his wife also remains untouched. See Kent\'s Commentarie) on American Lau>,i\\. m. This is more humane than the \nEnglish law of treason. It does not punish the innocent wife and children of a criminal on account of his crimes. \n\n5. A judgment of a State court has the same credit, validity, and effect, in every other court within the United States, which it had In the \ncourt where it was rendered ; and whatever pleas would be good to a suit thereon in such State, and none others, can be pleaded in any other \n\xe2\x80\xa2ourt.within the United States.\xe2\x80\x94 ffam/Xon v. ifcConnell, 3 Wheaton, 234. \n\n\xe2\x82\xac. On the 26th of May, 1790, Congress, by act, gave effect to this section. \n\n1. This is a recognition of nationality\xe2\x80\x94 the supreme rights of the people as citizens of the United States. It decrees the right to all funda- \nmental privileges and immunities wliich any State grants to its citizens, eicepting those granted to corporations, or conferred by ipvclsl \nlocal -legislation. It Is intended to secure and perpetuate a friendly intercourse throughout the Republic. It aeta aside the erroneooa u- \ntumptlon that National citizenship is subordinate to State citizenship. \n\n8. This la to aid the claims of justice, by preventing one portion of the Republic becoming an asylum for the criminals of uoth\xc2\xab \n\n\n\n3jyj SUPPLEMENT. \n\nNo Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof escaping to another, \nshall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from \nLaic regulating^service ^^^^ Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to \nwhom such Service or Labour may be due.\' \n\nSection 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this \n\nNew States, hmo Union ;^ but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction \n\nformed and admitted, of ^ny other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more \n\nStates, or Parts of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the \n\nStates concerned as well as of the Congress.^ \n\nThe Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules \nFmcer of Congress and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the \nover public lands. United States ; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to \nPrejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State.\'\' \n\nSection 4. The Constitution shall guaranty to every State in this Union \nRepublican govern- ^ Republican Form of Government,* and shall protect each of them against \nment guarantied. Invasion ; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when \nthe Legislature can not be convened) against domestic violence.* \n\nARTICLE V. \n\nThe Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose \nAmendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures \nConstitution, how to be of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing \namended. Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Pur- \n\nposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three \nfourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other \nMode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress ;\' Provided that no Amendment which may \nbe made prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the \nfirst and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article ; * and that no State, without its \nConsent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate.\' \n\nARTICLE VI. \n\nAJl Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption \nValidity of Debts ^f this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this \nrecognized. Constitution, as under the Confederation.\'" \n\n1. This is the clsuse of the Constitution, on which was based the provisions of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850. See page 501. It applied \nto runaway slaves and apprentices. Congress gave effect to it by an act on the lith of February, 1793, and another on the 18th cf September, \n1850. At the time when the Constitution was framed, slavery existed in all the States of the Union, excepting Massachoaeita. By the \noperation of the Thirteenth Amendment of the Constitution (which see on page 156) this clause has no relation to any other persons excepting \nfugitive indentured apprentices. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0i. The Congress is not compelled to admit a new State. It is left to the option of that body, whether any new State shall be admitted \n\n3. States have been admitted in three ways : 1. By joint action of the Congress and a State, by which a portion of a Slat* has been mad* \na separate commonwealth, as in the case of Vermont, Kentucky, Maine, and Virginia, 8. By an act of Congress, creating a State directly \nfrom a Territory of the United States, as in the case of Tennessee. 3. By a joint resolution of Congress and a foreign State, tuch State may b\xc2\xbb \naduiitted, as in the case of Texas. \n\n4. This provides for the establishment, under the authority of Congress, of Territorial governments, which is the first step toward the for- \nmation of a State or States. The first government of the kind was that of the .\'Jorthwestern Territory (see page 36S), established in 1787, \nand adopted by Congress under the National Constitution of the 7th of August, 1 789. \n\n5. No other form of government could exist witlin the United SUites, without peril to the Republic. By this section, the Nation\xc2\xbb> \nGovernment is empowered to assume positive sovereignty as to the fundamental character of the State Government, leaving to the State terri- \ntorial sovereignty, as to its municipal laws and domestic institutions, so long as they are consonant with a republican form of government \n\n6. The States are prohibited from keeping troops as a standing army, or ships of war, in time of peace, individually ; therefore it is mad* \nthe duty of the sovereign power of the United States to protect the States against invasion and *\' domestic violence," such as treason, rebel- \nlion, or Insurrection. When these exist in any State, it is the duty of the Nauonal Government to use its power in suppressing it. \n\n7. This ariic-\'e effectually checks any fundamental change in the Constitution, excepting in a way which recognizes the source of aU tru* \nsovereignty, the People, unless it be by sudden and violent revolution. \n\n8. See section 9, page \'47. The adoption of the Thirteenth Amendment of the Constitution (see page 756) renders this section a dead \nletter. \n\n9. Here, again, is a provision for securing the smaller States from encroachments on their rights by the larger States. \n\n10. This was for the security to the creditors of the United States, of the payment of debts incurred during the KcTolution. It was t- \nnational and positive recogui\'.ion of the postulate in iQternational law, that " Debts due to foreigners, and obligatioDji to other creditors, siu*- \nTiv* a change in the Government. " \n\n\n\nTHE XATIOXAL C OXST I T UTI OiT. j^{\\ \n\nThis Constitution, and the Laws of the United States wliich shall be made in Pursuance \ntliereof ; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority \nof the United States, &-hall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges Supreme law of the \niu every State shall be bound thereby, any thing in the Constitution or Laws ^"<^ dejlned. \nof any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.\' \n\nThe Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several Stat\xc2\xbb \nLegislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States \nand of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support oaVi, o/whom requir- \ntliis Constitution ; ^ but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualifi- \xc2\xab<^. a\xc2\xab^ -wluxtpr. \ncation to any Office or public Trust under tlie United States. ^ \n\n\n\nARTICLE YII. \n\n\n\nThe Ratification of the Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for \nthe Establisliment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the \n\nSame.* \n\n\n\nRatiflcation. \n\n\n\nDone in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present, the Seventeenth Day of \nSeptember, in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty-seven, and of \nthe Independence of the United States the Twelfth. In "Witness whereof We have hereunto \nsubscribed our Names. \n\nGeo. Washington, \nPresident, and deputy from Virginia. \n\n\n\nNEW HAMPSHIRE. \nJohn Langdon, \nNicholas Gilman. \n\nMASSACHUSETTS. \nNathaniel Gorham, \nRuFus King. \n\nCONNECTICUT. \nWilliam Samuel Johnson, \nRoger Sherman. \n\nNEW YORK. \nAlexander Hamilton. \n\nNEW JERSEY. \n\nY\'lLLiAM Livingston, \nDavid Brearley, \nWilliam Paterson, \nJonathan Dayton. \n\n\n\nPENNSYLVANIA. \n\nBenjamin Franklin, \nThomas Mifflin, \nRobert Morris, \nGeorge Clymer, \nThomas Fitzsimons, \nJared Ingersoll, \nJames Wilson, \nGouverneur Morris. \n\nDELAWARE. \nGeorge Reed, \nGunning Bedford, jr., \nJohn Dickinson, \nRichard Bassett, \nJacob Broom. \n\nMARYLAND. \n\nJames M\' Henry, \n\nDaniel op St. Thos. Jensfer, \n\nDaniel Carroll. \n\nAttest : \n\n\n\nVIRGINIA. \nJohn Blair, \nJames Madison, jr. \n\nNORTH CAROLINA. \n\nWilliam Blount, \nRichard Dobbs Spaight, \nHugh Williamson. \n\nSOUTH CAROLINA. \nCharles C. Pinckney, \nCharles Pinckney, \nJohn Rutledge, \nPierce Butler. \n\nGEORGIA. \n\nWilliam Few, \nAbraham Baldwin. \n\n\n\nWiLLLiM Jackson, Secretary. \n\n\n\n1. a clear and positive declaration of the supremacy of the National Government, I \n\n2. State officers are bound to support the Constitution because they may be required to perform some lervice li \n\xe2\x96\xa0supreme law of the land," in other words, of the Republic \n\n3. This is to prevent a political union of Church and State, which isalway prejudicutl to th\xc2\xab be\xc2\xbbt iuterwtt of botk. \n4 See note 1, pnge 360. \n\n\n\ngiving <ff*ct t* that \n\n\n\nSUPPLEMENT. \n\n\n\nAMENDMENTS\' \n\nTO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES, RATIFIED ACCORDING TO THE \nPROVISIONS OF THE FIFTH ARTICLE OF THE FOREGOING CONSTITUTION. \n\nARTICLE I. \n\nCongress shaU make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or \nFreedom in religion prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or \nand speech, and of the \'^ . .. ^u \xe2\x96\xa0 u^ c ^u i u. * ui Im- \n\npress. 01 the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to peti- \n\ntion the Government for a redress of grievances.\' \n\nARTICLE II. \n\nA well-regulated Militia being necessary to the security of a free State, \nthe right of the people to keep and bear Arras, shall not be infringed. \n\nARTICLE III. \n\nNo Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the \nSoldiers. consent of the Owner, nor in a time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed \n\nby law.\' \n\nARTICLE IV. \n\nThe right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against \nunreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants \n\nSearch-warrants, shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or afifirmation, and \nparticularly describing the place to be searched, and the person or things to \nbe seized.* \n\n\n\n1. At the first session of the First Congress, begun and held in the city of New York, on Wednesday, the 4th of March, 1789, many \namendmenU to the National Constitution were offered for consideration. The Congress proposed ten of them to the legislatures of the seve- \nral States. These were ratified by the constitutional number of State Legislatures in the middle of December, 1791. Another was proposed, \non the 6th of March, 1194, and was ratified in 1798; and still another on the 12th of December, 1803, which was ratified in 1S04. These, \nwith the other ten, became a part of the National Const tutien. A thirteenth amendment was proposed by Congress on the Ist of May, 1810, \nbut has ilSver been ratified. It was to pohibit citizens of the United States accepting, claiming, receiving, or retaining any title of nobility \nor honor, or any present, pension, office, or emolument of any kind whatever, from any "person, king, prince, or f\'>reign Power," without \nthe consent of Congress, under the penalty of disfranchisement, or ceasing to be a citizen of the United Siates. \n\nThe Thirteenth Amendment was adopted by Congress on the Slst of January, 1865, and its ratification by the requisite number of State \nLegislatures was announced on the 18th of December following. A Fourteenth Amendment was proposed by a joint resolution adopted on \nthe 13th of June, 1866, the object of which was to complete the work done by the Thirleenth Ameadment, by guaranteeing to a// citizen* \nan equality of civil and political rights, and the payment of the public debt, also to forbid the payment, by the general or any State govern- \nment, of any debt or obligation incurred in aid of the rebellion, or any claim fbr the loss or emancipation of any slave. This amendment \nwas ratified by twenty-two States (five less than the required number), when this record closed, in May, 1868. \n\nThe Amendments to the Constitution, excepting the Twelfth, are auihoritative declarations securing to the people and the several States \ncertain rights, against any possible encroachments of Congress. They form a Bill of Rights. \n\nii. This article gives an additional assurance of religious freedom. See clause 3d, Article VL, of the Constitution. It also secures the \ninvaluable right of the freedom of speech and of the press ; and the privilege for the people of making their grievances known to the \nNational Government. \n\nS. This is to protect citizens, in time of peace, from the oppressions of military power, and to secure uniformity in the rules for quartering \nsoldiers upon citizens in time of war. \n\n4. The security of the private citizen from an infringement of hia rights by public officers, herein guaranteed, is in accordance with th\xc2\xbb \nEnglish mazim that " Every man\'s house is his castle." See page 21i \n\n\n\nTHE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION. \nARTICLE V. \n\nNo person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a pre- \nsentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land \nor naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or \npublic danger ; \' nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be ^"^^\'\'\'^ crimes. \ntwice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled in any Criminal \nCase to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due \nprocess of law; nor shaU private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.* \n\nARTICLE VI. \n\nIn aU criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and pubUc trial, by \nan impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been \ncommitted, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, \nand to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be con- ^\'\'^"^ ^^ \'^^^\' \nfronted with the witnesses against him; to have Compulsory process for \nobtaining "Witnesses in his favour, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence. \n\nARTICLE VII. \n\nIn Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right \nof trial by jury sliaU be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be other- \nwise re-examined in any court of the United States, than according to the \'^^\'* "* common law. \nrules of the common law. \n\nARTICLE VIII. \n\nExcessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor \xe2\x80\x9e ., \n\ncruel and unusual punishments inflicted.^ \n\nARTICLE IX. \n\nThe enumeration, in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be con- ^ , . \xe2\x80\xa2 t.4 a -g ^ \n\' , , , , . Certain righU defintd. \n\netrued to deny or disparage others retained by the people. \n\nARTICLE X. \n\nThe powers not delegated to the United States, by the Constitution, nor \nprohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to ^^\xc2\xb0^^ reatrved. \nthe people.* \n\nARTICLE XI. \n\nThe judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend \nto any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the judicial powtr \nUnited States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of limited. \n\nany foreign State."\' \n\nI. In \xc2\xabacb cases offenses are within the jurisdiction of the military and naval courts-martial. \n\nS. These prohibitions do not relate to State governments, but to the National Government, according to a deci.ion of the Suprem. Coor\xc2\xbb \nthe several States make their own laws on these subjects. \n\n3. These several amendments, concerning the operations of law through the instrumentality of the court., are all InUnded to lecBr. tb\xc2\xab \ntitixen against the arbitrary exercise of power on the pat of the judiciarj\'. \n\n4. That is to say, because certain righU and powers of the people are not enumerated in the Constitution, It !\xe2\x80\xa2 not to be Inferred that th.y \n\n5. This\' is simply an enunciation of the broad democratic principle, that the people are the true sources of all political power. \n\n6. This is to limit the judicial power of ihe National courts Previous t-> the adoption of this amendment, the Supreme Court had d.cld.4 \nthat the power of the National judiciary extended to suits brought by or against a State of the Republic Now, no person has a nght to tern. \nmence a personal suit against a State, in the Supreme Court of the United States, for the recovery of property seiied and sold by a Stat* \n\n\n\n^^ SUrPLEMENT. \n\nARTICLE XII. \n\nThe Electors shall meet in ihcir respective States, and vote bv baHo* P^r P\'-esid^nt and Yico \nPresident, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inbabitPit of the same State \ning \'"the "electian^^/ with themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as \nrresident and Vice President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as "Vice President, and \nthey shall make distmct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all \npersons voted for as Yice President, and of the number of votes ior each, \xe2\x96\xa0which lists they \nshall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the n-ovornmciit of the United States, \ndirected to The President of the Senate; \xe2\x80\x94 The President of the Senate shall, in the presence \nof the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates and the votes shalj \nthen be counted ; \xe2\x80\x94 the person having the greatest number of votes for President, shall be the \nPresident, if such number be a majority of the vs\'hole number of electors appointed; and if no \nperson have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding \nthree on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose imme- \ndiately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by \nstates, the representation from each state having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall con- \nsist of a member or members from two thirds of the States, and a majority of all the states shall \nbe necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President \nwhenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next fol- \nlowing, then the Yice President shall act as President, as in the case of the deatli or other con- \nstitutional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Yice \nPresident shall be the Yice President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of \nElectors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the \nlist, the Senate shall choose the Yice President ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two \nthirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary \nto a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible \nto that of Yice President of the United States. \n\nARTICLE XIII. \n\nSection i. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party \nc<;\xe2\x84\xa2\xe2\x80\x9e.\xc2\xab,. f^h:^,i^\xe2\x80\x9e shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or la any placo \nSlavery forbidden, subject to their jurisdiction. \n\nSection 8. Congress shall have power to enforce this Article by appropriate legislatioa. \n\nARTICLE XIV. I \nSection 1. All persons bom or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdic- \ntion thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein \nCifizenshtj). ^-^^^ reside. No State shall make or enforce any lav,- which shall abridge \nthe privileges or inununities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any \nperson of life, liberty, or property %vithout due process of law; nor deny to any person within \nits jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. \n\nSection 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their \n\nrespective numbers, coimtmg the whole number of pei-sons in each State, \n\nApportionment reg- excluding Indians not taxed; but when the right to vote at any election \n\n"f^^^\'^Use ^\'\'^ ^ \'^ ^*^^\' ^^^ choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United \n\nStates, Representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of \n\nft State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of \n\nsuch State, (being twenty-one years of age and citizens of the United States,) or in any way \n\nabridged except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation \n\ntherein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear \n\nto the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. \n\n1 The Joint Resolution of Colsibss, proposing this amendment, was passed on the 13th of Juns. 1866; \nand on the 30th of July, 1868, the k^ec-etary of State proclaimed that the required number of States had \nratified it, to make it a part of the Natioaa. Constitution. \n\n\n\nTHE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION. ^^-^ \n\nSection 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Conjp-cEs, or Elector, or Pres:- \nDisabUities ^\xc2\xae^*\' \xc2\xb0^ Vice-President, or hold any ofHce, civil or mihtary, under the \n\nUnited States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath \nas a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State \nlegislatm-e, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of \nthe United States, shall have engaged m insurrection or rebellion against the sam?, or given \naid or comfort to the enemies thereof; but Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each \nHouse, remove such disabUity. \n\nSection 4. The vaHdity of the pubUc debt of the United States, authorized by law, includ- \ning debts incuiTed for payment of pensions and bounties, for services ui \nInviolability of the suppressmg msmTCction or rebeUion, shaU not be questioned; but neither \nnational faith. the United States nor any State shall assums or pay any debt or obliga- \ntion incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, \nor any claim for the loss of or emancipation of any slave. But all such debts, obUgatious, and \nclaims shall be held illegal and void. \n\nSection 5. Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the iJro\\Tsious \nof the Article. \n\nARTICLE XV. \n\nSection 1. The right of the citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or \nabridged by the United States or any State, on account of race, color, or \nEight to rote. previous condition of servitude. \nSaciiON 2. The Confiress shall have power to enforce this Article by appropriate leftislation. \n\n\n\nm \n\n\n\nTHE NATIONAL PROGRESS. \n\n\n\nHere, at the bspnning of the second century of the life of our Republic, let us take \xc2\xbb \nbrief review of the Material and Intellectual progress of our country during the first hundred \nyears of its political independence. \n\nThe extent of the conceded domain of the United States, in 17T6, was not more than half a \nmillion square miles ; now ^ it is mor^s than three million three hundred thousand square miles. \nIts population then was about a million and a half ; now it is forty million. \n\nThe products of the sod are the foundations of the material wealth of a nation. It has been \neminently so with tis, notwithstanding the science of agriculture and the construction of good \nimplements of labor were greatly neglected mxtil the early part of the present century. \n\nA hundred years ago the Agricultural interests of our coimtry were mostly in the hands of \nimeducated men. Science was not applied to husbandry. A spirit of improvement was \nscarcely kno\\vn. The son copied the ways oZ his father. He worked with no other implements \nand pursued no other methods of cultivation ; and he who attempted a change was regarded \nas a visionary or an innovator. Very little associated effort for improvement in the business \nof fanning was then seen. The first association for such a purpose was formed in the South, \nand was kno%vn as the " South Carolina Agricultural Society," organized in 1784 A similar \nsociety was formed in Pennsylvania the following year. Now there are State, county, and \neven town ag* icxilturai societies, in ahnost every part of the Union. \n\nAgricultural implements were rude and simple. They consisted chiefly of the plough,, \nharrow, spade, hoe, hand-ralie, scythe, sickle, and wooden fork. The plough had a clumsy \nwrought-ii\'on share with wooden mould-board, which was somstimes plated with pieces of old \ntin or sheet-iron. The rest of the structure was equally clumsy ; and the implement required, \nin its use, twice the amoimt of strength, of moii and beast, that the preasnt plough does. Im- \nprovements in the construction of ploughs during the past fifty years, save to the country an- \nnually, in work and teams, at least $13,000,000. The first patent for a cast-iron plough was \nissued in 1797. To the beginning of 1875, about 400 patents have been granted. \n\nA himdred years ago the seed was sown by hand, and tho entire crop was harvested by \nhard manual labor. The grass was cut with a scythe, and " cui-ed " and gathered with a fork \nand hand-rake. The gi-ain was cut with a siclde, threshed vd\'ih. a flail or the treading of horses, \nand was cleared of the chaff by a large clamshell-shaped fan of wicker-work, used in a gentle \nbreeze. The drills, seed-sowers, cultivatoi-s, mowers, reapers, thi-eshing-machines, and f amiing- \nrnills of our day, were aU unknown. Thoy are the inventions of a time within the memory of \nHving men. Abortive attempts were made toward the close of the last century to introduce \na threshing-machine from England, but the flail held sway untd two generations ago. -i \n\nIndian com, tobacco, wheat, rye, oats, potatoes, and hay were staple products of the farm \na hundred years ago. Timothy and orchard grass had then just been introduced. The cultiva- \ntion of all these has been greatly increased. Then nearly the whole products, excepting tobacco, \nwere consumed by the million and a haK people ; now forty million are supported by them \n\n\'vNTien the word rwio appears in this relation, it means the year 1875. \n\n^ Washington, in a letter to General Htnry Lee, wnttt n in tue autumn of 1793, remarks : " The model \n[of a threshing machine] brought ovt-r by the English farmiT-, may also be a good one, but the utility of \nit among carders negroes and ignfrant overseers wi 1 depend absolutely upon the simplicity of construc- \ntion : for if there is anything complex in the machinery, it wi 1 be no longer in use than a mushroom is in \nexistence. I have seen eo much of the beginning and ending of ntw inventions, that I have almost \nresolved to go on in the old way of treading uatil 1 get settled again at home, and can attend myself to \nthe management of one." \n\n\n\nTHE NATIONAL PROGRESS. XXV \n\nand vast amounts of agricultural products are exported to foreign countries. At the present \ntime these products amount annually, on an average, in round numbers as foUows \xe2\x80\xa2 Indian \ncom, 900,000,000 bushels; wheat, 270,000,000; rye, 22,000,000 ; oats, 300,000,000 ^ potatoes. \n165,000,000 ; and buckwheat (introduced within tho century), 15,000,000. The hay crop \naverages about 28,000,000 tons; the tobacco crop about 26.5,000,000 pounds; flax, 28,000,000 \npounds, and hemp, 12,000 tons. To these agricultural products have been added within the \ncentury, barley, cotton, and sugar. Of barley the average crop is about 28,000,000 bushels; \ncotton about 2,000,000,000 poimds, and sugar 120,000 hogsheads of 1,000 pounds each. The \nexpansion of the cotton culture has been marveUous. In 1784, eight hales of cotton sent to \nEngland from Charleston, were seized by the custom-houso authorities in Liverpool on the \nground that so large a quantity could not have come from the United States. The progress of \nits culture was slow until the invention of the gin, by Mr. Whitney, for clearing the seed from \nthe fibre. It did the v.-ork of many persons. The cultivation of cotton rapidly spread. From \n1792 to 1800 the amount of cotton raised had increased from 133,000 pounds to 18,000,000 \npoimds, all of which was wanted in England, where improved machinery was manufacturing \nit into cloth. The value of slave labor was increased, and a then dying institution hved in vigor \nuntil killed by the Civil War. The value of the cotton crop in 1792 was $30,000 ; now its average \nannual value is about $180,000,000. \n\nFiTiit cultm-e a hundred years ago wa:; very httle thought of. Inferior varieties of apples, \npears, peaches, plums, and chei-ries were cultivated for family use. It was not until the begin- \nnirg of the present century that any large orchards were planted. The cultivation of grapes \nand berries was almost wholly imknown fifty years ago. The first horticultm-al society was \nformed in 1829. Before that time fruit was not an item of commercial statistics in our country. \nNow the average annual value of fruit is estimated at 880,000,000. Our grape crop alone \nexceeds in value $30,000,000. \n\nImprovements in Live stock have all been made within the present centm-y. The native \nbreeds were descended from stock sent over to the colonies, and were generally inferior. In \n1772 Washington wrote in his diary : "With one hundi-ed mUch cows on my farm, I have to \' \nbuy butter for my family." Now 11,000,000 cows supply 40,000,000 inhabitants with milk, \nbutter, and cheese, and allow large exports of the latter article. At least 225,000,000 gallons \nof milk are sold annually. The annual butter product of om- country now is more than \n500,000,000 poimds, and of cheese 70,000,000. There are now about 30,003,000 homed cattle in \nthe United States, equal in average quality to those of any countiy in the world. \n\nA himdred years ago mules and asses were chiefly used for farming purposes and ordinary \ntransportation. Carriage-horses were imported from Eiu-ope. Now our horses of every kind \nare equal to those of any other country. It is estimated that there are about 10,000,000 horses \nin the United States, or one to e7ery four persons. \n\nSheep husbandry has greatly improved. The inferior breeds of the last century, raised \nonly in suflacient quantity to supply the table, and the domestic looms in the manufactm-e of \nyams and coarse cloth, have been superseded by some of the finer varieties. Merino sheep \nwere introduced eai-ly in this centm-y. The embargo before the war of 1812, and the establish- \nment of manufactures here afterward, stimulated sheep and wool-raising, and these have been \nimportant items in our national wealth. There are now about 30,000,000 sheep in the United \nStates, California is taking the lead as a wool-producing State. In 1870, the wool product of \nthe United States amounted to 100,000,000 poimds. \n\nImprovements in the breed of swine during the last fifty years have been very great. \nThey have become a large item in our national commercial statistics. At this time there ar\xc2\xbb \nabout 26,000,000 head of swine in this country. Enormous quantities of pork, packed and \nin the form of bacon, are exported annually. \n\nThese brief statistics of the principal products of agriculture, show its development in this \ncountiy, and its importance. Daniel Webster said, " Agricultiu-e feeds ; to a great extent it \nclothes us ; without it we should not have manufactures ; we should not have commerce. \nThey aU stand together like pillars in a cluster, the largest in the centre, and that largest\xe2\x80\x94 \nAgrichltxjke. " \n\nThe great manufacturing interests of our country are tho product of the century now \nclosing. The poHcy of the British government was to suppress manufacturing in tho Eaglish- \nAmerican colonies, and cloth-making was confined to the household. When non-importation \nagreements cut off suppUes from Great Britain, the Irish flax-wheel and the Dutch wool-whea \n\n\n\n:\\:iyi \n\n\n\nsupple:.ie:tt. \n\n\n\nwere made active in families. All other Iijids of manufacturing were of small accoimt in tlui \ncomitry until the concluding decade of the last centiu-y. la Great Britain the inventions of \nHargreaves, Arlvwright, and CromptoUj had stimulated the cotton and wooUen manufactures, \nand tlic effects finally reached the United States. Massachusetts offered a gi-ant of money to \npromote the establishment of a cotton-mill, and one was built at Beverly in 1787, the firs< \nerected in the United States. It had not the improved English machinery. In 1789 Samue. \nSlater came from England with fuU knowledge of that machinery, and in connection witli \nMessrs. Ahny and Brown, of Providence, Pv,. I., established a cotton factory there in 1790, wich \nthe improved implements. Then was really begun the manufactm-e of cotton in the United \nStates. Twenty years later the number of cotton mills in our country was 168, with 90,00(i \nspindles. The business has greatly expanded. In Massachusetts, the foremost State in the \nmanufacture ol cotton, there are now over 200 mUls, employing, in prosperous times, 50,000 \nipersons, and a capital of more than $30,000,000. The city of LoweU was founded by the erec- \ntion of a cotton mill there in 1823; and there the printing of calico was first begun in the United \n- States soon afterward. \n\nWith wool as with cotton, the manufacture into cloth was confined to households, for home \njise, imtil near the close of the la^st century. The wool was carded between two cards held ia \nthe hands of the operator, and aU the processes were slow and crude. In 1797, Asa Whitte- \nmore, of Massachusetts, invented a carding-machine, and this led to the establishment of \n-sTooUen manufactures outside of families. In his famous report on manufactures, in 1791, \nAlexander Hamilton said that of woollen goods, hats only had reached maturity. The busi- \nness had been cai-ried on with success in colonial times. The wool was felted by hand, and \nfurs were added by the same slow process. This manual labor continued vmtil a little more \nthan thirty years ago, when it was supplanted by machinery. Immense munbers of hats \nof every kind are now made in our country. \n\nAt the time of Hamilton\'s report there was only one woollen-mill in the Unitea States. It \nwas at Hartford, Connecticut. In it were made cloths and cassimeres. Now woollen fac- \ntories may be f oimd in almost every State in the Union, turning out annually the finest cloths, \ncassimeres, flannels, carpets, and every variety of goods made of wool. In this business, as in \ncotton, Massachusetts has taken the lead. The value of manufactured wooUens in the United \nStates, at the close of the Civil War, was estimated at about $50,000,000. The supply of wool \nin the United States has never been equal to the demand. \n\nThe smelting of iron ore, and the manufacture of iron, has become an immense business in \nour country. The development of ore deposits, and of coal used in smelting, are among the \nmarvels of our history. English navigation laws discoiu-aged iron manufacture in the colonies. \nOnly blast-furnaces for making pig-iron were allowed. This product was nearly all sent to \nEngland in exchange for manufactured articles ; and the whole amoimt of such exportation, \nat the beginning of the old war for independence, was less than 8,000 tons annually. The \ncolonists were whoUy dependent upon Great Britain for articles manufactured of iron and \nsteel, excepting rude implements made by blacksmiths for domestic use. During the war the \nContinental Congress were compelled to establish manufactures of iron and steel. These were \nchiefly in Northern New Jereey, the Hudson Highlands, and Western Connecticut, where \nexcellent ore was found, and forests in abundance for making charcoal. The fijrst use of \nanthracite coal for smelting iron was in the Continental armory at Carlisle, in Pennsylvania, \nin 1775. But charcoal was imiversaUy used imtil 1840 for smelting ores. \n\nNow iron is manufactured in om* country in eveiy form from a nail to a locomotive. A \nvast number of machines have been invented for carrying on these manuf actm-es ; and the \nproducts in cutlery, fire-arms, railway materials, and machinery of every kind, employ vast \nnumbers of men and a great amovmt of capital. Our locomotive builders are regarded as the \nbest in the world ; and no nation on the globe can compete with us in the construction of \n., steam-boats of every kind, from the iron-clad war steamer to the harbor tug. \n\nIn the manufacture of copper, silver, and gold, there has been great progress. At the \nclose of the Revolution no manufactures of the kind existed in our country. Now the manu- \nfacture of copper ware yearly, of every kind, jewelry and watches, has become a large item \nin om- commercial tables. \n\nThe manufactiu-e of paper is a very large item in the business of our country. At the \nclose of the Revolution there were only three mills in the United States. At the begin- \nning of the war a demand spnmg up, and WiUcox, in his mill near Philadelphia, made \nthe first writing-pafier produced in this coimtry. He manufactured the thick, coarso \npaper on which the Continental money was pj:-inted. So early as 1794 the business had so \n\n\n\nTHE NATIONAL PROGRESS. XXvij \n\nincreased that there were in Pennsylvania alone forty-eight paper-mills. There has been a \nsteady increase in the business ever since. Within the last twenty-five years that increase has \nbeen enormous, and 3-et not sufficient to meet the demand. Improvements in printing presses \nhave cheapened the production of books and newspapers, and the circulation of these has greatly \nincreased. It is estimated that the amount of paper now manufactured annually in the UnitedT \nStates for these, for paper-hangings, and for wrapping paper, is full 800,000,000 pounds. The- \nsupply of raw material here has not been equal to the demand, and rags to the value of about. \n$2,000,000 in a year have been imported. \n\nThe manufactiu-e of ships, carriages, wagons, cIocIjs and watches, pins, leather, glass;. \nIndian rubber, silk, wood, sewing-machines, and a variety of other things wholly unknowia or \nfeebly carried on a himdred years ago, now flom-ish and form very important items in our \ndomestic conunerce. The sewing-machine is an American invention, and the first really prac- \ntical one was first offered to the public by EUas Howe, Jr., about thirty years ago. A patent \nhad been obtained for one five years before. Great improvements have been made, and now \na very extensive business in the manufacture and sale of sewing-machines is carried on by- \ndifferent companies, employing a large amount of capital and costly machinery, and a great \nnumber of persons. \n\nThe mining interests of the United States have become an eminent part of the national \nwealth. The extraction of lead, iron, copper, and the precious metals, and coal from the bosom \nof the earth, is a business that has almost wholly grown up within the last hundred yeare. , \nIn 1754 a lead mine was worked in Southwestern Virginia; and in 1778, Dubuque, a French: \nminer, worked lead ore deposits on the western bank of the Upper Mississippi. The Jesuit . \nmissionaries discovered copper in the Lake Superior region more than two himdred years ago, . \nand that remains the chief source of our native copper ore. That metal is produced in smaller \xe2\x96\xa0 \nquantities in other States, chiefly in the West and Southwest. \n\nA lust for gold, and the laiowledge of its existence in America, was the chief incentive to \nemigi\'ation to these shores. But within the domain of our republic very little of it was found, \nimtil that domain was extended far toward the Pacific ocean. It was unsuspected until long \nafter the Revolution. Finally gold was discovered among the mountains of Virginia, North \nand South Carohna, and in Georgia. North Carolina was the first State in the Union to send \ngold to the mint in Philadelphia. Its finst small contribution was in 1804. From that time \nimtil 1833 the average amount produced froifl North Carolina mines did not exceed $2,500 \nannually. Virginia\'s first contribution was in 1829, when that of North Carohna, for that \nyear, was $128,000. Georgia sent its first contribution in 1830. It amounted to $212,000. The \nproduct so increased that branch mints were established in North Carolina and Georgia ia.i, \n1837 and 1838, and another at New Orleans. \n\nIn 1848 gold was discovered on the American fork of the Sacramento river in California; , \nand soon afterward elsewhere in that region. A gold fever seized the people of the United.,\' \nStates, and thousands rushed to Cahfomia in search of the jjrecious metals. Within a year \nfrom the discovery, nearly 50,000 people were there. Less than five years after\\vard Cahfor- \nnia, in one year, sent to the United States mint full $40,000,000 in gold. Its entire gold pi-o- \nduct to this time is estimated at more than $800,000,000. Over all the far western States and \nTerritories the precious metals \xe2\x80\x94 gold and silver \xe2\x80\x94 seem to be scattered in jirofusion, and the \namovmt of mineral wealth yet to be discovered there seems to be incalculable. Our coal fields \nseem to be mexhaustible ; and out of the bosom of the earth, in portions of our country, flow \nmiUions of barrels annually of petroleixm or rock oil, affording the cheapest illuminating \nmaterial in the world. \n\nMineral coal was iirst discovered and used in Pennsylvania at the period of the Revolution. \n"a boat load was sent down the Susquehanna from Wilkes-Barr*? for the use of the Continental \nIv\'orks at Carhsle. But it was not much used before the War of 1812 ; and the regular busi-- \nness of mining this fuel did not become a part of the commerce of the countrj\' before the year - \n1820, when 365 tons were sent to Philadelphia. At the present time the amount of coal sent tc * \nmarket from the American mines of all kinds is equal to full 15,000,000 tons annually. \n\nThe commerce of the United States has had a wonderful gro^^^;h. Its most active develops \nment was seen in New England. British legislation imposed heavy burdens upon it tn ColoniaC \ntimes, and, hke manufactures, it was greatly depressed. The New Englanders built many- \nvessels for their own use, but more for others ; and, just before the breaking out of 1;he Revo- \nlution, there was quite a brisk trade carried on between the EngUsh- American Colonies and \nthe West Indies, as well as with the mother country. The Colonists exported tolmco, 1-ambcr, \nshingles, staves, masts, tiupentine, hemp, flax, pot and pearl ashes, sal:cd fijh in c"c t c^-_xi.L \n\n\n\nXXVlll \n\n\n\nSUPPLEMENT. \n\n\n\nties, some corn, live stock, pig-iron, and skins and furs procured by traflflc with the Indians, \nWhale and cod fishing was an important branch of commerce. In the former, there were 160 \nvessels employe*\' " +he beginning of 1775, and sperm candles and whale oil were exported to \nGreat Britain. In exchange for New England products, a large amoimt of molasses was \nbrought from the West Indies and made into rum to sell to the Indians and fishermen, and to \nf rclionge for slaves on the coast of Africa. The entire exports of the Colonies in the year \n1770 amoimted in value to $14,262,000. \n\nAt the close of the war, the British government refused to enter into conunercial relations \nv,\'ith tho United States government, beUeving that the weak League of States would soon be \ndissolved ; but when a vigorous national government was formed in 1789, Great Britain, for \nthe first, sent a resident minister to our government, and entered into a commercial arrange- \nment with us. Meanwhile a brisk trade had sprung up between the Colonies and Great \nBritain, as well as ^vith other countries. From 1784 to 1790 the exports from the United States \nto Great Britam amounted to $33,000,000, and the imports from Great Britain to $87,000,000. \nAt the same time several new and important branches of industi-y had appeared and floirr- \nished with great rapidity. \n\nJYoni that time the expansion of American commerce was marvellous, in spite of the checks \nIt received from British jealousy, wars, piracies in the Mediterranean Sea and elsewhere, and \ntho clTects of r-obargoes. The tonnage of American ships, which, in 1789, was 201,.562, was in \nISTO more than 7,000,000. The exports from the United States in 1870 amounted to about \n6404,000,000, and the imports to about $395,000,000 m gold. \n\nThe domestic commerce of the United States is imm3nse. A vast sea-coast line, great lakes, \nTarge rivers, and many canals, afford scope for interstate commerce and with adjoining coun- \ntries, not equaUed by those of any nation. The canal and railway systems in the United \nStates are the product chiefly of the present century. So also is navigation by steam, on \nwhich river commerce chiefly relies for transportation. This was begim in the year 1307. \nT-19 first canals made in this country W3re two short ones, for a water passage around the \n. South Hadley and Montague Falls, in Massachusetts. These were constructed in 1792. At \nabout the same time the Inland Lock Navigation Companies, in the State of New York, began \ntheir work. The Middlesex Canal, connecting Lowell with Boston harbor, was completed in \n1808\xe2\x80\x9e and the great Erie Canal, 363 miles in length, was finished in 1825, at a cost of almost \n. $8,000,000. Tlie aggregate length of canals buUt iu the United States is 3,200 miles. \n\nThe first railway built in the United States was one three miles in length, that connected \nthe granite quarries at Quincy, Massachusetts, with the Neponset River. It was completed ia \n1327; horse-power was used. The first use of a locomotive in this country was in 1829, when \none was put upon a railway that connected the coal mines of the Delaware and Hudson Canal \nCompany with Honesdale. Now railways for m a thick network all over the United States \neast of the Mississippi, and are rapidly spreading over the States and Territories beyond, to the \nPacific Ocean. To these facihties for commercial operations, must be added the Electro- \nMagnetic Telegraph, an American invention, as a method of transmitting intelligence, and \n-giving warning signals to the shipping and agricultural interests concerning the actual and \nprobable state of the weather each day. The first line, forty miles in length, was constructed \nbetween Baltimore and Washington, in 1844 Now the lines are extended to every part of our \nUnion, and aU. over the civilized world, traversing oceans and rivers, and bringing Persia and \nNew York within one hour\'s space of intercommunication. \n\nBanking institutions and insurance companies are intimately connected with commerce. \nThe first bank in the United States was established in 1781, as a financial aid to the govern- \nment. It was called the Bank of North America. The Bank of New York and Bank of \nMassachusetts were established soon afterward. On the recommendation of Hamilton in 1791, \na national bank was established at Phfiadelphia, with a capital of $10,000,000, of which sum \nthe government subscribed $2,000,000. Varioas banking system?, under State charters, have \nsince been tried. During the Civil War a system of national banking was established, by \nwhich there is a imiform paper currency throughout the Union. The number of national \nbanks at the close of 13:33 was Gj; the number at tha close of 1371 was not far from 1,703, uivolv- \ning capital to the amount of almost $.500,000,000. \n\nFire, marine, and life insurance companies have flouriahod greatly in the United States. \nThe first incorporated company was estabUshed in 1792, in Philadelphia, and laiown as the \n\'\' Fire Insiu-ance Company of North America. " Another was established in Providence, Rhoda \nIsland, in 1799, and another in New York, in 1SD6. Tho first llio insurance company was char- \n^tereJ ia Massachusetts in 1325, and tho "New York Life Insurance andTrxrst Company" was \n\n\n\nTHE NATIONAL PROGRESS. Xxi.K \n\nBstabKshed in 1829. AU others are of racent organization. A^ a rub, the business of insuran-3 \nof every kind is profitable to tho insurers and tha iasurei The amount of capital en^^aged in \nit,is enormous. The fli-o risks alone, at the close of 1S74, amounted to about $200 000 000 \n\nOur growth in population has been steadUv inereased by immigration from Europe It \nbegan very moderately after the Revolution. From 1784 to 1704 the average number of \nimmigrants a year was 4,000. During the last ten years the number of parsons who have \nemigrated to the United States from Europe is estimated at over 2,000,000, who brought witli \nthem, in the aggregate, $200,000,000 in money. This capital and tho productive labor of tha \nimmigrants, have added much to the wealth of our country. This emigration and wealth is \nless than during the ten years preceding the Civil War, durmg which time there came to this \ncountry from Europe 2,814,.5o4 persons, bringing with them an average of at least $100 or au \naggregate of over $281,000,000. \' \n\nThe Arts, Sciences, and Invention have made great progress in our country during the last \nhundred years. These, at the close of the Revolution, were of little account in estimating the \nadvance of the race. The practitioners of the Arts of Design, at that period, were chiefly Euro- \npeans. Of native artists, C. W. Peale and J. S. Copley stood at the head of painters. There \nwere no sculptors, and no engravers of any eminence. Architects, in the propar sense, there \nwere none. After the" Revolution a few good painters appeared, and these have gradually \nincreased in numbers and exceUence, without much encouragement, except in portrait- \nure, until tvithia the last twenty-five years. We have now good sculptors, architects, \nengravers, and Lithographers; and iu aU of these departments, as well as in photography, very \ngreat progress 3ias been made within the last thirty or forty years. In wood engraving, \nespecially, the improvement has been wonderful Forty years ago there were not more than \na dozen practitioners of the art in this country ; now there are between four and five hundred. \nAt the head of that class of artists stands the nama of Dr. Alexander Anderson, who was the \nfirst man who engraved on wood in the United States. Ha died in 1870 at the age of ninety- \nfive years. In bank note engraving we have attained to greater exceUence than any other \npeople. It is considered the most perfect branch of the art in design and execution. \n\nAssociations have been formed for improvements in the Arts of Design. The first was \norganized in Philadelphia iu 1791, by C. W. Peale, in connection with Ceracchi, the ItaUan \nsculptor. It failed. In 1802 the American Academy of Fine Arts was organized in the city of \nNew York, and in 1807 the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts, yet in existence, was estab- \nlished in Philadelphia. In 1826 the American Academy of Fine Arts was supersedad by the \nNational Academy of Design, in the city of New York, wliich is now a flourishing institution. \n\nIn education and literature our progress has kept paca with other things. At the very \nbeginning of settlements, the common school was mada tha spacial care of the State in New \nEngland. Not so much attention was given to this m attar elsowhere in the Colonies. Tha \nneed of higher institutions of learning was early felt ; anl eightaaa years after tha landing of \nthe Pilgrims from the May-Floiver, Harvard Collega was f o-onded. When tha war for inde- \npendence began there were nine colleges in the Colonies, namely, Harvard at Cambridge, \nMass. ; WiUiam and Mary at WiUiamsburg, Va. ; Yale at New Haven, Conn. ; CoUega of New \nJ ersey, at Princeton ; University of Pennsylvania, at Philadelphia ; King\'s (now Colmnbia) \ni)i the city of New York ; Brown University at Providence, R. I. ; Dartmouth at Hanover, \nN. H. ; and Rutgers at New Brunswick, N. J. There are now about 300 coUeges in the United \nStates. \n\nAt the period of the Revolution, teaching in the common schools was very meagre, and \nremained so for fuU thirty years. Only reading, spelling, and arithmetic were regularly \n^Saught. The Psalter, the New Testament, and the Bible constituted the reading-books. No \niistory was read ; no geography or grammar were taught ; and imtil the putting forth of \nWebster\'s Spelling Book in 1783, pronunciation was left to the Juagment of teachers. That \nbook produced a revolution. \n\nAs the nation advanced in wealth and intelligence, the necessity for correct popular educa- \ntion became more and more manifest, and associated efforts were made for the improvement \nof the schools by providing for the training of teachers, imder the respective pha.ses of Teachers\' \nAssociations, Educational Periodicals, Normal Schools, and Teachers\' Institutes. Tlie first of \nthese societies in this country was the "Middlesex County Association for the Improvement of \nCommon Schools," established at Middletown, Connecticut, in 1799. But little of importance \nwas done in that direction imtil within the last forty-five years. Now provision is made in \nall sections of the Union, not only for the support of common schools, but for traiuing-schools \nfor teachers. Since the Civil War, great efforts have been made to establish common school \n\n\n\nSUPPLEMENT. \n\n\n\nsystems in the late slave-labor States, that should include among the beneficiaries the colored \npopulation. Much has been done in that regard. \n\nVery great improvements have been made in the organization and discipline of the pulj^ie \nschools in cities within the last thirty years. Free schools are rapidly spreading their benefi- \ncent influence over the whole Union, and in some States laws have been made that compel all \nchildren of a certain age to go to school. Institutions for the special cultm-e of young women \nin all that pertatos to college education, have been established withiu a few years. The pioneer \nin this work is Vassar CoUege, at Poughkeepsie, N. Y., which was firet opened in the year 1865. \nBesides the ordinary means for education, others have been established for special purposes. \nThere are Law, Scientific, Medical, Theological, MUitary, Commercial, and Agricultural \nSchools, and seminaries for the deal, dumb, and blind. In many States school district libra- \nries have been established. There are continually enlarging means provided for the education \nof the whole people. Edmimd Bm-ke said, " Education is the cheap defence of nations." \n\nOur literature is as varied as the tastes of the people. No subject escapes the attention of \noiu- native scholars and authors. At the period of the Revolution, books were few in variety \nand niunbers. A larger portion of them were devoted to theological subjects. Booksellers \nwere few, and were only found in the larger cities. Various subjects were discussed in pam- \nphlets \xe2\x80\x94 not generally in newspapers as now. The editions of books were small, and as stereo- \ntyping was unknown, they became rare in a few years, because there was only a costly way \nof reproduction. \n\nIn the year 1801, a new impetus was given to the book trade by the formation of the \n" American Company of Booksellers "\xe2\x80\x94a kind of "union." Twenty years later competition \nbroke up the association. Before the "War of 1812 the book trade in the United States was \nsmall. School books only had very large sales. "Webster\'s Spelling Book was an example of \nthe increasing demand for such helps to education. Dm-ing the twenty years he was engaged \non his Dictionary, the income from his Spelling Book supported him and his family. It was \npubhshed in 1783, and its sales have continually increased to the present time, when they \namount to over 1,000,000 copies a year. Other school books of every kind now have an im- \nmense annual circulation. The general book trade in this coimtry is now immense in the- \nnumber of volmnes issued and the capital and labor employed. Readers are rapidly increasing. \nAn ardent thirst for knowledge or entertainment to be found in books, magazines, and news- \npapers, makes a very large demand for these vehicles, wMle, at the same time, they produce \n\nwidespread inteUigence. The magazine \nliterature, now generally healthful, is a \npowerful coadjutor of books in this popu- \nlar culture; and the newspaper, not always \nso healthful, supplies the daUy and weekly \ndemand for ephemerals in literature and \ngeneral knowledge. To supply that de- \nmand required great improvements in \nprinting machinery, and these have been \nsuppUed. \n\nThe printing press at the time of the \nRevolution is shown in that used by \nFranklin, in which the pressure force was \nobtained by means of a. screw. The ink \nwas apphed by huge balls ; and an expert \nworkman could fimiish about fifty im- \npressions an hom-. This was improved by \nEarl Stanhope in 1815, by substituting for \nthe screw a jointed lever. Then came \ninking machines, and one man could work \noff 250 copies an hour. Years passed on, \nand the cylinder press was invented ; and \nin 1847 it was perfected by Richard M. \nHoe, of New York. This has been fur- \nther improved lately, and a prmting press is now used which will strike off 15,000 newspapers, \nprinted on both sides, every hour. \n\nThe nawspapers prmted in the United States at the beginning of the Revolution were few \nin number, small in size, and very meagre in information of any kind. They were \xe2\x80\x94 \xc2\xbb \n\n\n\n\nniANKLIN\'S PRINTING PRESS. \n\n\n\n^EE NATIONAL PROGRESS. XXxi \n\nweekly, semi-weekly, and tri-weekly. The first daily newspaper issued in this country was the \n"American DaUy Advertiser," established in Philadelphia in 1781 In 1775 there were 37 news- \npaiJers and periodicals in the United States, with an aggregate issue tliat year of 1,200,000 copies. \nIn 1870 the number of daily newspapers in the United States was 543; and of weeklies, 4,425. \nOf the dailies, 800,000,000 were issued that year ; of the weeklies, 600,000,000, and of other \nserial pubhcations 100,000,000, making an aggregate of full 1,500,000,000 copies. To these \nfigures should be made a large addition at the close of 1875. There are now about forty news- \npapers in the United States which have existed over fifty years. \n\nIn the providing of means for moral and religious culture and benevolent enterprises, there \nhas been great progress in this country duriag the century now closing. The various religious \ndenominations have increased in membership fully in proportion to th(j increase of population. \nAsylums of every kind for the unfortmiate and friendless have bc-en multiplied in an equal \nratio, and provision is made for all. \n\nOne of the most conspicuous examples of the growth of our republic is presented by the \npostal service. Dr. Franklin had been Colonial Postmaster-General, and he was appointed to \nthe same office for one yeai- by the Continental Congress in the Summer of 1775. He held the \nposition a little more than a year, and at the end of his official term there were about 50 post- \noffices in the United States. All the accounts of the General Post-Office Department during \nthat period were contained in a small book consisting of about two quires of foolscap paper, \nwhich is preserved in the Department at Wasliington City. Through all the gloomy years of \nthe weak Confederacy the business of the Department was comparatively light ; and when the \nnational government began its career in 1789 there were only about seventy-five post-offices,, \nwith an aggregate length of post-roads of about 1,900 miles. The annual income was \xc2\xa728,000, \nand the annual expenditm\'es were $32,000. The mails were carried by postmen on horseback, \nand sometimes on foot. Now the number of post-offices is over 33,000 ; the aggregate length \nof post-routes 256,000 miles ; the annual revenue $23,000,000, and the annual expenditures $29,- \n000,000. \n\n"We may safely claim for om* people and coimtry a progress in all that constitutes a vigorous \nand prosperous nation during the centmy just passed, equal, if not superior to that of any \nother on the globe. And to the inventive genius ani^. skill of the Americans may be fairly \nawarded a large share of the honor acquired by f<he construction of machinery which has so \nlargely taken the place of manual labor. In that progress ths American c\'tizen beholds a \ntangible prophecy of a brilliant future for his country. \n\n"We have confined our statements concerning the progress of our country since 1776 to \nthe period of one hundred years ending in 18TG. Since then that progress has been still \nmore remarkable. The census of 1880 shows the number of the population to bo more \nthan fifty million, and the products of its great industrial interests vastly increased in \nquantity and value. Our public debt is rapidly diminishing ; the sentiment of national \nunity is pervading every portion of the Republic more and more, and emigration (which \nin 1881-82 amounted to about one million persons) is adding wealth and strength to the \nnation. The United States now (1882) is the freest and richest nation on the face of the \nearth. \n\n\n\nI N" DE X \n\n\n\nAbtnakes Indians, Tribes of, 17, 22. \nAbkecromrie, General, his expedition, 191. \nAboriginals of America, 9, 38. Taken to England. 53. \nAcadia, settlement of, 80, 121. Annexed to the British \nrealm, 186. The name of, changed to Nova Scotia, 132. \nHppedition against, 185. \nAccohannock Indians, 20. \nAc^omac Indians, 20. \nAct of Supremacy, 75. \n\nAdams John, defends Cant. Preston, 2^2. Member of \nthe first Continental Congress, 588. Suggests the \nappointment of Washington asOonimander-iii-Chief, \n238. On the Committee to draft the Declaration of \nIndependence, 251, 252. 589. Signer of it, 602. Chair- \nman of the Board of "War. 294. On the Committee to \nconfer wiih Lord Howe, 257. Commissioner of tlie \nTreatT of Peace. 848. First Minister to Great Britain, \n349. "Vice-President, 364. Ee-electod, 377. President \nof United States, 382, 383. Death of, 457. Notices of, \n383, 589. \nAdaus, John Quinct, his letter to Jefferson on the \nembargo, 403. Envoy, 419. Commissioner at Ghent, \n443. Secretary of State, 447. His treaty with Spain, \n451. President of the United States, 454. Noti<5e of, \n454. \nAdams, Samuel, 219, 221, 227, 234. \nAdams, William, British Commissioner, 443. \nAddison, Fy. C , Commissioner at Panama. \nAdmiralty, Massachusetts Board of, 307. Continental \n\nBoard of, 80S. \nAqua Nueva. 485. \n\nAix-la-Ohapelle, Peace of, 138. Conference at, respect- \nin? Cuba, 522, \nAlabama, Stale of, 448. \n\nAlabama Indiana, In the Creelc Confederacy, 30. \nAlabama, Confederate cruiser, 641. \nAlabama, Secession of, 547. In possession of Union. \n\nArmy, 605. \nAlbany, 144. Dutch Fort and Store House at, 72,140, \n\nWalloons at, 73. \nAlbemarle, steam ram, 704. \nAlbert, Prince, and tiie World\'s Fair, 517. \nAleutian Islands, 11. \nAlexander, Sie William, Earl of Stirling, SO. See \n\nStirling. \nAlexander, son of Massasoit, 124. \nAlgerine Pirates, 381, 444. 445. \n\nAlgiers, The United States at war with, 390, 445. \nDecatur at, 445. Peace between the United States \nand, 881. \nAlgcmquin Indians, Discovery of the, 17. Their tribes \nand territory, 17, With Samuel Champlain, 59. In \nthe Indian confederacy to exterminate the white \npeople, 18. \nAlien Laio of the United States, 386. \nAllatoona Pass, 699. \n\nAlleghany Mountains, Extent and name of the, 19. \nAllen, Ethan, Colonel, 284. At Montreal, 240. Notice of, \n\n240. \nAllen, Colonel, in the Indian war in 1813, 416, 418. \nAllen, Captain, of the brig Argus, 429. \nAmboy, New Jersey. \nAmbbistbr, Robert C, 448, 451. \nAnuUa Island, 443. \n\n\n\nAmerica, Discovery of, 34. Origin of the nam\xc2\xbb, 41 \nFirst colony in, 42. Intercourse of, with the Cla \nWorld, 11. \n\nAmerican Agriculture, 457. Association, 228 Col- \nonies, cost of, to England, 206. Commerce, nrotected \nin 1801, 390, 391. Manufactures, 447. System 458 459 \nParty, 531. i < \xe2\x80\xa2 \n\nAmes, Fisher, Notice of, 380. \n\nA.MUERST, Jeffrey, Lord, his expedition against Louis- \n,nn^l\'-^^^^\xc2\xae- Captures Ticonderoga, and Crown Point, \n199, 200. At Quebec, 203. Notices of, 196, 199. \n\nAmidas, Philip, his expedition to America, 55. \n\nAmpitdia, General, 481. Surrenders Monterey, 484. \n\nAmfsterdam, Henry Hudson sails from, 59. Charter to \nmerchants of. 72, \n\nAndastes Indians. 19, 23, 24. \n\nAnderson, John, (Major Andre). 825. \n\nAndep.son. Robert, Major, 549, 552. \n\nAndre, Major, Arnold\'s bargain with, 825. Captured \nand executed ; memorial to, 326. \n\nAndros, Sir Edmund, arrives at Boston, 129. Impris- \noned, 130. Governor of New York, 147 : and of New \nJersey, 159, 160. Usurpations by, 155, 156. \n\nAndroscoggin Indians, 22. \n\nAnnapolis, The Continental Congress meets at, 588. \n\nAnnawan, Famous New England Indian, 21. \n\nAntietam. Battle of, 689. \n\nAnville, Duke D., 138. See D\'Horville. \n\nApache Indians, 33. \n\n\n\nAppalachian Mountains, 19. De Soto crosses the, 44. \n\nAppomattox C(ru,rt- House, 719. \n\nAquiday Island, Indian name of Rhode Island, 91. \n\nAqtiinuschiotii. A name given to the Five Nations, 23. \n\nArbuthnot, Admiral, besieges Charleston, 309, 810. \nAttacks the French fleet. 330. \n\nAbbutunot, Alexandep\xc2\xab, 448, 451. \n\nArchdale, John, Governor, 165, 167. \n\nArgall, Samuel, Captain, his piracies, 58. Capture \nPocahontas, 70. Deputy-Governor of Virginia, 7> \nStory of him and D.itch traders, 72. \n\n" Argus" brig, 429, 430. \n\n" Ariel " schooner, 420. \n\nArista, General, at Matamoras, 481. \n\nArkansas Indians, 82. \n\nArkansas, State of, 451. Added to the Union, 45 \nSecession of, 547, 675. \n\nArlington, Earl of, 110. \n\nArmistead, Major, At Fort M\'Henry, 437. \n\nArmstrong, John, General, 193. Author of the Newburg \nAddress, 349. Secretary of War, 426. Notices of, 849, \n426. \xe2\x80\xa2 \n\nArmstrong, John, Colonel, 198. \n\nArmy, United States, condition of, 257, 261. Dis- \nbanded, 350, 6S1. \n\nArmy, Britis/i, in America, number of men in the, 253, \nSums granted for the, 206. State of, 28.5. \n\nArnold, Benedict, Gov. of Rhode Island, 158. \nArnold, Benedict, General, at Fort Stanwix, 273; Lake \nChamplain, 234,261 ; Penn\'s House, 162 i Philadelphia, \n287; Quebec, wounded, 241, 242; Ridgefield, 270; \nSaratoga, 282. Reprimanded by Washinston, 825. \nTreason of, 824, 325. 326. Escapes\' to the Vulture, 826, \nDepredations committed by, in Virginia, 830 ; and in \nNew England, 340. \n\n\n\nXXXIV \n\n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n\nArticles of Confederation, 266, 267, 353, 355. \n\nAsiiiiURTON, Lord, 472. \n\nAsiiE, General, 295. Miss and Colonel Tarleton, 332. \n\nAxhley River, Qi.9Q. \n\nAsuiiiiboin Indians, 31, 32. \n\nAsroR. John Jacob, his trading station, 479 \n\nA/fii/pdscas Indians. 17. \n\nAtkinson. Henry. General, 463. \n\nAtlanta, 6G5. 7llO. Battle at, 701. 703. \n\nAthnitlo Cable, 728. \n\nAtllM-o. Defeat of Santa Anna at, 49T. \n\nAttainder, Bill of, CI 9. \n\nAttiotiandiron Indians, 23. \n\nAttucks, Crispus. 221. \n\nAuffusta, Georgia, Captured by Lee, 336, 337. \n\nAustin, Ann. the Quakeress, 122. \n\nAustin, Stephen F., 477. \n\nAustria, Consul General of. and Martin Koszta, 518. \n\nAutossee. Ala., Battle at, 428. \n\nAvalon, Territory of, 81. \n\nAvERii-L, W. W.," Gen., Kaids of, 660, 697. \n\nAxel. Count, 98. \n\nAyllon, See. D\'Ayllon. \n\n\n\nBaoon, Lord, his expedition to New Foundland, 74. \n\nBaoon, Nathaniel, 110, 111. 112. \n\nBainbridge, Commodore, Protects Am. Com. 390, 391, \n\nCaptured by Tripolitans, 391. Notice of, 391. \nBaldwin, Abraham, 856, 629. \nBalfour, Colonel, at Charleston. 337. \nBaltimore, Lord, 152, 209. \nBaltimore, Jld, Capt. John Smith on the site of, 67. \n\nGen. Eoss approaches, 486, 437. Congress meets at, \n\n262. Mass.achiisetts troops attacked in, 556. \nBalVs Bluff, Buttle of. 535. \nBank, Of Massachnseits, 872. National, 372. Of New \n\nYork. 872. Of North America, 329, 872. \nBanks, N. P., Gen., 624. Commander at New Orleans, \n\n636. 644, 677, 6S4. 686. \nBaptists, the, compelled to pav fines, in Virginia, 110. \nBarhary Powers, The U. S. at war with, 890. \nBarclay, Egbert. Governor of New Jersey, 160. \nBarclay, Commodore, 420. His tribute to Commodore \n\nPerry, 428. \nBarlow, Artiiup^ his expedition to America, 55. \nBarlow, Joel. 899. \n\nBarney, Commodore, his flotilla, 436. Notice of, 436. \nBaree, Colonel, 217, 225. 282. \nBarron. Commodore, 401. \nBarry, Captain. 308. \nBarton, William. Colonel, 271. \nBartram, John, 210. \nBassett, ETCHARn.856. \nBayard, Jambs A., Envoy, 419, 448, 542. \nBear Tribe of Indians; 15. \nBeaufort Island. 98. \n\nBeaufort, U. S. Army takes possession of, 583. \nBeaumarchais. M., 266. \n\nBeauregard. P. G., General, 553, 601, 603, 712. \nBedell, Colonel, 240. \nBedford, Gunning, jr.. 356, 629. \nBeek>na7i\'8 Swamp, 148. \nBeers, Captain. 126. \nBelcher, Governor, 1.36. 178. \nBelgium, Treaty with, 469. \nBelknap, Jeremy, Dr., 57. \nBell, John, Secretary of War, 474, 542. \nBell, Church, removed from Deerfleld to Caughna- \n\nwaga, 135. \nBellemon\'t, Earl of, 194. \nBelt, Wampum, 18. \nBemis\'s Heights, Battle of, 231. \nBbnnet, Eichard, 109. \nBentonville. Battle near, 714. \nBerkeley, Lord, 95, 159. \n\nBerkeley, Sir William, 98, 108, 110, 111, 112. \nBerkeley, Admiral. 4iil. \nBermuda Islands, Gates, Newport, and Somers wrecked \n\non the, 68. \nBermuda Hundred, 691. \nBernard, Governor, 220. \nBethlehem. La Fayette at, 278. \nBeverly, Eobert, Major, 112. \nBible, the. The Statute book in Conn., 154. \nBiddle. Edward. 586. \nBxDDLB, Captain, 308. \n\n\n\nBig Bethel, Battle at, 562. \n\nBill of Rights of the Continental Congress, 288, \n\nBiLLiNGE, Edward. 160. \n\nBiLLOP, Captain, 257. \n\nBingham, Captain, 407. \n\nBirmingham Meeting House, 273. \n\nBlackfeet Indians. 33. \n\nBlack Hawk, 18, 32. 46.3. \n\nBlack Hawk War, 463. \n\nBlack Rock. Village, burnt, 427. \n\nBlackstone, William, Eev., 89. \n\nBlack Warrior, Steam Ship, 519. \n\nBlair, John, 856, 869. \n\nBlakeley, Captain, 440. \n\nBlennbuhasset. 397. \n\nBlock. Adrian, 72, 82. \n\nBlockade Riinyiers, 708. \n\nBlock House, Burnefs 192. \n\nBlock Island, Origin of the name of, 87. \n\nBloemart, Samuel, 1.39. \n\nBloody Creek, Connecticut, 126. \n\nBloodi/ Marsh. Florida, 173. \n\nBloody Pond, 190. \n\nBloomfield, Joseph, 410. \n\nBlount, William, 355, 856. \n\nBlucher, 431. \n\nBlythb, Captain, 430. \n\nBoard, of Admiralty, See Admiralty. Of Trade, ISS, \n184. Of trade and plantations, 134. Of war, appointed \nby Congress, 294. \n\nBolivar, General, 457. \n\nBonaparte, Napoleon, Emperor, 399. His decrees at \nBerlin, 400 ; Milan, 402 ; and Eambouillet, 406. Treaty \nwith, 386, 603. \n\n\'\xe2\x96\xa0\'\xe2\x96\xa0Bonhomme Richard,\'\'\'\' 307. \n\nBooksellers in the American Colonies, 179. \n\nBoone, Daniel. 300. \n\nBooth, Wilkes, Assassin, 720. \n\nBosoawen. Admiral, 189, 195, 196. \n\nBoston, Mass, Norwegians explore the region near, \n85. Founded. 118. Expedition from, to Port Eoyal, \n1-35, 186. Eevolutiouary proceedings there, 221. \nBoston, Port Bill, 225, 226. Boston Neck, 229. Forti- \nfied by Gage, 229. Cannonaded, 247. Evacuated by \nthe British. 247. \n\nBonquet, Colonel, 19, 198. At Pittsburg, 205. Notle\xc2\xab \nof, 205. \n\nBowDoiN, Governor, .353. \n\n\'\'Boxer:\' United States Brig, 430. \n\nBoyd, Colonel, 295. \n\nBoyd, John. 319. \n\nBraddock, Edward, General, 1 St Meeting with the \nGovernors of the Colonies. 185. Expedition to Foiv \nDu Quesne, 186. Death of, 186. \n\nBradford, William, Governor, 11.5, 118. \n\nBradrord, William, Editor of the New York Gazett4, \n150. \n\nBradstreet, Colonel, 197. 198. At Detroit, 205. \n\nBragg, General, 632, 684, 63S, 663, 665, 666. \n\nBrandywine, Battle of, 273. \n\n" Brandytoine:\'\' frigate, 453. \n\nBrant, Joseph, 296; 291. \n\nBrashear City, 684. \n\nBrearly, David, 356. \n\nBreed\'s Hill, 234. \n\nBrent, Charles, 489. \n\nBrewster, Elder, 77, 116. \n\nBbeyman, Colonel, 277. \n\nBridgewater, Battle at, 4-33. \n\nBristol, England, Cabot sails from, 46. \n\nBritish Agent\xc2\xab among the Indians, 373. Fleet, depre- \ndations by the, in the United States, 430 ; and in 1814, \n436, 437. Fleet on Lake Champlain, 485. Claims to \nOregon, 479. \n\nBrock, Sir Isaac, General, 411, 414. \n\nBrooke, Lord, 85. \n\nBrookh, Colonel, 437. \n\nBrookfield, Connecticut, 126. \n\nBrooklyn, New York, Walloons at, 73. \n\nBrown, Jacob, 856. \n\nBrown, Jacob, General, at Chippewa, 433. At Pre\xc2\xbb- \ncott, 426. At Sackett\'s Harbor, 426, 482. Notice of, \n4,33. \n\nBrown, John, Eaid of. 533. Notice of, 538. \n\nBrown, John. 308. \n\nBrown, Major, at Fort Brown, 4S2. Mortally wounded, \n492. \n\nBbown, General, (British), 836, 387. \n\n\n\n\n\n\nI \n\n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n\nBrowne. John and Samuel, 119, \n\nBuoHANAN, James, Secretary of State, 47S. Elected \nPresident, 530. Notice of, 530. Cabinet of, 532. \n\nBucKNBR, General, 596. \n\nBuENA Vista, Battle of, 485. \n\nBuELL, Don Carlos, 591, 595, 003, 606, 033. \n\nBuffalo, New York, burnt, 42". \n\nBtrroKD, Abraham, Colonel, his troops slaughtered by \nTarleton, 313. \n\nBull, Brought to America by Columbus, 41. \n\nBuWs Run, First battle of, 503. \n\nBlinker\'s Hill, 234. Battle of. 236. \n\nBurgesses, The Virginia House of, 106. \n\nBuRGOYNE, John. General, 234. At Fort Edward, 276, \n277. At Lake Champlain, 272. At St. John, 271. At \nTieonderoga, 275. Surrenders at Saratoga, 2S1. Dines \nwith General Schuyler, 261. Notice of, 282. \n\nBiTKKE, Edmund, 217, 221, 2S2. \n\nBurlington, Count Donop at, 262. \n\nBuKNET, Peter H., 499. \n\nBuRNSiDE, Ambrose E., General, 589, 606. Head quarters \nof, 607. Takes command of the Army, 631. Is super- \nseded, 631, 664. \n\nBurns, Anthony, Fugitive Slave, arrest of, 519. \n\nBurr, Aaron, in Arnold\'s expedition to Quebec, 241. \nVice-President, 388. Duel with Hamilton, 361, 396. \nProposed invasion of Mexico, 390. Tried for treason, \n898. His conduct towards Blennerhasset, 397. Notice \nof, 397. \n\nBl\'rrington, Geokgi:, G^^vi-rnor of North Croliana, 171. \n\nBurroughs, Kev\xe2\x80\x9e The. executed as a wizard, 133. \n\nBurrows, Lieut., Captures the British brig " Boxer," \n432. \n\nBusiinell. David, his torpodo, 252. \n\nBute, Lord, 213. \n\nButler. Ben.iamin. F., 453.579, 609. C<immander of New \nOrleans. 6 11, 632, 6:\xc2\xbb. Relieved of the Department of \nthe Gulf, 636, 638. 691. Colored troops under, 696. \n\nButler, John, Colonel, 278, 290. \n\nButler, Pierce, 356. \n\nButler, Walter N., 291. \n\nButler, Zebulon, Colonel, Notice o^ 290. \n\nByron, Admiral, 305. Succeeds Lord Howe, 292. \n\n\n\nc. \n\nJ.vBOT, George, 444. \n\nCabot, John, Notice of, 60. \n\nCabot, Sebastian, his commission from Henry VII, 46. \nSails for America in 1497, 46. His second expedition, \nin 1498, 47. Discovers Labrador, Newfoundland and \nportions of New England, 41. Explores the coast from \nL:ibrailor to the Carolinas. 47. Navigates the northern \ncoast of Hudson\'s Bay. Explores the coast of Brazil, \n47. Discovers the Riodela Plata. 47. Notices of, 47, 60. \n\nCadwalader, Lambert, Colonel, 355. \n\nCIadwallader, John, General, at Trenton, 263, 263. \n\nVahokia, captured by Major Clarke, 303. \n\nCahukia Indians, 19. \n\nCaldwell, Rev. Dr.. 334 \n\nCaldwell, James, 221. \n\n" Caledonia " The, one of Perry\'s vessels, 420. \n\nCalef. Mr., of Boston, 133. \n\nCalhoun. John C, his views of the war of 1812, 409. \nSecretary of War, 447. Vice-president, 454,459. No- \ntices of, 458, 459. \n\nCalifornia, Conquest of, 487. Discovery of Gold, 497. \nAdmitted to the Union, 601. Excludes slavery, 499. \n\nCalumets, Indian, 14. \n\nCalvert, Charles, 153. \n\nCalvert, George, Lord Baltimore, 81. \n\nCalvert, Leonard, 82, 151. \n\nCambridge, England, Meeting at, respecting the Ply- \nmouth Colony, lis. \n\nCambridge, Massachusetts, founded, 118. The college \nfounded at, 121. Provincial Congress at, 230. \n\nCamden, New Jersey, 93. \n\nCampbell, William, Colonel. 319. \n\nCampisell, Colonel. (British), 291, 292, 294. \n\nCamp Douglas. Prisoners at, 710. \n\nCanada, Attempted conquest of, 131, 136. Pitt\'s scheme \nfor conquering, 199. Measures for the conquest of. \n203. 204. End of French dominion in, 22. Address of \nCongress to the people of, 239. Pro|)osed invasion of, \n194 Hull\'s invasion of. 410. Wellington\'s troops \nsent to, 432 Revolutionary movement in, 471, 472. \n\nCanary Islands, Columbus delayed at the, 39. \nOanby, E. K. 8., General, 591, 686. \n\n\n\nCanonchet, Treaty of Peace with, 125. His perfidy and \ndeath, 127. \'^ \' \n\nCanonicus, Narraganset chief, 21, 90, 91, 115. \n\nCanterbwy, Archbishop of, 121. \n\nCape Ann, colony at. 110. Bajuiljjr, 86. Breton, 137, \n133. Charles, origin of the name, 64. Cabot passes. \n46. Cod, origin ot the name. 57. Farewell, 46. Fear," \norigin of the name, 55. Of Good Hope, origin of tlia \nname, 37. Henlopen, 93. Henry, origin of the namv, \n64 May, .85; purchase of, and origin of the name 94. \n\nCapital of the United States, S^S. \n\nCaramelli, Hamet, 392,395. \n\nCarcass, described, 236. \n\nCardo.v, Lord. 166. \n\nCarleton, Sir Guy, Governor of Canada, 373. At St \nJohn\'s, 240. At Quebec, 241. His propositions for \nreconciliation, 345. \n\nCarlisle, Earl of. Commissioner to America, 1778, 286. \n\nCarnif ex Ferry, Battle at, 578. \n\nCarolina, Amillas and Barlow off the shores of, 55. \nColonies founded n, 62. Origin of the name, 50, 55, \n98. The colonies of, 97, 16.3, 164; Separated, 171. \nGrant from Parliament to, 206. Opposes taxation, 223. \n\nCarolina, Fort, 98. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 Caroline,\'\'^ steamboat, 472. \n\nCarpenter\'s Hall, Philadelphia, 288, 588. \n\nCarr, Sir Robert, 123. \n\nCarroll, Charles, of CarroUton, 252, 602. \n\nCarroll, Daniel, 356. \n\nCarroll, John, Archbishop. 354. Notice of, 354. \n\nCarteret, Sir George, 98, 159. Purchases New Jersey. \n159. \xe2\x80\xa2" \n\nCarteret, Philip, Governor of New Jersey, 94, 159. \n\nCarteret County Colony. 98, 164. 16.^ \n\nCartier, James, his expeditions, 48,49. \n\nCaktwright, George, 123. \n\nCarver, John, Governor, 77, 73. His interview with \nMftssasoit, 114 Death of, 115. Notice of, 78. \n\nCascades. Oregon, Attacked by Indians, 528. \n\nCasco Village, attacked by the French and Indians, 131. \n\nCasey, General, 616. \n\nCass, Lewis, General, at Detroit, 424. Candidate for \nthe Presidency, 1848, 498. \n\nCastillon, General, deserts Colonel Walker at Rivas, \n525. \n\nCastine, Baron de. 134. \n\nCastine. Admiral Griffith seizes the town of, 1814, 433. \n\nCastle William, 220. \n\nCastro, General, 487. \n\nCaswell, Richard, 356, 588. \n\nCatawba Indians, 26, 27. Allies of Nort\'d Carolina Col- \nony, 168, 170. \n\nCatawba River, 21. \n\nCat Island, See Guanaham.a. \n\nCattle, First, in Connecticut, 86. Newfoundland and \nNova Scotia, 47. \n\nCaughnawaga, The church bell at, 135. \n\nCayuga Indians, 2S, 24. \n\nCedar Mountain, Battle at, 624. \n\nCen.iHS, 371, 388. \n\nCent, U. S Coin, 372. \n\nChampe, Serjeant, attempts to capture Arnold, 326. \n\nChamplain, Samuel, his expedition, 59. Discovers \nLake Champlain, 59 ; and Lake Huron 59. His pub- \nlications, 59. \n\nChamplain, Lake, discovered. 59. \n\nChancellorsville, Battle of, 649. \n\nChanco, 106. \n\nChandler, Notice of, 420. \n\nCharles I, of England, 74 107. 116. \n\nCharles II.. of Ensland, 109.110. His Gifts to Lord CuK \npejiper, and the Karl of Arlington, 110. Grants a new- \ncharter to Connecticut, 155. Declares the Massachu- \nsetts charter void, 129. Makes judges independent of \nthe people. 110. Reproaches Governor Berkeley, 112. \nGives New Netheriand to his brother James, 144 \nDeath of, 113. \n\nCharles IX., of France, 49, 51. His commission to Co. \nlisnv, 50. \n\nCharleston, South Carolin.a, founded, 99, 117. Frcneh \nand Spanish expedition against, 109. Seige of, 809, \n311. Captured by the British, 312. Evacuated, 843. \nat Oglethorpe, 100, 703. \\ \n\nCharlesto-wn, Mass., 230. \n\nCharter of Liberties, William Penn\'s, 162, Of New \nYork. 147. \n\nChatham, The Earl of. 218. His conciliatory mcaaurea, \n231. His denunciations in the House of Lords, 23fc \n\n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n\nHis letter to Sayre, 228. His opinion of the Conti- \nnental Congress, 228. Death of, 286. Notice of, 217. \nSee Pitt. \n\nCuASE, Salmon P., Secretary of the Treasury, 560. Notice \nof, 560, 679. Chief-Justice of Uniied States, 732. \n\nChattanooga, 606, 682. \n\nChauncky, Commodore, 420, 425. \n\nCheksehan, General Montgomery\'s Aid, 242. \n\nChepultepec, Battle of, 1S4T, 494. \n\nCheraw Indians. 20. \n\nCherry Valley devastated, 290. \n\n" Cherub\'\'\'\' sloop-of-war, 431. \n\nCherubusco, General Scott at, 493. \n\nChestnut, James, 546. \n\nChesapeake Bay e.\\i)lored by Captain John Smith, \n67. Gosnold in the, 64. Indians on the, 20. \n\n" Chesapeake " frigate, 401, 429. \n\nChester, Pennsylvania. William Penn at, 97. \n\nChevaiKB-de-frise 6.&s,mhiii,2\'~iA. At Charleston, 311. \n\nChevy Chase. 233. \n\nCyiewing Tobacco invented by white people, 14. \n\nChicago, Wigwam at, 543. Convention at, 710. \n\nChickahominy Ri/ver, 66, 616. Battle of the, 620, 692. \n\n" Chickamauga,\'" Confederate pirate, 714. Battle of, \n666. \n\nChickasaw Bayov,. Battle at, 643. \n\nChickasaw Indians, 29, 30, 44. \n\nChickasaw River, 29. \n\nCiiicKELEY, Sir Henry, 113. \n\nChild, Scandinavian, born on Ehode Island, 85. \n\nChilds, Colonel, at Piiebla, 494. \n\nChimney Point, 1S9. \n\nChippe,,:.! luilians. 17, 18, 24, 205. \n\nChij,j,.,r,i. llattle ol. 433. \n\nChoc!,iir /,,,/unis, i:9, 30. \n\nChoiraii Jii</iitii^, 23. \n\nChowan River, 97. \n\nChristians, Indian, converted by French Jesuit8,22. \n\nChristian Commission, 723. \n\nChristina, in Deleware, 93. \n\nCheonicle, William, Mayor, 319. \n\nChrysler\'s Field, Battle of, 427. \n\nChurch Ben.jamin, Captain, l-z7. Death of, 127. \n\nChv/rch of England in the reign of Charles II., 110. \nEstablished in Maryland, 154. In North Carolina, \n168. In South Carolina. 169. \n\nChurch and Utate, in Massachusetts, 118. \n\nChurchmen, persecuted bv Puritans, 119. \n\nCincinnati Society, instituted, 352. Order of the, 352. \n\nCipher Writing of the New York tories, 309. \n\nCity Hall of New York, 366. City Hall Park, 148. \n\nCivilization, New period of, in America, 52. \n\nClaiborne, William C. C, Governor, 440. Notice of, \n441. \n\nClans, Indian, 17. \n\nClarendon, Lord, 98. \n\nClarendon County Colony, 98. \n\nClark, Abraham, 856, 602. \n\nClarke, George K., General, his operations in South \nCarolina and Georgia, 314, 315, 819, 336. His expedi- \ntion against the Indians, 303. Captures Kaskaskia, \nand Cahokia, 303. Notice of, 303. \n\nClarke, Captain, his tour of exploration with Captain \nLewis, in 1604, 479. \n\nClay, Green, General, at Fort Meigs, 418, 419. \n\nClay, Henry, United States Commissioner at Ghent, \n443. Nominated for the Presidency, 454. Secretary \nof State. 454. His compromise "bill. 464. Nominated \nfor the Presidency, 478. Notice of, 500. \n\nClay, Lieutenant-Colonel, 486. \n\nClAYBORNE, WiLLlA.M, 82, 151. \n\n" Clermont," Fulton\'s first steamboat, 399. \n\nCleveland, Benjamin, 319. \n\nClinch. General, 467. \n\nClingman, William, 611. \n\nClinton, De Witt, 416. His part in the Erie Canal, 457. \nNotice of, 457. \n\nClinton, Sir Henry, General, at Boston, 234, 236. Joins \nSir Peter Parker, 248. On Long Island, 253. At New \nYork, 272. Captures Forts Clinton and Montgomery, \n283. At Monmouth, 287. His moonlight dispatch, \n288. His m.arauding expeditions, 296. Succeed- Howe, \n287. Evacuates Rhode Island, and proceeds to the \nCarolinas, 306, 309. In New Jersey. 320. Deceives \nWashington, 320. At the Seice of Charleston, 309. \nSends emissaries to the Pennsylvania mutineers, 828, \n329. \n\nCLiNTgN, James, General, at Tioga Point, 304. \n\n\n\nClinton, George, Governor, 287. Vice-President, 896, \n404. With General Knox, 350. Notice of, 350. \n\nClvmeb. George, 356, 602, 629. \n\nCobb, Howeli., General, 715. \n\nCocKBUBN, Admiral, His marauding expeditions, 430 \n440. \n\nCod Fishery, 47, 116. \n\nCODDINGTON, WiLLIAM, 91. \n\nCoffee, Gener-al, in the expedition against the Creeks, \n42S. Notice of, 428. \n\nCoffey, Colonel, 675. \n\nCoins and Currency of the United States, 872. Coppei \ncoins, 372. \n\nCoLDEN, Cadwalladee, 215. \n\nCoLiGNY, Admiral, 49. 50. Sir Walter Ealeigh studies \nthe art of war with, .52. The friend of Huguenots, 49. \n\nColleton, James, Governor, 166. \n\nColleton, Sir John, 98. \n\nCollier, Sir George, 297. \n\nColonies, .American, History of the, 51, 52, 104, 174. \nAmerican population of the, 179. New Kngland, pro- \nposed Union of the, 121 ; the Union dissolved, 122. \n\nColony, The earliest in America, 42. \n\nColorado, 678. \n\nColumbia, District of, 38S. \n\nColumbia River, 279. \n\nColumbia, S. C, Fall of, 712. \n\nColumbus, Christopher, 37. His voyage to Iceland, 37. \nQueen Isabella fits out a fleet for him, 87. He sails \nfrom Palos, 39. His voyages and discoveries, persecu- \ntions and death, 41. \n\nComanche Jndians.ZZ. Territory of the, 45. \n\nComhahee River, D\'Ayllon iit the mouth of, 43. \n\nCommerce of the American colonies. Eeetrictions im- \nposed on the, 212. American. 381, 382, 390, 391 ; Pro- \ntected. 391 ; Injured by England and France, 400, 401 ; \nInjured by pirates, 453. Of Great Britain and the \nUnited States, 367. \n\nCommittee of Safety of Massachusetts, 234. Com- \nmittees of Correspondence, 226. \n\nComo, Witchcriift at, 13\'2. \n\nCompany of Free Traders, 96. \n\n"Concessions," The, of Berkeley and Carteret. 159. \n\nConfederation, American Articles of, 206. 267, 353, 355. \n\nConfederation of New England colonies, 121. \n\nConfederates, Finances of, 679. \n\nConfederacy, Excitement in, 545. \n\nCongaree Indians hostile to the South Carolina col- \nonies, 170. \n\nCongress, First Continental, at Philadelphia, 227, 228. \nSecond Continental, 215, 238; Appoints a Committee \nto confer with Washington, 239; Measures of, 245; \nArmed M.arine of, 807; Committee on Naval Affairs \n307; Continental Naval Board of Marine Committee, \nand Bo.ard of Admiralty of, 308; Resolution on Inde- \npendence, and Committee on the Declaration of Inde- \npendence, 251; Committee for conferring with Lord \nHowe, 259; Sends an embassy to France and to other \nEuropean courts, 266; Rejects Lord North\'s Concilia- \ntory Bills, 286. Of the United States, resolution of the, \ntoallowiiiilitaryoflacersh.alf pay for life, 349 ; Disbands \nthe army, 350 ; Efforts of, at New York. 862 ; Recom- \nmends the appointment of a day forth^imogiving and \nprayer, 870; Measures of the, respecting Revenues, \n366,367: Extraordinary Sessions of, 475." Provincial, \nat Cambridge, Massachusetts, 230; Makes salutary \nchange in postal arrangements, 507; feends steam ves- \nsels to coast of China and round\'Cape Horn, 515 ; Re- \nconstruction policy of, 726; Passes tenure of office bill, \n729; Imjieaches the President, 729, 732. \n\nCongress Mexican, Assumes provisional authority, 497. \n\n"Congress," frigate, 414. \n\nConnecticut, Origin and signification of the word, 85. \nSettlement of. 62. Pequod Indians in, 21. History of \nthe Colony of, 161 Constitution of, 154. Charter of, \n155. Takes part in the wiir against King Philip, 155. \nRefuses to surrender its charter, 156. Joins the con- \nfederacy of colonies, 121. Grant to, from Parliament, \n206. \n\nConnecticut River, Discovered by Block, 72, 82. Col- \nony at the, 85, 86. \n\nCanonchet, 21. \n\nConnor, Commodore. Sails for the Gulf of Mexico, 480. \nCaptures Tampico, Tabasco, and Tuspan, 485. At \nVera Cruz. 489. \n\n\'\xe2\x96\xa0\'\xe2\x96\xa0Constellation." frigate, 382. Captures the frigate L\' \nInsurgente, 885. Action of the, with the frigate L\xc2\xbb \nI Vengeance, 385. \n\n\n\nINDEX \n\n\n\nxxxvn \n\n\n\nComUtution of the. United States, "Washington sug- \ngests a convention on the subject of a; history of \nthe, 356; articles of the, 359, 360, 361. Amendments, 758. \n\nConstitution of Government, Pilgrim, 78. \n\n"ConsUtntion," frigate, 382,415, 440. Action of the, with \nthe Guerriere, 414. \n\nContinental, Army, 238. Congress: see Congress. \nMoney, 245; Depreciation of, 293, 328; Counterfeited, \n\nCoNTRECCEUR, M., attacks the Ohio Company\'s men, \n182. \n\nContreras, Battle of, 1847. 493. \n\nConvention on the Articles of Confederation, 356. At \nAlbany, 1754, 183. \n\nCoNWAT, Thomas, General, 2S5. \n\nConway, Henry Seymour, General, his motion in Par- \nliament, 346, 347. \n\nCooDE, The insurgent, 153. \n\nCopley, John Singleton, 209. \n\nCopley, Lionel, Royal Governor, 153. \n\nCoppiN, Pilot of the Mayflower, 78. \n\nCopp\'s mil, 235. \n\nCooper, Ashley, Lord, 98. \n\nCooper River, Origin of the name, 99. \n\nCordova, Francisco Fernankez de, discovers Mexico, \n43. \n\nCoree Indians, 17, 20, 57. Conspire against the North \nCarolina settlements, 168. \n\nCorinth, Battle at, 635. Evacuation of; 604. \n\nCoRNBURY, Lord, 149, 161. \n\nCornplanter, 26, 304. \n\nCornstalk unites with Logan against the white men, \n20. His bravery and death, 20. \n\nCornwallis, Charles, Lord, on Long Island, 253, 254. \nCaptures Fort Lee, 259. Pursues Washington, 260. At \nNew York, 262. At Princeton, 268. At Charleston, \n311. In South Carolina, 313. At Sander\'s Creek, 315. \nIn command of the British Army at the South, 315. \nAt Charlotte, 318. At Winnsborough, 319. Suc- \nceeds Phillips, 3-30. Pursues Morgan, 332. Abandons \nNorth Carolina, 834. At Wilmington and Petersburg, \n388. His operations in Virginia, 388. Surrenders at \nYorktown, 341. His cruelty, 818. Notice of, 818. \n\nCorpus Christi village, Mexico, 480. \n\nCortez, Fernando, his expedition to Mexico, 43. De- \nthrones Montezuma, 10. Notice of, 43. \n\nCoRTOREAL, Gasper, his expedition to America, in 1500, \n47. \n\nCosby, William, Governor, 150. \n\nCosta Rica declares war against Nicaragua, 1856, 526. \n\nCotton, Rev. Mr., 118. Comes to America, 86. \n\nCotton, Cultivation of, in the United States, 368. \n\nCouncil of Plymo\'uth, 117, 120. \n\nCouncil Indian, how composed, 16. \n\n"Countess of Scarborough\'\'\'\' captured by Paul Jones, \n307. \n\nCounties, Origin of, 73. \n\nCowpem, Battle of, 331, 832. \n\nCows brought to America by Columbus, 41. Taken to \nVirginia, 68. \n\nCoxE, Tench, 869. Notice of, 368. \n\nCraig, Major, 345. \n\nCraik, Dr.. his anecdote of Washington\'s escape from \ndeath, 186. \xc2\xab \n\nCrampten, Mr., British Minister, dismissed, 528, 529. \n\nCraney Island, 430. \n\nCraven, Lord, 98. \n\nCraven, Charles, Governor of South Carolina, 170. \n\nCrawford, William H., Minister to France, 429. Secre- \ntary of the Treasury, 447. Nominated for the Presi- \ndency, 454. \n\nCreek Indians, 29, 30, 108, 168, 427, 428, 455, 456. \n\nCreoles, Origin of the, 41. \n\n\'\xe2\x96\xa0^Orescent City,\'\'\'\' steamboat, 512. \n\nCrimea, the. Enlistments in American cities, for the \nEnglish Army in, 52a \n\nCrittenden, George B., Colonel, 593. \n\nCrittenden, William L., at Cuba; executed, 508. \n\nCroghan, Major, Notice of, 420. \n\nCromwell, Oliver, 155. His supposed intention to mi- \ngrate to America, 120, 130. Opposed by Virginia, 108. \nNotice of, 108. \n\nCross of St. George, 144. Of St. Andrew. 144. Pine, \nerected by De Soto, 44. Planted on the shore of Gaspfe \ninlet. 48. \n\nCrow Indians, 82, 33. \n\nCrottm Point, 199. Champlain at, 59. Johnson s expe- \ndition against, 185. \n\n\n\nCruger, Lieutenant-Colonel, 385. In South Carolina, SIS \n\nCuba. Discovery of, 40. Fears of invasion of, 60a \n\nDiflicullies about settlement of, 520. \nCuLPBPi-EB,Lord, Grants to bv Charles XL, 110. \nCulpepper John, 99. The revolt led by, 164. Lays out \n\nthe city of Charleston. 165. \nCurrency, National, Of the United States, 872. ^ \n\nCurtin, Governor, calls out Militia, 653, \nCurtis, S. R., General. 691. \nGushing, Caleb, 540. \nGushing, Thomas, 588. \nGushing, William, Judge, 369 \nCusHMAN, Robert, 77. \n" Cyane,\'" frigate, 440. \n\nD. \n\nDacres, Captain, 414. \n\nDade, Francis L., Major, massacred, 467. Notice o^ \n\nDahcotah Indians, 81, 32. \n\nDale, Sir Thomas, arrives at Jamestown, with Bupnlles. \n\n69. Governorof Virginia, 70. \nDaulgren, Admiral, 688, 673. \nDalton, Georgia, Raid at, 682. \nBanvers, Witchcraft at, 138. \nDare, ELKA^0R, her daughter Virginia, 56. \nDartmouth College, 178. \nDaughters of Liberty, 216. \nDavenport, John, 88. \nDavie, William Richardson, Colonel, 318, 856. Envoy \n\nto France, 385. \nDavis, Jefferson, Secretary of War, 528. Notice o/ \n\n547, 569. Elected President of Confederacy, 641. \n\nFlies from Richmond, 718. Taken prisoner, 722. \nDavis, Jefeesos C, 691. \nD\'Hanville, 188. \nD\'Ayllon, Lucas Vasquez, 42. \nDayton, Jonathan, 356, 629. \nDbane, Silas, Member of the first Continental Congress, \n\n588. Chairman of the Committee on Naval Aitfairs, \n\n807, 808. American Agent in France, 266. On th\xc2\xab \n\nAmerican embassy to France, 266. \nDearborn, Henry, 390. Commands the Array of the \n\nNorth, 412. At York, Canada, 425. Notice of, 410. \nDebt of United States, 679. In 1868, 734. \nDecatur, Stephen, Commodore, 415. In the Mediter- \nranean ; at Algiers; at Tunis, 445. His exploit at \n\nTripoli, notice of, 392. Captured, 440. \nDeclaration of Rights, 215. \nDeerfield, 126. Attacked by Eouville, 135. \nDe Hart, John, 588. \nDe Heister, 253, 254. \nDe Kalb, Baron, in the Southern campaign, 809, 814. \n\nDeath of, 816. Notice of, 316. \nDblancey, James, Governor, 183, 185. Favors a Stamp \n\nAct, 541. \nDelaware, Settlement of, 92. Colonies, 144. Swedes \n\nin, 62. Yields to the Dutch, 147. An independent \n\ncolony, 159. \nDelaware Bay, Verrazani anchors in, 43. \nDelaware Indians, 17, 21, 161,86:3. \nDe la Wakr, Lord, Governor of Virginia, 68. At James- \ntown, 69 Character of; death of, 69. \nDelft-Haven. Holland, Puritans sail from, 77. \nDe Monts, 58. \nDeseret, the country of the Mormons ; signification o( \n\nthe name, 504. \nDe Soto, Ferdinand, 44, 45. \nD\'EsTAiNG ; see Estaing. \nDetroit, Capture of, 424. \nDevens, Charles, General, 585. \nDe Vries, Captain, 92. His plantation, 140. \nDexter, Samuel, 889. \nDickenson, John, Chairman of the convention on tb* \n\nConstitution of the United States, 855. His letter! \n\nDiESKAU, Baron, Fate of his expedition, 1S9, 190. Death \n\nof, 190. \nDime, United States coin, 372. \nDintoiddie Court Iforne, 717. \nDiNWiDDiE, Robert, Governor, 188. His letter to St \n\nPierre. 181. His independent companies, 184. \nDirectory. The French, 888, 884. \nDoBBS, Governor. 185. \nDohb\'s Ferry. 257. \nDollar, American, 372. \n\n\n\nXXXVlll \n\n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n\nDominion, The Old: see Old Dominion. \n\nI>onelson, Fort, Victory at, 597. \n\nDoNGAN, Thomas, Governor, 147. \n\nDoniphan, Oolom-1. 4SS. 459. \n\nDoNOP, Count, at Burlington, 262. Death of, 295. \n\nDouglas, Stephen A., 541. \n\nDover, attacked by the French and Indians, 16S9, 130. \n\nDowNiE, Commodore, 434. Death of, 435. \n\nDpaft, 657. \n\nDkake, Sir Francis, 56. At St. Augustine, 57. Dis- \ncovers the tobacco-plant ; introduces it into England, \n70. \n\nDrummond. General, 432, 43-3. At Burlington Heights, \n433. At Fort Erie, 4;J4. \n\nDRUMMONn. William. Rev., 111. Executed, 97,112. \n\nDtTANB, William J., refuses to withdraw the Govern- \nment funds from the United States Bank, 465. \n\nDucHE, Jacob, Eev., 22S. \n\nDudley, Joseph, 129. \n\nDudley, Thomas, 117. \n\nDunbar, Colonel, 186. \n\nDunmore, Lord, 237, 243, 589. \n\nDuPONT, S. F., Commodore, 582, 609,671. \n\nDusTAN, Mrs, captured by the French and Indians \n134. \n\nDutch, The, their maritime enterprise, 71. East India \nCompany of, send a ship to the Hudson River, 71. \nPurchase Manhattan Island from the Manhattan \nIndians, 21. Settle at New Amsterdam, 62. In New \nNetherland, send a friendly salutation to the Massa- \nchusetts Colony. 118. Their friendly intercourse with \nthe Puritans, S5. Oppose Captain Holmes, 85. \nPurchase Long Island, 114. Claim jurisdiction upon \nthe Connecticut, 121. Settle in South Carolina, 99. \nTake possession of New York, 147. \n\nDutch East India Company, 59, 71. \n\nDutch West India Company, 72, 93, 139, 144. \n\nDutch Point, Connecticut, 85. \n\n\n\nEagle, American gold coin, 372. \n\nEarly, General, 695, 698. \n\nEast India Company send tea to America ; notice of \nthe, 224. \n\nEast Jersey, \\^. \n\nEaton, Theophilus, Governor, 88,154. \n\nEaton, William. Captain, Consul at Tripoli, 392. \n\nEdda, Indian, 23. \n\nEden, William, 2S6. \n\nEdenton, North Carolina, First popular assembly at, 93. \n\nEdisto Island, 609. \n\nEducation fostered by the Massachusetts Colony, \n121. In the colonies, 178. \n\nEdwards, Jonathan, 210. \n\nEffingham, Governor, Character of, 113. \n\nElba. Bonaparte at, 431. \n\nMectoT\'s for President and Vice-President of the United \nStates, 861. \n\nEliot, John, Rev., 123. \n\nElizabeth, Queen of England, 51, 76. \n\nElizabeth Islands discovered, 57. \n\nElizabethtoimi, New Jersey, 159. \n\nEllbt, Charles, Jr., Colonel, 605. \n\nElliott, Susanna, Mis., 305. \n\nEllison\'s Mill, Battle at, 619, 620. \n\nEllsworth, Colonel, takes first secession flag, 564. \n\nEllsworth, Oliver, 356, 359. Envoy to France, 1799, \n385. On the Judicary of the United States, 368. No- \ntice of, 359. \n\nElm, Penn\'s Treaty, 96, 161. \n\nMnaneipatian, Proclamation of, 639, 640, 680. \n\nEndicot, John, 117. \n\nEngland, see Great Britain. \n\n^\'\xe2\x96\xa0Enterprise\'\'\' brig, 430. \n\n" Epervier " brig, 440. \n\nErie Indians, 19, 2-3. \n\nEHe Canal, 456, 457. \n\nErie, Lake ; See Lake Erie. \n\nEmucfau, Battle at. 428. \n\nErskine, General, at Trenton, 268. \n\nErskinb, Mr., British Minister to the United States, 406. \n\nEsopua Indians, 148. \n\nEaqwimAiivx Indians, 17, 509. \n\n" Essex" frigate, 414, 430, 431. \n\nEstaing. Count d\\ sent with a fleet to America, 286. \nHis fleet disabled by a storm. 289. In the West Indies, \n\n\n\n292. Off tho coast of Georgia, 305. At the siege of \n\nSavannan, 305. Notice of, 289. \nEstramndura, Cortez died at, in 1554, 43. \nEtehemin Indians, 22. \nEutaio Springs, Battle of, -338. \nEverett, Edward, Mass., 542. \nEwELL, General. 617, 654. \nEwino, J-a.mes, General, at Trenton, 263. \nExeter, New Hampshire, founded, 80. \n\n\n\nFairfield, Connecticut, 88. \n\nFair Oaks, Battle at, 619. \n\nFalls of the James River, 105, 108. \n\nFamine in the Virginia Colony, 69. \n\nFarragut, Commodore, 610, 630, 632, 678, 708. \n\nFauchet, M., succeeds M. Genet, 378. \n\nFaulkner, Major, 430. \n\nFaust, John, his printing office, 62. \n\nFayetteville, Engagement at, 675. \n\nFederalist Party, 377. \n\n" Federalist,\'\' The, 861. \n\nFelucca Gun-boat, 401. \n\nFendall, Governor. 153. \n\nFenian Brotherhood, 728. \n\nFerdinand and Isabella, 38, 60. \n\nFerguson, Adam, 286. \n\nFerguson, Captain, 386. \n\nFerguson, Mrs., her attempt to bribe General Reed, \n286. \n\nFerguson, Patrice, Major, at King\'s Mountain, 1780, \n319. Death and grave of, 319. \n\nFernando de Taos, Massacre at, 489. \n\nFerrar, Nicholas, 107. \n\nFew, William, 355, 856. \n\nFidelity, The Order of, 852. \n\nFillmore, Millard, Vice-President, 498. President, 501. \nNotice of. 501. Cabinet of; 502. Close of administra- \ntion of, 512. \n\nFine Arts in America, 209. \n\nFinances of the United States, 679. \n\nFisher, Mary, Quakeress, arrives at Boston, 122. \n\nFisheries, 349. Prohibitory Act of Parliament respect- \ning the, 231. Difficulties between Great Britain and \nthe United States respecting the, 511, 523. \n\nFishing Creek. 27. \n\nFiTzsiMONS, Thomas, 856, 629. \n\nFive Nations, The, History of, 28. Captain John \nSmith\'s friendly relations with, 67. Allies of Governor \nWinthroj), 131. Attempts of James IL to introduce \nFrench priests among them, 147. Their treaty of \nneutrality, 185. \n\nFlag Culpepper, 248. Royal, of Great Britain, 144. \nUnion, 245. Of the thirteen stripes, unfurled by \nWashington at Cambridge, 144. \n\nFlag, Secession, 555. \n\nFlathead Indians, 83. \n\nYlax, American. 206. \n\nFleming, Captain, Death of, 269. \n\nFletcher, Benjamin, Governor, 149, 156, 184 \n\nF^int River, De Soto on the banks qf the, 44 \n\nFloating Batteries described, 201. \n\nFlorida. Discovery of; origin of the name, 42. Narvaez, \nGovernor of, 43, 44. Melendez\'s expedition to, 50, 51. \nOglethorpe\'s expedition to, 172. Ceded to England, \n204. Restored to Spain, 349. Ceded to the United \nStates, 1819, 451. SUite of, added to the Union, 478. \nSecession of, 547. \n\nFooTE, A. H., Commander, 595. Wounded, 605. \n\nForts: \xe2\x80\x94 Adams, 874. Amsterdam, 139. Andrew, 173. \nBower, 438. Brooke, 467. Brown, 481. Butler, 677. \nCarolina, 51, 98. Casimir, 142. 143. Clinton, 283, 824. \nCumberland, 198. Darling, 694 Dearborn, 412. De- \nfiance, 374, 416. Deposit, 416. De Russy, 677, \nDiego, 172. Donelson. 595, Drane, 467. Du Quesne, \n27,182,185,186. Edward, 1S9, 190, 191, 192, 275. Erie. \n433, 434 Fisher, 71.3. Forty Fort, 290. Frederica. \n178. Frontenac, 198. Gaines, 709. Galphin, 836. \nGeorge, on Lake George, 198. 414, 425. 426, 427, \nGeorge, New York City, 248, 351. Granby, 235. Gris- \nwold^840. Hamilton, 258. Harrison. 416, Hatteras.. \n580. Henry, 595. Hindman, 643. Independence. 20, \n220. J.-ickson, 610. Kins, 467. La F.avette. 298, 586. \nLeavenworth, 4^3, 486. Le Bceuf, ISl. Lee, 259. Ly- \nman, 189. Mackinaw. 411. Macon. 607. Maiden, 410. \nMeigs, 418. Mercer, 274, 275. Mifflin, 274 M\'Hearjr, \n\n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n\nxxxix \n\n\n\n437. Mlmms, 427. Monroe. 615, 695. Montccomery \n2S3. Morgan, 438. Moosa, 172. MotU-, 33.5. Moultrie. \n249, 810, 468. Nassau. 72, 93, 94. Necessity, ISiS! \nNiagara, 199, 200, 427. Ninetv-Si.\\-, 316, 3;J5 336. \nOntario, 189, 192. Orange, 72, 139, 144, 14S. Oswego. \n189, 192. Pemberton, 643. Pepperell, 1S9. Pickens, \n580. Pillow, 605, 682. Pitt, 198. Powhatan, 691. \nPresque Isle, 181. Prince George, 335. Putnam, 2S3, \n324. Eecov-erv, 374. Republic. 617. St. Fredericli, \n189. St. Philip. 440, 610. Sandusky, 419. Schuyler, \n278. Simon, 173. Stanwix, 278. Stcadman, "717. \nStephenson, 419. Stoddart, 398. Sulliv.in, 249. \nTrumbull, 340. Venango, 181. Wagner, 673, 674. \nWarren, 587. Washinirton, 258. Watson, 335, Wayne, \n374, 416. William, 173. William Henry, 191, 194. \n\nForrest, N. B., Guerilla Chief, 632, 681. \n\nFoster, Genenil, 671. \n\nFox, Charles, his opposition to the measures of Great \nBritain, 282. His remark respecting the battle of \nGuilford, 333. \n\nFox, George, visits his Quaker brethren in Americii, \n94. Notice of, 122. \n\nFox Indians, 17. Conspire against the English, 205. \nSee Sacs and Poxes. \n\nFrance, First American embassy to, 266. Alliance of, \nwith the United States, 283. Fleet of, sent to America, \n286. Secret treaty of, with Spain, 306. Depredations \nby, on American commerce, 382. Fleet of, attacked \nby Arbuthnot, 3.30. War with United States, 385. Its \ncommerce, 401. Negotiation with United States, 406. \nUnited States Minister to, 429. Claims of the United \nStates against, 403. \n\nFrance, Emperor of, 727. \n\nFrancis I., his expedition to America, 47. \n\nFranklin, Benjamin, 210. His plan of Colonial Confed- \neration, 183. A Colonel, 193. At Boston, on the sub- \nject of the invasion of Canada, 2-39. Circulates in Eng- \nland the State-papers of the Continental Congress, 230. \nOn the Committee to confer with Lord Howe, 257. On \nthe Committe to draft a Declaration of Independence, \n2.51, 252. On the embassy to Fr.ince. Issues commis- \nsions to Naval Officers,30S. Commissioner on the Treaty \nof Peace, 348. The Pope\'s Nuncio makes overtures to, \nrespecting an Apostolic Vicar in the United States, \n35.3. Member of the Convention on the Articles of \nConfederation, 356. His proposition respecting prayers \nat the Convention, 359. Ilis account of the father of \nCotton Mather, 134. \n\nFranklin, General, 625, 684. \n\nFranklin, Sir John, Search for, 509, 510. \n\nFranklin, Battle at, 705. \n\nFrankfort, Capture of, 633. \n\nEraser, General, 276. \n\nFrederick the Great, his opinion of Washington, \n269. \n\nFrederick III. of Prussia, 431. \n\nFrid erickaburg, 625. Battle of, 631. Battle near, 692. \n\nFree Institutions, Growth of, 114. \n\nFreedom, Ideas of, in Massachusetts, 118. \n\nFremont, John Charles, Colonel, his exploits in Califor- \nnia, 487; at Los Angeles; at San Gabriel; deprived of \nhis commission, 487. Senator from California, 499. \nNotice of, 487. Explorations of 515, 574. \n\nFrench, Parker H., Colonel, 427. \n\nFrench Colony on Sable Island, 57. Acadia, 121. \nPossessions in North America, between the Penobscot \nand St Croix, 129. In Carolina, 55. Pvevolution, 377. \nSettlement, the earliest in the New World, 53, 59. \nSpoliations, 468. \n\nFrench, The, in Canada, discover the Algonquins, 17. \nFirst visit of, to the Sioux Indians, 32. Earliest Ex- \nplorers of the Middle and Upper Mississippi, 31. Sub- \njugation of, in North America, 204 Assailed by the \nNatchez Indians, 29. Their expedition against Charles- \nton, 169. \n\nFrench and Indian War, 19, 104, 138, 179. \n\nFretichtoicn, burned. 430. \n\nFresh Water River, 85. \n\nFkobiSher, Sir Martin, his expedition, 52. The ship \nused bv, 60. Notice of, 51. \n\n\'Frolic^ brig. 415. \n\nFrontenac. M.. Governor of Canad.-i, 131. Burns Sche- \nnectadv, 130, 1.31, Repelled by Schuyler, 149. \n\nFry, JosHiTA A., Colonel. 182. Death of, 183. \n\nFugitive Slave Law. 507, 521. 527. \n\nFulton, Robert, Notice of, 398, 399. \n\n"Fundamental Constitutions," The, of Shaftsbury and \nLocke, 164, 165, 167. \n\n51 \n\n\n\nI Funeral Ceremonies, Indian, 15. Pyre Algonquin. 15. \nFurs, Trade in, 72, 116, 139, 140. b h , \n\n\n\nG. \n\nGaedsden, Christopher, Lieutenant Governor, 812. \n\nGage, Thomas, General, A Lieutenant-Colonel at the \nbattle of Monongahela, 186. Governor of Montreal, \n20-3. Enters Boston with soldiers, 220. Governor of \nMassachusetts, 226. Sends his secretary to dissolve \nthe General Assembly o( Massachusetts, 227. Fortifies \nBoston. 229. Notice of, 229. \n\nGaines, Edmund P., Gener.il, Arrests Aaron Burr, 898. \nAt Fort Erie, 733. His expedition acainst the Semi- \nnoles; joined by General Jackson, 448. Assailed by \nthe Seminoles, near Withlacoochee, 467. Notices of. \n448, 467. \n\nGallatin, Albbrt, Member of the House of Representa- \ntives, 389. Secretary of the Treasury, 390, 406. Envoy, \n419. United States Commissioner at Ghent, 1814, 483. \n\nGalloway, Joseph, 26U, 58S. \n\nGalveston, Pirates and slave-dealers at, 443. \n\nGambier, Lord, British Coinmis.sioner at Ghent, 1314 \n4;3:3. \n\nGansevoort, Colonel, At Fort Stanwix, 278. \n\nGarangida, 26. \n\nGardiner, Colonel, 295. \n\nGaspe Inlet, 48. \n\n\'\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x96\xa0Gaspe,\'" schooner, 223. 310. \n\nGates, Horatio, General, His appointment as Adjutant \nGeneral, 238. Succeeds General Thomas, 261. Super- \nsedes General Sehuyler, 277. At Bemis\'s Heights, 278. \nBursoyne surrenders to, 281. Chairman of the Board \nof War, 294. His flight to Charlotte, 316. Trial of, \n330. Notice of, 314. \n\nGates, Sir Thomas, 68. At Jamestown. Returns to \nKngland. \n\nGeiger, E.MILY, 3-37. \n\nGenet, Edmund Chaele.s, Mini-ster from France to the \nUnited States, 377. Fits out privateers, 377. Recalled, \nin 1798, 378. Notice of, 877. \n\nGeorge I, of England, 136, 137. \n\nGeorge II, of England, Accession of. 187. Charter \ngranted by, for the proposed Georgia Colony, 100. \n\nGeorge III. of England. Accession of, 212. His insan- \nity, 93. Leaden statue of, at New York, pulled down, \n252. \n\nGeohje, Prince of Denmark, 136. \n\n\'\xe2\x80\xa2\xe2\x80\xa2George Washington,\'\' frigate, 891. \n\nGeorgetown, Burnt, 430 \n\nGeorgia, Settlement of, 99. Colony in. founded by \nOglethorpe, 62. Colony of; origin of the name, 100. \nInvaded by the Spaniards, 172. Receives Parliamentary \naid, 209. Claims of, to Cherokee lands. 461. Contro- \nversy in. coucerning the Creek lands, 455, 456. Seces- \nsion of, 547. Quiet in. 673. \n\nGerard, M., French Minister to the United States, 287. \n\nGermans in North Carolina, 168. \n\nGerrv, Elbridge. 856. Envoy, 385. Vice-President. 497. \n\nGebmaine, George, Lord. 282, 346. \n\nGermantoien, Battle of. 275. \n\nGettysburg. Battle of, 655. \n\nGibson. C. W., Major, 683. \n\nGiddings, Major, at Cen^lvo, 486. \n\nGilbert, Edward, 499. \n\nGilbert, Sir Humphrey, 52, 63. His expedition to \nAmerica ; notice of, 52. \n\nGilbert, Sir John, 63. \n\nGilbert, Raleigh, 63. \n\nOilman, Nicholas, 3.\'.6, 629. \n\nGiLMOBE, Q. A., General, 607, 678, \n\nGist, General, 847. \n\nGlendale, Battle at, 621. \n\nGloucester, Virginia, fortified by Cornwallis, 8M. \n\nGoats, The first, taken to Virginia, 68. \n\nGodfrey, Thomas. 209. \n\nGoDYN, Samuel, 92. 1-39. \n\nGoKFE, William, The regicide judge, 123, 126. \n\nGold, Thirst for, in the Virginia Colony, 6T. Dl\xc2\xbb. \ncovery of, California, 497. \n\nGolden Circle. Knights of, 656. 6S7, 710. \n\nGoldsboro\\ Raid on, 671. Battle at, 714. \n\nGoldsmiths among the Virginia colonists, 67. \n\nGore, Christopher, 222. \n\nGeorges, Sib Fernando, 68, 79, 129. Associated wilk \nJohn Mason. 79. \n\nGOBHAM, NATUAiilEI., 356, 859. \n\n\n\nxl \n\n\n\nINDEX, \n\n\n\nGosNOU), Baktholomew, 57, 63, 65. His discoveries; \nhis fort, 57. Deatii of, 65. \n\nGouLDBOtntNE, Uenet, British Commissioner at Ghent, \n443. \n\nGO0KGB8. Dominic db. Surprises and captures Fort Car- \nolina, 51. \n\nGovernment, Three forms of, In America, 211. \n\nGraffenreid, Count, 168. \n\nGrant, James, Colonel, 204. \n\nGrant, General, (British), 253. His reply to Kail, 262. \n\nGrant, Ulysses S., General, 595, makes vigorous pre- \nparations for ascending the Tennessee river, 601, 634, \n642. Begins siege of Vicksburs, 645, 666, 67S. Com- \nmander-in-chief, 6S1, 689, 690, 692, 69.3, 716, 719. Fare- \nwell address of, 72.3. Placed in charge of the War \nDepartment, 730. Elected President of the U. S. 733. \n\nGrabse, Count de, 839, 840. \n\nGraves, Admiral, 840. \n\nGray, Samuel, killed at Boston, by Preston\'s men, 221. \n\nGrayson, William, 355. \n\nGreat Britain acknowledges the Independence of the \nUnited States, 848. Non-intercourse with the United \nStates, 899. Injures the commerce of the United \nStates, 401. Navy of, 414. At war with the United \nStates, 409 ; Treaty of Peace, 443. Claims of, to terri- \ntory in North America, 17, 63, ISO, 478, 479. Eoyal \nstandard of, 144. Ill feeling against, 511. Friendly \nrelations with disturbed, 526. Her sympathy with re \nbellion, 561. Demands return of Mason and Slidell, \n588. \n\nGreat Horseshoe Bend, General Jackson at the, 1841, \n428. \n\nGreat Kanawha River, Battle at the, 19 \n\nGreen, Roger, 97. \n\nGreen Bay, Indians on the western shores of, 18. \n\nGreen, Christopher, Lieutenant-Colonel, of Ehode \nIsland, 275. \n\nGreene, Nathaniel, General, appointed Brigadier- \nGeneral, 23S. At Fort Lee, 259. At Trenton, 259. Ac- \ncompanies La Fayette to Rhode Island, 289. At \nSpringfield, 820. Succeeds Gates ; his operation.s, \n830. Joins Morgan at the Yadkin; his retreat from \nVirginia, 332. Opposes Cornwallis at Guilford court- \nhouse, 3.33. Pursues Cornwallis ; at the b.attle of \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0 Hobkirk\'s Hill; his letter to M. Luzerne, 334. At \nthe siege of Fort Ninety-Six, 836. Pursues Stewart, \n337. At the battle of Eutaw Springs, 338. Receives \nintelligence of the capture of Cornwallis, 345. Takes \npossession of Charleston, 347. \n\nGreene, Zechariah, Rev., 252. ^ \n\nGreenmlle, Treaty of, in 1795, 24. * \n\nGrbnville, George, Author of the Stamp Act, 221. \n\nGrenville, Sir Richard, his Expedition to America, 55, \n56. \n\nGrenville, Georgia, 213. \n\nGrey, General, his Marauding Expeditton, 290. \n\nGrey, Captain, of Boston, 479. \n\nGridley, Richard, Engineer of the Continental Army, \n188, 190, 19S. 234. \n\nGrierson, Colonel, Raid of, 645. \n\nGrier, Mrs., Judge Henry\'s account of, 241. \n\nGriffith, Admiral, at Castlne, 428. \n\nGrijalva, Juan de, his Expedition to Mexico, 43. \n\nGroveton, Battle near, 626. \n\nGuadalupe Hidalgo, Treaty of, 521. \n\nGuanahama, The place of Columbus\'s first landing in \nAmerica, 40. \n\nGuDRiDA, Wife of a Scandinavian Navigator, 85. \n\nGuess, George, a native Cherokee, invents an alphabet \nof his language, 28. \n\nGuilford, Battle of, 333. \n\nG^n-boats of the United States, 401. \n\n" GnsTAvus Adolpuus," The assumed name of Arnold, \n92, 325. \n\nGwiNN, William M., Senator, 499. \n\n\n\nJTabeas Corpus, Suspension of writ of, 656. \n\nHarries Bluff, 648. \n\nHakluyt, Richard, 63. \n\nHale, Sir Matthew, condemns persons accused of \n\nwitchcraft, 132. \nHale, Nathan, Captain, executed, 258. \n" Half-Moon:\' The, 48, 59, 71. \nHalleok, H. W., General, 595, 591, 623, 625, 6.53. \nHamilton, Alexander, General, Washington\'s favorite \n\nAid and Secretary, 360, 861. Member of the Con- \n\n\n\nvention on the Articles of C-onfederation, 1787, 856: \nSigner of the Constitution of the United States. Ona \nof the authors of "The Federalist," 361. Secretary ot \nthe Treasury, 370; his financial Reports, 370, 371. \nHis Scheme respecting Public Lands, 872. His dis- \nagreement with Jell\'erson, 374. His duel with Burr, \n396. Notice of, 860. \n\nHampden, John, 85. His supposed intention to migrate \nto America, 120. \n\nHampton, Wade, General, 410, 427. \n\nHampton Roads, The British fleet in, 430. Armament \nin, 582. A naval force in, 613. \n\nHancock, John, at Salem, 230. Gage\'s purpose to \nhang him, 234. Leads troops to Rhode Island, 281; \nHis sloop \'\xe2\x80\xa2 Liberty," 220. Notice of, 280, 231. \n\nHancock, General, 654, 689. \n\nHansford, Charles, executed, 112. \n\nHardy, Commodore, 430, 437. \n\nHarlem Heights, Washington at, 257. \n\nHarlem Plains, Skirmish at, 258. \n\nHaemer, General, his Expedition against the Indiana, \n\nHarper\'s Ferry, Insurrection, 488. In 1861, 557, 629. \n\nHarper, John. A., 409. \n\nHarrington, Jonathan, 222. \n\nHarriot, his " Report on the new found land of Vir- \nginia;" notice of, 55, 56. \n\nHarrisburg, Pennsylvania, National Convention at, 458. \n\nHarrison, Benjamin, at Boston, 239. \n\nHarrison\'s Landing, 622. \n\nHabrison, Willi a-m Henry, at the battle of Tippecanocj \n408. Commands the army of the North-east, 412. \nHis Expedition against the Indians, 416. At Fort \nMeigs, 418. Att.aeks Maiden, 423. President of the \nUnited States; his administration, 473. Death of, \n475. Notice of, 473. \n\nHartford, Connecticut, 88. Convention at, 444 \n\nHartley, David, 348. \n\nHarvard, Ebenezer, 22, 873. \n\nHarvard, John, Rev., 121. \n\nHarvard College, 121, 178. \n\nHarvey, Sir John, 107, 165. Impeached, 207 \n\nHaslett, Colonel, Death of, 269. \n\nHittteras Jndians,\'H), 55, 167. \n\nHatieras Inlet, Fight at, 579. \n\nHavana, The body of Columbus removed to, 41, \n\nHaverhill, Massachusetts, 134. \n\nHaviland, Colonel, 203. \n\nHavre-de-Grace, Maryland, 82,430. \n\nHawley, Jesse, 456. \n\nHaynb, Isaac, Colonel, 337. \n\nHayne, Robert V., 46:3, 464. \n\nHayes, J., General. 696. \n\nllAZZARD, W. W., his plantation, 173. \n\nHead of Elk, M:iiy land, 340. \n\nHeald, Captain, 412. \n\nHeath, Sir Robert. 97, 9S. \n\nHeath, Willia.m, General, 238. In the Highlands. 3W. \nAt l^eekskill, 260. In New Jersey. 264, 265. \n\nHeckewelder, his liistoiy of the Indian Nations, 33. \n\nHeights of Abraham, 202. \n\nHeintzelman, General, 619. \n\nHell Gate, New York, navigated by Block, 72. \n\nHenderson. General, 483. \n\nHendrick, Death of, 190. \n\nHenry, Prince, of Portugal, patron of navigators, 36. \n\nHenry IV., of France, his edict of Nantes, 166. \n\nHenry IV., of Castile and Leon, 38. \n\nHenry VII., of England, 46. \n\nHenry VIII., of England, defies the Pope ; Defender \nof the Faith, 75. Revival of an obsolete statute of, \n221. Punishes witchcraft, 182. \n\nHenry. Patrick, member of the First Continental Con- \ngress, 228. His eloquence, 237. His regiment at the \nbattle of the Great Bridge, 243. Member of the Con- \nvention on the Articles of Confederation, 356. De- \nclines the appointment of Envoy to France, 386, \nNotice of, 214. \n\nHenry, Judge, 241. \n\nHerkimer, General, At Oriskany, 278. \n\nHerrera, President, 481. \n\nHessians, the, account of, 246. Marauders, 296, 297. \nCapture of, at Trenton, by Washington, 363. Witb \nBuigovne, 281. \n\nHeyes; Peter, 92, 94. \n\nHi-a-wat-ha, Legend of, 23, 24. \n\nHichittie Indians, 30. \n\nHiGGiNSON, Rev. Mr., 117. Death of, 1181 \n\n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n\nxl\xc2\xa3^ \n\n\n\nHigh Bills of Santee, 837. \n\nHighlanders in Georgia, 171. \n\nHill, A. P., General, 619, 693. \n\nHill. D. H., General, 619, 620,671. \n\nmiton Head, 704. \n\nHind MAN, T. C, 637. \n\nHiNMAN, CapUiin, 308. \n\nHi-o-ka-too. Seneca Chief, 25. \n\nHobkiik\'s Hill, Battle of, 334. \n\nHoboken, Slaughter of Indians at, 141. \n\nHoBOMOK, a famous New England Indian, 21 \n\nHochelaga, Cartier at, 48. \n\nHoKB, General, 704. \n\nHood, J. B., General, 700, 702, 705. \n\nHooker, J., General, 616, 622, 629. Placed in command \nof the armv, 681, 647. Resigns command of the army, \n653,667,668,701. \n\nHooKEK, Thomas, Rev., his colony, 86. \n\nHoLBORNE, Adtnirai, 194. \n\nHolland, Expedition from, to America, 71, 72. Wariivith \nEngland, 147, 327. \n\nHolmes, Admiral, 201. \n\nHolmes, W illiam. Captain, 85. \n\nHopkins, Edward. Governor, 88, 155. \n\nHopkins, Ezek. first Commander-in-chief of the Amer- \nican Navy, 308. \n\nHopkinson, Francis, Notice of, 28.\'). \n\nHoPKiNSON. Joseph, author of \'\xe2\x80\xa2 Hail Columbia," 285. \n" Hornet," sloop of war, 414, 428, 429. \n\nHorry, Colonel, 336. \n\nHorse, The first taken to Virginia, 63. Columbus takes \nhorses to America, 41. Taken from Cuba to Florida; \ntheir fate, 44. Taken by Do Soto to Florida, 44. \n\nHoTHAM, Admiral, 292. \n\nHousatonic Indians, 189. \n\nHouse oj Burgesses, Virginia, the beginning of the, \n106. \n\nHouse of Representatives of Massachusetts Colony, 122. \n\nHouston, William, 856. \n\nHouston, William Churchill, 356. \n\nHouston, General, at the battle of San Jacinto, 478. \n\nHoward. John Eager, Colonel, at the battle of the Cow- \npens, 332. \n\nHoward, Admiral, 57. \n\nHoward, O. O., General, 701, 70.3. \n\nHowK, George, Lord, Notice of, 197. \n\nHowe, Richard, Lord, at Boston, 247. At New York, \n252. Prepares to attack New York ; paroles General \nSullivan; asks Congress to appoint a Committee of \nConference, 257. His letter to Washington, 253. Meets \nthe Committee appointed by Congress, 257. In Rari- \ntan Bay, 287. His fleet disabled by a storm in, 289. \n\nHowe, Robert, General. 244, 292, 298. Suppresses the \nmutiny at Pompton, 329. \n\nHowe, Sir William, General. 202, 234. 235. At Quebec, \n202. At New York, 2.52. His Proclamation, 260. \nPerplexes Washington, 272. At Brandy wine, 273. At \nElkton, 173. Attempts to entice Washington from \nhis encampment, 183. Knighted, after the battle of \nBrooklyn, 273. \n\nHuamantla, Battle of, 494. \n\nHudson, Henry, Captain, his glowing account of his \ndiscoveries, 71. Fate of, 59. \n\nHuGER, Colonel, defeated by Tarleton, 311. \n\nHuguenots, the, Persecution of, in France, 166. Ad- \nmiral Colignv, the friend of, 49. In North Carolina, \n16& In South Carolina, 166. Influence of, in Amer- \nio.i, 52. \n\nHull, Isaac, Commodore, 414. \n\nHuLU William, General, 410, 411. \n\nHuLSEMAN, Chevalier, 510. Letter of, 617. \n\nHumphrey, Alexander, 80. \n\nHumphrey. John, 117. \n\nHunt, Captain, kidnaps Indians, 74 \n\nHunter. Robert, Governor, 150. \n\n" Hunter\'s Lodges,^\'\' 472. \n\nHunter, General, 693, 60S, 672, 673. \n\nHuron, Lake: see Lake Huron. \n\nHuron, King, dies in France. 49. \n\nHuron Indians, 21, 23. With Samuel Champlain, 59. \n\nHuron-Iroquois Indians, 22-26. Their territory, 23. \nTheir LimiTuage. 12. \n\nHuron Coxmty, invaded bv the Five Nations. 24. \n\nHutchinson, Governor, 222. His famous "Letters" 224, \n225. \n\nHutchinson, C.-iptain, 126. \n\nHutchinson, Anne, Mrs., 80, 91, 120. Murder of, 141. \n\nHutchinson Controversy, 88. \n\n\n\nIceland, 34, 85. \n\nIle-a^io!.- Koix, 208. \n\nIllinois Indians, 17, IS, 19. Invaded by the Sacs aniT- \n\nFoxes, 18. \nIllinois, Territory and State of, 890, 44a \nImpeachment of Andrew Johnson, 732. Verdict given, \n\nIndependence, American, General desire for. In 1775. \n250. War for, 229. Asserted by the Committee of \nConference with Lord Howe, 257. Acknowledged by \nGre.itBiiuiin,84S. \n\nIndians alliances against the Colonies, 124 Chiefs . \ndine with Governor Winthrop, 118. Confederacy \nagainst South Carolina. 170. Presents received froii; , \nGreat Britain, 206. Religion, 15. Treaties, 862,86ci- \nTieaty of Peace, 374 Policy toward, 735, 743. \n\nIndians, \'I\'hu, U. Rescmbl.ance of, to Asiatics, 11. Ac- \ncount of the Aboriginal tribes of, 12. Employments of \nwomen among, 12, 13. Extreme Western, 82, 83. \' \nPopulation of, in the United States, 82. Their plan \nto exterminate the white people; slaughter of, 106. \nTroublesome in Oregon and Washington Territory,625.. \n\nIndian W\xc2\xabr, 462. \n\nIndies, the, Columbus\'s voyage in qnest of a westera \npassage to, 84. The trade of, monopolized by the- \nIlJilian cities, 36. \n\nIndigo, American, 206. \n\nIndustry, private, Effects of, in Virginia, and In Plv- \nmouth, 70. \n\nIngoldsby, Richard, 158, 150. \n\nIntolerance in Massachusetts, 118, 119, 128. In Mar\xc2\xab.- \nland, >^ew York, and New England, 182, 183. \n\n" Intrepid^\'\' The, Tripolitan vessel, 892. \n\nloioa Indians, 82. \n\nIowa, State of, added to the Union, 478. \n\nIron chain across the Hudson, 824 \n\nIroquois Indians, 24, 31. \n\nIkvin, Colonel, at Agua Frio, 486. \n\nIrvine, William, 885. \n\nIsabella, Queen, Sister of Henry IV., of Castile tnCr \nLeon, 38. Columbus\'s per.sonal interview with, 88. \n\nItalian Cities, their monopoly of the trade of the In- \ndies, 36. \n\nluka Springs, Battle near, 6.34. \n\nIzard, General, Succeeds Wilkinson, 482. Notio\xc2\xab ot. \n434. \n\n\n\nJackson, Ant.rew, General, anecdote of him, when t . \nbov, 314. The mother of. 314 His confidence won bv \nBiirr, 397. His expedition against the Creeks, In 1818, \n428. Storms Pensacola, 4:38. At New Orleans, 438^ \n4:39. His treaty with the Creek Indians, 488. His , \nexpedition against the Seminolcs, 443. Captures Pen- \nsacolii,451. Subdues the Seminoles. 80, 4*4, 469, 461. \n\nJackson, Stonewall, 573, 624, 625, 629. \n\nJackson, T. J., 617. \n\nJacksonville, Attack on. 608. \n\nJackson, James, Notice of, 847,84a \n\nJackson, Robert, 814. \n\nJackson borough. South Carolina Legislature at, 888. \n\nJalapa, Generals Scott and Twi-rgs at, 489. 490. \n\nJames I, of England, Character of; persecutes PnrS- \ntans, 76. His proposal to contract for the whole croij . \nof tobacco in Virginia, 107. His acts of nsnryatlon Iti \xe2\x80\xa2 \nVirginia, 107. Death of, 116. Patents granted by,, \n63. 64. \n\nJames II, of England, Accession of; his character, 118,. \n147. Oppressive measures of, 129. His arbitrary pro- \nceedings respecting the Jerseys, 160. Driven into \nexile, 162. \n\nJameson River, Origin of the name, 64. English navi- \ngators enter the, 20, 61. Indians on the, 17. \n\nJames, Colonel, 326. \n\nJamestoxon, Virginia, founded, 166. Origin of th\xc2\xab \nname, 64. Cultivation of tobacco at, 70. Famine at, \nsaved by Pocahontas, 69; saved by Chanco. 106. Na- \nthaniel Bacon at. 111. Destruction of, by Bacon, 112. \n\nJames Island, Fight at, 674. \n\nJapan opened to United States trade, 511. Sends Em- \nbassy to United States, 612. \n\nJaspep., Sergeiln^ 249,805. \n\n\'\xe2\x80\xa2Javar frigate, 415. \n\nJay, John, one of the authors of the Federalist, 8*1. \nCommissioner on the Treaty of Peace, 848. Flntc \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0xlii \n\n\n\nINDEX \n\n\n\nChief Justice of the United States. 369. Special En- \nvoy to Great Britain, 3T9. His treaty, 379, 380. Notice \nof, 3T9. \njBFrRRSON. Thomas, on the Committee to draft the De- \nclaratiuu of lnde[iendence, 251. Tarleton\'s attempt to \ncapture, 339. Commissioner on the Treaty of Peace, \n34&. Secretary of Foreign Affairs. 370. His disagree- \nment with Hamilton, 374. His remarks respecting \nAlgerine piracies, 3S1 ; and on Coins and Coinage, 372. \nVice-President, 3S3. President, 388,396. His embargo, \n402, 403. His account of Logan, 26. Death of, 457. \nNotice of, 3SS, 389. \n\nJkffbbts, Colonel 112, 113. \n\n^Tbnnings, Colonel, 416. \n\nJknifeb, Daniel, of St. Thomas, 256. \n\nJersey, Grant from Parliamen*- to, 206. West, 189. \nUnion of the Jerseys, 161. \n\nJersey Prison-Ship, 259. \n\nJbssuff, Bashaw of Tripoli, 892. \n\nJbsup, Thomas S., at Fort Dade; notice of, 463. \n\nJesuits, the. Origin of, 130. Missionaries, 180. Their \ninfluence over the Indians, 22, 130. \n\nJohn, King of Portugal, his expedition to America, 47. \nNames the Cape of Good Hope, 37. \n\n\'*John Adams" friga.te, 438. \n\nJohnston, Albert Sydney, 594. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0Johnson, Andrew, appointed provisional Governor of \nTennessee, 699. Elected Vice-President, 710. Sworn \nas President, 720. Cabinet of, 720. Sketch of, 721. \nTotal disregard of the interests of freedmen, 725. Pro- \nclaims civil war at an end, 727. Vetoes bill for negro \nsuffrage, 728. Impeachment of, 732. Pronounced not \nguilty. 733. Retires from office, 735. \n\nJohnston, Joseph E., 616, 618, 64.5, 698. \n\nJoHNSo.v, Isaac, and Lady Arabella, 118. \n\nJohnson, Sib John, 278, 373. \n\nJohnson, Sir Nathaniel. Governor, 169. \n\nJohnson, Richard M., Colonel, 424. Vice-President, 469. \n\nJohnson, Robert, Governor, 171. \n\nJohnson, Thomas, nominates Washington as Com- \nmander-in-chief, 288. \n\nJoHKSON, Sir William, his exploit against Dieskau, 190. \nHis expedition aL\'ainst Crown Point, 185, 189. Ac- \ncompanies Prideaux to Fort Niagara, 200. At the bat- \ntle of Quebec. 203. Notice of. 278. \n\nJohnson, William Samuel. 356. 556, 629. \n\nJohnstone, George, Commissioner to America, 286. \n\nJ(>neahoro\\ (Capture of, 702. \n\nJones, John Paul, Commodore, His exploits 306, 307. \nSails for Holland, 307. His fleet, 308. Congress pre- \nsents a gold medal to, 308. Notice of, 306. \n\nJones, Sir William, decides against the Duke of York\'s \nclaim to New Jersey, 160. \n\nJones, Captain, of the sloop "Wasp." 415. \n\nJudiciary the United States, 368, 369. \n\nJuMONviLLE, M., Death of, 18;3. \n\nJury, Trial by, established in the Colony of Virginia, \n\nK. \n\nKane, Elisha Kent, Explorer, Sketch of, 509. \n\nJCansas, Territory of. 518. Open to slavery. 526. Legis- \nlature of. 628. Violence and bloodshed in, 529 \n\nKansas Indians, 20, 32. \n\nKaskaskia Indians, 19. \n\nJTaskaskia captured by Major Clarke, 803. \n\nXayingehaga Indiaiis, 23. \n\nKeane, General 489. \n\nKkaeney, Stephen W., Colonel, at Santa F6. 486. At \nSan Gabriel, 487. Notice of, 486. \' \n\nKearny, Philip, 619. Death of, 627. \n\n"\xe2\x96\xa0Kearsarge^\'\' American man of war, 70S. \n\nKegs, Battle of the, 285. \n\nKeith, Sir William, advises Stamp Act, 541 \n\nKendall, Amos, Postmaster-General, 470. \n\nKenesaw Mountain. 699. \n\nKennebec, Sir John Popham at, 63. \n\nKensington, Philadelphia, 96. \n\nKent Island, 82. \n\nKenton, Simon, joins Major Clarke, 303. \n\nKentucky added to the Union, 377. Confederates \n\'btain foothold in, 593. Lost to Confederates, 698. \nIn possession of Union Army, 605. \n\nKeppel. Admiral, 1S5. \n\nKettle Creek, Skirmish at, 295. \n\nKey, Francis S., 437. \n\nKickapoo Indians, 17, 18, \n\n\n\nKroD, Captain, 149. \n\nKiEFT, Sir William, Governor, 140, 141. \n\nKilpatrick, General, 651, 6S8, 702. \n\nKing, Rufus. 356. American Minister at London, 401 \n404,446. Notice of, 896. \n\nKing George\'s War, 136. \n\nKino Philip, 21. Arouses the New England tribes \nagainst the English. 22. His hostility to the White \nMen, 125. His war of extermination, 126, 127. Deifth, \n22, 128. His son, sold as a slave, 128. \n\nKing\'s Mountain, Major Ferguson at, 319. Battle \nof, 319. \n\nKingston, New York. Burned, 288, 297. \n\nKing William\'s War, 134. \n\nKipp\'s Bay, 258, \n\nKiRKLAND, Samuel, Rev. Missionary to the Six Na- \ntions; Notice of, 25, 26. \n\nKUtanning, chastisement of the Indians at, 198. \n\nKnisteneaux Indians, 17. \n\nKnowlton, Colonel, Death of, 258. \n\nKnow- Nothings, 529. \n\nKnox, H?nry, General. Takes possession of Fort \nGeorge, 350, 351. At Washington\'s last Interview \nwith his officers, 352. Secretary" of War, 370. Notice, \n350. \n\nKnoxville, Saved, 671. \n\nKnyphausen, General. At Brandywine, 27-3. At \nSpringfield, 320. At Westchester, 259. At New York, \n\nKonoschioni, the name of the Five Nations, 23. \nKosciuszKO, Thaddeus, 386. Notice of, 336. \nKossuth, Louis, Visit of; 510. \n\n\n\nLabrador^ Discovered by Cabot, 46. Coast of, ex- \nplored by Weymouth, 68. \n\nLaColle, Battle at, 432. \n\nLaeonia, Territory of, 79, 80. \n\nLa Fayette, General, His first interview with Wash- \nington, 272. At Brandywine, 272, 453. At Bethle- \nhem, 273. At Monmouth, 288. In Rhode Island, 289. \nObtains aid from France, for the American cause, .306. \nHis return from France, 321. In Virginia, 330, 339. \nPursues Cornwallis, 339. Visits the United States, \n453. Lays the corner-stone of a monument to De \nKalb, 316. Notice of, 278. \n\nLake ChamjyJain , Discovered, 59. \n\nLake Erie, Battle near, 190. Indians on, 19. \n\nLakeRuron, Discovered, 59. Indians on, 17. \n\nLamb, John, Colonel, 242, 270. \n\nLancaster, Massachusetts. Burnt, 127. \n\nLander, Gen., 615. \n\nLands, Public, of the United States, 372. Indian, \nceded to the United States, 24. \n\nLane, Ralph. Governor, 65. \n\nLane, General, At Puebla, 494. \n\nLangdon, John, 356, 629. \n\nLanguages, Indian, 12. \n\nLansing, John J., 356. \n\nLa Place, M., 234. \n\nLathrop, Captain, 126. \n\nLaudonniere. His expedition to America, 60. \n\nLaurens, Henry, Commissioner on the Treaty cf \nPeace, 348. \n\nLaurens, John, Colonel, 329. Death of, 348. \n\nLa Vega, General, 482, 483. \n\nLawrence, Governor, Expedition against Acadie, 185. \n\nLawrence, Ja.mks, Captain, Notice of, 429. \n\nLawenece, Richard, Colone\', 111. Executed, 112. \n\n" Lawrence," ship, 420. \n\nLear, Tobias, Colonel, Copsul-General in the Mediter- \nranean, 895. Compelled tc purchase his freedom, 445. \n\nLedyard, Willia.m, Colonel, 840. \n\nLee, Arthur, American Ambassador to France, 266. \n\nLee, Charlks, General, A Captain at Ticonderoga, \nwounded, 197. Major-Genfral, 288. At Boston, 239. \nAt New York, 248. At North Castle, 269. At Mon- \nmouth, 288. His letter to W(<yne, 298. \n\nLee, Charles. Attorney-General, 1796, 383. Notices \nof, 248, 288. \n\nLee, Henry, General, His exploit at Paulus\'s Hook, \n94, 298. With General Marion, 336. At Fort Ninety- \nsix, 3-37. Suppresses the Whiske5 Insurrection, 378. \nHis funeral oration on Washington, 8S7. Notice ot; \n\n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0Aiiir \n\n\n\nLre, Robekt E., General 1 538, 563, 619, 62S, 631 643 \n652,690.718. Surrfiulcr <.f, 719. \n\nLeb, Uichakd Hf.nry, Uis Kesohition on American In- \ndependence, 250, 251. Notice of, 250. \n\nLee, W. H. F.. General , 648. \n\nLeislek. Jacob, Governor, 131, 148. \n\nLeitch, Major, Death of, 258. \n\nLe Mo YNE, James, 50 \n\nLeniii Lenape Indians, 17, 20, 21. \n\nLeon, Ponce de, General , At Braceti, 488. \n\n" Leopard " frigate. 402. \n\nLeslie, General, 332. At Charleston, 347. \n\n" Levant" sloop-of-war, 440. \n\nLevi, M. Successor to .Montcalm. 203. \n\nLewis, Andrew, General , Notice of, 244. \n\nLewis, Colonel, At Frenchtown, 416, 418. \n\nLewis and Cl.vrke\'s Expedition, 395. \n\nLeioiiimi, Delaware, 92. 94. 430. \n\nLewiston, New York. Burnt, 427. \n\nLexington, B.attleof, 232. 2;33. \n\nLei/den. Netherlands , Puritans at, 77. \n\nLibby Prison, 662. Plan to blow up, 68S. \n\n" Liberty " sloop. 220. \n\nLiberty-pole^ At Plymouth, Massachusetts, 79. \n\nLigonia, Agricultural settlement of, 80. \n\nLincoln, Abraham, Sketch of, 543. Elected President, \n544. Inaugurated, 551. Calls for troops, 560. Deliv- \ners Em.ancipation Proclamation, 640. Visits City \nPoint, 720. Re-elected, 710. Murdered, 720. \n\nLiNCOL-N, Earlof, lis. \n\nLincoln, Benj.\'VMIn, General, At Boundbrook, 270. \nCommands the Southern Army, 204. At Charleston, \n296. Besieges Savannah, 30o. At Charleston. 809. \nSurrenders to Clinton. 311. At the siege of Yorktown, \n342. Suppresses Shay\'s Rebellion, .353.^ Notice of. 295. \n\n" IJ\' Insurgente " frigate. Captured by ^\'Constellation^\'\' \n\n" Little Bell,\'\'\' sloop of war, 407. \n\nLittle Rock, Arkansas, 675. 676. \n\nLittle Wabash Major Clarke at the, 303. \n\nLivingston, Edward Author of the penal code of \nLouisiana, 451. His defense of General Jackson. 443. \nNotice of, 451. 452. \n\nLivingston, Robert, Patroon. 149. \n\nLivingston. Robert R. His connection with Robert \nFulton, 399. Notice of. 366. \n\nLivingston \'William , His Address to the Anglo- .Amer- \nican Colonies. 22S. Member of the Convention on the \nArticlesof Confederation, 356. \n\nLlotd, Thomas. 162. \n\nLocke, John His \'-Fundamental Con.stitutions," 99, \n164. \n\nLondon Company, Send Henry Hudson on an expedi- \ntion to .America, 59. Send Captain Newport to Roan- \noke Island. 64. New charter of the. 68. Third char- \nter of the, 70. Dissolved, SI, 106, 107. London Crys- \ntal palace in 516. \n\nLongsteeet, Ja.mes, General, 619, 620, 652, 667, 670, 689, \n717. \n\nLogan. John. Mingo Chief, 20, 26. 27, \n\nLong Island, m. Granted to the Earl of Stirling, 144. \nBattle of; 254. \n\nLong Islam!, Indian.\'). 21, 141. \n\nLong Island Sound. Explored by Captain Block, 72. \n\nLong Parliament. The, 152. Confirms the charter of \nRhode Island, 157. \n\nLords of Trade, 134. \n\nI\' Orient, Naval expedition fitted out at, 308. \n\nLookout Mountain, Events at. 66-3. Battle of, 668. \n\nLos Angelos, Stockton and Fremont take possession of, \n487. \n\nLottery authorized by Congress, 293. \n\nLotTDON, Lord, 191, 192, 193. 194. \n\nLome XIV., of Fr.ance, revokes the Edict of Nantes, 166. \nJames II., of England, flees to the court of, 130. Ac- \nknowledges Charles Edw.ard, as king of England, 134. \n\nLouisburg, Captured, 136, 138, 196. \n\nLouisiamt, Ceded to Fiance in 1800; sold to the United \nStates, by Napoleon. 204. Territory ; State, 451. Ad- \nmitted to the Union, 409. Secession of, 547. Opera- \ntions in, 644. \n\nLoiris Philippe, Driven from the throne of France, 510. \n\nLovELL Mansfield, General, 609. \n\nLcTDLOW, Captain, Death of, 429. \n\nLuDWELL, Philip, 165, 167. \n\nLiindt/s Lane, Battle of, 4.3.3. \n\nLutherans. Persecuted and shaughteren by Melendcz, 51. \n\nLuzKBKK, M., General Greene\'s letter to, 334. \n\n\n\nLtford, Persecuted by the Pilgrims. 119. \nLyman, General, At Fort Edward. 1S9. 191. \nLyon, Nathaniel, General 572, 573, 566. \n\n\n\nMcClellan, George B., General. 562. .56.1. Takes com- \nmand of U. S. Army, 571, 58.^, 612. 618. 620. Retrnit \nof, 621. Wants more men, 623, 628. Relieved of his \ncommand, 631. \n\nMcClernand, John A., General, 596. 64.3. \n\nMcCook, A. McD., General, 594, 701. \n\nM\'Clure, James, In Convention on the Articles of Con- \nfederation, 356. \n\nM\'Clitre, General. At Fort George, 427. \n\nM\'Crea, Jane, 277. \n\nMcCouN, General, 600. \n\nMcCcxLOCK, Ben., General, 573. \n\nMcDonald, Donald and Flor.v, 248. \n\nMcDotjGALL, General, At Peekskill, 270. Secretary of \nthe Continental Board of Admiralty, 30a \n\nMcDowell, Charles. At King\'s Mountain, 319. \n\nMcDowell, IrviN; 567,618. \n\nMcPherson, Genenal, 643. \n\nM\'Henry, James, 856, 384. \n\nMacomb, General, At Plattsbnrsh, notice of. 4.W. \n\nMacdonough, Commodore, Notice of, 434. 4:?.\\ \n\nMadison, James, 856. One of the authors of the /V<Aer- \nalist, 361. His view of the Revenues of the United \nStates, 367. Secretary of State. 890. President of Uk\xc2\xbb \nUnited States, 404. 415. Notice of 405 \n\nMag.\\^w, Colonel, At Fort Washington, 258. \n\nMagoffin, Governor, encourages secession, 575. \n\nMagkuder, Colonel, 502. \n\nMaine, Discovered, 58. Indian tribes of, 127. Settle- \nment of, 80, 122. A part of Massachusetts until 1820, . \n129. A State, 452. Boundary of, 452. \n\nMaise, The first th.at was found by Miles Standish, 115l \n\nMalvern Hills. Battle ot; 622. \n\nManchester, Burnt, 427. \n\nManhattan Indians, 21. \n\nManhattan Island, Sold to the Dutch bv the Manhattan \nIndians, 21. Purchased by Mintiit, 1.39. Origin of tho \xe2\x80\xa2 \nname, 48. The fort at the" southern extremity o^ 72. \n\nM.VNLY, Captain. 808. \n\nManahoaa Indians, 17. \n\nManassas, Evacuated by the Rebels, 612. \n\nManning, John, The trail or, 147. \n\nMansfield, Battle near, 684. \n\nMansfield, Lord, His decision respecting slavery, 53S_ \n\nMansfield, Captain. 481. \n\nManson, M. D., General, 633. \n\nM.tNTEO, Indian Chief, Lord of Roanoke, .55. 5fi. \n\nManufactures. American, 177, 178, 216, \xe2\x96\xa0147, 45S. \n\nMariana. Territory of, 79. \n\nMarine Committee of Congress, 308. \n\nMarion, General, 204. In South Carolin.a, 314. Exploit*- \nof, 317, 818, 319, 320, 3:?S. Refuses to drink wine. .317. \nHis first appearance at Gates\'s aiiup, 31S. Anecdot<? \nof him and a British officer at Charleston, 820. His \ncamp destroyed, 820 ; his brigade defeatid, in his ab- \nsence, 345. \n\nMarkham, Wn,LiAM, ^&. 161, 162, 10.3. \n\nMarlborough, Massachiisetts, Burnt, 127. \n\nMarriage Contra-cts. Restraints on, by Andros, 13^. \n\nMarsh, Ctdonel, Expedition .against Port Royal, 135. \n\nMarshali.. John, Envoy to France, 885. Announces the- \ndeath of W;whington" 386. Administers the oath of \noffice to President Monroe, 446; Adams, 454, 46L No- \ntice of, 851. \n\nMartha\'s Vineyard, Discovere<l, 57, 58. Christian In- \ndians at, 1-2.3. \n\nMartin, Alexander, In the Convention on the Articles- \nof Confedei .ation, 356. \n\nMarti.v, Li-THER. In the Convention on the Articles oC \nConfederation, a\')6. \n\n" Mary Johnson," the assumed name of Arthur Lee, \n266. \n\nMaryland, settlement of, 80-82. Origin of the name oC \n81. The first settlement in, 62. Tlie Seneca Indi- \nans make war upon the colonists, 82, 110. Declaration \nof Rights, in 16;J9, 151. Civil war in. Toleration Act; \nan asylum for persecuted Churchmen and Puritans, \n151. Colonial government of; \xe2\x80\xa2ivil war in, 152. \nHistory of. 151. \n\nMason, Grorgf, in the Convention on the Articles of \nConfederation, 356. \n\n\n\nTtliy \n\n\n\nINDEX \n\n\n\nMason, John, merchant and naval commander, 79. \nGoTernor of Portsmoutli, England, 80. Controversy \n<if ibe heirs of, 129. \n"MxBO-s, John, Captain, exterminates the Pequods, 87, 88. \naviASON, Jamks m., author of the Fugitive Slave Law, \n.521. Confederate Commissioner, 587. Goes to \n\n^England, 5S9. \n^lassadvttseMs Indiana, 22. \n\nJJa\xc2\xabsacfiii\xc2\xabM&, settlement of, 62. History of, 114. \nColony; charter, 117. Character of the colony, 119 ; \nrapid srrowth of the colony, creates alarm in England, \n120. Fortifications in, 121. Joins the confederacy of \n\xe2\x96\xa0colonists, 121. Government of; commerce of, with \n:the West Indies, 122. Growth of the colony, 129. \n(Controversy of, with the heirs of Gorges and Mason, \n329. A royal province, Wi. Cost of settling, 209. \nEarly legislation of, 17.5. Grant from Parliament to, \n20(). Assembly\'s view of taxation, 219. A flotilla \nfitted out by, in 299. Board of Admiralty of, 307. Re- \nbellion in, 35.5. \nJMassasoit, chief of the Wampanoags, 90. Sachem, 114, \n\n115. His sons, 21, 124. \n.\'Mather, Cotton, 133. Notice of, 134. \n\xe2\x96\xa0\'MAtOTHEwa, Samuel, Governor of Virginia, 109. \n-\xe2\x96\xa0^SIatthkws, General (British), 297, 320. \nMauritius, the. Origin of the name, 71. \n: Maverkk, Richard, 123. \n\naiAWHOOD, Lieutenant-Colonel, at Princeton, 268. \n"MAXiMrLiAN, Empervir of Mexico, deatfi of, 728. \nMay. CoKNELitis Jacobsen, First Director of New \n\nNetherland, 73. \nMat, Captain, Captures General La Vega, 482. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2^\'- May-Flinter" Puritan vessel, 77. \nMkade, Gbokoe G., General, 621, 622. Takes command \n\nof the army, 65-3, 659, 6S1, 692. \nMecMenJmry Z>ec;ar(/iif\xc2\xabi of Independence, 237. \nMedal. Presented by Congress to Washington, after \nthe battle of Germantown, 275; to General Wayne, \n\xe2\x80\xa2288; to the captors of Andre 827. Struck by Louis, \nXIV., after the repulse of Phipps, 131. \n\xe2\x96\xa0 Jtedford, Massachusetts, Burned, 127. \nr?VlEDici, Lorenzo de, Vespucius\'s letter to, 41. \n.^Me\xc2\xabUng House, First, at Hartford, Connecticut, 86. \n.Meherrin Indiana, 23. \nM\xc2\xa3nG8, Colonel. 271. \n\xe2\x96\xa0~" Metampus." ship, 401. \n\xe2\x96\xa0Mblbndkz. Pedro, Governor of Florida, 50, 51. \n- Memorial to Parliament, Livingston\'s, 215. \nMemphis, 683. \nMendoza. Cardinal, 33, 45. \nMenomonee Indians, 17, 19. \n\nMercer, Hugh, General, 192. 259. Notice of, 269. \nMercer, John Francis. 356. \nMeredith, William M., Secretary of the Treasury, \n\n499. \nMktacomkt: .see King Philip. \n^{etamoras. General Ampudia at, 481. \n-IBTewtco, Origin of the name, 593. Civilization and the \n-arts in, 43. Burr\'s proposed invasion of, 396. War \n\xe2\x96\xa0witfe,4S0. The City of. 494. Treaty of Peace, 497. \n2Miarm. Indians, 17, 24, 2.5. Treaty with the, 408. Their \nteii-itory, 19. Conspire against the English, 1763, \n205. \n\xe2\x96\xa0MiANT0N0MOH,VanT.gan8et Sachem, 21, 87, 91.. 125. \n^IiCANOPY, Head Sachem of the Seminoles, 466. \nMicUgan, Peninsula, Indians on the, 18. Territory, \n\n89)6. State of, admitted to the Union, 469. \n.MieJiilgan Indians, 19. \nMiemac Indians, 22. \n.MiddU Plantations, The, 111. \n\nMiKFLiN, Thomas, General, 254, 257, 268, 356. His ad- \ndress to Washington, notice of, .352. \nMiLBORNK, Deputy Governor, 1-34, 148. E.xecuted, 148, \nMiLLEE, Colonel, Defeats Tecnm(ba,near Brownstown, \n\n411. At the battle of Lundy\'s Lane, 433. \nMill Spring, Victory at, 594. \n.Min\xc2\xab River, Abatis on, 660. \nJfin\xc2\xabiaree Indians, 31, 32. \n\nIMingo Indians. 23. Logan, the Mingo Chief, 20. \n3[inq%M Indians : see Mohawk Indians. \n\xe2\x96\xa0Mi.NON, General, Driven from Santillo, 485. \n\'Minai Iridians, Their territory, 21. \nMint,Onhe: United States, 372. 373. \n\xe2\x96\xa0MiNiHT, Petek, Governor, 8.5, 9-3, 139. \n-MmcUama, The, at Phihidelphia, 2s5. \nMishav^an, The foundation of Charleston laid at, 117. \n-Mississagues Indians, 17, 205. \n.JUiMsissippi, Territory, 33S. State admitted to the Un- \n\n\n\nion, 448. Session o\xc2\xa3 547. In possession of the Union, \n605. \nMississippi River, Events beyond, 684. Valley of; 591. \n\nWar in. 565. \nMissouri Indians, 32. \n\nMissouri, \\\\. State, 448, 452, 576. Raid into, 677. Lost \nto Confederates, 598. \n\nMissouri Compromise^\'\' The, 452. Repeal of, 526. \nMitcuel, Ormbsy M., 606. \nMitchell, Colonel, 432. \nMobile, The British repulsed at, 438, 708. Fleet at, 709. \n\nSurrender of, 716. \nMobilian Indians, 29, 31. \n\nMohawk Indians, 21, 23. Active enemies of the Ameri- \ncans, 26. Hi-a-wat-ha\'s address to the, 24 Refuse to \njoin King Philip, 127. At New Amsterdam, 141. \nClaim sovereign tv over the Riverlndians, 141. Allies \nof Colonel Williams, 190. Join St. Leger, 278. \nMohawk Valley, Devastation of the, 290. \nMohegan Indians, 17, 21, 85, 86. \nMolinos del Rey, Battle, 494. \nMonckton, Colonel, 1S5, 201. Grave of, 288. \nMoney, Continental, 245. The first coined in the United \n\nStates, 122. \nMonitor and Merrimack, Combat between, 614. \nMonk, General, 98. \n\nMonmouth, New Jersey, Battle of, 287. \nMonecan Indians, 17. \n\nMonroe, James, His treaty with Great Britain, 401. \nPresident of the United States, 446. Re-elected Presi- \ndent, 453. "Monroe docrtvine," 448. Notice of, 446. \nMonroe, Colonel, At Fort William, Henry, 194. \nMonroe, Major, At Point Isabel, 481. \n3fontagues Indians, 17. \nMontauk Indians. 21. \n" Montauk,^\' Monitor, 672. \n\nMontcalm, Marquis de. 192, 194. Notice of, 120, 202. \nMontgomery, Ala, Surrender of, 715. \nMonterey, Battle of, 484. \n\nMontezuma, in. His deputation to Cortez, 48. \nMontgomery, John, Governor, 150. \nMontgomery, Colonel (British). lu the Cherokee coun- \ntry, 204. \nMontgomery, Richard, General, 238, 241. Assaults \n\nQuebec, 242. Notice of, 240. \nMontgomery, Commodore, Takes possession of San \n\nFrancisco, 487. \nMontreal, Origin of the name, 48. Surrender of, in \n\n203. \nMoosas, General, 435. \n\nMoore, James, Governor of South Carolina, 168, 170. \nMoore, Colonel, 168. \nMoravians and La Fayette, after his being wounded at \n\nBrandywine, 274. \nMorgan, John H., Guerrilla Chief, 632. 658, 661, 688. \nMorgan, Daniel, General, at Quebec, 242. At Saratoga \n\n282. At theCowpens831. Notice of, 331. \nMorgan William, 457. \nMorgan Colonel, At Agua Frio, 486. \nMorocco, War of the United States with, 1801, 390. \nMormons, The, 499, 504. Their movements, 537, 749. \nMorris, Gouverneur, 185, 856. His remarks on Coins \nand Currency, 372. His part in the Erie Canal, 457. \nNotice of, 364. \nilorris Island, 673. \nMorris, Lewis, First Royal Governor of New Jersey, \n\n161. \nMorris Robert, Supplies Washington with money, at \nTrenton, 263. Agent of Marine; his privateers, 308. \nHis National Bank, 829. At the Convention, on the \nArticles of Confederation, 356. His views of harmonis- \ning the money of the United States, 372. Notice of, \n264. \nMorris, Rooek, Notice of, 259. \nMorris, Commodore, His exploit on the Penobscot \n\nRiver, 438. \nMorris, Major. Death of, 269. \n\nMorristoum, New Jersey. Washington\'s winter quar- \nters at, 269, 306. Sufferings of the American trooi)S at, \n306. \nMorse, S. F. B., Sketch of, 507, 508. \nMotte, Rebecca, Notice of, .335, 3:36. \nMoultrie, General, 204. 295. Notice of, 249. \nMount Hope Bay, A Scandinavian child born on tho \n\nshore of, .So. \nMount Independence, 276. \nMount Vernon, Leonard Calvert at, 82. \nMum/ordsville, Battle at, 633. \n\n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n\nxir \n\n\n\nMurfree9boro\\ Battle at, 638, 706. \nMaBRAT, General, 201, 20a \nMurray, W. V.. Envoy to France, S \nMuskogee Indians, 29. \n\n\n\nKahant, 57. Captain Block at, 72 \n\nJfnnsemond River, Settlement on the, 97. \n\nNantes, The Edict of, 166. \n\nNitnticoke Indians, Allies of the Five Nations, 17, 20. \n\nNantucket, Discovery of, 57. Christian Indians at, 123. \n\nNapoleon: see Bonaparte. \n\nNarragamet IndianK. 21, 22, 86. Propose to exter- \nminate the white people, 87. Treaty of Peace with \nthe, 125. Join King Philip, 127. \n\nNarraqanset Bay, Penetrated by Captain Block, 72. \n\nNarvabz, Pamphilo, Governor of Florida, 43, 44. \n\nNash, Governor, 330. \n\nNashville, Tenn., Evacuation of, 599. Threatened, 632, \n705. \n\n\n\nNatchez Indians, 29, 30. Population of, : \nof the, 12. \n\n\n\nLanguage \nCurrency, \n\n\n\nNational, Bank of the United States, 372, \n372. Debt, 739, 74.3. \n\nNaumkeiig Colony. 117. \n\n*\xe2\x80\xa2 NatUilu>i^\' briar, 414. \n\nN\'avajo IndiatisASS. \n\nNaval Stores, Imported from America into Great Bri- \ntain, 206. \n\nNaval Engagement m Charleston Harbor, 672. \n\nNavigation Act, The, 109, 123, 177. \n\nNavy, American, Origin of the. 245, 246, 382. Rank of \nCommanders, 308. State of, 407, 414, 445. \n\nIroncliids, 595. Ships of, 686. \n\nNavy, British, 206. 445. \n\nNeal, Captain, Death of. 269. \n\nNebraska, Territory of, 518. Opened to Slavery, 526. \n\nNegro Plot, in New York, 150. \n\nNegro Slaves : see Slaves. \n\nNegro Troops, Medal for, 596. \n\nNrilson, .loiiN, 356. \n\nNeosho Indians, 24 \n\nNeutral Indians, 23. \n\nNevada, Becomes a State, 765. \n\nNew Amsterdam, Meeting of Dutch deputies at, in 143. \n\nNew Berne, N. C, Battle at 606. Seige abandoned, 705. \n\nNew Brunswick, Origin of the name^of, 58. Boundary \nof, 472. \n\nNfwburg Addresses, 349. \n\nNewcastle. Delaware, 93, 143. William Penn at, 96. \n\nNew England Indians, 17, 22. Invaded by the Five \nNations, 24. \n\nNew England, Scandinavians visit the coast of, 34. Ex- \nplored by Captain John Smith. Origin of the name, \n74. Proposed union of the colonies of, in 121. Popu- \nl.ition of, in 1675, 126. Effects of King Philip\'s War in \n129. \n\nNew Era Gunboat, 682. \n\nNewfoundland, Portuguese settlement in, 47. Seen \nby Cabot, 46. Cod-flshery at, discovered by Cabot, 47. \nVisits to, by early navigators, 52. \n\nNew France, The name given by Verazzani to the re- \ngions discovered by him, 48. \n\nN\'ew Hampshire, Origin of the name, SO. Settlement \nof, 62, 122 A rovafprovince, 80, 129. Grant to, 206. \n\nNew Haven Colony, 121, 127, 154. \n\nN^ew Jersey, Origin of the name, 159. Wampum manu- \nfactured in, 13. Swedes in, 62. Founded, 93, 159. \nSale of, by the Duke of York, 144. The Dutch take \npossession of, 147. Discontents in 159. Invaded by \nMatthews, 320. History of the colony of, 159. \n\nNew London. Burnt by Arnold, 340. \n\nNHw Madrid, Evacuated by the Confederates, 600. \n\nNew Mexico, A Territory of the United States, 497, 501. \nClaims of Texas to portions of, 499. Petition of, for a \ncivil government, 499. \n\nNeio Netherland, 72, 73. Founded 139. Given by \nCharles II. to the Duke of York, 113, 144. \n\nNew Orleans, Ceded to Spain, 204. Battle of, 439. \nNaval battle at, 610. Fearful panic in, 611. \n\nNewport, Christopher, Captain, 6.5, 68. \n\nNewport, Khode Island, 48. Ternay\'s fleet at, 321. \nTower at: see Tower. \n\nNew Rochelle, Mrs. Hutcheson takes refuge at, 120. \n\nNewspapers, In the American colonies ; m the United \nStates, 179. \n\n\n\nNew Sweden, 93, 143. \n\nNew Winsd<\\ , Washington head-quarters at, 828. \n\nNew York City, Dutch settlement at, 62. Origin of, 72, \n\n144. Expedition from, to Canada, 131. Colony at, 1.39. \n\nThe Dutch taken possession of, 147. Evacuated, 85<J. \n\nGreat Are at, 471. Crystal Palace in, 516. Kiot in, \n\n657. \nNew York, History of the Colony of, 139. Grants from \n\nParliament to, 206. General Knyphausen at, 809. \nNew York Bay, 48, 57. \nNezperce Indians, 33. \n\nNiagara Falls, Battle at, 48.3. Village at, burnt, 427. \nNiagara Frontier, Shirley\'s expedition to the, 185, 189 \n\'^Niagara" ship, 425. \nNianUc Indians, 87. \nNicaragua, State of, 522. \nNicholson, Francis, Governor, 148, 171. \nNicholson, Colonel, 136. \n\nNicola, Colonel. His letter to Washington, 849. \nNicolas, Father, Removes the Church-bell from Deer- \nfield, 13.5. \nNicolls, Richard, Colonel, 123, 144 \nNinety-six, Origin of the name, 835. Siege o\xc2\xa3 b* \n\nGreene, 336. \nNiniobet, 21. At New Amsterdam, 141, 142, 154, 155. \nNijimuc Indians, 22, 125. \nNorfolk. Virginia, 244, 297. \nNorth Carolina, Secession o^ 547. Events in, 704. \n\nSherman\'s march through, 712. \nNorth, Lord, His Conciliatory Bills, 286. The news of \n\nthe capture of Cornwallis, S45. Retires from office, \n\n345. Notice of, 224. \nNorth-Enstern Boxmdary Question, 476. \nNorth Carolina, 98. Colony, 167. Opposed taxation, \n\n223 Joins the Uniou. 171. \nNorth Castle. The American camp at, 259. \nNorthp\'eld. Connecacut, 126. \nNorthi/tan, 34,35. \nNorth i\'oint. Buttle of, 437. \nNorth Virgin a, 63. \nNorth West Territory, 363. \nNorridgewock Indians, 22. \xe2\x96\xa0 \nNottoioay Indians, 23. \nNova Scotia, 58, 132, 13a Origin of, 80. Portngnesa \n\nsettlement in, 47. \nNova Ccesarea, 93. \nNueces, The, General Taylor at, 481. \nNullifiers of South Carolina, 463. \nNumber Ten Island, 599. Capture of; 604. \n\n\n\n0. \n\n\n\nOconee River, 28. \nOaracock Inlet, 54. \nOgdenshurg, Capture of, 425. \nRiver, 28. \n\n\n\nOgilvie, Captain, at Qucenstown, 418. \n\nOglethorpe, James Edward, General. His voyage tn \nAmerica, 100. Founds Savannah, 62, 100. His first \ninterview with the Indians at Savannah, 30. His \ncolony, 171. Meets Chiefs in Council, 103. His con- \ntest with the Spaniards, 172. Notice of. 99. \n\nO\'Haea, General, At the siege of Yorktown, 342. \n\nOhio Company, The, Organized, 36:3. George II.\'s \ngrant to, 181. \n\nOjeda, Accompanies Vespucius, 41, 60. \n\nOld Dominion, The, Origin of the name, 109. \n\nOmaha Indians, 32. \n\nOneida Indians, 23. Favor the Americans, in the \nRevolution, 26. Hi-a-wat-ha\'s address to the, 34. \n\nOpecuancanocgh, 66. Captures Captain John Smith, \n106. Hostile to the Virginia Colony, 108. \n\nOrd, General, 635. \n\nOrders in Council. 400, 402. \n\nOregon Indians, 83. \n\nOregon Territory. 33. British claims to, 479. Settle- \nment of the boundarv question, 497. \n\nOrphan House, Whitfield\'s, 171, 172. \n\nOsage Indians, 32. \n\nOsceola, 466, 468. \n\nOstend Circular, 520. \n\nOswald, Richard, English Commissioner on the Treaty \nof Peace, 348. \n\nOswego, 192. Battle at. in 1814, 482, 485. \n\nOtis, James, 207. 208, 212, 213, 219. Notice of, 212. \n\nOtoe Indians, 32. \n\nOttawa Indians, 17. Attempt to extermiMt* tb\xc2\xab \n\n\n\nzIyi \n\n\n\nI N D K X. \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0white people in 1763, 18, 20=. Aid the French against \nthe Sacs and Foxes, IS. Their war with the Five \nNations, 18, 2o. \n\nOutagamie Indians. See Fox Indians. \n\nOyster Point, South Carolina, 99, 166. \n\nOyst&r liiver, incursiou of French and Indians at, 134. \n\n\n\nP. \n\n\n\nPackenham. General, at New Orleans, 439, 440. \n\nPadncah, 6S2. \n\nPaine, Thomas, his " Common Sense," 250. \n\nPalo Alto, battle of, 482. \n\nPalo/i, Columbus sails from, 34, 39, 40. \n\nPamunkey Indians, 111. \n\nPanama, Commissioners at, 457. liailroad in, 522. \n\nPan/aco River, the followers of De Sota at the, 45. \n\nPaper Blockades, 444. \n\nPaper Money, issued by Massachusetts, 122, 132. \n\nPAPINEA0. Lotris Joseph, 472. \n\nParbdes, General, succeeds Herrera, 481. \n\nParis, treaty of peace at, 204, 848. The allied armies \nenter, 431. \n\nParker, Sir Peter, 24S, 261. \n\nParliament, its Act of Supremacy, 75. Its appropria- \ntion to Georgia, 100. Grants by, during the Seven \nYears\' War in America, 206. \n\nPassamaquoddy Indians, 22. \n\nPaterson, William, 356, 359. \n\nPatroo7ia, Account of the, 139. \n\nPaulding, John, 326. \n\nPaulus\'s Hook, 94. \n\nPaow, Michael, 94, 139. \n\nPavonia, territory of, 94. \n\nPawnee Indians, 33. \n\nPawtucket Indians, 22. \n\nPayne, General, 416. \n\n"^ Peace- Makers" in Pennsylvania, 162. \n\nPeace-Party, of 1812, 410. \n\nPeace, Treaty of, Guadalupe Hidalgo, 497. \n\nPea Ridge, battle of, 592, 635. \n\n\'\xe2\x80\xa2 Peacock;\' brig, 429, 440. \n\nPkaece, Colonel, at Yorl;, Canada, 425. \n\nPearl liiver, 29. \n\nPeers of England, cannot be arrested for debt, 150. \n\nPbiece, E. W., General, 502. \n\n" Pelican" sloop of war, 430. \n\nPembkrton, John C, 642. \n\nPemaquid Point, 80, 131. Capture of the garrison at, \n130, 134. \n\nPensacola, abandoned by the Confederates, 609. \n\nPendleton. Nathaniel, 356. \n\n\'\xe2\x80\xa2 Penguin," brig, 440. \n\nPknn, WiLLiAM,"his charter from Charles II.; purchases \npart of New Jersey, 05. His voyage to America, his \ngovernment, 96. His advice to the Dulie of York, \nrespecting an assembly of Kepresentatives, 147. His \npurchases of parts of New Jersey, 160. His arrival in \nPennsylvania; his treaty with the Delawai-e Indians, \n\n161. His Charter of Liberties ; his return to England, \n\n162. Deprived of his provisional government; his \nrights restored in ; returns to England, 163. Philadel- \nphia founded by, 162. Suggests a Union of the Colo- \nnies, 183. Involved in debt, 209. His sons, 163. No- \ntice of, 95. \n\nPennacook Indians, 22. \n\nPennsylvania, origin of the name, 96. Swedes in, 62. \n\nHistoiy of the Colony of, 161. Mutiny of the troops \n\nof, 328. ^ \n\nPenobscot Indians, 22. \n\nPensacola, Florida, stormed, 438. Captured, 451. \nPeoria Intlians, 19. \nPeppeuell, William, 137. \nPetiuod Indians, 21, 86, 87. \n\nPercy, George, Acting-Governor of Virginia, 68, 69 \nPerry, Cotnmodore, e.xpedition to Japan, 500. \nPerryville, battle near, 634. \nPerry, Oliver H., Commodore , Hisexph>its, 423, 430. \n\nHis expedition against pirates, 453. Notice of, 423. \nPerry, M. C, Commodore, captures Tampico, Tabasco, \n\nand TusfHin, 485. \nPetersburg, attack on, 691. Seige of, 69-3, 717. \nPerth Amb<>f/,^e-w Jersey, oriirin of the name, 160. \nPeters, H ugh, 86, 119." \n\nPeters, Uiciiaed, Secretary of the Board of War, 294. \nPetrels, seen by Columbus and his crew, 39. \n\n\n\nPhiladelphia, founded, 162. \n\n\'\xe2\x80\xa2Philadelphia," the, 391. Decatur\'s exploit in firine \n\nthe, 392. \nPhilip 11., of Spain, his measures against the French \n\nProtestants in America, 50. \nPhilip, King; see King Philip; notice of, 124 \nPhillips, Genera!, joins Arnold ; death of, 330. \nPhillipse, Mart, Miss, 259. \nPhipps, Sir William, his expedition against the French, \n\n131. At Quebec, 131. Sent to England, 132. \n\'\'Phoebe," frigate, 431. \nPiankeshaio Indianx, 17, 19. \nPickens, General, 295, 314, 315, 319. At Ninety-six, 330. \n\nNotice of, 337. \nPickering, John, member of the Convention on the \n\nArticles of Confederation, 356. \nPicture Writiiig, Indian, 13. \n\nPierce, Franklin, in the army in Mexico, 493. Inau- \ngurated President, 512. Notice of, 513. \nPierce, William, in the Convention on the Articles of \n\nConfederation. 856. \nPiGOT, General, 289, 335. \nPike, Albert, notice of, 592. \nPike, Zebulon M., notice of, 425. \n"Pilgrims;\'\' The; voyage of to America, 77, 78. Names \n\nof; fabulous story of, 78. Salutation of, by Samosel, \n\n114. \nPillow, Gideon J., 566, 596. \nPilot Knob, 687. \nPiNCKiVEir, Charles, in the Convention on the Articles \n\nof Confederation, 1787, 356. \nPiNCKNET, Charles Cotesworth, in the Convention on \n\nthe Articles of Confederation, 356. Envoy to France, \n\n1797, 385. Candidate for the Presidency, 388, 396, 404. \n\nNotice of, 385. \nPine Tree Money, 122. \nPiNKNEY, William, His Treaty with Great Britain, 400. \n\nNotice of, 401. \nPipe of Peace. Indi.an, 14. \nPiHcataqua, Letters from the King\'s commissioner at, \n\n118. \nPiracy, The Earl of Bellemont\'s efforts to suppress, \n\n149. In the West Indies, 149. \nPitcairn, Major, 232. \nPitt William, 195. His views of taxation, 217, 544. \n\nHis scheme for conquering Canada, 199. Resigns his \n\noffice as Prime Minister, 213. Notice of, 217. See \n\nChatham. \nPitt William, the younger, 367. \nPlains of Abraham, 201, 202, 241. \nPlanetarium, Eittenhouse\'s, 210, 269. \nPlattsburg Bay, Naval action in, 435. \nPleasant Hill, Battle near, 6S5. \nPlymouth Colony, Its Government, 116. Joins the \n\nConfederacy of Colonies, 121. \nPlymouth Company, 63, 64. Explore North Virginia, \n\n73. Employ Captain John Smith, new charter of the, \n\n1620; superseded by the Council of Plymouth, 74. \n\nConsent to the establishment of a Puritan Colony in \n\nNorth Virginia, 77. \nPlymouth, Council of, 74. \nPlymouth Rock, 79. \nPocahontas, Tlie story of, 66. Guardian angel of the \n\nVirginia colony, 69. Captmed by Captain Argall; \n\nbaptized: marries John Rolfe, 70. John Randolph, \n\ndecended from, 404. Portrait oi, 66. \n" Poietiers," ship 415. \nPoint Comfort, 64. \nPoint Isabel, 481. \n\nPoint Pleasant, The Shawnoese Indians subdued at, 19.^ \nPokonet India/is, 22. \nPolk James K., President of the United States, 478. \n\nProclaims Peace with Mexico, 497. Notice of, 478, \n\n479. \n\nPolk, Leonidas, (General, 566, 577. 081 \n\nPoMEKoY, Seth, General, 19S, 23S. \n\nPompton, New Jersey troops at, .328, 329. \n\nPonce de Leon. .lu.m\'. I )is<-overs Florida, 42, 43. \n\nPoNTiAC, Ottawa Clii.-f. In 204,205. \n\nPope, The, His Apostolic Vicar in the United States, \n:35;3. Bulls of. 46. \n\nPope. John. General,, 591. 600, 623, 624. \n\nPoPHAM, George, Member of the Plymouth Com- \npany. 63. \n\nPopiiAM, Sir John, At Kennebec, 73. Death of, 74. \n\nPopular Rights, in Virgina, 112, 113. \n\nPopulation^ Of the American colonies, 179. Increase \n\n\n\nIXDEX. \n\n\n\nXh \n\n\n\nof, in the United SUtes, 447, 44S. Of Indian Tribes \n\n81, 32. \n" Porcupine" schooner, 420. \nPoEEY, Secretary of Virginia, 97. \nPorter, David, Commodore, 430. His Expedition \n\nasainst pirates, 45:3. Notice of, 431, 609, 642. \nPorter, Fitz John, 619, 620. \nPort Hudson, 635, Surrender of, 646. \nI\'ort Royal, Nova Scotia. Founded, 58. Seized by \n\nPhipps, 131. Expedition against, 135, 1.36. \nPort Royal, South Carolina, Oglethorpe at, 100. Lord \n\nCardoD settles at ; claimed by the Spaniards, 166. \nPoi-tsmoiith, New Hampshire, Founded, 80. \nPortugal, Claims of, against the United States, 468. \nPortuguese, Settle in Newfoundland and Nova Scotia, \n\nPorto Rico, Exploring voyages to, 41. Ponce de Leon \n\nGovernor of; his return to," 42. \nPost Ojfio6,o{the United States, 373. 507. \nPotomac, Army of The ; losses in, 679, 571, 647, 623. \nPotomac River, blockade of, 584. \nPotter, Colonel, Death of, 269. \nPottowatomie Indians, 17, 18. Conspire against the \n\nEnglish, 205. \nPotts, Isaac, and General Washington, 235. \nPouTRiNoouRT, M. At Port Royal, Nova Scotia, 58. \nPowHATTAN, 65. His history, 20. His eldest brother, \n66. His daughter, Pocahontas, 20, 66. His hostility, \nand friendship, 70. Death of, 106. \nPo7vhatan Indians, 17, 20, 107, 108. \nPowhatan River, 64. \n\nPrayer, in the Continental Congress, 228. In the Con- \nvention on the Articles of Confederation, .859. Mac- \ndonough\'8,435. \nPreble Jedediah, General, 2.30. \nPreble, Commodore, In the Mediterranean, 891. \nPrescott, General (British), Captured; exchanged for \n\nGeneral Charles Lee, 261, 271. \nPrescott, William, Colonel, 234, 235, 236. Notice of, \n\n234. \n" President" frigate, 407, 414, 440. \nPress, Freedom of the, restrained by Andros, 130. \nPreston, Captain, 221, 222. \n\nProvost, Augustine, General. In East Florida, in \n294. At Brier Creek, 295. Prepares to invade South \nCarolina, 296. \nPrevost, Sir George, General, Succeeds General Bjock, \n\n416. At Sacketfs Harbor, 426. At Plattsburg, 434. \nPrice, Colonel, In New Me.xico, 489. \nPrice, Sterling, General, 566, 591, 676. \nPeideaux, General, 199, 200. \n\nPrince of Orange, The, Friendly to America, 266. \nPrinceton, New Jersey, Captured bj\xc2\xbb Coruwalls, 260. \n\nBattle of, 269. \n" Princeton," steamer, 475. \n\nPrino, Maktin, His Expedition to America, 53, 73. \nPrinting, Effects produced by the art of, 62. Forbid- \nden in New York, by James II., 147. In the Ameri- \ncan colonies, prohibited by William III., 15.3. \nPrinting Press, The i\'irst established in Virginia: 114. \nPrison Ship, Jersey, 259. \nPrivateering, 149. \' Account of, 246. Privateers iitted \n\nout by Robert Morris, 308; and by M. Genet, 337. \nPrivate Judgment, Doctrine of, at Plvmouth, 116. \nProctor, General, 416. At Fort Meigs;418, 419? Routed, \n\n424. \n\'\xe2\x80\xa2 Prophet," The, 408. \n\nProtestafit, Origin of the word, 62. Reformation, 62. \nFeeling aroused in England, by the cruelties of Me- \nlendez, 52. French Protestants in Carolina, 55. Prot- \nestantism in England, 75. \nProvidence Plantation, 91. \nProvidence, Rhode Island. Founded, 90. Burned, \n\n127. \nPublic Lands of the United States, 372. \nPuebla, The Citv of, Captured by General Scott, 490. \nPiTLASKi, Count, 274. Notice of, 305. \nPulaski Fort, taking of, 608. \nPulpit Rock, Lookout mountain, 669. \nPuncah Indians, 32. \n\nPuritans, 75, 76. Friendly intercourse of the, with the \nDutch, 85. Of Massachusetts colony, 118. Settle in \nNew Netherland, 143. \nPCTNA.M, IsRAE^ General, 194, 2.34, 23.5, 238. In the \nFrench and Indian War, 198. Enters Boston, 247. On \nLong Island, 2.53. At the house of Roger Morris, 259. \nHis exploit at Greenwich. 297. Notice of, 253. \nPutnam, Rcfus, General, Notice of, 863. \n\n\n\nPutnam, H. P., Colonel, 674. \n\nPyle, Colonel, Defeated by Colonel Henry Lcc, 833. \n\n\n\nQuahoag, Englishmen slain at, 126. \n\nQuakers, Origin of the name, 94. Their tenets, 1-^4 \nIn I ennsylvania, 94. In Massachusetts Bay, 122 In \nNorth Carolina, 168, 231. In New Jersey, 160. Com- \npelled to pay fines, 110. Persecuted, 94, 122, 123. \n\nQuaker Hill, Battle of, 290. \n\nQuebec, Algonquins at, 17. Founders of 74. Military \noperations at, 201. Surrender of, to General Murray, \n\n" Quebec Act." The, 225. \n\nQueen Anne, of England, 134. Queen Anne\'s War, 135 \n\nQueenstoion, Battle of, 413. 414. \n\nQuincy, Josiah, Defends Captain Preston, 222. \n\nQuimpiac Creek, 88. \n\nQuitman, General, 483, 494. Notice of, 494. \n\nQuon-eh-ta-cut, or Connecticut, 85. \n\n\n\nK. \n\n\n\nRaisin River, 417. \n\nRaleigh, Sir Walter. Studies the art of war, under \n\nColigny, 52. Introduces tobacco into Ensland, 70. \n\nHistorical error respecting. 100. Notice of, 55, 56. \nRaleigh Tavern, The, 226. \n\nRall, Colonel, With his Hessians at Trenton, 262 \nRamsay, David, Notice of, 312, 617. \nRandolph, Edward, 129. \nRandolph, Edmund, 356, 359. Attorney General of \n\nthe United States, 369. \nRandolph, John, Notice of, 403, 404. \nRandolph, Peyton, 228. \nRank, Of American Naval ami Military commanders, \n\n808. ^ \n\nRAPEL.IK, Sarah, 78. \nRappahannock Station, battle of, 659. \nRappahannock River, explored by Captain John Smith, \n\n67. \nRaritan Indians, 140. \n\nRatcliffe, President of the Plymouth Colony, 65. \nR AWDON, Lord, on the Santee River ; at Sanders\'s Creek, \n\n815. At Hobkirk\'s Hill, 334.- Embarks for England,. \n\nRead, George, 856. \n\nRebellion, preparations for, 550. \n\nRed Cross of St. George, 144. \n\nRed River, campaign of, 644. Expedition to, 684. \n\nRed River. De Soto\'s followers wander among tributary \nstreams of the, 4.5. \n\nReformation, the Protestant, 62. Effects of in Fran\'\xc2\xab \n49. \n\n" Regulators," the, 223. \n\nRehoboth, Rhode Island, founded, 89. \n\nReno, General, killed, 628. \n\nRepublican Party, the, 877. \n\nRepublicanism in Maryland, 1.52. \n\nRepresentatives in Congress. 866. \n\nResaca de la Palma, battle of, 482. \n\n\'\xe2\x96\xa0\'\xe2\x96\xa0Retaliation," schooner, captured, 885. \n\nRevenue of the United States, 383. \n\nRevere, Paul, 232. \n\nRevolution, Amirican, history of the, 207. The Shaw- \nnoese aid the British in the, 19. The Lenni-Lenape\xc2\xbb \njoin the British, 21. Officers and soldiers of the. oro- \nvided for, 453. \n\nRevolution, Enslish, of 1688, 162. \n\nRubtt, Colonel,\'\'169. \n\nRhode Island, explored by Scandinavians, 85. Origia \nof; 89, 91. Founded, 62, 119. Origin of the name, 91. \nSeal of, 91. Colony of, proposes to join the Confed- \neracy of Colonies, 121. History of, 157. Charter of. \n158. Refuses to be included in Connecticut Colony, \n155. Relisious toleration in, 1.51. Persecution of \nRoman Catholics and Quakers in, 158. Sir Peter \nParker at, 261. Evacuated by the British, 806. Join* \nthe Union, 371. State Constitution of, 157, 447. \n\nRiALi., General, at Chippew.a, 48;?. \n\nRibault. John, sails with Huguenots for America, 5<). \nFate of and his party, .50, 51. \n\nRiee, oridn of the culture of, in South Carolina, 167. \n\nRichmond, McClellan turns back from, 621. EvenU tX, \n\n\n\nxlviii \n\n\n\nINDEX \n\n\n\n679. Beige of, 693. C.impaign against, 698. Evacua- \ntion of, 718. \n\nEiBDBSEL, Baron, -with Burgoyne, 281. \n\nKiLBY, General, Governor of California, 499. \n\nJting, presented by Winthrop to Charles II., 155. \n\nEiNOQOLD, Major, 482. \n\nEiNGGOLD, Captain, his expedition, 415. \n\nBio del Norte, Coronada\'s expedition to the head waters \nof the, 45. \n\nRio Grande, 480, 481. Boundary of the Aztec Empire, \n10, 678. \n\nRipley, General, at Fort Erie, in 1S14, 433. \n\nEisiNGii, Governor, 143. \n\nEiTTENHOusB, Davld, 210, 211. \n\nMiver Indiana, 140, 141. \n\nEoANOKE, Lord of, 56. \n\nRoanoke Island, 55, 64. Attack on, 90. \n\nEoBB, William, at the battle of King\'s Mountain, 819. \n\nKoBEETVAL, Lord, his expedition to New France; arrives \nat Newfoundland ; his second expedition, 1549, 49. \n\nEoBiNSON, John, Eev., at Leyden, 77. His remark \nrespecting Standish\'s slaughter of Indians, 115, 116. \nHis family join the Plymouth colonists, 116. \n\nEooHAMBEAtr, Count de, arrives at Newport, 821. His \nfirst interview with Washington, 323. At Dobbs\'s \nFerry, 839. At Yorktown, 34f. Notice of, 839. \n\nEocHB, Marquis de Ka, 57. \n\nRockets, used in war, described, 437. \n\nEocKiNGHAM, Marquis of, 217. \n\nEoDNEY, CiESAR, Attorney-General of the United States, \n406. \n\nRoLFE, John, marries Pocahontas, 70. \n\nEoGERS, C. E. P., Commodore, 407, 608. \n\nEoGEBS, Major, 194. His expedition against the St \nFrancis Indians, 200. \n\nRoman Catholics, auricular confession of, 38. Punish \n\xe2\x96\xa0witchcraft, 182. Found a colony in Maryland, 62, 81, \n151,152. Persecuted by Puritans, 119; and in Mary- \nland, New York, and New England, 131, 132, 154. \nProvincial offices in New York filled by, 147. The \nprevalence of their faith in Lower Canada, 203. Par- \nliamentary concessions to, 225. \n\nRoqtJE, Francis de la, see Eobertval. \n\nEosi;, Mr., British Envoy to the United States, 402. \n\nEoBECRANS, W. S., General, 563, 634, 637, 663, 665. \n\nRosB, General, 436. Death of, 437. \n\nRoxhv/ry, Massachusetts, founded, 1 18 \n\nKouBSEAir, General, 706. \n\nRoyal Standard of England, 144. \n\nRuQGLBS, Timothy, 190, 215. \n\nRvm, Indians supplied with by the Dutch, 140. \n\nRush, Benjamin, Dr., his letter to General Wayne, 298. \nNotice of, 250, 251, \n\nRuBSEL, John, United States Commissioner at Ghent, \n443. \n\nEtTSSELL, Lord John, 512. \n\nVussia, England\'s first maritime connection with, 47. \nVassalage in, 63. The Emperor of enters Paris, 431. \nTreaty of the United States with, 469. \n\nRutherford, General, 295. \n\nEuTLEDGE, Edward, on the committee to confer with \nLord Howe, 257. \n\nEuTLEDGB, John, in Convention on the Articles of Con- \nfederation, 856, 359 Defends Charleston, 310. His \nproceedings after the capture of Lord Cornwallis, 345. \nJudge of the Supreme Court of the United States, \n369. Notice of, 310. \n\nRyswick, the treaty at, 134. \n\n\n\nS. \n\nSacs and Fovea, 17, 18. \n\nSt. Augustine, Florida, Ponce de Leon lands near, 42. \nEibault\'s expedition arrives at, 50. Founded, 51. \nSpanish military post at, 61. 609. \n\nSt. Auffustine, Mexico, General Twiggs at, 493. \n\nSt. Clair, General, 275. His expedition against the In- \ndians, 1791, 374. \n\nSi. Croix River, De Monts at the, 53. \n\nSt. Domitigo, discovery of, by Columbus, 40. Exploring \nvoyages to, 41. D\'Ayllon dies at, 43. The body of \nColumbus removed to, 41, \n\nSt. Francis Indians, Major Eogers\'s expedition against \nthe, 200. \n\nSt. John\'s, Newfoundland, Gilbert at, 52. \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0<S<. John\'s River, named by Eibault " Eiver of May," 50. \n\n\n\nSt. Latorence River, origin of the name, 48. Indians on \n\nSt. Leger, Colonel, in the Mohawk Valley, 278. Investa \nFort Stanwix, 278. \n\nSt. Mary\'s, Florida, pirates and slave-dealers at, 448. \n\nSt. Mary\'s, Maryland, 151, Founded; legislative As- \nsembly convened at, 82. \n\nSt. Piekee, M. db, Governor Dinwiddle\'s letter to, 181, \n1S2. \n\nSt. Regis, Gener.al Wilkinson at, 427. \n\nSdleni, Massachusetts, colony, 117. The General As- \nsembly of Massachusetts meets at, 226, 227. Witch- \ncraft at, 132, 133. \n\nSalem, New Jersey, origin of the name, 95. \n\nSalmon Falls village attacked by the French and In- \ndians, 131. \n\nSaltillo, General Wool and Colonel Doniphan at, 484, 4SS. \n\nSaltonstall, Sir Richard, 117, 118. \n\nSamoset salutes the Pilgrim Fathers, 114. Teaches \nStandish how to cultivate Indian corn, 115. \n\nSan Antonio, 483, 493. \n\nSanitary Commission, 723. \n\nSanders\'s Creek, battle at, 815. \n\nSandys, Sir Edward, 77, 105. \n\nSan Gabriel, battle at, 487. \n\nSan Juan d\' Ulloa, Castle of, 489. \n\nSan Luis Potosi, 485. \n\nSan Salvador, see G^ianahama. \n\nSanta Anna, Antonio Lopsz ee, 477, 485, 486, 489, 490. \nSketch of, 514. \n\n^\'\xe2\x96\xa0Saratoga." ship, 435. \n\nSargent, Winthrop, 363. \n\nSasco Swami), 88. \n\nSassaous, Pequod Sachem, 21, 87, 88. \n\nSassamon, John, 124. \n\nSaunders, Admiral, 201. \n\nSavaiinah Indians, 8(1. \n\nSavannah, Georgia, founded, 62, 101, 10.3. Siege of, 805. \nEvacuated by the British, 348, 703. \n\nSay-and-Seal, Lord, 85. \n\nSaybrook, Connecticut, settlement at, 86. Andros\'s ex- \npedition to, 147. Colony at, 154. \n\nSayle, William, his colony ; death of, 98. \n\nSayre, Stephen, Chatham\'s letter to, 228. \n\nScandinavian Voyages, 34. Child born at Ehode Is- \nland, 35. \n\nSchenectaday, Desolated, 181, 148. \n\nSchofield, J. M., General, 635, 705, 713. \n\nSchoharie Valley, Devastation of, 290. \n\nSchools, Established in Mass., 121. \n\nSchuyler, Philip, General, Conveys to Albany the re- \nmains of Lord Howe, 197. At He aux Noix, 240. At \nFort Edward, 276. Superseded by Gates, 277. Notice \nof, 289, 240. \n\n"\xe2\x96\xa0Scorpion," The, One of Commodore Perry\'s vessels, \n420. \n\nScoTT, Dred, Fugitive Slave, decision concerning, 582. \n\nScott, Winfield, General, At Fort George, 426. Cap- \ntures Fort Erie, 433. His mission to remove the \nCherokees; his expedition against the Seminoles, 467. \nOn the Canada frontier, in Maine, 472. Plan of his \nMexican campaign, 483. At Vera Cruz, 485, 489. At \nCerro Gordo, 4S9, 490. At Cherubusco, 1847, 493. \nAt Chepultepec, 494. At Mexico, 494, 495. Nomin- \nated President of the United States, 513. Notice of, \n4S5, 507. \n\nSbabury. Samuel, Bishop of Connecticut, 354. \n\nSbarb, Isaac, 232. \n\nSeaver, Ebenezer, of Massachusetts, 409. \n\nSecession, Authors of, 540. \n\nSedgwick, General, 650. Killed, 690. \n\nSedgwick, Theodore, Address of, 516. \n\nSedition Law of the United States, 3S6. \n\nSeekonk River, 89, 90. \n\nSe/minole Indians, Subdued by General Jackson, St \nDeputations of, 448, 466. Treaties of the, with the \nUnited States, 468. \n\nSemmes, Eaphael, Captain oi ^\'\' Alabama," 641, 707. \n\nSeneca Indians, 23, 110. Eed Jacket Chief of the 14. \nAt Genesee Flats, 804. Conspire against the English. \n205. Hi-a-wat-ha\'s address to the, 24. \n\n" Serapis," ship Captured by Paul Jones, 807. \n\nSettlement, Era of, in North Ameriea, 61. \n\nSeven Years\' War in America, 179. Cost of the, 204, \n206. \n\nSeven Pines, Battle of, 619. \n\nSevier, John, At King\'s Mountain, 819. \n\nSewakd, William U., 588. \n\n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n\nxllx \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0Shackamaron . T\'eiin-ylvania, 96. \n\xe2\x80\xa2\xe2\x96\xa0\'Shades of Death." The, 291. \n\nSUAFTESBUKY. Kurl, of, 98, 99. His "Fundamental Con- \nstitutions, " 164. \n^\'Shannon,\'" fiiirale. 429. \nShari\'e, Governor, 184, 185. \n8uAW, KoBERT G. Jr., Colonel, CT4. \nSItaicmut. Massachusetts, 89, 118. The site of Boston \nvisited by Standish, 115. \' \n\nShawnoese Indians, 17, 19. Join the French, ip the \nFrench and Indian War, 19. Aid the British, 19. Con- \nsjiire against the English, 205. Treaty with the, 863. \nShays, Daniel, 353. \n\nSheaffe, General. 416. At York, Canada, 425. \nSuELBT, Isaac, Governcn-, At King\'s Mountain, 319. \nS.-inctions Hopldn\'s Kxpedition against the Indians^ \n416. Declines the appointment of Secretary of War. \n44T. Notices of, 417,420. \nShelly, Gloucester County, Virginia. 66. \niShenundoah Valley, 689. (Campaign in. 697, 652. \nSheridan Philip H., General, 690, 692, 697. \nSuer.man Uoger. On the Committee to draft the Declar- \nation of Independence, 251. In Convention on the \nArticles of Confederation, 356. \nSherman, T. W., General, 582. \nSherman, W. T., General, 599, 609, 642, 669, 6S1, 099, 701. \n\nHis march to the sea, 703, 705, 712. \nShields, General, In Mexico, 493. Notice of, 493. \nShiloh, Battle of. 602. \n\nShips, Ealeigh\'s 65. The class of, used by the eariy ex- \nplorers of America, 60. \nSuiPPEN, Edward, General Arnold marries tlie daiisrhtor \n\nof, 324. \nSuippEN, Captain, Death of, 209. \n\nShirley, William. Governor, 187, 184, 185. His Ex- \npedition against Niagara, 185, 189; and against .Vcadie, \n18.5. Succeeds Braddocic: Governor of the Bahamas, \n191. \nSpiiTRRirK, Commodore, With Colonel Kearney, at \n\nMonterey, 4a7. \nShute, Governor, 1S6. \nSibley, H. B., 593. \nSickles, Daniel. 650. \nSiKYES, The Abbe, 380. \nSiGEL, General. 573, 691. \nSilk, Culture of, in Georgia, 100. \nSiLLiMAN, Gener\xc2\xab], At Hidgefield, 270. \nSilver, Bullet, containing Clinton\'s dispatch to Burgoyne, \n\n283. Coins, the first, in the United States, 122. \nSi.MCOE, Colonel, 339. \nSiouoi Indians. 31. 32. \n\nSix ^rations, Origin and History of the, 26. The Bwtish \n(lovernmeiit advises the colonies to secure the friend- \nship of the, 183. Neutralitv of the, 192, 193. Their \ntreaties of friendship, 199. 363. J()iii--rfmherst, 203. \nSullivan\'s Exjiedilion against the, 30S, 304. \nSkenb. PniLip, 2".\\ \nSkeiiesboroug\'i, or Whitehall, 276. \n\nSlaves, The natives of America used as, by Columbus, \n41. Indians sold as, 74. Sold to the Virginia planters, \nty the Dutch, 105. Commencement of negro slavery \nin South Carolma. 9S. Labor by, general in Georgia, \n174. In New Kngland and other colonies, 177. Slave- \nships from Africa to Savannah, 174. In the United \nStates, 371. Debates on slavery in Congress, 452. \nCharles Fenton Mercer\'s Resolution, declaring the \nslave-trade to be piracy, 593. The Ashburton treaty, \nrespecting slave-trade, 472. Excluded from California, \n499. Keopening of, 635. \nSlemmer, Lieut., 580. \nSlidell, John, Confederate Commissioners, 585, 587. \n\nReturns to England. 5S9. \nSloat, Commodore, Captures Monterey, 437. \nSlocum, H. W., General. 703. \nSlouqhter, Henry, Gi\'vernor, 148. \nS.MiBERT, John, Ai-tist, Introduces portrait-painting \nin America, 158. \n\n\n\nS.MiLiE, John, Member of \non the War of 1812, 409. \n\nSmith, A. J., 6S7. \n\nSmith, C. F., 596. \n\nSmith, E. Kirby, 632. \n\nSmith, John, Captain, 63. \nPresident of the Jamesto \n\n\n\nCommittee of Congress, \n\n\n\nHis voyage \n\xe2\x80\xa2n colony, 65. \n\n\n\nAmerica \nCaptured by \n\n\n\nIndians; saved by Pocahontas, 66. Remonstrates \nagainst gold-digging; leaves Jamestown in disgust. \nHis explorations and travels, 67. Returns to England. \n68. His popularity with the Indians, 69. Employed \n\n\n\nr.Lli"7/\'?.\'2\'\'"*l!.*^"\'"P""\'\': captured by a FrencI, \npirate 74. Offers his services to the Puritans, 77 Tha \n\nNotice 0.%"\'" "^ \'*\'\xc2\xb0- "\'\' History of Virginia, 65. \nSmith, .Ioskph, founds Mormon sect, 504. \nSmith, T. Kikby, 664. \n\nSMITH, Persifer F., General, at Contreras, 498 \nSiUTir. Samuel, General, at Fort Mifflin, 275. Notice of, \n\nSmith, W. F , General, 692, 682. \nS .YTH, Alexander, General, 414 \nt^nake Indians. 38. \nSnurre, the child of Gudrid.i, 35 \nSoMERs, Sir George, 68. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2\xe2\x80\xa2 Somem,\'\' the, one of Commodore Perry\'s veaaels. 420 \n.sonora. Colonel Fremont at, in 1846, 4S7. \n>io?ui of Liberty, political associations, 215. Of Massa- \nehusetts, 23.3. Of New York. 24S. \nI SoTHEL, Seth, Governor, 165, 167 \nj Southampton. Entdand, Puritans sail from, 77 \nI bouth Carolina. Catawbas in, 27. Colony, 168. Occu- \npied by the British, in 1780,813. Secession of, 546 \nQuiet in, 672. \nSouth Mountain, battle of, 628. \nI South Uioer, or Delaware River, 94. \nSouth Sea, oriirin of the name, 42. \nSouth Virginia, 6;5, 68. \n\nSpain cedes the Floridas to England. 204. At war with \nEngland ; secret treaty of, with France, 306. Treatv \nof. with the United States, 381, 451. Difficulties with \n519. , \' \n\nSpaniards claim Port Royal, 166. Menace South Caro- \nlina settlements. 167. Moore\'s expedition against. 169 \nContests of, with Oglethorpe, 172. \nSpanish, voyages and discoveries, 36-45. \nSj>ecie paymentti, suspended. 471. \n\'\'Speedwell;\' Puritan ship, 77, 115. \n\xe2\x80\xa2^I\'l.^cKK, .losEi\'H, General, 238, 289. \nSpottsylvania Court House, battle at, 689. \nSpaiqht,, Richard Dobbs, 356, 5;i4, 629. \nSpring, at Shawmut, 118. Williams\'s, at Providenoa. \n\nRhode Island, 90. \nSpringfield Indians,Vi\'l. \nSjiringfield, Connecticut, 86, 127. \nSpringfield, New Jersey, skirmish at, 820, 821. \nS(,!La.nto, Indian Chief, 74, 114. \n\nStamp Act. the, becomes a law, 218. Fate of, in Ameri- \nca, 21.5. Repealed, 217. \nStanton, Edwin, M., attempted removal of; 730. \nStandish, Miles, Captain. 78, 115. \nStark-. John, General, 198,234, 277. \nStar-Spangled Banner, origin of the, 437. \n<>\'<(>/cx. State Rights Doctrine, 463, 4M. Approve tha \n\nSlave System, 535, Disapprove it 536. \nState Bunks, the public funds distributed among the, \n\n470. \nSteele, General, 676. 036. \nStephens, Alexander H., 54S. \nStephens, Samuel, Governor, 9S \nSteuben, Baron, in Virginia, 333 \n\n339. Notice of, 291. \nStewart, Commodore, 440. \nStewart, Colonel, at Orangebi \n\nGreene, 337, 338. \nStevens, General, death of, 627. \nStewart, J. K. B., General, 619, 690. \nStirling, Lord, General. 144, 2-18, 254. 261. His skirmish \n\nwith a corps under Cornwallis, 272. Notice of, 2M. \nStirling, Colonel (British), 259. \nStockbridge Indians, 187. \nStockton, Robert F., Commodore, takes possession of \n\nLos Angelns; at San Gabriel, 487. Notice of, 487. \nSTODEsr, Benjamin, first Secretary of the Navy, 882, \n\n\n\nArrest of; 722. \n. Pursues Cornwallis, \n\nirg, 837. Pursued by \n\n\n\nStoneman, General, 643. \n\nStone, William, Governor, 152. \n\nStonington, Commodore Hardy at, 437. \n\nStono Indians, depredations by the. in the Carolina^ \n\n165. \nStony Creek, skirmish at. 426. \nStony Point, capture of, 297, 29a \nSTi>u\'GnT0N, Captain. 8S. \n\nStreets qf Philadelphia, origin of the name* of; Ifli \nStrkioht, a. D., Colonel, 662. \nSteicker. General, at Baltimore, 437. \n\nStrong, Caleb, 356. \nSlCRGis, General, 6S3. \n\n\n\nINDEX, \n\n\n\nStutvesant, Peter, Governor, 93, 141, 142. Captures \nSwedish forts ; chastises the Esopus Indians, 143. \n\nSiib- Treaftury Scheme, 471, 475. \n\nSugar Bill, the, 213. \n\nSullivan, John, General, 238. At Brooklyn, 253. Pa- \nroled, 257. Succeeds General Charles Lee: joins \nWashington, 261. At Trenton, 262. At Brandywine, \n273. Supersedes General Spencer. 299. At the battle \nof Quaker Hill, 290. His expedition .airainst the Si.K \nNations, 303, 304. At Tioga Point ; at Chemuns, 304. \n\nSUMNKR, General, 615, 621. \n\ni^ultan, the, Mary Fisher\'s mission to, 123. \n\nSumner, Jetueo, General, 337. \n\nSumter, Thomas, General, in South C.irolina, 314. On \nthe Catawba; at Hanging Eock, 315. At Fishing \nCreek, 316. Returns to South Caroline, 1780, 319. \nThe South Carolina Gamecock, 819. \n\nSumter, Fort, fii\'st gun fired at, 553. \n\nSusquehanna Indians, 17, 110. \n\nStjtter, Captain, of California, gold discovered near the \nmill of, in 1S4S, 497. \n\nSwamey, King Philip attacks the men of Plymouth at, \n125. \n\nSwamp Angel, the, 674. \n\nSwedes seize Fort Casimir, 142. Subjugated by the \nDutch, 143. In New Jersey and Pennsylvania, 62. \n\nSwedish Colony In America, 92. Fortresses, captured \nby Stuyvesant, 143. West India Company, 93. \n\nSwine, taken to America. 44; to Newfoundland aud \nNova Scotia, 47, 58 ; to Virginia, 68. \n\nSycamores, nt Providence, Khode Island, 90. \n\nSyjMmes,Cohn Cleves, 363. \n\nSyracuse, New York, great Council Fire at, 23. \n\n\n\nT. \n\nTahaco, Tucatan, 70. \n\nTalladega, battle at, 423. \n\n" Ta/.ld/ois.see," (\'<info(lerate privateer, 714. \n\nTallii.^/\'"/c/i,,. (;, lu-ral Coflfee at, 428. \n\nTam<irn\xe2\x80\x9e., /\xe2\x80\x9e,/;.,\xe2\x80\x9e... 19. \n\nTampn Ban, J-\'"-\' ^"to lands at, 44. \n\nTampicn, Cajitured by Commodore Conner, 485. \n\nTaney, Kogek B., Chief Justice, Removes the Govern- \nment funds from the United States Bank, 465. Ad- \nministers the oath of office to President Van Buren, \n470; to President Harrison, 474; to President Taylor, \n499. Sketch of, 533. \n\nTariff Bill, Of 1828, 459, 463, 464. Modifications of the, \n476, 477, 497. \n\nTarleton, Colonel, Loss of his c.avalrv horses on Cape \nHatteras, 809. Defeats Colonel Huger, 311. His \nslaughter of Buford\'s troops, 31-3. At Sanders\'s Creek, \n316. At Fishing Creek, 316. At the Cowpens, 331. \nNotice of, 316. \n\nTaxation, Without representation, is tyr.annv, 104, 16J5, \n211, 212. William Pitt\'s opinion of, 217. Views of in \nthe Carolinas, 164, 165; and in Massachusetts, 219. \n\nTaylor, Bayard, Poem of, 557. \n\nTaylor, Dick, 677. \n\nTaylor, Zachaey, General, Succeeds General Jesup in \nthe Seminole war, 468. His armv of occupation, 480. \nAt Point Isabel. 481. Captures Miitamoras. 4S3. At \nMonterey, 484 ; Victoria, 485 ; Buena Vista, 486. Map \nof the region of his operations, 486. President of the \nUnited States, 1849, 490. Death of, 501. Notice of, \n498. \n\nTaylor, General, 622. \n\nTea, Tax on by the British Government, 222. De- \nstruction of at Boston, 225. \n\nTecdmtha, 20,4(.8,411. Defeated by Colonel Miller, 411. \nKouses the Southern tribes of Indians, 427. Death, \n425. Notice of, 424. \n\nTe Deum, The, Sung after victories and deliverances, \n265. \n\nTennessee, Secession of, 547. Persecution of Union \nmen, 575. Lost to Confederates, 598. In possession \nof the Union Army, 608. Events in, 661. Restored \nto the Union, 727. \n\nTenure of Office, Bill o"", 729. \n\nTernay, Admiral, His fleet at Newport, 321. His death, \n339. \n\nTerry, A. 11., Admiral, 713. \n\nTerritory, Indian, Claimed by England, 17. Southwest \nof the Ohio, 372. Territorial Government of the \nUnited States, 362. " The Territories," 96. \n\nTeeeat, Retained by Spain, 451. Annexation of to the \n\n\n\nUnited States, 477, 478. State Constitution of, 479. \nClaims of, 499. Secession of, 547. Expedition for the \nrecovery of, 678. \n\nThames lii-ver, Connecticut, Discovered by Block, 72, \n87. Mohegan Indians on the, 21. \n\nThames River, Canada, Battle on the, 424. \n\nThanksgiving and Prayer, Congress recommends the \nappointment of a day for, 870. National, after the \nPeace of 1814, *44. \n\nThayendanega : see Brant, Joseph. \n\nThomas, George H., General, 594, 663, 665, 705. \n\nThomas, John, General, 238. In Canada; Notice of, \n243. \n\nThomas, Lorenzo, Appointed Secretary of War, 731. \n\nTho.mpson Benjamin, Colonel, Count Rumford ; and \nnotice of, 346. \n\nThompson, Colonel, At Sullivan\'s Island, 249. \n\nThompson, David, His colony of fishermen, 79. \n\nThompson, M. Jeff , Guerilla Chief, 676. \n\nThompson, Willey, General, His expedition to Florida, \n18.34, 466. Death of, 467. \n\nThomson, Charles, Secretary of the Continental Con- \ngress ; Congress presents an urn to his wife, 228. \n\nThornton, Captain, At the Rio Grande, 481, 4S2. \n\nThoroughfare Gap, 625. \n\nThuey, M., The Jesuit, 130. \n\nTiconderoga, Samuel Champlain at, 59. Abercrombie\'s \nExpedition against, 196. Ruins of, 197. Captured by \nAllen and Arnold, 238. \n\n" Tigress," schooner, 420. \n\nTinicum, Island, 93. \n\nTippecanoe, Battle of, 408. \n\nTobacco, Its use among the aboriginals, 14. Introduced \ninto England, 70. A circulating medium in Virginia, \n105. -fames I. proposes to contract for the whole crop \nof, in Virginia, 107. Culture of, at Plymouth, 116. \n\nTabasco, Cortez lands at, 43. Captured by Commodore \nPerry, 485. \n\nTo-MO-cui-ciii, Creek Sachem ; his speech to Oglethorpe, \n103. \n\nTompkins, Daniel D., Governor, 412. Vice-President \nof the United States : notice of, 4t6. \n\nTonomy Hill, Rhode Island, 125. \n\nTorpedoes, 678. \n\nTories, In the Carolinas, 309. The term Tory explained \n226. \n\nToTTEN. Colonel, at Vera Cruz ; notice of, 489. \n\nTownshend, Charles, Chancellor of the Exchequer, \n218. \n\nTownshend, General, 201. At Quebec, 201-203. \n\nTreat, Robert, Governor, 156. \n\nTreaties, Indian, 362, 863. Treaty of peace between \nGreat Britain and the United States, 448, 444, Treaty \nbetween Spain and the United States, 451. \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2^ Trent," British steamer. \n\nTrenton, New Jersey, Captured by Cornwallis, 260. \nBattle of, 262. \n\nTri-Monntain, or Boston, 118. \n\nTripartite 7\'reati/, The, 513. \n\nTripoli, The United States at war with, 39C, 391. De- \ncatur at, 445. \n\n" Irippe," sloop, 420. \n\nTrist, Nicholas P., United States Commissioner to treat \nfor peace with Mexico, 494. \n\nTroup, Governor, 456. \n\nTrumbull, Jonathan, notice of, 824. \n\nTeyon, Governor, 223. Driven from New York, 24S. \nAt Compo, 270. Atrocities committed by, 270, 271. \nHis marauding expeditions, 296. \n\nTucker. President of the New Jersey Convention, 260. \n\nTunis, The United States at war with, 1801, 890. De- \ncatur at, 445. \n\nTuppER, General 416. \n\nTuscarora Indians, 20, 23. Defeated by the Caroli- \nnians; Join the Five Nations, 25. Conspire against \nthe North Carolina settlements, 168. \n\nTuspan, captured by Commodore Peroy. 485. \n\nTwiggs, General, 483, 489. At Cerro Gordo, 489, 490. \nAt St. Augustine, 493. Notice of, 498. \n\nTyler, John, Vice-President of the United States, 473. \nSucceeds President Harrison ; Notice of, 475. \n\n\n\nUcMe Indians, their territorv and language, 12, 28. \nUncas, Mohegan Chief; 87. His rumor against the Nar- \nragansetts, 155. _ \n\n\n\nI X D i: X , \n\n\n\nTJnderhill, John, Captain, S7, 141. \n\nUnion Flag, l-W. \n\nUnitarians, persecuted in Mai-yland, 82, 151. \n\nUnited States, Confederation, Articles of, 266, 267, 353, \n355. Constitution, 355. Mint, 373, 873. Post-office, \n373. Nav.v, origin of, 382. Commerce, 381, 382. Non- \nintercourse with Great Britain, 399. Injured by \nEngland and France, 400, 401, by pirates, 45i3. Bank, \n446. Oposed by President Jackson, 462, 465, 466. \nOovernment in great danger, 627. Treaties with \nGreat Britain, 848, 380, 443; France, 886; Russia, 469: \nSpain, 381; Belgium, 469; Mexico, 497; Algiers, 3S1; \nTripoli.396. Seminole Indians, 468. "Wars :\xe2\x80\x94 Eno-land \n409; France, 885; Mexico, 480, 522; isrorocco 390- \nTripoli and Tunis, 390; Algiers, 390. Cl.aiins of tlu-^ \nagainst France and Portugal, 468. Dispute of the, \nwith Great Britain respecting Oregon, 405, 406, 479, \n480.. Exploring expeditions return to, 476. Indian \npopulation of, 32. \n\nUnited States, debt of, 678. Finances of, 678. Debt in \n1868, 734. \n\n" United States" frigate. 382,414,415. \n\nUtah, 499. Territory of, 537. \n\nUtrecht, Peace of, 136. \n\nV. \n\nValencia, General, at Contreras, 493. \n\nVallandioham, Clkment I, , C5(i. 71 1. \n\nValley Forge, Washini:t<iii in wnittr quarters at, 284. \n\nValparaiso, Naval action at, 431. \n\nVan iUREN, Martin, Secretary of State, 461. Vice- \nPresident of the United States, 464. President, 469. \nNotice of. 469. \n\nVan Uam, Kip, 158. \n\nVan Dop.n, Ma\':i ii, Eiirl, 592. \n\nVank, Henky, 86. Governor; favors Anne Hutchinson, \n120. \n\nVan Hornr, Major, 41 1. \n\nVan Kensselaer, Solo.mon, Colonel, 413. \n\nVan Rensselaer, Stkphen, General, commands the \nArmy of the Centre, 412, 413. Notice of, 412. \n\nVan Rensselaer. Killian, 139. \n\nVan Twiller, Wouter, 139. \n\nVan- Wart, Isaac. 826. \n\nVar.nu.m, James M., General, 355. \n\nVasco de Gam a, passes the Cape of Good Hope, in 37. \n\nVANnREiriL, Governor-General of Canada, 203. \n\nValtgiian, John, General, burns Kingston, 2S3, 297. \n\nVelasquez, expeditions to Mexico, 43, \n\nVer<i Cruz, its fortress; capture of, by General Scott, 489. \n\nVergknnes, Count de, his dissatisfaction respecting the \nTreaty of Peace, 348. \n\nVermont, added to the United States, in 1791, 371. \n\nVerplancKs Point, captuieof the fortress at, 297. \n\nVbrazzanl John, his expedition to America, 47. \n\nVersche liiver, or Connecticut River, 82. \n\nVesper Hymn, sung by Columbus and his crew, 39. \n\nVespucius, A-mekioits, account of, 40, 41. Visits the \n"West Indies, and South America, 41. Discoveries bv, \n60. \n\nVicksburg, 635, C42. Assault on, 645. Surrender of, \n646, 681. \n\nVictoria, General, 477. \n\nVilliers, M. de, 183. \n\nVineenn*s, Captured, and re-captured, 1779, 303. \n\n\'\xe2\x96\xa0\'Viper\'\' brig, 414. , ^\xe2\x80\x9e \n\nVirginia, Origin of the name of, 55. Capes of. 59. \nNorth. 63. South, 63, 68. First settlement of, 62. \nThe colonists of, subdue the Shawnoesent Point Pleas- \nant, 19. Lord De la "Warr, governor of. 68. Famine \nin, 69. Representative Assembly in, 71, 105. Tobacco \na circulating medium in, 105. Opposes Cmmwell; \ninvites Cliailes II. to be king of Virginia, 109. The \nSeneca Indians make war upon, 110. Response of the \nBurgesses of. to Jeffries, 113. Militia of, counties and \nparishes of, 114. Takes measures against the French, \n182, 1&3. Grant from Parliament to, 206. Lord Dun- \nmore driven from, 243. The Virgina Plan, 359. Se- \ncession of, 547. \n\n" Vixen\'\' brig, 414. \nVolunteer", call for, 554. \nVoyages and Discoveries, Spanish, 36-45. \n\n*\xe2\x80\xa2 Vulture" sloop-of-war, 326. \n\n\n\nWadswobtu, Captain, 156, 157. \n\n\n\nWadsworth, General, killed, 689. \n\nWaldron. Major. Death of, 130. \n\nWalker, Governor, 165. \n\nWalker, Sir IIoveni>en, at Boston, 136. \n\n"Walker, "W\'illiam, Colonel, his military operations, 523, \n\nWalker, Captidn, of IheTexan Rangers, 481, 482. \n\nWallai^ e, S I r J a m es, 223. \n\nWallace, Lewis. General, 590, 633, 695. \n\nWalla- Walla River. Battle at the, 528. \n\nWalloons, arrive at Manhattan, in 73. \n\nWalnut Springs, 484. \n\nWalpole, Robert, 213. \n\nWalton, Gkoriie. in Convention on the Articles of \nConfederation. 356. \n\nWampanoay Indians. 22, 114, 124. \n\nWanchese, Indian chief, 55. \n\nTTar, of the Spanish Succession. 235. Of the Austrlaa \nSuccession, 137. See United States. \n\nWar Civil, end of, 553. 721. \n\nWard, Ap.temas, General, in the French and Indian \nWar, 198. His api)ointment as General, 230, 234, 238. \nAt Boston, 239. Enters Boston, alter its evacuation, \n247 \n\nWarner, Seth, Colonel, 234. 240, 176, 277. \nj Warren,Josepii, Dr.. 232.233. \n\nWarren, Admiral. 137, 138, 191. \n\nWarren, General, 660. \n\' Warwick, Earl of. 85. \nI War7cici: l:i....le Island, burned, 127. \nj Washburnuene, C. C, General, 678. \n\nWashington City, burned by General Ross. 1814, 436. \nI The Seat of Government of the United States, 3SS. \nAddition made to the Capitol at. 509. In great dan- \nger, 558. Plans for the capture of, 623. In great \nperil, 625. \n\nWashington, George, Bearer of Governor Dinwiddle\'s \nletter to M. St. Pierre, ISl. Colonel Fry\'s Lieutenant, \nin the French and Indian War, 182. .\\t Great Mead- \nows, 183. Resigns his Oonimission, 1&4. Braddock\'s \nAid, in the battle of Monongahcla; his wonderfii( \nescape from death, ISO. With tSeneral Forbes against \nFort Du Quesne, 198. \nI Commander-in-chief at \n\nCambridse, 238. Causes the Declaratien of Indapen- \ndence to be read to each of his brigades, 252. His return \nI from Long Island, 254, 257. At Ilarlem Heights. 257. \nExposure at Kip\'s bay, at the house of Roger Morris, \n259. Crosses the Delaware, 260. Captures Hessians \nat Trenton ; invested with the power of Military dicta- \ntorship, 2&4. Ills victory at Princeton, 268. Opinion of \nhis exploits in New Jersey, expressed by Frederic of \nPrussia, 269. Perplexed by Howe; his first interview \nwith La Fayette, 272. Crosses the Scbnylkill, 274. At \nWhite Marsh. 283. Pursues Clinton at White Plains, \nMiddlebrook, 288. Disap])roves of a proposed invasion \nof ?anada, 294. At Valley Forge, 274, 284. Schemo \nfor superseding him, 235. At Monmouth, 287. Called \nby the Indians, \'\xe2\x80\xa2 Town Destroyer;" Cornplanter\'s Ad- \ndress to, .304. In winter quarters at Morristown. 806. \nFits out armed vessels at Boston, 807. Lleutenant- \nGeneral of the French empire ; his first interview with \nRochambe.iu, 323. Reprimands Arnold, 325. Proposes \nto attack New York, 339. Writes deceptive letters to \nGener.al Greene, at Torktown, 840. 341. At New \nYork, after the cai)ture of Cornwalli.s, 346. Suppresses \nthe general discontent in the army, 849. Quells the \nmutiny of the Pennsvlvania troops. 850. Nicola\'s let- \nter to him, 349. His Farewell Address to his coui- \np.anions in arms, 850. and His farewell to his officers, \n351,852. Resigns his commission; President of tb* \nCincinnati Society. 352. President of the Convention \nto revise the Articles of Confederation, 856. Presiden\', \nof the United States; his administration 364. His \njourney to New York, 364, 365. Takes the oath of \noffice, 366. His tour through the northern and eastern \nStates, 1789,370. His Farewell Address to his country- \nmen, 382. Retires to Mount Vernon, 383. Death of, \n386, 3S7. Lee\'s Funeral Oration on, 887. Bonaparte\'s \ntri\'uute to, 3s7, 388. Tribute to, by the British fleet, \n888. \n\nWashington, Martha, notice of, 886. \n\nWashington, William Acoustink, Colonel, 384. No- \ntice of, \xe2\x80\xa2<32. \nWi\'shin^ton Territori/, 480,513. \n\n" Wasp:\' sloop. 414. 415. 440. \n\nWatson, Colonel, on the Pedee, 820. \nWciter/ord, Henry Hudson at, 59. \n\n\n\nlii \n\n\n\nWayne, GeReral. Surprised hy r.pneral Gray, 274. Re- \nstrains a meeting of Pennsylvania troops, 828. Pursues \nComwallifi, 339. At Savannah, 346. His Expedition \nagainst the Indians, 374. Crushes an Indian Confede- \nracy, 21. Notice of, 298. \n\nWebb, General. 194. \n\nWebster, Daniel, Secretary of State, 474, 502. His \nnegotiation with Lord Ashbnrton, 472. \n\nWebster, Fletouer, Announces the death of President \nHarrison, 475. \n\nWebster, Licntenant-Colonel, 834. \n\nWebster, Caritiiin, at Saltillo, 4S6. \n\nWeitzel, Godfrey, General, 713. Entered Eichmond, \n718. \n\n" Welcome." ship, 96. \n\nWellington, Lord, enters Paris, 4-31. \n\nWells, Colonel, one of chief leaders against the savages, \n\n416. \nWelsh Indians, 32. \n\nWkeyss, Major, at the Broad River, 319. \nWeroicoronocco, Virginia, 66. \n\nWesley, John, Rev., in Georgia, 171. \n\nWest Joseph, his colony, 9S. \n\nWestchester, New York, General Knyphausen at, 259. \n\nWettern Virr/ina, admitted as a State, 561. Struggle \nto get i>ossesslon of, 578. Close of Canapaign in, 579 \n660. \n\nWest Indies, The, Voyages of Columbus and Vespucius \nto. 40, 41. Trade of, 367. \n\nWest Jersey, Remarkable law enacted by the Assembly \n\nof, 160. \nWeston^s Colony/, 115. \n\nWest Point, New York, Arnold appointed to the com- \nmand of. 325. \n\nWeymouth George, Captain, 58. \n\nWeymouth, Massachusetts, burned, 127. \n\nWhalehoiit Warfare, 308. \n\nWhalley, Ei>ward, Regicide Judge, 123. \n\nWheeler. Captain, 126. \n\nWiiEELOcK, Rev. Dr., his School at Lebanon, 25. \n\nWheelwrioiit, John, Rev., founds Exeter, 80. Favors \nthe religious views of Mrs. Hutchinson, 120. \n\nWhig and Tory, explanation of the terms, 226. \n\nWhipple Arrauam, Commodore, 223. His flotilla, \nnotice of, 310. \n\nWhisky Insurrection, The, P7S. \n\nWhite, John, Governor, 56, 57. \n\nWhite, Peregrine, the first English child born in New \nEngland, 78. \n\nWhile, Colonel, on the Santee River, 311. \n\nWniTKFiELD, George, Rev., in Georgia, 171. \n\nWhite Plains, New York, Washington at, 258. \n\nWife, price of a, in Virginia, in 1620, 105, \n\nWilderness, T!ie, 689. Battle of, 690. \n\nWilkes, Commodore, his Expedition, 476, 477. Takes \nMason and Slidell prisoners, 587. \n\nWilkinson, James, General, sent by Gates with a \nverbal message to Congress, 282. His Expedition \nagainst the Indians, 374. Burr\'s associate, 396. With \nGeneral Dearborn, 810. Succeeds Dearborn ; his \noperations, 426. At Prcscott, 426, 427. At. St. Regis ; \nat French Mills, 427. At Plattsburg, 432. Notice oi, \n426. \n\nWiLLETT, Colonel, 278. \n\nWilliam IIL, and Mary, accession of. 180, 148. Their \nwar with France, 130. William prohibits printing in \nthe American colonies, 153. Interested in Captain \nKidd\'s Expedition, 149. \n\nWilliam and Mary College, 178. \n\nWilliams David, cue of the captors of Andr6, 826. \n\nWilliams, Epuraim, Colonel, death of, 190. \n\nWilliams, James, Colonel, at King\'s Mountain, 319. \n\nWilliams, John, Rev., captured by Indians: fate of his \nwife, 135. \n\nWilliams, Otho H., Colonel, 318. \n\nWilliams, Roger, 87,158. Founder of Rhode Island, \n89,119, Persecuted, 119. Pacifies hostile Indians at \nNew Netherland, 141. Notice of, 89. \n\nWilliani\'s College, founded, 190. \n\nWilliams\'s Spring, 90. \n\nWilliamslntrg, Virginia, 111. Battle of, 616. \n\nWiLLMOT, Captain, death of, 848. \n\nWilson James, in Convention on the Articles of Con- \nfederation, 356, 859. Judge of the Supreme Court of \nthe United States, 869. \n\n\n\nWilson, Rev. Mr., Saltonstall\'s letter to, 118. \n\nWilson, Robert, Ensign, 342. \n\nWilson\'^s Creek, battle at, 574. \n\nWittwyck, Indians massacre the inhabitants of. 148. \n\nWinchester, General, 416,417. Notice of, 418. \n\nWinder, General, 426. At Bladensburg, 436. \n\nWiNGFiELD, Edward M., His conduct toward Captaii* \nJohn Smith ; deposed, 65. \n\nWinnehdfjo /rtr/i\xc2\xbbas considre .against the English,205. \n\nWiNSLdW. Edward, Governor, "85, 185. Received by \nMassasoit, 114. Cows and a bull imported by, 116. \nHis letter to Governor Winthrop, 142. \n\nWiNSLOW, John A. Captain of the Kearsage, 708. \n\nWiNSLOw, John, General, 1S5, 191. \n\nWinston, Joseph. Colonel, at King\'s Mountain, 819. \n\nWinter, severe, of 1777-1 77S, 284. \n\nWinthrop, John, Governor, 117, 118. His expedition \nagainst Canada, 131. Applies to Charles II. for a new- \ncharter, 155. Indian chiefs at the table of, 118. No- \ntice of, 118. \n\nWini/aw Hay, La Fayette lands on the shore of, 273. \n\nWisconsin, admitted to the Union in 1818, 497. \n\nWise, Henry A , 539 56 . \n\nWi.ssagusset Settlement, 115, 116. \n\nWitchcraft, in Massachusetts, 132, 133. \n\nWolfe, James, General, 196, 199, 200. At Quebec, 201. \nDeath of; monument to, 202. \n\nWaJfe\'s Cove, 202,241. \n\nWolfe\'s Ravine, 202. \n\nWomen, Indian, condition of, 14, 15. The first two on \nthe James River, 67. A hundred and fifty, become \nwives of Virginia planters, 71. No white, in Virginia, \nin 1619; ninety sent by Sandys, in 1620; sixty, sent, \nin 1621, 105. (See Wife.) \n\nWoodford, General, 244, 311. \n\nWoodhull, Nathaniel, General, 198, 254. \n\nWool. John Enlis, General, 418. At Monclova; at \nParnas. 484. At Braceti, 483. At Saltillo, 489. No- \ntice of, 4S4, 526, 617 \n\nWool Means used to prevent the scarcity of, in Amer- \nica, 216. \n\nWooi.SEY, Captain, 4.32. \n\nWoosTEK, David, General, 238, 243, 271. \n\nWorden, .John L. Lieut, 672. \n\nWorth, William J., General, at Monterey, 483. At \nSaltillo, 484. At the Castle of Perote, 490. At Mex- \nico, 494. Notice of, 498. \n\nWrits of Assistance, 212. \n\nWyandot Indians, 23, 24. Cede their lands to the \nUnited States. 24. Con.spire against the English, 1763, \n205. Treaty with the, 863. \n\nWyandot County invaded by the Five Nations, 24. \n\nWyatt, Sir Francis, 106, 108. \n\nWyiming Valley, devastation of, in 1778, 290, 291. \n\nWythe, Gboegb, in Convention on the Articles of \nConfederation, 356. \n\n\n\nYale, Elisha, Benefactor of Yale College, 173. \n\nYale College, 153, 178. \n\nYamacraw Bluff, 100, 103. \n\nYamasee Indians, 30, 168, 170. \n\nYankee Doodle, the National Song, 220. \n\nYates, Robebt. in Convention on Articles of Confed- \neration, 356. \n\nYazoo City, 683. \n\nYazoo River, De Soto on the banks of the, 44. \n\nYeamens, Sir John, 98. \n\nYeardley, Geokor, Governor, 70, 107. His Represent- \native Assembly. 105 \n\nYeo, Sir James, 4-32. \n\nYork, Duke of, 94. His American possessions, 129. \nSells New Jersey, 159. \n\nYorktown, Virginia, fortified by Cornwallis, 840. Sur- \nrender of, 341, 342, 345. \n\nYoungstown burnt, 427. \n\nz. \n\nZenger, John Peter, Editor of the New York Weekly \n\nJournal, arrested, 150. \nZoLLiooFFER, Felix K", 575. 577. 596\xc2\xbb \n\n\n\nSUPPLEMENTARY INDEX. \n\n\n\nAlabama Claims, how settled, 740. \nAmnesty Bill, 737. \nApportionment, a new, 741. \n\nArthxtb, Chester A., inaugurated President of the \nU. S.; Inaugural Address of, 758. \n\n\n\nBoston, Great Fire in, 739. \n\n\n\nCentennial Exhibition, History of the, 746. \n\nChicago, Great Fire in, 739. \n\nCommission, Joint High, 740. \n\nCongress, Extraordinary Session of; Special Session \nof, 751. \n\nCoNKLiNG, RoscoE, opposes the President\'s Nomina- \ntions; Resigns his seat in the Senate; Vainly seeks \na reappointment, 755. \n\nConstitution, Amendment of, to secure the Right of \nSuffrage to Women, proposed, 752. \n\nCuba, Trouble with, 738. \n\nCuster, Destruction of Command of, 744. \n\nD. \nDarien, Isthmus of. Proposed Canal across the, 739. \n\n\n\nElectoral Commission, 749. \nEmbassy from Japan, 742. \n\nF. \n\nFenian Brotherhood, Raid of the, 738. \nFranking Privilege abolished, 742. \nFunding Bill proposed, 753. \n\nG. \n\nGarphtld, James Abram, chosen President of the \nUnited States; Inauguration of; Cabinet of, 754; \nShot by an assassin, 755; Death of; History of the \nsad event, 756; Funeral Obsequies of, at Washing- \nton and Cleveland, 760. \n\nGrand Duke Alexis, visit of, 742. \n\nGrant, Ulysses S., Message of, on Reorganization, \n737; Re-elected President of the United States, 740; \nInauguration of; Cabinet of, 743. \n\nGreenback Party, 752. \n\n\n\nHates, Rutherford B., elected President of th\xc2\xab \nUnited States; Cabinet of, 750. \n\nIndian Policy, the, 742. \nIndian Reservations, 743. \n\nInter- Oceanic Canal and Lesseps; Hayes\'s Message on \nthe subject, 752. \n\nJ. \nJapan, Embassy from, 742. \nJoint High Commission, 740. \n\nN. \nNational Nominating Conventions and their Nomin- \nees, 752. \nNegro Exodus, 751. \nNez Perces, War with the, 744. \n\n\n\nPacific Railway completed, 737. \n\nPresidency of tlm United States, Nominations for th\xc2\xab \n\n741. \nPresidential Election in 1876, 749. \nPublic DM at the close of 1880, 753. \n\n\n\nReorganization, Message of President Grant on; of \nthe Union Flag, 737. \n\n\n\nSanto Domingo, Proposed Annexation of, 738. \nSioux Indians, Interference and War with, 743. \nSpecie Payment, Resumption of, provided for, 742; \n\nResumption of; Effects of Resumption, 757. \nSouthern States, Feeling in, 743. \n\nT. \nTreaties with Foreign Nations in 1881, 755. \n\nU. \nUnion Flag, Reorganization of, 737. \nUte Indians, Trouble with the, 752. \n\nW. \nWeather Signals established, 741. \nWilson, Henry, elected Vice-President of the United \nStates, 742. \n\n\n\n'