b'\nClass \n\nBook \xe2\x96\xa0 \n\n\n\nSMITHSONIAN DEPOSIT \n\n\n\n\n3^EDDP$\xc2\xab9r& i5M0Of \n\n\n\nHISTORY \n\n\n\nGREECE AND ROME, \n\n\n\nINCLUDING \n\n\n\nJUDEA, EGYPT, AND CARTHAGE. \n\nJtatgefc tor % te 0f Stfpis. \n\nWITH QUESTIONS FOR THE EXAMINATION OF STUDENTS. \n\n\n\nBY \n\nJ \n\nJOHN RUSSELL, A.M. \n\nAUTHOR OF THE HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES AND THE HISTORY OF FRANCE. \n\n\n\nA NEW AND REVISED EDITION, \n\n\n\nW\\i\\ Illustration. \n\n\n\nPHILADELPHIA: \n\nLINDSAY & BLAKISTON. \n\n1854. \n\n\n\n\nEntered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1854, by \n\nLiyj QSAY& MiAK ISTOy, \n\nin the Clerk\'s Office of the District Court of the United States for the Eastern \nDistrict of Pennsylvania. \n\n\n\n3 5"\xc2\xab1 \n\n\n\nPREFACE \n\n\n\nIs completing his series of school histories, the author of \nthe present work has deemed it important to comprise in the \nsame volume the ancient history of Greece and Rome, and \nof the other ancient nations, who were all more or less con- \nnected with these powerful and far-conquering states. Al- \nthough it would be easy to multiply volumes by giving to \neach of the less civilized and influential nations a minute \nand extended history, yet the true interest of learners would \nnot be consulted by such a course. To trace the progress \nof civilization and intellect with that degree of distinctness \nwhich is requisite in a course of historical instruction at \nschool, it is deemed sufficient, so far as ancient history is \nconcerned, to study a clear and succinct history of Greece \nand Rome, with such notices of the other ancient nations as \nwill give a correct idea of their extent and importance ; the \nleading events and characters occurring in their annals ; and \ntheir relations with those two great states which were the \nchief depositaries of power, learning, and refinement, during \nthe respective periods of their independence. Such a course \nhas been followed in this volume ; and it is hoped that the \ninformation which it comprises will enable the young student \nto acquire a correct idea of the earlier periods of history ; \nand to understand the allusions, which he may meet with in \na general course of literature, to the great nations, charac- \nters and events of antiquity. \n\n1* (5) \n\n\n\nCONTENTS. \n\n\n\nHISTORY OF THE JEWS. \n\nChap. 1. From the Creation to the Confusion of Tongues Page 13 \n\n2. Noah\'s Descendants 15 \n\n3. The Call of Abraham 16 \n\n4. The Israelites in Egypt 19 \n\n5. The Judges over Israel 21 \n\n6. David and his Successors 24 \n\n7. Jehu, Amaziah, and their Successors 26 \n\n8. Xerxes favours the Jews \xe2\x80\x94 Macedonian Dominions in Judea 29 \n\n9. Dominion of the Romans in Judea \xe2\x80\x94 Asmonean Dynasty 31 \n\n10. Herod, King of the Jews. \xe2\x80\x94 Birth of Jesus Christ 34 \n\n11. Judea under Roman Procurators 36 \n\n12. Ancient Nations connected with the Jews 39 \n\nHISTORY OF THE EGYPTIANS. \n\nChap. 1. Description of Egypt. \xe2\x80\x94 Its Architecture 47 \n\n2. Learning and Superstition of the Egyptians \xe2\x80\x94 Military Establishment 50 \n\n3. Of the Kings of Egypt 52 \n\n4. Egyptian Colonies 55 \n\n5. Nechao, Psammis, Apries\xe2\x80\x94 Conquest of Egypt o7 \n\nHISTORY OF THE CARTHAGINIANS. \n\nChap. 1. Origin of the Carthaginians \xe2\x80\x94 Their Religion, Government, and Com- \nmerce 63 \n\n2. Resources, Extent, and Early History of Carthage ". . 65 \n\n3. Colonies of Carthage \xe2\x80\x94 Foreign Wars \xe2\x80\x94 Hamilcar \xe2\x80\x94 Hannibal 68 \n\n4. Hanno, Agathocles \xe2\x80\x94 War with Rome 70 \n\nHISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nChap. 1. Early History of the Grecian States 79 \n\n2. Institutions of Lycurgus 81 \n\n3. Institutions of Solon . 84 \n\n4. Preparations of Darius for the Invasion of Greece 87 \n\n5. Invasion Of Greece by the Persians 89 \n\n6. March of Xerxes to Greece 91 \n\n7. Defeat of the Persians in Greece 94 \n\n8. Final Expulsion of the Persians from Greece 96 \n\n9. Treason of Pausanias \xe2\x80\x94 Flight of Themistocles 97 \n\n10. Death of Xerxes 98 \n\n11. Rise of Pericles \xe2\x80\x94 Public Services of Conon 101 \n\n12. Pericles at the Height of his Power 103 \n\n13. The Peloponnesian War 107 \n\n14. Peloponnesian War continued \xe2\x80\x94 Affairs of Persia \xe2\x80\x94 Alcibiades 109 \n\n15 Unfortunate Expedition to Sicily 112 \n\n16. The Thirty Tyrants\xe2\x80\x94 Thrasybul us 115 \n\n17. Expedition of Cyrus 117 \n\n18. Retreat of the Ten Thousand 118 \n\n19. Agesilaus \xe2\x80\x94 Victory of Conon \xe2\x80\x94 Decline of the Lacedaemonian Power 121 \n\n20. Socrates \xe2\x80\xa2. . . 125 \n\n21. Manners and Customs of the Greeks 126 \n\n22. Government of Athens , 129 \n\n(7) \n\n\n\nVlll CONTENTS. \n\nChap. 23. Government of Athens, continued 131 \n\n24. Education and Military Institutions of the Greeks 132. \n\n25. Character of the Athenians 135 \n\n26. Kise of the Theban Power. \xe2\x80\x94 Pelopidas \xe2\x80\x94 Epaminondas 136 \n\n27. Artaxerxes Mnemon undertakes the Reduction of Egypt 140 \n\n28. War of the Allies against the Athenians 142 \n\n29. Philip of Macedon 143 \n\n30. The Sacred War 146 \n\n31. Siege of Perinthus \xe2\x80\x94 Battle of Chaeronea \xe2\x80\x94 Banishment of ^Eschines 148 \n\n32. Philip is declared Generalissimo of the Greeks against the Persians \xe2\x80\x94 \n\nHis Death 150 \n\n33. Alexander ascends the Throne; and is declared Generalissimo of the \n\nGreeks against the Persians 152 \n\n34. Alexander\'s Expedition 154 \n\n35. Battle of Issus\xe2\x80\x94 Siege and Capture of Tyre 156 \n\n36. Battle of Arbela\xe2\x80\x94 Death of Darius 159 \n\n37. Death of Clitus \xe2\x80\x94 Expedition to India 161 \n\n38. Alexander returns from India \xe2\x80\x94 His Death 164 \n\n39. Successors of Alexander \xe2\x80\x94 Death of Phocion 168 \n\n40. Achaean League \xe2\x80\x94 Greece reduced to a Roman Province 170 \n\n41. Affairs of Judea, Egypt, and Syria 172 \n\nHISTORY OF ROME. \n\nChap. 1. The Foundation of Rome 179 \n\n2. Sabine War \xe2\x80\x94 Numa Pompilius \xe2\x80\x94 Tullus Hostilius 181 \n\n3. Ancus Martius \xe2\x80\x94 Lucius Tarquinius Priscus\xe2\x80\x94 Servius Tullus 184 \n\n4. Lucius Tarquinius Superbus\xe2\x80\x94 End of the Regal Government 188 \n\n5. Consuls *38 \n\n6. Tribunes created, U. C. 260.\xe2\x80\x94 Agrarian Law 190 \n\n7. The Creation of the Decemviri, U. C. 302\xe2\x80\x94 Virginius 193 \n\n8. Veian War \xe2\x80\x94 Invasion of the Gauls 196 \n\n9. War with the Latins and Samnites \xe2\x80\x94 Pyrrhus 199 \n\n10. First Punic War, B. C. 264 202 \n\n11. The Second Punic War 204 \n\n12. War with Philip, King of Macedon 207 \n\n13. Jugurthian War\xe2\x80\x94 Marius\xe2\x80\x94 Sylla 210 \n\n14. Catilin^s Conspiracy \xe2\x80\x94 Caesar crosses the Rubicon 213 \n\n15. Battle of Pharsalia\xe2\x80\x94 Death of Pompey 216 \n\n16. Caesar in Egypt\xe2\x80\x94 Cato in Utica 219 \n\n17. Death of Caesar\xe2\x80\x94 The Triumvirate 221 \n\n18. Battle of Philippic Death of Brutus 227 \n\n19. Antony in Egypt 229 \n\n20. Consolidation of the Imperial Power by Augustus . . 232 \n\n21. Tiberius\xe2\x80\x94 Caligula 234 \n\n22. Claudius\xe2\x80\x94 Expedition to Britain 237 \n\n23. Nero\xe2\x80\x94 Galba 239 \n\n24. Otho \xe2\x80\x94 Vitellius \xe2\x80\x94 Vespasian 240 \n\n25. Titus\xe2\x80\x94 Domitian 242 \n\n26. Nerva \xe2\x80\x94 Trajan \xe2\x80\x94 Adrian 244 \n\n27. Adrian\'s Expedition \xe2\x80\x94 Antoninus Pius\xe2\x80\x94 Marcus Aurelius 246 \n\n28. Coramodus \xe2\x80\x94 Pertinax \xe2\x80\x94 Septimius Severus 249 \n\n29. Caracalla and Geta \xe2\x80\x94 Alexander Severus \xe2\x80\x94 Maximin \xe2\x80\x94 Philip \xe2\x80\x94 Decius \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Gallus 251 \n\n30. Valerian and his Successors 254 \n\n31. Constantine 256 \n\n32. Successors of Constantine\xe2\x80\x94 Julian 258 \n\n33. Valentinian \xe2\x80\x94 Valens \xe2\x80\x94 Gratian \xe2\x80\x94 Theodosius 260 \n\n34. The Barbarous Nations who subverted the Roman Empire \xe2\x80\x94 Fall of \n\nthe Empire 262 \n\n35 Boundaries of the Roman Empire 265 \n\n\n\n( io \n\n\n\n\nANCIENT HISTORY \n\n\n\nTHE JEWS. \n\n(ii) \n\n\n\nHISTORY OF THE JEWS. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER 1. \nFROM THE CREATION TO THE CONFUSION OF TONGUES. \n\nWe learn from the Sacred Scriptures, the only source from which \nthe earliest authentic information can be drawn, that the creation of the \nheavens and the earth was produced by the immediate power of the \nDeity. By his sovereign command the light appeared. Form and order \narose out of a rude chaotic mass. The wide expanse of firmament \ndivided the upper from the lower waters. The earth, the sea, and the \nair, abounded with living creatures, adapted to their respective ele- \nments ; lastly Man, the noblest work of the creation, was called into \nexistence ; and as it was not good for man to be alone, to him was given \na suitable helpmate. \n\nAdam and Eve, our original parents, were placed in a paradise, called \nthe Garden of Eden, in which they enjoyed a state of innocence and \npurity, with permission to partake of every tree in the garden, except \nthat of the knowledge of good and evil. But they disobeyed the divine \ncommand, and they suffered the consequence of their disobedience ; \nthey fell, and were banished from Paradise, B. C. 4004. \xe2\x80\x94 Cain, Adam\'s \neldest son, was born in the first year of the world ; and in the year fol- \nlowing, Abel, his brother. Abel was a keeper of the flocks, but Cain \nwas a tiller of the ground, and occupied in the labours of husbandry. \n\nTheir tempers were as different as their occupations. Abel was a \nlover of righteousness : Cain was obstinate and wicked. It was usual, \nin the infancy of the world, to present oblations to God. Abel brought \nof the firstlings of his flock, and Cain of the fruit of the ground. The \nsacrifice of Abel, on account of his piety, was more acceptable to God \nthan the offering of Cain ; and the latter, transported with envy and \nrage, slew his brother. The Almighty, on account of this fratricide, \ncondemned Cain to become for a while a fugitive and a vagabond on \nthe earth, till he settled in the land of Nod. \n\nWhat is the scripture account of the Creation? \xe2\x80\x94 For what crime were Adam \nand Eve banished Paradise? \xe2\x80\x94 When? \xe2\x80\x94 Who were their children? \xe2\x80\x94 Why was \nAbel\'s sacrifice more acceptable than Cain\'s ? \xe2\x80\x94 What followed ? \n\n2 (13) \n\n\n\n14 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. \n\nThe birth of Seth, which happened some time after, must have \nafforded our first parents much consolation. His descendants were long \ndistinguished for their piety, so that they were called the sons of God,~ \nwhile the family of Cain were denominated the sons and daughters of \nmen. At length, however, the descendants of Seth also neglected the \nservice of the great Creator, and contracted alliances with the daughters \nof Cain, whose vices they gradually adopted. Some arts must have \nattained a degree of cultivation before the Deluge. For Cain built a \nsity. Jabal was the father of such as dwell in tents. Jubal was the \nfather of such as handled the harp and organ. Tubal Cain taught the \nmanufacture of brass and iron. The sister of Tubal Cain, Naamah, \ndiscovered the art of spinning, and of making woollen clothes. By \ndegrees the human race had so degenerated, all flesh had so corrupted \nits way upon the earth, that God determined to destroy it by a flood of \nwaters. \n\nOne man, Noah, a descendant of Seth, however, found grace in the \neyes of the Lord. And on account of his piety, God was pleased to \nsave him from the general destruction ; commanding him to build an \nark, or vessel, sufficient to contain himself, and his own family, and \nsome of every species of animals, with proper provision for their sub- \nsistence. In the year of the world, 1656, and B. C. 2348, he entered \nthe ark ; and the windows of heaven were opened, and the fountains \nof the great deep were broken up ; and the world which then was, \nbeing overflowed with water, perished. The waters, which had in- \ncreased during one hundred and fifty days, at length subsided; and \nafter being inclosed in the ark for about the space of a year, Noah, and \nall that were with him, came forth out of the ark, which rested on the \nmountains of Ararat, B. C. 2347. On quitting the ark, Noah erected \nan altar and offered thereon burnt-sacrifices ; and the Almighty gra- \nciously accepted his piety, and declared, that he would not again curse \nthe ground for man\'s sake, nor cut off all flesh by the waters of the \nflood. And as a token of that promise, said God, " I do set my bow \nin the clouds." \n\nWith the testimonies of the Sacred Scriptures, (Genesis, chap. 6, 7,) \nthe writings of some of the ancient authors, and the different appear- \nances of Ihe globe, concur in support of the truth of this event. The \nlength of the ark was 517 feet, its breadth 94, and its height 55. \n\nNot only the lives of the Antediluvians, but of many after the flood \nwere protracted to a great age. Adam lived 930 years, Methuselah \n969 years, and Noah 950 years. \n\nMany historians having marked some coincidences between the cha- \nracter and life of Fohi, the first emperor of China, and that of Noah, \nhave conjectured that Noah might have been the founder of the Chi- \nnese empire. \n\n? The sons of Noah were Shem, Ham, and Japhet. Japhet was the \neldest, and the patriarch pronounced a blessing upon him, saying, \n\nHow were the descendants of Seth and Cain distinguished?\xe2\x80\x94 Jabal?\xe2\x80\x94 Jubal?\xe2\x80\x94 \nRelate the particulars of Noah and the flood.\xe2\x80\x94 When did it take place?\xe2\x80\x94 What \nwere the ages of several antediluvians?\xe2\x80\x94 What is said of Noah?\xe2\x80\x94 Repeat the \nprophetic words of Noah ? \n\n\n\nnoah\'s descendants. 15 \n\n"God shall enlarge Japhet, he shall dwell in the tents of Shem, and \nCanaan shall be his servant." Concerning the posterity of Ham, he \nsaid, " Cursed be Canaan, a servant of servants shall he be unto his \nbrethren." Shem was honoured by the Hebrews, who were his de- \nscendants, as were also the Assyrians, Persians, Syrians, &c. Ham \nwas the founder of the Egyptians, Ethiopians, &c. \n\nCHAPTER 2. \nNOAH\'S DESCENDANTS. \n\nAmong the most distinguished of the descendants of Ham, was Nim- \nrod, who is termed, in Genesis, a mighty hunter before the Lord. The \nbeginning of his kingdom was Babel, Erech, Accad, and Calneth. \n\nThe immediate descendants of Noah quitted the environs of Ararat, \nand descended to the plains of Shinar. On this spot they resolved to \nbuild a city, and a tower whose top might reach to heaven, about 2247 \nyears B. C., and 100 years after the flood. When\'they had carried \ntheir edifice to a very considerable height, the Scriptures inform us that \nthe Almighty confounded their language, so that they no longer under- \nstood each other. For this reason the city was called Babylon. This \ncompelled them to relinquish their vain project, and the result was the \ndispersion of mankind into different countries. \n\nBefore this event mankind spoke the same language, and occupied \nthe same portion of the earth ; but their diversity of tongues occasioned \ntheir separation, and the forming of different nations. As families \nincreased, their domains were extended, and towns and cities were \nerected. Hence arose the different laws and customs of nations, which \nhave since overspread a considerable portion of the globe. \n\nIt may, perhaps, be collected from the testimony of the Sacred \nScriptures, and from the deductions of philosophy, that man has always \nexisted in society, and that the first societies were families, the first \nform of government patriarchal ; that the first nourishment was the \nfruits of the earth, that gradually man became a keeper of flocks and \nherds, and a cultivator of corn, that from the union of families arose \nmonarchies, the most ancient form of extended civil government. It is \nin this last state we propose to trace the most important events that \nhave taken place among the various branches of the human race. \n\nAbout 150 years after the deluge, Nimrod (the Belus of profane his- \ntorians) built Babylon on the eastern side of the river Euphrates, and \nAssur built Nineveh, on the river Tigris, which became the capital of \nthe Assyrian Empire. \n\nNinus, the son of Belus, and his queen Semiramis, particularly the \nlatter, are said to have raised the empire of Assyria to a high degree \nof splendour. From the death of Ninus down to a revolt of the Medes \nunder Sardanapalus, a period of 800 years, there is a chasm in the his- \n\nWhat were Shem\'s descendants? \xe2\x80\x94 Ham\'s? \xe2\x80\x94 What is said of Nimrod? \xe2\x80\x94 When \nand by whom was the tower of Babel built ? \xe2\x80\x94 What occasioned the dispersion of \nmankind ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the most ancient mode of government ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who were the \nbuilders of Babylon and Nineveh? \xe2\x80\x94 What is said of Ninus and Semiramis? \n\n\n\n16 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. \n\ntory of Assyria and Babylon, that can be supplied only by conjecture ; \nand the earliest periods of the Egyptian history are equally uncertain. \n\nOrigin of Laws. \xe2\x80\x94 Certain political writers have supposed that, in \nthe infancy of society, penal laws must have been extremely mild. \nPerhaps the contrary was rather the case, as the more barbarous the \npeople, the stronger must be the bonds to restrain them ; and history \nconfirms the supposition in the ancient laws of the Jews, Egyptians, \nGreeks, Romans, and Gauls. \n\nAmong the earliest laws of all states, are those regarding marriage, \nfor the institution of marriage is coeval with the formation of society. \nThe laws of succession are next in order. The father had the absolute \npower in the division of his estate ; but primogeniture was understood \nto confer certain rights. \n\nEarly method of authenticating contracts. \xe2\x80\x94 Before the invention of \nwriting, contracts, testaments, sales, marriages, and the like, were tran- \nsacted in public. Of these the Jewish and Grecian histories furnish \nmany examples. Some barbarous nations authenticate their bargains \nby exchanging symbols or tallies. The Peruvians accomplished most \nof the purposes of writing by knotted cords of various colours, termed \nQuipos. The Mexicans communicated intelligence to a distance by \npainting, or, as it is called, picture writing. Other nations used sym- \nbols called hieroglyphics, as did the Egyptians. \n\nThe first vehicles of history were poetry and song. The songs of the \nbards record a great deal of ancient history ; and the laws of many of \nthe ancient nations were composed in verse. Among barbarous nations, \nthe monuments of their history are stones, both rude and sculptured, \ntumuli and mounds of earth; and among people more refined are \ncolumns, triumphal arches, coins and medals. \n\nCHAPTER 3. \n\nTHE CALL OF ABRAHAM. \n\nWhen Abraham was about seventy-five years old, at the command \nof God he removed from Mesopotamia,* with Sarah his wife and Lot \nhis nephew, into Canaan, (B. C. 1920,) where the Lord appeared to him, \nand promised that his seed should possess that land. He was afterwards \ncompelled, however, to remove into Egypt for a short time on account \nof a great famine in Canaan. He had not been long in that country when \nPharaoh the king, not knowing that Sarah was Abraham\'s wife, was \nstruck with the charms of her person, and took her to his palace. (B. C. \n1919.) God graciously interfered for them, and she was restored to Abra- \nham. After their return from Egypt, Abraham and his nephew separated \non account of a quarrel between the shepherds concerning the pasture. \n\n\xe2\x99\xa6Mesopotamia is the country lying between the rivers Tigris and Euphrates. \n\nWhat is said of penal laws ? \xe2\x80\x94 What laws were supposed to have been first insti- \ntuted? \xe2\x80\x94 What next? \xe2\x80\x94 How were bargains and contracts made in early times?\xe2\x80\x94 \nWhat of Qiiipos ? \xe2\x80\x94 What were the earliest vehicles of history ? \xe2\x80\x94 What were the \nearliest monuments ? \xe2\x80\x94 The later ones ? \xe2\x80\x94 From what country was Abraham called \n\xe2\x80\x94When? \n\n\n\nTHE CALL OF ABRAHAM. 17 \n\nAbout this time the Almighty renewed the promise to Abraham, \n\xe2\x96\xa0** that in his seed all the nations of the earth should be blessed," when \nas yet he had no child. By the advice of Sarah, he took to him Hagar, \nher hand-maid, who bore him a son called Ishmael. (B.C. 1857.) A \nmisunderstanding arising between her and Sarah, she departed from her \nmaster\'s house, and took with her Ishmael, who became the father of the \nArabs. When Abraham was an hundred years old, Isaac, the promised \nchild, was born, and was circumcised on the eighth day, according to the \ncommand of God, who had appointed that rite as a sign of the cove- \nnant made between himself and the patriarch. \n\nIn order to try his faith, the Lord ordered Abraham to sacrifice his \nbeloved son Isaac, who was the child of promise. Accordingly he \nprepared to obey the command, bound his son, and laid him as a victim \non the altar, when the Almighty, satisfied with his fidelity, bade him \ndesist from his design, and repeated his promise to him who had not \nwithheld his only son. Soon after this happened, Sarah died and was \nburied in Hebron. Abraham then espoused Keturah, by whom he had \nsix sons, who settled in Arabia. \n\nAbraham being solicitous to see Isaac settled, sent his steward (B. C. \n1838,) to Padan Aram, to seek a wife for Isaac ; and Rebecca, the pa- \ntriarch\'s niece, became the spouse of his son. Abraham died at the age \nof one hundred and seventy-five years, and his sons Isaac and Ishmael \nburied him in the cave of Machpelah, where Sarah had been interred. \n\nRebecca bore Isaac two sons, Esau and Jacob. As the lads grew, \nEsau became a noted hunter, and was his father\'s favourite; but Re- \nbecca evinced a partiality for his milder brother, who, she had been as- \nsured by divine revelation, was to inherit the blessing. When Esau \nreturned from hunting one day, greatly fatigued, he sold his birth-right \nto Jacob for the gratification of his appetite. By afterwards depriv- \ning him of his father\'s blessing, Jacob incurred the displeasure of Esau \n(B. C. 1761,) and to avoid his resentment, was obliged to seek a retreat at \nPadan Aram, the place of his mother\'s nativity. On his journey, God \nrenewed to him all the promises he had made to Abraham. Jacob was \nwelcomed to the house of his uncle Laban, whose two daughters, \nLeah and Rachel, he married, having served their father seven years \nfor each. They with their hand-maids bore the twelve patriarchs, and \none daughter Dinah. His beloved Rachel bore only Joseph and Ben- \njamin. \n\nAfter having fed the flocks of his father-in-law for twenty years, and \nhaving amassed considerable wealth, he returned with his family and \ntreasures unto his own country. Jacob despatched messengers to ap- \nprise Esau of his arrival ; and sent with them a rich present as a token \nof his brotherly love. They met with a favourable reception, and Esau \nset out to meet his brother, with four hundred men. When Jacob per- \nceived this numerous retinue, he was greatly alarmed, fearing that Esau \n\nWhat was the Almighty\'s promise to Abraham? \xe2\x80\x94 When was Ishmael born?\xe2\x80\x94 \nTsaac? \xe2\x80\x94 What sacrifice was Abraham called to make? \xe2\x80\x94 What followed ? \xe2\x80\x94 Whom \ndid Isaac marry? \xe2\x80\x94 What was Abraham\'s age? \xe2\x80\x94 For what did Esau sell his birth- \nright?- When ?- What followed ?\xe2\x80\x94 To what country and family did Jacob retire ? \n\na * \n\n\n\n18 HISTOR? OF THE JEWS. \n\nstill harboured feelings of resentment against him. The meeting of \nthe two brothers, however, was amicable, and a perfect reconciliation \nwas effected. Esau departed to his residence at Seir, and Jacob \npitched his tents in the vicinage of Succoth. Isaac died in the hun- \ndred and eightieth year of his age, and his sons Esau and Jacob buried \nhim. \n\nJacob lost Rachel when she was delivered of Benjamin : Joseph \nnow became his favourite child, and was distinguished with peculiar \nmarks of love. (B. C. 1729.) His brothers beheld with jealousy their \nfather\'s partiality. They were further exasperated against Joseph, by his \nrelating to them some remarkable dreams, which evidently foretold that \nhe should come to great honour, and that his brothers should do him ho- \nmage. Therefore to rid themselves of this object of their jealousy, \nthey sold him to a troop of Arabian merchants, who carried him into \nEgypt, and disposed of him to Potiphar, captain of Pharaoh\'s guard. \nIn the mean time the wicked brothers dipped his coat in blood, and \nsent it to their aged father, who in the anguish of his soul exclaimed \n" Joseph is without doubt rent in pieces." The young Hebrew served \nPotiphar in Egypt with diligence and fidelity, and his master advanced \nhim to great honour, and appointed him overseer of all his affairs. \n\nHis mistress, however, conceived a violent passion for him, but Jo- \nseph rejected her solicitations. She then accused him to her husband \nof insulting her, and he was cast into prison. In the same place of \nconfinement were Pharaoh\'s chief butler and chief baker, each of whom \nrelated a remarkable dream to Joseph, which he interpreted and ap- \npointed the time for their fulfilment, begging, as the only recompense, \nthat the chief butler would remember his kindness when he was re- \nstored to his former office, as Joseph foretold he should be. \n\nAfter this the king was greatly perplexed by a dream which the ma- \ngicians and wise men were unable to interpret. (B. C. 1715.) The butler \nnow recalled to mind his own dream, which had been accomplished pre- \ncisely as Joseph had foretold. Accordingly, at his recommendation, Jo- \nseph was sent for, who readily interpreted this dream. He was now ho- \nnoured at the Egyptian court, and raised to the highest distinction in the \nempire next to the king. He rode in the second state carriage, and they \ncried before him " Bow the knee." According to his prediction there \ncame seven years of great abundance, when he built granaries, and col- \nlected vast quantities of grain for provisions in the famine that was to \nfollow. Joseph espoused Asenath, the daughter of Potipherah, priest \nof On, by whom he had two sons, Manasseh and Ephraim. \n\nHow was he reconciled to Esau 1 \xe2\x80\x94 How came Joseph to be sold and carried to \nEgypt ? \xe2\x80\x94 What gave occasion to his imprisonment ? \xe2\x80\x94 What dreams did he interpret ? \n\xe2\x80\x94 What was the consequence ? \xe2\x80\x94 How did he serve Pharaoh? \xe2\x80\x94 How was he re- \nwarded ? \n\n\n\nTHE ISRAELITES IN EGYPT. 19 \n\nCHAPTER 4. \nTHE ISRAELITES IN EGYPT. \n\nThe famine came on as Joseph had predicted, and was severe in Ca- \nnaan. Jacob, hearing that there was corn in Egypt, sent his ten sons \nthither to purchase some, but kept Benjamin at home, as he was now \nthe darling of his father. When the ten brothers arrived in Egypt, \nJoseph immediately recognised them ; but being desirous of proving \nthem, he pretended that they were spies, and ordered Simeon to be put \ninto prison, while the nine went to carry provision for their families. \nHe also told them not to presume to see him again without bringing \nBenjamin, their younger brother, with them. When they told this to \ntheir aged father, with his heart full of grief he exclaimed, " My son \nshall not go down with you." \n\nBut the urgency of the case, and the promise of Judah to restore \nBenjamin to his father, induced the patriarch to let him go. When \nJoseph beheld his younger brother, all his fraternal feelings returned, \nand after trying their affection for Benjamin, he discovered himself to \nhis brothers, and instead of revenging their baseness, he owned the \nhand of Providence in the whole transaction. He then sent for his \nfather and all the family to emigrate into Egypt. When Jacob saw \nthe presents and carriages sent by his son, his heart revived and he \nexclaimed, "It is enough ; Joseph my son is yet alive ; I will go and \nsee him before I die." The meeting was truly affecting; Pharaoh \ngave them permission to settle in the land of Goshen, and appointed \nJoseph\'s brothers his principal shepherds. \n\nAfter living seventeen years in Egypt, the venerable patriarch felt \nhis dissolution drawing nigh. (B.C. 1689.) He called his children \ninto his presence, and after blessing them enjoined them to carry his \nbones into Canaan, to be buried in the sepulchre of his fathers. The \nbody was embalmed, according to the Egyptian custom, and Joseph \nand his brothers, with a numerous retinue, carrried it to Machpelah. \n\n(B. C. 1630.) Joseph died in the hundred and tenth year of his age, \ngreatly lamented by the Egyptians. On his death bed he reminded \nhis brethren of God\'s promise to bestow upon them the land of Ca- \nnaan, and by a solemn engagement bound them to carry his bones with \nthem at their departure. \n\nAfter a lapse of some years a new king commenced a violent perse- \ncution against the Hebrews, and subjected them to the most rigid sla- \nvery. Finding their numbers multiply very fast, he published a cruel \nedict, ordering that every male child of the Hebrews should be cast \ninto the Nile as soon as born. (B. C. 1571.) About this time Moses \n\nWhat occasioned the Israelites to go to Egypt? \xe2\x80\x94 In what part of Egypt did the \nTsraelites settle ? \xe2\x80\x94 Give an account of Jacob\'s death and burial. \xe2\x80\x94 What was Jo- \nseph\'s age ?\xe2\x80\x94 What promise did he exact from his brethren ? \xe2\x80\x94 What happened to \nthe Hebrews after his death? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was Moses? \xe2\x80\x94 Relate the particulars of Mo \nees in the bulrushes. \n\n\n\n20 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. \n\nwas born, and his parents finding him a promising child, hid him till \nconcealment became dangerous. His mother then laid him in an ark \nof bulrushes, and placed it upon the banks of the river. He was dis- \ncovered by Pharaoh\'s daughter, who sent his sister Miriam to fetch \nan Hebrew nurse, and she called her own mother, who was charged \nby the princess to nurse the infant. His royal patroness adopted him \nas her son, and gave him an education worthy of that dignity. \n\nWhen he grew up, Moses beheld with indignation the oppression \nand misery of his brethren, and having slain an Egyptian who abused \none of the Hebrews, he sought an asylum in the land of Midian. \nHere he continued forty years, when he received the divine commis- \nsion to the Egyptian court. He was joined by his brother Aaron ; \nand on their arrival, they acquainted the elders of Israel with their \nmission. At their audience they demanded in the name of " Jehovah, \nthe God of Israel," the dismission of the Hebrews. The answer \nfrom Pharaoh was "I know not the Lord, neither will I let Israel go," \nand at the same time he ordered the task-masters to increase the work \nof the Hebrews. \n\nInvested with divine authority, Moses again approached the pres- \nence of Pharaoh and made the same demand. He threw down his rod \nand it became a serpent ; and by the command of God he stretched out \nthe same rod and the waters were turned into blood. After this an in- \nnumerable swarm of frogs consumed the fruit of the ground, and the \nhouses and even the beds of the Egyptians swarmed with them; then \nhe turned the dust into venomous flies and innumerable quantities of \nlice ; he afflicted them with terrible boils, breaking out with blains on \nman and beast. Still Pharaoh refused to let them go; but the smiting \nof the first-born of all the Egyptians, from the first-born of Pharaoh, \nto that of the captive, and also of their beasts, struck such terror into \nthe Egyptians that they were glad to rid themselves of the Hebrews, \nand hastened their departure. On this memorable night was the Pass- \nover instituted ; for the Israelites, by the command of God, had sprin- \nkled their doors with the blood of a lamb, as a sign for the destroying \nangel to pass by. \n\n(B. C. 1491.) Moses now marched at the head of this vast multi- \ntude, consisting of 600,000 men, besides women and children, their \nservants, and their cattle, under the guidance of God, in a pillar of cloud \nby day, and by night in a pillar of fire. They took with them the \nbones of Joseph, and when they came near the Red Sea, they saw \nPharaoh and his army in their rear, for he was determined to pursue \nthem and oblige them to return. But Moses, by divine appointment, \nstretched out his hand towards the sea, and the waters were divided so \nthat the Israelites went over on dry ground. The Egyptians with im- \npious rage pursued them into the sea, and were all drowned, while the \nHebrews landed safe on the opposite shore. (See engraving at the be- \nginning of the History of the Jews.) \n\nHis education. \xe2\x80\x94 What occasioned his flight to Midian? \xe2\x80\x94 His return to Egypt? \nWhat were the ten plagues of Egypt ?\xe2\x80\x94 The Passover ?\xe2\x80\x94 What caused the libera \ntion of the Israelites? \xe2\x80\x94 Whatbelel the Egyptians in the Red Sea? \n\n\n\nTHE JUDGES OVER ISRAEL. 21 \n\nThe Israelites being thus miraculously delivered, marched through \nthe desert, and were sustained by divine power. When they came to \nthe foot of mount Sinai (B. C. 1491,) they heard the voice of the De- \nity deliver audily the ten commandments. Moses went up into the \nmount, and was there forty days, during which time he had two tables \nof testimony written with the finger of God. When Moses went \ndown, and saw the people dancing round a molten calf, which Aaron \nat their request had made, he grieved at their apostacy, and indignant- \nly threw down the tables of stone and broke them. The people after- \nwards repented of their idolatry, and the Lord graciously gave them \ntwo other tables ; and Moses demanded of them a free-will offering for \nthe tabernacle which God had commanded him to rear. The people \ngladly assisted in this work, and in a short time it was completed, (B. \nC. 1490,) and Aaron and his sons were set apart for the ministry. \n\nMoses sent some spies to examine the Promised Land, who return- \ned, after an absence of forty days, with an unfavourable report. This \nirritated the minds of the people, and they rose in a tumult to stone Mo- \nses and Aaron. But Joshua and Caleb, two of his spies, endeavoured \nto appease them, and wished them to march immediately into Canaan. \nBut their courage failed, and God declared that none of the Israelites, \nabove twenty years old, except Joshua and Caleb, should enter Canaan. \nNot even Moses, for he had displeased the Lord, and was allowed only \nto see the Promised Land. Accordingly they wandered about the wil- \nderness for forty years, during which time this was fulfilled. (B. C. 1426.) \nMoses died in the hundred and twentieth year of his age, in view of \nCanaan. \n\nCHAPTER 5. \n\nTHE JUDGES OVER ISRAEL. \n\nJoshua (B. C. 1451,) succeeded Moses ; and when they arrived on \nthe borders of Canaan, he sent out spies, who entered Jericho, and \nfound that the approach of the Israelites had struck terror into the in- \nhabitants. On their return, Joshua passed over Jordan in a miraculous \nmanner, and marched to Jericho. This was a walled city, and the Is- \nraelites, by the command of God, marched round the walls for seven \ndays, carrying the ark of the covenant, blowing with rams\' horns, and \nshouting. On the seventh day the walls fell down before them, and \nall the inhabitants, except Rahab and her family, who had received the \nspies, were slain. After this they advanced to Ai, which place was \nsubdued. \n\nIn a glorious victory over the Canaanites, at the word of Joshua, \n" the sun stood still, and the moon 9tayed, until the people had avenged \nthemselves upon their enemies." Having made a division of the Land \nof Promise among the people, Joshua assembled the tribes at Shechem, \n\nOn what Mount were the two tables delivered ? \xe2\x80\x94 Relate the circumstances. \xe2\x80\x94 \nHow long did the Israelites wander in the wilderness ? \xe2\x80\x94 Where ? \xe2\x80\x94 When and where \ndid Moses die 1 \xe2\x80\x94 Who led the Israelites over Jordan into Canaan ? \xe2\x80\x94 How was Je \nricho taken ?\xe2\x80\x94 What miracle was performed by Joshua ? \n\n\n\n22 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. \n\nrenewed the covenant between them and God, and reminding them of \npast favours, he exhorted them to adhere to their engagement. He \ndied in the one hundred and tenth year of his age, and was buried in \nthe border of his inheritance in Timnath-serah. \n\nAfter this (B. C. 1426,) the tribe of Judah, under the command of \nCalob, took and burnt Jerusalem, and obliged the inhabitants of Gaza, \nAskelon, and Ekron, to submit to them. The other tribes did not en- \ntirely destroy the Canaanites, but imposed a tribute upon them. They \nlived among them, and married the Canaanitish maids, and worshipped \ntheir idols. This was a cause of great disasters to them, and they met \nwith continual defeats. The tribe of Benjamin (B. C. 1406,) was ex- \ntinguished, except six hundred men, in a war which they waged against \nthe other tribes. Repenting of this afterwards, the Israelites endea- \nvoured to restore their fallen tribe, and at length succeeded. \n\nOn account of their wickedness and idolatry, God delivered them \ninto the power of the Assyrians, whom they served eight years, when \nOthniel, Caleb\'s nephew, delivered them, and was judge forty years. \nAfter his death they were subject to the Moabites eighteen years. Ehud \nslew Eglon, king of Moab, and restored liberty to Israel, which they \nenjoyed eighty years. After this, the Canaanites brought them under \nslavery for twenty years ; they were then delivered by Barak and De- \nborah, who ruled over them forty years. The Midianites were their \nnext masters, in whose power they were seven years ; Gideon marched \nagainst the forces of Midian, gave them a complete overthrow, and slew \ntheir generals. He enjoyed the government forty years. Abimelech, \n(B. C. 1236,) Gideon\'s natural son, slew his seventy brothers, except \nJotham; usurped the authority, and exercised it in a tyrannical manner. \nHe met his death at the siege of Thebez. \n\nJephthah, one of their judges, marching against the king of the \nAmmonites, vowed, if he should be successful in his expedition, to \nsacrifice the living being that should first meet him on his return. \nHaving returned in triumph, his daughter, an only child, came out to \ncongratulate him on his success. When apprized of her father\'s rash- \nness, she begged a respite of two months to bewail her youth, and then \ncalmly met her fate. \n\nAfter this, when the Israelites were tributary to the Philistines, God \nraised up Samson, a mighty man, who made great slaughter among \nthem, and, on one occasion, slew a thousand Philistines with the jaw- \nbone of an ass. While he kept the cause of his great strength secret, \nhis enemies had no power over him. But being enamoured of Delilah, \na Philistine woman, he imparted the secret to her. This proved fatal \nto him ; but he slew more of the Philistines at his death, than he had \nslain during his life. \n\nEli, the high priest, then assumed the government. He had two \nsons, Hophni and Phineas, who were guilty of injustice towards men, \n\nWhere, and at what age did he die ? \xe2\x80\x94 What occurred under the command of \nCaleb?\xe2\x80\x94 What occurred under Othniel ?\xe2\x80\x94 Ehud ?\xe2\x80\x94 Gideon ?\xe2\x80\x94 Where did he die?\xe2\x80\x94 \nWhat of Jephthah? \xe2\x80\x94 Samson, and the Philistines? \xe2\x80\x94 What is recorded of Eli am] \nhis sons ? \n\n\n\nTHE JUDGES OVER ISRAEL. 23 \n\nand of impiety towards God. They were slain in a battle against the \nPhilistines, and the ark of the covenant was carried away by the ene- \nmy. When the sad tidings reached the aged Eli, he was so distressed \nat them that he fell from his seat and died, in the ninety-eighth year \nof his age. After the Philistines had detained the ark four months, \nthey voluntarily returned it to the Hebrews. \n\nSamuel, (B. C. 1096,) the prophet, succeeded Eli in the government, \nwhich he maintained with so much integrity and satisfaction, that when \nhe appointed his two sons to succeed him, the people demanded a king, \nalleging that his sons were unworthy of the succession. Samuel re- \nmonstrated with them ; but finding all to no purpose, he proclaimed \nSaul, the son of Kish, king of Israel. \n\nNo sooner was Saul (B. C. 1095,) invested with the regal dignity \nthan he commenced a successful expedition against the king of the Am- \nmorites, which gained him the respect of all his subjects. This was \nfollowed by several victories over the Philistines. But being sent \nagainst the Amalekites, he presumed to act contrary to the directions \nof the prophet, and he was informed that the kingdom should be taken \nfrom him, and given to a neighbour more worthy of the dignity. Some \ntime after this, God sent the prophet to Bethlehem to anoint David, \nson of Jesse, for the sovereignty. \n\nSaul being grievously afflicted with a demoniacal disorder, his \nfriends had David summoned .to court, to endeavour by his skill on the \nharp, to revive the spirits of the prince. In this he was successful ; \nand when Saul seemed recovered, he obtained permission of Jesse to \ndetain his son in his service. (B. C. 1069.) In a contest with Goliath, \nthe champion of the Philistines, David displayed such signal valour \nand intrepidity, that the land resounded with his praise. This roused \nthe jealousy of his royal master, who sought means to rid himself of \nthis victorious champion. He gave him his daughter in marriage, on \ncondition of his destroying 600 of the Philistines. He sought to en- \ntrap him by various means, and he even endeavoured to despatch him \nwith his own javelin. Jonathan the king\'s son, had contracted an in- \ntimate friendship with David, and assisted him in escaping the king\'s \ntreachery. David, to avoid the vengeance of Saul, sought an asylum \nwith the Philistine kings. Samuel, the prophet, died, (B. C. 1059,) \nand was buried in Raman, in the eighteenth year of Saul\'s reign. \n\nSaul, going against the Philistines, was greatly troubled at the su- \nperiority of the enemy, and went in disguise to a necromantic woman, \ndesiring her to raise him up Samuel. The king was informed that he, \ntogether with his sons, would fall in the battle. Saul returned to the \ncamp, and in the engagement the Hebrews were defeated with great \nslaughter, (B. C. 1055,) and the king and all his sons, except Ishbo- \nsheth, were among the slain. Abner, Saul\'s general, proclaimed this sur- \nviving son king. David was already acknowledged sovereign by one \n\nWho was Samuel, and who was proclaimed king by him? \xe2\x80\x94 Why? \xe2\x80\x94 What is \nrelated of Saul and his victories ? \xe2\x80\x94 On what conditions did David obtain Saul\'s \ndaughter? \xe2\x80\x94 When did Samuel die?\xe2\x80\x94 Relate Saul\'s death, and David\'s advance- \nment to the crown. \n\n\n\n24 HISTORY OP THE JEWS. \n\ntribe at Hebron, and thus a civil war commenced, which raged for some \ntime with great violence. But at length Ishbosheth was assassinated \nby the treachery of his friends, and David received homage from all \nthe tribes of Israel. \n\nCHAPTER 6. \nDAVID AND HIS SUCCESSORS. \n\nWhen he was firmly settled on the throne, David overran the land \nof the Philistines, and annexed it to his own dominions. He also sub- \ndued the Moabites, the Syrians, and the Idumeans. He took Mephibo- \nshetb, son of Jonathan, to his court, and honoured him at his table. \nThe Hebrews defeated the Ammonites, with a great slaughter, and be- \nsieged them in their capital. But David fell into a grievous sin, for \nbeing enamoured of the wife of Uriah, an officer in the army, he pro- \ncured his death at the siege, in order to gratify his passion. (B. C. 1035.) \nThis flagrant injustice induced God to send Nathan the prophet with a \nreproof in the parable of the ewe lamb. David became sensible of his \nguilt, and implored forgiveness of the Lord. \n\nIn the mean time Joab, David\'s general, had been successful against \nthe Ammonites, and had taken their capital. The troubles of David \nseem now to begin, for one son having committed incest, was slain by \nhis brother. Absalom, his son, rebelled against him, and compelled \nhim to flee for his life. (B. C. 1023.) This wicked son was slain in \na battle fought against his father, who, on hearing of his son\'s death, \nexclaimed, "O my son Absalom; my son, my son ! would to God I \nhad died for thee." Having quelled this conspiracy, David returned \nto his palace, and died in the seventy-fifth year of his age, after a reign \nof forty years. \n\nSolomon succeeded his father, and took off all he had reason to sus- \npect of infidelity. He married the daughter of Pharaoh, king of Egypt, \nand began his reign with prudence and moderation. God appeared to \nhim in a dream, and told him to name what he desired to have. The \nyoung king begged wisdom and discernment to govern his subjects \nwisely. He obtained his request, and received a more than ordinary \nshareof understanding and wisdom. (B. C. 1013.) The Hebrews now- \nenjoyed a long peace ; and Solomon made an agreement with Hiram, \nking of Tyre, for timber to build the temple for which David had made \npreparations. \n\nThe foundations were laid in the fourth year of his reign, and in \nseven years, this stupendous pile of building was completed at an enor- \nmous expense. Solomon (B. C. 1005,) dedicated it to the Almighty, \nand removed the ark of the covenant, and the tabernacle into it with \ngreat pomp. He encouraged commerce, and built a numerous fleet, \n\nFate of Ishbosheth. \xe2\x80\x94 David\'s final success. \xe2\x80\x94 What nations did David subdue ? \n\xe2\x80\x94 What of Mephibosheth ? \xe2\x80\x94 Into what sin did David fall? \xe2\x80\x94 How was it re- \nproved ? \xe2\x80\x94 What sons rebelled ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was David\'s age, &c? \xe2\x80\x94 Who succeeded \nDavid? \xe2\x80\x94 For what did Solomon pray? \xe2\x80\x94 What followed ? \xe2\x80\x94 When were the \nfoundations of the Temple laid ? \xe2\x80\x94 When was it dedicated ? \n\n\n\nDAVID AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 25 \n\nwhich traded to India and Ethiopia, and brought immense riches. As \nhe advanced in years, he married a multitude of wives without regarding \neither the law of Moses, or of what country they were, and out of his \naffection for them, he followed their idolatries, and gave into their fo- \nreign customs. This apostacy drew the anger of God upon him, and \nhe was informed that his posterity should lose the kingdom, except the \ntribe of Judah. He died in the fortieth year of his reign. \n\n(B. C. 975.) Rehoboam succeeded Solomon, and in an assembly at \nShechem declared his determination of ruling them with more rigour \nthan his father. This incensed the people so much against him that \nten tribes revolted, and ordained Jeroboam king over them. Only the \ntribes of Judah and Benjamin submitted to Rehoboam, who resided at \nJerusalem. Jeroboam, being apprehensive that if his subjects went to \nJerusalem to worship in the temple, they would desert to his rival, set \nup two golden heifers, the one at Bethel, and the other at Dan, and \nappointed priests from among the meanest of his subjects. Those that \nabhorred his impiety, fled to Jerusalem, and greatly augmented the \nnumber of Rehoboam\'s subjects. \n\nDispleased at the irreligious practices of Rehoboam, the Almighty \npermitted Shishak, (B. C. 972,) king of Egypt, to invade his dominions, \nand he advanced to the gates of Jerusalem. The Egyptian took the \ncity without resistance ; pillaged the temple, and carried off the riches \nof the king in great abundance. Rehoboam died after a reign of seven- \nteen years, in the fifty-seventh year of his age, and was succeeded by \nhis son Abijah. \n\nIn the mean time, Jeroboam continued in his impiety, and on the \nsuccession of Abijah, to the throne of Judah, he marched against the \nyoung king with a powerful army. (B. C. 958.) Jeroboam was com- \npletely defeated with a great loss. Abijah did not long survive his vic- \ntory ; and left his throne to his son Asa. Jeroboam died after a reigc \nof twenty-two years, and was succeeded by his son JVadab, who resem \xe2\x80\xa2 \nbled his father in impiety and wickedness. He had reigned only two \nyears, when he was slain in a conspiracy made against him by Baasha, \nwho usurped the authority, and destroyed all the race of Jeroboam. \n\n(B. C. 955.) Asa, king of Jerusalem, was remarkable for his piety \nand goodness. In the tenth year of his reign, Zera, king of Ethiopia, \nmarched against him with a numerous army. Asa, relying on the God \nof Israel, attacked the enemy, and overthrew them with great slaughter \nAfter this, Baasha, the usurper who reigned over the ten tribes, invaded \nthe kingdom of Asa. This prince made an alliance with the king of \nDamascus, who assisted him against Baasha. \n\nEi,ah, the son and successor of Baasha, when he had reigned two \nyears, fell a victim to the treachery of Zimri, who survived his base- \nness only seven days. \n\nOmri then assumed the government over the ten tribes. He enjoyed \nhis authority twelve years, and was succeeded by his son Ahab. The \n\nWho succeeded Solomon? \xe2\x80\x94 Who ruled over Israel? \xe2\x80\x94 What was his sin? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWho invaded Jerus&Jem and pillaged the temple ? \xe2\x80\x94 What wars took place be- \ntween the kings of Judah and Israel ? \xe2\x80\x94 What result ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is recorded of Asa ? \n3 \n\n\n\n26 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. \n\ngood king of Judah, Asa, died after a happy reign of forty-one years, \nand left his kingdom to his son, Jehoshaphat. \n\n(B. C. 918.) Ahab, the king of Israel, exceeded his predecessors \nin impiety and wickedness. He espoused Jezebel, a Sidonian princess, \nwho set up her foreign idols, and appointed priests and prophets for her \nidolatries, and slew those of the God of Israel. Naboth had a field \nadjoining that of the king, who wished to purchase it to join to his \nown. Naboth was not disposed to part with it, and Jezebel ordered \nNaboth to be stoned, upon pretence of blasphemy to God, and disloy- \nalty to the king. As a just punishment for these infamous practices, \nthe Almighty declared by his prophet Elijah, that both Ahab and his \nwife should be slain, and that dogs should lick his blood, and eat the \nbody of Jezebel, which was fulfilled in the seventeenth year of Je- \nhoshaphat, king of Judah. Jehoshaphat triumphed over a league \nformed against him, and died in the twenty-fifth year of his reign. \n\n(B. C. 896.) Ahaziah succeeded his father Ahab, on the throne of \nIsrael. But happening to hurt himself by a fall, he sent to the God \nof Ekron, to inquire about his recovery. \n\nElijah the prophet intercepted the messengers, and bid them tell \nthe king, that because he had despised the God of Israel, and had sent \nto inquire of an idol, he would not recover; accordingly, Ahaziah died \nin a short time after, and was succeeded by his brother Joram, (B. C. \n889.) \n\nIn the reign of this prince, Benhadad, the Syrian general, besieged \nSamaria, and reduced the place to such dreadful extremity, that an ass\'s \nhead was sold for eighty pieces of silver, and mothers were compelled \nto eat their own offspring. In this distress, God struck such terror into \nthe hearts of the besiegers, that they fled with precipitation, and left \nsuch plenty of provisions in their camp, that a measure of fine flout \nwas sold for a shekel, and every thing else in proportion, in the gat6 \nof Samaria. \n\nCHAPTER VII. \n\nJEHU, AMAZIAH, AND THEIR SUCCESSORS. \n\nJehu, who was anointed king by the prophet of the Lord, slew \nseventy of Ahab\'s sons, and forty-two princes of the house of Judah ; \nhe put Jezebel to death, and destroyed the worshippers of her idols. \nHe did not utterly abolish idolatry, out allowed the people to worship \nthe golden heifers. However, as a reward for his zeal for God, he was \nassured (B. C. 856) that his posterity should reign over Israel for four \ngenerations. He died in the twenty-eighth year pf his reign. At the \ntime he was zealous for the Jewish worship, Mhaliah, daughter of \nJezebel, reigned in Jerusalem, and she endeavoured to extinguish the \n,house of David; but Joash escaped through the faithfulness of his \nfriends, and in the seventh year of her reign, Athaliah was deposed, \n\nAhab ? \xe2\x80\x94 Jehoshaphat ? \xe2\x80\x94 What of Jezebel, and of Naboth \'s vineyard ? \xe2\x80\x94 Jeze- \nbel\'s fate? \xe2\x80\x94 What did Elijah pronounce against Ahaziah? and what befel the \nSyrian army ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is related of Jehu ? \xe2\x80\x94 Athaliah ? \n\n\n\nJEHU, AMAZIAII, AND THEIR SUCCESSORS. 27 \n\nand Joash proclaimed king. This prince forsook the worship of the \ntrue God, and was assassinated by his servants, after he had reigned \nforty years. \n\n(B. C. 838.) Amaziah, his son, succeeded him on the throne of \nJudah, who brought the murderers of his father to justice. The \nbeginning of his reign promised well ; but his subsequent wickedness \ndrew upon him captivity and distress. He was slain by a conspiracy \nin the twenty-ninth year of his reign. \n\nDuring the latter part of this reign, Jeroboam II. reigned in Samaria \nHe was the cause of great troubles to his subjects ; but afterwards he \nrestored the kingdom of Israel to its former splendour. (B. C. 772.) \nHe reigned forty-one years, and was succeeded by his son Zechariah, \nwho was treacherously slain by Shall um, after a reign of six months. \nFrom this time, the history of Israel is replete with treasons, murders, \nand anarchy. Tiglath Pileser king of Assyria, in the reign of Pekah, \noverran the country beyond Jordan, and carried many of the inhabitants \ncaptive into his own kingdom. \n\nWhile Israel was thus languishing under cruel tyrants, Uzziah, son \nof Amaziah, sat on the throne of Judah. He raised his kingdom to \naffluence and prosperity, and made several successful expeditions. \nThis prince, presuming to usurp the priest\'s office, was struck with a \nleprosy, which proved fatal to him. He was succeeded by Jotham, \nhis son, who was eminent for his virtue, for his pious zeal in beautify- \ning the temple, and for repairing the walls of Jerusalem. He died in \nthe sixteenth year of his reign. \n\nAhaz succeeded Jotham, his father, on the throne of Judah. By his \nimpieties he drew upon his country an invasion by the allied armies of \nIsrael and Syria. The Israelites slew one hundred and twenty thou- \nsand of the troops of Judah, and took two hundred thousand prisoners. \nThey were met by the prophet Obed, who persuaded the Israelites to \nrelease their captives. The reign of Ahaz was a scene of vices, im- \npieties, and misfortunes. \n\nPekah, king of Israel, was despatched through the treachery of Ho- \nshea, who usurped the authority. In the ninth year of his reign, he \nwas taken captive by Shalmanezer, king of Assyria, and carried, toge- \nther with the ten tribes, into Media. (B. C. 721.) He was the last \nking of Israel. \n\nHezekiah had succeeded his father Ahaz on the throne of Judah. \nThis prince esteemed the worship of God of the greatest importance. \nHe assembled the priests and Levites, proclaimed a passover, and in- \nvited to the temple all the worshippers of the true God. In the four- \nteenth year of his reign, Sennacherib, king of Assyria, invaded Judah \nwith a mighty army, defying the God of Israel, and sent troops under \nthe command of Tartan, Rabsaris, and Rabshakeh, to destroy Jerusalem. \nBut the angel of God cut off in one night an hundred and eighty-five \n\nJoash? \xe2\x80\x94 Mention the events of the reigns of Amaziah. \xe2\x80\x94 Jeroboam [I. \xe2\x80\x94 Za- \nchariah. \xe2\x80\x94 What is recorded of Uzziah ? \xe2\x80\x94 Jotham ? \xe2\x80\x94 Ahaz ? \xe2\x80\x94 What victory did \nthe Israelites gain over Judah? \xe2\x80\x94 What, befel the Assyrian army in the davsof \nHezekiah ? \n\n\n\n28 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. \n\nthousand Assyrians ; and their generals marched back to their own land. \nAfter this Hezekiah was dangerously ill ; and Isaiah was commission- \ned to declare that his disease would prove fatal. The king implored \nthat his life might be prolonged : the Almighty granted his request ; \nand as a token of his life, the shadow of the sun went back ten degrees. \nHe died in the twenty-ninth year of his reign. \n\n(B. C. 698.) Manasseh then ascended the throne, and as a punish- \nment for his diabolical sacrilege, profaneness, and barbarous cruelty, \nhis country was laid waste, and himself led captive to Babylon. He \nthere humbled himself on account of his vices, and was afterwards \nrestored to his kingdom ; when he became as remarkable for his vir- \ntues, as he had been for his vices. (B. C. 643.) Amon, his son, suc- \nceeded, who imitated his father only in his wickedness. He perished \nby a conspiracy in the second year of his reign. \n\nJosiah (B. C. 633,) ascended the throne at the age of eight years, \nand his long reign was a series of piety and benevolence. He sup- \npressed idolatry, beautified the temple, and restored its worship to its \nancient splendour. He lost his life in attempting to hinder ths Egyp- \ntians passing through Judea. \n\nJehoahaz then assumed the government; but after enjoying the dig- \nnity three months, he was deposed by the Egyptian king, who trans- \nferred the crown to Jehoiakim, and imposed a heavy tribute on the land. \nHe paid this tribute for three years, and then revolted. Nebuchadnez- \nzar, king of Assyria, overran the whole country, slew the king, and \npillaged the temple of its most valuable vessels, which he carried to \nBabylon. \n\n(B. C. 599.) Jehoiachin succeeded him in his throne and in his vices. \nAfter reigning three months, he, together with his court, was carried \ncaptive to Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar then appointed Zedekiah, the \nlate king\'s uncle, to be king, on condition of his paying a certain tri- \nbute. Having observed the oath for eight years, he revolted, Jerusa- \nlem was taken, and Zedekiah had his eyes put out, and was led captive \nto Babylon. The city and temple were pillaged, and the most stately \nedifices burnt to the ground; and the inhabitants were led in triumph \nto Babylon. Thus the kingdom of Israel was destroyed, after it had \nstood three hundred and eighty-eight years from the revolt of the ten \ntribes, and one hundred and thirty-four from the destruction of Samaria. \n\nThe Jews continued in slavery seventy years, (B. C. 536,) when, as \nhad been predicted by Isaiah, Cyrus allowed them to return to the land \nof their nativity, and to rebuild Jerusalem and the temple of God. The \nnumber of those that returned was forty-two thousand four hundred and \nsixty-two. But the Cutheans, who had been planted in Samaria, when \nthe ten tribes were carried into captivity, succeeded in hindering the \nbuilding for some years. But under the reign of Darius, (B. C. 518,) \nZorobabel obtained the royal consent, the temple was rebuilt, and dedi- \ncated with great solemnity. \n\nRelate what change took place in Manasseh. \xe2\x80\x94 What king of Assyria reduced \nthe people into captivity ? \xe2\x80\x94 What befel Zedekiah ? \xe2\x80\x94 Whither were the people \nled captive ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long were the Jews in captivity ? \xe2\x80\x94 By whom and by whose \ncommand was the temple rebuilt? \n\n\n\nXERXES FAVOURS THE JEWS. 29 \n\n\n\nCHAPTER 8. \n\nXERXES FAVOURS THE JEWS \xe2\x80\x94 MACEDONIAN DOMINION IN \nJUDEA. \n\nXerxes, the son and successor of Darius, was well disposed to the \nJews. He commissioned Ezra, the priest, to return with as many of \nhis countrymen as were desirous to go. Ezra renewed the Jewish \nworship, and collected and revised the sacred books ; after him the \nking permitted Nehemiah to rebuild the walls. In the reign of Arta- \nxerxes, the consort of Esther, the Jewish nation was on the point of de- \nstruction through the baseness of Haman, an Amalekite, in favour at \nthe Persian court. But at the intercession of the queen, her country \nwas spared, and Haman was executed. \n\n(B. C. 373.) The government of Judea was then annexed to the Sy- \nrian prefecture ; and the high priests were entrusted with the adminis- \ntration of affairs. In the reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon, John, the high \npriest, quarrelled with his brother Jesus, and slew him in the temple. \nBagoses, the governor cf Syria, then polluted the temple, and imposed \na tribute on the Jews for every sacrifice that was offered. During the \npriesthood of Jaddua, Alexander the Great, having vanquished Darius, \nsent to Jerusalem to demand provision for his army at the siege of \nTyre; their refusal incurred the resentment of that prince; but the pru- \ndence of the priests, who went out of the city to meet Alexander, avert- \ned the threatened danger. \n\nAt the partition of the Macedonian empire, Ptolemy (B. C. 320,) \ninvaded Judea, took Jerusalem by treachery on the Sabbath day, and \nled great multitudes of the Jews into Egypt. Being confident of their \nfidelity, he distributed many of them into garrisons, and admitted them \nto great privileges at Alexandria. On the succession of Philadelphus \nto the throne of Egypt, he released the Jews, to the number of a hun- \ndred and twenty thousand ; and he procured a translation of their law \nfor his library. About this time died Simon, the high priest, whose \npiety and integrity procured him the surname of the Just : Eleazer, \nhis brother, then succeeded to the high priesthood. \n\nOn the succession of Ptolemy Philopater to the throne of Egypt, \nAntiochus the Great, king of Syria, endeavoured to wrest Palestine \nfrom his hands ; and after the death of Philopater, the Jews were com- \npelled to submit to Antiochus, (B. C. 204,) and at his death to his son \nSeleucus. On the death of Onias, the high priest, the Jews quarrelled \namong themselves about the succession. One of the parties fled to Se- \nleucus, who marched against Jerusalem, and having taken the city, he \npillaged the temple of its immense treasures, (B. C. 168,) he prohi- \nbited the Jews from observing the laws of their country, and the inhu- \n\nBy whom were Nehemiah and Ezra encouraged to rebuild the walls of Jerusa- \nlem, and renew the Jewish worship? \xe2\x80\x94 To what state was the Jewish government \nannexed ? \xe2\x80\x94 By what act was Alexander the Great appeased ? \xe2\x80\x94 Relate the par- \nticulars of the Ptolemies towards the Jews. \xe2\x80\x94 Who pillaged the temple and pun \nished the people ? \n\n\n\n30 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. \n\nman tyrant sacrificed those who presumed to disobey his orders. Ho \nbuilt a citadel that commanded the temple, and put into it a garrison of \nMacedonians. \n\n(B. C. 167.) At length Mattatkias, a priest of Jerusalem, with his Jive \nsons, and a few adherents, routed the generals of the tyrant, and de- \nstroyed the idols that Antiochus had set up. Judas Maccabeus, his eld- \nest son, succeeded him, and struck great terror into the enemy, and slew \ntheir generals. After gaining three successive victories, he marched \ninto Jerusalem, purified the temple, and offered the appointed sacrifices \nwith great solemnity. He rebuilt the walls of the city, and erected \nfortifications in the neighbourhood. Antiochus Eupator having suc- \nceeded his father in Syria, marched against Judas, and besieged him \nin the temple at Jerusalem. Having spent much time at the siege, \nAntiochus made a treaty with Judas, but the perfidious Syrian, contrary \nto his oath, ordered his troops to demolish the walls. He despatched \nMenelaus, the high priest, and gave the high priesthood to Alcimus. \n\nDemetrius, the successor of Antiochus, sent Bacchides and Alcimus \nagainst Judas. When they arrived in Judea, they endeavoured to take \nthe Jewish general by treachery ; but Judas, being aware of their base- \nness, eluded their intentions. Alcimus applied to the Syrian court for \nmore assistance. The king sent Nicanor, with numerous forces, who \nadvanced to Jerusalem, and threatened to pull down the temple, unless \nthey would deliver Judas to him. This heroic chief, however, attacked \nthe Syrian general, and cut both him and all his troops to pieces, so \nthat not one escaped. After this glorious victory the Jews enjoyed \npeace a short time, during which Judas contracted an alliance with the \nRomans, who had the treaty engraven in brass and deposited in the \nCapitol. \n\nWhen Demetrius was informed of the death of Nicanor, he des- \npatched Bacchides with an army into Judea. In an engagement, Judas, \nbeing deserted by many of his troops, fell fighting valiantly against \nBacchides. Jonathan succeeded his brother Judas in the command of \nthe Jewish army. (B. C. 160.) Having collected all his adherents, he \nwent into the wilderness, whither Bacchides followed them, and at- \ntacked them on their Sabbath ; but he was compelled to retire to Jeru- \nsalem, with the loss of two thousand men, and Jonathan escaped across \nthe Jordan. Bacchides fortified all the principal cities in Judea, and \nput garrisons into them who made frequent sallies on the defenceless \nJews. He then shut up the sons of the principal Jews in the citadel, \nat Jerusalem, as hostages, and afterwards returned to the king. But \nthe enemies of Jonathan again persuaded Demetrius to send Bacchides \nagainst Jonathan. Victory once more decided for the Jewish general, \nand a treaty was made between him and Bacchides. Jonathan after \nthis governed Judea, and restored peace to his country. \n\n(B. C. 153.) In the dispute between Demetrius and Alexander Ba- \nlas, the former feared lest Jonathan remembering how he had formerly \n\nWhat family of Jews arose against the Syrians ? \xe2\x80\x94 What did Judas, the heroic \nJewish chief, effect ? \xe2\x80\x94 What followed ? \xe2\x80\x94 What success had Jonathan over the \ngeneral Bacchides ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who governed Judea ? \n\n\n\nDOMINION OF THE ROMANS IN JUDEA. 31 \n\ntreated him, should join his competitor ; he therefore sought the friend- \nship of Jonathan, by permitting him to raise an army, and to receive \nback the hostages in the citadel at Jerusalem. Alexander, wishing to \noutvie his rival, conferred on Jonathan the high priesthood, and sent \nhim some rich presents. When Alexander obtained the crown of Syria, \nhe honoured Jonathan in a distinguished manner. But the Syrians re- \nvolted in favour of young Demetrius, and Apollonius, governor of Ccelo- \nSyria, marched against Jonathan, (B. C. 148,) but he was routed with \ngreat slaughter of his troops. Alexander, as a reward for his bravery, \nsent Jonathan a magnificent present, and allowed him Ekron, with its \ntoparchy, for his inheritance. After maintaining the government of the \nJews for seventeen years he was treacherously murdered by Trypho, \none of Alexander\'s generals. (B. C. 144.) \n\nSimon succeeded his brother\' Jonathan in the high priesthood ; and \nhe delivered his country from the Macedonian yoke. He also took and \ndemolished the citadel at Jerusalem. Antiochus, brother of Demetrius, \nhaving ascended the Syrian throne, sent ambassadors to Simon to make a \nleague of friendship and mutual assistance. The high priest readily ac- \ncepted their proposals, and presented Antiochus with large sums of \nmoney. (B. C. 139.) But this perfidious monarch soon after sent an army \nto ravage Judea and to seize Simon. However, his troops were defeated, \nand Simon made a league with the Romans. After Simon had been \nruler of the Jews eight years, he was treacherously assassinated by \nPtolemy, his son-in-law. The murderer also despatched two of Simon\'s \nsons, and endeavoured to take John, surnamed Hyrcanus ; but he es- \ncaped from him, and assumed his father\'s office. \n\nCHAPTER 9. \nDOMINION OF THE ROMANS IN JUDEA\xe2\x80\x94ASMONEAN DYNASTY. \n\nAntiochus then invaded Judea, and having ravaged the country, he \nbesieged Hyrcanus in Jerusalem, which he reduced to a dreadful state \nby famine. Antiochus then agreed to make peace with the Jews, on \ncondition that they should deliver up their arms, pay tribute for Joppa, \nand should give him hostages, and five hundred talents of silver. After \nthe death of Antiochus, the Jewish governor delivered his country from \nthe Syrian yoke. (B.C. .130.) He also took Samega, and the neigh- \nbouring cities, Shechem and Gerizim; and demolished a temple built \nby Sanballat. Hyrcanus also renewed the league with the Romans ; \nand he governed Judea with prudence and success for thirty years, \nduring which period Jerusalem and the temple were restored to their \nancient splendour and privileges. \n\nHe was succeeded by his eldest son, Jristobulus, who claimed sove- \nreignty, and assumed to himself the diadem. He barbarously mur- \ndered his mother and brother. He died after a short but cruel reign, \nand his brother Alexander was appointed to succeed him. Alexander \n\nWhat occurred between Jonathan and Alexander Balas ? \xe2\x80\x94 What success had \nSimon? \xe2\x80\x94With whom did he league? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did Hyrcanus govern Jerusa- \nlem? \n\n\n\n32 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. \n\nled his army to besiege Ptolemais ; but he was compelled to raise the \nsiege for fear of Ptolemy Lathyrus, and received a terrible defeat on \nthe banks of the Jordan. Alexander then turned his arms against \nCcelo-Syria; he besieged and took Gaza, and abandoned the city to the \nfury of his troops. After his return to Jerusalem he was insulted by \nhis subjects, who pelted him with citrons, as he was sacrificing upon \nthe altar. He was so enraged at their insolence that he slew about six \nthousand of the Jews. On account of his cruelties, he rendered him- \nself odious to his subjects. To reduce them to submission, he slew \nthousands of them, which exasperated them so much the more against \nhim. By his excessive debauchery, he brought on himself a disease \nwhich terminated fatally in the twenty-seventh year of his reign. \n\nAlexander left behind him two sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, the \nelder of whom was appointed high priest. (B. C. 107.) Alexandra, \nthe widow of the late -king, assumed the government; but she was \nbeset by the Pharisees, who compelled her to grant the most exorbitant \ndemands. The queen becoming dangerously ill, Aristobulus made an \nattempt at seizing the government, and immediately after Alexander\'s \ndeath, the two brothers commenced a civil war about the succession. \n(B. C. 69.) Hyrcanus was compelled to resign the regal dignity to his \nyounger brother, and to retire to his private estate. But Antipater, an \nIdumean, endeavoured to inflame the minds of the Jews against their \nnew king. He persuaded Hyrcanus to apply to Aretas, king of Ara- \nbia, who marched with an army against Aristobulus, defeated him in \na battle, and besieged him in the temple. In this extremity, Scaurus, \nthe Roman general, at the request of Aristobulus, obliged Aretas to \nraise the siege and to quit Judea. (B. C. 65.) Pompey cited the two \nbrothers to plead their cause before him at Damascus. Having heard \nthe complaints of each, he dismissed them with an assurance that when \nhe came again into their country he would settle their affairs. \n\nAristobulus, however, without waiting for the determination of \nPompey, marched into Judea. This greatly incensed the Roman gene- \nral, and he put Aristobulus into prison, and besieged Jerusalem. Pom- \npey\'s army was admitted into the city, and the party of Hyrcanus \ndelivered both the city and the king\'s palace to Pompey. The parti- \nsans of Aristobulus were closely besieged in the temple. However, \nthe priests did not desist from offering the usual sacrifices, though \nnumbers of them were slain at the altars. Twelve thousand Jews \nwere slain, and Pompey penetrated into the inmost part of the temple. \nHe restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, and then carried Aristo- \nbulus and his four children in triumph to Rome. \n\nAlexander, the son of Aristobulus, escaped from Rome, and, pass- \nng through Judea, collected numerous forces: but he was defeated in \nthe vicinage of Jerusalem, by the Romans. Gabinius, the Roman \ngeneral, divided Judea into five districts, and appointed a separate \n\nWhat was the conduct, and what w ? ere the wars of Alexander? \xe2\x80\x94 Did not Pom- \npey interfere between the brothers Hyrcanus and Aristobulus ? \xe2\x80\x94 and hi what \nmanner? \xe2\x80\x94 How did Pompey treat the Jews in Jerusalem? \xe2\x80\x94 What Roman <ii \nvided Judea into districts? \n\n\n\nASMONEAN DYNASTY. 33 \n\ncouncil for each. Thus, the Jews were delivered from a pontifical \nmonarchy, and were governed by an aristocracy. Cassius after this \npillaged the temple of its most valuable ornaments. \n\nWhen Julius Caesar had taken Rome he set Aristobulus at liberty, \nand sent him with two legions to settle the affairs of Syria. (B. C. 49.) \nBut Pompey\'s party destroyed Aristobulus by poison ; and the body, \nafter lying in state for some time, was buried in the royal sepulchre at \nJerusalem. His son, Alexander, was beheaded at Antioch by order of \nScipio. Antipater rendered Caesar considerable assistance in his war \nagainst Egypt, and was the principal cause of obtaining a glorious vic- \ntory for the Romans. At the conclusion of that war, Caesar confirmed \nHyrcanus in the high priesthood, and bestowed on Antipater the privi- \nlege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes everywhere. But \nAntigonus, son of Aristobulus, complained to Caesar of his father\'s \nfate, and implored him to restore to him the principality from which he \nhad been ejected. However, Antipater defended himself so ably, that \nhe was appointed procurator of Judea. \n\nAntipater made Phasaelus, his eldest son, governor of Jerusalem, \nand committed Galilee to Herod, his younger son, who having slain \nthe captain of a band of robbers, and also many of the banditti, was \nsummoned before the sanhedrim to answer for this unlawful act, and \nwhich the people thought was the prelude to tyranny. (B. C. 46.) \nWhen he stood before the sanhedrim with a body of his guards, Sameas \nboldly appeared as his accuser, and Hyrcanus, perceiving that Herod \nwould be condemned, adjourned the council till the next day, and He- \nrod in the mean time retired to Damascus. He afterwards marched \ntowards Jerusalem, intending to besiege the city, but he was dissuaded \nfrom his design by his father and brother. \n\nA short time after, (B. C. 44,) Malachus, a partisan of the high priest, \nhaving caused Antipater to be poisoned, usurped the government of Ju- \ndea. Herod resolved to revenge his father\'s death, and he procured \nthe assassination of Malachus. When Antony arrived at Bithynia, \nambassadors came from the Jews to accuse Phasaelus and Herod, say- \ning that Hyrcanus had indeed the appearance of governing, but that \nthese men engrossed all the power; but Antony showed so much par- \ntiality for Herod, that his accusers could not obtain a hearing, and the \ntwo brothers were created tetrarchs. \n\n(B. C. 40.) Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, having engaged the \nParthi3ns to espouse his cause, advanced into Judea, where he was \njoined by some of the Jews; and Pacorus, the Parthian general, having \nfraudulently obtained Phasaelus and Hyrcanus in his possession, cast \nthem into prison, where the high priest had his ears cut off, and Pha- \nsaelus put an end to his own existence. Herod with difficulty escaped \nwith his family and treasures to the citadel of Massada. Having sought \nin vain assistance of Malachus, king of Arabia, he fled to the Romans. \nHe informed them of his brother\'s death, and the miserable condition \nto which himself was reduced, and implored their assistance. \n\nOn whom did Caesar bestow the high priesthood ? \xe2\x80\x94 For what was Herod brought \nbefore the Sanhedrim ? \xe2\x80\x94 To whom did Antony show such partiality? \n\n\n\n34 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. \n\nThe senate appointed Herod, king of the Jews, and he returned to Ju\xc2\xab \ndea with some force to oppose Antigonus. Having recovered his fa- \nmily and treasures which he had left in Massada, Herod theniaid siege \nto Jerusalem. Nothing was effected in the city till the following \nspring, when having espoused Mariamne, the daughter of Alexandra, \nhe closely invested the city. But the Jews made a bold resistance \nagainst the united efforts of Herod and the Roman general ; till at \nlength the city was carried by storm, (B. C. 37,) three years after he \nwas invested with the regal dignity at Rome. Antigonus was led in \nchains to Rome, and was afterwards put to death by the desire of Herod. \nAnd thus terminated the government of the Asmoneans, who had held \nthe dignity a hundred and twenty-six years. \n\nCHAPTER 10. \nHEROD, KING OF THE JEWS. \xe2\x80\x94 BIRTH OF JESUS CHRIST. \n\nHerod collected all the gold and silver, and other valuables he could \nfind in Jerusalem, that he might be able to make rich presents to the \nauxiliaries. \n\nHyrcanus, the high priest, who had been detained by the Parthians, \nat the earnest solicitation of Herod, returned to Jerusalem. Herod was \ncompelled, though much against his inclination, to appoint Aristobulus, \nthe son of Mariamne, to the high-priesthood, who officiated with such \nbenignity at the ensuing feast of tabernacles, that the multitude could \nnot refrain from expressing their zeal and affection for him with joyful \nacclamations. This excited the jealousy and suspicion of Herod, and \nafter the festival, he appointed persons to hold Aristobulus under the \nwater when he was bathing, till he suffocated. \n\nAlexandra, his mother, wrote an account of this treacherous scene \nto Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, and Herod was summoned to answer to \nthe charge before Antony at Laodicea. But the presents of Herod had \ngreater influence with his judge than the imputations of Cleopatra. \n\nBefore he left Judea, Herod had privately charged his uncle Joseph, \nthat if Antony should condemn him, he should kill Mariamne, his wife, \nof whom he was passionately fond. Joseph informed her of this in- \njunction, and when Herod returned, she reproached him with it. Sa- \nlome, the king\'s sister, also told him that his uncle had held criminal \nconversation with his beloved Mariamne. He ordered Joseph to be \nexecuted, and Alexandra to be cast into prison. \n\nHerod after this made a successful expedition against the Arabians, \nand having given them a terrible overthrow, he was invested with the \ngovernment of the country. (B. C. 30.) After the defeat of Antony at \nthe battle of Actium, he first put to death Hyrcanus, the last of the \nAsmoneans, and then hasted to obtain the friendship of Caesar. But \nas he could hardly expect to be successful on account of his alliance \nwith Antony, he placed his wife and all his family in confinement, and \n\nWhat terminated the government of the Asmoneans ? \xe2\x80\x94 For what was Herod \nsummoned before Antony ? \xe2\x80\x94 What stratagems were now discovered ? \xe2\x80\x94 To whom \ndid Herod next pay his court? \n\n\n\nHEROD, KING OF THE JEWS. 35 \n\nenjoined his brother Pheroras, if he should not return, to despatch the \nwomen. _ . \n\nHe so far ingratiated himself with Csesar by his eloquence, and the \nfrankness of his mind, that he held his crown more entirely and firmly \nthan ever. Having conducted Caesar on his way to Egypt, and made \nmagnificent presents to the conqueror and his friends, Herod returned \ninto Judea. He found his domestic affairs all in disorder. Mariamne \nwas grieved that he would not allow her any hopes of surviving him, \nand received him with evident signs of dissatisfaction at his success. \nTheir mutual love was now turned into hatred, and not long after the \nill-fated Mariamne suffered death for a crime of which she was alto- \ngether ignorant. (B. C. 29.) After her execution, the king\'s affections \nfor her were rekindled with more violence than ever, and his remorse was \nso extravagant, that he would call for her as though she were alive. He \nneglected public affairs, and gave himself up to despair. \n\nWhile he was in this miserable condition, Alexandra endeavoured \nto occasion a revolt, which proved fatal to her, and to her partisans. \nHerod introduced the foreign manners, games, and standards into his \nkingdom, and this roused the indignation of his subjects, who laid \nseveral conspiracies for him. But the king used every precaution to \navert the plots. \n\nHerod sent his two sons, Alexander and Aristobulus, whom he had \nby Mariamne, to be educated at Rome ; the former of whom afterwards \nespoused Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, \nand the latter Berenice, Salome\'s daughter. Herod had also another \nson named Antipater, who, through the intrigues of Salome, became \nthe favourite of his father. This excited the jealousy of his two \nbrothers, and the breach became wider every day. At length the king \nappeared before Caesar\'s tribunal, and there accused his two sons, Alex- \nander and Aristobulus, of treason. Caesar, believing them to be inno- \ncent, endeavoured to reconcile them with their father. \n\nBut after a short time their dissensions broke out afresn, which were \ngreatly increased by the malice of their enemies. Alexander was put \ninto confinement, and soon after he wrote four several letters to his \nfather, in which he accused, as his accomplices, Pheroras, the king\'s \nbrother, Salome, and the whole court. This increased Herod\'s suspi- \ncions, and made him completely miserable, for he often fancied he saw \nhis son with a drawn sword, ready to inflict the mortal wound. How- \never, the calumnies raised against the young prince were, beyond all \nexpectation, wiped off. But the plotting malice of the courtiers soon \nalarmed Herod with fresh conspiracies. Alexander and Aristobulus, \nafter being accused of treason, were strangled, according to their father\'s \norder. (B.C. 8.) \n\nBut Herod had the mortification to find a real enemy in his other son, \nAntipater, who only wanted a fit opportunity to take off his father. A \ndispute arising between the king and Pheroras, the latter retired into \nhis own tetrarchy in disgust, and joined Antipater in the conspiracy \n\nFor what act was Herod distressed in mind? \xe2\x80\x94 Who were his sons, and whom \ndid they marry ? \xe2\x80\x94 What befel his sons, Alexander and Aristobulus? \n\n\n\n3G HISTORY OF THE JEWS. \n\nagainst his father. But at the death of Pheroras the whole was un- \nravelled, and the wretched son was condemned to death. Soon after \nthis, Herod fell into a grievous disease, of which he died. Before \nhe expired he collected all the Jewish nobility, and ordered them to be \nconfined in the hippodrome, and enjoined his sister, Salome, and her \nhusband, Alexis, that as soon as he was dead they should put them all \nto death ; for he supposed that he should thereby cast a gloom over the \nrejoicing at his death. This cruel order, however, was not fulfilled. \n(A. D. 1.) Archelaus, his son, was appointed his successor. \n\nIn the reign of Herod, Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the world, was horn \nat Bethlehem, and the Eastern Magi, being directed by a wonderful ap- \npearance in the heavens, arrived at Jerusalem, inquiring where he was \nborn. The grand sanhedrim directed them to Bethlehem. Herod \nwas greatly alarmed, and passed a most cruel edict, hoping thereby to \ninsure the destruction of his supposed rival ; but his diabolical aim was \nfrustrated. \n\nHerod named Archelaus, his son, as his successor ; but it was ne- \ncessary that the appointment should be seconded by Caesar, and he was \ncompelled to go to Rome. Antipas, another of Herod\'s sons, being \nflattered by Salome that he would have the succession, also repaired \nthither. However, the Roman arbitrator appointed Archelaus ethnarch \nof one half of his father\'s dominions, and promised to bestow upon \nhim the royal dignity, if he conducted himself worthy of that honour \nCaesar divided the other half between Philip and Antipas. \n\nCHAPTER 11. \nJUDEA UNDER ROMAN PROCURATORS. \n\nCRUCIFIXION OF JESUS CHRIST DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM, AND \n\nFINAL DISPERSION OF THE JEWS. \n\nIn the tenth year of Archelaus\'s government, the Jews, not being \nable to bear his barbarous and tyrannical usage towards them, accused \nhim to Caesar, who, after a patient investigation, banished Archelaus to \nVienne, a city of Gaul, (A. D. 6,) and taxed Judea as a Roman pro- \nvince, and it was governed by a procurator sent from Rome. One of \nthese, Pontius Pilate, (A. D. 20,) introduced Caesar\'s effigies, which \nwere upon the ensigns, into Jerusalem. The Jews earnestly solicited \nPilate to remove these images, but he ordered his soldiers to threaten \nthem with instant death if they would not depart. Multitudes of them \nlaid their necks bare, saying that they would rather suffer death, than \ntransgress their ancient laws. Pilate was deeply affected with their \nconstancy, and carried away the hated standards. \n\nJesus Christ attracted particular attention in Judea about this time, \nproving the authority of his mission by working the most wonderful \n\nWhat cruel orders did he leave at his death? \xe2\x80\x94 What most remarkable event \nnow occurred ? \xe2\x80\x94 How did Csesar apportion out the Jewish dominions ? \xe2\x80\x94 What \nchange now took place in the government ? \n\n\n\nCRUCIFIXION OF JESUS CHRIST. 37 \n\nmiracles : raising the dead, casting out evil spirits, healing the sick, \ngiving sight to the blind, speech to the dumb, and hearing to the deaf. \nHe chose for his most intimate friends twelve unlearned fishermen, and \ncommissioned them to preach salvation to a lost world. The Jews, \nthough they had long expected a Messiah, dragged Jesus before Pilate\'s \ntribunal, and obtained permission of the judge, though he pronounced \nhim innocent, to crucify him. (A. D. 33.) On the third day after his \ncrucifixion he rose from the grave, and afterwards showed himself to \nhis disciples, and commanded them to spread his gospel over the whole \neaith. \n\nOn the death of the Emperor Tiberius, Agrippa, who had been cast \ninto prison, was released from confinement, and appointed to be king \nof the tetrarchy of Philip, his deceased uncle. In the seventh year of \nhis reign, he appeared at Caesarea in a pompous manner, and having \nmade an address to the people, they cried out, " That it was the voice \nof a God, and not of a man." But the result soon proved that the \nking was mortal, for he was struck with a dreadful disease, which ter- \nminated his existence in five days. After his death, Cuspius Fadus \nwas appointed procurator. He was succeeded by Tiberius Alexander, \nand this last by Cumanus. \n\nAfter this, Claudius Felix was appointed to the government of Ju- \ndea, and under his administration the affairs of the Jews grew worse \nand worse continually, for the country was filled with robbers, murder- \ners, and impostors. To him succeeded Porcius Festus, who found Ju- \ndea so infested with robbers and impostors, that he was compelled to \nuse the most signal severity. The villages were pillaged and burnt by \nthe rabble. (A. D. 64.) Albinus, on his succession, endeavoured to \nkeep the country in peace, by destroying many of the robbers. He was \nrecalled by Nero, and Gessius Florus appointed his successor. This \nmonster seemed to delight in oppressing the unhappy Jews, till they \nwere compelled to take up arms against the Romans. \n\nRapine and murder now became common, and Florus did all in his \npower to incite them to revolt. Above three thousand were slain at \nJerusalem by the Roman troops, (A. D. 69,) twenty thousand were \nslain in Caesarea ; two thousand at Ptolemais, and two thousand five \nhundred at Askelon; and the Jews retaliated their cruelties on the Ro- \nmans, where they were able, and the whole province was a scene of in- \nexpressible calamities. Cestius, the Syrian governor, drove the Jews \ninto the capital ; but after he had besieged the city for a short time, he \nretired with some loss. The Jews then appointed Josephus, with many \nother generals, to have the command of the war, and made preparations \nfor a vigorous defence. \n\nNero, the emperor, then commissioned Vespasian to march into \nJudea to command the Roman army, who marched into Galilee, and \ntook many of the strong cities. The Zealots (A. D. 70) invited the \n\nMention the event of Christ\'s crucifixion. \xe2\x80\x94 Was not Agrippa struck with a \nfatal disease? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the state of Judea at this time ? \xe2\x80\x94 What fatal conflicts \noccurred between the Romans and the Jews? \n\n\n\n38 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. \n\nIdumeans into their city for their assistance, and massacred all who \ndared to oppose them in Jerusalem. The Idumeans having taken the \ntemple, slew with barbarous cruelty all they met, so that the city was \ndeluged with blood and putrified bodies. \n\nVespasian remained inactive in Caesarea; for he plainly saw that the \npower of the Jews greatly declined, through their intestine quarrels \nand murders. The two factions in Jerusalem were headed by John and \nSimon, who, although they endeavoured to destroy each other, yet \nunited against the Romans. Vespasian being proclaimed emperor, left \nhis son Titus with a select part of his army to destroy Jerusalem. \nAccordingly Titus closely besieged the city, which was reduced to a \ndeplorable condition, through a dreadful famine, which was followed \nby a pestilence, and from the madness of the seditious, who spared \nneither young nor old whom they suspected. \n\nHowever, they made a desperate defence against their besiegers, and \nat first had some slight advantages ; but, notwithstanding their obsti- \nnate resistance, Titus compelled them to flee into the temple, which \nsacred edifice the conqueror was desirous to save. But it was burnt to \nthe ground, while the groans of the dying echoed from the adjacent \nmountains. Titus endeavoured in vain to restrain the fury of his \ntroops, and the city was razed to the ground after a siege of six months. \n(A. D. 73.) The number of those who perished during the siege \namounted to about a million ; and the captives to almost a hundred \nthousand. The two demagogues, John and Simon, were taken before \nTitus ; the former was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, and the \nlatter reserved to grace the victor\'s triumph. \n\nThe Roman emperor imposed an annual tribute on the Jews, and \ncaused their lands to be sold for his own use. They have never been \nable to regain their ancient rights and privileges; but have wandered \nthrough all countries as outcasts and strangers ; but still expecting the \nMessiah. \n\nWhile the heart-rending tale of the miseries of this infatuated people \nis repeated, it is consolatory to reflect, that " there is hope in their \nend," they are not finally cast off; nor have they fallen beyond reco- \nvery. These broken branches will assuredly be grafted in again, and \npartake once more of the root and fatness of the olive-tree ; or, to \nexpress the same animating promise of Holy Writ, without a figure \xe2\x80\x94 \ntheir privileges will be restored, their covenant blessings renewed, and \nin a far higher sense than before, Jehovah will be their God, and they \nshall be his people. \n\nWhat caused the city to be deluged with blood ? \xe2\x80\x94 What two factions were bent \non each other\'s destruction ? \xe2\x80\x94 What Roman general headed the forces ? \xe2\x80\x94 Describe \nthe conflict that razed the city. \xe2\x80\x94 What tributes did the Roman emperors impose ? \n\xe2\x80\x94 What has been the state of the Jews since the destruction of their city ? \n\n\n\nTHE FTKENICIAN8, ETC. 39 \n\nCHAPTER 12. \nANCIENT NATIONS CONNECTED WITH THE JEWS. \n\nTHE PHOENICIANS. \n\nThe Phoenicians are supposed to have been a portion of the Ara- \nmaean race, who first settled about the Persian Gulf, and engaged them- \nselves in trade and commerce. From thence a colony removed to the \ncoast of Syria, and were named the Phoenicians. Their chief city was \nSidon, and they afterwards built Tyre, on an island close upon the \ncoast of the Mediterranean. We are indebted to them for the first \nattempts at commercial navigation, to which they were naturally led \nby the convenience of their harbours, and the excellent materials for \nship-building, with which the surrounding mountains abounded. The \nfragments of Sanconiathon are the most ancient monuments of writing \nafter the books of Moses. He was contemporary with Joshua, about \n1140, B. C, and 500 before the cities of Attica were united by Theseus. \n\nThe Phoenicians (the Canaanites of Scripture) were a commercial \npeople in the days of Abraham. In the time of the Hebrew Judges \nthey had begun to colonize. Their first settlements were Cyprus and \nRhodes ; thence they passed into Greece, Sicily, Sardinia, and Spain, \nand they even formed establishments on the western coast of Africa. \nBut their greatest colony was that of Carthage. The Sidonians car- \nried on an extensive commerce at the time of the Trojan war, and the \nTyrians bade defiance to the right of Israel, Egypt, and Babylon. \n\nThe Phoenicians appear to have made an early progress in manufac- \ntures. The glass of Sidon, the purple and fine linen of Tyre, were \nheld in high estimation, luxury flourished in this almost impregnable \nisland-city, whose merchants were princes. The Syrians trafficked \nlargely with the eastern countries ; and in return received the products \nof the latter to circulate in the west. \n\nThe circumnavigation of Africa, in the time of Nechos, king of \nEgypt, six centuries before the birth of our Saviour, if entitled to cred- \nit, was entrusted to the Phoenicians. \n\n\n\nFrom the earliest account of history, the Arabs have led the wander- \ning or nomadic life, to which the nature of their country has destined \nthem. The numerous tribes, under the government of their Sheikhs \nand Emirs, roam the desert apart; at one time in friendship, at another \nin hostility. The camel and the horse are their companions and sup- \nport. The strangers who penetrate their wilds have always been re- \ngarded as lawful prizes. We read of them under the various names of \nEdomites, Ishmaelites, Midianites, &c. \n\nWhat is the supposed origin of the Phoenicians ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was their character, \niheir trade, colonies, &c. ? \xe2\x80\x94 What their manufactories, navigation, &c. ? \xe2\x80\x94 Describe \nthe character of the Arabs, mode of life, &c. ? \n\n\n\n40 NATIONS CONNECTED WITH THE JEWS. \n\nTHE MOABITES. \n\nThe Moabitcs were the descendants of one of the daughters of Lot. \n(See Genesis.) They possessed themselves of a tract of land near the \nborders of Arabia, or Ccelo-Syria, to which they gave the name of \nMoab. Their religion was a mixture of Judaism and idolatry. It was \nthrough the plains of Moab that the Israelites were passing when \nBalak ordered Balaam to curse Israel. (B. C. 1451.) \n\nTHE AMMONITES. \n\nThe Ammonites were the descendants of Lot\'s younger daughter, and \noccupied the county bordering on Moab. They were often engaged in \nwar with the Israelites. (B. C. 1095.) We read of Nabash, one of \ntheir kings in the days of Saul, and of Hannor, the son of Nabash, \ntreating contemptuously the ambassador of king David. Though they \npractised the rite of circumcision, their chief deity was Moloch, to \nwhom they are said to have sacrificed human victims. As there is \nnow no mention of them, they are supposed to have been blended with \nthe Arabians. \n\nTHE MIDIANITES. \n\nThe Midianites were the descendants of Midian, one of the sons of \nAbraham, by his second wife Keturah. They inhabited a tract of \ncountry in Arabia-Petrea, between the Dead Sea and the Arabian Gulf. \nSome addicted themselves to traffic from place to place by caravans ; \nothers were shepherds abiding in moveable tents. The religion of the \nMidianites, though at first free from idolatry, became defiled by the \nabominations of the neighbouring nations. They are now no longer \nknown as a nation, but doubtless blended with the Arabians. \n\nTHE EDOMITES. \n\nThe Edomiles were the descendants of Esau or Edom; the elder son \nof Isaac and Rebecca, who sold his birthright to his brother Jacob. \nThe tract of country which they inhabited was situated between the \nriver Jordan and the Mediterranean, known to the heathen writers un- \nder the name of Idumea. They trafficked with the inhabitants of \nTyre and Sidon, and other parts of the Mediterranean, and by way of \nthe Red Sea. Though, like their great progenitors, they adhered to \ncircumcision and the worship of one God, yet there were blended with \nthem some idolatrous ceremonies. The Edomites and Israelites, though \nthe descendants of brothers, Esau and Jacob, were ever at enmity with \neach other. But during the Asmonean dynasty in the second centurv \nB. C, John Hyrcanus compelled them to embrace the Jewish religion, \nand they have since been blended with the conquerors. \n\nTHE AMALEKITES. \n\nThe Amalekites were descended from Amalek, the son of Esau\'s \n\nFrom whom were the Moabites descended? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was the chief deity of the \nAmmonites ? \xe2\x80\x94 From whom descended, and where their residence ? \xe2\x80\x94 VVho was \nthe father of the Midianites ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was their occupation, and where their resi \ndence? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was the progenitor of the Edomites ? \xe2\x80\x94 Where did they reside ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWith whom did they traffic ? \n\n\n\nTHE CANAANITES, THE PHILISTINES. 41 \n\nfirst-born, Eliphaz, by his concubine Timna. For power and distinc- \ntion they rank among the first of those already noticed. They were a \nwarlike people. Both Saul and David warred successfully against \nthem. But in the days of Hezekiah the prophecy of Balaam was ful- \nfilled \xe2\x80\x94 " Amalek was of the first of the nations, but his latter end shall \nbe, that he perish for ever." \n\nTHE CANAANITES. \n\nThe Canaanites occupied that portion of land apportioned to the \ntwelve tribes of Israel after their wanderings in the wilderness. The \nCanaanites are distinguished in Scripture under the names of Hittites, \nJebuzites, Amorites, Girgashites, Hivites, Perizites, and Canaanites. \nThey appear to have laboured under the curse pronounced against Ham \nand Canaan his son, who probably was a partaker of his father\'s \ndeeds. The religion of the Canaanites during the days of Abraham \nwas supposed to be pure, for they acknowledged Melchisedek, a priest \nof the most high God ; but in the days of Moses they had become gross \nidolaters. They were comprehended under a great many states, each \nstate under subjection to chiefs or kings. \n\nDuring a war of several years the greater part of the Canaanitish \ntribes was subdued ; but they were not wholly extirpated as the \nLord had commanded, for the Israelites grew weary of the war, and \nthis act was subsequently attended with fatal consequences ; the Israel- \nites being often induced to join in their impious rites and their licen- \ntious idolatry. \n\nTHE PHILISTINES. \n\nThis people was descended, at least in part, from the posterity of \nMizraim, or originally a colony from Egypt. They took possession of \nthe best part of the Land of Promise, a strip of sea coast south of the \nTyrians. In the days of Abraham they were known for the simplicity \nof their manners and the purity of their religion ; but in the times of \nthe Israelites they had imbibed all the vices of idolatrous nations. \nTheir chief object of worship was Dagon, a sea god. There was, how- \never, a pomp and magnificence in their religious ceremonies, and the \narts and sciences were in use among them as among the neighbouring \nnations. After waging war with the Israelites, they fell with them \nunder the dominion of the Assyrians and the succeeding great mo- \nnarchies, and the prophecies of Zephaniah were verified, " Gaza shall \nbe forsaken, and Askelon a desolation; they shall drive out Ashdod as \nthe noon day, and Ekron shall be rooted up. The word of the Lord is \nagainst you, O Canaan, the land of the Philistines ; I will even destroy \nthee; there shall be no inhabitant, and the sea coasts shall be dwell- \nings for shepherds and folds for flocks." \n\nFrom which of Esau\'s sons were the Amalekites descended? \xe2\x80\x94 With whom did \nthey war? \xe2\x80\x94 What portion of land did the Canaanites occupy? \xe2\x80\x94 By what namea \nwere they distinguished ? \xe2\x80\x94 What their religion ? \xe2\x80\x94 By whom were they partly \nsubdued? \xe2\x80\x94 Describe the Philistines, \xe2\x80\x94 their place of residence, \xe2\x80\x94 their descent \n- their object of worship, \xe2\x80\x94 the people with whom they made war, &c. \n\n4* \n\n\n\n( 44 ) \n\n\n\n\nANCIENT HISTORY. \n\n\n\nTHE EGYPTIANS. \n\n(45) \n\n\n\n[ 47 ] \n\n\n\nHISTORY OF THE EGYPTIANS. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER 1. \nDESCRIPTION OF EGYPT\xe2\x80\x94 ITS ARCHITECTURE. \n\nEgypt comprehended anciently, within limits of no very great ex- \ntent, a prodigious number of cities, some say 20,000, and an incredible \nnumber of inhabitants. Ancient Egypt may be divided into three parts : \n\xe2\x80\x94 Upper Egypt, or Thebais, the most southern part ; Middle Egypt, or \nHeptanomis, so called from the seven Nomi, or districts it contained ; \nLower Egypt, which included what the Greeks called Delta, and all \nthe country as far as the Red Sea, and along the Mediterranean. \n\nThebes, from whence Thebais had its name, might vie with the \nnoblest cities in the world. Its hundred gates, celebrated by Homer, \nacquired it the surname of Hecatompylos, to distinguish it from the \nother Thebes in Bceotia. In Thebes (now called Said) have been dis- \ncovered temples and palaces which are still almost entire, adorned with \ninnumerable columns and statues. \n\nOne palace especially is admired, the remains of which seem to have \nexisted to eclipse the glory of the most pompous edifices. Four walks \nextending farther than the eye can see, and bounded on each side with \nsphinxes, serve as avenues to four porticoes, whose height is amazing \nto behold. A hall which stood in this stately palace was supported by \none hundred and twenty pillars, six fathoms round, of a proportionable \nheight, intermixed with obelisks, which so many ages have not been \nable to demolish. Painting had displayed all her art and magnificence \nin this edifice. The colours themselves, which soonest feel the injuries \nof time, still preserve much of their beauty and lustre. Strabo speaks \nof a famous statue of Memnon, the remains of which he had seen. \n\nOf Middle Egypt Memphis was the capital. It was situated on the \nwest side of the Nile. Grand Cairo, which seems to have succeeded \nMemphis, was built on the other side of that river. The castle of \nCairo is one of the greatest curiosities in Egypt; and the greatest \nrarity therein is Joseph\'s well, which has two stories cut out of a rock to \na prodigious depth. The descent to the reservoir is by a staircase seven \nor eight feet broad, and so gradual as to be scarcely perceptible. The \nwater is drawn up by oxen turning a wheel by a rope to which buckets \nare fixed. \n\nHow was Egypt divided? \xe2\x80\x94 What its population, &c. ? \xe2\x80\x94 Describe its palaces \nedifices, statues, &c. \xe2\x80\x94 What curiosity is mentioned near Cairo ? \n\n\n\n48 HISTORY OF THE EGYPTIANS. \n\nEgypt seemed to place its chief glory in raising monuments for pos- \nterity. The Obelisk is a quadrangular high cone, or pyramid, termi- \nnating in a point; often covered with mystical characters, or hiero- \nglyphics. Every part of Egypt abounded with this kind of obelisks : \nthey were for the most part cut in the quarries of Upper Egypt, where \nsome are even now to be seen half-finished. The Pyramid is either a \nsolid, or a hollow body, having generally a large square base, and ter- \nminating in a point. Three of the pyramids of Egypt, near the city \nof Memphis, more famous than the rest, have been ranked among the \nseven wonders of the world. The largest, like the others, was built \non a rock having a square base, cut on the outside as so many steps, \nand decreasing gradually to the summit. The stones were of a prodi- \ngious size, thirty feet long, covered with hieroglyphics. A hundred \nthousand men were constantly employed in this work ; and ten years \nwere spent in hewing out stones, either in Arabia or Ethiopia, and \ntwenty years more in building it. \n\nThese pyramids were tombs, and there is still to be seen in the \nmiddle of the largest an empty sepulchre, cut out of one entire stone, \nthree feet deep, three broad, and a little more than six feet long. Thus \nall this expense, and toil of so many thousand men, ended in procuring \nfor a prince a little vault for his remains : which, perhaps, after all, the \npopulace would not, on account of his vices, suffer him to occupy. \nPliny calls these pyramids a foolish and useless ostentation of the \nwealth of the Egyptian kings, \xe2\x80\x94 " Re gum pecuniae otiosa ac stulta osten- \ntaiio." They differed much from the Romans, who sought to immor- \ntalize themselves by works, at once magnificent and of public utility. \n\nThe Labvrinth was still more surprising than the pyramids. It was \nbuilt near the lake Moeris, the same with Arsinoe. It was not so much \na simple palace as a magnificent pile, composed of twelve palaces, \nregularly disposed, having a communication with each other. Fifteen \nhundred rooms, interspersed with terraces, were ranged round twelve \nhalls, and discovered no outlet to the observer. There were the like \nnumber of buildings under ground, designed for the burying-places of \nthe kings, and for keeping the sacred crocodiles, which this nation, so \nwise in some respects, worshipped as gods ! In order to visit the inte- \nrior of this labyrinth, it was necessary to take the same precaution as \nAriadne made Theseus use in fighting the Minotaur in the labyrinth of \nCrete. \n\nThe Lake Moeris has been deemed the most wonderful of all the \nEgyptian structures. King Moeris, to correct the irregularities of the \nNile, caused that lake to be dug seven or eight leagues in circumfer- \nence. This lake has a communication with the Nile, by a great canal, \nfour leagues in length and fifty feet in breadth. When the Nile rose too \nhigh, the sluices were opened to draw off the water ; but when the \ninundation was low, the lake supplied the deficiency. The inundations \nof the Nile are owing to the great rains which fall in Ethiopia, from \nwhence the river flows. It begins to flow in Egypt at the summer sol- \n\nWhat is said of its obelisks and pyramids? \xe2\x80\x94 For what purpose were they \nerected ? \xe2\x80\x94 Describe the labyrinth and its use ? \xe2\x80\x94 By whom was the lake Moeris \nformed ? \n\n\n\nDESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 49 \n\n8tice, that is about the end of June, and continues rising till the end of \nSeptember, and then decreases gradually during the months of October \nand November ; after which it returns within its channel. \n\nThe overflowing of the Nile was always attended with an unusual \njoy through all Egypt, as the source of their happiness. The Egyp- \ntians generally sow in October and November as the waters subside, \nand their harvest is in March and April. \n\nAll the remains of Egyptian architecture bear evidence to the great \nwealth and resources of their rulers. Their temples and statues, their \ntombs and sarcophagi, are colossal in size and almost boundless in \nextent. The ruins still existing in Egypt strike every beholder with \namazement, by their grandeur and extent. No ancient country can \nproduce remains of equal magnitude and number. To enable our readers \nto form some conception of the size of their temples, we have inserted, \nat the commencement of this history of Egypt, a picture of the great \ntemple at Edfou, on the Nile. To form a tolerable idea of its vastness, \none must notice the comparatively diminutive proportions of the figures \nin the foreground. \n\nLower Egypt in shape resembles a triangle, or the Greek letter A \nDelta. This part is the best cultivated, the most fruitful, and the richest \nin Egypt. Its chief cities (very anciently) were Heliopolis, Heracle- \nopolis, Sais, Tanis, Canopus, Pelusium, &c. ; and in later times, Alex- \nandria, Nicopolis, &c. It was in the country of Tanis that the Israel- \nites dwelt. \n\nThere was at Sais a temple dedicated to Minerva, supposed to be the \nsame as Isis. Heliopolis, or the City of the Sun, w r as so called from \na magnificent temple dedicated to it. It was in Heliopolis that an ox, \nunder the name of Mnevis, was worshipped as a god. Cambyses, king \nof Persia, exercised his sacrilegious rage on this city, burning the \ntemples, demolishing the palaces, and destroying the most precious \nmonuments of antiquity. \n\nAlexandria, built by Alexander the Great, vied almost in magnifi- \ncence with the ancient cities of Egypt. When the Ptolemies had \nmade themselves masters of Egypt, they soon drew all the trade into \nthe kingdom, and Alexandria possessed the greatest traffic in the \nworld, till a way was discovered to India by the Cape of Good Hope. \nFor the convenience of trade, there was built near Alexandria, in the \nisle of Pharos, a tower which bore the same name. At the top of this \ntower was a fire to light such ships as sailed by night near these dan- \ngerous coasts. The famous architect Sostratus built it by order of \nPtolemy Philadelphus. It was reckoned one of the seven wonders of \nthe world. In Alexandria the arts and sciences were industriously \ncultivated. In that stately edifice called the Museum, the literati usu- \nally met, and were maintained at the public expense. The famous li- \nbrary, which was augmented considerably by Ptolemy Philadelphus \nand the munificence of kings his successors, at last contained 700,000 \nvolumes. \n\nHow was the overflowing of the Nile received ? \xe2\x80\x94 What temple was dedicated \nto Minerva ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is said of Alexandria and the Watch-tower ? \n5 \n\n\n\n50 HISTORY OF THE EGYPTIANS. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER 2. \n\nLEARNING AND SUPERSTITION OF THE EGYPTIANS \xe2\x80\x94 \nMILITARY ESTABLISHMENT. \n\nEgypt was considered by the ancients as the most renowned school \nfor wisdom and politics, and the source from which most arts and sci- \nences were derived. Greece was so sensible of this, that its most \nillustrious men, as Homer, Pythagoras and Plato, its legislators, Ly- \ncurgus, and Solon and many others, visited Egypt to complete their \nstudies. \n\nAmong the peculiar customs of Egypt, there was one by which no \nman was permitted to borrow money without pawning to the creditor \nthe body of his father, which every Egyptian embalmed with great \ncare, and kept reverentially in his house, whence it might be easily re- \nmoved. The Priests in Egypt held the second rank to kings. They \nhad great privileges and revenues. The Egyptians pretend to have \nbeen the first institutors of festivals and processions in honour of the \ngods. Different animals were sacrificed in different countries or dis- \ntricts ; but there was one common and general ceremony in all sacrifi- \nces, viz. the laying of hands upon the head of the victim, and praying \nthe gods to divert to it all the calamities which might threaten Egypt. \n\nIt is to Egypt that Pythagoras owes his favourite doctrine of his \nMetempsychosis, or transmigration of souls. Never were any people \nmore superstitious than the Egyptians : they had a great number of \ngods to different orders and degrees ; among whom two, Osiris and \nIsis, were generally adored. These were thought to be the son and \nmoon ; indeed the worship of these bodies gave rise to idolatry. Be- \nsides these, the Egyptians worshipped numerous other beasts ; as the \nox, the dog, the wolf, the hawk, the crocodile, the ibis, the cat, &c. \nOf all these, the bull Apis, called Epaphus by the Greeks, was the \nmost famous. Magnificent temples were erected to him, extraordinary \nhonours were paid to him while he lived, and still greater at his death. \nEgypt then went into a general mourning, and his obsequies were sol- \nemnized with incredible pomp. \n\nIt is evident that the golden calf set up by the Israelites was owing \nto their abode in Egypt, and in imitation of the god Apis. The Egyp- \ntians carried their folly to such an excess as to ascribe a divinity to \npulse, and roots of the gardens. It is astonishing to see a nation, \nboasting of its superiority in wisdom, thus blindly abandoning itself \nto the most gross and ridiculous superstitions. To read of animals, \nand vile insects honoured with religious worship, placed in temples, \nmantained with great care and at an extravagant expense ; to read that \nf those who murdered them were punished with death ; and that these \nanimals were embalmed, and solemnly deposited in tombs, to read that \neven leeks and onions were acknowledged as deities, are excesses, \n\nBy whom was Egypt visited ? \xe2\x80\x94 In what veneration were their priests held ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWhat were their objects of worship ? \xe2\x80\x94 What the sacred homage paid them ? \n\n\n\nMILITARY ESTABLISHMENT. 51 \n\nwhich we, at this distance, can scarcely believe, and yet they have the \nevidence of all antiquity. \n\nThe reasons given for the worship of these animals are first from \nfabulous history. It is pretended that the gods, in a rebellion made \nagainst them by men, fled into Egypt, and there concealed themselves \nunder the form of different animals ; and that this gave birth to the \nworship afterwards paid to them. The second is taken from the benefit \nthese animals procure to mankind ; oxen by their labour, sheep by \ntheir wool, &c. Philosophers, not satisfied with these reasons, have \nsupposed a third, and that it was not offered to the animals themselves, \nbut to the gods of whom they are symbols. But could that be called \na raising of the divine attributes, to direct the worshipper to seek for \ntheir image in beasts of the most vile and contemptible kinds I But \nthese philosophers themselves were not always able to ascend from \nsensible beings to their invisible author \xe2\x80\x94 the scripture tells us, that \n" while they professed themselves wise they became fools, for having \nchanged the glory of the incorruptible God, into an image, made like \nunto corruptible man, and to birds, fourfooted beasts, and creeping \nthings." \n\nIn our mention of the pyramids, we have already observed, with \nwhat magnificence sepulchres were built in Egypt: for besides their \nbeing erected as monuments to the memory of the great princes, they \nwere considered as the mansions where the body was to remain for a \nlong succession of ages. Bodies were embalmed three different ways. \nThe most costly were bestowed on persons of distinguished rank. \nMany hands were employed in the ceremony. \xe2\x80\x94 After emptying the body \nof the intestines, it was filled with perfumes and odoriferous drugs, \nmyrrh, cinnamon, and all sorts of spices. The body was afterwards \nswathed in lawn fillets, glued together with a thin gum, and then crust- \ned over with the most exquisite perfumes. These embalmed bodies are \nwhat we call mummies, brought from Egypt, and are to be seen in the \ncabinets of the curious. We find that part of these ceremonies were \nperformed in the funeral honours done to Joseph in Egypt. \n\nThe profession of arms was in great repute among the Egyptians. \nFour hundred thousand soldiers, all natives of Egypt, were kept in \ncontinual pay, and trained up to the exactest discipline. Still they \nwere not what is generally termed a warlike people. Egypt loved \npeace, and soldiers were maintained chiefly for security. The Egyp- \ntians extended their reputation more by colonizing than by conquest : \nstill Egypt has given birth to illustrious conquerors, which will be duly \nnoticed. \n\nThe first libraries were in Egypt, and the titles they bore inspired \nnumbers to enter them, and penetrate into their secrets. The Egyptians \nwere among the first to observe the course of the planets, and these \nobservations led them to regulate the year, by the course of the sun \ninto 365 days 6 hours. The overflowing of the Nile led to a know- \nledge of geometry, for the admeasurement, and adjusting the property \n\nWhat were the reasons assigned for such worship? \xe2\x80\x94 How were the bodies \nusually embalmed ? \xe2\x80\x94 Were the Egyptians a warlike people ? \n\n\n\n52 HISTORY OF THE EGYPTIANS. \n\nof the lands. What has been observed is sufficient to show the per- \nfection to which architecture, sculpture, painting, &c, had arrived in \nEgypt. Of music they entertained but a mean opinion, considering it \nas a useless and dangerous diversion, not contributing to invigorate the \noody, while its direct tendency was to enervate the mind. \n\nThere were some plants peculiar to the soil : the Papyrus is a plant \nfrom the root of which shoot out a great many triangular stalks to the \nheight of six or seven cubits. The ancients wrote at first upon palm \nleaves ; next on the inside of the bark of trees ; afterwards upon tables \ncovered with wax ; on which the characters were impressed with an \ninstrument called Stylus, sharp-pointed at one end to write with, and \nflat at the other to efface, if needful, what had been written. At last \nthe use of paper was introduced, and this was made of the bark of Pa- \npyrus, divided into thin flakes or leaves. \n\nBut the great and matchless wealth of Egypt arose from its corn, of \nwhich we read so early as the days of Joseph\'s administration. In \nlater ages, it was the resource and the most certain granary of Rome \nand Constantinople. \n\nCHAPTER 3. \n\nOF THE KINGS OF EGYPT \n\nNo part of ancient history is more obscure or uncertain than that of \nthe first kings of Egypt. This proud nation thought it glorious to lose \nitself in an abyss of infinite ages. According to its own historians, \nfirst gods, and afterwards demi-gods, or heroes, governed successively \nthrough a series of many thousand years ; but the absurdity of this \nfabulous claim may be easily discovered. The most effectual way to \neconcile such contradictions, is to suppose, with almost all modern \nwriters upon this subject, that the kings of the different dynasties did \nnot reign successively, but many of them at the same time, and in diffe- \nrent countries of Egypt. There were four principal dynasties : that of \nThebes, of Thin, of Memphis, and of Tanis. \n\nThe ancient history of Egypt comprehends 2158 years, and is divi- \nded into three periods. The first begins with the establishment of the \nEgyptian monarchy, by Menes or Misraim, the son of Cham (or Ham), \nin\xc2\xb0the year of the world 1816, and ends with the destruction of the \nmonarchy by Cambyses, king of Persia, in the year of the world 3479. \nThis first period contains 1663 years. \n\nThe second period is intermixed with the Persian and Grecian history, \nextended to the death of Alexander the Great, which happened in the \nyear 3681, and consequently includes 202 years. \n\nThe third period commences with the Ptolemies, and ends with Cle- \nopatra in 3974, and includes a space of 293 years. \n\nMenes. \xe2\x80\x94 Historians are unanimously agreed that Menes was the first \nKing of Egypt; and it is supposed, not without foundation, that he is \nthe same with Misraim. the son of Ham. Ham was the second son \n\n\n\nWhat studies were they led to pursue ? \xe2\x80\x94 What plants were peculiar to Egypt? \n- Mention the dynasties of Egypt \xe2\x80\x94 How is Egypt divided ? \xe2\x80\x94 What its periods ! \n\n\n\nTHE KINGS OF EGYPT. 53 \n\nof Noah, and after the dispersion from the tower of Babel he returned \nto Africa, and it was doubtless he who was afterwards worshipped as a \ngod, under the name of Jupiter Ammon. Ham had four sons, Chus, \nMisraim, Phut, and Canaan. Chus settled in Ethiopia, Misraim in \nEgypt- Phut possessed that part of Africa that lies westward of Egypt ; \nand Canaan of the country which has since borne his name. Menes, \nor Misraim, was the instructor in the worship of the gods, and in the \nceremonies of the sacrifices. \n\nBusiris some ages after him built the famous city of Thebes, and \nmade it the seat of empire. This prince is not to be confounded with \nBusiris, so infamous for his cruelties. Osymandias, according to Dio- \ndorus, raised many magnificent edifices, one of which was adorned with \nsculptures and paintings of exquisite beauty, representing his expedi- \ntion against the Badrians, a people of Asia, with an immense army. \nNot far from hence was seen a magnificent library, the oldest men- \ntioned in history ; and near it were statues representing all the Egyptiar \ngods. His Mausoleum discovered an uncommon magnificence. It was \nencompassed with a circle of gold, a cubit in breadth, and 365 cubits in \ncircumference ; each of which showed the rising and setting of the sun, \nmoon, and the rest of the planets. \n\nUchoreus, one of the successors of Osymandias, built the city of \nMemphis near the point of the Delta, which the Nile divides into sepa- \nrate branches. This city being so advantageously situated, and strongly \nfortified, became almost the key of the Nile, and commanded the whole \ncountry. It was afterwards chosen as the usual residence of the Egyp- \ntian kings. It kept possession of that honour till it was rivalled by \nAlexandria. Moeris made the famous lake to which he gave his name. \n\nEgypt had long been governed by its native princes, when strangers, \ncalled shepherd kings, from Arabia or Phoenicia, invaded and seized a \ngreat part of Lower Egypt, A. M. 1920, but Upper Egypt remained un- \nconquered ; and the kingdom of Thebes existed till the reign of Sesos- \ntris. These foreign princes governed about 260 years. Under one of \nthose princes, called Pharaoh in Scripture, Abraham arrived there with \nhis wife Sarah,* A. M. 2084, who was exposed to great hazard on ac- \ncount of her beauty. Thetmosis or Amosis, A. M. 2179, having expelled \nthe shepherd kings, reigned in Lower Egypt. Long after his reign \nJoseph was brought a slave into Egypt by some Ishmaelitish mer- \nchants, A. M. 2276, and A. M. 2298 Jacob went with his whole family \nand settled there.f \n\n* Genesis xii. 10. 20. \n\nfExod. i. 8. Father Fournemine makes Sesostris, of whom we shall soon speak, the \nPharaoh who raised the persecution against the Israelites, and who employed only \nforeigners on his Egyptian works ; and, if so, we may place the memorable event of the \npassage over the Red Sea under his son Pheron, and the characteristic impiety ascribed \nto him by Herodotus strengthens the probability. \n\nDiodorus, speaking of the Red Sea, says a tradition has been transmitted through the \nwhole nation, from father to son, for many ages, that once an extraordinary ebb dried \nup the sea so that its bottom was seen ; and that soon after a violent flow brought back \nthe waters to their former channel. It is evident that the miraculous passage of Moses \nand the Israelites must be here referred to. \n\nWho are supposed to be its first kings ? \xe2\x80\x94 Describe the Mausoleum of Osyman- \ndias. \xe2\x80\x94 Who reigned in the days of Abraham and Joseph ? \n\n5* \n\n\n\n54 HISTORY OF THE EGYTTIANS. \n\nBarneses Miamum, according to Archbishop Usher, was the name of \nthe king who is called Pharaoh in Scripture. He oppressed the Israel- \nites in a most grievous manner. This king had two sons, Amenophis \nand Busiris. Amenophis, the eldest, succeeded him A. M. 2494. He \nwas the Pharaoh, under whose reign the Israelites departed out of \nEgypt, and who was drowned in his passage through the Red Sea. \n\nAccording to Usher, Amenophis left two sons, one called Scsosthis \nor Sesostris, and the other Jirmais. The Greeks call him Belus, and his \ntwo sons Egyptus and Danaus. Scsostris was not only one of the most \npowerful kings of Egypt, but one of the greatest crmquerors that anti- \nquity boasts of. iElian remarks that Sesostris was taught by Mercury, \nwho instructed him in politics and the art of government. This mer- \ncury is he whom the Greeks call Trismegistus, i. e. thrice great. Egypt, \nhis native country, owes to him the invention or improvement of almost \nevery art. Sesostris fought successfully, first against the Arabians, \nand then against the Libyans, A. M. 2513. He formed no less a design \nthan the conquest of the world. But before he left his kingdom, he \nprovided for its domestic security. He began his expedition by invading \nEthiopia, and making it tributary by an annual remittance of ebony, \nivory, and gold. He next overran Asia, and pierced farther into India \nthan Hercules or Bacchus, and, in after times, than Alexander himself \nhad ever done, for he subdued the country beyond the Ganges, and ad- \nvanced as far as the ocean. The Scythians, as far as the river Tanais, \nArmenia, and Cappadocia, were conquered. He left a colony in the \nancient city of Colchis, situated east of the Black sea, where the \nEgyptian customs and manners have been ever since retained. Hero- \ndotus saw in Asia Minor, from one sea to another, monuments of his \nvictories. In several countries we read, engraven on pillars, the fol- \nlowing\' inscription: " Sesostris, King of Kings, subdued this country \nby the power of his arms." Such pillars were found even in Thrace ; \nand his empire extended from the Ganges to the Danube. But he never \nattempted to preserve his acquisitions ; and after having made wild \nhavoc, up and down the world, for nine years, he confined himself \nalmost within the limits of Egypt, and a few neighbouring provinces. \n\nHe returned, therefore, laden with the spoils of the vanquished \nnations, dragging after him a numberless multitude of captives, and \ncovered with the falsely-acquired glory of invading provinces in a hos- \ntile way, and being the wilful cause of innumerable calamities. His \nofficers and soldiers, indeed, he rewarded with a truly royal magnifi- \ncence, in proportion to their rank and merit. With regard to himself, \nhe enjoyed his repose in raising works that might contribute more to \nthe enriching of Egypt than the immortalizing of his name. An hun- \ndred famous temples, raised as monuments of gratitude to the tutelary \ngods of all the cities, were the first testimonies of his victories. He \nmade it his glory to employ only captives on these monuments of his \nconquests. Sesostris might have been considered as one of the most \nillustrious heroes of antiquity, had not the lustre of his actions been \n\nWhat is related of Sesostris? \xe2\x80\x94 of his power, \xe2\x80\x94 rf his conquests, \xe2\x80\x94 of his tem- \nples, \xe2\x80\x94 of his cruelties, &c. ? \n\n\n\nEGYPTIAN COLONIES. 55 \n\ntarnished with a fondness of his own grandeur. When he went to the \ntemple, or entered his capital, he caused the conquered princes, four \nabreast, to be harnessed to his car. Being grown blind in his old age, \nhe despatched himself, after a reign of thirty-three years, and left his \nkingdom immensely rich. \n\nCHAPTER 4. \n\nEGYPTIAN COLONIES. \n\nAbout the era in question, the Egyptians settled themselves in divers \nparts of the earth. The colony which Cecrops led out of Egypt, built \ntwelve cities, or rather towns, of which he composed the kingdom of \nAthens, A. M. 2448. Danaus, the brother of Sesostris, retired to Pe- \nloponnesus, A. M. 2530, and seized upon the kingdom of Argos, which \nhad been founded 400 years before, by Inachus. Busiris, A. M. 2533, \nbrother of Amenophis, was infamous among the ancients for his cruel- \nties. About the same time, A. M. 2549, Cadmus brought\' from Syria \nor Phoenicia, into Greece, the invention of letters. Only sixteen let- \nters are ascribed to Cadmus, eight others being added afterwards. \n\nPheron, A. M. 2547, succeeded Sesostris in his kingdom \xe2\x80\x94 but not \nin his conquests. In A. M. 2G00, succeeded Proteus. He was of \nMemphis, where his temple was still standing in the time of Herodo- \ntus. The temple was dedicated to Venus, the stranger; and it is con- \njectured that this Venus was Helen : for, in the reign of this monarch, \nParis, the Trojan, returning home with Helen, whom he had stolen, \nwas driven by a storm into the mouth of the Nile, and from thence \nconducted to Proteus at Memphis, who reproached him with his per- \nfidy and guilt. He detained Helen, with all her riches, and ordered \nParis to quit his kingdom in three days. The king\'s order was obeyed, \nand Paris pursued his voyage. The ten years\' siege of Troy and its \nfall was the consequence. Menelaus, on his return from Troy, called \nat the court of king Proteus, who restored him Helen with all her \ntreasures. \n\nRhampsinitus is said to have been richer than any of his predeces- \nsors \xe2\x80\x94 Cheops and Cepkrenus, brothers, seemed to strive which should \ndistinguish himself most by impiety to the gods, and barbarous inhu- \nmanity to man. Mycerinus was the son of Cheops, but of a character \nopposite to that of his father. He again opened the temples of the \ngods, restored the sacrifices, and made his subjects enjoy the blessings \nof an equitable administration, so that Egypt resounded with his \npraises. Asychis enacted the law relating to loans, which forbade a \nson to borrow money without giving the dead body of his father, by \nway of security. \n\nIf we suppose the six preceding reigns to have continued 170 years, \n(for the duration of some is not fixed by Herodotus,) there will remain \nan interval of nearly 300 years, to the reign of Sabacus, the Ethiopian. \nIn this interval may be placed a few circumstances related in Holy \nScripture. Pharaoh, (A. M. 2991,) gave his daughter in marriage to \n\nWhat settlements and colonies were formed ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is said of Pheron and \nProteus ? \xe2\x80\x94 What of Rhampsinitus, Cephrenus, &c. ? \n\n\n\nf)G HISTORY OF THE EGYPTIANS. \n\nSolomon, king of Israel. After him reigned Sosach, or Shishak, other \nwise called Sasonchis. It was to him, (A. M. 3026,) that Jeroboam fled, \nto avoid the wrath of Solomon. He abode in Egypt till Solomon\'s \ndeath ; and then returning, he put himself at the head of the ten tribes, \nover whom he declared himself king. \n\nThis Sosach, in the fifth year of the reign of Rehoboam, marched \nagainst Jerusalem and plundered its treasures. Zerah, king of Ethio- \npia, and doubtless of Egypt also, made war upon Asa, king of Judah, \n(A. M. 3063.) Asa marched against him in full reliance on the God \nwhom he served, " Lord," said he, " it is nothing for thee to help, \nwhether with many, or with them that have no power. Help us, O \nGod, for we rest on thee, and in thy name we go against this multitude," \n&c. The prayer of faith was heard, God struck the Ethiopians with \nterror ; they fled, and "were destroyed before the Lord and before his \nhost." (2 Chron. xiv. 9 \xe2\x80\x94 13.) Any sis was blind, and under his reign \nSabachus, king of Ethiopia, being encouraged by an oracle, entered \nEgypt with a numerous army, and possessed himself of the throne. \nHe reigned fifty years with great clemency and justice. Sethon reigned \nfourteen years. He is the same with Sevechus, the son of Sabachon, or \nSaul. \n\nTill the reign of Sethon, the Egyptian priests computed 341 genera- \ntions of men, which make 11,340 years, allowing three generations to \n100 years. Such was the folly of the Egyptians, to lose themselves \nin a remote antiquity, to which no other people pretended. Thraca, \n(A. M. 3199,) joined Sethon with an Ethiopian army, to relieve Jerusa- \nlem. He succeeded Sethon, and was the last Ethiopian king who \nreigned in Egypt. After his death, the Egyptians, not being able to \nagree about the succession, were two years in a state of anarchy. At \nlast, twelve of the principal noblemen, conspiring together, seized the \nkingdom, and divided it into so many parts. \n\nPsammetichus, (A. M. 3334,) was one of the twelve \xe2\x80\x94 and he, by \nthe aid of some Grecian soldiers, Carians and Ionians, that had been \ncast upon Egypt by a storm, defeated the eleven kings, and remained \nsole possessor of Egypt. As soon as he was settled on the throne he \nengaged in a war against the king of Assyria, to settle the limits of the \ntwo empires. Psammetichus died in the 24th year of Josias, king of \nJudah, and was succeeded by his son Nechao, (A. M. 3388.) \n\nNechao is often called in Scripture Pharaoh-Necho. He attempted \nto join the Nile to the Red Sea by a canal. They are separated by the \ndistance of at least 118 English miles. After 120,000 workmen had \nlost their lives in this attempt, Nechao was obliged to desist. The \noracle having been consulted, answered that it would open a passage \nto the barbarians to invade Egypt. He was more successful in another \nenterprise. Skilful Phoenician mariners, whom he had taken into his \nservice, having sailed out of the Red Sea to discover the coasts of Af- \nrica, went successfully round them ; and the third year after their set- \nting out, returned to Egypt, through the Straits of Gibraltar. This was \n\nWhat reference is made to the Scripture history ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the prayer of Asa, \nking of Judah ? \xe2\x80\x94 Did the Egyptians boast of their antiquity? \xe2\x80\x94 What is related \nof Psammetichus ? \xe2\x80\x94 What adventure is related of Pharaoh Necho ? \n\n\n\nNECHAO, FSAMMIS, APRIL\'S. 57 \n\nan extraordinary voyage, in an age when the compass was not known. \nIt was made twenty-one centuries before Vasco de Ga?na, a Portuguese \ndiscovered a way to India by the Cape of Good Hope, in A. D. 1497. \n\nCHAPTER 5. \nNECHAO, PSAMMTS, APRIES \xe2\x80\x94 CONQUEST OF EGYPT. \n\nThe Babylonians and Medes having destroyed Nineveh, and with it \nthe empire of the Assyrians, Nechao became alarmed, and advanced to \nthe head of the Euphrates, with a powerful force, in order to check \ntheir progress. Josiah, king of Judah, so famous for his piety, observ- \ning that he took his route through Judea, resolved to oppose his pas- \nsage, in which he was not only overthrown by him, but received a \nwound, of which he died on his return to Jerusalem. (2 Kings xxiii. \n29, 30. 2 Chron. xxxv. 20 \xe2\x80\x94 25.) Nechao continued his march to- \nwards the Euphrates ; defeated the Babylonians ; took the city of Car- \nchemisk, and returned to Egypt. Being informed in his march home- \nward that Jehoahaz had caused himself to be proclaimed king of Jeru- \nsalem, without first asking his consent, he sent him prisoner to Egypt, \nwhere he died ; Nechao gave the sceptre to Eliakim, (called by him \nJehoiakim,) another of Josiah\'s sons : and imposed an annual tribute \non the land of an hundred talents of silver, and one talent of gold. \n\nNabopolasser, king of Babylon, perceiving his years and infirmities \nincrease, associated his son, Nabuchodonosor, or Nebuchadnezzar, \nwith him in the empire. This young prince vanquished the army of \nNechao, near the river Euphrates; and reduced the revolted provinces \nto their allegiance, as Jeremiah had foretold. Nechao dying after a \nreign of sixteen years, left the kingdom to his son Psammis, (A. M. 3404.) \nThe reign of Psammis was but six years. He was succeeded by JLprics, \nwho, in Scripture, is called Pharaoh Ilophrah, (A. M. 3410,) and reign- \ned twenty-five years. During the first years of his reign, he was vic- \ntorious at Cyprus and at Sidon ; and made himself master of all Phoe- \nnicia and Palestine. Such a rapid success so elated his heart, that he \nboasted it was not in the power of the gods themselves to dethrone him. \nBut the true God, offended at such presumption, expressed his mind to \nEzekiel as follows : \xe2\x80\x94 " Son of man, set thy face against Pharaoh, king \nof Egypt, and prophesy. Thus saith the Lord God, behold, I am \nagainst thee, Pharaoh, the great dragon that lieth in the midst of his \nrivers ; which hath said, \' my river is mine own, and I have made it for \nmyself;\' but I will put hooks in thy jaws," &c. These and other pre- \ndictions were fully verified in the calamities with which Egypt was \nsoon to be overwhelmed. \n\nThe king of Babylon, taking advantage of the intestine divisions, \nwhich the rebellion of Amasis had occasioned in that kingdom, march- \ned thither at the head of his army. He subdued Egypt from Migdol \nto Magdol, and made so horrible a devastation wherever he came, that \nthe damage could not be repaired in forty years. Nebuchadnezzar \nhaving loaded his army with spoils, and conquered the whole kingdom, \n\nHow did Necho treat the kings of Judah ? \xe2\x80\x94 What prophecy of Ezekiel was ful- \nfilled ? \xe2\x80\x94 Did Nebuchadnezzar make a conquest of Egypt \' \n\n\n\n58 HISTORY OF THE EGYPTIANS. \n\nleft Amasis as his viceroy, and returned to Babylon. Apries (Pharaoh \nHophrah) hired an army to oppose Amasis, but being overcome, he was \ncarried to Sais, and strangled in his own palace. \n\nThe prophet had foretold that, during forty years, the Egyptians \nshould be visited with great calamities, and then there should be no \nmore princes of the land of Egypt. The event was verified; for, at \nthe termination of that period, the Persians possessed themselves of \nEgypt, and it was made a province of the Persian empire, and has \nbeen governed ever since by foreigners. For since the ruin of the Per- \nsian monarchy, it has been snbject successively to the Macedonians, \nthe Romans, the Saracens, the Mamelukes ; and lastly, to the Turks, \nwho possess it to this day. \n\nAfter the death of Apries, Amasis became peaceable possessor of \nEgypt, and reigned forty years over it; he was, according to Plato, a \nnative of the city of Sais. He built many magnificent temples. He- \nrodotus admired a chapel at Sais, formed of one single stone, twenty- \none cubits* in front, fourteen in depth, and eight in length. It had \nbeen brought from Elephantina, and 2,000 men were employed three \nyears in conveying it along the Nile. Amasis had a great esteem for \nthe Greeks. He granted them large privileges, and permitted such of \nthem as were desirous of settling in Egypt to live in the city of Nau- \ncratis, so famous for its harbour. He is the only king who conquered \nthe island of Cyprus, and made it tributary. Under his reign Pytha- \ngoras came into Egypt, was initiated into the mysteries of the coun- \ntry, and instructed by the priests in whatever was most abstruse and \nimportant in their religion. It was here he imbibed his doctrine of the \nMetempsychosis, or transmigration of souls. \n\nIn the expedition in which Cyrus conquered so great a part of the \nworld, Egypt, doubtless, was subdued like the rest of the provinces, \nand Xenophon declares this in the beginning of his Cyropaedia. Pro- \nbably, after the forty years of desolation, which had been prophesied \nby the prophet, were expired, Egypt, beginning gradually to recover \nitself, shook off the yoke, and recovered its liberty. Accordingly, we \nfind that Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, on his ascending the throne, car- \nried his arms into Egypt. On his arrival there, Amasis was just dead, \nand was succeeded by his sOn, Psammcnitus. (A. M. 3479.) Camby- \nses, having gained a battle, pursued the enemy to Memphis, besieged \nand took the city. However, he treated the king with clemency, and \nassigned him an honourable pension ; but being informed that he was \nsecretly concerting measures to reascend the throne, he put him to \ndeath. Psammenitus reigned but six months, and all Egypt submitted \nto the victor. \n\nFrom this era the history of this nation will be blended with that of \nthe Persians and Greeks, till the death of Alexander. At that period a \nnew monarchy arose in Egypt, founded by Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, \nwhich continued till Cleopatra, or about three hundred years. \n* The cubit is nearly twenty-two inches. \n\nTo whom were the Egyptians successively subject ? \xe2\x80\x94 What temple was built by \nAmasis? \xe2\x80\x94 What resulted from the expedition of Cyrus ? \xe2\x80\x94 With what histories \nwill that of Egypt be henceforward blended ? \n\n\n\n( 60 ) \n\n\n\n\nANCIENT HISTORY. \n\n\n\nTHE CARTHAGINIANS. \n\n(61) \n\n\n\n63 ] \n\n\n\nHISTORY OF THE CARTHAGINIANS. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER 1. \n\nORIGIN OF THE CARTHAGINIANS \xe2\x80\x94 THEIR RELIGION, GOVERN- \nMENT AND COMMERCE. \n\nThe Carthaginians were indebted to the Tyrians, not only for their \norigin, but also for their manners, language, customs, laws, religion, \nand application to commerce. They spoke the same language as the \nTyrians, and these the same as the Canaanites. If it were not the \nHebrew, it was at least a language entirely derived from it, for many \nof the characters were Hebrew. The word Pceni, from which Punic \nis derived, is the same with Phosni, or Phoenicians, because they came \noriginally from Phoenicia. This accounts for the strict union which \nalways subsisted between the Phoenicians and the Carthaginians. \n\nWhen Cambyses had resolved to make war upon the latter, the Phoe- \nnicians, who formed the chief strength of his fleet, told him plainly, that \nthey could not serve him against their countrymen ; and this declaration \nobliged that prince to lay aside his design. The Carthaginians were \nnever forgetful of the country from whence they came, and to which \nthey owed their origin. .They sent regularly every year to Tyre a ship \nfreighted with presents, as a quit-rent paid to their ancient country : \nand its tutelary gods had an annual sacrifice offered o them by the \nCarthaginians, who considered them as their protectors. They sent \nthither the first fruits of their revenues, and a tithe of the spoils taken \nfrom their enemies, as offerings for Hercules, one of the principal gods \nof Tyre and Carthage ; and when Alexander was besieging Tyre, the \nTyrians sent away their wives and children to Carthage, where they \nwere received and entertained with kindness and generosity. \n\nIt appears, from several passages in the history of Carthage, that its \ngenerals began and ended all their enterprises with the worship of the \ngods. Hamilcar, father of the great Hannibal, before he entered Spain, \noffered up a sacrifice to the gods ; and his son, treading in his steps, \nbefore he left Spain and marched against Rome, went to Cadery, to \npay the vows he had made to Hercules. This religious homage was \nnot the ambition of particular persons only, but of the whole nation. \nPolybius has transmitted to us a treaty of peace concluded by Philip, \n\nFrom whom were the Carthaginians derived, and what their language, man \nners, customs, &c. ? \xe2\x80\x94 What their attachment to the mother country ? \n\n\n\n04 HISTORY OF THE CARTHAGINIANS. \n\nson of Demetrius, king of Macedon, and the Carthaginians, in which \nthe respect and veneration of the latter for the deity, and their persua- \nsion that the gods preside over human affairs, are strongly displayed. \n\nThe Carthaginians had two deities to whom they paid particular \nworship. The first was the goddess Caslestis, called also Urania, or the \nmoon, who was invoked in great calamities. This has been supposed \nto be the same deity whom Jeremiah (Jer. vii. 18, and xliv. 17 \xe2\x80\x94 25) \ncalls the queen of heaven, and who was held in so much reverence by \nthe Jewish women, that they addressed their vows to her, burnt in- \ncense, poured out drink-offerings, and made cakes for her with their \nown hands. \n\nThe second deity adored by the Carthaginians, and in whose honour \nhuman sacrifices were offered, was Saturn, known in Scripture by the \nname of Moloch. This worship passed from Tyre to Carthage. Philo \nquotes a passage from Sanchoniathon which shows that the kings of \nTyre, in great danger, used to sacrifice their sons, to appease the anger \nof the gods ; and that one of them, by this action, procured himself \ndivers honours, and was worshipped as a god, under the name of the \nplanet Saturn. To this, doubtless, was owing the fable of Saturn\'s \ndevouring his own children. This custom prevailed long among the \nPhoenicians and Canaanites, from whom the Israelites borrowed it, \nthough forbidden expressly by heaven. At first, children were inhu- \nmanly burned, either in a fiery furnace, like those in the valley of Hin- \nnom, so often mentioned in Scripture, or in a flaming statue of Saturn. \nMothers made it a part of their religion to view the spectacle with dry \neyes, fearing lest the victims being offered with an unbecoming grace, \nshould anger the gods. \n\nThe Carthaginians retained the barbarous custom of offering human \nsacrifices to their gods till the ruin of the city ; for some time after- \nwards it was suspended from fear of their drawing upon themselves \nthe indignation and arms of Darius. It appears from Tertullian\'s \nApology, that the custom prevailed to the consulship of Tiberius, who \nhanged the sacrificing priests themselves on the trees which shaded the \ntemple. \n\n" Religion," says Plutarch, " is placed between two rocks, equally \ndangerous to man, and injurious to the Deity \xe2\x80\x94 namely, impiety and \nsuperstition. The one, from an affectation of freethinking, believes \nnothing; the other, from a blind weakness, believes all things. Im- \npiety, to rid itself of a terror which galls it, denies the very existence \nof Deity, while superstition, to lull its fears, forges false gods." \n\nThe government of Carthage was founded upon principles of con- \nsummate wisdom. Aristotle ranks this republic among those held in \nthe greatest esteem by the ancients. He remarks, that from its foun- \ndation to his time, (upwards of 500 years,) no considerable sedition \nhad disturbed the peace, nor any tyrant oppressed the liberty of Car- \nthage. The government united three different authorities ; these authori- \n\nMention what was their strong religious impression. \xe2\x80\x94 From whence originated \nthe fable of Saturn destroying his own offspring ? \xe2\x80\x94 Did the Carthaginians offer \nhuman sacrifices ? \xe2\x80\x94 What judicious remark does Plutarch make ? \n\n\n\nRESOURCES, EXTENT, ETC. OF CARTHAGE. 65 \n\nties were that of the two supreme magistrates, called Suffetes* \xe2\x80\x94 that \nof the senate, \xe2\x80\x94 and that of the people. Then, afterwards, the tribunal \nof One hundred, which had great influence on the republic. The \npower of the Suffetes was only annual, and their authority in Carthage \nanswered to that of consuls at Rome. The senate was composed of \npersons venerable for age, experience, birth, riches, or merit. When \nthe votes were unanimous, the senate decided supremely, and there lay \nno appeal from it ; but when there was a division, the power of deciding \ndevolved on the people. \n\nThe Trade of Carthage was its predominant characteristic. The \npower, the conquests, the credit and glory of the Carthaginians, all \nflowed from their trade. Situated in the centre of the Mediterranean, \nand stretching their arms both eastward and westward, the extent of \ntheir commerce embraced the known world. From Egypt they brought \nfine flax, paper, corn, and sails and cables for ships ; from the coasts \nof the Red Sea, spices, frankincense, perfumes, gold, pearls, and pre- \ncious stones. From Tyre and Phoenicia, purple and scarlet, rich stuffs, \ncostly furniture, and divers curious and artificial works. From the \nwestern world, for the commodities carried thither, they brought iron, \ntin, lead, and copper. They thus enriched themselves at the expense \nof all nations, and became for a time lords of the sea. The most con- \nsiderable personages of the city were not ashamed to trade. They \nmade settlements on the coast of Spain, and, some time after, New \nCarthage gave the Carthaginians an empire in that country almost equal \nto that which they enjoyed in Africa. \n\nCHAPTER 2. \n\nRESOURCES, EXTENT, AND EARLY HISTORY OF CARTHAGE. \n\nThe gold and silver mines found in Spain were to the Carthaginians \nan inexhaustible source of wealth, that enabled them to sustain such \nlong wars against the Romans. Polybius, as quoted by Strabo, says, \n" that in his time, upwards of 40,000 men were employed in the mines \nnear Nova Carthago, and furnished the Romans every day with 25,000 \ndrachms, or 859/. 7s. Gd. Carthage must be considered not only as a \ncommercial but also as a warlike republic. Its genius and the nature \nof its government led it to traffic, and the necessity for defending their \ncolonies, and the desire of extending the empire of commerce, led them \nto war. Their military power consisted in their alliances with kings, \nwith tributary nations, and in mercenary soldiers purchased of neigh- \nbouring states. From Numidia they drew a nimble, bold, impetuous, \nand indefatigable cavalry ; from the Balearic Isles, the most expert \nslingers in the world ; from Spain, an invincible infantry ; and from \nGreece itself, soldiers fit for all the various operations of war. \n\n* This word is derived from Sophetim, which, with the Hebrews and Phoenicians, \nsignifies judges. \n\n\n\nWhat was the mode of government in Carthage ? \xe2\x80\x94 Mention the extent and va- \nriety of the trade of Carthage. \xe2\x80\x94 From what gold mines were they enriched, and \nfrom whence did they recruit their armies ? \n\n\n\n66 H1S10RY OF THE CARTHAGINIANS. \n\nIn this manner the Carthaginians at once sent powerful forces, com- \nposed of soldiers which were the flower of all the armies in the uni- \nverse, without depopulating either their fields or cities by new levies \xe2\x80\x94 \nwithout suspending their manufactories \xe2\x80\x94 without interrupting their \ncommerce, or weakening their navy. They possessed themselves, by \nvenal blood, of provinces and kingdoms, and made other nations the \ninstruments of their grandeur and glory. But as these forces were for- \ntuitously brought together, they did not adhere by any natural, intimate, \nor necessary tie. Thus the grandeur of the Carthaginians being sus- \ntained only by foreign supports, was shaken to the foundation when \nthey were once taken away ; and the rebellions which harassed Carthage \nin its later years, ought to have taught the citizens, that no mise- \nries are comparable to those of a government which is supported by \nforeigners ; since neither zeal, security, nor obedience can be expected \nfrom them. This was not the case with the republic of Rome. As the \nRomans had neither trade nor money, they were not able to hire forces ; \nbut, then, as their resources were within themselves, they had a surer \ndependence in extreme emergencies than the Carthaginians. \n\nWith respect to the glory which results from study and knowledge, \nCarthage was not entirely deficient. The sending Massinissa, son of \na powerful king, thither for education, gives us room to believe that the \nstate was provided with an excellent school. The great Hannibal was \nnot unacquainted with polite literature. Mago, another celebrated gene- \nral, did as much honour to Carthage by his pen as by his victories. \nHe wrote twenty-eight volumes upon husbandry, which the Roman \nSenate held in such esteem, that, after the taking of Carthage, they \ngave orders to have these books translated into Latin ; and there is still \nextant a Greek version of a treatise, drawn up by Hanno, in the Punic \ntongue, relating to the voyage he made with a considerable fleet round \nAfrica. \n\nAmong the writers who have adorned Africa, the celebrated Terence \nmay be placed at their head. But though Carthage was the place of \nhis birth, he received his education in Rome, where he acquired that \npurity of style, that delicacy and elegance, which have gained him the \nadmiration of all succeeding ages. During the Punic wars he was sold \na slave to Terentius Lucanus, a Roman Senator, who, after giving him \nan excellent education, granted him his liberty, and called him, as was \nthen the custom, by his own name. Notwithstanding what has been \nsaid of the learned men of Carthage, there has been a great scarcity \nof them \xe2\x80\x94 barely furnishing three or four writers in upwards of 700 \nyears. Eloquence, Poetry, and History, seem to have been little known \namong them. \n\nIn Carthage, the study and knowledge of youth were, for the most \npart, confined to writing, arithmetic, book-keeping, and what related to \ntraffic. Accordingly, there was seldom seen among them that elegance \nof behaviour, and those sentiments of honour, which are generally the \n\nWherein did their forces differ from those of Rome? \xe2\x80\x94 What attention did they \npay to learning ? \xe2\x80\x94 Mention one of the few great men that flourished. To wha \nwas children\'s knowledge chiefly confined ? \n\n\n\nHISTORY OF CARTHAGE. 67 \n\nfruits of a liberal education in all civilized nations. Hence it was, tnat \nthe merit of the greatest men in Carthage was sullied by great failings, \nlow vices, and cruel passions. Cicero says, " the qualities of the Car- \nthaginians are craft, skill, industry, and cunning (calliditas)." Craft \nand cunning lead naturally to lying, hypocrisy, and breach of faith, and \nthis was so notorious, that to signify any remarkable dishonesty, it was \nusual to call it Punic honour ,\xe2\x80\xa2 and a knavish, deceitful mind, was em- \nphatically called Punicum ingeirium, a Carthaginian mind. \n\nThe history of the Carthaginians, from the foundation of Carthage to \nits ruin, included about 700 years, and may be divided into two parts \xe2\x80\x94 \nthe first extends to the Punic war \xe2\x80\x94 the second, to the destruction of the \nstate. Carthage in Africa, was a colony from Tyre, the most renowned \ncity for commerce in the world. Tyre had long before transplanted \nanother colony into that cotfntry, which built Utica, made famous by \nthe death of the second Cato, who for this reason is generally called \nCato Uticensis. The foundation of Carthage may be fixed about the year \nof the world 3158, when Joash was king of Judah ; 79 years before the \nbuilding of Rome, and 846 before the birth of Christ. \n\nIt is ascribed to Elisa, a Tyrian princess, better known by the name \nof Dido. Ithobal, or Ethbaal, king of Tyre, and father of the noted \nJezebel, was her great-grandfather. She married her near relation, \nAcerbas, called also Sicharbas and Sichaeus, an extremely rich prince, \nand Pygmalion, king of Tyre, was her brother. This prince having \nput Sichaeus to death, that he might possess his immense treasures, \nDido eluded the cruel avarice of her brother by withdrawing secretly, \nwith all her dead husband\'s possessions. She landed on the coast of \nAfrica, on the gulf where Utica stood,* and there settled with her fol- \nlowers, after having purchased some lands from the inhabitants of the \ncountry. Dido, welcomed by the natives of the country, was induced \nto build her city, which she named Carthada,f a name that, in the Phoe- \nnician or Hebrew tongue, signifies " new city.":j: It is said that while \nthe foundations were digging, a horse\'s head was found, which was \nthought to be a good omen ; and a presage of the future warlike genius \nof the people. \n\nThe dominions of Carthage were not long confined to Africa. The \ninhabitants extended their conquests into Europe, by invading Sardinia, \nseizing a great part of Sicily, reducing almost all Spain, and having \nsent powerful colonies everywhere, they enjoyed the empire of the seas \nfor more than six hundred years ; and formed a state which was able \nto dispute pre-eminence with the greatest empires of the world, by their \nwealth, their commerce, their numerous armies, their formidable fleets, \nand above all, by the courage and abilities of their captains. The first \n\n* Distant about fifteen miles from where Tunis now stands. \n\nt Kartha Hadath. \n\nX There is a tale, though generally exploded by the learned, that Dido put a trick \nupon the natives, by the purchase of so much land as an ox\'s hide would encompass. \nShe then cut the hide into the smallest thongs, and with them encompassed a large \ntract of ground, on which she built a citadel called Byrsa, from the hide. \n\nWhat were the usual qualities of the Carthaginians ? \xe2\x80\x94 How do you divide the \nCarthaginian history ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is related of Dido, the Tyrian princess ? \n\n\n\n68 HISTORY OF THE CARTHAGINIANS. \n\nwars of the Carthaginians were an ineffectual attempt to free them- \nselves from the annual tribute which they engaged to pay the Africans \nfor the land. They next carried their arms against the Moors and Nu- \nmidians, and won conquests from both, \xe2\x80\x94 this enabled them to shake off \nthe tribute, and also to possess themselves of a considerable part of \nAfrica. About this time there arose a dispute between Carthage and \nCyrene, on account of their respective limits. Cyrene was a powerful \ncity, situated on the Mediterranean, towards the greater Syrtis, and had \nbeen built by Battus, the Lacedaemonian. \n\nIt was agreed on each side that two young men should set out at the \nsame time from each city ; and that the place of their meeting should \nbe the common boundary of both states. The two Carthaginians (who \nwere brothers, named Philaeni) made the most haste, and their antago- \nnists, pretending that foul play had been used, and that these brothers \nhad set out before the time appointed, refused to abide by the appoint- \nment, unless the two brothers, to remove all suspicion of unfair dealing, \nwould consent to be buried alive in the place where they had met. \nThey acquiesced with the proposal ; and the Carthaginians erected on \nthat spot two altars to their memory, and paid them divine honours in \ntheir city ; and from that time the place was called " Arae Philsenorum," \n"The altars of the Philaeni," and served as the boundary of the Car- \nthaginian empire. \n\nCHAPTER 3. \n\nCOLONIES OF CARTHAGE \xe2\x80\x94 FOREIGN WARS \xe2\x80\x94 HAMILCAR \xe2\x80\x94 \nHANNIBAL. \n\nThe island of Sardinia, during their wars, supplied the Carthagini- \nans with abundance of provisions. The chief town of the southern \nand most fertile part was Caralis, (or Calaris) now Cagliari. On the \narrival of the Carthaginians, the natives withdrew to their almost inac- \ncessible mountains, from whence the enemy could not dislodge them. \nThe people of the Baleares, now called Majorca and Minorca, were \naccustomed from their infancy to handle the sling, and they furnished \nthe Carthaginians with the most expert slingers in the world, and were \nof great service to them in their battles and sieges. They flung large \nstones above a pound weight; and it is said that they could throw lead- \nen bullets with so much violence, that they would pierce even the \nstrongest helmets, shields, and cuirasses ; and were so dexterous that \nthey scarcely ever missed their aim. From this practice these islands \nwere called Baleares, and Gymnasiae by the Greeks.* \n\nThe occasion of the Carthaginians first landing in Spain was to assist \nthe inhabitants of Cadiz, who were an ancient colony of Tyre, and who \nwere invaded by the native Spaniards. These Tyrians established \n\n* Bochart derives the name of these islands from two Phoenician words. Baal-jare, or \nmaster of the art of slinging \n\nWhat the extent of the Carthage dominions ? \xe2\x80\x94 How were the boundaries of \ntheir country determined ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is said of the Balearic Isles ? \n\n\n\nHANNIBAL. 09 \n\nthere the worship of Hercules, and erected to his honour a magnificent \ntemple, which became famous in after ages. At the time that Hanni- \nbal set out for Italy, the coast of Spain, which lies on the Mediterra- \nnean, had been almost wholly subdued by them, and there they built \nCarthagena, and they were masters of the country as far as the river \nIberus, which bounded their dominions. \n\nThe wars which the Carthaginians carried on in Sicily are better au- \nthenticated. From the triangular form of Sicily, it received the name \nof Trinacria, or Triquetra. When the Carthaginians first carried their \narms into Sicily is not known, but they had already possessed some \npart of it when they entered into a treaty with the Romans, namely, the \nsame year that the kings were expelled, and consuls appointed, twenty- \neight years before Xerxes invaded Greece. Some time after the con- \nclusion of this treaty, (A. M. 3520,) the Carthaginians made an alliance \nwith Xerxes, king of Persia, by which the former were to invade, with \nall their forces, those Greeks who were settled in Sicily and Italy, \nduring which Xerxes would march in person against Greece itself. \n\nThe preparations for this war lasted three years; and Hamilcar, the \nmost experienced captain of the age, sailed from Carthage with his for- \nmidable army, landed at Palermo, and marched against Himera. Ge- \nlon, an able warrior, made a very vigorous defence ; Hamilcar was \nkilled, and his ships were fired ; a dreadful slaughter ensued, and the \nCarthaginians were compelled to surrender at discretion. This battle \nwas fought the very day of the famous action of Thermopylae, in which \nthree hundred Spartans, with the sacrifice of their lives, disputed \nXerxes\' entrance into Greece. When the news of this disaster was \nbrought to Carthage, consternation, grief, and despair, threw the whole \ncity into confusion. \n\nThe conduct of a second war was committed to Hannibal, who had \nbeen invested with the highest dignities of the state \xe2\x80\x94 being one of the \nSuffetes. He was grandson to Hamilcar, who had been defeated by \nGelon, and killed before Himera. In his boyhood his father had m?de \nhim repair to the temple of Jupiter and swear eternal enmity to the Ro- \nmans. (See engraving at the commencement of the History of the \nCarthaginians.) In this expedition he was successful, and the victor \nexercised the most horrid cruelties without showing regard either to \nage or sex. When Hannibal returned to Carthage, the whole city came \nout to meet him with the most joyful acclamations. \n\nThree years after, they appointed Hannibal their general, a second \ntime ; and on his pleading his great age, and refusing the command of \nthe war, they gave him for lieutenant, Imilcon, son of Hanno, if the \nsame family. The number of their forces, according to Timaeus, \namounted to above 120,000 men. Agrigentum, a prodigiously rich \ncity, first felt the fury of the enemy. It was situated on the coast that \nfaces Africa. Hannibal opened the campaign with the siege of this \ncity. The besieged, who at first had gained several advantages, were \n\nHow came the Carthaginians to land in Spain ? \xe2\x80\x94 Why was Sicily called Trina- \ncria ? \xe2\x80\x94 What event threw Carthage in confusion ? \xe2\x80\x94 Was Hannibal successful ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nHow was he received on his return ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was his success at Agrigentum ? \n\n\n\n70 HISTORY OF THE CARTHAGINIANS. \n\nat last so pressed by famine, that they were compelled to abandon the \ncity ; and never was a more melancholy spectacle seen. The unhappy \nexiles arrived at Gela, the nearest city, and there received all the com- \nforts they could expect in their deplorable condition. In the mean time \nImilcon entered the city. The plunder was immensely rich. A num- \nberless multitude of pictures, vases, and statues of all kinds, were found \nhere ; the citizens having an exquisite taste for the polite arts. \n\nHe afterwards besieged Gela, and took it, notwithstanding the suc- \ncours which were brought by Dionysius the tyrant, who had seized \nupon the government of Syracuse. Imilcon ended the war by a treaty \nwith Dionysius, which secured to the Carthaginians the conquests they \nhad gained, and left the Syracusans still subject to Dionysius, who \nconcluded this peace to establish his new authority, and to enable him \nto gain resources for carrying on the war successfully. \n\nDionysius opened the campaign with the siege of Motya, which was \nthe magazine of the Carthaginians in Sicily, and which, after a vigor- \nous defence, was taken by storm; but it was retaken by Imilcon the \nfollowing year. His army, however, was so greatly reduced by the \nplague, that he sent to Dionysius, during a suspension of hostilities, \nfor leave to carry back with him the remains of his shattered army. \nBeing arrived in Carthage, which he found overwhelmed with grief and \ndespair, he entered his house, shut his door against the citizens, and \nthen gave himself the fatal stroke, to which the heathen falsely gave \nthe name of courage, though, in reality, it is no other than a cowardly \ndespair. \n\nBut the calamities of this unhappy state did not stop here ; for the \nAfricans rose, and, after seizing upon Tunis, marched directly to Car- \nthage, to the number of more than 200,000 men. Happily for the Car- \nthaginians, this numerous army had no leader, no provisions or military \nengines, no discipline or subordination. Divisions, therefore, arising \nin this rabble of an army, and the famine increasing daily, the indivi- \nduals withdrew to their respective homes, and delivered Carthage from \na dreadful storm. Notwithstanding their late disasters, the Carthagi- \nnians continued their enterprises on Sicily. Mago, their general, and \none of the SufFetes, lost a great battle and his life. After an interval \nof peace, Mago, the son of him who had been lately killed, gave battle \nto Dionysius, and obtained a victory, which put them in possession of \ntheir former dominions in Sicily, besides 1,000 talents for defraying the \nexpenses of the war. Dionysius died some time after, and was suc- \nceeded by his son of the same name. \n\nCHAPTER 4. \n\nIIANNO, AGATHOCLES \xe2\x80\x94 WAR WITH ROME. \n\nA second treaty was concluded with the Romans, not differing mate- \nrially from the first, about the 402d year of the foundation of Rome. \n\nDid not Imilcon besiege and take Gela? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the fate of Imilcon the \nCarthag.nian ? \xe2\x80\x94 To what perils were the Carthaginians exposed ? \xe2\x80\x94 What deli- \nvered them from the dreadful storm ? \n\n\n\nHANNO, AGATHOCLES. 71 \n\n(A. M. 3G56.) After the death of the elder Dionysius, Syracuse was \ninvolved in great troubles. The son, who had been expelled, restored \nhimself by force, and exercised great cruelties there. The Syracusans \nhad recourse to the Corinthians for assistance, who sent over Timoleon, \na man of great merit, with ten ships and about a thousand soldiers. In \nhis march to Syracuse his army continued to increase. Dionysius, \nhaving no refuge left, put the citadel into his hands, and escaped by his \nassistance, to Corinth, where he turned schoolmaster. Mago, being \napprehensive of the disaffection of his forces, withdrew from the scene \nand arrived at Carthage. On his arrival he was impeached, but he \nprevented the execution of the sentence passed on him by a voluntary \ndeath. \n\nAbout this time in all probability, there happened at Carthage a \nmemorable incident, related by Justin. Hanno, one of the most power- \nful citizens, formed a design of seizing on the republic, by destroying \nthe whole senate, which deed was to have been committed when they \nall had assembled to celebrate his daughter\'s marriage. But the con- \nspiracy was discovered, and Hanno, after further efforts to accomplish \nhis diabolical design, was taken prisoner ; after having been whipped, \nhis eyes were put out, and he was put to death under the most cruel \ntortures. The Carthaginians, ever severe in their punishments, ex- \ntended them even to the innocent. His children and all his relations, \nthough they had not joined in his guilt, shared in his punishment. \nNot a single person of his family was left, either to imitate his crime \nor to revenge his death. \n\nBrief notice must now be taken of the war which Agathocles carried \non, not only in Sicily but in Africa. (A. M. 3694. B. C. 313.) Aga- \nthocles was a Sicilian of obscure birth and low fortune. Supported at \nfirst by the power of the Carthaginians, he invaded the sovereignty of \nSyracuse, and made himself tyrant over it. His next design was to \nmake Africa itself the seat of war, and to besiege Carthage. On his \nlanding, the Carthaginians were in prodigious alarm ; they had no \narms in sufficient readiness to oppose the enemy. An engagement soon \ntook place ; Agathocles obtained a victory, taking a number of strong \nholds ; and many Africans joined the victor. \n\nThis descent of Agathocles into Africa doubtless suggested to Scipio \nthe design of making the like attempt upon that republic. While the \nCarthaginians wer^ thus warmly attacked by their enemies, ambassa- \ndors came to them from Tyre, imploring their succour against Alexan- \nder the Great, who was upon the point of taking their city, which he \nhad long besieged. Though the Carthaginians could not relieve them \nby troops, they sent thirty deputies of their principal citizens. The \nTyrians committed their wives, children, and old men to the care of \nthese deputies, and Carthage received them with all possible marks of \namity. \n\nThe present unhappy state of the republic was considered by this \n\nWhat befel the younger Dionysius? \xe2\x80\x94 What did Hanno attempt? \xe2\x80\x94 and what \nbefel him ? \xe2\x80\x94 What success had" Agathocles in Africa ? \xe2\x80\x94 How came the Tyrians \nto take refuge in Carthage ? \n\n\n\n72 nisTORY or the Carthaginians. \n\nsuperstitious people as the effect of the wrath of the gods, with regard \nto two deities, to whom the Carthaginians had been wanting in the duties \nprescribed by their religion. The one was their neglect to send annually \nto Tyre, the mother country, the tenth of all the revenues of the re- \npublic, as an offering to Hercules ; the other, an inhuman superstition, \nwas their neglect to sacrifice to Saturn, children of the best families in \nCarthage. To expiate their supposed guilt and horrid impiety, they \nsent to Tyre great presents, and gold shrines of their deities ; and at \nhome two hundred children of the first rank, and upwards of three hun- \ndred persons offered themselves voluntarily as victims to pacify the \nwrath of the gods. \n\nAfter these expiations, they sent off to Hamilcar in Sicily, who was \nstorming Syracuse, to request immediate succours. Hamilcar, after \nmaking a last, but ineffectual effort to storm the city, sent 5,000 men to \nthe relief of his distressed country. Some time after, Hamilcar, being \nreturned to the siege, fell into the enemies\' hands, who put him to death, \nand sent his head to Agathocles, in Africa, to be exhibited to the Car- \nthaginians. To these foreign enemies was joined a domestic one. Bo- \nmilcar, the Carthaginian general, attempted to obtain the sovereignty \nof Carthage. He, therefore, entered the city with ambitious views, \nseconded by many of the citizens, who were the accomplices of his re- \nbellion ; but, after an ineffectual struggle, they surrendered, in conse- \nquence of the offer of a general pardon. Bomilcar was excepted, who \nwas put to death with the most exquisite torments. \n\nAgathocles, who, for some time, had been so successful in Africa, \nexperienced a reverse \xe2\x80\x94 the Africans deserted him, and his own troops \nwere unable to make head against the Carthaginians. In this extremity \nhe thought only of providing for his own safety ; and this base deserter \nof his army stole away, and arrived at Syracuse with only a few at- \ntendants. He died miserably soon after, and ended, by a cruel death, \na life that had been polluted by the blackest crimes. \n\nWe now approach the times of Pyrrhus, (A. M. 3727. B. C. 277,) \nking of Epirus, whose ambitious views excited the apprehension of \nboth the Romans and the Carthaginians. To strengthen themselves \nagainst his attempts, they renewed their treaties of mutual assistance \nwith each other. When Pyrrhus turned his arms against Italy, and \ngained many victories, the Carthaginians sent the Romans a fleet \nof six-score sail, under the command of Mago. The senate returned \nthanks for the obliging offer, but declined accepting it. For the secu- \nrity of Sicily, the Carthaginians transported additional forces thither, \nand the Syracusans, to oppose them, sent pressingly to Pyrrhus foi \nsuccours. \n\nThis prince had a particular reason to espouse their interests, having \nmarried Danassa, daughter of Agathocles. Pyrrhus arrived in Sicily, \nand his conquests were so rapid that he left the Carthaginians, in the \n\nWhat befel Hamilcar while besieging Syracuse ? \xe2\x80\x94 What did Bomilcar attempt, \nand what was his fate? \xe2\x80\x94 To what did the superstitious ascribe their calamities? \n\xe2\x80\x94 What ill fate awaited Agathocles ? \xe2\x80\x94 In the times of Pyrrhus, what succours \ndid the Carthaginians offer the Romans ? \n\n\n\nWAR WITH ROME. 73 \n\nwhole island, only the single town of Lilybaeum. But the urgent ne- \ncessity of liis affairs called him back to Italy, and the Sicilians re- \nturned to the obedience of their former masters. Thus he lost the \nisland with the same rapidity that he had won it. As he was embark- \ning, turning his eyes back to Sicily, \xe2\x80\x94 " What a fine field of battle," \nsaid he, " do we leave to the Carthaginians and Romans !" His pre- \ndiction was soon verified. \n\nAfter his departure, the chief public employment of Syracuse was \nconferred on Hiero, who afterwards obtained the name and dignity \nof king, by the united suffrages of the citizens, so greatly had his \ngovernment pleased. He was appointed to carry on the war against \nthe Carthaginians, and obtained several advantages over them. But \nnow a common interest united them against a new enemy, who \nbegan to appear in Sicily, and justly alarmed both. These were \nthe Romans, who, having crushed all the enemies of Italy, were \nnow powerful enough to carry their arms out of it. Sicily lay com- \nmodious for them, and they crossed the strait. This caused a rupture \nbetween them and the Carthaginians, and gave rise to the first Punic \nwar. The account of this, and the third Punic war, and the fall of \nCarthage, comprising the remaining portion of the history of this em- \npire, will be found under their respective heads in the " History of \nRome." \n\nWhat conquests did Pyrrhus gain in Sicily ? \xe2\x80\x94 To what dignity did Hiero arrive \n\xe2\x80\x94 What new enemy appeared and gave rise to the first Punic war ? \n\n\n\n{ 76 ) \n\n\n\n\nANCIENT HISTORY \n\n\n\nGREECE. \n\n(77) \n\n\n\n[ 79 ] \n\n\n\nHISTORY OF GREECE. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER 1. \nEARLY HISTORY OF THE GRECIAN STATES. \n\nThe history of ancient Greece is not so much the history of any par- \nticular kingdom, as of a number of petty independent states, sometimes \nat war, and sometimes in alliance with one another. Passing over the \nfabulous times of the Grecian republics, we shall begin our account of \nthose different states at that period where real and authentic history \ncommences. \n\nSicyon is said to have been the first kingdom that was established \nin Greece. The beginning of it is placed by historians in the year of \nthe world, one thousand nine hundred and fifteen; before Christ, two \nthousand and eighty-nine; and before the first Olympiad, one thousand \nthree hundred and thirteen. Its first king was iEgialeus ; and it lasted \na thousand years. \n\n(A. M. 2148.) The kingdom of Argos, in Peloponnesus, began a \nthousand and eighty years before the first Olympiad, in the time of \nAbraham. The first king was Inachus. This was succeeded by the \nkingdom of Mycenae, to which place the seat of government was trans- \nferred from Argos, by Perseus, the grandson of Acrisius, king of Argos. \nEurystheus, the third in succession from him, was expelled by the \nHeraclidae, or descendants of Hercules, who made themselves masters \nof Peloponnesus. \n\n(A. M. 2448.) The kingdom of Athens was first formed into a regu- \nlar government by Cecrops, an Egyptian, who, having married the \ndaughter of Actseus, the king of Attica, at his death succeeded to the \nthrone. He taught the people, who had hitherto led a wandering life, \nthe use of fixed habitations; and he instituted the celebrated court of \nAreopagus. Amphictyon, the third king of Athens, established the \nfamous Amphictyonic council. And Codrus, the last prince of this \nline, in a war between the Athenians and the Heraclidae, devoted him- \nself for the good of his country. After the death of Codrus, the title \nof king was abolished at Athens, and that of Archon, or chief-governor, \nsubstituted in its stead. The duration of this last office was at first \n\nWhen was the kingdom of Sicyon said to be founded ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was its first king? \n\xe2\x80\x94 Who was the first king of Argos ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long before the time of Abraham, and \nwho were the Heraclidce? \xe2\x80\x94 By whom was Athens formed into a regular govern- \nment? \xe2\x80\x94 Who is said to have established the court of Areopagus ? \xe2\x80\x94 And who \nthe Amphictyonic council? \n\n\n\n60 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nfor the possessor\'s life ; it was afterwards limited to ten years, and \nfinally to one. \n\n(A. M. 2549.) Cadmus was the founder of the kingdom of Thebes; \nand to him are attributed sixteen letters of the Greek alphabet ; though \nit is probable he borrowed them from the Phoenician characters, rather \nthan invented them. The kingdom of Sparta, or Lacedsemon, is sup- \nposed to have been first instituted by Lelexa. Helena, the tenth in \nsuccession from this monarch, is equally famous for her beauty, and for \nher infidelity to the marriage-bed. She had not lived above three years \nwith her husband, Menelaus, when she was carried off by Paris, the \nson of Priam, king of Troy. In revenge the Greeks invested that \ncity, and took it after a siege of ten years ; about the time that Jephtha \nwas judge in Israel. \n\n(A. M. 2820.) The first sovereign of Corinth was Sisyphus, the son \nof JEolus, and, upon the expulsion of his descendants, Bacchis assumed \nthe reins of power. After this, the government became aristocratical ; \na chief magistrate being annually chosen by the name of Prytanis. At \nlast Cypselus usurped the supreme authority, which he transmitted to \nhis son Periander, who was reckoned one of the seven wise men of \nGreece. \n\nThe kingdom of Macedon was first governed by Caranus, descended \nfrom Hercules, and it subsisted till the defeat of Perseus by the Ro- \nmans, a space of six hundred and twenty-six years. \n\nThus we see that kingly government prevailed in all the states of \nGreece, during the early period of its history ; but this was soon \nchanged everywhere, except in Macedonia, for a republican mode of \ngovernment, which was diversified into as many various forms as there \nwere different cities. These states, though totally independent, and \nsometimes at war with one another, were yet united by one common \nlanguage, and one religion ; by the celebration of public games, at \nwhich they all assisted; and particularly by the famous Amphictyonic \ncouncil, which met twice a-year at Thermopylae, to deliberate about \nthe general interest of those states of whose deputies it was composed. \nThe states that sent deputies to this council were the Thessalonians, \nthe Thebans, the Dorians, the Ionians, the Perhanbeans, the Magnetes, \nthe Locrians, the Octans, the Phthiotes, the Malcans, the Phocians, and \nthe Dolphians. Each of the states sent two deputies to the council, \none of whom was named Hieromnemon, and took care of religion ; the \nother was called Pylagoras, and attended to the civil interests of his \ncommunity. After sacrificing to the gods, the deputies took an oath \nimporting that they would never, in war or peace, oppose the interest \nof the Amphictyons. \n\nThese different motives to confederacy united the Greeks for a time \ninto a body of great power, and greater renown ; by which means they \n\nWho is said to have founded Thebes, and to have introduced sixteen letters of the \nGreek alphabet ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is related of Helena and of the siege of Troy ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who \nwas the first sovereign of Corinth ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was Periander? \xe2\x80\x94 By whom was Ma \ncedon first governed I \xe2\x80\x94 By what were these separate states united ? - What states \nmet at the Amphictyonic council? \n\n\n\nINSTITUTIONS OF LYCURGUS. 81 \n\nwere able to dispute the empire of the world with the greatest mon- \narchy of the earth ; and not only to oppose, but even to rout and dis- \nperse the most numerous armies of Persia, and to oblige them to sub- \nmit to the most mortifying conditions of peace. But of all the states \nof Greece, Athens and Lacedasmon made the most capital figure. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER 2. \nINSTITUTIONS OF LYCURGUS. \n\nLACEDiEMON, in the beginning, was governed by kings, of whom thir- \nteen in succession held the reins of power, of the race of the Pelopidas. \nUnder the Heraclidse, who succeeded them, the people admitted two \nkings who governed with equal authority. Aristodemus dying, left \ntwo sons, Eurysthenes and Procles, who were twins, and their mother \npretending not to know which was first born, or which had the best \nclaim, the people invested both with sovereign power; and this form of \ngovernment continued to subsist for several centuries. It was during \nthis period that the Helots, or peasants of Sparta, took up arms to vin- \ndicate their rights to the same privileges as the citizens enjoyed, of \nwhich Agis had deprived them. After a violent struggle they were \nsubdued, and they and their posterity were condemned to perpetual \nslavery. To render their condition as disgraceful as it was miserable, \nall other slaves were called by the general name of Helots. \n\nTo prevent the repetitions of these and the like disorders, Lycurgus \ninstituted his celebrated body of laws, which continued, for a long \ntime, to render Lacedaemon at once the terror and the umpire of the \nneighbouring kingdoms. But before he gave this proof of his patriot- \nism, he gave, if possible, a still more striking proof of his disinterest- \nedness and love of justice. For having succeeded to the throne by \nthe death of his elder brother, Polydectes, without issue, and the \nqueen-dowager afterwards proving with child, she offered to destroy \nthe birth, provided he would marry her, and admit her into a share of \npower. Lycurgus dissembled his resentment at so unnatural a propo- \nsal ; and she being delivered of a boy, he commanded the child to be \nbrought to him, and presenting him to the people as their lawful sove- \nreign, by the name of Charilaus, he continued thenceforward to act not \nas king, but as regent. \n\nLycurgus, after this, travelled into Crete, from thence into Asia, and \nafterwards into Egypt; and thus having made himself acquainted with \nthe customs and institutions of the various countries through which he \npassed, he returned home; and being assisted by some of the leading \nmen of the state, he published his celebrated code of laws, by which \nit was enacted, that the kings should retain their right of succession as \nbefore ; but their authority was greatly diminished by the institution \n\nOf this confederacy, what states were the most distinguished ? \xe2\x80\x94 Mention the \nfirst race of kings at Lacedicmon. \xe2\x80\x94 How came the people to admit two kings with \nequal authority ? \xe2\x80\x94 Did not Lycurgus institute a new code of laws? \xe2\x80\x94 What disin- \nterested proof did he give of his love of justice ? \n\n\n\n82 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nof a senate, consisting of twenty-eight members, chosen from among \nthe principal citizens, into which none were eligible till they were \nsixty years of age. The kings, however, still enjoyed all their out- \nward marks of dignity and respect ; and in time of war they had com- \nmand of the army ; though upon these occasions they were subject to \nthe control of the senate. \n\nThe senators, too, were the more respectable, as they held their \nplaces for life ; and besides being possessed of so considerable a share of \nthe executive, they were invested with the whole of the judicial power; \nand this last part of their duty they executed with such integrity and \ndiscretion, that though there lay an appeal from them to the people, \ntheir decrees were hardly ever reversed. Their authority, however, \nwas about a century after tempered by the erection of a superior court, \ncalled the Court of the E\'phori, consisting of five members, chosen \nannually into office from among the people ; and these had a power to \nanest and imprison even the persons of their kings, if they acted in a \nmanner unbecoming their station. \n\nIn order to reconcile the people to this mode of government, Lycur- \ngus resolved to divide all the lands of the state equally among the \ncitizens, and to abolish the use of money. To effect the latter, he \nthought it sufficient to cry down the value of gold and silver, and to \norder that nothing but iron money should pass in exchange for any \ncommodity. This coin also he fixed at so low a rate, that a cart and two \noxen were required to carry home a sum of ten minoe, or about twenty \npounds sterling. As this coin had no currency among the other states \nof Greece, it soon fell into contempt, even among the Spartans them- \nselves, so that money was at last brought into disuse. \n\nTo enforce the practice of temperance and sobriety, Lycurgus further \nordained, that all the men should eat in one common hall in public. \nTo accustom the youth to early habits of discipline and obedience, he \ntook their education out of the hands of their parents, and committed it \nto masters appointed by the state. Such children as were born with \nany capital defect, were exposed in a cavern near mount Taygetus ; and \nsuch as, upon a public view, were deemed to be sound and healthy, \nwere adopted as children of the state, and delivered to their parents to \nbe nursed with rigour and severity. At the age of seven they w T ere \ntaken from their parents and delivered over to the classes for a public \neducation, where their discipline was still more rigid and severe. \n\nTo enable them the better to endure bodily pain without complaining, \nthey were annually whipped at the altar of Diana, and the boy that \nbore this punishment with the greatest fortitude came off victorious. \nPlutarch tells us that he had seen several children expire under this \ncruel treatment. At twelve years of age they were removed into a class \nof a more advanced kind. They had now their skirmishes between \nsmall parties, and their mock fights between larger bodies ; and in \nthese they sometimes fought with such obstinacy, that they were seer \n\n\n\nAt what age were the senators chosen ? \xe2\x80\x94 With what power were the senators \ninvested? \xe2\x80\x94 How were the lands of the state divided? \xe2\x80\x94 How was the practice \nuf temperance enforced? \xe2\x80\x94 How taught to endure bodily pain? \n\n\n\nINSTITUTIONS OF LYCURGUS. 83 \n\nto lose their eyes, and even their lives, before they gave up the contest. \nSuch was the constant discipline of their minority, which lasted till the \nage of thirty, before which they were not permitted to marry, to go into \nthe troops, or to bear any office in the state. \n\nThe discipline of the virgins was as severe as that of the young men. \nThey were inured to a life of labour and industry till they were twenty \nyears of age, before which time they were not allowed to be marriage- \nable. They had also their peculiar exercises. They ran, wrestled, \nand pitched the bar; and performed all these feats before the whole \nbody of the citizens. An education so manlike, did not fail to bestow \nupon the Spartan women equal vigour of body and mind. They were \nbold, hardy, and patriotic ; filled with a sense of honour, and a love of \nmilitary glory. Some foreign women remarking to the wife of Leoni- \ndas, that the Spartan women alone knew how to govern the men, she \nboldly replied, "The Spartan women alone bring forth men." A mo- \nther was known to give her son, who was going to battle, his shield, \nwith this gallant advice, " Return with it, or return upon it ;" thereby \nin effect telling him, that rather than throw it away in flight, he should \nbe borne home upon it dead. \n\nThe Spartans were expressly forbid to exercise any mechanic art. \nWar was their chief occupation, and in time of peace they employed \nthemselves in hunting, or bodily exercises. The Helots, or slaves, \ntilled their lands for them, and received for their labour a bare subsist- \nence. These unhappy men were in a manner bound to the soil, nor \nwas it even lawful to sell them to strangers, or to make them free : \nnay, if at any time their numbers increased to such a degree as to ex- \ncite the suspicion of their cruel masters, there was a Cryptia, or secret \nact, by which it was permitted to destroy them without mere)\'". Thu- \ncydides relates, that two thousand of these slaves disappeared at once, \nwithout ever after being heard of. \n\nThe citizens being possessed, by means of their slaves, of compe- \ntence and leisure, were almost always in company in their large com- \nmon halls, where they met and conversed with one another. The love \nof their country was their ruling passion, and all self-interest seemed \nlost in the general wish for the welfare of the public. Pedarctus hav- \ning missed the honour of being chosen one of the three hundred, con- \nverted this disappointment into joy, " that there were three hundred \n.better men in Sparta than himself." \n\nThe Spartans were forbid to make frequent war upon the same peo- \nple, lest they should teach their discipline to others ; and their first and \nmost inviolable maxim was never to turn their backs on the enemy, \nhowever unequal to them in numbers, nor ever to deliver up their arms \nbut with their life. Archilochus, the poet, was obliged to quit the city \nfor having asserted in one of his poems, that it was better for a man to \nlose his arms than his life. Thus depending upon their valour alone, \ntheir legislator would not allow them to wall their city. \n\nRelate the discipline of the Virgins. \xe2\x80\x94 What was the Spartans\' chief occupa- \ntion ? \xe2\x80\x94 What appeared to be their ruling passion ? \xe2\x80\x94 Mention one of their warlike \nmaxims. \n\n\n\n84 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nIn order to render these institutions as lasting - as they were excellent, \nLycurgus pretended that something was still wanting to the completion \nof his plan, and that it was necessary for him to go and consult the \noracle of Delphos. In the mean time, he persuaded his countrymen to \ntake an oath for the strict observance of all his laws till his return, and \nthen left Sparta with a firm resolution of never seeing it more, and thus \nto oblige his countrymen, by the oath they had taken, to observe his \nlaws for ever. When he arrived at Delphos, he inquired of the oracle, \nwhether the laws he had made were sufficient to render the Lacedaemo- \nnians happy ; and being told that they were, he sent this answer to \nSparta, and then voluntarily starved himself to death. Others say that \nhe died in Crete, ordering his body to be burnt, and his ashes to be \nthrown into the sea. \n\nThe first opportunity which the Spartans had, to display the superi- \nority of their power among the neighbouring states, was in the war \nbetween them and the Messenians. This war lasted twenty years ; but \nat length the Messenians being overthrown, and besieged in the city of \nIthoe, they were obliged to submit to the Spartans. After a rigorous \nsubjection of thirty-nine years, the Messenians made one effort more \nfor the recovery of their liberty, under the conduct of Aristomenes, who \nthrice defeated the Spartan army, and as often merited the Hecatom- \nphonia, a sacrifice due to those who had killed one hundred of the \nenemy hand to hand in battle. But the Spartans being headed by the \nfamous Athenian poet and schoolmaster, Tyrtseus, who inflamed their \ncourage by his songs and orations, the Messenians were at last obliged \nto abandon their country, which was added to the territory of Sparta, \n(A. M. 3380) ; and thus rendered that kingdom one of the most power- \nful states in all Greece. \n\nCHAPTER 3. \n\nINSTITUTIONS OF SOLON. \n\nThe happy effects produced at Sparta by the institutions of Lycur- \ngus at last inspired the Athenians with a desire of being governed by \nwritten laws ; and the first person they pitched upon for a legislator \nwas Draco, a man of equal integrity and wisdom, but rigid and severe \nin the highest degree. Draco inflicted death on all crimes, without ex- \nception, and being asked why he did so, replied, " Small crimes deserve \ndeath, and I have no higher punishment even for the greatest." His \nlaws indeed were so severe, that they were said to be written not with \nink, but with blood ; but their severity defeated their intention, it being \nimpossible to carry them into execution, and they fell into disuse. The \npeople, from the neglect and contempt of laws, soon grew more licen- \ntious than ever they had been before any written laws existed. It was \nin this distressful state of the republic, that Solon was applied to for \nhis advice. \n\nWhy did Lycurgus leave his country?\xe2\x80\x94 In what war were the Spartans first \nengaged ? \xe2\x80\x94 What induced the Athenians to improve their government, and whom \ndid \xc2\xbbhey choose as legislator ? \n\n\n\nINSTITUTIONS OF SOLON. 85 \n\n\xe2\x96\xbaSolon was one of the seven wise men of Greece,* and had given \nrepeated proofs of his wisdom before he was advanced to the office of \nlegislator. He was sensible that there were certain disorders in the \nstate that were altogether incurable ; and with these, therefore, he \nresolved not in the least to meddle. In a word, as he himself declared, \nhe gave his countrymen not the best of all possible laws, but the best \nthey were capable of receiving. His first step was to abolish the debts \nof the poor, who had been grievously oppressed by the rich, owing to \nthe exorbitant interest they exacted from them. But to do this with the \nleast injury he could to the creditor, he raised the value of money a \nlittle, and by that means nominally increased their riches. \n\nHe next repealed all the laws of Draco, except those against murder. \nHe then proceeded to the regulation of offices, employments, and \nmagistracies, all which he left in the hands of the rich. He divided \nthe rich citizens into three classes, ranging them according to their \nincomes. Those that had five hundred measures yearly, as well in \ncorn as liquids, were placed in the first rank ; those that had three hun- \ndred were placed in the second; and those that had but two hundred \nmade up the third. All the rest of the citizens, whose income fell short \nof two hundred measures, were comprised in a fourth and last class, \nand were considered as incapable of holding any employment what- \never. \n\nBut to compensate for this exclusion, he gave every private citizen \na right to vote in the great assembly of the whole body of the\' people. \nAnd this, indeed, was a right of a most important nature ; for by the \nlaws of Athens it was permitted, after the decision of the magistrates, \nto appeal to the general assembly of the people ; and thus, in time,\' all \ncauses of weight and consequence came before them. \n\nTo counteract the influence of a popular assembly, Solon gave a \ngreater weight to the court of Areopagus, and also instituted anothei \ncouncil, consisting of four hundred. He also ordained, that none should \nbe admitted into the Areopagus but such as had passed through the \noffice of archon. By this means the dignity, and consequently the au- \nthority, of the court were greatly increased : and such was its reputa- \ntion for integrity and discernment, that the Romans sometimes referred \ncauses, which were too intricate for their own decision, to the determi- \nnation of this tribunal. The business of the council of four hundred \nwas to judge upon appeals from the Areopagus, and maturely to ex- \namine every question before it came before the general assembly of the \npeople. \n\nSolon\'s particular laws for the administration of justice were more \nnumerous and equally judicious. To promote a spirit of patriotism, \nand prevent all selfish indifference about the concerns of the republic, \nhe ordained, that whoever in public dissensions espoused neither party, \n\n* The others were, Thales, the Milesian, Chile-, of Lacedtemon, Pittacus, of Mity \nlene, Periander, of Corinth, and Bias and Cleobulus, whose birth-places are uncertain. \n\n\n\nWhat was the character of Solon ? \xe2\x80\x94 What laws of Draco did he repeal ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWhat other measures did he adopt ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the business of the Four Hun- \ndred ? \n\na \n\n\n\nS6 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nout remained neuter, should be declared infamous, condemned to per- \npetual exile, and to have all his estates confiscated. From a similar \nmotive, he permitted every person to espouse the quarrel of any one \nthat was injured or insulted. \n\nHe allowed every one that was childless to dispose of his wealth as \nhe pleased, without being- obliged to leave it to the next of kin. By \nthis means, the natural dependence of the young upon the old was \nstrengthened and increased. He lessened the rewards of the victors at \nthe Olympic and Isthmian games, and bestowed the money thus saved \nupon the widows and children of those who had fallen in the service \nof their country. To encourage industry, he empowered the Areopagus \nto inquire into every man\'s method of procuring a livelihood, and to \npunish such as had no visible way of doing so. \n\nWith the like view he ordained, that a son should not be obliged to \nsupport his father in old age or necessity, if the latter had neglected \nto give him some trade or calling; and all illegitimate children were \nexempted from the same duty, as they owed nothing to their parents \nbut the stigma of their birth. No one was allowed to revile another \nin public ; the magistrates were obliged to be particularly circumspect \nin their behaviour ; and it was even death for an archon to be taken \ndrunk. \n\nThis celebrated lawgiver, having bound the Athenians, by a public \noath, religiously to observe his institutions, at least for the space of a \nhundred\'years, set out on his travels, leaving his countrymen to become \nhabituated to the new form of government. But their former animosi- \nties began to revive, when that authority was removed, which alone \ncould hold them in subjection. The factions of the state were headed \nby three different leaders, Pisistratus, Megacles, and Lycurgus. Of \nthese, Pisistratus was at once the most powerful, the most artful, and \nin the end the most successful. He had many virtues, and hardly a \nsingle vice, except that of an inordinate ambition. He was learned \nhimself, and an encourager of learning in others. Cicero says he was \nthe first that made the Athenians acquainted with the works of Homer; \nthat he disposed them in the order in which we now have them, and \nfirst caused them to be read at the feasts called Panathencea. \n\nBy his promises, his professions, his liberality, and address, he had \nso far gained upon the affections of his countrymen, that he was upon \nthe point of making himself master of the government, when he had \nthe mortification to see Solon return, after an absence of ten years, fully \napprised of his treacherous designs, and determined, if possible, to pre- \nvent their completion. This, however, he could not do for any length \nof time : for Pisistratus gave himself several wounds, which he pre- \ntended to have received in the cause of the people; and in that condi- \ntion, with his body all bloody, he ordered himself to be carried into the \nmarket-place, where by his complaints and eloquence, he so inflamed \nthe minds of the populace, that he obtained a guard of fifty men for \n\n\n\nWhat laws resDecting the leaving of property? \xe2\x80\x94 What laws respecting falhers \nand sons? \xe2\x80\x94 Wno were the leaders that headed the factions? \xe2\x80\x94 And what was the \ncharacter of Pisistratus ? \xe2\x80\x94 What stratagems did Pisistratus adopt ? \n\n\n\nPREPARATIONS OF DARIUS. 87 \n\nthe security of his person. Having now got the rudiments of a stand\' \ning army, he soon increased it to such a degree, as to enable him to set \nall opposition at defiance. In a little time, therefore, he seized upon \nthe citadel, and in effect, usurped the supreme power. Solon did not \nlong survive the liberties of his country. He died soon after, at the \nage of eighty, admired and lamented by all the states of Greece, as \nthe greatest legislator, and, excepting Homer, the greatest poet, that \nhad hitherto appeared. \n\nBy adhering to the same arts by which he had acquired his power, \nPisistratus contrived to maintain himself in the possession of it to his \ndeath, and transmitted it to his sons, Hippias and Hipparchus. These \nyoung men seemed to tread in the footsteps of their father ; they encou- \nraged learning and learned men ; they invited to their court Anacreon, Si- \nmonides, and other poets, and honoured them with their friendship, and \nloaded them with presents. Hipparchus was slain by his subjects, \nafter a reign of eighteen years ; and his brother Hippias, dreading the \nsame fate, endeavoured to fortify himself by foreign alliances, and par- \nticularly by one with the Lacedgemonians ; but in this he was prevented \nby the family of the Alcmaeonidae, who had been banished from Athens \nat the beginning of the usurpation, and who, having rebuilt the temple \nof Delphos in a most magnificent manner, had secured the priestess in \ntheir interest. \n\nWhenever, therefore, the Spartans came to consult the oracle, they \nnever received any promise of the god\'s assistance, but upon condition \nof setting Athens free. This task, therefore, they resolved to under- \ntake; and, though unsuccessful in their first attempt, they at last de- \nthroned the tyrant the very same year (A. M. 3496,) in which the kings \nwere expelled from Rome. The family of Alcmeeon were chiefly in- \nstrumental in this great work ; but the people seemed fonder of ac- \nknowledging their obligations to Harmodius and Aristogeton, who had \nbeen the principal cause of the death of Hipparchus, and who struck \nthe first blow. Their names were held in the highest veneration ; and \ntheir statues were erected in the market-place ; an honour which had \nnever been paid to any one before. \n\nCHAPTER 4. \n\nPREPARATIONS OF DARIUS FOR THE INVASION OF GREECE. \n\nThough Hippias, upon being driven from the throne, was obliged to \nabandon his native country, he did not abandon all hopes of being able, \nsome time or other, to recover his lost power. He first applied to the \nLacedsemonians, and that people seemed sufficiently willing to espouse \nhis cause. But before they undertook to assist him in re-ascending the \nthrone, they thought it prudent to consult the other states of Greece \nwith regard to the propriety of the measure ; and finding them all to be \ntotally averse to it, they abandoned the tyrant and his cause for ever. \n\n\n\nWhat did the sons of Pisistratus effect? \xe2\x80\x94 Whose names were held in venera- \ntion ? \xe2\x80\x94 What success did Hippias receive from the Spartans ? \n\n\n\n88 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nHippias, disappointed in his hopes of aid from the Lacedaemonians, \nhad recourse to Artaphernes, governor of Sardis, for the king of Persia. \nTo him he represented the facility with which an entire conquest might \nbe made of Athens ; and the Persian court readily ad,opted the propo- \nsal. When the Athenians, therefore, sent a messenger into Persia to \nvindicate their proceedings with regard to Hippias, they received foi \nanswer, "That if they wished to be safe, they must admit Hippias for \ntheir king." But these gallant republicans had too ardent a passion for \nliberty, and too rooted an aversion to slavery, patiently to submit to so \nimperious a mandate. They, therefore, returned to it a iiat and per- \nemptory refusal. And from that time forward the Athenians and Per- \nsians began to prepare for commencing hostilities against each other. \n\nThe Persian monarch was, at that time, the most powerful sovereign \nin the universe ; whereas the small state of Athens did not contain \nabove twenty thousand citizens, ten thousand strangers, and about fifty \nor sixty thousand servants. The state of Sparta, which afterwards took \nsuch a considerable share, and made so capital a figure in the war \nagainst Persia, did not contain above nine thousand citizens, and about \nthirty thousand peasants. The restoration of Hippias was not the only \ncause of quarrel between the Persians and the Athenians. The Greek \ncolonies of Ionia, iEolia, and Caria, had been subdued by Croesus, king \nof Lydia ; and he, in turn, sinking under the power of Cyrus, his con- \nquests, of course, fell in with the rest of his dominions. These colo- \nnies seized upon every opportunity of delivering themselves from the \nPersian yoke, and recovering their ancient independence. In this they \nwere now encouraged by Histiseus, the governor, or tyrant, as he was \ncalled, of Miletus ; for all the Persian governors of these provinces \nwere by the Greeks called tyrants. \n\nBy his direction, Aristagoras, his deputy, first applied to the Lace- \ndaemonians for assistance ; and failing of success in that quarter, lie \nnext had recourse to the Athenians, who were at this time inflamed \nwith the highest resentment against the Persian monarch, on account \nof his haughty mandate with regard to the restoration of Hippias: and \nthey supplied the Ionians with twenty ships, to which the Eretrians \nand Euboeans added five more. Aristagoras then entered the Persian \nterritories, and penetrating into the heart of Lydia, he burnt Sardis, the \ncapital city ; but he was soon after deserted by the Athenians, and after \nmaintaining the struggle for the space of six years, he was obliged to \nfly into Thrace, where he was cut off, with all his followers. Histia3us \nhimself, being taken prisoner with a few of the insurgents, was con- \nducted to Artaphernes, and that inhuman tyrant immediately ordered \nhim to be crucified, and his head to be sent to Darius. \n\nThe conclusion of this war tended no less to inflame the pride and \npresumption of the Persians, than to inspire them with the ambitious \nthoughts of making an entire conquest of Greece. Accordingly, Darius, \nin the twenty-eighth year of his reign, having recalled all his other \ngenerals, sent his son-in-law, Mardonius, to command throughout the \n\n\n\nWhat reply did the Athenians give to the Persian king? \xe2\x80\x94 Mention the popular \nlion of Athens and Sparta. \xe2\x80\x94 What occurred to Aristagoras and Histixus ? \n\n\n\nPERSIAN INVASION 89 \n\nmaritime parts of Asia, and particularly to revenge me burning of Sar- \ndis. But his fleet being shattered in a storm, in doubling the cape of \nMount Athos, his army repulsed, and himself wounded by the Thra- \ncians, he was displaced, and Darius appointed two older and abler gen- \nerals, Datis, a Mede, and Artaphernes, son of the late governor of \nSardis, in his stead. \n\nPreviously, however, to his invasion of Greece, he sent heralds inte \nthat country to require submission from the different states, or to \nthreaten them with his vengeance in case of refusal. The lesser states, \nintimidated by his power, readily submitted ; but when the heralds \ndemanded of the Athenians and Spartans earth and water, the usual \nmethod of requiring submission from inferior states, these spirited \nrepublicans threw the one into a well, and the other into a ditch, and \ntauntingly bid them take earth and water from thence. And they even \nresolved to punish the iEginetans for having basely submitted to the \npower of Persia. These people, indeed, made some resistance ; and \nthey carried on a naval war against the Athenians ; but these last hav- \ning overcome them, increased their own navy to such a degree, as to \nrender it almost an equal match for that of Persia. \n\nCHAPTER 5. \nINVASION OF GREECE BY THE PERSIANS. \n\nDarius, in the mean time, sent away his generals, Datis and Arta- \nphernes, with a fleet of six hundred ships, and an army of an hundred \nand twenty thousand men ; and their instructions were to give up \nAthens and Eretria to be plundered ; to burn all the houses and temples \nof both; and to lead away the inhabitants into captivity, and the army \nwas provided with a sufficient number of chains for binding the pri- \nsoners. To oppose this formidable invasion, the Athenians had only \nabout ten thousand men, but all of them animated with that invincible \nspirit which the love of liberty ever inspires. \n\nThey were at this time headed by Miltiades, Themistocles, and \nAristides, three of the greatest generals and statesmen their country \never produced. The first was looked upon as the ablest commander; \nthe second was so fond of a popular government, and so eager to ingra- \ntiate himself with his fellow-citizens, that he was frequently accused \nof acts of partiality. Some one remarking to him that he would make \nan excellent magistrate, if he had more impartiality, he replied, " God \nforbid that I should ever sit upon a tribunal where my friends should \nfind no more favour than strangers." Aristides was so rigidly and \ninflexibly just, that his name has descended to posterity as almost ano- \nther term for justice. \n\nThe first brunt of the war fell upon the Eretrians, whc shut them- \nselves up in their town ; which after a siege of seven days, was taken \n\nWhom did Darius send to the coasts of Asia? \xe2\x80\x94 What did the Persian heralds \ndemand from Greece ? \xe2\x80\x94 What instructions d\'ul Darius give to his generals? \xe2\x80\x94 By \nwhom were the Grecians headed ? \n\n8* \n\n\n\n90 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nby storm, and reduced to ashes. The inhabitants were put in chains, \nand sent as the first fruits of victory to the Persian monarch, who \ntreated them with lenity, and gave them a village in the country of \nCissa for their residence ; where Apollonius Tyanscus found their \ndescendants six hundred years after. \n\nElated with this success, the Persians marched under the direction \nof Hippias, into the plains of Marathon, about ten miles distant from \nAthens. The Athenians, not thinking- themselves singly equal to op- \npose the enemy, sent to the Spartans for assistance, and would certainly \nhave obtained it, had it not been for the foolish superstition of the Spar- \ntans, which would not allow them to begin a march before the full \nmoon. They then applied to the other states of Greece ; but these \nwere too much intimidated by the power of Persia to venture to move \nin their defence. \n\nObliged, therefore, to depend upon their own courage alone, they col- \nlected all their forces, to the number of ten thousand men, and appoint- \ned Miltiades to the chief command ; who, sensible of the inferiority \nof his numbers when compared to those of the enemy, drew up his \narmy at the foot of a mountain, so that the enemy should not be able \nto surround him, or charge him in the rear; at the same time he forti- \nfied his flanks with a number of large trees, that were cut down for the \npurpose. Datis saw the advantage which the Athenians must derive \nfrom this masterly disposition ; but relying on the superiority of his \nnumbers, and unwilling to wait till the Spartan succours should arrive, \nhe resolved to begin the engagement. \n\nThe signal for battle, however, was no sooner given, than the Athe- \nnians, instead of waiting for the onset of the enemy, according to their \nusual custom, rushed in upon them with irresistible fury. The Persians \nregarded this first step as the result of madness and despair, rather than \nof deliberate courage ; but they were soon convinced of their mistake, \nwhen they found that the Athenians maintained the charge with the \nsame spirit with which they had begun it. Miltiades had purposely \nand judiciously made his wings much stronger than his centre, which \nwas commanded by Themistocles and Aristides. The Persians, avail- \ning themselves of this circumstance, attacked the centre with great \nbravery, and were just upon the point of making it give way, when the \nwings, having become victorious, suddenly wheeled about, and falling \nupon the enemy in both flanks at once, threw them into disorder. The \nrout in a moment became universal, and they fled to their ships with \ngreat precipitation. \n\nThe Athenians pursued them as far as the beach, and even set seve- \nral of their ships on fire. It was on this occasion that Cynsegirus, the \nbrother of the Poet iEschylus, seized one of the enemy\'s ships with \nhis right hand, as they were pushing it off from the shore. When his \nright hand was cut off, he laid hold of the vessel with his left; and \nthat likewise being lopped off, he at last seized it with his teeth, and \n\n\n\nHow did the Persians treat the Eretrians? \xe2\x80\x94 In what position did Miltiades plaru \nhis army? \xe2\x80\x94 What superstition delayed the Spartan (brces? \xe2\x80\x94 Describe the battle \nof* the Persians and Athenians. \n\n\n\nMARCH OF XERXES TO GREECE. 91 \n\nin that rrianner expired. Seven of the enemy\'s ships were taken, and \nabove six thousand of their troops left dead on the field of battle, not \nto mention those who were drowned as they were endeavouring- to \nescape, or were consumed in the ships that were set on fire ; while the \nloss of the Greeks was not above two hundred. (A. M. 3514.) Hip- \npias, who was the chief cause of the war, is thought to have perished \nin this battle, though some say he escaped, and afterwards died mise- \nrably at Lemnos. \n\nOf the marble which the Persians had brought with them, to erect a \nmonument in memory of their expected victory, the Athenians now \ncaused a statue to be made by the celebrated sculptor, Phidias, to trans- \nmit to posterity the remembrance of their defeat. Monuments were \nalso erected to the memory of all those who had fallen in the battle ; \nand upon these were inscribed their own names, and the name of the \ntribe to which they belonged. To express their gratitude to Miltiades, \nthey caused a picture to be painted by one of their most eminent artists, \nnamed Polygnotus, in which that great commander was represented at \nthe head of the other generals, animating the troops, and setting them \nan example of bravery. \n\nBut their gratitude to this celebrated warrior, however sincere, was \nby no means lasting; for, having received a wound in an expedition \nagainst the Parians, and being thereby prevented from appearing in \npublic to defend himself from a charge of bribery, which was brought \nagainst him by Xantippus, he was condemned to lose his life. This \nsevere sentence, however, the Athenians had not the effrontery to exe- \ncute, and they therefore changed it into a fine of fifty talents ; and as \nthis was a sum which Miltiades could not pay, he was thrown into \nprison, where he soon after died. But the Athenians would not allow \nhis body to be buried till the fine was paid. His son Cimon, through \nthe kindness of his friends, at last paid the fine, and procured his father \nan honourable interment. \n\nCHAPTER G. \n\nMARCH OF XERXES TO GREECE. \xe2\x80\x94 480 B. C. \n\nDarius was preparing for another invasion of Greece when death \nput an end to his ambitious prospects. His son, Xerxes, however, \nwas determined to execute the plan which his father had formed, and \nhe entered into a confederacy with the Carthaginians, that while the \nPersians attacked Greece, the Carthaginians should fall upon the Gre- \ncian colonies that were settled in Sicily. Hamilcar, their general, \nwith the money received from Xerxes, engaged a great number of \nsoldiers, out of Spain, Gaul, and Italy, in his service. Xerxes set out \nfrom Susa in the fifth year of his reign, and marched towards Sardis, \nthe place of rendezvous foi the whole land army, while the fleet ad- \n\nWhat were the losses sustained by the contest? \xe2\x80\x94 What honours were conferred \non the victors? \xe2\x80\x94 And what their ingratitude to Miltiades? \xe2\x80\x94 With whom did \nXerxes enter into a confederacy? \n\n\n\n92 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\n<?anced along the coast of Asia Minor to the Hellespont. It is related \nof Xerxes that he gave orders to have a passage cut through Mount \nAthos, a peninsula in Macedonia, which extends into the Archipelago, \neither to avoid a tempestuous sea, or for the vanity of signalizing him- \nself by an extraordinary enterprise. \n\nBut a traveller who lived in the time of Henry VIII., and who pass- \ned over Mount Athos, doubts the truth of the fact, as he could per- \nceive no traces of such a work. Xerxes, in passing through Cylene, \nwas not only entertained by Pythius, a Lydian, the most opulent \nprince of those times, but was offered by him his wealth. With sin- \ncere expressions of acknowledgment, Xerxes declined the acceptance. \nGenerous as Pythius\'s offer must appear, yet it is said that he was one \nof the most penurious princes in the world, and extremely cruel and \ninhuman to his subjects \xe2\x80\x94 keeping them continually employed in the \ngold and silver mines which he had in his territories, to the neglect of \nhusbandry and the cultivation of his estates. \n\nWhen arrived at the Hellespont, Xerxes was desirous to behold a \ngreat naval spectacle. For this purpose a throne was erected on an \neminence, from which he beheld the sea crowned with vessels, and the \nland covered with troops. At first his heart was highly elated on be- \nholding the vast extent of his power, but soon reflecting that of so \nmany hundred thousands, in a hundred years time, not one would be \nleft, his joy was turned into grief, and he wept. Another subject \nwould more justly have merited his tears, had he considered the re- \nproaches he deserved for being the instrument of shortening the lives \nof millions of people, whom his ambition was about to sacrifice in an \nunjust and unnecessary war. Xerxes asked his uncle, Artabanes, his \nopinion of the war. Artabanes expressed his fears on two accounts \xe2\x80\x94 \nthe land and the sea \xe2\x80\x94 there is no country that can feed so vast an \narmy, and there are no ports capable of receiving such a number of \nvessels. Xerxes replied, that if men so narrowly examined all the \ninconveniences that may attend them, no signal enterprises would be \nattempted ; and that if his predecessor had observed so timorous a rule \nof policy, the Persian empire would never have attained its present \nheight of greatness and glory. \n\nThough Xerxes did not follow the advice of Artabanes, he paid him \nthe highest marks of honour, and sent him back to Susa, to take upon \nhim the administration of the empire during his absence, and for that \npurpose vested him with his whole authority. Xerxes caused a bridge \nof boats to be built across the Hellespont for the passage of his forces. \nA violent storm soon after breaking down the bridge, Xerxes, it is said, \nin the transport of passion, commanded two pair of chains to be thrown \ninto the sea, as if to shackle and confine it, and ordered his men to \nlash it with their whips, and tell the troublesome elements that their \nmaster will find means to pass its waters in spite of its billows and re- \nsistance. Xerxes then commanded two other bridges to be built, \xe2\x80\x94 one \n\nWhat the riches and character pf Pythius ? \xe2\x80\x94 Relate Xerxes\' reflection on sur \nveying his troops. \xe2\x80\x94 What was the advice of Artabanes ? \xe2\x80\x94 How did Xerxes chas- \ntise the Hellespont ? \n\n\n\nMARCH OF XEEXES TO GREECE. 93 \n\nfor the army to pass over, and the other for the bag-gage and beasts of \nburden. When the work was completed Xerxes poured out libations \ninto the sea, and turning his face towards the sun (the principal object \nof the Persian worship) he implored the assistance of that god in his \nenterprise ; this done, he threw the vessel, with a golden cup, and a \nPersian scimitar, into the sea. Having passed over with his army, \nXerxes directed his march across the Thracian Chersonesus, and arri- \nved at Dor, where he encamped and reviewed his army. \n\nThe land-army brought out of Asia consisted of 1,700,000 foot and \n80,000 horse, besides the attendants upon the army, which were 20,000. \nWhen he entered Europe, the people that submitted to him added to his \narmy 300,000. His fleet, when it set out of Asia, consisted of 1,207 \nvessels, containing 277,610 men: the European nations augmented \nhis fleet with 120 vessels and 21,000 men. Besides these were his \nsmall galleys, transport ships, the vessels that carried provisions, &c. \nThus, when Xerxes arrived at Thermopylae, his land and sea forces \namounted to 2,011,010 men, without including eunuchs, women, and \nsuch as usually follow an army. So that the whole number of souls \n\\hat followed the expedition amounted to 5,283,220. This is the com- \nmutation of Herodotus, in which both Plutarch and Isocrates agree. \nWe have no account in history of any army so numerous as this ; and \namongst all these millions of men, not one could vie with Xerxes in \nbeauty \xe2\x80\x94 either in the comeliness of his face or the tallness of his person. \nBut this is a poor pre-eminence when attended with no other. Justin \nsays that this vast body of forces wanted a chief, \xe2\x80\x94 " Huictanto agmini \ndux clef iiit." \n\nHerodotus tells us that, in order to calculate their forces, they as- \nsembled 10,000 men, and ranked them as close as possible ; then de- \nscribing a circle round them, they erected a low wall upon that circle. \nThe whole army, by passing successively through, and filling this space, \nwas numbered. \n\nLacedfemon and Athens, the two most powerful cities of Greece, and \nthe cities against which Xerxes was most exasperated, were not asleep \nwhile so formidable an army was approaching. They had sent spies \nto obtain the number and quality of his forces; but being discovered \nthey were about to be put to death. Xerxes countermanded it, and \ngave orders that they should be conducted through the army and sent \nhome. The Grecians sent deputies at the same time to Argos, into \nSicily, to the isles of Corcyra and Crete, to desire succours from them, \nand to form a league against the common enemy; they received some \ndenial and some promises, but no assistance. \n\nr l he Athenians passed a decree to recall home all the people that were \nin banishment, and amongst the rest Aristides, who they feared might \njoin their enemies; and they made peace with the people of iEgiiia, \nwith whom they were then at war. Xerxes proceeded by rapid marches \nto Thermopylae, a narrow defile twenty-five feet broad, on the Sinus \nMaliacus, between Thessaly and Phocis. Here the Lacedaemonians \n\nOf what number did the united armies\' consist? \xe2\x80\x94 How did he calculate the \nnumber of his forces ? \xe2\x80\x94 What steps were taken by the Athenians ? \n\n\n\n94 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nand Athenians, aided only by the Plateans, Thospians, and iEginites, \ndetermined to withstand the invader. \n\nCHAPTER 7. \nDEFEAT OF THE PERSIANS IN GREECE. \n\nIt must excite astonishment to see with what a handful of troops \nthe Grecians opposed the almost innumerable army of Xerxes. Pau- \nk sanias says, all their forces together amounted only to 11,200 men ; of \nwhich number 4,000 only were employed at Thermopylae to defend the \npass. Xerxes, on advancing near the pass, was surprised to find they \nwere prepared to dispute his passage. He had flattered himself that \non his approach they would betake themselves to flight; and still en- \ntertaining these hopes, he waited four days to give them time to retreat. \nHe then endeavoured to gain Leonidas, one of the Spartan kings, by \nmagnificent promises, which were rejected with indignation. Xerxes \nthen wrote to him to deliver up his arms ; Leonidas, in a style truly la* \nconical, answered, "Come and take them." The Median forces were \nsent first, but they could not sustain the charge of the Grecians. \xe2\x80\x94 \nXerxes\' Persians, called the Immortal Band, next engaged, but with no \nbetter success. \n\nIn this extremity he was directed by a secret path to the top of an \neminence which overlooked and commanded the Spartan forces. Le- \nonidas now seeing it no longer possible to repulse the enemy, resolved \nto stay with three hundred Lacedaemonians who determined to die with \ntheir leader, and obliged the rest to retire. The Spartans entertained \nno hopes of either conquering or escaping, and looked upon Thermo- \npylae as their burying-place. The king exhorted his men to take some \nnourishment, telling them that they should sup together with Pluto. \nThey set up a shout, as if they had been invited to a banquet, and full \nof ardour advanced with their king to battle. The shock was exceed- \ningly violent. Leonidas was one of the first that fell. At length, op- \npressed by numbers, they were. all slain, except one man, who escaped \nto Sparta, where he was treated as a coward, till he had made glorious \namends for it at the battle of Platea. \n\nXerxes in this encounter lost above 20,000 men ; and he was made \nsensible of the difference between the valour of a few veteran troops \nand a confused multitude. The heroism of this band of Spartans was \nthe seed of their ensuing victories. It taught the rest of Greece, by \ntheir example, either to vanquish or to perish. The same day on which \npassed the glorious action at Thermopylae, there was also an engage- \nment at sea, between the two fleets, near Artemissa, a promontory of \nEuboea, upon the northern coast, towards the straits; at night both re- \ntired with nearly equal loss; and the following day another conflict \nequally indecisive took place. The Grecian fleet then sailed from \nthence to Salamis, a little isle near Attica. \n\nWhat, was the amount of the Grecian forces? \xe2\x80\x94 What number were at Thermo- \npylae ? \xe2\x80\x94 Relate the valour of the Spartans. \xe2\x80\x94 What men did Xerxes lose, and what \n8is\\ engagement happened on the same day? \n\n\n\nDEFEAT OF THE PERSIANS. 95 \n\n,. *.he mean time Xerxes entered Phocis, burned and plundered the \ncities <* the Phocians : and now the inhabitants of Peloponnesus re- \nsolved -i abandon the rest of Greece, and bring all their forces within \nthe isthmus ; over which they intended to build a wall from sea to sea, \na space of nearly five English miles. The Athenians were highly pro- \nvoked at so base a desertion. Consulting the oracle of Delphos, they \nreceived for answer, " There would be no way of saving the city but \nby walls of wood." The people were much divided about this ambi- \nguous expression; but Themistocles supposed it to intend shipping; \nand that the people should remove, for a time, from Athens, was mani- \nfestly the will of the gods. It was not without much reluctance that \nthe people consented to leave the city. The major part of them sent \ntheir fathers and mothers that were old, together with their wives and \nchildren, to the city of Trcezene,* the inhabitants of which received \nthem with great generosity. \n\nXerxes had sent off a detachment of his army to plunder the city of \nDelphi, in which were immense treasures ; and if we may believe He- \nrodotus and Diodorus Siculus, when they advanced near the temple of \nMinerva, the air suddenly grew dark, and a violent tempest arose, which \nsevered the rocks from the mountains, and buried the greater part of \nthe Persian troops. \n\nThe other part of the army marched towards the city of Athens, \nwhich was deserted of its inhabitants, except a small number of citi- \nzens who had retired into the citadel, w T hich they bravely defended. \nXerxes, having stormed the city, reduced it to ashes. \n\nAs the Grecian fleet lay in the bay of Salamis, Xerxes gave command \nfor a great number of his vessels to surround the island by night to pre- \nvent the Greeks quitting their post. Both sides prepared themselves \nfor the battle. The Grecian fleet, under the command of Themistocles, \nconsisted of 380 sail of ships. The enemy was much more numerous. \nThemistocles waited for a certain favourable wind, which arose usually \nat a certain hour, and which would be opposed to the enemy, to give \nthe signal for battle. The Persians advanced with impetuosity \xe2\x80\x94 but \nthe heat of their first attack was soon abated ; the wind was directly in \ntheir faces ; their heavy vessels were unwieldy \xe2\x80\x94 the number of their \nships, in so narrow a place, only embarrassed them ; and the Ionians \nbetook themselves to flight, and w r ere soon followed by the rest of the \nPersian fleet. A great number of the Persian ships were taken, a much \ngreater number sunk on the occasion ; and many of their allies, who \ndreaded the king\'s cruelty, made the best of their w r ay into their own \ncountry. \n\nThe remains of the Persian fleet retired towards the coast of Asia, \nand entered the Port of Cuma, a city of iEolia ; where they passed the \nwinter, without daring afterwards to return to Greece. Xerxes, being \nalarmed for his safety, set out by night, leaving Mardonius behind him \n\n* A small city on the sea side, on the part of the Peloponnesus called Argolis. \n\nWhat happened Jo the Phocians and Athenians ? \xe2\x80\x94 What occurred to Xerxes \nnear the Temple of Minerva? \xe2\x80\x94 Relate the events of the battle of Salamis. \xe2\x80\x94 \nWhere did the Persian fleet pass the winter ? \n\n\n\n96 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nin Thessaly with an army of 300,000 men, to reduce Greece, if possible \nThe rest of the army Xerxes took with him, and marched home by the \nway of the Hellespont. When arrived at the bridge, he found it broken \ndown by the violence of the waves; and he was reduced to the neces- \nsity of crossing the Strait in a small boat, escaping as a fugitive to his \nown country. \n\nMardonius, who wintered with his Persian troops in Thessaly, led \nthem in the spring into Boeotia, and sent several Persian noblemen, \nwith very advantageous proposals, to the Athenian people. He offered \nto rebuild their city, to advance them a considerable sum of money, to \nallow them to enjoy their own laws and customs, and to give them the \ncommand of all Greece. These proposals not being accepted by the \nAthenians, Mardonius marched his army a second time into Athens ; \nwasting and destroying whatever he found in his way. The Athenians \na second time abandoned their city, and retired to Salamis. Mardonius \nthen returned to Boeotia, and was followed by the Grecian army, under \nthe command of Pausanias, king of Sparta, and of Aristides, general \nof the Athenians. \n\nCHAPTER 8. \nFINAL EXPULSION OF THE PERSIANS FROM GREECE. \n\nThe Persians were overcome in a pitched battle at Platcea, and a \ngreat slaughter* ensued. Mardonius, dying of a wound he received in \n\'the engagement, all his army betook themselves to flight. Artabazus \nmade a timely retreat with about 40,000 men he commanded to Byzan- \ntium, and from thence he returned to Asia. Of all the rest of the Per- \nsian army, not 4,000 men escaped of that day\'s slaughter; and the \nGrecians were delivered from all farther invasions from that nation; \nno Persian army having ever appeared, after that time, on this side of \nthe Hellespont. \n\nOn the same day the Greeks fought the battle of Platrea, their naval \nforces obtained a memorable victory in Asia, over the remainder of the \nPersian fleet. For while that of the Greeks lay at iEgina, under the \ncommand of Leotychides, one of the kings of Sparta, and of Xanthip- \npus the Athenian, ambassadors came to those generals from the lonians \nto invite them into Asia, to deliver the Grecian cities from their sub- \njection to the barbarians. On this invitation they set sail for Asia. \nThe Persians, hearing of their approach, retired to Mycale, a promon- \ntory of the continent of Asia; where their forces consisted of 100,000 \nmen. Here they drew their vessels ashore, and surrounded them with \na strong rampart. The Grecians attacked them, and, with the help of \nthe lonians, defeated their land army, forced their rampart, and burnt \ntheir vessels. \n\n* See engraving at the beginning of the History of Greece. \n\nWhat were Mardonius\'s proposals to the Athenians ? \xe2\x80\x94 Describe the final retreat \nof the Persians. \xe2\x80\x94 What occurred to the Persians at Mycale? \xe2\x80\x94 What orders did \nXerxes leave on his retiring ? \n\n\n\nEXPULSION OF THE PERSIANS FROM GREECE. 97 \n\nXerxes, hearing of these overthrows, fled from Sardis, and retired \ninto Persia, to be as far as possible out of the reach of his victorious \nenemies. But before he set out, he ordered, at the instigation of the \nMagi, that all the Grecian temples and images should be burned and \ndemolished ; the Persians being professed enemies to images in divine \nworship; and not one escaped except the temple of Diana at Ephesus. \nThe war, commonly called the war of Media, being terminated, (A. M. \n3526. B. C. 478,) the Athenians returned home, and sent for their wives \nand children, whom they had committed to their friends during the \nwar, and began to think of re-building their city, which had been \nalmost entirely destroyed by the Persians. They also proposed to sur- \nround it with strong walls, to secure it from farther violence. The \nLacedaemonians, conceiving a jealousy against the measure, sent an \nembassy to Athens to dissuade them from the attempt ; but by the arti- \nfices of Themistocles, who was sent ambassador to Lacedaemon, the \nfortifications went on and were completed. \n\nThemistocles next turned his attention to finish the buildings and for- \ntifications of the Port of Piraeus ; a work which he began when he \nentered into office. Before his time they had no other port at Athens \nbut that of Phalerus, which was neither large nor commodious. His \ndesign was to make the whole force of Athens, maritime. When the \ncity of Athens was entirely rebuilt, the people endeavoured to make \nthe Athenian state wholly popular. Aristides, seeing that it would be \nno easy matter to curb too high a people, who, in a measure, had their \narms in their hands, passed a decree that the government should be \ncommon to all the citizens ; and that the Archons, who used to be \nchosen only out of the richest of its members, should, in future, be \nelected by the Athenian citizens, without distinction. By thus giving \nup the privilege to the people, he prevented commotions which might \nhave proved fatal, not only to the Athenian state, but to all Greece. \n\nCHAPTER 9. \nTREASON OF PAUSANIAS \xe2\x80\x94 FLIGHT OF THEMISTOCLES. \n\nThe Grecians (A. M. 3528. B. C. 476,) now sent a fleet to sea to de- \nliver such of their allies as were still under the yoke of the Persians, \nout of their hands. Pausanias commanded the fleet of the Lacedaemo- \nnians : and Aristides and Cimon that of the Athenians. They first de- \nlivered the cities in the isle of Cyprus to their liberty ; then steering \nfor the Hellespont they attacked and made themselves masters of the \ncity of Byzantium. Pausanias, who from this time conceived thoughts \nof betraying his country, sought to gain the favour of Xerxes, offering \nto deliver the city of Sparta and all Greece into his hands if he would \ngive him his daughter in marriage. The king returned a favourable \nanswer, and remitted him large sums of money to second his designs. \nDazzled with the prospect of his future greatness, Pausanias changed \nhis conduct and behaviour : he laid aside the frugal manners of his \n\nWhat decree was passed by Aristides ? \xe2\x80\x94 What change occurred in Pausanias ? \n9 \n\n\n\n98 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\ncountry, and assumed the dress and state of the Persians. He treated \nthe allies with insufferable insolence, and required extraordinary honours \nto be paid tc him. So different a deportment from that of Aristides \nand Cimon, at length alienated the Spartan soldiers, who placed them \nselves under the command and protection of the Athenians. \n\nUpon the repeated complaints the Spartan commonwealth received \nagainst Pausanias, they recalled him to account for his conduct. The \nevidence was not thought sufficient to criminate him till a letter, which \na slave had orders from Pausanias to deliver to Xerxes, was put into \nthe hands of the Ephori, from which his guilt was evident, and he fled \nand sheltered himself in the temple of Pallas. His pursuers, as they \nwould not violate the sacred asylum by taking him out by force, closed \nthe entrance with great stones, and tore off the roof to expose him to \nthe inclemency of the weather, and left him to starve to death. \n\nThemistocles was also charged with being an accomplice of Pau- \nsanias ; but he ably rebutted the imputation. He was then in exile \nA passionate thirst of glory, and a strong desire to domineer, had made \nhim so very odious to the citizens, that they had banished him from \nAthens, by ostracism, and he withdrew to Argos. From thence he fled \nfirst to Epirus, and thence to Admetus, king of Molossus. This was \na dangerous choice ; for Themistocles had made the king his enemy by \nrefusing him that aid he had previously solicited from the Athenians ; \nbut Admetus, moved with compassion in seeing before him, as a sup- \npliant, the greatest man of all Greece, and the conqueror of Asia, pro- \nmised him protection. \n\nHitherto the cities of Greece had contributed sums of money for car- \nrying on the wars against the barbarians ; which not being made in a \njust and equal proportion, had caused great feuds. It was now thought \nproper to lodge in the island of Delos, the common treasure of Greece ; \nand to fix new regulations with regard to the public moneys ; so that an \nequitable rate, according to the revenue of each city, might be raised. \nBut the chief business was to find a person of so uncorrupt a mind, as \nto discharge faithfully the difficult duty. All the allies cast their eyes \non Aristides ; accordingly he was invested with full powers to levy the \ntax, relying entirely on his wisdom and justice ; and the citizens had \nno cause to repent their choice. He presided over the treasury with a \ndisinterestedness and fidelity that have secured to him, to the latest \nposterity, the glorious surname of " the Just." \n\nCHAPTER 10. \n\nDEATH OF XERXES. \n\nXerxes\' ill success in his expedition against the Greeks caused him \nto renounce all thoughts of war and conquest ; he abandoned himself to \nluxury and pleasure. Artabanus, captain of the guards,* conspired \n* Not the uncle of Xerxes. \n\nWhat death did Pausanias die ? \xe2\x80\x94 Whither did Themistocles fly for safety? \xe2\x80\x94 \nIn what island was the common treasury of Greece, and to what duty was Aris- \ntmes chosen ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who conspired against the life of Xerxes ? \n\n\n\nDEATH OF XERXES. 99 \n\nagainst his sovereign ; and flattering himself with the hope of succeed- \ning him in the throne, entered the king\'s chamber, and murdered him \nin his sleep. \n\nThe Greeks give Artaxerxes, who now succeeded to the throne, the \nsurname of Longimanus, from the length of his right hand. Had it not \nbeen for that blemish, he would have been the most graceful man of the \nage. He was still more remarkable for his goodness and generosity. \nHe reigned about forty-nine years. His first object was to suppress the \nfaction of Artabanus, and the next to overcome his brother Hystaspes, \ngovernor of Bactriana. \n\nAccording to Thucydides, Themistocles fled to this prince in the be- \nginning of his reign ; but other authors, as Strabo, Plutarch, and Dido- \nrus, fix this incident under Xerxes, his predecessor. Dr. Prideaux is \nof the latter opinion ; he likewise thinks that the Artaxerxes in ques- \ntion, is the same with him who is called Ahasuerus in Scripture, and \nwho married Esther; but we suppose with Archbishop Usher, that it \nwas Darius, the son of Hystaspes, who espoused this illustrious Jew- \ness. We have already noticed that Themistocles had fled to Admetus, \nking of the Molossi ; but by the threats of the Athenians he was com- \npelled to favour his flight. He soon after took refuge in the house of \nNicogenes, the most wealthy man of JEgeae in ./Eolae, and intimate \nwith the lords of the Persian court. \n\nNicogenes sent him under a strong guard to Susa, in one of those \ncovered chariots, in which the Persians usually conveyed their wives. \nBeing come to the Persian court, and admitted to an audience, he fell \non his face before the king, in the Persian manner, and after rising up, \n" Great king," said he, by an interpreter, " I am Themistocles, the \nAthenian, who having been banished by the Greeks, am come to your \ncourt in hopes of finding an asylum," &c. \xe2\x80\x94 History informs us that the \nking considered Themistocles\'s arrival as a great happiness. \n\nThe next day, on his being brought before the king, he presented him \nwith 200 talents,* which sum he had promised to any one who would \ndeliver him up, and which, consequently, was his due, as he had deli- \nvered up himself. He was afterwards desired to give an account of the \naffairs of Greece ; which he at first did by the assistance of an inter- \npreter; but it is said that when he had studied the Persian tongue \ntwelve months, he spoke it with an ease and fluency equal to the Per- \nsians themselves. Artaxerxes treated him with uncommon marks of \nfriendship and esteem ; gave him a palace and an equipage suitable to \nit, and settled on him a noble pension. \n\nIt was afterwards judged necessary for the king\'s interest, that The- \nmistocles should reside in some city in Asia Minor. Accordingly, he \nwas sent to Magnesia, situated on the Meander ; and for his support, \nbesides the revenue of the city, which amounted to fifty talents, he had \nthose of Myas and Lampsachus assigned him. Here he resided many \nyears in the utmost splendour. \n\n* About 45,000/. sterling. \n\nWhere did Themistocles take refuge? \xe2\x80\x94 How was he received by the Persian \nking ? \xe2\x80\x94 What presents did he receive, and where reside ? \n\n\n\n100 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nIt is said that the conquests of Cimon, and the increasing power of \nthe Athenians, gave Artaxerxes great uneasiness. To prevent the con- \nsequences, he resolved to send Themistocles into Greece, with a great \narmy. Themistocles on this account was in great perplexity. How \ncould he refuse a king who had heaped upon him favours so abundant 1 \n*nd yet how could he carry arms against his country, and sully the \nglory of his former achievements 1 To rid himself of these inward \nstruggles, he resolved to put an end to his life. He therefore prepared \na solemn sacrifice, to which he invited his friends ; when, after taking \na last farewell, he swallowed a dose of poison at Magnesia, in the 65th \nyear of his age. When the king was told the cause and the manner of \ntils death, it raised his admiration. The Magnesians erected a monu- \nment to his memory ; and his tomb was still standing in Plutarch\'s \ntime, 600 years after. Themistocles was certainly one of the greatest \nmen that Greece ever produced. \n\nThe Egyptians, about this time, revolted from Artaxerxes, and made \nIcarus, prince of the Libyans, their king ; the Athenians also came to \ntheir assistance. The Persian forces were at first unsuccessful ; but a \nsecond army was victorious; Egypt submitted to the conquerors, and \nwas reunited to the empire of Artaxerxes, in the 20th year of his reign. \n(A.M. 3550. B.C. 454.) \n\nIt is an essential part of the history of this prince to notice what is \nrecorded in Scripture. In the seventh year of the reign of Artaxerxes, \nEsdras obtained of the king and his seven counsellors, an ample com- \nmission, empowering him to return to Jerusalem, with all such Jews \nas would follow him thither, to settle the Jewish government and reli- \ngion. From the commission given him, it appears that this prince had \na high veneration for the God of Israel ; for he adds, (A. M. 3537, \nB. C. 467. 1 Esdras, 7.) Let all things be performed after the law of \nGod diligently, unto the most high God, that wrath come not upon the \nkingdom of the king and his son. Esdras exercised these powers faith- \nfully for thirteen years ; till Nehemiah brought a new commission from \nthe Persian court. \n\nNehemiah was also a Jew of distinguished merit and piety, and one \nof the cup-bearers to king Artaxerxes. One day as he was waiting \nupon the king, the latter observing an air of sadness in Nehemiah\'s \ncountenance, asked him the cause of it. Nehemiah mentioned the ca- \nlamitous state of his country, and humbly asked permission to go to \nJerusalem, to repair the fortifications. The kings of Persia, his pre- \ndecessors, he said, had permitted the Jews to rebuild the temple, but \nnot the walls of Jerusalem. The king immediately permitted him, and \nordered a body of horse to escort him thither. It is from this decree \nof Artaxerxes, in the twentieth year of his reign, that we date the be- \nginning of the seventy weeks, mentioned in the prophecy of Daniel, \nafter which the Messiah was to appear, and to be cut off, but not for \nhimself. \n\nWhat was the cause of his death ? \xe2\x80\x94 Was there not a revolt of the Egyptian* ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nDid not the Persian king favour the Jews? \xe2\x80\x94 What is related of Nehemiah and \nEsdras ? \n\n\n\nRISE OF PERICLES. 101 \n\nWhen Esdras was in power, as his chief object was to restore reli- \ngion to its ancient purity, he disposed the books of Scripture into their \nproper order ; to these he added the history of his own times, which \nwas finished by Nehemiah. While Esdras and Nehemiah were com- \npiling- the latter part of that great work, Herodotus, whom profane au- \nthors call the father of history, began to write. Thus the latest au- \nthors of the Scripture history flourished about the same time with the \nfirst authors of the Grecian. \n\nCHAPTER 11. \n\nRISE OF PERICLES \xe2\x80\x94 PUBLIC SERVICES OF CIMON. \n\nFrom the banishment of Themistocles, and the death of Aristides, \ntwo citizens, Cimon and Pericles, divided all authority in Athens. \nPericles, who was descended from the most illustrious families of \nAthens, was much younger than Cimon. He possessed different qual- \nities from those of his rival, seeking power by bringing in the wildest \ndemocracy. All barriers of the constitution were thrown down by \nPericles, and power given to the lowest of the people. \n\nPericles was brought up under the most learned men of his age, one \nof whom was Anaxagoras of Clazomene, who instructed him in that \npart of philosophy which relates to nature, and is therefore called \nPhysics. Pericles, however, did not devote himself to it as a philo- \nsopher but a statesman. The talent he cultivated with the greatest care \nwas eloquence. To this all his other studies were directed ; exalting \nthe study of philosophy (said Plutarch) with the dye of rhetoric. The \npoets, his contemporaries, used to say, that his eloquence was so pow- \nerful, that he lightened, thundered, and agitated all Greece. There \nwas no resisting the solidity of his arguments, or the harmony of his \nlanguage ; whence it was said that the goddess of persuasion, with all \nher graces, resided on his lips. It is related of him, that he never \nspoke in public, till he had besought the gods not to suffer any ex- \npression to drop from him either incongruous to his subject, or offensive \nto the people. \n\nPericles was not only very like Pisistratus, in the sweetness of his \nvoice, and the fluency of expression, but he also much resembled him \nin the features of his face, and in his whole air and manner. To pre- \nvent, therefore, his being obnoxious to the jealousy of the people, he \nat first rather shunned affairs of government, and was more intent upon \ndistinguishing himself in war and dangers. But on the death of Aris- \ntides and the banishment of Themistocles, seeing Cimon engaged in \nforeign wars, and absent from Greece, he appeared more in public, and \ndevoted himself entirely to the party of the people. This he did not \nso much out of inclination, but to remove suspicions of his aspiring to \nthe tyranny; and still more to raise a bulwark against the influence \n\nAt what period did Herodotus flourish? \xe2\x80\x94 Who divided the chief authority at \nAthens ? \xe2\x80\x94 By whom was Pericles instructed ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was said of his eloquence 1 \n\xe2\x80\x94 What was the public conduct of Pericles? \n9* \n\n\n\n02 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nof Cimon, who had joined with the nobles. However, he could not \nequal the magnificence of his rival, whose immense riches enabled him \nto bestow such largesses, as appear to us, in our day, almost incredible. \nT3ut Pericles, to gain the love of the populace, divided the conquered \nlands among the citizens; distributed among them the public revenues, \nfor the expenses of their games and shows, and annexed pensions to \nall public employments. These new regulations, however, were un- \nfavourable to the public, as they introduced the people to luxurious \nand dissolute habits, and corrupted the purity and simplicity of their \nancient manners. \n\nSo great an ascendant did Pericles gain over the minds of the peo- \nple, that Valerius Maximus makes scarcely any difference between Pi- \nsistratus and Pericles, except that the one exercised his influence by \nforce of arms, and the other by the powers of his eloquence. \n\nPericles\' next step was, if possible, to weaken the authority of the \ntribunal of the Areopagus, of which he had not been chosen a member. \nBy the assistance of E phial tes, one of his creatures, he subverted some \nof their fundamental laws and ancient customs, and took from the \nsenate of the Areopagus the cognizance of most causes that used to \nbe brought before it. \n\nCimon being returned to Athens, the praises he bestowed on the \nSpartans, and his attempts to restore the power of the aristocracy, ex- \ncited the people against him. \n\nIn the year B. C. 470, a most dreadful earthquake happened in \nSparta, and the whole city, five houses only excepted, was laid in \nruins; the mountains were shaken to their foundations, many of their \nsummits being torn away ; and in several places the country was en- \ntirely swallowed up. To heighten the calamity, the Helots, or slaves, \nattempting to recover their liberty, endeavoured to murder such as had \nescaped the earthquake. They also entered into an alliance with the \nMessenians, who were at that time engaged in a war with the Spartans. \n\nIn this extremity, the Lacedaemonians sent to Athens to implore suc- \ncours. This was opposed by E phial tes, who gave it as his opinion that \nthe rival of Athens ought to be left in ruins, and the pride of Sparta \nthereby humbled for ever. But Cimon, on the contrary, declared \n" That it was inconsistent to leave Greece lame of one of its legs, and \nAthens without a counterpoise." The people came into his opinion, \nand accordingly, a succour was voted. Cimon marched to the aid of \nthe Lacedaemonians with 4,000 men. A second army was also sent to \noppose the Messenians and Helots, but the Spartans, seeing the intre- \npidity of the Athenians, began to dread their power, and declined the \nacceptance of their services. The Athenians returned full of indigna- \ntion, declaring themselves enemies to all that favoured the Lacedaemo- \nnians, and Cimon was banished by the Ostracism. \n\nThis is the first time that the leaven of dissension between these two \nstates, augmented by mutual distrust and bitterness, displayed itself \n\nWith whom was Pericles compared ?\xe2\x80\x94 What public calamity happened a \nbparto ? \xe2\x80\x94 To whom did they apply for succour ? \xe2\x80\x94 What leaven of dissension hap- \npened in Greece ? \n\n\n\nPUBLIC SERVICES OF CIMON. 103 \n\nopenly. And though the blow was suspended for years by hollow \ntruces and treaties, yet it at length broke out in the utmost violence in \nthe Peloponnesian war. \n\nThe Athenians, perceiving the great occasion they had for Cimon, \nrecalled him from banishment, in which he had spent five years. When \nhe returned he stifled the sparks of war which were about to break out \namong the Greeks. He reconciled the two cities, and prevailed with \nthem to conclude a truce of five years \xe2\x80\x94 and he led them a distance from \nhome against the common enemy : thus endeavouring to inure the citi- \nzens to war, and at the same time, to enrich them. Accordingly, he \nput to sea with a fleet of 200 sail. He sent sixty to Egypt to the aid \nof Amyrteus, and he himself sailed with the rest against the island of \nCyprus. Artabazus was at that time in those seas, with a fleet of 300 \nsail ; and Megabyzus, the other general of Artaxerxes, with an army \nof 300,000 men, on the coast of Cilicia. Cimon attacked Artabazus, \ntook 100 of his ships, sunk many, and chased the rest, as far as the \ncoast of Phoenicia. On his return, he made a descent on Cilicia ; at- \ntacked Megabyzus, and cut to pieces a prodigious number of his troops. \nHe afterwards returned to Cyprus, with this double triumph; and laid \nsiege to the strong city of Citium ; intending, after the reduction of the \nisland, to sail for the assistance of Egypt, and indeed he meditated \nnothing less than the subversion of the mighty empire of Persia. \n\nIt was at this time that a rumour prevailed, that Themistocles was to \ncommand the Persians against him. But we have already seen that \nThemistocles, to prevent leading an enemy against his country, put an \nend to his existence. \n\nArtaxerxes, tired of a war in which he had sustained such great \nlosses, with the advice of his council, put an end to it. Accordingly \nhe sent orders to his generals, and a peace was concluded with the \nAthenians. Thus ended a war which, from the burning of Sardis by \nthe Athenians, had lasted fifty-one years. While this treaty was ne- \ngotiating, Cimon died, universally regretted. He was a great politi- \ncian; an accomplished general; modest when raised to the highest \nemployments and most distinguished honours, and averse to ostentation \neven in the midst of riches. \n\nCHAPTER 12. \n\nPERICLES AT THE HEIGHT OF HIS POWER. \n\nThe nobles of Athens, to check the authority of Pericles from grow- \ning up to monarchy, opposed to him Thucydides, who had displayed \ngreat wisdom on numberless occasions ; and, combating Pericles in all \nhis designs, he soon restored things to an equilibrium. Pericles derived \nhis greatest honour from adorning the city with magnificent edifices, \nand other works which raised the admiration of all foreigners. It is \nsurprising that in so short a space so many works of architecture, \n\nWhat forces did Cimon raise, and with whom contend ? \xe2\x80\x94 With whom did the \nGrecians make peace? \xe2\x80\x94 How long had the war lasted ? \n\n\n\n104 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nsculpture, and painting, should have been performed. One day when \nthe people were severe upon Pericles for lavishing the public money, \nYi gilding and embellishing the city, in magnificent statues, and in \nraising temples that cost millions,* he offered to defray the whole ex- \npense of these works, provided the public inscriptions on them should \ndeclare that he only had been at the charge of them. At these words, \nthe people, fired with emulation, with one voice, bid him welcome to \nthe public treasury. Phidias, the celebrated sculptor, presided over all \nthese works. \n\nAt length, the rupture between Pericles and Thucyd ides rose to such \na height, that one or the other of them must necessarily be banished by \nthe Ostracism. The former got the better of Thucydides ; after whose \nbanishment he obtained despotic authority over the city and government \nof Athens. He disposed, at pleasure, of the public money, troops, and \nships. He reigned singly and alone, not only over the Greek, but the \nconquered nations. Among many great qualities, Pericles possessed \none no less rare than valuable. He had a disinclination to the receiv- \ning of gifts ; an utter contempt of riches : and though he had long dis- \nposed of the treasures of Greece, he did not add a single drachm to his \npatrimonial inheritance. This was the true source of the supreme \nauthority of Pericles, in the republic. Pericles maintained his author- \nity for forty years, notwithstanding the opposition of Cimon, of Tol- \nmides, of Thucydides, and many others. Of these forty years, he \nmaintained it fifteen without a rival, from the time of Thucydides\'s \nbanishment ; and disposed of all things with absolute power. \n\nThe Lacedaemonians began to grow jealous of the prosperity of the \nAthenians. Pericles, to inspire his fellow citizens with greater mag- \nnanimity, published a decree, that orders should be sent to all the \nGreeks, that they should send deputies to Athens, for debating on the \nways and means to rebuild the temples that had been burned by the \nbarbarians ; and also for establishing such a discipline in their navy, \nthat all ships might sail in safety, and that the Greeks might live in \npeace one with another. Accordingly, twenty persons were chosen for \nthis embassy, each of whom was upwards of fifty years old, to go to \nall the several dependencies of Greece ; namely, to the Ionians and \nDorians of Asia, to the inhabitants of the islands as far as Lesbos and \nRhodes, \xe2\x80\x94 to the Hellespont and Thrace, as far as Byzantium \xe2\x80\x94 to Boeotia, \nPhocis, and Peloponnesus ; and from thence by the Locrians, to pro- \nceed to the several cities of the upper continent, as far as Acarnania \nand Ambracia; to cross Euboea to mount Veta, and the gulf of Malae; \nand to the inhabitants of Phthiotis, of Achaia, and of Thessaly. But \nthese solicitations were in vain ; the cities did not send their deputies, \nowing to the opposition made to it by the Lacedaemonians ; who were \n\n* The temple of Minerva alone, called the Parthenon, had cost about 145,000Z. ster- \nling. \n\nWhat proposal did Pericles make? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was the celebrated sculptor at this \nperiod ? \xe2\x80\x94 What were the qualities of Pericles ?\xe2\x80\x94 How long did he maintain his \nauthority ? \xe2\x80\x94 For what purpose were twenty persons chosen? \xe2\x80\x94 What was theii\' \nage, and to whom were they sent? \n\n\n\nPERICLES AT THE HEIGHT OF HIS POWER. 105 \n\nsensible that Pericles\'s design was to have Athens acKnowledged mis- \ntress and sovereign of all Greece. \n\nThe Lacedaemonians, having entered armed into the country where \nthe temple of Delphi is situated, had dispossessed the people of Phocis \nof its superintendence, and bestowed it on the Delphians. On their \nretiring, Pericles went thither with an army and restored the Phocians. \nThe Eubceans having rebelled at the same time, Pericles marched \nthither with an army, and subjected all the cities of Eubcea to the \nAthenians. The inhabitants of Megara had also taken up arms ; and \nthe Lacedaemonians, headed by Philistonax their king, were on the \nfrontiers of Attica. On the approach of Pericles, the Lacedaemonian \narmy retired. (B. C. 446.) A truce now concluded for thirty years \nbetween the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians, restored things to a \npresent tranquillity \xe2\x80\x94 but this calm was not <5f long duration. The \nAthenians six years afterwards took up arms against Samos, in favour \nof Miletus. After sustaining a nine months\' siege, the Samians sur- \nrendered. \n\nThe Peloponnesian war, which we shall soon have occasion to notice, \nwas occasioned principally by the unjust desire of dominion in the \nAthenians. Pericles, foreseeing that a rupture would soon ensue be- \ntween the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, advised the former to send \naid to the people of Corcyra (now Corfu,) which the Corinthians had \ninvaded ; and to win over to their interest that island, which was so \nvery formidable at sea. Another cause of rupture between the Athe- \nnians and Corinthians was Potidaea, a city and colony of Macedonia. \nIn consequence of some unjust demands of the Athenians, the Potidae- \nans declared against them; and several neighbouring cities followed \nthe example. Both Athens and Corinth armed and sent forces thither : \nthe two armies engaged near Potidaea, and that of the Athenians had \nthe advantage. Alcibiades, who was then very young, and Socrates, \nhis master, signalized themselves on this occasion ; and it was said, \nthat there was not a soldier in the army who so resolutely supported \nall the toils and fatigues of the campaign as Socrates. \n\nNotwithstanding the loss which the Corinthians sustained in the \nbattle, the inhabitants of Potidaea did not change their conduct, and \nthe city was therefore besieged. The Corinthians sent a deputation to \nLacedaemon to complain of the Athenians, as having infringed the arti- \ncles of peace. After considerable debates, the assembly declared, that \nin their opinion the Athenians were the aggressors. Accordingly the \nallies were convened, and war was resolved on by general consent. \nIn order to observe the necessary formalities, ambassadors were sent to \nAthens, to complain of the violation of the treaty, and to require, \namong other things, that iEgina should be free \xe2\x80\x94 that the siege of Po- \ntidaea should be raised, and the decree against the Megarians should be \nrepealed. Pericles opposed all their demands with the utmost force \nand eloquence, which his view of the public welfare rendered more \n\nWhat did the Lacedaemonians against the Phocians, and what steps were taken \n*>y Pericles? \xe2\x80\x94 What occasioned the Peloponnesian war? \xe2\x80\x94 What city did the \nAthenians besiege ? \n\n\n\n106 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nvehement and triumphant than it had ever appeared before. He ob- \nserved, that were the Athenians to submit to these requisitions, the \nLacedaemonians would then prescribe new laws, as to a people seized \nwith dread ; he proposed, however, that arbitrators might be chosen, in \norder to adjust their differences. The ambassadors returned home \xe2\x80\x94 \nno reply was sent to Athens, and the Peloponnesian war soon com- \nmenced. \n\nBefore we proceed with this war, we will glance at the transactions \nof the Greeks in Sicily and Italy. We have already noticed that \nXerxes, who meditated the destruction of Greece, had prevailed on the \nCarthaginians to make war on Sicily, and Hamilcar was charged with \nthe expedition ; but the Carthaginians were entirely defeated by Gelon, \nwho at that time had the chief authority in Syracuse. Gelon was born \nin the city of Gelas in Sicily. He had signalized himself very much \nin the wars which Hippocrates, tyrant of Gela, carried on with the \nneighbouring powers. After the death of Hippocrates, Gelon possessed \nhimself of the government ; and some time after he made himself \nmaster also of Syracuse ; he extended the limits of that territory, and \nmade himself very powerful. Gelon gained a second victory over Ha- \nmilcar ; and from this defeat of the Carthaginians, Sicily enjoyed a \nprofound peace ; Syracuse was particularly happy in its tranquillity, \nunder the auspicious government of Gelon. The whole of royalty \nthat he assumed were the toils and cares of it, a zeal for the public \nwelfare, and the sweet satisfaction which results from making millions \nhappy by his cares. Tacitus said he found no other example, except \nin Vespasian, of any one whom the sovereignty made the better man. \nA revered old age \xe2\x80\x94 a name dear to all his subjects \xe2\x80\x94 a reputation \nequally diffuse within and without the kingdom \xe2\x80\x94 these were the fruits \nof that wisdom which he retained on the throne to the last period of \nhis life. A splendid mausoleum, surrounded with nine towers of a \nsurprising magnificence, was erected to his memory. \n\nAfter Gelon\'s death, the sceptre continued for nearly twelve years in \nhis family : he was succeeded by Hiero, his eldest brother. Hiero has \nbeen charged with being avaricious, and unjust ; and acting as a tyrant \nover his people, rather than a king; but an infirm state of health in- \nduced him afterwards to seek the conversation of men of learning. \nThe most famous poets of the age came to his court, as Simonides, \nPindar, Bacchylides, and Epicharmus; and it is affirmed that their \ninteresting conversation greatly contributed to soften the cruel and \nsavage disposition of Hiero. On one occasion the prince asked Simo- \nnides his opinion with regard to the nature and attributes of the Deity \nThe latter desired one day\'s time to consider it; the next day he asked \ntwo, and went on increasing in the same proportion. The prince \npressing him to give his reasons for these delays, he confessed that the \nsubject was above his comprehension, and that the more he reflected, \nthe more obscure it appeared to him. Hiero died after having reigned \neleven years, and was succeeded by his brother Thrasybulus, who treat- \n\nWhat is said of Xerxes? \xe2\x80\x94 What of Gelon? \xe2\x80\x94 What is the character of Hiero \n\xe2\x80\x94 What was the reply of Simonides ? \n\n\n\nTHE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 107 \n\ned his subjects with a cruelty that was insupportable. On which ac- \ncount he was besieged even in Syracuse ; and, after a feeble resistance, \nhe withdrew into banishment among the Locrians, when he had reigned \nbut one year. \n\nCHAPTER 13. \nTHE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. \n\nThe first act of hostility in the Peloponnesian war was committed \nby the Thebans, who besieged Plataea, a city of Boeotia in alliance \nwith Athens. The truce being evidently broken, both sides prepared \nfor war, and almost every part of Greece was in motion. The majority \nwere for the Lacedaemonians, as being the deliverers of Greece; be- \ncause Athens, by its pride and severity, had incurred their hatred ; and \nthey were apprehensive of becoming its dependents. The confederates \nof the Athenians were the people of Chios, Lesbos, Plataea, the Mes- \nsenians of Naupactes ; the greatest part of the Acarnanians, Corcyrans, \nCephalonians, and Zacynthians ; besides the tributary countries, as \nmaritime Caria, Doria, Ionia, the Hellespont, and the cities of Thrace \n(Chalcis and Potidaea excepted) ; all the islands between Crete and \nPeloponnesus eastward, and the Cyclades (Melos andThera excepted). \n\nThe forces of the Lacedaemonians being ready, two-thirds marched \nto the isthmus of Corinth, and the rest were left to guard the Pelopon- \nnesus. Achidamus, king of Sparta, who commanded the army, still \nzealous for the tranquillity of Greece, sent a Spartan to Athens, to pre- \nvail, if possible, with the Athenians to lay aside their designs; other- \nwise his army would soon march into Attica. But the Athenians \nwould not suffer him to enter their city. \n\nThe Athenians, by the advice of Pericles, as they had not forces suf- \nficient to oppose the enemy on land, their chief strength consisting of \n300 galleys, immediately removed with their wives, children, movea- \nbles, and all their effects from the surrounding country, and took shelter \nwithin the city ; intending to shut themselves up without hazarding a \nbattle. In the mean time the Lacedaemonians entered Attica, and laid \nwaste, with dreadful havock, the whole country round Athens ; but \nfinding the Athenians were determined not to leave the city, and having \nlearned also that the Athenian fleet had carried fire and sword into the \nLacedaemonian territories, they raised their camp, returned to Pelopon- \nnesus, and retired to their separate homes. \n\nIn the beginning of the second campaign, (B. C. 430,) the Lace- \ndaemonians made another incursion into Attica, and laid it waste; but \nthe plague made a greater devastation in Athens than had ever been be- \nfore known. Hippocrates was actively employed in visiting the sick \nbut the pestilence baffled the utmost effort of art ; and the skill of the \nphysicians was a feeble help to those that were infected. The king of \nPersia had invited Hippocrates to his court, with the most advanta- \ngeous offers ; but all the glitters of Persian riches and dignities could \n\nWhat character is given of the Athenians ? \xe2\x80\x94 How were the forces of the La> \ncedceraonians employed ? \xe2\x80\x94 What ste.^s were taken by the Athenians ? \n\n\n\n108 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nnot bribe this great physician. He, therefore, in a short reply, declin \ned the invitation, saying, " that he owed all his cares to his fellow \ncitizens and countrymen." The Athenians were struck with the deep- \nest sense of gratitude for this generous care of Hippocrates, and or- \ndained, by a public decree, that he should be presented with a crown \nof gold of the value of 1,000 statens. (\xc2\xa3358. 6s. 8d.) _ \n\nIn the mean time the enemy, having again marched into Attica, laid \nwaste the whole country. Pericles, adhering to the maxim he had \nestablished, not to expose the safety of the state to the hazard of a \nbattle, would not suffer his troops to sally out of the city ; however, \nbefore the enemy left the plains, he sailed to Peloponnesus with 100 \ngalleys, in order to hasten their retreat, by his making so powerful a \ndiversion, and after having made as dreadful havoc as he had done \nthe year preceding, he returned into the city. \n\nThe campaign being thus ended, the Athenians, who saw their \ncountry depopulated by war and pestilence, began to despond and mur- \nmur against Pericles. They also sent deputies to Lacedaemon to sue \nfor peace ; but the ambassadors returned without being able to obtain \nany terms. Pericles was, therefore, deprived of his command, and a \nlarge fine was imposed on him ; but as fickleness and inconstancy \nwere the prevailing characters of the Athenians, his public disgrace was \nnot to be lasting; the anger of the people was soon appeased, and they \nwished to see him again in their assemblies. But Pericles now expe- \nrienced domestic troubles. The plague had carried off Xanthippus, \nhis son, his sister, and many of his relations. \n\nAbout the end of the second campaign, ambassadors had been sent \nfrom Lacedaemon, to solicit the king of Persia\'s alliance and assistance, \nto enable them to enlarge their fleet. This reflected great ignominy on \nSparta, and sullied their former glorious actions at Thermopylae, in \nopposing Persia. The ambassadors, however, were intercepted and \nsent to Athens, where they suffered death. Potidaea had now been \nbesieged almost three years, by the Athenians, and being reduced, at \nlength, to the utmost extremity, they surrendered. \n\nSoon after this event, Pericles was infected with the pestilence, and \nnear his end. The principal citizens, and such of his friends as had \nnot forsaken him, were discoursing together in his bed-chamber about \nhis distinguished merit, and the trophies he had won by his many vic- \ntories ; not imagining that Pericles overheard them. Pericles suddenly \nbroke silence, and expressed his surprise that while they extolled him \nfor actions common to other public men, and in which fortune has so \ngreat a share, they should forget the most glorious circumstance in his \nlife ; which was, that he had never caused a single citizen to put on \nmourning. Pericles united most of the qualities that constitute the \ngreat man. During forty years he governed the Athenians ; and what \n\nWhat was the reply of Hippocrates to the Persian king, and what reward did \nthe Athenians confer on him ? \xe2\x80\x94 What occurred between the Spartans and Athe- \nnians ? \xe2\x80\x94 What disgrace and troubles awaited Pericles ? \xe2\x80\x94 What steps were taken \nby Lacedaemon ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the fate of the ambassadors? \xe2\x80\x94 Relate the inter- \nView between Pericles and his friends. \n\n\n\nPELOPONNESIAN WAR. 109 \n\nis more surprising-, he gained this great ascendency merely by persua- \nsion ; without employing mean artifices or force. \n\nThe most memorable transaction of the following years was the \nfamous siege of Platsea, by the Lacedaemonians, \xe2\x80\x94 on account of the \nvigorous efforts of both parties ; but especially for the glorious resist- \nance made by the besieged, and for their bold and industrious strata- \ngems, by which numbers got out of the city and escaped the fury of the \nenemy. \n\nThe next, summer, the fourth year of the war, the people of Lesbos \nresolved to break their alliance with the Athenians. The affliction of \nthe Athenians was greatly increased, when the news was brought of \nthe revolt of so considerable an island ; and notwithstanding their \nefforts to retain it, the Lesbians entered into the alliance of Peloponne- \nsus ; and brought two-thirds of their forces in the gulf of Corinth, \nintending to invade Attica both by sea and land. The Athenians, to \nundeceive their enemies, who supposed they were very weak, put to \nsea with a fleet of 100 sail, and after having shown themselves before \nthe Isthmus of Corinth, they made descents, into whatever parts of \nPeloponnesus they pleased. The world had never seen, in those days, \nit has been said, a finer fleet. The Athenians guarded their own coun- \ntry and the coasts of Euboea and Salamis, with a fleet of 100 ships. \nThey cruised round Peloponnesus with another fleet of the like number \nof vessels, without including their fleet before Lesbos and other places. \nThe whole amounted to 250 galleys. But the expenses of these pow- \nerful armaments helped materially to exhaust their treasury. \n\nCHAPTER 14. \n\nPELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED \xe2\x80\x94 AFFAIRS OF PERSIA \xe2\x80\x94 \nALCIBIADES. \n\nThe Lacedaemonians, greatly surprised at so formidable a fleet, \nreturned with the utmost expedition to their own country. A thousand \nheavy-armed troops had been sent to Mitylene, by whose assistance \nthe city was taken. Many of the factious Mitylenians were put to \ndeath, and the city dismantled. The cities which belonged to the \nMitylenians on the coast of Asia, were also subjected to the Athenians. \n\nIn the sixth year of the war of Peloponnesus, the plague broke out \nagain at Athens, and swept off great numbers. But the Lacedaemoni- \nans made yearly incursions into Attica, and the Athenians into Pelo- \nponnesus. In the seventh year of the war, the Athenians, headed by \nDemosthenes, had taken Pylo, a small city on the west coast, and for- \ntified it. The Lacedaemonians attempted its recovery, and Brasidas, \none of their leaders, signalized himself here by one of the most extra- \nordinary acts of bravery. A battle was fought at sea, in which the \nAthenians were victorious ; a suspension of arms was the consequence, \nand the Lacedaemonians sent to Athens to sue for peace. The Atheni- \n\n\n\nWhat display did the Athenians rrwke of their fleet ? \xe2\x80\x94 Did the Athenians grant \nthe peace solicited ? \n10 \n\n\n\n110 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nans had now a happy opportunity for terminating the war, by a peace, \nwhich would have been as glorious to them, as advantageous to all \nGreece. But Cleon, their present leader, prevented its taking effect ; \nnor would the Athenians restore the Peloponnesians the ships held \nduring the suspension. A haughty carriage in success, and want of \nfaith in the observance of treaties, never fail to involve the aggressors \nin calamities. \n\nIn the seventh year of the Peloponnesian war, Artaxerxes sent to the \nLacedaemonians, Artaphernes, an ambassador, with a letter, written in \nthe Assyrian language, acknowledging having received many embassies \nfrom them ; but the purport of them differed so widely, that he knew \nnot what they requested : and that he had sent a Persian, desiring, if \nthey had any proposal to make, they would send a confidential person \nback with him. This minister landed in Thrace, and was sent by an \nadmiral of the Athenian fleet to Athens, where he was treated with the \nutmost respect, and, as soon as the season would permit, he was sent \nback at the public expense ; and some of the citizens were appointed \nto attend him to the Persian court. Upon landing at Ephesus, they \nwere informed that Artaxerxes was dead ; upon which the Athenian \nambassadors thinking it not advisable to proceed further, and taking \nleave of Artaphernes, returned to their own country. \n\nArtaxerxes died about the beginning of the 49th year of his reign, \n(B. C. 425,) and Xerxes, who succeeded him, was his only legitimate \nson. Sogdianus, a natural son, in concert with Pharnacias, one of \nXerxes\' eunuchs, came insidiously, one festival day, to the new king, \nwho, after drinking to excess, had retired to his chamber, and killed \nhim, after he had reigned forty-five days. Sogdianus was declared \nking in his stead. He was scarcely on the throne, when he put to \ndeath Bagorazus, one of his father\'s eunuchs. By these two murders, \nhe became the horror both of the army and the nobility. He next sent \nfor Ochus, who, suspecting the design, delayed coming, till he could \nadvance at the head of a strong army. A great number of the nobility, \nand several governors of the provinces joined in his cause, put the tiara \non Ochus\'s head, and proclaimed him king. Sogdianus made but an \nill-conducted and cowardly defence to retain the crown ; and falling \ninto Ochus\'s hands he was thrown into ashes, and died a cruel death. * \n\nOchus, now settled in the empire, changed his name from Ochus to \nthat of Darius ; and to distinguish him, historians add the epithet \nNo0oj, (Nothos,) signifying bastard. He reigned nineteen years. \n\nArsites, the third brother, meditated supplanting Ochus (hereafter \nto be called Darius ;) but both himself and Artyphius, his general, \nwere defeated, and being made prisoners, were smothered in ashes. \nAnother commotion was occasioned by the rebellion of Pisuthenes, go- \n\n* This was a kind of punishment peculiar to the Persians, and exercised only on great \ncriminals. One of the largest towers was filled to a certain height with ashes. The \ncriminal was thrown headlong into them. After which the ashes were by a wheel \nturned perpetually round him till he was suffocated. \n\n\n\nWhat message was received from Artaxerxes ? \xe2\x80\x94 When did the Persian monarch \ndie ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did he reign, and who succeeded ? \xe2\x80\x94 Mention the plots formed \nagainst Darius. \n\n\n\nPERSIAN AFFAIRS. Ill \n\nvernor of Lydia. But he being subdued and made prisoner, met his \ndeath, by being sentenced to the same fate as the former rebels. The \nson of Pisuthenes, Amorges, still rebelling, was at length delivered up \nto suffering and death. Darius was again involved in fresh troubles, \nby one of his eunuchs, who, intoxicated by the supreme authority which \nthe favour of his sovereign gave him, resolved to make himself king. \nHowever, his plot being discovered, he was delivered up to Parysatis, \nthe queen, who put him to an ignominious death. \n\nBut the greatest revolt in the reign of Darius was that of the Egyp- \ntians ; who, weary of the Persian government, fled to Amyrtaeus, of \nSais ; when he came out of the fens, where he had defended himself \nfrom the suppression of the revolt of Inarus. The Persians were driven \nout, and Amyrtaeus was proclaimed king of Egypt, where he reigned \nsix years. News having been brought to the king of Persia that Amyr- \ntaeus was preparing to pursue them to Phoenicia, he recalled the fleet \nwhich he had promised to the Lacedaemonians, to employ it in the \ndefence of his own dominions. \n\nWhile Darius was carrying on the war in Egypt, the Medes rebel- \nled ; they were, however, defeated, and reduced to their allegiance by \nforce of arms ; and to punish them for this revolt, their yoke, till then \neasy, was made heavier. \n\nDarius afterwards gave Cyrus, the youngest of his sons, the su- \npreme command of all the provinces of Asia Minor, by which the pro- \nvincial governors in that part of the empire (B. C.407,) came under his \njurisdiction. \n\nThe three or four campaigns, which followed the reduction of the \nsmall island of Sphacteria, were distinguished by few considerable \nevents. The Athenians, under Nicias, took the island of Cythera, near \nthe southern coast of Lacedaemonia, and from thence they infested the \nwhole country. Brasidas, on the other side, marched towards Thrace, \nwith a view to divide the Athenian forces. He also marched after- \nwards towards Amphipolis, an Athenian colony on the river Strymon, \nand possessed it. \n\nAbout the ninth year of the Grecian war, the losses and advantages \non both sides being pretty equal, the nations began to grow weary of \nthe contest. A truce for a year was, therefore, concluded between the \nAthenians and Lacedaemonians, in the hope that it would be followed \nby a general peace. But there were two men, Cimon of Athens, and \nBrasidas of Sparta, who opposed the tranquillity of Greece, and raised, \nbut in a very different way, an invincible obstacle to its peace. The \nAthenian, because the war screened his vices and malversations; the \nSpartan, because it added new lustre to his virtues. But their death, \nwhich happened about the same time, made way for a new accommo- \ndation. \n\nThe Athenians had appointed Cleon to command the troops, which \nwere to oppose Brasidas, and also to reduce those cities which \nhad revolted from their allegiance ; among which Amphipolis claimed \n\nAnd the revolt both of the Egyptians and Medes. \xe2\x80\x94 What leading men were \nopposed to peace, and by what motives were they influenced ? \n\n\n\n112 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\ntheir first solicitude, and Cleon encamped before it, intending to invest \nthe place on all sides, and afterwards take it by storm. In the moment \nof Cleon\'s temerity, Brasidas made a sally on the Athenians, and be- \nfore the close of the engagement, both the commanders fell, and the \ncity remained in its alliance with the Lacedaemonians. \n\nAfter this engagement, both nations seemed inclined to an accommo- \ndation, and particularly their chiefs, namely, Phlistonax, king of Lace- \ndaemonia, and Nicias, general of the Athenians. Both states began by \nrenewing a suspension of arms for twelve months ; and after a whole \nwinter had been spent in conference and interviews, a peace was con- \ncluded (B. C. 421,) for fifty years. But Alcibiades, who had Socrates for \nhis tutor, began now to advance himself in the state, and to appear in \nthe public assemblies. He was not born for repose, and used his ut- \nmost endeavours to infringe the peace, and to break with the Spartans. \n\nPassing over several minor events, we hasten to the expedition of the \nAthenians into Sicily, to which they were excited by Alcibiades, in the \nsixteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. Alcibiades had gained a sur- \nprising ascendency over the minds of the people, though they knew \nthat his great qualities were united with still greater vices. Timon, \nthe man-hater, meeting him one day as he was coming out of the as- \nsembly, told him that " his advancement would be the ruin of the Athe- \nnians." The war of Sicily will show that Timon was not mistaken. \n\nCHAPTER 15. \nUNFORTUNATE EXPEDITION TO SICILY. \n\nThe people of Egesta, in Sicily, (B. C.416,) at this juncture, im- \nplored the aid of the Athenians against the inhabitants of Selinunta, \nwho were assisted by the Syracusans. The aid was granted, and Alci- \nbiades, Nicias, and Lamachus, were appointed to the command of the \nfleet, with full powers, not only to succour Egesta, but also to regu- \nlate the affairs of Sicily. When the ships were loaded, and the troops \ngot on board, the trumpet sounded, and solemn prayers were offered up \nfor the success of the expedition ; gold and silver cups were filled \neverywhere with wine, and the accustomed libations were poured out. \nAnd now, the hymn being sung, and the ceremony ended, the ships \nsailed first to iEgina, and from thence to Corey ra, where the army of \nthe allies was assembling with the rest of the fleet. When they arrived \nin Sicily, Alcibiades took Catana by surprise. This was the first and \nlast exploit performed by him in this expedition; he being immediately \nrecalled by the Athenians, to be tried, with some others, for an offence \nagainst the sacred mysteries.* \n\nAlcibiades obeyed the order of the captain, who was commissioned \n\n\xe2\x99\xa6The crime was that of wantonly mimicking the ceremonies and mysteries of Ceres \nfind Proserpine ; Alcibiades, representing the high priest, at their head. \n\nWhat befel the Spartan and Athenian commanders ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who were now for peace ? \n\nWho opposed it? \xe2\x80\x94 What said Timon, the man-hater, to Alcibiades? \xe2\x80\x94 Who \nimplored the Athenians\' aid ? \xe2\x80\x94 What ceremonies took place before the departure \nof the ships? \xe2\x80\x94 For what crime was Alcibiades recalled ? \n\n\n\nEXPEDITION TO SICILY. 113 \n\nto recall him from Sicily ; but the instant he had arrived at Thurium, \nhe got on shore and disappeared, and the captain was under the morti- \nfying necessity of returning to Athens, without his prisoner. Alcibi- \nades was sentenced to die for his contumacy ; his estates were confis- \ncated, and the priests and priestesses were ordered to curse him. Among \nthe latter was one Theano, who alone had the courage to oppose the \ndecree; saying, "that she had been appointed priestess, not to curse, \nbut to bless \xe2\x99\xa6" \n\nAfter the departure of Alcibiades, Nicias possessed the chief au- \nthority. As Alcibiades despaired of ever being recalled home, he sent \nto the Spartans, desiring leave to reside among them, under their guard \nand protection. He was received by them with open arms, and soon \nafter his arrival in their city, he gained the esteem of all the inhabitants \nby his engaging urbanity. \n\nNicias, after some engagements, besieged Syracuse, a city of vast \nextent, on the eastern coast of Sicily, in the eighteenth year of the \nwar. The Sicilians, in their distress, sent to Corinth, their parent \nstate, for succours ; but none arriving, after having held out a long \ntime, they were resolving to capitulate, and a council was held to settle \nthe articles of capitulation to the Athenian forces. It was at this criti- \ncal juncture, that an officer named Gylippus, arrived from Corinth with \na considerable force, and completely changed the face of affairs. The \nAthenian generals, though often defeated on land, hazarded a sea fight, \nand were vanquished. After still holding out on land to the utmost \nextremity, they surrendered. On the next day a council was held to \ndeliberate on the fate of the prisoners ; the cruel sentence was enforced, \nthat the two Athenian generals should be first scourged with rods, and \nafterwards be put to death. Thus, the finest fleet that ever sailed from \nAthens, together with an army of 40,000 men, with their generals, lost \nlife and liberty. The news of this defeat reaching Athens, they vented \ntheir griefs against the orators and the soothsayers. Never had they \nbeen reduced to so deplorable a condition. Without horse or foot \xe2\x80\x94 \nwithout money, galleys, or mariners, they were apprehensive every \nmoment that the enemy, elated with so great a victory, would invade \nAthens by sea and land, with all the forces of Peloponnesus. This \ndefeat of the Athenian army was followed by the taking of Athens ; of \nwhich the ancient form of government was changed by Lysander. \n\nAn alteration took place in the constitution of Athens, by the influ- \nence of Pisander. Alcibiades was recalled from exile, and afterwards \nappointed Generalissimo. In several contests he was so successful as \nto humble the pride of Sparta. Byzantium, and several other cities, \nsubmitted to the Athenians. (B. C. 407.) Alcibiades, who passion- \nately desired to see his country again, after so many victories over their \nenemies, now set out for Athens. The sides of his ships were covered \nwith bucklers, and all sorts of spoils, with their ensigns and ornaments, \nin form of trophies. The people came out in a body to welcome and \ncongratulate him with incredible shouts of joy. \n\nWhat was enjoined upon the priests and priestesses? \xe2\x80\x94 What fate awaited the \nAthenian generals ? \xe2\x80\x94 ; To what state were the Athenians reduced ? \xe2\x80\x94 What change \ndid Pisander effect ? \xe2\x80\x94 Relate Alcibiades\' victories, and his visit to Athens. \n\n10* \n\n\n\n114 HISTORY OF CREECE. \n\nAlcibiades soon called an assembly of the people. The Athenians, \ntransported with hearing him speak, decreed him crowns of gold, \nappointed him general by sea and land, with unlimited power, and \nrestored him all his fortune. He set sail accordingly with 200 ships, \nand steered for the island of Andros, which had revolted. \n\nThe Lacedaemonians, alarmed at the return and success of Alcibi- \nades, thought it needful to oppose him with an able general ; and they \ngave Lysander the command of the fleet, who sailed for Ephesus. But \nsuch was the fame of Alcibiades, never having been overthrown in any \nbattle, either by sea or land, that Lysander dared not encounter him. \nAlcibiades, however, had occasion to go into Phocsea and Ionia, to raise \nmoney for the payment of his troops ; and while absent, Antiochus, to \nbrave the Spartan, entered the port of Ephesus with two galleys. \nLysander, enraged at the insult, pursued him, \xe2\x80\x94 a general engagement \nwas the result, and Lysander gained the victory. \n\nThrasybulus left the camp, and went to Athens to accuse Alcibiades \nof neglecting his fleet, and of his numerous debaucheries. The Athe- \nnians gave credit to these impeachments. They had vainly supposed \nthat nothing Alcibiades desired to do was impossible for him ; and they \nmade it a sufficient crime in him, that the rapidity of his conquest did \nnot equal their expectations. Alcibiades was deposed, and ten generals \nwere nominated in his stead. He retired to some castles he had in the \nThracian Chersonesus. \n\nAbout this time died Phlistonax, one of the kings of Lacedsemonia ; \nand was succeeded by Pausanias, who reigned fourteen years. Calli- \ncratides was now appointed to succeed Lysander ; and after having \ngained several victories over the Athenians, he pursued Cimon, one of \ntheir generals, into the port of Mitylene, and kept him blocked up. \nBut Cimon, receiving large supplies from Athens, a battle ensued at \nArginusse, in which Callicratides lost his life, and the Lacedsemonians \ngave way, and retired in great disorder. \n\nPlutarch equals Callicratides, the Lacedaemonian general, for his \njustice, valour, and magnanimity, with all who had ever rendered them- \nselves most worthy of admiration among the Greeks : and Cicero, before \nthe time of Plutarch, had passed nearly the same opinion of him. \n\nIn the battle of Arginusae, the Athenian generals ordered some of the \nofficers to return with about fifty galleys, to take up the wrecks and \ndead bodies, in order to their interment : for the ancients held it a great \ncrime not to provide sepulture for the dead. The officers excused them- \nselves by alleging the violence of the storm, and appealed for the truth \nof what they said to the pilots. But it was decreed that the delinquent \nofficers should be punished with death, their estates confiscated, and \nthe tenth part thereof consecrated to the Goddess Minerva. Some \nsenators at first opposed this decree as unjust and contrary to the laws ; \nbut Socrates, the celebrated philosopher, was the only one who per \n\nHow came the Spartans to gain the victory? \xe2\x80\x94 What generals succeeded Alci \nhiades? \xe2\x80\x94 What is said of Phlistonax, Pausanias, Cimon, &c.? \xe2\x80\x94 With whom does \nPlutarch equal Callicratides ? \xe2\x80\x94 What cruelties were exercised towards the officers., \nand was it not opposed by Socrates ? \n\n\n\nTHE THIRTY TYRANTS. 115 \n\nsisted firmly in his opposition. Six of the officers were scarcely exe- \ncuted, when the people opened their eyes, and perceived all the horrors \nof that sentence ; but their repentance could not recall the dead to life. \nCallixenes, the orator who spoke against them, was first imprisoned ; \nand, after making his escape, he ended his days universally detested \nand abhorred. \n\nCHAPTER 16. \nTHE THIRTY TYRANTS \xe2\x80\x94 THRASYBULUS. \n\nAfter the defeat at Arginussc, the affairs of the Peloponnesians \ndeclining, the allies sent an embassy to Sparta, to request that the com- \nmand should be again given to Lysander. The request was complied \nwith. Lysander sailed towards the Hellespont, and laid siege to Lamp- \nsacus, which he carried by storm. The Athenians followed him close, \nand halted at JEgospotamus, over against the enemy at Lampsacus. \nThe Hellespont is not above 2,000 paces broad in that place. The two \narmies, seeing themselves so near each other, expected to come to an \nimmediate engagement. But Lysander manoeuvred for some days, till \nhe found the enemy entirely off his guard, and then made an easy and \na complete conquest. Thus Lysander terminated a war in the space \nof an hour, which had already lasted twenty-seven years. Three thou- \nsand prisoners taken in this battle were condemned to die. \n\nWhen the news of this entire defeat arrived at Athens, the city was \nin universal consternation. Nothing was heard but cries of sorrow and \ndespair. The two kings of Sparta, Agis and Pausanias, advanced with \nall their troops towards Athens ; and Lysander soon arrived at the \nPiraeus with his fleet, and shut up the port. The Athenians, besieged \nboth by land and sea, and without provisions, or hopes of relief, sent \ndeputies to Agis, to propose a treaty with Sparta. After much delay, \na peace, on these conditions, was concluded, " That the fortifications \nof the Piraeus, with the long wall that joined it, should be demolished ; \nthat the Athenians should deliver up all their galleys, twelve only ex- \ncepted ; that they should abandon all the cities they had seized, and \ncontent themselves with their own lands and country ; and that they \nshould make a league offensive and defensive with the Lacedaemoniana" \n\nLysander caused the wall to be demolished to the sound of flutes and \ntrumpets, and with all the exterior marks of rejoicing, as if all Greece \nhad that day regained its liberty ; and he then established thirty archons, \nor rather tyrants, over the city. \n\nIt was about the end of the Peloponnesian war, that Darius Nothos, \nking of Persia, died, after a reign of nineteen years. Cyrus had ar- \nrived at the court before his death, and Parysatis, his mother, whose \nidol he was, not contented with having made his peace, pressed the old \nking to declare him his successor. But Darius did not carry his com- \nplaisance for her so far ; he gave the crown to Arsaces, his eldest son, \n\nWhat decisive battle was fought at the Hellespont ? \xe2\x80\x94 What disasters happened \nin consequence to Athens? \xe2\x80\x94 What Persian king died, and who attempted to suc- \nceed ? \n\n\n\n116 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nby Parysatis, and bequeathed to Cyrus only the provinces he had al- \nready. (B.C. 404.) \n\nArsaces, upon ascending the throne, assumed the name of Artaxerxes, \nto whom the Greeks gave the surname of Mnemon, from his prodigious \nmemory. Cyrus, having resolved to dethrone his brother, employed \nClearchus, the Lacedaemonian general, with a body of Grecian troops, \nunder pretence of a war which that Spartan was to carry into Thrace. \n\nThe Council of Thirty, established at Athens by Lysander, committed \nthe most execrable cruelties, upon pretence of restraining the multitude \nwithin the bounds of their duty. They had caused guards to be as- \nsigned them \xe2\x80\x94 they armed 3,000 citizens for their service, and at the \nsame time disarmed the rest. The whole city was in the utmost terror \nand dismay. Whoever opposed their oppressions, became their vic- \ntims. Riches were a crime that never failed to draw a sentence upon \ntheir owners ; always followed with death and the confiscation of their \nestates, which the thirty tyrants divided among themselves. Nothing \npassed through the city but imprisonments and murders. Every one \ntrembled for himself or his friends. The Athenians seemed to have \nlost not only their valour, but their speech, lest their words should be \nconstrued into a crime. \n\nSocrates alone remained intrepid, and set all men an example of \ncourage and resolution. Many of the citizens, of any consideration in \nAthens, quitted a place reduced to such slavery. At the head of these \nwas Thrasybulus, a person of extraordinary merit, who beheld with \nthe most lively affection the miseries of his country. Lysias, an orator \nof Syracuse, who had been banished by the thirty, raised 500 soldiers \nat his own expense, and sent them to the aid of the Athenians, and \nThrasybulus with these and the force he could raise, took the small fort \nof Phyla, and then marched to the Piraeus, of which he made himself \nmaster ; and the tyrants were overthrown and expelled. Ten persons \nwere substituted in their stead, whose conduct proved no better than \ntheirs. \n\nIt is a matter of surprise, that so general and so uniform a conspiracy \nagainst the public good, should always actuate the several bodies in the \nadministration of this government. This we have seen in the four \nhundred, formerly chosen by Athens ; again in the thirty, and now in \nthe ten ; and what augments our wonder is, that this passion for ty- \nranny should possess so immediately republicans, born in the bosom \nof liberty. There must be in the mind of man a strong propensity to \nimperious rule, and the subjection of his equals. The lust of power \nseems in some to extirpate the social affections. \n\nThe tyrants, having taken up arms to re-instate themselves in the \ngovernment, and being present at a parley for that purpose, were all put \nto the sword, and left Athens in full possession of its liberty. Thra- \nsybulus at this time proposed the celebrated amnesty, by which the \ncitizens engaged upon oath, that all past transactions should be buried \n\nHow did the Council of Thirty behave at Athens ? \xe2\x80\x94 What did Socrates, Thra \nsybulus, and Lysias? \xe2\x80\x94 What reflections have been drawn from it? \xe2\x80\x94 Wherein \nconsisted the wisdom of Thrasybulus ? \n\n\n\nEXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 117 \n\nin oblivion. The government was re-established upon its ancient foot- \ning ; the laws restored to their pristine vigour, and magistrates elected \nwith the usual forms. The wisdom and moderation of Thrasybulus, \nso salutary, after a long continuance of domestic troubles, stand here \nconspicuous. It is one of the finest events in ancient history ; worthy \nthe Athenian lenity and benevolence ; and may serve as a model of \ngood government to succeeding ages. \n\nLysander, after his victories which terminated the Peloponnesian \nwar, was carried away by vanity and presumption. He permitted the \nGrecian cities to dedicate altars to him, to offer sacrifices, and chant \nhymns and canticles in honour of him. He governed cities with ty- \nrannic power, nor could those he hated escape his vengeance. The \nnumber he caused to be massacred is incredible. Pharnabasus, the \nsatrap of Persia, weary of Lysander\'s repeated acts of injustice, sent \nambassadors to Sparta, to complain of the wrongs he had received from \nthat general, and the Ephori recalled him. Lysander was at that time \nin the Hellespont. The letter to the Ephori threw him into great con- \nsternation. He returned to Sparta, and was divested of his power. \n\nCHAPTER 17. \nEXPEDITION OF CYRUS. \n\nYoung Cyrus, son of Darius Nothos and Parysatis, saw with pain \nhis elder brother Artaxerxes on the throne ; and he attempted to de- \nprive him of his crown and life together. The tears and entreaties of \nParysatis obtained his pardon from Artaxerxes, who dismissed him to \nhis government in Asia Minor. Cyrus was still bent on dethroning \nhim, and for this purpose carried himself courteously, and gained the \nhearts of those who were under his jurisdiction, that they might aid \nhis design. He was solicitous also to raise a body of Grecian troops, \nand Clearchus the Spartan, having retired to his court, after being \nbanished from Sparta, was joined by a body of about 13,000 Grecians, \nthe flower and chief force of his army \xe2\x80\x94 besides these, Cyrus had \nabout 100,000 Asiatics, under Ariaeus the Persian general. \n\nArtaxerxes assembled a numerous army to receive his brother. \nThe battle was fought at Cunaxa, about twenty-five leagues from \nBabylon. The forces of the king of Persia amounted to 1,200,000, \nunder four generals, without including 4,000 horse, which never quitted \nthe king\'s person. In the royal army were also 260 chariots armed \nwith scythes, in that of Cyrus about thirty of such chariots. When \nthe armies approached each other within four or five hundred paces, \nthe Greeks began to sing the hymn of battle, and then sprung upon the \nking\'s army with such impetuosity, that they did not wait the charge, \nbut fled with precipitation, except Tisaphernes who stood his ground \nwith a small portion of his troops. \n\nSupposing the victory gained, Cyrus was proclaimed king by those \n\nWas not Lysander intoxicated by his victories ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the attempt of \nyoung Cyrus? \xe2\x80\x94 How did the Greeks commence the battle ? \n\n\n\n118 HISTORY OP GREECE. \n\naround him : but he soon perceived that Artaxerxes was wheeling his \nright to attack him in flank, and marched directly against him with his \nGOO horse, and beholding his brother, he made for him with a head- \nlong impetuosity. The battle then became, in some measure, a single \ncombat, between Artaxerxes and Cyrus; and after a doubtful conflict \nCyrus fell ; but whether by a flight of darts, which was aimed at him \nfrom all sides, or from the king\'s javelin, is not known. The greatest \npersons then attendant on Cyrus, were all killed around him. \n\nThe Greeks on their side, and Artaxerxes on his, not knowing what \nhad passed elsewhere, believed, each of them, that they had gained the \nvictory : the former because they had put the enemy to flight and pursu- \ned them, and the king because he had killed his brother, and plundered \nhis camp. Nor was it till the next day, that the Greeks were certain \nof Cyrus\'s death, when Persian heralds arrived from the king to sum- \nmon them to deliver up their arms. They haughtily replied they \nwould sooner die than part with them, and that they would sell their \nlives and liberties together. \n\nThe generals of the Greeks, after a conference with Tisaphernes \nand the queen\'s brother, were assured of not finding any obstacle to \ntheir return to Greece; but in an interview which happened soon after, \nfive of them, namely, Clearchus, Menon, Proxenes, Agias and Socrates, \non entering the tent of Tisaphernes, were seized, and sent to the king, \nwho ordered their heads to be struck off; and their attendants, twenty \ncaptains, and about 200 soldiers, were put to the sword. \n\nCHAPTER 18. \nRETREAT OF THE TEN THOUSAND. \n\nTheir generals having been thus seized and their attendants massa \ncred, the Grecian army was in the highest consternation. They were \nfive or six hundred leagues from Greece, surrounded with great rivers \nand hostile nations, without any supplies of provision. They therefore \nchose generals and captains to supply the place of \'those that had been \nso treacherously murdered, and prepared to commence their retreat. As \nthey were occasionally harassed by detachments sent against them, \nthey began their march in the form of a hollow square, with the bag- \ngage in the centre. The first day, they were much annoyed by the horse \nand slingers sent against them. To oppose these, 200 men were chosen \nout of the Rhodians in the army, whom they armed with slings, and \naugmented their pay for their encouragement. They could throw as far \nagain as the Persians ; because they discharged balls of lead, and the \nothers made use of large flints. They mounted also a squadron of \nfifty men upon the horses, by which a second detachment of the enemy \nwas very severely handled. \n\nAfter some days\' march, Tisaphernes appeared with all his forces, \n\nWhat was the result of the conflict between Artaxerxes and Cyrus ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was \nthe haughty reply of the Greeks ? \xe2\x80\x94 How were the Greeks treated by Tisaphernes ? \n\xe2\x80\x94 In what way did they commence their march ? \n\n\n\nRETREAT OF THE TEN THOUSAND. 119 \n\nnarassing the Greeks, who still kept moving on till they arrived at \nthe river Tigris ; but as its depth would not allow them to pass at that \nplace without boats, they were obliged to continue the march over the \nCarducian Mountains. They were told by some peasants that on en- \ntering Armenia they might cross the Tigris at its source, and not far \nfrom it the Euphrates also. To gain these defiles before the enemy \ncould arrive, they set forward in the night. A council of war being soon \nafter held, it was judged proper to leave behind them all the beasts of \nburden not absolutely needful, together with all the slaves lately taken. \nThe passing of the mountains, which took up seven days, fatigued the \ntroops extremely, but at length they arrived at villages, where they \nfound provisions in abundance, and where they rested some days to re- \ncover the severe fatigues the army had suffered. \n\nThey found themselves soon after exposed to new dangers. Almost \nat the foot of the mountains they came to a river 200 feet broad, called \nCentrites, which stopped their march ; and they had to defend them- \nselves against the enemy, who pursued them in the rear, and the Arme- \nnians, the soldiers of the country, who guarded the opposite sides of \nthe river. By good fortune they afterwards discovered a place not so \ndeep, \xe2\x80\x94 but it required abundance of address and valour to keep off the \nenemy on both sides. The army, however, passed the river without \nmuch loss. \n\nThey afterwards marched with less interruption, passed near the \nsource of the Tigris, and arrived at the beautiful little river, Teleboa, \nin Western Armenia, which has many villages on its banks. Tiribases, \nthe governor, a satrap much beloved by the king, permitted the army \nto pass, and the soldiers to purchase what they wanted, provided they \ncommitted no ravages. He kept, however, as a check, a flying camp, \nat a small distance from the army. A fall of snow which occurred \nsoon after gave the troops some inconvenience. After some days\' march \nthrough deserts, they passed the Euphrates near its source ; not having \nthe water above their middles. They afterwards suffered extremely \nfrom a north wind which blew in their faces. In order to appease it, \nthey sacrificed to it, according to the custom of their religion ; upon \nwhich it seemed to abate. \n\nThey marched on in snow five or six feet deep, which killed several \nservants and beasts of burden, besides thirty soldiers. They made fires \nduring the night, for they found plenty of wood. Continuing their \nmarch the next day through the snow, many, from excess of hunger, \nwere affected with languor and fainting ; and some were found lying \non the ground through excessive weakness ; but when refreshed and \nrecovered, they continued their march. \n\nThe enemy still pursued them : of whom many, overtaken by the \nnight, remained on the way without fire or provisions ; so that several \ndied of their hardships ; and the enemy that followed took some bag \n\nWhat river did they attempt to cross, and what mountains ? \xe2\x80\x94 With what new \nenemies did they encounter ? \xe2\x80\x94 What refreshments did they obtain ? \xe2\x80\x94 What did \nthey do to appease the severity of the North wind ? \xe2\x80\x94 What loss did they sustain \nin the snow ? \n\n\n\n120 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\ngage. A few soldiers also were left behind that had lost their eyes, \nand others their toes by the snow. Against the first evil, something \nblack was ordered to be worn before the eyes ; and against the other, \nthe legs were to be kept always in motion, and the feet to be bathed at \nnight. Arriving in a more commodious place, they dispersed them- \nselves into the neighbouring villages, to recover and repose after their \nfatigues. The houses were mostly built under ground, with an open \ning at top, through which the descent was by a ladder. Here they \nwere taught to fasten a kind of small hurdles to their feet, to prevent \nsinking in the snow. The army, after resting seven days in these vil- \nlages, pursued their route. \n\nAfter a march of seven days more, they arrived at the river Araxes \nor Phasus. A few days after they discovered the Phasians, the Cha- \nlybes, and the Taochians, who kept the passes of the mountains to \nprevent their descent ; but at length the enemy was put to flight and \nthe passes cleared. They crossed the country of the Chalybes, who \nare the most valiant of all the barbarians of those parts. Having \nmarched twelve or fifteen days longer, they arrived at a very high \nmountain called Tecqua, from whence they descried the sea. The \nview of it caused great delight, and they cried out with exultation, \n" The sea, the sea ;" while they could not refrain from tears, nor from \nembracing their generals and officers, and then, without waiting for \norders, they heaped up a pile of stones, and erected a trophy, with \nbroken bucklers and other arms. \n\nFrom thence they advanced to the mountains of Colchis, of which \nthe Colchians had possessed themselves. The Greeks drew up in bat- \ntle at the bottom, and their generals encouraged them with its being the \nlast obstacle they had to surmount. Imploring the assistance of their \ngods, they ascended ; but the enemy, not being able to support the \ncharge, dispersed. The Greeks passed the mountain, and encamped in \nvillages, where they found provisions in abundance. A singular cir- \ncumstance happened there to the army. The soldiers, finding a num- \nber of bee-hives in that place, and eating the honey, were taken with \nviolent vomiting and fluxes, attended with raving fits ; so that even the \nleast ill seemed like drunken men, and the rest either furiously mad or \ndying. The earth was strewed with their bodies, as after a defeat ; \nhowever none of them died, and the distemper ceased the next day, \nabout the same time it had taken them. The third or fourth day the \nsoldiers got up, but in the condition of people who have taken a violent \nmedicine. \n\nTwo days after the army arrived at Trebisond, a Greek colony of Si- \nnopians, situated upon the Euxine, or Black Sea, in the province of \nColchis. Here they lay in camp for thirty days, and acquitted them- \nselves of the vows they had made to Jupiter, and the other deities, to \nobtain a happy return to their own country. They also celebrated the \n\n\n\nMention the precautions that they made use of \xe2\x80\x94 From what mountain did they \ndescry the sea ? \xe2\x80\x94 How did the Colchians oppose them ? \xe2\x80\x94 What effect had the \nhoney eaten by the Grecians ? \xe2\x80\x94 Where is Trebisond ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did they en- \ncamp there ? \xe2\x80\x94 What game3 did they celebrate ? \n\n\n\nAGESILAUS. 121 \n\ngames of horse and foot races, wrestling, boxing, the pancratium ; the \nwhole attended with joy and solemnity. \n\nThey next deliberated on the best means for their return to Greece. \nThey were inclined to proceed by sea ; but not being able to procure a \nsufficient number of ships, they marched by land to Cerasus, where \nthey had a general review of the troops, who were found to amount to \n8,600 men, out of about 10,000 ; the rest having died in the retreat, of \ntheir wounds, fatigues, or diseases. From thence they proceeded to \nCotyora, where they embarked, and the next day arrived at Sinope, a \ncity of Paphlagonia. \n\nHitherto, during their march, they had no leader ; all affairs were \ndetermined in the council of w T ar by the plurality of voices. They were \nnow resolved to nominate a general, and they cast their eyes on Xeno- \nphon ; but he declining the honour, they elected Chirisophus, a Lace- \ndaemonian, for their general. The soldiers, now approaching near to \nGreece, were desirous of making some booty, and it was not without \ndifficulty that Xenophon extricated both them and their leaders from \nsome imprudences. At length, partly by land and partly by sea, they \nreached Chrysopolis, opposite Byzantium, and from thence crossed over \nthat arm of the sea which separates the two continents. \n\nCHAPTER 19. \n\nAGESILAUS \xe2\x80\x94 VICTORY OF CONON \xe2\x80\x94 DECLINE OF THE \nLACEDAEMONIAN POWER. \n\nThis retreat of the 10,000 Greeks has always passed among the \njudges of the art of war for a perfect model in its kind, and never had \na parallel. No enterprise could be formed with more bravery, or con- \nducted with greater prudence, or executed with better success. Ten \nthousand men, 500 or 600 leagues from their own country, who had \nlost their generals and best officers, in the heart of the enemy\'s vast \nempire, in the sight of a victorious and numerous army ; to retire in a \nmanner from the gates of the king\'s palace, and to traverse a vast ex- \ntent of unknown countries, almost all in arms against them, every hour \nexposed to innumerable obstacles and dangers ; passes of rivers, of \nmountains and defiles ; open attacks, secret ambuscades, famine, almost \ninevitable through vast and desert regions, and to return through a \nthousand dangers triumphant to their own country, these are exploits \nto which there is no parallel. Jt was the success of this memorable \nretreat which filled the people of Greece with contempt for the power \nof Artaxerxes, and gave birth to those bold enterprises which at length \nbrought the Persian empire to the very brink of destruction. \n\n(B. C. 397.) Agis, one of the Lacedaemonian kings, died about this \ntime, and the crown was disputed by Leotychides and Agesilaus, the \nformer the son, the latter the brother, of the deceased. Indeed there \nwas a current report that the queen had confessed Leotychides to be \n\nWhom did the Greeks now appoint as their leader? \xe2\x80\x94 What eulogiums nave \nbeen bestowed on the above retreat ? \n11 \n\n\n\n122 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nher son by Alcibiades. Most of the Spartans, charmed with the virtue \nand great merit of Agesilaus, supported him with all their influence ; \nand he was declared king. Plutarch observes that Agesilaus, from his \ninfancy, was remarkable for uniting those great qualities in himself \n"\xc2\xabi T hich are generally incompatible ; a vivacity of spirit, an invincible \nresolution, and an ardent passion to surpass others, with a docility, \ngentleness, and nobleness of disposition. He was lame ; but that de- \nfect was covered by the easy gaiety of his manner, and the gracefulness \nof his person. \n\nBy such obliging conduct, supported by such extraordinary merit, he \nacquired great credit, and almost absolute power, in the city. The \nEphori, to prevent its effects, and give a check to his ambition, laid a \nfine upon him ; alleging, as their sole reason, that he attached the \nhearts of the citizens to himself alone, which were the right of the \nrepublic. Never was a king of Sparta so powerful as Agesilaus ; and \nit was only, as Xenophon says, by obeying his country in every thing,* \nthat he acquired so great an authority. \n\nAgesilaus had scarcely ascended the throne when accounts came \nfrom Asia that the king of Persia was fitting out a fleet, with intent to \ndeprive the Lacedaemonians of the empire of the sea. The Spartan \nking took upon himself the expedition, accompanied by Lysander ; and \nhis first object was to deliver the Greeks in Asia from their subjection \nto Persia. He first gained a victory over Tisaphernes, the Persian \nsatrap ; and Tithraustes was commissioned by the Persian king to say \nthat the cities of Asia should enjoy their liberty, paying him the cus- \ntomary tribute, provided he would withdraw his troops, and return to \nGreece. Agesilaus had been two years at the head of the army in \nAsia, and had already made the most remote provinces tremble at his \nname. He had restored order and tranquillity in all the Greek cities, \nand reinstated them in the possession of their liberty, not only without \nshedding of blood, but without banishing a single person. Agesilaus \nwas then about to lead on his troops into the heart of Persia ; but he \nreceived orders from the Ephori to return and defend his country. \n\nTithraustes, who commanded for the king in Asia, seeing the ten- \ndenc) r of Agesilaus\'s designs, and desiring to prevent their effects, had \nsent Timocrates, of Rhodes, into Greece, with great sums of money, \nto corrupt the principal persons in the cities, and by their means occa- \nsion defection against Sparta. The haughtiness of the Lacedaemonians, \nespecially since they considered themselves masters of all Greece, had \nuniversally disgusted the people ; and from the cities in their depend- \nence they exacted a submission, which by their severity was rendered \ninsupportable. \n\nTithraustes, therefore, did not find it difficult to draw off Thebes, \n\n* Simonides, the poet, called Sparta " the tamer of men ;" because it rendered its in- \nhabitants, by good habits, the most active and vigorous, and, at the same time, the most \nobedient to the laws. \n\nWhat said Tlutarch of Agesilaus? \xe2\x80\x94 What did the Ephori to check his ambi- \nt.on? \xe2\x80\x94 How did Agesilaus oppose the Persian forces? \xe2\x80\x94 Did not the Persians \nattempt to bribe the Grecians ? \n\n\n\nDECLINE OF THE LACEDEMONIAN POWER. 123 \n\nArgos, and Corinth, from Sparta; and Athens soon after seconded their \nefforts with vigour. The Lacedaemonians took the field, and entered \nPhocis. Lysander, in besieging Haliartus, met his death, and Pausa- \nnias, who was to act in concert with him, on his return to Sparta, was \ndisgraced. In the mean time, the Lacedaemonians had raised anothei \narmy, and given the command of it to Aristodemus. Their enemies \nassembled to concert the operations of the war. Timolaus, of Corinth, \nsaid the Laced aemonians were like a river, that grew larger as it removed \nfrom its source ; or a swarm of bees, which it was easy to burn in their \nhives, but who disperse themselves widely when they fly abroad ; and \nhis opinion was, that they should be attacked in their capital. But the \nLacedaemonians did not give them time ; they took the field, and found \nthe enemy near Nemeea, not far from Corinth, where a rude battle en- \nsued, in which the Spartans had the advantage. \n\nAbout this time the Persian and Lacedaemonian fleets came in view \nof each other near Cnidos, a maritime city of Caria, in Asia Minor. \nPharnabazus, the satrap, and Conon, the Athenian, had the command \nof the former; and Pisander, the brother-in-law of Agesilaus, of the \nlatter. Conon, who had in some measure occasioned the taking of \nAthens, by the loss of the sea-fight near ^Egospotamus, used extraor- \ndinary efforts in this to retrieve his misfortune, and to obliterate, by a \nglorious victory, the disgrace of his former defeat. In the battle he was \ngoing to give, the Persians would bear the whole expense, although the \nvictory would redound to the credit of Athens. The battle was con- \ntested with great valour; but the allies of Sparta betaking themselves \nto flight, Pisander, the Spartan leader, died sword in hand. Conon \ntook fifty galleys, the rest escaped to Cnidos. The revolt of almost \nall the allies of Sparta was the consequence of this victory ; and from \nthis battle the power of the Lacedaemonians declined. All their actions \nin Asia were no more than the feeble efforts of an expiring power, till \nthe defeats of Leuctra and Mantinea completed their downfall. \n\nPharnabazus and Conon then made themselves masters at sea, and \nravaged the whole coast of Laconia. That satrap, returning to his \ngovernment of Phrygia, left Conon the command of the naval arma- \nment, with very considerable sums for the re-establishment of Athens. \nConon, victorious, repaired thither, and was received with universal \napplause. Providence seemed to decree that this city, formerly des- \ntroyed by the Persians, should be again raised at their own cost. Co- \nnon, seconded by the zeal of the Thebans, soon rebuilt the walls, and \nrestored the city to its ancient splendour. \n\nSparta could not see without extreme mortification, so glorious a \nchange in its ancient rival and almost constant enemy. This made them \ntake the resolution of avenging themselves on Athens and on Conon its \ndeliverer, by making peace with the king of Persia, and by accusing \nConon of having wasted the king\'s money, employed in the re-estab- \nlishment of Athens. Tiribazus, the Persian satrap, seized Conon and \n\nWhat Grecian states were bribed ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was said of the Lacedaemonians? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWho headed the Persian forces? \xe2\x80\x94 And who the Spartan? \xe2\x80\x94 Who were victori- \nous ? \xe2\x80\x94 What the effect on the Lacedaemonians ? \xe2\x80\x94 Did not Conon improve the city \not Athens ? \xe2\x80\x94 What disgrace befel Conon ? \n\n\n\n124 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nput him in prison. Some authors, according to Cornelius Nepos, have \nwritten that he was carried to Susa, and there executed by the king\'s \norder. The silence of Xenophon, who was his contemporary, in regard \nto his death, makes it doubtful. \n\nIt was at this time that E vagoras extended his conquests in the island \nof Cyprus. The war had been feebly conducted for some years between \nE Vagoras and the Persians; but at last Artaxerxes applied himself \nmore vigorously to terminate the conflict. Evagoras was descended \nfrom Teucer of Salamis, who, at his return from Troy, built this city, \nand gave it the name of his country. His descendants had reigned \nthere from that time ; but a stranger of Phoenicia, having dispossessed \nthe lawful king, took his place, and to maintain himself in the usurpa- \ntion, had filled the city with barbarians, and subjected the whole island \nto the king of Persia. \n\nUnder this tyrant Evagoras was born. He was distinguished among \nthe youth by the beauty of his aspect, the vigour of his body, and by \nthe gracefulness of his deportment. Evagoras when he grew up ex- \npelled the usurper, and established himself in Salamin, the capital, and \nafterwards, extending his conquests from city to city, endeavoured to \nmake himself master of the whole island. But the Persian king at \nlast attacked Evagoras with all his forces, and besieged the city. A \nnegotiation was then concluded, that Evagoras should continue king of \nSalamin only, and that he should pay to the king of Persia an annual \ntribute: Evagoras lived twelve or thirteen years after the conclusion of \nthis treaty. His old age was attended with happiness and tranquillity, \nuninterrupted by sickness and disease, the probable effect of a sober \nand temperate life. Nicocles, his eldest son, succeeded him, and in- \nherited his virtues as well as his throne. \n\nThe next expedition of Artaxerxes (B. C. 372,) was against the Ca- \ndusians, a people that inhabited part of the mountains situated between \nthe Euxine and Caspian seas. The king marched against them in \nperson, at the head of an army of 300,000 foot, and 10,000 horse. \xe2\x80\x94 \nArtaxerxes had not advanced far into the country when his army suf- \nfered extremely by famine. The whole camp was reduced to eat their \ncarriage beasts. In this conjuncture, Tiribazus, the satrap, by a strata- \ngem, saved the king and his army. The Cadusians had two kings, \nwho did not act in concert. Tiribazus went himself to one, and sent \nhis son to the other. Each informed the king to whom he applied, that \nthe other had sent ambassadors to treat privately with Artaxerxes, and \nadvised him to lose no time to make his peace also. The fraud suc- \nceeded. Tiribazus and his son brought ambassadors with them to the \nking, and the treaty was concluded with both parties. \n\nWho was Evagoras ? \xe2\x80\x94 From whom descended ? \xe2\x80\x94 Of what city was Evagoras \n\'king? \xe2\x80\x94 What was his character? \xe2\x80\x94 And who succeeded him? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the \nnext expedition of Artaxerxes ? \xe2\x80\x94 What stratagem was used by Tiribazus, the \nsatrap ? \n\n\n\nSOCRATES. 125 \n\nCHAPTER 20. \n\nSOCRATES. \n\nAbout 400 years before the birth of Christ, died Socrates, one of \nthe greatest heathen philosophers. Socrates was born at Athens. His \nfather was a sculptor, and his mother, Phaenarete, a midwife. Crito is \nreported to have taken him out of his father\'s shop, from the admiration \nof his fine genius. He was the disciple of Archelaus, and his first \nstudy was that of the works of nature, or physics, and of the move- \nment of the heavenly bodies. But finding how. little useful that kind \nof learning was to the generality of mankind, he conceived the thought \nof bringing down philosophy from heaven, to place it in cities, and \nmore within the reach of man\'s capacity ; to make them more rational, \njust, and virtuous. In what consist fortitude, temperance, and wisdom ; \nwhat is the end of all government, and what the rules of it, Socrates \nhad a just and piercing judgment, joined with the most exquisite pru- \ndence. Chasremon, a zealous disciple of Socrates, happening to be at \nDelphi, demanded of the oracle whether there was a wiser man in the \nworld than Socrates. The priestess answered there was none. \n\nSo attentive was he to benefit his country, that he seemed the com- \nmon father of the republic. But, as it was difficult to correct the aged, \nhe devoted his labour principally to the instruction of youth. He had \nno open school, like the rest of the philosophers, nor set times for the \nlessons. He was the philosopher of all times and seasons. He \ntaught in all places and on all occasions, \xe2\x80\x94 in walking, conversation, \nand at meals, \xe2\x80\x94 in the army \xe2\x80\x94 in the midst of a camp, and in the public \nassembly. \n\nThe services he did the state, by the instructions he gave, and by the \ndisciples he formed, are inexpressibly great. Soon after the expulsion \nof the thirty tyrants out of Athens, in the sixty-ninth year of his age, \nSocrates was accused of holding bad opinions with regard to the gods. \nThe contempt into which he had brought the doctrine and morals of the \nsophists of his time, who were then in high reputation, drew public \nenvy upon him ; and his enemies were bent upon his destruction. The \nfirst seeds sown against him were in a satirical comedy, called "The \nClouds," introduced in the theatre, \xe2\x80\x94 in which Aristophanes lent his \npen to the malice of Socrates\' enemies, to depreciate the best and most \nexcellent man that ever the pagan world produced. \n\nMelitus appeared as his accuser : \xe2\x80\x94 First, that he did not admit the \ngods acknowledged by the republic ; second, that he corrupted the \nyouth of Athens. Socrates\' reply displayed a noble and intrepid assu- \nrance, resulting from a consciousness of his truth and innocence. His \ndiscourse was bold, manly, and generous ; without passion or emotion, \nwith no other ornament but that of truth. Plato, who was present, \n\nWhat is said of the birth and character of Socrates ? \xe2\x80\x94 Relate his mode of in- \nstruction. \xe2\x80\x94 Of what was he accused ; and what comedy was written against him, \nand by whom ? \xe2\x80\x94 What, accusations were brought against him? \xe2\x80\x94 What is said of \nhis imprisonment ; of his wife and family; and of his death ? \n\n11* \n\n\n\n126 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\ntranscribed it afterwards ; and he has given it to the world as the "Apo- \nlogy of Socrates." His defence, able as it was, did not save him ; \nsentence was passed upon him. The morning before his death his \nfriend Crito proposed that he should escape from prison, and obtain a \nsafe retreat in Thessaly. This offer Socrates declined, and when the \nfatal cup of hemlock was presented to him, he drank off the draft \nwith an amazing serenity of aspect. His wife and children had visited \nhim in the prison ; but the extremity of her grief made it needful that \nshe should be removed. \n\nPlato, and the rest of Socrates\' disciples, apprehending the rage of \nhis accusers, retired to the house of Euclid, at Megara, till the storm \nblew over. Euripides, however, to reproach the Athenians with the \nhorrible crime they had committed, composed his tragedy called " Pa- \nlamedes." But it was sometime after the death of Socrates before the \nnotorious injustice of the sentence appeared to the Athenians in all its \nhorrors. Then the accusers were called to account for the blood they \nhad shed. Melitus was condemned to die, and the rest were banished. \nA statue of brass was erected to the memory of Socrates, and a chapel \nwas dedicated to him, as to a hero and a demi-god. \n\nAs to the doctrine of Socrates, it must be allowed that the pagan \nworld never produced anything so great and perfect. To what a height \ndid he carry the sublimity of his sentiments, not only with respect to \nmoral virtue, temperance, sobriety, patience in adversity, acquiescence \nin poverty, forgiveness of wrongs, but, what is far more considerable, \nin regard to the Divinity, his unity, omnipotence, creation of the world, \nand providence in the government of it ; the immortality of the soul ; \nits ultimate end and eternal destiny; the rewards of the good, and the \npunishment of the wicked. When we consider this train of divine \nknowledge, we are ready to ask ourselves, whether it is a pagan who \nthinks and speaks in this manner ; and we can scarcely be persuaded, \nthat from so dark and obscure a source as paganism should shine forth \nsuch living and glorious rays of light. \n\nIt is true his reputation was not without alloy; and it has been \naffirmed that his manners did not always answer the purity of his sen- \ntiment. He did not dare to give a public testimony to the truths he \nbelieved, but observed all the customs and ceremonies as enjoined by \nthe laws of his country. He held peculiar opinions in the schools, but \nfollowed the multitude in the temples. He acknowledged in reality \nonly one divinity, and yet worshipped, with the people, that multitude \nof infamous idols, which ancient superstition had heaped up during a \nlong succession of ages. \n\nCHAPTER 21. \n\nMANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE GREEKS. \n\nIt is an essential part of history to illustrate the character, genius, \nand manners of the people. In noticing those of Lacedaemon and \n\nWhat is said of Plato, Euripides, Melitus, &c. ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is said of the doctrine \nof Socrates? \xe2\x80\x94 Did his conduct always correspond with the purity of his senti- \nments! \n\n\n\nMANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE GREEKS. 127 \n\nAthens, we shall speak of their political government, war, and religion : \nand first of Sparta. From the time the Heraclides had re-entered Pe- \n\'oponnesus, Sparta was governed by two kings, who were always of \nthe same two families, descended from Hercules by two different \nbranches. Sparta, in its beginning, was always involved in commo- \ntions and revolts which would infallibly have occasioned its ruin, if the \nwise foresight of Lycurgus had not prevented the fatal consequences. \nLycurgus restored order and peace to Sparta by the establishment of \ntwenty-eight senators, over whom the two kings presided. At length, \nto prevent an abuse of power, a curb was given to it by the nomination \nof five Ephori, who were elected out of the people. Their office lasted \nonly one year ; and they had authority not only over the senators, but \nover the kings themselves. \n\nThe power of the kings was extremely limited, especially in time \nof peace. In war they had the command of the fleets and armies ; and \nat that time greater authority. There must have been much wisdom in \nthe laws established by Lycurgus, because, as long as they were obeyed, \nno commotions or seditions of the people were known. The reason \nassigned is, that in Sparta the law governed with sovereign authority, \nwhile many other Grecian cities were abandoned to the arbitrary and \nirregular sway of private men or despotic power. \n\nTo preserve the Spartan laws without change, particular care was \ntaken to educate the youth according to the laws and manners of the \ncountry. The hard and sober manner in which they were brought up, \ninspired them during the rest of their lives with habits of frugality and \ntemperance, and prepared them for supporting the fatigues of war. \nFrom Sparta were banished drunkenness, debauchery, and their conse- \nquent disorders. Their children were accustomed from their infancy to \nan entire submission to the laws, to magistrates, and all in authority. \nNot only the poor and the ordinary citizens, but the rich and powerful \nalso were subject to the same obedience. To this entire submission to \nthe laws of the state Lycurgus added another principle, which removed \nfrom Sparta all luxury, profusion, and magnificence, which decried \nriches and made poverty honourable. \n\nThe epoch of the declension of Sparta began with the violation of \nLycurgus\'s laws. No sooner had the ambition of reigning over all \nGreece acquainted them with the design of naval armies and foreign \ntroops, and that money was necessary for the support of these forces, \nthan the way was prepared for changes which were ultimately the cause \nof their ruin. \n\nIt is well known that Lycurgus had formed his plan upon the model \nof the laws in the island of Crete. Minos, whom fable calls the son \nof Jupiter, was the author of these laws. He lived about 100 years \nbefore the Trojan war. He was a powerful, wise, and gentle prince ; \nand still more estimable for his moral virtues than for his military abili- \nties. The end he proposed in the establishment of these laws was, to \n\n\n\nFrom whom were the Heraclides descended ? \xe2\x80\x94 Was the power of the kings \nmuch limited? \xe2\x80\x94 What was their mode of educating the young? \xe2\x80\x94 Upon whose \ninodel did Lycurgus form his laws? \n\n\n\n128 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nrender his subjects happy by making them virtuous. He banished idle- \nness and voluptuousness from his states, and with them luxury and \nvicious pleasures. He endeavoured to establish a kind of equality \namongst them, to remove all envy and dissension. He did not make \nany new division of the lands, nor prohibit the use of gold and silver. \n\nHe decreed that the children should be brought up and educated \ntogether, that they might learn the same principles and maxims. Their \nlife was hard and sober ; they were accustomed to suffer heat and cold ; \nto skirmish with each other ; to suffer courageously ; and were so edu- \ncated that, even in their diversions, everything might form them for \nwar. They were made to learn certain airs of music, but of a manly \nand martial kind. They excelled in drawing the bow ; and as to \narchery and light-armed soldiers, fit to execute the stratagems of war, \nthe Cretans pretended to hold the foremost rank. \n\nMinos, as well as Lycurgus, is reproached with having no other view \nin his laws than war, which is a great fault in a legislator. But he \nordained that war should only be made for the sake of peace. Among \nthe Cretans, the cultivation of the mind was not entirely neglected ; the \nyouth received some tincture of learning. \n\nOne of Minos\'s regulations, and which Plato admired the most, was \nto inspire youth with a high respect for the maxims, customs, and laws \nof the state, and not to suffer them to call in question the wisdom of \nthese institutions. \n\nThe government of Crete was at first monarchical, but the authority \nof king was of no long duration ; and it gave place to a republican form, \nas Minos had intended. The senate composed the state council ; but \nthe public affairs were of no force till the people had given them their \napprobation. The magistrates, to the number of ten, called Cosmi, \nwere the balance between the other two powers. The slaves and mer- \ncenaries of Crete cultivated the lands. They were called Perioeci. \n\nMinos committed to his brother Rhadamanthus a share in the admi- \nnistration of justice in the capital city, and another minister had the \ncare of the other cities. Crete, under so wise a legislature, seemed to \nbecome the abode of virtue, purity, and justice ; as we may judge from \nwhat fable tells us of the honour conferred on Minos and his two bro- \nthers in making them the judges of the other world. \n\nThe wise laws of Minos did not expire with him, but subsisted in \nall their vigour even in Plato\'s time, that is, more than 900 years \nafter. Notwithstanding this solid merit, the theatres of Athens re- \nsounded with nothing so much as imprecations against the memory of \nMinos. This was owing to an unjust and cruel tribute he imposed \nupon them, in obliging them to send him every nine years seven young \nmen and as many maids to be devoured by the Minotaur. But this was \nexacted by the grandson of the first Minos. Theseus put an end to \nthis tribute by killing the Minotaur. \n\nIt is true that the Cretans degenerated much from their ancient repu- \n\nTo what habits were the Spartan youths accustomed 1 \xe2\x80\x94 Wherein did the laws \nof Minos differ ? \xe2\x80\x94 Was not the government of Crete republican? \xe2\x80\x94 What honours \nwere conferred by Jupiter on Minos and Rhadamanthus ? \n\n\n\nGOVERNMENT OF ATHENS. 129 \n\ntation, so that to Cretise became a proverb among the Greeks, implying \nto lie and to deceive.* St. Paul cites against them, as truth, the testi- \nmony of one of their ancient poets, (believed to be Epimenides,) who \npaints them in colours much to their dishonour. But this change of \nmanners does not affect the probity of the ancient Cretans, nor the glory \nof Minos their king. \n\nCHAPTER 22. \nGOVERNMENT OF ATHENS. \n\nThe government of Athens was neither so permanent nor so uniform \nas that of Sparta. Athens, after having long been governed by kings, \nand afterwards by archons, assumed entire liberty ; which gave place, \nhowever, for some years, to the tyrannic power of the Pisistratida?, but \nwas soon after re-established, and subsisted with splendour till the de- \nfeat in Sicily, and the taking of the city by the Lacedaemonians. These \nsubjected them to thirty tyrants, whose authority was not of long dura- \ntion, and gave place again to liberty. In that state it continued, amidst \nvarious events, during a series of years, till the Roman power had sub- \ndued Greece and reduced it to a province. \n\nSolon was the first who established the popular government at \nAthens. Theseus, long before him, had traced out the plan, and began \nthe execution of it. After having united the twelve towns into one \ncity, he divided the inhabitants into three bodies \xe2\x80\x94 that of the nobility, \nto whom the superintendence in religious affairs and all offices was \nconfided \xe2\x80\x94 the labourers or husbandmen, and the artizans. But Athens, \nto speak correctly, did not become a popular state, till the establish- \nment of the nine archons, whose authority continued only for one year \xe2\x80\x94 \nbefore that, it was for ten ; and it was not till many years after, that \nSolon, by the wisdom of his laws, instituted and confirmed this form \nof government. \n\nSolon\'s great principle was to establish, as much as possible, a kind \nof equality among his citizens ; which he regarded as the foundation \nof liberty. He therefore resolved, while he left the public employ- \nments in the hands of the rich, to give the poor some share in the go- \nvernment, from which they had been excluded. For this reason he \nmade an estimate of what each individual was worth. Those who had \nan annual revenue of 500 measures, as well in grain as in liquid things, \nwere placed in the first class. The second class was composed of such \nas had 300 ; and those of 200 measures were in the third class. Out \nof these three classes only, the magistrates were chosen. The citizens \nbelow these were denominated hirelings, or workmen, labouring with \ntheir hands. These held no office, they had the right only of giving \ntheir suffrages in the assemblies and trials of the people. \n\n* Titus i. 12. The Cretans are always liars, &c. \n\nHad not the Cretans degenerated in the times of St. Paul ? \xe2\x80\x94 What changes oc- \ncurred in the government of Athens? \xe2\x80\x94 What is said of the plans of Theseus and \nSolon ? \xe2\x80\x94Mention the qualifications for Solon\'s classes. \n\n\n\n130 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nBut the people of Athens became more haughty after their victories \nover the Persians ; pretending to have a right to share in all the public \noffices ; and Aristides, to prevent the disorders which too tenacious \nopposition might have occasioned, thought proper to yield to them. \nThe citizens of the first three classes paid certain sums into the public j \ntreasury, and the proportion of revenue determined the order of the / \nclasses. Solon revived and reformed also two councils ; the first was ( \nthat of the Areopagus : he gave it new lustre by augmenting its power. \nThe second was the Council of the Four Hundred, that is an hundred \nout of each tribe ; for Cecrops, the first king of the Athenians, had \ndivided the people into four tribes. Calisthenes, long after him, changed \nthat order, and established ten. It was in this Council of the Four \nHundred all affairs were considered before they were proposed to the \nassembly of the people. \n\nWith respect to the inhabitants of Athens, there were three sorts, citi- \nzens, strangers, and servants. In the account taken by Demetrius Pha- \nlereus, (B. C. 314,) the number amounted to 21,000 citizens, 10,000 \nstrangers, and 40,000 servants. The number of citizens was almost \nthe same in the time of Cecrops, and less under Pericles. A citizen \ncould only be such by birth or by adoption. To be a natural denizen i \nof Athens, it was necessary to be born of a father and mother both free : \nand Athenians. The freedom of the city was also conferred, in honour \nand gratitude, to strangers who had rendered great services to the state, \nas to Hippocrates. Even kings have sometimes canvassed that title for \nthemselves and their children. Evagoras, king of Cyprus, thought it \nmuch to his honour. \n\nWhen the young men attained the age of twenty, they were enrolled \nupon the list of citizens, after having taken an oath never to dishonour \nthe profession of arms, but always to fight for their religion and civil \ninterests, and submit to the laws, &c, to which they call the gods to \nwitness. \n\nBy the strangers of Athens are meant those who came from a foreign \ncountry to settle in Attica, for the purpose of commerce or trade. \nThey had no share in the government, nor votes in the assembly of the \npeople, nor could they be admitted into any office. They paid a yearly \ntribute, and in default were made slaves. Xenocrates, the celebrated, \nbut poor philosopher, for such default was sent to prison ; but Lycur- \ngus, the orator, having paid the tax, released him from the farmers of \nthe public revenues. The generous act of Lycurgus was publicly \nextolled ; and Xenocrates meeting, some time after, the sons of his \ndeliverer, told them, " I pay your father the favour he has done me \nwith usury ; for the world praises him on my account." \n\nWhat changes took place after they had conquered the Persians ? \xe2\x80\x94 What waa \nthe census of Athens, B. C. 314, as taken by Demetrius Phalerius, Cecrops, and \nPericles? \xe2\x80\x94 Who were deemed natural denizens of Athens? \xe2\x80\x94 At what age were \nthe oaths taken by the young citizens ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who were comprehended under the \nterm strangers ? \xe2\x80\x94 What said Xenocrates to the sons of Lycurgus ? \n\n\n\nGOVERNMENT OF ATHENS. 131 \n\nCHAPTER 23. \nGOVERNMENT OF ATHENS. \n\nOf Servants there were two kinds \xe2\x80\x94 the one, who were free, whose \n3ondition was easy ; the other were slaves, who had either been born \nsuch, or who had been taken prisoners of war. The masters could dis- \npose absolutely of their slaves, though they were generally treated \nwith great humanity. Whenever they were treated with rigour and \ninhumanity, they had their action against their masters, and if the fact \nwas proved, they could ransom themselves without their masters\' con- \nsent, when they had laid up money enough for the purpose. Persons, \nwhen satisfied with their service, often gave their slaves liberty, and \nthe same acknowledgment was granted them by the public. The \nhumane, equitable usage with which the Athenians treated their ser- \nvants and slaves, was an effect of the good temper natural to that \npeople ; and very remote from the austere and cruel severity of the \nLacedaemonians. \n\nThe Council or Senate of Four Hundred, which Solon instituted, \nwas increased by Calisthenes, about a hundred years after, to five hun- \ndred. They were chosen by lot, in which they made use of black and \nwhite beans. If the number of white beans carried it, that question \npassed, otherwise not. The senators, before assembling, offered a \nsacrifice to Jupiter, and to Minerva, as the goddess of good council, \nasking for prudence and understanding necessary in such wise delibe- \nrations. After a question had been settled, it was read aloud. Each \nsenator then gave his vote by scrutiny, in putting a bean into each urn. \nThis sort of decree was only a preparatory resolution. It was after- \nwards laid before the assembly of the people, where, if it was received \nand approved, it had the force of a law ; \xe2\x80\x94 if not, its authority subsisted \nonly for a year. This may show with what wisdom Solon fixed the \ninconstancy of that people, and how judiciously he contrived to sup- \nport a wise balance between the different bodies. \n\nThe council of the Areopagus took its name from the place where it \nassembled, called the Quarter or Hill of Mars. It was believed to be \nas ancient as the nation, though Cicero and Plutarch attribute the in- \nstitution of it to Solon ; but he only re-established it. The number of \nthe senators of the Areopagus was not fixed ; at certain times they \namounted to two or three hundred. Solon purposed that they only who \nhad borne the office of Archon, should be honoured with that dignity. \nThe orators here were not permitted to excite the passions, but w T ere \nobliged to confine themselves to the subject matter in dispute. The \nsenate held their sittings in an open place, and during the night. The \naffairs of religion, the introduction of new ceremonies and new di- \nvinities were brought before this tribunal. We read in Justin Martyr, \nthat Plato, who in his travels in Egypt had acquired new light concern- \n\n\n\nWhat were the different kinds of servants ? \xe2\x80\x94 How was the Council chosen ? \xe2\x96\xa0 \nWhat their number? \xe2\x80\x94 What subjects were discussed in the Areopagus? \n\n\n\n132 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\ning the unity of God, when he returned, concealed his sentiments, fear \ning to appear before the Areopagus ; and we know that St. Paul was \naccused before them, as teaching a new doctrine, and endeavouring tc \nintroduce new gods. \n\nOf the magistrates, -a. great number were established for different func- \ntions. We shall speak principally of the archons ; they succeeded the \nkings, and their authority at first continued for life. It was then limited \nto ten years, and at last reduced to one. Solon found them with the \nnumber nine ; he did not abolish their office, but limited their power. \nThe first of these nine magistrates was called, by way of eminence, \nArchon, and the year was denominated from him. " Under such an \nArchon such a battle was fought." The second was called the king ; \nthe third polemarch, &c. \n\nOf the assemblies af the people. There were two sorts, the one ordi- \nnary, and fixed to certain days \xe2\x80\x94 the other extraordinary ; and of these \nthe people were informed by express proclamation. All the people, the \npoor as well as the rich, had a right to give their suffrages. This as- \nsembly always began with sacrifices and prayers, to obtain from the \ngods the knowledge necessary to wise deliberations ; and they never \nfailed to add the most terrible imprecations against such as opposed the \npublic good. For trials, there were different tribunals; but appeals \nmight be brought from all other judges. All the allies were obliged to \nbring their cause to Athens. The parties either pleaded their cause in \nperson, or employed advocates. The time allowed for the hearing was \ngenerally fixed, and a water clock regulated its duration. It is re- \nmarkable that a friend was not obliged to give evidence against a \nfriend. \n\nThe authority of the Amphictyonic Council had always been of great \nweight in Greece. Before any were installed into that body, they took \na very remarkable oath ; and among other things that, should any at- \ntempt to steal and take away any of the rich offerings preserved in the \ntemple of Apollo at Delphi, they will use all their powers and faculties \nto avenge the sacrilege. That oath was attended by the most terrible \nimprecations ; and, knowing this, I am not astonished that the holy \nwar, undertaken by the order of the Amphictyons, should be carried on \nwith so much ardour. \n\nFrom the moment, however, that Philip of Macedon was admitted \ninto their body, he set himself above all law, and abused his power. \nThis Demosthenes, in his third Philippic, reproaches him with. " When \nhe does not deign to honour us with his presence, he sends his slaves to \nreign over us." \n\nThe Revenues of Athens amounted, in the time of the Peloponnesian \nwar, to about 2,000 talents. They were reduced to four kinds: 1st. \nThe revenues arising from agriculture, the sale of woods, the produce \nof mines, the duties on the import and export of merchandize, and the \ntaxes levied upon the city and its inhabitants. \n\nWhat were the Archons; their office, their number, &c.? \xe2\x80\x94 Did not the assem- \nblies begin with sacrifice and prayer ? \xe2\x80\x94 Could the parties plead their own cause? \n\xe2\x80\x94 What is said of the Amphictyonic council? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the revenue of Athens \n\n\n\nEDUCATION OF THE GREEKS. 133 \n\nThe history of Athens often mentions the silver mines of Laurium, \na mountain, situated between the Piraeus and Cape Sunium, and those \nof Thrace, from whence many persons extracted imm\'ense riches. The \nsecond species of revenue were the contributions-paid the Athenians by \nthe allies for the common expenses of the war. Under Aristides they \namounted to 460 talents. Pericles augmented them almost a third, and \nraised them to 600, and some time after they were raised to 1,300. A \nthird sort of revenue were the extraordinary capitation taxes, raised \non pressing occasions and emergencies of state. \n\nCHAPTER 24. \nEDUCATION AND MILITARY INSTITUTIONS OF THE GREEKS \n\nOf the education of youth, and the exercises for forming their bodies \nand minds, may be mentioned dancing, music, fencing, riding, polite \nlearning, and philosophy. \n\nDancing was cultivated by the Athenians with great attention. It \nmade a part of what the ancients called the Gymnastic ; divided, ac- \ncording- to Plato, into two kinds ; the Orchestric, (OgzneOat,, voltare,) \nwhich takes its name from the dance, and Palestric, (Ila^,) so called \nfrom a Greek word signifying wrestling. The exercises of the latter \nkind conduced to form the body for the fatigues of war, navigation, \nagriculture, &c. Dancing taught the rules of motion, and contributed \nto the ease and gracefulness of the figure. \n\nMusic was cultivated with no less solicitude. The ancients ascribed \nwonderful effects to it. They believed it proper to calm the passions, \nand soften the manners, and contribute to humanize the barbarous. \nPolybius, a grave historian, attributes the extreme difference between \ntwo people of Arcadia to the influence of music. The one esteemed for \nthe elegance of \'their manners, humanity to strangers, and piety to the \ngods ; the other, on the contrary, hated for their malignity, brutality, \nand irreligion. Socrates himself, in an advanced age, was not ashamed \nto learn to play on an instrument. \'But the license of the Grecian stage, \nwhich made use of both dancing and music to excite the vicious pas- \nsions, soon corrupted the art, and the theatre became a school of vice.] \n\nIt is probable, however, that the wisest and greatest characters \namong them did not apply themselves to these arts with any great \nindustry. "Are you not ashamed," said Philip to his son Alexander, \n" Are you not ashamed to sing so well ?" \n\nThe other exercises of the body all the Greeks were very assiduous in \nperforming. The places allotted for these exercises they called Palaes- \ntra or Gymnasia. These rendered the body more supple, active, hardy, \nand robust; more capable of bearing fatigue, and effecting great enter- \nprises. There were masters who taught the youth to ride, to handle \n\nWhat other species of revenue ? \xe2\x80\x94 In what did the several exercises consist ?-- \nWhat of dancing? \xe2\x80\x94 Was not the study of music and dancing at length said to \ncorrupt, the morals of youth ? \xe2\x80\x94 and why ? \xe2\x80\x94 What said king Philip to his son Alex- \nandsr? \xe2\x80\x94 Name the other manly exercises and pursuits. \n12 \n\n\n\n134 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\ntheir arms, or fence. Even hunting- was considered by the ancients aa \na, fit exercise for forming youth for the stratagems and fatigues of war. \n7 Athens, too, was the school and the abode of polite learning. Poetry, \neloquence, philosophy, and mathematics, were there greatly cultivated. \nHence proceeded the universal fine taste of Athens, where (as history \ninforms us) a simple herb-woman distinguished Theophrastus to be a \nstranger from the expression of a single word. To the study of rheto- \nric, they annexed that of Philosophy, under which may be comprised \nall the sciences. . \n\nThe Grecians were at all times warlike. During the Trojan war, \nGreece signalized her valour in battle, and acquired fame by her bra- \nvery. This expedition, however, was no more than the cradle of her \ninfant glory. In these early times there were in Greece several repub- \nlics ; neighbours by situation, but extremely remote in customs, laws, \nand particular interests. This difference proved a perpetual source of \ndivisions. Two cities distinguished themselves above the rest, Sparta \nand Athens ; in consequence of which, they either successively or \ntogether, held the empire of Greece through a long series of time. \nThebes disputed this honour with them for some years, by surprising \nacts of valour, which had something of prodigy in them \xe2\x80\x94 a short-lived \nblaze of exceeding splendour, which soon disappeared, and left that \ncity in its original obscurity. \n\nAll the laws of Sparta and institutions of Lycurgus seem to have \nhad no other object than war. All other employments were prohibited \namong them. Arts, polite learning, sciences, trades, and even hus- \nbandry itself had no share in their applications ; from their earliest \ninfancy no other taste was instilled into them but for arms ; but among \nthe Athenians and the other states of Greece, arts, trades, husbandry, \ncommerce, and navigation, were held in honour, and were thought no \nobstacle to the valour and knowledge necessary for war. The famous \nbattle of Marathon infinitely heightened their courage ; and the battle \nof Salamis raised them to the highest pitch of glory. \n\nWith respect to the different kinds of troops, both Sparta and Athens \nhad four sorts \xe2\x80\x94 citizens, allies, mercenaries, and slaves. The soldiers \nwere sometimes marked in the hand, to distinguish them from the \nslaves, who had that character impressed on their foreheads. The \nSpartans never marched without Helots : in the battle of Platsea, every \ncitizen had seven. The infantry consisted of two kinds of soldiers. \nThe one were heavy armed, and carried great bucklers, lances, half \npikes, and scimitars; the other, light armed, with bows and slings. \nThese were commonly placed in the front of the battle, or upon the \nwings, as a first line, to shoot their arrows, and sling their javelins and \nstones at the enemy; then they retired through the intervals behind the \nbattalions, as a second line, and continued their volleys. \n\nThe Lacedaemonians did not begin to use cavalry till after the war \nwith Messene. It was still more rare among the Athenians. After \nthe war with the Persians, the Athenians had no more than 300 horse, \n\nWhat is said of the purity of their speech ? \xe2\x80\x94 Which two cities particularly uis \nlinguished themselves? \xe2\x80\x94 Mention the different kind of Grecian troops. \n\n\n\nCHARACTER OF THE ATHENIANS. 135 \n\nbut increased them at length to 1,200. In naval affairs the Athenians \nwere much superior to the Lacedaemonians, and to all the other states of \nGreece. The ships were of two kinds ; the one rowed with oars, \nwhich were ships of war, \xe2\x80\x94 the other carried sails, and were vessels of \nburden for commerce and transports. But both kinds sometimes made \nuse of oars and sails together. The ships of war are often called long \nships, by authors, by which they are distinguished from vessels of bur- \nden. Some long ships had only one rank of oars on each side ; others \nhad two, three, four, five, &c. Those most commonly used in the bat- \ntles of the ancients carried from three to five ranks or benches of oars ; \nand were called triremes, quinquer ernes, &c. The rostrum, or beak of \nthe prow, was that part of the vessel of which much use was made in \nsea fights. The beaks at a single blow often sunk the triremes. Two \nsorts of people served on board the galleys; 1st. the remiges, or rowers, \nand the nautas, or mariners ; 2d. the soldiers intended for the fight. \n\nThis regulation was, however, a modern one. He who took care of \nthe whole crew, and commanded thp vessel, was called nauckrus, and \nwas the principal officer; the second was the gubernator, or pilot. \nThe pay of those who served in these ships varied much at different \ntimes. When young Cyrus arrived in Asia, it was only three oboli, \nwhich was half a drachm, or five pence ; and the treaty between the \nPersians and Lacedaemonians was concluded on this foot. Cyrus, at \nLysander\'s request, added to that pay a fourth, which made it sixpence \nhalf-penny a day, and on extreme occasions it was raised to a whole \ndrachm, or ten pence. The same may be said of the land troops that \nhas been said of the seamen, except that the horse had double their pay. \n\nCHAPTER 25. \nCHARACTER OF THE ATHENIANS. \n\nIf it be asked how the Lacedaemonians, with their iron coin, which \nwould pass nowhere else, could maintain armies \xe2\x80\x94 doubtless they raised \ntheir resources as did the Athenians, by contributions from their allies ; \nand still more from the cities to which they gave liberty and protection, \nor from those they had conquered from their enemies. Their second \nfund for paying their fleets and armies, was the aid they someiimes \ndrew from the king of Persia. \n\nThe peculiar character of the Athenians may be worth briefly notic- \ning. Plutarch says, " they were easily provoked to anger, and as easily \ninduced to resume their sentiments of benevolence and compassion." \nOf this truth history supplies numerous exumples \xe2\x80\x94 the sentence of \ndeath passed on the inhabitants of Mitylene, and revoked the next day; \nthe condemnation of the ten generals, and that of Socrates, both followed \nby extreme repentance, and the most lively grief. \n\nThey were better pleased with penetrating, and almost guessing at \n\nDid the Spartans, in early times, use cavalry? \xe2\x80\x94 Which state was superior in \nnaval warfare ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the pay of the troops ? \xe2\x80\x94 How did the Lacedaemoni- \nans, with their iron coin, maintain armies ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the peculiar character of \nthe Athenians ? \n\n\n\n136 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nan affair themselves, than with taking the pains to be informed tho- \nroughly respecting it in all its extent. Artificers, husbandmen, soldiers, \nmariners, &c, are generally slow in their conceptions, but the people \nof Athens had great penetration, vivacity, and even delicacy of wit. \nWe have already spoken of Theophrastus. He was cheapening some- \nthing of an old woman at Athens, that sold herbs. " No, Mr. Stranger," \nsaid she, " you shall have it for no less." He was surprised to see \nhimself treated as a stranger, who had passed almost his whole life at \nAthens, and who prided himself in the elegance of his language. The \nAthenian soldiers knew the finest passages of Euripides by heart. The \nartificers and common people, from their frequency in public assemblies, \nwere generally versed in affairs of state. Of this we may judge from \nthe orations of Demosthenes, whose style, we know, is ardent, brief, \nand concise. \n\nThey were attentive to the rules of politeness and benevolence. In \nthe war against Philip of Macedon, having intercepted one of his cour- \ntiers, they read all the letters he carried except that to Olympias his \nwife, which they returned sealed up and unopened, out of regard to \nconjugal love and secrecy. The same Athenians having decreed that \na strict search should be made after the presents distributed by Harpa- \nlus among the orators, would not suffer the house of Calicles, who had \nlately been married, to be visited, out of respect for his bride, not long \nbrought home. Such behaviour is indicative of true politeness. \n\nIt was glorious for Athens to have formed so many excellent persons \nin the art of war and government. In philosophy, eloquence, poetry, \npainting, sculpture, and architecture, Athens formed a greater number \nof each kind than any other city in the world, if perhaps we may ex- \ncept Rome, which had imbibed learning and arts from her. \n\nThe last attribute of the Athenians, which we shall mention, is their \nardent love of liberty. In the war with the Persians, they sacrificed \nevery thing for the liberty of Greece, and they answered the Persians, \nby the mouth of Aristides, that all the gold and silver in the world \nwould not be able to purchase the liberty of Greece. \n\nThe Lacedaemonians, though possessing contrary qualities in many \nrespects, were equally tenacious of liberty. No people could have more \nwit than the Athenians, nor more solid sense than the Lacedeemonians. \n\nCHAPTER 26. \n\nRISE OF THE THEBAN POWER. \xe2\x80\x94 PELOPIDAS \xe2\x80\x94 EPAMINOJNDAS. \n\nThe peace of Antalcides, of which mention has been made, excited \nin the Grecian states much division and discontent. In consequence \nof that treaty, the Thebans were obliged to abandon the cities of \n\n\n\nWherein did the Athenians differ from other Grecians ? \xe2\x80\x94 And what is men- \ntioned to prove the purity of their language? \xe2\x80\x94 What, proofs are adduced of theii \npoliteness and delicacy? \xe2\x80\x94 What praise is due more particularly to Athens? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWhat reply did Aristides give to the Persians ? \xe2\x80\x94 How do you discriminate be- \ntween the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians ?\xe2\x80\x94 What peace excited discontent? \n\xe2\x80\x94 Who were the Spartan kings ? \n\n\n\nRISE OF THE THEBAN PCWER. 137 \n\nBoeotia, and let them enjoy their liberty ; and the Corinthians, to with- \ndraw their garrison from Argos ; the Mantineans were compelled to \ndemolish the walls of their city, and the Lacedaemonians, who were \nthe authors of these changes, saw their power extremely augmented. \nThe Spartan kings were Agesipolis and Agesilaus, persons of very dif- \nferent characters. The first was naturally inclined to peace, and dis- \nposed to suffer the Grecian cities to enjoy their liberties; the other was \nrestless, active, full of great views of ambition and conquest. \n\nComplaint arrived at Sparta that Olynthus, a city of Thrace, was \nextending her influence and making new conquests on every side. \nThe Lacedaemonians lost no time, and their troops marched directly. \nThebes was gained possession of by artifice, and the Olynthians, be- \nsieged and reduced by the want of provision, were obliged to surren- \nder. All Boeotia was soon in the power of the Lacedaemonians, and all \nGreece seemed now subject to them, either by force or alliance. Even \nthe king of Persia, and the tyrant of Sicily, seemed to emulate each \nother in courting their friendship. But a prosperity founded in injus- \ntice is seldom of long duration. The greatest blow that was given to \nthe Spartan power came from the people that had been recently op- \npressed. \n\nTwo illustrious citizens of Thebes, Pelopidas and Epaminondas, \nboth descended from noble families, and between whom subsisted a \nperfect union and friendship, and holding the first offices of state, gave \na new face to the affairs of Greece. Several campaigns passed be- \ntween the Thebans and Lacedaemonians without any thing decisive on \neither side. It was prudent in the Theban general not hastily to hazard \na battle till the soldiers had time to become inured and emboldened. \nWhen the occasion was favourable, they had a taste of victory, by way \nof reward. The principal glory of success was due to the generalship \nof Pelopidas. The engagement at Tegyra, which was a prelude to the \nbattle of Leuctra, added much to his reputation. Having failed in the \nenterprise against Orchomenos, who had joined the Lacedaemonians at \nhis return, he found the enemy posted to intercept him near Tegyra. \nAs soon as the Thebans perceived them from the defiles, a person ran \nin haste to Pelopidas, exclaiming, " We are fallen into the enemies\' \nhands." He replied, " Should we not rather say they are fallen into \nours ]" And so it proved : for though the Theban forces were not more \nthan two-thirds of the Spartan, the two generals who had charged \nPelopidas were presently killed, and the Spartans, after a short con- \nflict, were dismayed, and fled in disorder. \n\nThis encounter proved the prelude to great actions and events. It \nhad never happened till then, in any war, either with the Persians or \nGreeks, that the Lacedaemonians, with a superiority of numbers on their \nside, had been defeated. They now lost that glory; and the Thebans \nbecame the terror and dread of the Grecian states. All Greece being \nweary of war, deputies were sent to Lacedaemon to concert a general \npeace ; but, by the influence of Agesilaus, one of the kings of Sparta, \n\nHow did the Lacedaemonians act towards Thebes ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who were the two illus- \ntrious citizens of Thebes ? \xe2\x80\x94 What king encouraged the war against the Thebans \n\n12* \n\n\n\n138 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nwar was determined against the Thebans, who were much alarmed a\' \nfirst, seeing themselves without allies or support, while all Greece \nlooked on them as utterly lost. But Epaminondas, who was a host in \nhimself, was appointed general ; and he had several colleagues joined \nin commission with him. His army did not amount to more than 6,000 \nfoot, and 400 horse, while the enemy had above four times that num- \nber. He was supported by Pelopidas at the head of the sacred batta- \nlion. \n\nIn the battle, Cleombrotus, the Spartan general, died of his wounds; \nand the Thebans, after a long-continued slaughter, completed the vic- \ntory. The Lacedaemonians had never received such a blow ; they lost \n4,000 men. The Thebans had only 300 men killed. The Spartans \nwere celebrating at that time their gymnastic exercises, and the city \nwas full of strangers ; when the couriers arrived from Leuctra with the \nterrible news of their defeat, the Ephori, though sensible that the Spar- \ntan power had received a mortal wound, would not suffer the represen- \ntations to be interrupted. Agesilaus decreed, "That, for the present \nday, the laws should be suspended." \n\nThe Thebans now entered Peloponnesus, and caused many states to \nrevolt from the Lacedsemonians \xe2\x80\x94 Elis, Argos, Arcadia, and the greater \npart of Laconia itself. They ran through their country with fire and \nsword without opposition. Parties had been posted by the Spartans to \ndefend the passes. Ischolaus, the Spartan, who defended one of these, \nfinding it impossible, with his small body of troops, to support the \nenemies\' attack, sent away a part of his men, and devoted himself and \nthe few that remained with him, after the example of Leonidas, to the \npublic good ; and, after making a great slaughter of their enemies, they \nperished to a man. \n\nEpaminondas approached the Spartan capital. Agesilaus took the \ncommand of the city. He was determined not to quit it, nor to hazard \na battle. Epaminondas would have been glad to give battle to Sparta. \nHe did not, however, think proper to attempt forcing the city, and not \nbeing able to induce Agesilaus to quit it, he retired. \n\nNot long after, (B. C. 370,) Pelopidas marched against Alexander, \ntyrant of Pherse, and was killed in battle. His funeral was magnifi- \ncent, especially in the sincere affliction of the Thebans and Thessaiians. \nNor were they content with lamenting Pelopidas, but resolved to \navenge him. They sent a small army against Alexander, and compelled \nhim to restore the cities he had taken, and to renounce all future con- \nquests. Alexander was assassinated not long after, in consequence of \na conspiracy formed against him by his wife Thebe and her three bro- \nthers. \n\nThe extraordinary prosperity of Thebes greatly alarmed the neigh- \nbouring states, and every thing was in motion in Greece. The people \nof Tegea had called in the Thebans to their aid ; and the Mantineans, \nwith whom they were at war, had the aid of the Spartans and Atheni- \nans. Epaminondas had the command of the Tegean troops ; and being \n\n\n\nRelate the success of the Thebans at Leuctra. \xe2\x80\x94 What befel Pelopidas and \nAlexander of Pherae? \xe2\x80\x94 Who called Epaminondas to their aid ? \n\n\n\nDEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. 139 \n\ninformed that Agesilaus had left Sparta, and was leading his forces for \nMantinaia, he left Tegea in the night with his army, intending to take \nSparta by surprise, as it had neither walls nor troops for its defence. \nHe began to attack the city in several quarters, and penetrated as far \nas the public place, and no doubt but he would have taken the city by \nsurprise, had not Agesilaus been secretly apprised of it, and returned \nhastily for its defence. Epaminondas, having failed in his aim, return- \ned to Tegea, and foreseeing that his command was upon the point of \nexpiring, he held his troops in readiness for battle. \n\nThe Lacedaemonian forces consisted of 20,000 foot and 2,000 horse ; \nthe Theban of 30,000 foot and 3,000 horse. The troops fought on \nboth sides with incredible ardour, the resistance was equally obstinate, \nand the success of the contest doubtful. Epaminondas made an ex- \ntraordinary effort, without regard to the danger of his person, and re- \nceived a mortal wound, with a javelin, in the breast. The conflict was, \nnevertheless, still vigorously supported, till at length the troops on both \nsides stood still and rested on their arms, and the trumpets of both armies, \nas if by consent, sounded a retreat at the same time. Each party pre- \ntended to the victory, and each erected a trophy. Such was the event \nof the famous battle of Mantinasa. When Epaminondas was told that \nthe Thebans had gained the victory, and was shown his shield, he se- \nrenely desired his friends not to regard this day as the end of his life, \nbut the beginning of his happiness. " I leave Thebes triumphant, \nproud Sparta humbled, and Greece delivered from the yoke of servi- \ntude, &c.\' T Having spoken to this effect, he drew the head of the \njavelin from the wound, and died. \n\nWith this great man the Theban power expired. Cicero ranks him \nabove all the illustrious men Greece ever produced. Before him, Thebes \nwas not distinguished by any memorable action, and, at his death, it \nsunk into its original obscurity. Epaminondas sought not power for \nhimself but for his country. His actions were perfectly void of self- \ninterest; the commands that were conferred upon him were not of his \nseeking. Spintharus, in giving his character, said, " That he never had \nmet with a man who knew more and spoke less." \n\nThe victory of Leuctra had drawn upon Epaminondas the eyes and \nadmiration of all Greece ; he was beheld as the restorer of Thebes and \nthe triumphant conqueror of Sparta. Epaminondas, little sensible to \nsuch a glory, said, " My joy arises from my sense of that which the \nnews of this victory will give my father and mother." Nothing in \nhistory seems to me so valuable as such sentiments, proceeding from a \nheart which neither false glory nor false greatness had corrupted. The \nLacedaemonians were never able to recover the reputation and influence \nwhich they lost in the Theban war. \n\nEpaminondas was an exception to the general opinion, that the \nBoeotians were dull and stupid. Their dullness was imputed to the \ngross air of the country ; and, on the contrary, the Athenian delicacy \n\n\n\nRelate the events of the battle. \xe2\x80\x94 What is the character of Epaminondas ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWhat was his observation after the victory of Leuctra? \xe2\x80\x94 To what was the dull \nness of the Boeotians ascribed ? \n\n\n\n140 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nof taste was attributed to the purity of the air they breathed. Pindar \nand Plutarch, who had very little of the soil in them, are proofs that \ngenius is of all nations. \n\nCHAPTER 27. \n\nARTAXERXES MNEMON UNDERTAKES THE REDUCTION OF \nEGYPT. \n\nArtaxerxes formed a design of reducing Egypt. Achoris, who then \nreigned there, and who had given Evagoras, king of Salamis, in the \nisle of Cyprus, powerful aid against the Persians, foresaw the storm \nand raised abundance of troops, and took numerous auxiliaries into pay, \nof whom Chabrias had the command. But the Persians complained to \nAthens of the appointment, and Chabrias was recalled. The prepara- \ntions of the Persians went on so slowly that two whole years elapsed \nbefore they entered into action. Achoris, king of Egypt, died in that \ntime, and was succeeded by Psammathis, who reigned but one year. \nNephretitus was the next ; and four months after, Nectanebis, who \nreigned ten or twelve years. \n\nAt length a Persian camp was formed at Ptolemais, since called \nAcre, in Palestine, the place appointed for the general rendezvous. \xe2\x80\x94 \nThe army consisted of 200,000 Persians, under the command of Phar- \nnabazus, and 20,000 Greeks, under Iphicrates, and the forces at sea \nwere in proportion to those on land. The war was to open with the \nsiege of Palusium, but so much time had been given to the Egyptians, \nthat Nectanebis rendered the approach to it impracticable both by sea \nand land. The Persians, however, found an entrance at another of the \nmouths of the Nile, called Mendesium, and the fort was carried sword \nin hand, and no quarter given. Iphicrates purposed, without loss of \ntime, to attack Memphis, the capital of Egypt, and had he done so, it \nmust inevitably have fallen. But Pharnabazus believed it necessary to \nwait for the concentration of the whole army. Abject jealousy has \nbeen ascribed to him as the motive, apprehending that, if the enterprise \nagainst Memphis succeeded, the whole glory of the war would redound \nto Iphicrates. This delay was the preservation of Egypt, and pre- \nvented the Persians\' advance into the country. The inundation of the \nNile came on, the Persians returned to Phoenicia, and the best part of \ntheir troops were ineffectually lost. \n\nAfter the battle of Mantinsea, both parties entered into a general \npeace with all the states of Greece, by which the enjoyment of its \nlaws and liberties was secured to each city ; and the Messenians were \nincluded in it, notwithstanding the intrigues of the Lacedaemonians to \nprevent it. \n\nWhile this passed in Greece, Tachos, who had ascended the throne \nof Egypt, in order to defend himself against the king of Persia, invited \nAgesilaus, king of Sparta, to take the command of the forces. A mis- \n\nBy whom were preparations made against Egypt ? \xe2\x80\x94 What Egyptian fort did tho \nPersians carry? \xe2\x80\x94 Whom did Agesilaus place on the throne of Egypt? \xe2\x80\x94 Wha \nwas the age of Agesilaus ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did he reign? \n\n\n\nWAES OF THE PEESIANS. 141 \n\nunderstanding arising afterwards between him and Tachos, Agesilaus \nleft him, and placed Nectanebis, his cousin, on the throne. On the \nreturn of Agesilaus to Lacedsemon, he died at the age of eighty-four \nyears. He had reigned forty-one at Sparta, and had passed as the \nleader and king of all Greece till the battle of Leuctra. His son JlrcM- \ndamns succeeded to the throne. \n\nThe end of Artaxerxes\' reign abounded with cabals, and the whole \ncourt was divided into factions in favour of one or other of his sons. \nHe had many by his concubines, and three by his lawful wife Antossa. \nTo put a stop to these divisions, he declared Darius, the eldest, his \nsuccessor, and permitted him from thenceforth to assume the title of \nking. Darius, nevertheless, conspired against his father. But Arta- \nxerxes having timely notice, Darius and the conspirators were seized, \nand their lives paid the forfeiture of their crimes. \n\nArtaxerxes died after a reign of forty-three years, which might be \ncalled happy, if it had not been interrupted by so many revolts. Ochus, \nwho succeeded, was the most cruel and wicked of all the princes of his \nrace. In a short time the palace and the whole empire were filled with \nhis murders. At one time, 100 of his relations were shut up in a court \nof the palace and put to death. \n\nOchus afterwards turned his thoughts on Egypt, which had revolted, \nand while preparing for the expedition, he received advice of the revolt \nof Phoenicia. That people, oppressed by the Persian government, \nresolved to throw off so heavy a yoke ; and they made a league with \nNectanebis, king of Egypt, against whom Persia was marching its \narmies. As there was no other passage from Persia to Egypt but \nthrough Phoenicia, this insurrection was very seasonable for Nectane- \nbis. He intended to make Phosnicia his barrier. The king approached \nSidon, and by treachery, the city was surrendered to him. \n\nAll Phoenicia then submitted to Ochus. The Jews must have had \nsome share in this war of the Phoenicians ; for Sidon was no sooner \ntaken, than Ochus entered Judea, besieged and took Jericho, and car- \nried a great number of Jewish captives into Egypt, and sent many \nothers into Hyrcania, where he settled them along the coasts of the \nCaspian Sea. In his way to\' Egypt, he reduced the isle of Cyprus, \nand notwithstanding the vast preparations of Nectanebis, after suffer- \ning some severe defeats, and having lost all hope, he escaped with his \ntreasures and best effects into Ethiopia, from whence he never returned. \nHe was the last king of Egyptian race, since which it has continued \nunder a foreign yoke, according to the prediction of Ezekiel. (Ezek. \nxxix. 14, 15.) \n\nOchus having entirely conquered Egypt, dismantled the cities, pil- \nlaged the temples, and returned in triumph to Babylon, laden with \nspoils, in which were included immense sums of gold and silver. He \nafterwards abandoned himself to pleasure, leaving the care of his \naffairs entirely to his ministers. The two principal of them were the \n\nWhat revolts did Artaxerxes experience ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the character of Ochus, \nhis successor? \xe2\x80\x94 In what wars was Ochus engaged ? \xe2\x80\x94 And with whom? \xe2\x80\x94 What \nconquests did he make in Phoenicia, Cyprus, &c. ? \xe2\x80\x94 What spoils did Ochus cany \nfrom Egypt ? \n\n\n\n142 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\neunuch Bagoas, and Mentor the Rhodian, who divided all power be- \ntween them. The death of Ochus is believed to have arisen from the \nrevenge of Bagoas, who placed Arsaces, the king\'s youngest son, on \nthe throne; reserving to himself the whole power of the sovereignty. \nArsaces, perceiving the wickedness of Bagoas, adopted measures with \na view to punish it, but he failed, and was destroyed with all his \nfamily. \n\nBagoas then placed Darius upon the throne. He was the third of \nthat name who reigned in Persia; his real name was Codomanus, of \nwhom we shall speak hereafter. \n\nCHAPTER 28. \nWAR OF THE ALLIES AGAINST THE ATHENIANS. \n\nSome few years after the revolt of Asia Minor, (B. C. 358,) Chio, \nCos, Rhodes, and Byzantium, took up arms against Athens, upon \nwhich, till then, they had depended. To employ them, they had en- \ngaged a large number of forces and great captains \xe2\x80\x94 Chabrias, Iphicra- \ntes, and Timotheus. They were the last of the Athenian generals who \ndid honour to their country. Chabrias acquired a great name ; when \nhaving been sent against the Spartans, to the aid of theThebans, though \nabandoned in the battle by the allies, he sustained alone the charge of \nthe enemy. The Athenians erected a statue to him. \n\nIphicrates was of very mean extraction ; but in a city like Athens, \nmerit was the sole nobility. Though at first only a private soldier, his \ndeserts soon raised him to a command. In a prosecution carried on \nagainst him, his accuser, having reproached him with the baseness of \nhis birth, \xe2\x80\x94 " Yes," replied he ; " the nobility of my family begins with \nme; that of yours ends with you." He married the daughter of Co- \ntys, king of Thrace. \n\nTimotheus was the son of Conon, so much celebrated for his great \nactions. He did not degenerate from his father\'s reputation. At first \nno captain ever experienced less than he did the inconstancy of fortune; \nhe had only to undertake an enterprise to accomplish it. Success ever \nattended his designs. Those who envied him caused him to be painted \nasleep, with fortune by him, taking cities with nets. Timotheus coldly \nreplied, " If I take places in my sleep, what shall I do when I awake]" \nThe goddess of Fortune, says Plutarch, offended at his arrogance, \nabandoned him, and he was never successful afterwards. \n\nThe war of the allies, after having continued three years, was con- \ncluded. (B. C. 356.) But this did not entirely remove the apprehen- \nsions of the Athenians with regard to the king of Persia. The great \npreparations he was making gave them umbrage. Athens took the \nalarm. The orators increased the fears of the people, exhorting them \nto have immediate recourse to arms. Demosthenes (born B. C. 381,) \nmade his first appearance in public at this time : he was twenty-eight \n\nWhat cities revolted against Athens ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was Iphicrates ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was Timo- \ntheus ? \xe2\x80\x94 When did Demosthenes make his first appearance ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was his age ? \n\xe2\x80\x94 How long before the time of Christ ? \n\n\n\nWAR OF THE ALLIES AGAINST THE ATHENIANS. 143 \n\nyears of age. He dared not, indeed, oppose their advice in a direct \nmanner, lest he should render himself suspected ; but he represented \nthat it was not consistent with prudence to be precipitate, nor to take \nup a resolution upon certain reports, nor to furnish so powerful a prince \nwith a just reason to turn his arms against Greece. All that was neces- \nsary now was to fit out a fleet of 300 sail, and also to hold the troops \nin readiness, in case of an attack ; and that the report alone would be \nsufficient to induce the Persian king, if he had formed such a design, to \nchange his measures. Nor was it needful to lay an immediate tax \nupon the estates of private persons for the expense of the war. Should \nthe necessity appear, everybody would then be ready to contribute a \nlittle, rather than lose their all, &c. This discourse had all the effects \ndesired. \n\nTwo years after, an enterprise of the Lacedaemonians against Mega- \nlopolis, a city of Arcadia, gave Demosthenes another opportunity to sig- \nnalize his zeal, and display his eloquence. The Megalopolitans had \nrecourse to Athens ; the others concerned sent their deputies thither \nalso, and the affair was debated before the people. \n\nThe Athenians, moved by the eloquent address of Demosthenes, sent \n3,000 foot and 300 horse to the aid of the Megalopolitans, under the \ncommand of Pammenes ;* and the city was reinstated in its former \ncondition. \n\nThe people of Rhodes and Cos, who had been declared free by the \nGrecian treaty, received the yoke of Mausolus, king of Caria. He \ndied about two years after, having reigned twenty-four years. Art.e- \nmissa,f his wife, succeeded him ; and as she was supported with all \nthe influence of the king of Persia, she retained her power in the isles \nlately subjected. This princess immortalized herself by the honour \nshe rendered to the memory of Mausolus, her husband. She caused a \nmagnificent monument to be erected for him in Halicarnassus, which \nwas called the Mausoleum, and for its beauty was esteemed one of the \nwonders of the world ; and it has given the name of Mausoleum to all \ngreat and magnificent structures of the kind. She is said also to have \ngathered his ashes, to have had his bones pounded in a mortar, and to \nhave mingled some of the powder every day in her drink, desiring by \nthat means to make her own body the sepulchre of her husband. She \nsurvived him only two years, and her grief did not end but with her \nlife. \n\nCHAPTER 29. \n\nPHILIP OF MACEDON. \n\nMacedon was an hereditary kingdom, situated in ancient Thrace, and \nbounded on the south by the mountains of Thessaly. It was formed \n\n* This is not the Pammenes of Thehes, of whom mention has been made before. \n\nt B. C. 354. She must not be confounded with the Artemissa that lived about one \nhundred years before, and distinguished himself in the time of Xerxes, at the battle of \nSalamis. \n\nWhat events occurred at Megalopolis ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is recorded of Mausolus, and </\xc2\xbb \nhis queen ? \xe2\x80\x94 What monument did she erect ? \xe2\x80\x94 What became of his ashes ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nDescribe the situation of Macedon. \n\n\n\n144 HISTORY OF GKEECE. \n\ninto a kingdom by the aggregation of a considerable number of sma]i \ntribes. After Philip had conquered part of Thrace and Illyrium, his \ndominion extended from the Adriatic sea to the river Styrmon. Edessa \nwas its first capital ; but afterwards Pella, famous for giving birth to \nPhilip and Alexander. \n\nPhilip was the son of Amyntas II., who is reckoned the tenth king \nof Macedon from Caranus, who had founded that kingdom about 430 \nyears before, that is, before Christ 794. The history of all these mo- \nnarchs is sufficiently obscure, and includes little more than several wars \nwith the Illyrians, the Thracians, and other neighbouring states. The \nkings of Macedon pretended to descend from Hercules by Caranus, and, \nconsequently, to have been Greeks originally. \n\nJlmyntas, the father of Philip, began to reign B. C. 398. In a con- \ntest with the Olynthians, he sought and received the aid of the Atheni- \nans, and this strong alliance was continued after his death with queen \nEurydice his widow. \n\nPhilip, one of the sons of Amyntas, was born the same year in which \nthat monarch declared war against the Olynthians ; and this Philip was \nthe father of Alexander the Great. Amyntas died after having reigned \ntwenty-four years. He left three legitimate children whom Eurydice \nhad brought him ; viz., Alexander, Perdiccas, and Philip. Alexander \nsucceeded his father, as eldest son ; he reigned but one year. The \ncrown now belonged to Perdiccas, as the elder surviving brother ; but \nPausanias, a prince of the blood royal, who had been exiled, disputed \nit with him. Happily for the new king, Iphicrates was then in that \ncountry, whither the Athenians had sent him to make the necessary pre- \nparations for besieging Amphipolis. Eurydice, hearing of his arrival, \nrequested his assistance against Pausanias. When Iphicrates had ar- \nrived at the palace, and had seated himself, the afflicted queen, the bet- \nter to excite his compassion, took her two children, Perdiccas and Phi- \nlip, and set the former in the arms, and the latter on the knees of Iphi- \ncrates, and spoke thus \xe2\x80\x94 " Remember Iphicrates, that Amyntas, the \nfather of these unhappy orphans, had always a love for your country, \nand adopted you for his son ; this double tie lays you under a double \nobligation," &c. Iphicrates, moved by this sight and discourse, ex- \npelled the usurper, and restored the lawful sovereign. \n\nPerdiccas did not long continue in tranquillity. Ptolemy, a natural \nson of Amyntas, invaded his repose, and claimed the crown. The two \nbrothers preferred their claim to Pelopidas, general of the Thebans, who \ndetermined in favour of Perdiccas. And the Theban, having thought \nit necessary to take pledges on both sides, to oblige the competitors to \nobserve the treaty, among other hostages carried Philip with him to \nThebes, where he resided several years. Eurydice, on her parting \nwith this much beloved son, earnestly besought Pelopidas to procure \nhim an education worthy of his birth. Pelopidas placed him with \nEpaminondas, who had a celebrated Pythagorean philosopher in his \n\nFrom whom was Philip descended? \xe2\x80\x94 What is related of Philip\'s sons ? \xe2\x80\x94 And \nwhat of Eurydice and Iphicrates ? \xe2\x80\x94 What occasioned Philip to spend several of \nhit* early years in Thebes ? \n\n\n\nTHILIP OF MACEDON. 145 \n\nhouse for the education of his son. It is probable that he bon<vwed \nfrom Epaminondas his activity and promptitude in war ; but with re- \ngard to the Theban\'s many other virtues which rendered him eminently \ngreat \xe2\x80\x94 his temperance, his justice, his magnanimity, and his clemency ; \nthese qualities Philip did not receive from nature, nor did he acquire \nthem by imitation. \n\nThe Thebans were unconscious that they were then forming the most \ndangerous enemy of Greece. After Philip had spent nine or ten years \nin their city, the news of a revolution in Macedon made him resolve to \nleave Thebes clandestinely. He found the Macedonians had lost their \nking Perdiccas, who had been killed in battle by the Illyrians ; and he \nwas as much surprised to find that they had as many enemies as neigh- \nbours. Macedonia at that time wanted a prince to head the government, \nand had only a child, Amyntas, the son of Perdiccas, and lawful heir \nof the crown. Philip governed the kingdom for some time, by the title \nof guardian to the prince ; but the subjects, justly alarmed, deposed the \nnephew in favour of the uncle. (B. C. 360.) Accordingly Philip, at \ntwenty-four years of age, ascended the throne. \n\nThe new king revived the desponding courage of the Macedonians, \nand reinstated and disciplined the army, in which he was inflexibly \nrigid. The Macedonian phalanx, which afterwards became so famous, \nwas of his establishing. Philip, during the first years of his reign, \nemployed his energies in triumphing over his competitors for the throne, \nin pacifying domestic divisions, and in repelling the attacks of foreign \nenemies. But he will now appear in another character. Sparta and \nAthens had weakened each other by their reciprocal divisions, which \ngave Thebes the opportunity of regaining its former granoV-nr. But the \nwars had weakened Thebes also, which gave Philip an occasion of \naspiring, in his turn, to the sovereignty of Greece. And as a politician, \nhe considered how he might extend his frontiers, reduce his neighbours, \nand introduce himself into the affairs of Greece, share in its intestine \nfeuds, make himself its arbiter, join with one side to destroy the other, \nand obtain the empire over all. \n\nIn the execution of this great design, he spared neither artifices, open \nforce, presents, nor promises. He seized upon Amphipolis, and made \nit one of the strongest barriers in his kingdom. He possessed himself \nof Pydna and Potidea, and also of Cremides, which he called by his \nown name Philippi. It was near this city that he opened a gold mine, \nwhich every year produced upwards of 1,000 talents, that is, about \n114,000/. sterling, an^ Philip first caused gold to be coined there. By \nthis fund he was enabled to maintain powerful armies, and to bribe \npersons of influence in the cities of Greece. It is said, that, consult- \ning the oracle of Delphi, he received the following answer : \xe2\x80\x94 \n" Make coin thy weapons, and thou\'lt conquer all." \n\nAnd he scrupled not to own that he had carried more places by money \nthan by arms ; that he never forced a gate till after having attempted to \n\nOn what occasion did Philip return to Macedon? \xe2\x80\x94 Was he the rightful heir to \nthe throne ? \xe2\x80\x94 Did he not aspire to the sovereignty of Greece ? \xe2\x80\x94 What were the \nmeans he employed ? \n13 \n\n\n\nl46 history op Greece. \n\nopen it with a golden key ; and that he did not think any fortress im- \npregnable into which a mule laden with silver could find entrance. \n\nPhilip had married Olympias, daughter of Neoptolemus, by whom \nhe had Alexander, surnamed the Great. Philip was absent from his \nkingdom at the time of his birth, and on the same day the news was \nbrought him, he received information that he had carried the prize in \nthe Olympic games, and that Parmenio, one of his generals, had gained \na great victory over the Illyrians. The king was alarmed at so great a \nhappiness, which the heathens deemed the omen of some mournful ca- \ntastrophe, and he exclaimed, "Great Jupiter, in return for so many \nDlessings, send me some slight misfortune." \n\n\n\nCHAPTER 30. \nTHE SACRED WAR. \n\nDiscord, (B. C. 355,) which excited in the Greeks dispositions not \nvery remote from open rupture, broke out with great violence upon ac- \ncount of the Phocians. These people who inhabited the territories ad- \njacent to Delphi, ploughed up certain lands that were sacred to Apollo, \nand which were thereby profaned. The neighbouring people exclaimed \nagainst them as guilty of sacrilege. The war that broke out on this \noccasion was called the Sacred War, as undertaken from a religious mo- \ntive. It lasted ten years. The people guilty of this profanation were \nsummoned to appear before the Amphictyons, or states general of \nGreece ; and on investigation the Phocians were declared sacrilegious, \nand were sentenced to pay a heavy fine. On Sparta, also, they laid a \nfine for having seized the citadel of Thebes. \n\nPhilomelus, one of their chief citizens, having proved from some \nverses of Homer that the sovereignty of Delphi belonged anciently to \nthe Phocians, excited them to take up arms against the decree of the \nAmphictyons, and was appointed their general. He immediately ap- \nplied to Sparta, to engage them to his interest, as the Spartans were \nmuch disgusted at the sentence which that court had pronounced against \nthemselves. Archedamus, one of the kings of Sparta, promised to as- \nsist them with money, and to furnish them secretly with troops. \n\nPhilomelus began by attacking the temple of Delphi, of which he \npossessed himself without any difficulty. The Locrians, a people in \nthe neighbourhood of Delphi, took up arms against him, and were de- \nfeated in several encounters. Philomelus entered the temple, tore from \nthe pillars the decree of the Amphictyons against the Phocians, and \nproclaimed throughout Greece that he had no design to seize the riches \nof the temples, and that his sole view was to restore to the Phocians \ntheir ancient rights and privileges. And as it was desirable to have a \n\'sanction from the god who presided at Delphi, the priestess, terrified by \n\nWhom did Philip marry ? \xe2\x80\x94 What occurred at the birth of his son Alexander ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWhat occasioned the sacred war? \xe2\x80\x94 What power did Philomelus prevail upon \nto aid hira ? \xe2\x80\x94 Of what temple did he possess himself? \xe2\x80\x94 What devastations did he \nmake ? \n\n\n\nTHE SACKED WAK. 147 \n\nhis menaces, replied "That the god permitted him to do whatever he \nshould think proper." \n\nThe Amphictyons now declared war against the Phocians, and most \nof the Greek nations became parties in the quarrel on one side or the \nother. The Boeotians, the Locrians, Thessalians and others opposed \nthe Phocians, while Athens, Sparta and other cities of Peloponnesus \njoined them. Philomelus had not yet touched the treasures of the \ntemple ; but he afterwards thought that they could not be better em- \nployed than in the deity\'s defence. The Thebans having in a skirmish \ntaken several prisoners, condemned them all to die as sacrilegious \nwretches. The Phocians did the same by way of reprisal. \n\nPhilomelus, being closely pressed in an engagement, from which \nthere was no retreating, threw himself from a rock and perished, to \navoid the torments which would have been inflicted by his enemies. \nOnomarchus was his successor, and took upon himself the command of \nthe forces. Philip thought it most for his interest to remain neuter. \xe2\x80\x94 \nIt was consistent with his policy, who had but little regard for religion \nor the interests of Apollo, not to engage in a war by which he could reap \nno benefit. He was no doubt pleased to see both parties weaken each \nother. \n\nBeing desirous of subduing Thrace, he besieged and took Methone \nand razed it. In this encounter he> \'\'-* Sn eye. Philip marched into \nThessaly, which had implored his asxl^tance against the tyrants. Ono- \nmarchus, in a second engagement with Philip, was slain, and his army \nentirely defeated. By the success of this expedition, Philip acquired \nthe affection of the Thessalians, whose excellent cavalry, joined to the \nMacedonian phalanx, had afterwards so great a share in his victories \nand those of his son. \n\nPhayllus, who succeeded his brother Onomarchus, from the immense \nriches he had found in the temple, raised a numerous army, and sup- \nported by the troops of the Lacedemonians, Athenians, and the other \nallies, he went into Boeotia and invaded the Thebans. Phayllus, \nseized with a sudden disorder, died, and was succeeded by Phalecus \nthen very young, the son of Onomarchus. Mnaseas, a man of great \nexperience, was appointed his counsellor. Phalecus, like his prede- \ncessor, having plundered the temple, and by that means enriched his \nfriends, the Phocians became alarmed, and called those to account who \nhad any concern with the public moneys. Upon this Phalecus was de- \nposed, and upon full inquiry it was found that there had been taken \nfrom the temple 10,000 talents, or about 1,500,000/. sterling. \n\nPhilip now resolved to carry his arms into Phocis. (B. C. 352.) This \nwas his first attempt to get footing in Greece. He had intended march- \nin o- towards Thermopylae, to possess himself of a pass which would \nhave given him a free passage into Greece. The Athenians hastened \nto Thermopylae, and preoccupied the pass, which Philip did not dare to \nforce, and he returned into Macedon. \n\n\n\nWhat states declared war against the Phocians? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the fatal end o< \nPhilomelus ? \xe2\x80\x94 What city did Philip attack ? \xe2\x80\x94 What wound did he receive ? \xe2\x80\x94 Ot \nwhat sums had the temple been despoiled ?\xe2\x80\x94 En what attempt was Philip unsuo \ncessful? \n\n\n\ni48 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nThe ambitious designs of Philip gave rise also to the orations of De- \nmosthenes. The Athenians became the king\'s most powerful opposers. \nBut Athens at that time was not what it was in the days of the battles \nof Marathon and Salamis. They had no longer the same maxims, nor \nthe same zeal for the public good. To those glorious days had suc- \nceeded a fondness for repose, an indolence with regard to public affairs, \nan aversion to military fatigues, and a fondness for the profusion of the \npublic treasures, in games and shows. \n\nDemosthenes exerted his eloquence to stimulate the Athenians to \nmake a powerful resistance. This is the subject of his orations called \nhis Philippics. Demades, on the contrary, bribed by Philip\'s gold, \nopposed the advice of Demosthenes, but in vain. Chares was sent \nwith chosen troops for the protection of Olynthus ; but the year follow- \ning, (B. C. 348,) Philip possessed himself of the place. Neither the \nsuccours nor the efforts of the Athenians could defend it against its \ndomestic enemies. It was betrayed by two of its most eminent citi- \nzens, in actual employment at that time. \n\nCHAPTER 31. \n\nSIEGE OF PERINTHUS \xe2\x80\x94 BATTLE OF CILERONE A \xe2\x80\x94 BANISHMENT \nOF JESCHINES. \n\nPhilip carried on the siege of Perinthus with great vigour. He had \n30,000 troops, and also military engines of all kinds. He had raised \ntowers eighty cubits high, which far outstripped those of the Perinthi- \nans, whose foundations he shook by subterraneous mines, and beat \ndown their walls with his battering-rams. The inhabitants of Byzan- \ntium sent the Perinthians all the succours necessary. The Asiatic \nsatraps, or governors, by the king\'s order, whose assistance the Athe- \nnians had requested, likewise threw forces into the place. Philip \ndreaded the power of the Athenians, and addressed to them an artful \nletter, which is a masterpiece in the original, so that what was said \nof Caesar might be justly applied to Philip, " that he handled the pen \nas well as he did the sword." His letter did him as much service as a \ngood manifesto, and gave his pensioners in Athens a fine opportunity \nof justifying him to the people. \n\nDemosthenes, sensible how needful it was to erase as soon as possi- \nble these impressions, ascended the tribunal, and boldly and firmly \nrebutted both Philip and his orators. At the very time this was de- \nbating, news was brought of the shameful reception Chares had met \nwith in aiding the Byzantians ; and, as Chares was a general without \ngreat military knowledge, Phocion was appointed to the command of a \nbody of fresh troops ; and the Byzantians, on his arrival, opened their \ngates to him with joy, and lodged his soldiers in their houses, as their \ntwn brothers and children. \n\nWhat gave rise to the orations of Demosthenes? \xe2\x80\x94 What change had taken \nplace in the Athenians ? \xe2\x80\x94 What orator opposed Demosthenes? \xe2\x80\x94 Describe Philip\'s \nsiege of Perinthus, and his artful address to the Athenians. \xe2\x80\x94 Did not Demosthenes \nrebut Philip\'s orators? \n\n\n\nMACHINATIONS OF PHILIP 149 \n\nStruck with the confidence reposed in them, the Athenian officers \nand soldiers behaved with prudence and modesty, and we.e entirely \nirreproachable in their conduct. Nor were they less admired for their \ncourage ; and Philip was obliged to abandon his designs both on By- \nzantium and Perinthus, \xe2\x80\x94 and his being beaten out of the Hellespont \ndiminished Philip\'s fame and glory. \n\nThe Byzantians and Perinthians testified their gratitude to the peo- \nple of Athens by a very honourable decree ; namely, that they might \nsettle in their country, purchase lands, and enjoy all the privileges of \ncitizens : they also granted them a distinguished place in their public \nshows, and the right of sitting both in the senate and the assembly of \nthe people next to the pontiffs, &c. The inhabitants of Chersonesus, \nin full senate, made a similar decree, and, after a full expression of \ntheir gratitude, awarded a crown of gold, worth fifty talents, to their \nbenefactors. \n\nPhilip, having been driven from Byzantium and Perinthus, marched \nagainst Atheas, king of Scythia, and defeated him without difficulty. \nHe got a great booty, not of gold and silver, the use and value of which \nthe Scythians did not know, but of cattle and horses, and even of wo- \nmen and children. At his return from Scythia, the Triballi, a people \nof Mcesia, disputed the pass with him, claiming part of the plunder. \nA severe battle ensued, in which great numbers on each side were slain. \nPhilip himself was wounded in the thigh, and with the same thrust \nhad his horse killed under him. \n\nThe king of Macedon made overtures of peace, but Demosthenes was \npersuaded that Philip\'s view was only to amuse and deceive, and he \nprevented the Athenians listening to his proposals. Philip foresaw \nthat he had now no alternative but by exciting the Thessalians and \nThebans to break with Athens, for he could not yet attack that city \neither by sea or land. For the passage to Attica by land would be shut \nagainst him as long as the Thessalians should refuse to join him, and \nthe Thebans should oppose him. \n\nBy the machinations of his pensioners, he raised divisions in the \nLocrians of Amphissa. Their country was situated between iEtolia \nand Phocis ; and they were accused of having profaned a spot of sa- \ncred ground, by ploughing up the Cirrhsean fields, which lay very near \nthe temple of Delphi. The reader has seen that the like cause of com- \nplaint occasioned the first sacred war. The affair was to be heard before \nthe Amphictyons. By the oratory of iEschines, Philip was appointed, \nby the Amphictyons, general, to act with full power. \n\nPhilip immediately assembled his forces, and possessed himself ot \nElatea, the greatest city of Phocis, situated most happily for awing the \nThebans, who now began to see their danger. The news spread terror \nthrough every part of Athens. By the power of Demosthenes\' elo- \nquence the Thebans made a common cause with the Athenians, and \n\n\n\nDid not the Athenians cause Philip to abandon his designs both at Byzantium \nand Perinthus? \xe2\x80\x94 By what decree did they show their gratitude? \xe2\x80\x94 Against whom \ndid Philip next march? \xe2\x80\x94 Did Demosthenes oppose Philip\'s hollow truce? \xe2\x80\x94 Of \nwhat crime were the Locrians accused ? \xe2\x80\x94 What fear did Philip\'s victories excite \n\n13* \n\n\n\n150 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nPhilip entered Boeotia with all his forces. The united armies of the \nAthenians and Thebans encamped near Chaeronea, a city of Bceotia. \nBut there were no leaders that could be opposed to Philip. A battle \nensued, and more than 1,000 Athenians were left upon the field, and \nabove 2,000 taken prisoners. The loss was as great on the Theban \nside. The bones of such as were killed in the battle of Chaeronea were \nbrought to Athens, and received honourable interment. Demosthenes \nwas appointed to compose the eulogy of those brave men.* \n\nIt was the very year of the battle of Chaeronea, and two years before \nthe death of Philip, that vEschines drew up an accusation against Ctes- \niphon, or rather against Demosthenes ; but the cause was not pleaded \ntill seven or eight years after. No cause ever excited so much curi- \nosity, or was pleaded with so much pomp. People flocked from all \nparts, says Cicero, to be witness between these two orators ; and these \norations have been considered as the masterpieces of antiquity; espe- \ncially that of Demosthenes. iEschines was deservedly banished on \naccount of this rash accusation of Ctesiphon. He therefore removed to \nRhodes, where he opened a school of eloquence, the fame of which \ncontinued for many ages. He began his lectures with the two orations \nthat occasioned his banishment. Great encomiums were given to them ; \nbut when the Rhodians heard those of Demosthenes, their plaudits and \nacclamations were redoubled ; and it was then he spoke those words so \nlaudable in the mouth of a rival, " But what applauses would you not \nhave bestowed, had you heard Demosthenes himself deliver them !" \n\nIt is worthy of remembrance that when iEschines left Athens to em- \nbark for Rhodes, Demosthenes ran after him, and forced him to accept \na purse of money. On this occasion iEschines exclaimed, " How will \nit be possible for me not to regret a country in which I leave an enemy \nmore generous than I can hope to find friends elsewhere ?" \n\nCHAPTER 32. \n\nPHILIP IS DECLARED GENERALISSIMO OF THE GREEKS AGAINST \nTHE PERSIANS \xe2\x80\x94 HIS DEATH. \n\nThe battle of Chaeronea may be said to have enslaved Greece. It \ngained for Philip the object he had long had in view \xe2\x80\x94 that of being the \ngeneralissimo of the Greeks against the Persians. He now made pre- \nparations to invade that empire ; and forwarded two of his generals, \nAttalus and Parmenio, to Asia Minor. Philip consulted the gods to \nknow what would be the event. The priestess replied, " The victim \nis already crowned, his end draws nigh, and he will soon be sacrificed." \nPhilip interpreted the oracle in his own favour, though the ambiguity \nought to have kept him in some suspense. After this he offered up a \n\n* Demosthenes, in his oration against Leptines, observes that the Athenians were \nthe only people who caused funeral orations to be spoken in honour of those who lost \ntheir lives in the defence of their country. \n\nWhat resulted from the battle of Chaeronea? \xe2\x80\x94 Describe the orations of Demos- \nthenes and iEschines, and the public curiosity they excited. \xe2\x80\x94 Relate (he interview \nbetween Demosthenes and iEschines. \xe2\x80\x94 What was the Priestess s reply to Philip? \n\n\n\nDEATH OF PHILIP. \xe2\x80\xa2 151 \n\nsolemn sacrifice to the gods ; and prepared to celebrate, with incredible \nmagnificence, the nuptials of Cleopatra, his daughter, with Alexander, \nking of Epirus, and brother to Olympias his queen. The day after the \nnuptials, games and shows were solemnized ; and as these formed a \npart of their religious worship, statues of the gods were carried in it, in \none of which Philip himself was represented as a god. \n\nThe hour for his leaving the palace arrived, and he went forth in a \nwhite robe, and advanced with an air of majesty, amidst acclamations, \ntowards the theatre. His guards marched before and behind him, leav- \ning a considerable space for the better view of him by the spectators. \nBut all this festivity and pomp ended in the murder of Philip. The \nking had refused to do an act of justice towards Pausanias, a young \nnobleman, and one of the chief officers of his life guard. He therefore, \nchoosing the instant of this ceremony to put his bloody design in exe- \ncution, stabbed the king with a dagger, and laid him dead at his feet. \nThe assassin had prepared horses ready for his escape ; but he was \novertaken and torn to pieces on the spot. Thus died Philip, at forty- \nsix years of age, after having reigned twenty-four. (B. C. 336.) When \nthe news of Philip\'s death arrived, the Athenians abandoned themselves \nto the transports of immoderate joy. \n\nDemosthenes is said to have appeared in public at Athens, crowned \nwith a wreath of flowers, urging the Athenians to offer sacrifices and \nto thank the gods for the good news ; an action quite out of character. \n\nAlexander was born the first year of the lOGth Olympiad, (B. C. \n356,) the same day the celebrated temple of Diana in Ephesus, which \nhad been called one of the seven wonders of the world, was burned. \nIt had been built in the name and at the expense of all Asia Minor. \nIts length was 425 feet, and its breadth 2-20. It was supported by \n127 columns, 60 feet high. One Erostratus had fired the temple on \npurpose ; and being put to the torture, he confessed it was to hand \ndown his name to posterity. \n\nThe passion which prevailed most in Alexander, even from his early \nyears, was ambition, and an ardent desire of glory. Philip valued \nhimself upon his eloquence, and the beauty of his style; and he had \nthe vanity to have engraved on his coins the several victories he had \nwon at the Olympic games ; but it was not to this his son aspired ; \nfor being asked one day whether he would not be present to dispute \nthe prize (for he was very swift of foot), he replied, " He would, if \nkings were to be his antagonists." Alexanders judgment was said to \nbe exceedingly mature for his years. He had several preceptors ; \namong these were Leonidas, a person of severe morals, and Aristotle, \nthe most learned philosopher of the age, to whom was entrusted the \nchief care of his education. \n\nSo sensible was Philip of the treasure he possessed in the person of \nAristotle, that he settled a considerable stipend upon him, and even re- \nbuilt and adorned Stagira, the native place of the philosopher. Nor \n\nBy whom and on what occasion was Philip assassinated? \xe2\x80\x94 What temple was \nburned on Alexander\'s birth ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who were his preceptors ? \xe2\x80\x94 What reward had \nAristotle ? \n\n\n\n152 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nwas Alexander less sensible of his high value. " He was indebted," \nhe said, " to the one for living, and the other for living- well ;" and \nnistory informs us that the progress of the pupil was equal to the abili- \nties of the preceptor. Alexander\'s admiration of Homer\'s works was \nvery great, and we are told that after the battle of Arbela, when the \nMacedonians had found among the spoils of Darius a gold box enriched \nwith precious stones, in which were contained the prince\'s perfumes, \nAlexander ordered that the box should be employed for no other pur- \npose than to hold Homer\'s Poems ; which he believed to be the most \nperfect and the most precious productions of the human mind. \n\nThere had been sent from Thessaly to Philip, a very noble warlike \nhorse called Bucephalus, valued by the owner at thirteen talents, about \n1,900/. sterling; but he appeared so restive and fiery that no one dared \nto mount him ; and Philip was about to return him to the owner. \nAlexander regretted that so fine a creature should be lost for want of a \nrider, and offered to mount him himself. His father permitted him. \nAfter some manoeuvres, he mounted Bucephalus, and animated him by \ndegrees to his full speed. The king and attendants, trembling with \nfear, followed them with their eyes, in breathless silence ; but when \nthe prince returned, having run the first heat, the courtiers endeavoured \nto outvie each other in their applauses ; and Philip shedding tears of \njoy, said, " My son, seek a kingdom more worthy of thee, for Macedon \nis below thy merit." \n\nCHAPTER 33. \n\nALEXANDER ASCENDS THE THRONE; AND IS DECLARED GENER- \nALISSIMO OF THE GREEKS AGAINST THE PERSIANS. \n\nDarius and Alexander began to reign the same year ; the latter was \nbut twenty years of age when he ascended the throne. His first care \nwas to solemnize with much pomp the funeral obsequies of his father, \nand to revenge his death. Upon his accession to the throne, he saw \nhimself surrounded with extreme dangers; for though Philip had made \nconquests among the barbarous nations, and had subdued all Greece, \nyet the minds of the vanquished had not been yet calmed and moulded \ninto subjection. \n\nThe Macedonians, reflecting on the precarious situation of things, \nadvised Alexander to relinquish the conquest of Greece, and to bring \nthe Barbarians more firmly under his yoke by gentle and conciliatory \nmethods. Alexander did not listen to these timorous counsels ; firmly \npersuaded that should he relax in one point, all his neighbours would \nfall upon him. He therefore first marched against the Barbarians, cross- \ning the Danube, and defeating the Triballi in a great battle, and making \nthe Getse fly at his approach. While Alexander was thus employed, \nall the cities of Greece, which were animated by Demosthenes, formed \na powerful alliance against that prince. Alexander now marched to- \n\n\n\nWhat poems did Alexander treasure in Darius\'s gold box? \xe2\x80\x94 Relate Alexander\'s \nencounter with the horse Bucephalus. \xe2\x80\x94 What difficulties had Alexander to en- \ncounter? \xe2\x80\x94 Against whom did he first march? \n\n\n\nALEXANDER. 153 \n\nwards Greece; passed Thermopylae and appeared suddenly in Bceotia. \nA. great battle was fought, in which the Thebans were surrounded, and \nthe city was taken and plundered. \n\nThe city experienced dreadful calamities on this occasion. Some \nThracians, having pulled down the house of Timoclea, a virtuous lady, \ncarried off her goods and treasures. Their captain, having seized the \nlady and insulted her, inquired whether she had not concealed much \ngold and silver. Timoclea, animated by revenge, replied that she \nhad hid some in the garden, and that she had thrown it into a well. \nThe officer drew near, and he stooping down to examine its depth, she \nthrust him in, and killed him by great stones thrown upon him. She \n.was instantly seized and bound in chains, and carried to Alexander. \nThe prince, perceiving by her mien that she was a woman of quality \nand dignity, asked who she was. Timoclea replied, " I am sister to \nTeagenes, who fought against Philip, and who was killed in the battle \nof Chaeronea." The prince admiring the generous answer of the lady, \nand still more the action she had done, gave orders that she should re- \ntire wherever she pleased with her children. \n\nAlexander now debated in council how to act with regard to Thebes ; \nand notwithstanding Cleades made a powerful oration in favour of the \ncity, it was doomed to fall, and was destroyed. However, he set at \nliberty the priests, the descendants of Pindar, the poet who had done \nso much honour to Greece, with such as had opposed the revolt, &c. \nThe Athenians were so sensibly afflicted at the sad disaster which had \nbefallen Thebes, that, being about to solemnize the festival of the great \nmysteries, they suspended them upon account of their extreme grief; \nand they received with great humanity all those that had fled from the \nbattle and the plunder of Thebes, and made Athens their asylum. \n\nAlexander\'s sudden arrival in Greece had abated the haughtiness \nof the Athenians and extinguished the vehemence of Demosthenes. A \ndeputation was therefore sent to Alexander to implore his clemency. \nDemosthenes was among them ; but he had no sooner arrived at Mount \nCithgeron, than, dreading the anger of that prince, he quitted the em- \nbassy and returned home. The prince sent immediately to Athens, \nrequiring the citizens to deliver up to him ten orators, whom he sup- \nposed to have been the chief instruments in forming the league w T hich \nPhilip his father had defeated at Clweronea. It was on this occasion \nthat Demosthenes related to the people the fable of the wolves and \ndogs. " The wolves one day," said he, " told the sheep that, in case \nthey desired to be at peace with them, they must deliver up to them \ntheir dogs, which were their guard." The application was easy and \nnatural, especially with respect to the orators, whose duty it was to \nwatch and protect the flock. \n\nIn this serious dilemma of the Athenians, the king waived his \ndemand, and required that Chridemus only, who was a native of \nEubcea, should be sent into banishment. As for the Athenians, he \n\nWhat was Alexander\'s generous treatment to Timoclea? \xe2\x80\x94 When Thebes was \ndestroyed, whom did Alexander respect? \xe2\x80\x94 What had the fable of Demosthenes to \ndo with Alexander ? \n\n\n\n154 HISTORY OF CREECE. \n\nexpressed a particular regard for them \xe2\x80\x94 exhorted them to keep a \nwatchful eye over the transactions of the states ; because, he observed, \nin case of his death, their city was to give laws to the rest of Greece. \nHe summoned the assembly of the several states at Corinth, to obtain \nfrom them the same supreme command against the Persians that had \nbeen granted to his father. No diet ever debated on a more important \nsubject \xe2\x80\x94 it was the western world deliberating on the ruin of the east- \nern. To form such a design required a prince bold and enterprising \xe2\x80\x94 \none that was not to be intimidated by dangers, and above all, one that \nhad the supreme authority over all the states of Greece, \xe2\x80\x94 and such \na prince was Alexander. The deliberations of the assembly were, \ntherefore, very short ; and that prince was unanimously appointed gen- \neral issimo against the Persians. \n\nDiogenes, the cynic of Sinope, was then at Corinth, and Alexander \npassing by saw him lay down in the sun. The prince, surprised to see \nso famous a philosopher reduced to such poverty, asked whether ho \nwanted any thing] Diogenes replied, " Yes, that you would stand a \nlittle out of my sunshine." This answer raised the indignation of the \ncourtiers, but the monarch was struck with the philosopher\'s indepen- \ndent mind. " Were I not Alexander," he said, " I would be Diogenes." \nAll, or nothing, presents us with the true image of Alexander and Di- \nogenes. How great soever that prince might think himself, he could \nnot but suppose that he was then inferior to a man to whom he could \ngive, and from whom he could take nothing. \n\nBefore he set out for Asia, Alexander consulted the oracle of Apollo, \nand he happened to arrive at it on one of those days which are called \nunlucky ; accordingly the priestess refused to go to the temple. But \nAlexander, who would have no refusal, took her forcibly by the arm, \nand was leading her to the temple, when she cried out, " My son, thou \nart irresistible." This was all he desired. He interpreted it as spoken \nby the oracle, and set out for Macedonia to make preparations for his \ngreat expedition. \n\nCHAPTER 34. \nALEXANDER\'S EXPEDITION. \n\nAlexander called a council of the grandees of his court and chief \nofficers, to deliberate on his intended expedition against Persia, in which \nall concurred. Some few, however, recommended his first making \nchoice of his consort to secure himself a successor; advice which \nAlexander did not choose to follow. He offered up splendid sacri- \nfices to the gods, and caused to be celebrated at Dire, a city of Ma- \ncedonia, scenical games in honour of Jupiter and the muses. He \nhad a tent raised large enough to contain a hundred tables, on which \nnine hundred covers might be laid. To this- feast were invited the \nprinces, ambassadors, generals, and officers. \n\nBefore he set out, he settled the affairs of Macedon, ovei which he \n\n\n\nWhat, deliberation was commenced at Corinth ? \xe2\x80\x94 What of Diogenes !- What was \nAlexander\'s reply? \xe2\x80\x94 What reply did the priestess give to Alexander?- -What was \nthe result of Alexander\'s council? \n\n\n\nALEXANDERS EXPEDITION. 155 \n\nappointed Antipater, as viceroy, with 12,000 foot, and nearly the same \nnumber of horse. He quitted Macedon, for Asia, in the spring. His \narmy consisted of little more than thirty thousand foot, and four or five \nthousand horse, but they were all veteran troops, well disciplined, and \ninured to fatigues. He arrived at Sestos after twenty days march. \xe2\x80\x94 \nThe greater part of his army crossed from thence to Abydos. by the \nassistance of 160 galleys, and several flat-bottomed vessels. When he \nhad gained the shores of Asia, he erected altars to Jupiter, Minerva, \nand Hercules, for so propitious a descent. \n\nSo greatly did he depend on the success of his arms, and the rich \nspoils of Asia, that he made but little provision for so great an ex- \npedition ; and he inspired his soldiers with so much courage and se- \ncurity, that they seemed to march, not to precarious war, but to certain \nvictory. Being arrived at Lampsacus, which he was determined to \ndestroy, to punish the rebellion of the inhabitants, Anaximines, a native \nof that place, came to him. The king, suspecting his business, and to \nbe beforehand with him, swore that he would never grant his request: \n" the favour I have to desire of you," said Anaximines, " is, that you \nwould destroy Lampsacus." By this evasion, the intercessor saved \nhis city. \n\nFrom thence Alexander arrived at Ilion, and paid great honour to the \nmanes of Achilles, and caused games to be celebrated round his tomb. \nHe admired the double felicity of that renowned Grecian, in having \nfound, during his life, a faithful friend in Patrocles, and, after his \ndeath, a herald in Homer, worthy the greatness of his exploits. From \nthence Alexander advanced to the bank of Granicus, a river of Phrygia. \nThe Persian satrap waited his coming on the other side, firmly resolved \nto dispute his passage. The Persian army consisted of 100,000 foot, \nand 10,000 horse. Memnon, who was a Rhodian, and commanded \nunder Darius all the coast of Asia, advised the generals not to venture \na battle, but to lay waste the country, thereby to starve Alexander\'s \narmy. But Arsites, a Phrygian satrap, opposed this opinion. \n\nThe two armies continued for some time in sight of each other on \nthe banks of the river, as if dreading the event. The Macedonians, \nwhose cavalry was vastly inferior in number, were severely wounded \nwhile crossing ; and, after having lost their first ranks, began to give \nground. But Alexander reinforced them with his best troops, headed \nby himself, after which the whole army followed and attacked the \nPersians on all sides. The conflict was long, and the slaughter great. \nA considerable number of the Persian commanders were left dead on \nthe spot. Arsites fled into Phrygia ; 20,000 foot and 2,500 horse were \nkilled in the engagement, on the side of the Persians. \n\nThis victory had all the happy consequences that could be expected \nfrom it. Sardis surrendered to Alexander; and, arriving at Ephesus, \nhe restored its popular form of government. He assigned to the temple \n\nWho was appointed to the care of Macedon ? \xe2\x80\x94 With what force did he set out \nfor Persia? \xe2\x80\x94 By what artifice was Lampsacus saved ? \xe2\x80\x94 What homage did Alexan- \nder pay to old Troy? \xe2\x80\x94 What victory obtained on the banks of the Granicus ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWhat surrenders followed the victory ? \n\n\n\n156 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nof Diana the tributes which were paid to the kings of Persia. He of \nfered sacrifices to that goddess, and solemnized her mysteries with the \nutmost pomp. The cities of Trallis and Magnesia also waited upon \nhim with the keys of those places. He then marched for Miletus, in \nwhich Memnon had shut himself up, and, after a powerful resistance, \nthe city capitulated. \n\nAlexander next marched into Caria, and laid siege to Halicarnassus, \nin which Memnon had taken shelter, and with vast difficulty demolished \nits fortifications. Memnon, finding it impossible to hold out any longer, \nabandoned the city by sea, and took with him most of the surviving in- \nhabitants, and conveyed them to the adjacent island of Cos. Several \nkings of Asia Miner submitted voluntarily to Alexander, among whom \nwas Mithridates, king of Pontus. \n\nWhen Alexander went into winter quarters, he permitted many of \nhis soldiers to return to Macedonia, to spend their winter with their \nwives and families, upon condition of their returning in the spring. \nThe next year the king began the campaign very early. He directed \nhis march to Phaselis, a city situated between Lycia and Pamphylia ; \nand, during his residence in this neighbourhood, he discovered and \ncrushed a conspiracy. From thence he proceeded to Coeloenoe, which, \nafter holding out some time, opened their gates to him. He then pro- \nceeded to Phrygia, the capital of which was called Gordium, the noted \nresidence of king Midas. Having taken this city, he was desirous of \nseeing the famous chariot to which the Gordian knot was tied with so \nmuch art that it was impossible to discover where the strings began or \nended. According to an ancient tradition of the country, an oracle had \nforetold that the man who could untie it should possess the empire of \nAsia. Alexander, after many fruitless trials, cut it with his sword, and \nthus either eluded or fulfilled the oracle. \n\nCHAPTER 35. \nBATTLE OF ISSUS\xe2\x80\x94 SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF TYRE. \n\nIn the mean time, Darius was making preparations for a vigorous \ndefence ; and Memnon advised the king to carry the war into Macedo- \nnia, which would compel Alexander to return home to defend his own \ncountry. Darius -approved the counsel ; accordingly Memnon was ap- \npointed admiral of the fleet and captain-general of the forces, and he had \nmade himself master of Chios and Lesbos. Preparing to march from \nthence into Eubcea, he died before Mitylene, and the enterprise was \nabandoned. \n\nDarius\'s whole refuge was now in the armies of the east ; and not \nplacing confidence in the skill of his generals, he resolved to command \nin person, and he appointed Babylon for the rendezvous of his army, \nwhere, upon being mustered, they amounted to four, five, or six hun- \ndred thousand men. \n\n\n\nWhat happened to Memnon at Halicarnassus ?\xe2\x80\x94 Relate the circumstance of the \nGordian knot. \xe2\x80\x94 What did Memnon advise ? \xe2\x80\x94 And how was the advice defeated? \n\xe2\x80\x94 Where lay Darius\'s army? \xe2\x80\x94 What the amount? \n\n\n\nBATTLE OF ISSUS. _57 \n\nAlexander next subdued Paphlagonia and Cappadocia ; and having \nthence heard of Memnon\'s death, he was confirmed in his resolution of \nmarching- immediately into the provinces of Upper Asia. He entered \ninto Cilicia, and arrived at the country called Cyrus\'s camp. Directing \nhis course to Tarsus, which led through a very narrow strait, through \nwhich it was Alexander\'s good fortune to pass without interruption, \nthough, had it been properly guarded, it might have proved an almost \ninsurmountable barrier to him, \xe2\x80\x94 he reached Tarsus, through which city \nthe cold Cydnus runs. In this river Alexander, while suffused with \nsweat, bathed. He was immediately seized with a violent shivering, \nwhich for some time endangered his life, but, by the prescriptions of \nhis physician, he recovered. \n\nDuring this interval Darius was on his march, full of confidence in \nthe number of his troops. Instead of availing himself of the plains of \nAssyria, which his situation afforded him, he resolved to march through \nnarrow passes, where his cavalry and the number of his troops, only \nencumbered each other. There was, at this time, in the army of Da- \nrius, one Charidemus, an Athenian, a man of great experience in mili- \ntary affairs. Darius questioned him as to his opinion of the war. \nCharidemus, who had been brought up in the bosom of liberty, and for- \ngetting that he was in a country of slavery gave his honest opinion, \nwhich cost him his life ; and while he was led to execution, he ex- \nclaimed, " My avenger is at hand, and he will soon punish you for \ndespising my counsel." \n\nDarius advanced with his troops towards the Euphrates, and his \ntrain was encumbered with women, princesses, concubines, eunuchs, \nand domestics of both sexes, as was the custom of the country. Nothing \ncould exceed the splendid magnificence of the king. His chariot was \nenriched with images of the gods in gold and silver. He was clothed \nin a vest of purple, glittering with gold and precious stones : around \nhis waist he wore a golden girdle, from which his scimitar hung, and \non his head a tiara or mitre. Surrounded with this mighty pomp, the \nPersian approached Alexander ; and when in the plains of Assyria, the \nGrecian commanders that were in his army advised the latter to wait \nthe coming of the enemy. \n\nThe Persian courtiers, on the contrary, advised Darius to attack the \nMacedonians immediately in the narrow passes and defiles to prevent \ntheir escape. Darius, therefore, sent his treasures and most precious \nmoveables to Damascus, a city of Syria, under a small convoy, and \nmarched the main body of his army towards Cilicia, and entered it by \nthe pass of Amanus. His queen, and mother, with the princesses, his \ndaughters, and the little prince, his son, followed the army. The battle \nwas fought near the city of Issus, which the mountains bounded on one \nside, and the sea on the other. Through the middle of the plain ran \nthe river Pinarius, which separated the two armies. Both sides fought \nwith the utmost bravery ; the battle became a close fight \xe2\x80\x94 sword in \n\n\n\nIn what river did Alexander bathe ? \xe2\x80\x94 During this time what course did Darius \ntake ? \xe2\x80\x94 How was Darius\'s army encumbered ? \xe2\x80\x94 What advice did Darius reject? \n\xe2\x80\x94 \xe2\x80\xa2 Where was the battle fought ? \n14 \n\n\n\n153 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nhand, and a dreadful slaughter ensued. The routing of the Persian \ncavalry completed the defeat of the army. Darius, when he saw the \nleft wing broke, fled in his chariot, till the ruggedness of the roads in- \nduced him to mount the horse of his armour-bearer; but his mother, \nwife, and children, fell into the hands of Alexander, who treated them \nwith great respect and tenderness. The consequence of this victory \nwas, that all Syria submitted to the conqueror. \n\nAlexander sent a message to the queens to inform them that he was \ncoming to pay them a visit. He entered the tent, accompanied only \nby Hephaestion. They were of the same age \xe2\x80\x94 but Hephsestion was \ntaller, so that Darius\'s mother took him at first for the king; but some \ncaptive eunuchs showing them Alexander, Sysigambis fell prostrate and \nbegged his pardon, hoping, that having never seen him, would plead \nher apology. The king, raising her from the ground, replied, "Dear \nmother, you are not mistaken, for he also is an Alexander!" a fine ex- \npression which does honour to them both. " The princesses and their \ndaughters," says Plutarch, "were in Alexander\'s camp, not as in that \nof an enemy, but as in a sacred temple, and a sanctuary assigned for \nthe asylum of chastity." After the first visit of Alexander, which was \na respectful and ceremonious one, he, to avoid exposing himself to the \ndanger of human frailty, never paid them a second visit. \n\nAfter he had consecrated three altars on the river Pinarius, the first \nto Jupiter, the second to Hercules, and the third to Minerva, as so many \nmonuments of his victory, Alexander sent Parmenio to Damascus to \ntake possession of Darius\'s immense treasure, which was deposited in \nthat place. He next marched into Phoenicia : the citizens of Byblos \nopened their gates to him, but no people with more pleasure than the \nSidonians ; and he permitted Hephsestion to elect, as king, whomsoever \nof the Sidonians he found worthy of so exalted a station. Hephsestion \nconferred it on Abdolonymus, a poor descendant of the royal family. \nTyre, entitled the queen of the sea, alone remained to be subdued, and \nit made a defence for seven months of the most determined character. \nThe city was at last taken by storm, and a dreadful slaughter ensued. \nThe conqueror offered up a sacrifice to Hercules on its ruins. The number \nof prisoners amounted to thirty thousand, who were all sold. The loss \nof the Macedonians was inconsiderable. \n\nWhile carrying on the siege of Tyre, Alexander received a second \nletter from Darius, offering him ten thousand talents as a ransom for \nthe captive princesses, and also his daughter Statira in marriage, with \nall the country he had conquered, as far as the Euphrates, &c. Alex- \nander summoned a council, in which Parmenio was of opinion that \nthose offers should be accepted ; declaring that " he would comply with \nthem were he Alexander." " And so would I," replied Alexander, \n" were I Parmenio." He therefore returned the following answer : \n" That he wanted not the money \xe2\x80\x94 and that it did not become him to \n\nWhere fled Darius? \xe2\x80\x94 What befel his wife, &c. \xe2\x80\x94 What occurred in Alexander\'s \nvisit to the queens? \xe2\x80\x94 What altars did Alexander consecrate? \xe2\x80\x94 What was Darius\'s \nletter, and Alexander\'s reply? \n\n\n\nCAPTURE OF GAZA. 159 \n\noffer what he did not possess, and that a battle would soon determine \n&c." Upon receiving this answer Darius lost all hopes of an accom \nmodation, and prepared for war. \n\nCHAPTER 36. \nBATTLE OF ARBELA \xe2\x80\x94 DEATH OF DARIUS. \n\nFrom Tyre, Alexander marched to Jerusalem, firmly resolved to show \nit no favour, it not having supplied him with provisions in besieging \nTyre. But on entering Jerusalem he was met by the high priest in \nhis robes, whom he had seen in a dream, dressed in like manner, two \nyears before. He was struck with awe at the sight. The high priest \nshowed him the prophecy of Daniel, wherein his conquests were fore- \ntold. Alexander, in consequence, paid him particular respect, and \nspared the Jews the experience of that cruelty with which he had fully \nresolved to punish them for their disobedience to his commands. \n\nHe had scarcely left Jerusalem when the Samaritans waited on him, \nhumbly intreating him to visit their temple, which visit he declined, \nand marched towards Gaza, a place of great strength, and defended \nwith great vigour by Betis, one of Darius\'s eunuchs. This was also \ntaken, and it opened to him the whole country of Egypt, of which he \nsoon became master. Exasperated at its holding out so long, and his \nreceiving two wounds, he treated the governor, inhabitants, and soldiers, \nwith a barbarity absolutely inexcusable ; for he cut ten thousand men \nto pieces, and sold all the rest, with their wives and children, for slaves. \nBetis, the governor, he put to death with singular cruelty. He ordered \na hole to be made through his heels, when a rope being put through \nthem, and this tied to a chariot, he ordered his soldiers to drag Betis \nround the city till he died. \n\nHaving left a garrison in Gaza, Alexander turned the whole power \nof his arms against Egypt. On arriving at Pelusium, he found a great \nnumber of Egyptians, who had assembled to recognize him as their \nsovereign. The hatred of these people to the Persians was so great, \nthat they cared but little who should be their king, provided he could \nrescue them from Persian insolence and indignity. Mazaeus, who com- \nmanded in Memphis, opened the gates of the city to the conqueror, and \ngave up 800 talents, about $700,000, and all the king\'s furniture. Thus \nAlexander, without opposition, possessed himself of all Egypt. \n\nAt Memphis he formed a design of visiting the temple of Jupiter \nAmmon, built in honour of Ham, the son of Noah, and situated twelve \ndays\' journey distant, in the midst of the sandy des>erts of Libya. A \nridiculous vanity was the motive of this journey. Being desirous of \npassing for a hero, he was determined to have some god for his father, \nand having fixed upon Jupiter Ammon, he bribed the priests to his pur- \npose. In passing from Memphis to the sea, he observed, opposite the \n\n\n\nWhat prophecy did the High Priest of Jerusalem show Alexander? \xe2\x80\x94 What bar- \nbarities occurred at Gaza? \xe2\x80\x94 Who welcomed Alexander at Palusium? \xe2\x80\x94 What tern \npie did he visit? \xe2\x80\x94 And for what purpose? \n\n\n\n160 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nsland of Pharos, a spot well situated for the erection of a city. This \ncity lie called after his own name, and it afterwards rose to he the capital \nof the kingdom. As its harbour was very commodious, having the \nMediterranean on one side, and the Nile and the Red Sea in its neigh- \nbourhood, it drew all the traffic of the east and west, and became one \nof the most flourishing cities in the universe. \n\nThe king being come to the temple, the senior priest delared him to \nbe the son of Jupiter, which appellation Alexander accepted with joy, \nand acknowledged Jupiter as his father. The priest also assured him \nthat he should be monarch of the universe. The sacrifice being ended, \nhe offered magnificent presents to the god, nor were the priests for- \ngotten who had been so faithful to his interest. \n\nSwelled with the splendid title of son of Jupiter, and fancying him \nself raised above the human species, he returned from his journey as \nfrom a triumph. From that time, in all his letters and decrees, he \nstyled himself, " Alexander, king, son of Jupiter Jlmmon." \n\nVarro observes, that, at the time the king built Alexandria, the use \nof papyrus for writing was found in Egypt. To hasten the building \nof his new city, and in order to people it, he invited thither the Jews, \nand allowed them very advantageous conditions ; not only granting \nthem the free exercise of their religion, but putting them on the same \nfooting with the Macedonians whom he settled there. \n\nAlexander set out from thence to meet Darius ; he crossed the Eu- \nphrates at Thapsacus, and continued his journey to the Tigris, where \nhe expected to come up with the enemy. Darius prepared himself for \nbattle. He assembled in Babylon an army, half as numerous again as \nthat of Issus, and marched it towards Nineveh. His forces covered all \nthe plains of Mesopotamia. With such difficulty and hazard did Alex- \nander\'s troops cross the Tigris, that had the Persians known how to \nconquer, the Macedonians might have been cut to pieces. Darius now \nrenewed his proposal to Alexander, who returned a haughty answer. \n\nThere was a great difference between the two armies in point of \nnumbers, but more so with regard to courage. That of Darius consisted \nof at least 600,000 foot, and 40,000 horse ; and the other of no more \nthan 40,000 foot, and 7,000 or 8,000 horse. This was the last great \nand decisive battle which Alexander fought against the Persians. It \ntook place near the town of Arbela. The Persians fought desperately, \nand victory was for a long time doubtful ; but it was at last decided in \nfavour of the valour and high discipline of the Macedonians. The \nPersians lost 300,000 ; the Macedonians not more than 1,200, most of \nwhom were horsemen. This engagement was fought about two years \nafter the battle of Issus. \n\nDarius, after his defeat, rode with few attendants towards the river \nLycus, and from thence fled towards Media, over the Armenian moun- \ntains. He took this way, supposing that Alexander would proceed \n\n\n\nWhat effect had the priest\'s declaration on him ? \xe2\x80\x94 For what purpose, and when \nfirst was the Papyrus used in Egypt? \xe2\x80\x94 What course did Alexander next take? \xe2\x80\x94 \nDescribe the numbers in each army. \xe2\x80\x94 Where was the decisive battle fought? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWhither did Darius fly after his defeat? \n\n\n\nDESTRUCTION OF THE SPARTAN POWER. l6l \n\nowards Babylon and Susa, and because a numerous army could no* \npursue him by this road. From Babylon Alexander entered the pro- \nvince of Sitacena, and thence proceeded to Susa and Persepolis. While \nat Persepolis, the king heard of Darius\'s arrival at Ecbatana, the capi- \ntal of Media, and was resolved to pursue him ; but on his arrival there, \nhe found that Darius had left that city five days before ; and in his flight \nhe was assassinated by Bessus, one of his own satraps. Thus termi- \nnated, 330 years before Christ, the great Persian empire, which had \nsubsisted 209 years, from the time of Cyrus the Great, till it submitted \nto the all-powerful arms of Alexander. \n\nDarius was about fifty years of age, six of which he had reigned \nHe was a gentle and pacific prince ; his reign having been unsullied \nwith injustice or cruelty. His death did not prevent Alexander from \npursuing Bessus, who had withdrawn into Bactriana, where he had \nassumed the title of king, by the name of Artaxerxes. Before Alexan- \nder\'s arrival, Spitamines, Bessus\'s chief confidant, formed a conspiracy \nagainst him, and putting him in chains, presented him to Alexander, \nwho delivered him over to Oaxartes, Darius\'s brother, to suffer all the \nignominy he deserved. \n\nCHAPTER 37. \nDEATH OF CLITUS \xe2\x80\x94 EXPEDITION TO INDIA. \n\nWhile these things passed in Asia, w T e must notice some tumults \nwhich broke out in Greece and Macedonia. Memnon, whom Alexan- \nder had sent into Thrace, having revolted there, and thereby drawn the \nforces of Antipater on that side, the Lacedsemonians thought this a \nproper opportunity to throw off the Macedonian yoke, for which pur- \npose Agis, their king, advanced with an army of 20,000 foot and 2,000 \nhorse. The Macedonian army under Antipater was twice that number. \nVictory declared for the Macedonians ; and Agis, intrepid and invinci- \nble to the last, oppressed by numbers, died sword in hand. This vic- \ntory not only ruined the power of Sparta, but also of its allies. \n\nAlexander, insatiable for victory and conquest, still marched forward \nin search of new nations to subdue, and, after having suffered much by \nlong and dangerous marches, he advanced to the Jaxarthes. Not far \nfrom this river the barbarians, rushing suddenly from their mountains, \nattacked Alexander\'s forces. The king in repulsing them received a \nwound in the leg. They acknowledged themselves subdued by his \nunparalleled bravery, and he accepted their homage. After this he set \nout upon his march in a litter, on account of his wound, and arrived at \nMaracanda, the capital of Sogdiana, which he took. While here, there \ncame an embassy to him from the Scythians, expressing their submis- \nsion. The last city to which he marched in Persia, was Cyropolis. \nIt had been built by Cyrus, after whose name it had been called. \n\nWhat was the age of Darius ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was his character ? \xe2\x80\x94 What troubles broke \nout in Greece and Macedonia? \xe2\x80\x94 With whom did Alexander next engage? \xe2\x80\x94 Was \nhe not wounded ? \n\n14* \n\n\n\n162 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nAfter these conquests, Alexander returned to Jaxarthes, where he \nsurrounded the whole spot of ground which his army had covered, \nbuilt a city thereon, and called it Alexandria. All things being now \nrestored to a profound tranquillity, there remained but one strong hold, \ncalled Petra Oxiana, or the rock of Oxus, which was strongly defended. \nThe king, after viewing the works, was some time in suspense whether \nhe should besiege it ; for nature itself seemed to fortify this rock so as \nto render it absolutely impregnable. He therefore selected a few moun- \ntaineers from his army, and sent them to gain the heights, by which \nmeans he possessed himself of the place. \n\nFrom hence he advanced to Maracanda, to the government of which \nhe appointed his friend Clitus ; and the evening before his departure \nhe was invited to an entertainment by the king. Alexander, heated \nwith wine, began to celebrate his own exploits, and to depreciate the \nwarlike acts of his father. Clitus, who was also inebriated, extolled \nthe deeds of Philip before those of his son, and even repeated verses \nlauding that prince. Alexander, incensed, struck him with a javelin, \nand laid him dead at his feet, crying out at the same time, " Go now \nto Philip, to Parmenio, and to Attalus." \n\nThe king\'s anger being, in a manner, extinguished on a sudden, by \nthe blood of Clitus, his crime displayed itself in the most dreadful light. \nHe threw himself upon his friend\'s body, and would have despatched \nhimself with the same javelin, had not his attendants prevented him. \nHe passed that night and the next day in tears, and continued speech- \nless, except giving utterance to deep sighs, groans, and lamentations. \n\nAlexander soon after entered the country of the Sacse, which he \noverran and laid waste. Oaxartes received him in his palace, and in- \nvited him to a sumptuous banquet, in which he displayed all the mag- \nnificence of the barbarians. He had a daughter called Roxana, a young \nlady whose exquisite beauty was heightened by all the charms of wit \nand sense. Alexander found her charms irresistible, and made her his \nwife. \n\nAlexander now bent his whole thoughts to carrying the war into \nIndia. That country was considered as the richest in the world, not \nonly in gold, but also in pearls and precious stones. He - marched for \nthis enterprise at the head of 120,000 men. But, previously to setting \nout, he revealed the design he had so long meditated, of having divine \nhonours paid to him. He wished not only to be called, but to be be- \nlieved to be the son of Jupiter, and flatterers were not wanting to che- \nrish these ridiculous pretensions. He, therefore, appointed a festival, \nand made a pompous banquet, and during the king\'s short absence from \nthe banquet, Cleon, one of his flatterers, proposed the offering of in- \ncense to him, as to a god. Callisthenes, the philosopher, who had \naccompanied the king, opposed the homage which Cleon had proposed, \nand his opposition cost him his life. Callisthenes was thrown into a \ndungeon, loaded with irons, and afflicted with the most grievous tor- \n\n\n\nWhat strong hold did he besiege?\xe2\x80\x94 and with what success ?\xe2\x80\x94 What befel Cli \ntus at an entertainment?\xe2\x80\x94 Relate the effect it had on the king. \xe2\x80\x94 Whom did the \nking visit ? \xe2\x80\x94 And whom did he marry ? \n\n\n\n163 \n\nments, in the midst of which he expired. Nothing has reflected so \nmuch dishonour on Alexander as this unjust and cruel death of Callis- \nthenes. \n\nAt length, to appease the murmurs and discontents which arose \namong his soldiers, Alexander set out for India. He had, doubtless, \nread in the ancient fable of Greece, that Bacchus and Hercules, both \nsons of Jupiter, as himself was, had marched so far ; and he was deter- \nmined not to be surpassed by them. In this ridiculous desire of dis- \nturbing the tranquillity of nations consists the glory and merit of such \npretended heroes; and it is that which many people, dazzled by a false \nsplendour, still admire in Alexander. \n\nHe besieged and took several cities. Among the most powerful was \none governed by Porus. Alexander summoned him to surrender, Po- \nrus replied that he would do so, but it should be sword in hand. Porus \nadvanced to the borders -of the Hydaspes, with eighty-five elephants, \n300 chariots, guarded by 30,000 foot, and 7,000 horse. The prince \nwas mounted on an elephant of a much larger size than the rest, and \nhe himself exceeded the usual stature of man, so that, clothed in his \narmour glittering with gold and silver, he appeared at the same time \nterrible and majestic. The greatness of his courage equalled that of \nhis stature, and he was as wise and prudent as it was possible for the \nmonarch of so barbarous a people to be. It was with this prince that \nthe Macedonians had now to fight ; and to overcome him, with his nu- \nmerous elephants, required all the courage and skill of an Alexander. \nThe battle, however, was, after a difficult struggle, decided in favour \nof the Macedonians ; and when Porus came into his presence, Alexan- \nder asked him how he desired to be treated I " Like a king," replied \nPorus. " But," continued Alexander, "do you ask nothing morel" \n"No," replied Porus, "all things are included in that word." Alex- \nander, struck with the magnanimous reply, not only restored him to \nhis kingdom, but annexed other provinces to it. \n\nThe conqueror was now meditating about proceeding to the Ganges \nto attack the Gangaridee and the Prasii, whose king was preparing to \noppose his entering his dominions. This raised a general murmur \nthrough the army. The Macedonians, who had travelled through so \nmany countries, and grown grey in the field, were incessantly directing \ntheir wishes towards their native country : they complained that Alex- \nander heaped war upon war, and danger upon danger. The king in \nvain addressed them ; there arose a sudden murmur, which increased \ninto deep groans, by which the king was much affected. Alexander \ntherefore shut himself up for two days in his tent, in the hopes of some \nchange taking place in the army, but finding them unchanged, he com- \nmanded them to prepare for their return. This news filled the whole \narmy with inexpressible joy. \n\n\n\nWhat caused the death of Callistenes ? \xe2\x80\x94 For the conquest of what country did \n\\lexander next march? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the force of Porus ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was his reply? \nWhat prevented Alexander\'s further conquests in India ? \n\n\n\n164 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nCHAPTER 38. \nALEXANDER RETURNS FROM INDIA \xe2\x80\x94 HIS DEATH. \n\nAlexander\'s fleet consisted of 800 galleys and boats, to carry the \ntroops and provisions; and the whole army embarked. In passing \nthrough the country of Oxydracas and Malli, they had enemies to oppose, \nin which the king\'s person was involved in great danger, and rescued \nwith extreme difficulty. After nine months sailing down the Acescines, \nthe Hydaspes, and the Indus, they arrived at the ocean. Nearchus \nwas appointed admiral of the fleet, which was to return to the Persian \nGulf. Alexander returned by land, and in marching through the country \nof the OritK, such was his want of provisions that he lost a fourth part \nof his army. Sickness, bad food, and the excessive heats, had swept \nthem away in multitudes, but famine made a still greater havoc. \n\nAfter marching sixty days, Alexander arrived at Gedrosia, where he \nfound plenty of all things for his army. Through Caramania (now \nKerman), he passed with the air and equipage of a warrior and con- \nqueror. Nearchus still keeping along the sea coast, from the mouth of \nthe Indus, came at last into the Persian Gulf, and arrived at the island \nof Hermusa (now Ormus). On his arrival he waited upon the king in \nCaramania, who was overjoyed to" hear of the safety of his fleet, and \nordered it to sail up the Euphrates to Babylon. \n\nNearchus\'s interesting account of his voyage had kindled up in the \nmind of Alexander a desire to visit the ocean. He proposed to himself \nsailing round Africa, and to return by the Mediterranean, a voyage \nwhich had been performed once, by order of Necho, king of Egypt. \nIt was also his design to humble Carthage, cross to Iberia (now Spain), \nreturn by the Alps, and coast along Italy, from whence he would have \nbut a short passage to Epirus, and from thence to Macedonia. But \nthese and many other projects were defeated by his early death. \n\nOn arriving at Susa, Alexander found all the captives of quality he \nhad left there. He married Statira, Darius\'s eldest daughter, and gave \nthe youngest to his dear friend Hephoestion, and persuaded the greatest \nmen in his court to imitate him. Accordingly they chose from among \nthe noblest families of Persia eighty young females whom they married. \nFrom Opis, Alexander arrived at Ecbatana, in Media. There had come \nto him from Greece 3,000 dancers, makers of machinery, and persons \nskilled in diversions. During the festivals, to the king\'s great grief, \nHephsestion died. He was the king\'s most intimate friend, and equally \nbeloved by all the courtiers for his unassuming and even temper. \n\nAlexander being arrived within a league or two of Babylon, the \nChaldeans, who pretended to a knowledge of futurity, predicted that \nhe would be in danger of his life if he entered that city. The great \n\n\n\nIn his return, down what rivers did he sail? \xe2\x80\x94 At what ocean did his forces \narrive? \xe2\x80\x94 Find on the Map, Gedrosia, Kerman, Persian Gulf, the Euphrates, and \nBabylon. \xe2\x80\x94 What projects did Alexander conceive? \xe2\x80\x94 And what defeated them? \nWhat matrimonial engagements were entered into? \xe2\x80\x94 Did not the Chaldeans pre \ndiet Alexander\'s life in danger ? \n\n\n\n( 166 ) \n\n\n\n\nDEATH OF ALEXANDER. 167 \n\nreputation of these Babylonian astrologers had such a temporary im- \npression on his mind that it delayed his entrance for some time till the \nprinciples of Anaxagoras, who held divination in contempt, had coun- \nteracted their influence. On his arrival at Babylon he found that am- \nbassadors from all parts of the world had assembled to pay him \nhomage, and he entered the city in triumph. \n\nDuring almost a year that Alexander continued in Babylon, its embel- \nlishments much employed his thoughts, but his death soon after put an \nend to these projects. The Deity, by the mouth of Isaiah, (Isaiah, \nxiv. 22, 23,) 390 years before, had pronounced an anathema, which no \nhuman power could avert \xe2\x80\x94 " I will cut off from Babylon the name and \nremnant. I will make it a possession for the bittern. I will sweep \nit with the besom of destruction. It shall never be inhabited," &c. \n\nAlexander was for ever solemnizing new festivals, and was perpetu- \nally at new banquets. After having spent a whole night in carousing, \na second was proposed to him. There were twenty guests at table : he \ndrank to the health of every person in company, and then pledged them \nseverally. After this, calling for Hercules\' cup, which held six bottles, \nhe pledged Proteus in this furious bumper, drinking down the whole. \nAn attempt to renew it threw him on the floor, which brought on a \nviolent fever, from which he never recovered. Finding himself past \nall hopes, and his voice faltering, he gave his ring to Perdiccas, with \norders to convey his corpse to the temple of Amnion. Notwithstanding \nhis extreme weakness, he presented to the soldiers in attendance his \ndying hand to kiss. The principal courtiers asking to whom he left \nthe empire, he answered, "To the most worthy ;" foreseeing, doubtless, \nthe struggles there would be for pre-eminence. \n\nAfter great contentions about appointing a successor, it was agreed \nthat Aridaeus, natural brother to Alexander, should be declared king, \nand that, in case Roxana should be delivered of a son, he should share \nthe throne with Aridseus, and that Perdiccas should have the care of \nboth, for Aridosus was of weak intellect. \n\nIn contemplating the character of Alexander, Livy justly observes \nthat it appears different according to the times in which we consider \nhim. Before the siege of Tyre, he appeared temperate, brave, judi- \ncious, intrepid ; but, during the latter part, arrogant, cruel, enervated \nby delights and abandoned to intemperance. The first years of his \nreign are, perhaps, the most glorious of his life. He then displayed \npresence of mind, strength of soul, courage, intrepidity, and, what is \nmore than all, a consummate prudence ; qualities which form the char- \nacter of the true hero. But though Alexander possessed great virtues, \nwe may throw into the other scale his errors and vices \xe2\x80\x94 the presump- \ntuous idea he entertained of his own merit, his ridiculous notion of \nfancying himself to be the son of Jupiter, and of ascribing divinity to \nhimself, his violent anger, which rcse to brutal ferocity, the murder of \nhis most worthy friends, and his frantic ambition, which knew neither \nlaw nor limit. These diminished his title to the surname of Great. \n\nWhat prophecy has Isaiah against Babylon ? \xe2\x80\x94 What festival was fatal to Alex- \nander? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was appointed as his successor? \xe2\x80\x94 Describe his character. \xe2\x80\x94 What \nsays Livy of him i \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0a \n\n168 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nBy his death, Macedonia, the kingdom he inherited, and which his \nancestors had governed for so many ages, was possessed by another \nfamily. When the news of his death reached Sysigambis, she was \ninconsolable. " Who now," .said she, " will take care of my two \ndaughters\'? W~here shall we find another Alexander !" At last she \nsunk under her grief. \n\nCHAPTER 39. \n\nSUCCESSORS OF ALEXANDER\xe2\x80\x94 DEATH OF PHOCION \n\nAfter Alexander\'s death, great contention arose among the principal \nofficers, and as there were thirty-three who had been previously appoint- \ned to the superintendence of the provinces, each trusted to his own \nsword to secure his possession ; but nothing was permanently settled \ntill after the battle of Ipsus, which was fought by Antigonus and his \nson, against Ptolemy, Lysimachus, Cassander, and Seleucus, who had \nbound themselves to maintain the rights of each other. In this event- \nful engagement Antigonus lost his life, and in consequence the whole \nempire of Alexander was thus divided: to Ptoiemy, Egypt, Libya, \nArabia and Palestine ; to Cassander, Macedonia and Greece ; to Lysi- \nmachus, Bithynia and Thrace ; and to Seleucus, the rest of Asia as far \nas the Indus. This last was called the kingdom of Syria, and became \nthe most powerful of the four. Seleucus built Antioch, and made it \nhis capital, in honour of his father Antiochus. \n\nIn Macedonia, scenes equally sanguinary were carried on. Alexander \nhad left the government of this country in the hands of Antipater, a \ngeneral who had been highly esteemed by his father Philip. The news \nof Alexander\'s death being known at Athens excited great joy, and the \npeople who had reluctantly sustained the Macedonian yoke, now made \nliberty the subject of their discourse. A war was resolved upon, and a \ndeputation was sent to all the states of Greece to gain their accession \nto the league, and all, except the Thebans, united. This was called \nthe Lamiacum war, and Leosthenes was appointed to conduct it against \nAntipater. The Macedonian garrisons were at first expelled, and Anti- \npater was obliged to surrender at discretion. He, however, soon extri- \ncated himself from this difficult situation, and, in his turn, he obliged \nthe Athenians to accept the same conditions as those they had imposed \nupon him. Antipater falling sick with a disease which proved fatal, he \nwas very solicitous to fill up ably the two great stations which he \nenjoyed. It was necessary to appoint a governor over Macedonia, and \na regent of the empire. Antipater had a son, Cassander, not void of \nmerit; but the preservation of the Macedonian monarchy obliged him \nto nominate a man of authority \xe2\x80\x94 one reputed for his age, experience, \nand past services. He therefore extinguished the voice of nature, and \nsacrificed the interests of his own family to the public welfare. History \nhas transmitted to us an expression of the emperor Galba, which does \n\nWhat effect had his death on Sysigambis ? \xe2\x80\x94 What were the contentions among \nthe officers? \xe2\x80\x94 What countries were assigned to each ? \xe2\x80\x94 What effect had Alexan- \nder\'s death on Greece ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is said of Cassander, Antigonus, Polysperchon, &c. \n\n\n\nDEATH OF OLYMPIAS. 169 \n\nhonour to his memory ; " Augustus," said he, " chose a successor out \nof his own family ; and I one from the whole empire." Antipater \nappointed Polysperchon. \n\nCassander was extremely enraged by this choice, and endeavoured \nto engage Ptolemy and Antigonus to his party against the new regent, \nwhorn it was equally their interest to destroy, as well as the regency \nitself. The death of Antipater had rendered Antigonus the most pow- \nerful of all the captains of Alexander. His authority was absolute in \nall the provinces of Asia Minor. Polysperchon, on his part, neglected \nnothing that could strengthen his interest. He recalled Olympias, with \nthe offer of sharing his authority with her, and he reinstated all the \ncities of Greece in their ancient privileges. Phocion, who had long \npresided at Athens, was divested of his office, and accused of treason. \nHe was not allowed to plead his cause. When he arrived at the \nprison, one of his friends asked him if he had any message to send to \nhis son 1 " Yes," replied he, " it is to desire that he would never re- \nmember the injustice of the Athenians." When he had uttered these \nwords, he took the hemlock, and died. \n\nPhocion was one of the greatest men Greece ever produced ; in whoso \nperson every kind of merit was united. He restored the manner of \ngoverning both of Pericles and Aristides, by uniting the talents of each \nin himself. It was highly glorious for Phocion that he was forty-five \ntimes elected general by the people. His wife was fully sensible of \nthe honour; for one day when an Ionian lady of high rank showed, \nwith ostentation, her ornaments, she replied, " For my part, I have no \nornament but Phocion, who, for these twenty years, has always been \nelected general by the Athenians." His infatuated and ungrateful \ncountry was not sensible of its criminal proceedings till some time after \nhis death. The Athenians then erected a statue of brass to his memory, \nand honourably interred his bones at the public expense. \n\nDuring the disorder that reigned at Athens, Cassander entered the \nPircsus with a fleet of of thirty-five vessels, and held possession of the \ncity. Polysperchon made an ineffectual attempt to besiege him. Du- \nring these transactions, Olympias, the mother of Alexander, whom Po- \nlysperchon had recalled, had made herself absolute mistress of affairs, \nand had caused Aridceus to be put to death. Eurydice, his consort, \nsustained the same fate. Olympias afterwards retired to Pydna. Cas- \nsander advanced thither; and he employed in her murder the relations \nof those whom she had caused to be put to death. Thus perished the \nfamous Olympias, the daughter, the sister, the wife, and the mother of \nkings, and whose crimes and cruelties merited so tragical an end ; while \nwe detest the wickedness of a prince who deprived her of life in so \nunworthy a manner. \n\nCassander thus raising himself on the throne of Macedon, Polysper- \nchon first sheltered himself in Naxa, and thence retired to Thessaly. \nAntigonus, in order to rid himself of so dangerous an enemy, raised \n\nWhat is recorded of Phocien ? \xe2\x80\x94 What reply did his wife make to an Ionian lady * \n\xe2\x80\x94 What occasioned the death of Olympias, the mother of Alexander ?- Who pos- \nsessed himself of the throne of Macedon ? \n15 \n\n\n\n170 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nan army in Asia, and advanced against Eumenes. Persia and Mtdia \nwere the scene of its operations. Eumenes was taken prisoner, and \nAntigonus ordered him to be put to death. \n\nAntigonus now concluded that he should become master of the empire. \nMany of the governors of the provinces he discarded, or proscribed.\xe2\x80\x94 \nAmong the latter was Selencus, governor of Babylon, who, to escape \nthe danger, threw himself under the protection of Ptolemy, governor \nof Egypt, and engaged him in a league with Lysimachus and Cassander. \nSelencus, on his return to Babylon, was received with acclamation. \nWith this entry commences the famous era of the Seleucides, received \nby all the people of the east, as well Pagans as Jews, Christians as \nMahomedans. The Jews called it the era of contracts, because when \nthey were subject to the Syro-Macedonian kings, they were obliged to \ninsert it in the dates of their contracts. The two books of Maccabees \ncalled it the era of the Greeks. The thirty-one years of the reign as- \ncribed to Seleucus begin at this period. \n\nCHAPTER 40. \nACHAEAN LEAGUE \xe2\x80\x94 GREECE REDUCED TO A ROMAN PROVINCE. \n\nThe young Alexander being now about fourteen years old, Cassan- \nder caused him and his mother, Roxana, to be secretly put to death in \nthe castle of Amphipolis, where they had both been confined for some \nyears. \n\nSeleucus (B. C. 301) formed his army at Babylon, and marched into \nCappadocia to act against Antigonus. At length the confederate army \nof Seleucus, Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and Cassander, were opposed to \nthe army of Antigonus and his son, Demetrius. Each army consisted \nof about 70,000. The battle was fought near lpsus, a city of Phrygia. \n\nIn the engagement, Antigonus, having received many wounds, fell, \nafter defending himself valiantly to the last. Demetrius, his son, in \nconsequence retired toEphesus; and the four confederate princes di- \nvided the dominions of Antigonus among themselves, and added them \nto those they already possessed; and thus the empire of Alexander was \nat last divided, as before mentioned, into four kingdoms.* \n\nThe reign of twenty years assigned to Seleucus commences at this \nperiod, because he was not acknowledged as king till after the battle \nof lpsus ; and if we add to these the twelve years during which he \nexercised the regal authority without the title, they will make out the \nreign of thirty-one years assigned him by Usher. The dominions of \nthis prince are usually called the kingdom of Syria ; and his own reign, \nand those of his successors, are usually termed those of the Seleucidas. \n\n* The Prophecies of Daniel, viii. 6\xe2\x80\x94 ft ; ii. 22, were exactly accomplished by this last \nportion of Alexander\'s empire. \n\nWith whom did Seleucus, and Ptolemy unite? \xe2\x80\x94 Who caused the young prince \nAlexander and his mother Roxana to be put to death? \xe2\x80\x94 What great and decisive \nbattle was fought near lpsus? \xe2\x80\x94 Over what provinces was Seleucus king? \n\n\n\nLYSIMACHUS. 171 \n\nCassander, when he had destroyed the family of Alexander, took the \ntitle of king. His vicious and feeble sons lost their lives and the \nthrone, which was seized on by Demetrius, son of Antigonus ; and he, \nin his turn, was expelled by Pyrrhus of Epirus, and Pyrrhus by Lysi- \nmachus, king 1 of Thrace. During sixleen years, twelve kings of dif- \nferent houses governed Macedon and the paternal dominions of Alexan- \nder. In the time of these kings, an army of Kelts devastated Mace- \ndon, penetrated into Greece, and advanced to pillage the temple of \nDelphi. The Greeks rolled down rocks from the heights \xe2\x80\x94 thunder \nroared through the mountains \xe2\x80\x94 the terrified barbarians fled, and the god \ngot the renown of defending the temple. \n\nAntigonus Gonatas, son of Demetrius, a man of prudence and hu- \nmanity, raised Macedon out of the ruin into which it had been plunged ; \nand during the reign of forty years he was the protector of Greece. \nHis son, Demetrius II., (B. C. 243,) who succeeded him, emulated his \nvirtues. Demetrius dying, left an infant son, Philip, whose uncle and \nguardian, Antigonus, surnamed Doson, married the widow of the late \nking, and usurped the kingdom, which he governed with ability for \neleven years, and then left it to the lawful heir, Philip. This prince \nmixed himself with the affairs of Greece, and was recognized as sove- \nreign lord of that country. War took place in consequence, between \nhim and the Romans, (B. C. 198,) and Philip was defeated, obliged to \nwithdraw his garrisons from Greece, reduce his shipping, and pay the \nexpenses of the war. His son, Perseus, renewed the war with Rome, \nbut was taken, and died in prison ; and Macedon was shortly after \nreduced to a Roman province. \n\nThe cities of Achaea renewed among themselves an old confederacy, \nnamed the Achaean league, which, under the guidance of Aratus, la- \nboured with vigour for the freedom of Greece against Macedon ; other \ncities gradually joined the league, and among them Athens. The Mto- \nlian towns formed a similar union ; but their enmity with the Achaeans \nand Sparta prevented their arriving at any importance. Civil discord, \nthe perpetual bane of Greece, gave the Romans the wished-for oppor- \ntunity of intermeddling in its. affairs. Corinth was taken and destroyed ; \nand Greece reduced to a Roman province, under the name of Achsea. \nThe last of the race of the Greeks was Philopoemen, the Arcadian gene- \nral of the Achaean league. Lysimachus, the king of Thrace, at one \ntime conquered Macedon, and was master of part of the countries about \nthe Euxine. His reign was the flourishing period of Thrace; but it \nwas of short duration. Lysimachus fell in battle against Seleucus. \nThe Gauls ravaged the land, which sometimes obeyed Syrian and \nsometimes Egyptian princes. The native princes at length recovered \ntheir power. King Cotys, one of these princes, formed an alliance \nwith the Romans; and king Sacales gave up Thrace to them. (B. C. 43.) \n\nAt this period some independent states arose in Lesser Asia, which \nwe shall here briefly notice. Bithynia, stretching along the Black \n\n\n\nWhat occurred to the army that pillaged Delphi ? \xe2\x80\x94 With what Grecian king did \nthe Romans war ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the Achaean league ? \xe2\x80\x94 Was it successful ? \xe2\x80\x94 Name \nthe states that lose in Lesser Asia. \n\n\n\n172 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nSea, was at one time tributary to the Lydians, and then to the Persians. \nAfter the death of Alexander, internal troubles continually agitated this \nstate. The Gauls had a district assigned them called Galatia. In \nthe reign of Prusias, Hannibal in vain sought a refuge at his court. \nNicomedes 4th, seventy-five years before Christ, having no children, \nmade over his dominions to the Romans. \n\nPergamus, the ancient Mysia, vanished in the Lydian and Persian \nempires. The most celebrated of its kings was Eumenes 2d, in whose \nreign- the pergament or parchment was invented. Attalus 3d, having \nno heirs, left his kingdom to the Romans. (B. C. 133.) \n\nPontus, so named from lying near the Pontus Euxinus, is situated \neast of Bithynia. Mithridates 7th was a talented and ambitious prince, \nand, during a space of thirty years, he sustained a war against the arms \nof Rome. It was finally reduced by the emperor Nero to the form of a \nRoman province. \n\nArmenia appears not till late in the history of Asia. It obeyed suc- \ncessively the Assyrian, Persian, and Syrian empires, and the greater \npart was at one time subject to the Romans. In the time of the empe- \nror Adrian it had kings of its own, and was finally absorbed in the Per- \nsian empire of the Sassanides. \n\nSyria. \xe2\x80\x94 Seleucus, named Nicator, was an active, prudent prince, an \nencourager of trade, and a founder of cities. His son, Antiochus, ob- \ntained the name of Soter (the Saver), for having delivered Lesser Asia \nfrom the Gauls. Antiochus the Great invaded Greece, but was repelled \nby the Romans ; and the surrender of all countries west of the Taurus, \nand the sending his son as a hostage to Rome, were the consequence. \nThe Syrian power was now at an end. Roman influence was para- \nmount. Parthia rapidly extended its conquests. Judea and Armenia \nasserted their independence. The empire was finally contracted into \nProper Syria and Phoenicia; and the Romans (B. C. 64,) terminated \nthe empire of the Seleucidae, by declaring Syria a Roman province. \n\nCHAPTER 41. \n\nAFFAIRS OF JUDEA, EGYPT, AND SYRIA. \n\nJudea continued in obedience to the Persian Monarchy till the con- \nquests of Alexander, then to his successors ; first to the king of Egypt, \nand afterwards to that of Syria. Their rulers had, hitherto, respected \ntheir religion ; but Antiochus Epiphanes attempted to enforce them to \nadopt Grecian rites. The Maccabees, a race of heroes, like the Judges \nof old, arose. Mattathias began, and his valiant son, Judas Macca- \nbeus, continued the warfare. His brothers followed up his successes \nso ably after his death, that the Syrians were forced to acknowledge \nthe independence of Judea. John Hyrcanus, uniting in his person the \ndignities of high priest and prince, extended the dominions. But the \nJewish power was not of long continuance ; the throne was often dis- \n\nWhat is said of Mithridates ? \xe2\x80\x94 What power terminated the empire of the Seleu- \ncides ? \xe2\x80\x94 What changes did Judea undergo ? \n\n\n\nAFFAIRS OF EGYPT. 173 \n\nputed, and the Romans interposed to settle the succession. In the year \n39 before Christ they set the Idumean Antipater over Judea, whose son \nHerod became king, a prince well known for his cruelty. \n\nParthia is the country lying between Media and Aria, south of Hyr- \ncania. Its inhabitants had obeyed the Persian and Syrian Monarchs. \nThe tyranny of the latter drove them to rebellion. Arsaces, a man of \nhumble birth, but of military talent, placed himself at their head, and \nachieved their independence. The succeeding\' kings were called Arsa- \ncides. Their dominions extended from India to the Euphrates, and \nfrom the Caspian to the Arabian Sea. They were the only people who \nresisted Rome with success. \n\nEgypt continued part of the Persian empire till Alexander the Great \nvanquished Darius. At Alexander\'s death it fell to the share of Pto- \nlemy Lagus, (B.C. 304,) or, as he is sometimes called, Soter ; who, \nhowever, did not assume the regal title till nineteen years after the death \nof Alexander. It was in the reign of Ptolemy Lagus that the famous \ntower of Pharos was finished ; and the image of Serapis was conveyed \nto Alexandria by permission of the king of Pontus. Ptolemy also \nfounded the famous library at Alexandria, which before he died con- \ntained two hundred thousand volumes, and this number was afterwards \nincreased to seven hundred thousand. These books were kept in a \nmagnificent building under the superintendence of several learned men, \nwho lived together in a stately palace, and were maintained at the pub- \nlic expense. A great part of this famous library was consumed, as \nsome authors assert, by the enthusiasm of the Caliph Omar, under the \nimpression that if the same doctrine was contained in these books as \nin the Koran, they were useless ; and if not, they were dangerous. \n\nIn the latter part of his reign, Ptolemy Lagus joined with himself \nin the government his second son, Philadclphus, in preference to Cerau- \nnus, his eldest son ; and this prudent choice of Ptolemy is to be com- \nmended, as Ceraunus was a monster of cruelty and matchless barbarity, \nwhom neither moral nor divine laws could restrain within the bounds \nof decorum. \n\nPtolemy Philadelphus (B. C. 284,) succeeded his father on the throne \nof Egypt. In order to revenge himself on Demetrius Phalereus, who \nhad honestly advised Lagus to appoint his eldest son his successor, \nPhiladelphia banished him till the nature of his punishment should be \ndetermined ; but he met his death by the bite of an asp, and thus \nescaped the vengeance of Ptolemy. \n\nPhiladelphus contracted an alliance with the Romans ; and being \nsolicitous to enrich his kingdom by improving its commerce, he had the \ncommodities of Arabia, India, Persia, and Ethiopia, conveyed to Alex- \nandria by means of a canal which he had cut, which nearly joined the \nNile to the Red Sea. Alexandria became famous, as carrying on the \nmost extensive commerce of any city in the world. This prince was a \ngreat patron of learned men, and a lover of the arts and sciences. He \n\nWhom did the inhabitants of Parthia obey ? \xe2\x80\x94 And what changes did Egypt un- \ndergo before Ptolemy Lagus and Ptolemy Philadelphus? \xe2\x80\x94 And what alliance did \nPhiladelphus contract with the Romans ? \n\n15* \n\n\n\n174 HISTORY OF GREECE. \n\nhad an extraordinary taste for books ; and spared no expense in the \naugmentation and embellishment of the library founded by his father, \nand in collecting statues and paintings. He died in the sixty-third \nyear of his age, and the thirty-eighth of his reign, and was succeeded \nby his eldest son, Ptolemy Euergetes. \n\nOn ascending the throne, this prince declared war against the king \nof Syria. Euergetes was so successful in this expedition that he made \nhimself master of Syria and Cilicia, after which he passed the Euphra- \ntes, and conquered all the country as far as Babylon and the Tigris ; he \nthen marched back to Egypt, laden with the spoils he had acquired by \nhis conquests. This prince carried off a prodigious quantity of gold \nand silver, and two thousand five hundred statues, part of which were \nthose Egyptian idols that Cambyses had carried into Persia. When \nPtolemy Euergetes set out on this expedition, his queen Berenice made \na vow to consecrate her hair, if he should return in safety. Accord- \ningly she caused it to be cut off, and dedicated it to the gods. This \nconsecrated hair is fabled to have disappeared, and to have been con- \nverted into a constellation in the stars. (B. C. 274.) \n\nPtolemy, in his return from his expedition, passed through Jerusa- \nlem, where he offered a great number of sacrifices to the God of Israel, \nin order to render homage to him for the victories he had obtained over \nthe king of Syria. He devoted the leisure of peace to the cultivation \nof the sciences in his dominions, and the enlargement of his father\'s \nlibrary at Alexandria with all sorts of books ; but as a proper collec- \ntion could not be made without an able librarian, Euergetes, upon the \ndeath of Zenodotus, who had exercised that function from the time of \nPtolemy Soter, sent to Athens for Eratosthenes, the Cyrenian, who \nwas then in great reputation, and had been educated by Callimachus, a \nnative of the same country. Euergetes died (B. C. 222,) after a reign \nof twenty-five years, and was the last of that race in whom any true \nvirtue and moderation were conspicuous. \n\nTen degenerate descendants of Ptolemy Lagus succeeded. Murders \nwere perpetrated for empire. The frequent interference of the Romans \nalone preserved it from dissolution. The last Ptolemy had espoused \nhis sister Cleopatra. Driven from Egypt, she sought the protection \nof Caesar, who re-established her as sole ruler. After his death, she \nunited herself to Antonius ; and on his decease poisoned herself, rather \nthan grace the triumph of Octavianus. Egypt was then reduced to the \nform of a Roman province. (B. C. 30.) \n\nThus the kingdom of Europe and Asia, whose destinies we have \ntraced in the preceding pages, fell, as we have seen, almost all, into \nthe spreading empire of Rome; a state which embraced nearly the \nwhole civilized world within her sway. \n\nWhat expedition did Euergetes undertake? \xe2\x80\x94 What vow did his queen Berenice \nmake ? \xe2\x80\x94 What farther account have we of Ptolemy Evergetes ? \xe2\x80\x94 What are the \nconcluding remarks on Egypt before it became a Roman province? \n\n\n\n( 176 ) \n\n\n\n\nANCIENT HISTORY. \n\n\n\nROME. \n\n(177) \n\n\n\n[ 179 ] \n\n\n\nHISTORY OF ROME \n\n\n\nCHAPTER 1. \nTHE FOUNDATION OF ROME. \n\n\n\nThe Romans were particularly desirous of being thought of high \ndescent. iEneas, the son of Venus and Anchises, having escaped the \ndestruction of Troy, arrived in Italy, A. M. 2294,* where he was kindly \nreceived by Latinns, king of the Latins, who gave him his daughter, \nLavinia, in marriage. On the death of his father-in-law, the kingdom \nof Latium fell to iEneas. In an engagement with the Rutuli and the \nTyrrhenians, near the banks of the Numicus, he was unfortunately pre- \ncipitated into that river and drowned. \n\n./Eneas was succeeded by Ascanius, his son, born to him by Creusa, \nbefore the fall of Troy ; and to him Silvius, the second son of ^Eneas, \nwhom he had by Lavinia ; and that succession continued nearly four \nhundred years in the same family. Numitor, the fifteenth from iEneas, \nwas the last king of Alba, a city that was founded by Ascanius. \n\nNumitor took possession of the kingdom in consequence of his \nfather\'s will ; he had a brother named Amulius, to whom were left the \ntreasures brought from Troy, who made use of his riches to supplant \nhis brother, and to the crime of usurpation he added that of murder. \nNumitor\'s sons first fell a sacrifice, and he caused Rhea Silvia, his \nbrother\'s daughter, to become a vestal. The office of a vestal was \ngiven to ladies of noble families, whose duty consisted in keeping up \nthe sacred fire in the temple dedicated to the goddess Vesta \xe2\x80\x94 they were \ndevoted to perpetual virginity. \n\nRhea Silvia was called to the performance of some religious service \nin the Temple of Mars, where a person, disguised in the military habit \nlike that in which Mars was commonly represented, surprised and forced \nthe vestal. When Rhea Silvia could no longer conceal her shame, she \ncharged the god Mars with being the cause of it. In due time she be- \ncame the mother of two boys, who were no sooner born than devoted \n\n* The ancient names of Italy were Saturnia, CEnotria, Hespcria, and Ausonia. \n\nWhat was the origin of the Romans ? \xe2\x80\x94 In what part of Italy did they settle? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWho succeeded vEneas ? \xe2\x80\x94 By what means did Numitor gain possession of the king- \ndom ? \xe2\x80\x94 Relate the origin of Romu\'us and Remus. \n\n\n\n180 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nby the usurper to destruction. The mother was condemned to be buried \nalive, the usual punishment for vestals who had violated their vows, \nand the twins were ordered to be flung into the river Tiber. \n\nIt happened at that time that the river overflowed its banks, and the \nwater where the infants were thrown was too shallow to drown them. \nIt is said by some that they were exposed in a cradle, which, after \nfloating awhile, was left on dry ground, and that a wolf descending to \ndrink, ran, at the cry of the children, and nursed them, until Faustulus, \nthe king\'s shepherd, struck with so surprising a sight, conveyed them \nhome and delivered them to his wife, Acca Laurentia, to nurse, who \nbrought them up as their own. \n\nRomulus and Remus, the twins, however preserved, seemed early to \ndiscover abilities above the meanness of their supposed origin. They \nled, however, the shepherd\'s life. But pastoral idleness displeased them, \nand they betook themselves to the chase. They next turned their \nstrength against the robbers of their country. The youths who con- \ntinued to join them, increased in number, so as to enable them to hold \nassemblies and celebrate games. From many circumstances, Faustulus \nsuspected that the twins under his care were the same that Amulius \nexposed on the Tiber, and at length divulged his suspicions to Romulus. \nFrom that time nothing was thought of but the tyrant\'s destruction. \nHe was beset on all sides, and, during the distraction that ensued, was \ntaken and slain, while Numitor, who had been deposed for forty years, \nrecognized his grandsons, and was once more placed on the throne. \n\nThe two brothers, leaving Numitor the kingdom of Alba, determined \nto build a city on the spot on which they had been exposed. But a \nfatal desire of pre-eminence seized them both, and they were advised \nby the king to take an omen from the flight of birds, to know which of \nthem the tutelary gods would decree the honour of governing the rising \ncity. In compliance with this advice, each took his station on a diffe- \nrent hill. To Remus appeared six vultures ; in the moment after, Ro- \nmulus saw twelve. Some parties declared for Remus, who first saw \nthe vultures ; others for Romulus, who saw the greater number. This \nproduced a contest, which ended in a battle, in which Remus was slain. \nAnother account says that he was killed by his brother, who being pro- \nvoked at his leaping contemptuously over the city wall, struck him \ndead on the spot. \n\nRomulus being now sole commander, and eighteen years of age, be- \ngan the foundation of a city that was one day to give laws to the world. \nIt was called Rome, after the name of the founder, and built upon the \nPalatine Mount, on which side he had taken his successful omen. \n(A. M. 3252. B. C. 752.) The city was first nearly square, containing \nabout a thousand houses. It was almost a mile in circumference, and \ncommanded a small territory round it of eight miles over. It was at \nfirst poorly inhabited, and the first method made use of to increase its \nnumbers, was the opening of a sanctuary for all malefactors and slaves, \nand such as were desirous of novelty. \n\nWhat were the employments of their youth? \xe2\x80\x94 By what means did Remus come \nby his death ? \xe2\x80\x94 What city did Romulus begin to build ? \n\n\n\nSABINE WAR. 181 \n\nScarcely was the city raised above its foundation, when its rude in- \nhabitants began to think of giving some form to its constitution. Ro- \nmulus left them to choose whom they would for their king, and they \nconcurred in electing their founder for their ruler. He was acknow- \nledged as chief of their religion, sovereign, magistrate, and general of \nthe army. Besides a guard to attend his person, he was preceded by \ntwelve lictors, each armed with an axe tied up in a bundle of rods ; \nthese were to serve as executioners of the law, and to impress his new \nsubjects with an idea of his authority. \n\nThe Senate, who were to act as counsellors to the king, was com- \nposed of a hundred of the principal citizens, consisting of men whose \nage, wisdom or valour, gave them a natural authority over their fellow \nsubjects. The Patricians, who composed the third part of the legisla- \nture, assumed to themselves the power of authorizing those laws, \nchoosing magistrates, &c. The Plebeians were to till the fields, feed \ncattle, and follow trades, but to have no share in the government, to \navoid the inconveniences of a popular power. \n\nThe first care of the new king was to attend to the interests of reli- \ngion. The precise form of their worship is unknown, but it consisted \nin a reliance on the credit of their soothsayers, who pretended, from \nobservations on the flight of birds and the entrails of beasts, to direct \nthe present, and to dive into futurity. Romulus commanded that no \nelection should be made, nor enterprise undertaken, without first con- \nsulting them. He next gave orders to ascertain the number of his sub- \njects. The whole amounted to no more than three thousand foot, and \nabout as many hundred horsemen, capable of bearing arms. These \nwere divided into three tribes, and each tribe into ten curiae or compa- \nnies, consisting of a hundred men each, with a centurion to command \nit. By these judicious regulations, each day added strength to the new \ncity ; multitudes of people flocked in from the adjacent towns, and it \nonly seemed to want women to ensure its duration. \n\nCHAPTER 2. \nSABINE WAR\xe2\x80\x94 NUMA POMPILIUS \xe2\x80\x94 TULLUS HOSTILIUS. \n\nIn this exigence Romulus sent deputies among the Sabines, his \nneighbours, entreating their alliance ; the proposal was rejected with \ndisdain. Romulus, therefore, proclaimed a feast in honour of Neptune \nthroughout the neighbouring villages. These feasts were generally \npreceded by sacrifices, and ended in shows of wrestlers, gladiators, and \nchariot courses. The Sabines were among the foremost who came to \nbe spectators, bringing with them their wives and daughters. While \nthe strangers were most intent upon the spectacle, a number of the Ro- \nman youths rushed among them with drawn swords, and carried off the \nyoungest and most beautiful women by violence. In vain was all re- \n\nWho was chosen king ? \xe2\x80\x94 With what power was he invested ? \xe2\x80\x94 What composed \nthe senate ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who were the Patricians ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the employment of the Ple- \nbeians? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the first care of Romulus? \xe2\x80\x94 By what means did the Romans \nprocure women ? \n16 \n\n\n\n182 IIISTOEY OF ROME. \n\nsistance from the parents and the virgins. Perseverance and caresses \nobtained those favours which timidity at first denied, so that the ravish \ners soon became the partners of their affections. \n\nA bloody war ensued. The cities of Caenina, Antemnae, and Crustu- \nminum, were the first to revenge the common cause. But these, by \nmaking separate inroads, became an easy conquest to Romulus, who \nmade a merciful use of his victories. Tatius, king of Cures, a Sabine \ncity, was the last, although the- most formidable, who undertook to re- \nvenge the disgrace his country had suffered. He entered the Roman \nterritory at the head of twenty-five thousand men, and made himself \nmaster of the Roman citadel. But hostilities were at length terminated \nby the women whom the Romans had violently seized, and who be- \nsought the combatants to lay aside their animosity and desist. An ac- \ncommodation ensued, by which it was agreed that Romulus and Tatius \nshould reign jointly in Rome, with equal power and prerogative \xe2\x80\x94 that \na hundred Sabines should be admitted into the Senate, and that the \ncitizens should be called Quirites, after Cures, the principal town of \nthe Sabines. The conquest of Cameria was the only military achieve- \nment under the two kings ; Tatius was killed about four years after by \nthe Lavinians, and Romulus once more saw himself sole monarch of \nRome. Soon after a cruel plague and famine having broken out at \nRome, the Camerini embraced the opportunity to lay waste the Roman \nterritory. But Romulus gave them battle, killed six thousand, and \nreturned in triumph to Rome. He likewise took Fidena, a city about \nforty furlongs from his capital, and reduced the Veientes to submission. \n\nSuccesses like these induced the conqueror to affect absolute sway. \nThe Senate was displeased at his conduct, as they found themselves \nused only as instruments to ratify the rigour of his commands. We \nare not told the precise manner which they employed to get rid of the \ntyrant. Some say that he was torn in pieces in the Senate-house ; \nothers that he disappeared while reviewing his army : certain it is, that, \nfrom the secrecy of the fact, and the concealment of the body, they \ntook occasion to persuade the multitude that he was carried up into \nheaven. Thus him, whom they could not bear as a king, they were \ncontented to worship as a god. Romulus reigned thirty-seven years; \nand after his death had a temple built to him under the name of Qui- \nrinus. \n\nB. C. 715. Upon the death of Romulus, the city seemed divided in \nthe choice of a successor. The Sabines were for having a king chosen \nfrom their own body ; but the Romans could not endure to have a \nstranger advanced to the throne. In this perplexity the senators under- \ntook to supply the place of a king, by taking the government each in \nhis turn for five days, and during that time enjoying all the honours \nand privileges of royalty. This new form of government continued \n.for a year ; but the plebeians, who saw that mode of government only \n\nWhat hostilities did the infant state experience? \xe2\x80\x94 What conquests did Romulus \nmake ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did Romulus reign? \xe2\x80\x94 What report was circulated concerning \nhis death ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was built to his honour ? \xe2\x80\x94 What form of government was after \nwards adopted ? \n\n\n\nthe curiatii. 183 \n\nmultiplied their masters, insisted upon an alteration. Therefoie the \nSenate fixed upon Numa Pompilius, a Sabine, and their choice was \nreceived with approbation by the people. \n\nNuma Pompilius, who was now about forty, had long been eminent \nfor his piety, justice, moderation and exemplary life. He was skilled \nin all the philosophy of the Sabines, and lived unambitious of higher \nhonours, and it was not without reluctance that he accepted the dignity. \n\nNo monarch could be more proper for them than Numa, at a conjunc- \nture when the government was composed of various petty states but \nill-united to each other. Numa inspired his subjects with a veneration \nfor the gods. He built many new temples, instituted sacred offices and \nfeasts. He pretended to a particular correspondence with the goddess \niEgeria, and that by her advice he built the temple of Janus, which \nwas to be shut in time of peace, and open in war. For the encourage- \nment of agriculture, he divided the lands which Romulus had gained \nin war among the poorer part of the people ; he regulated the calendar, \nand abolished the distinction between Romans and Sabines. \n\nThus having arrived at the age of fourscore years, and having reigned \nforty-three in profound peace, he died ; ordering his body, contrary to \nthe custom of the times, to be buried in a stone coffin, and his books \nof ceremonies, which consisted of twelve in Latin, and as many in \nGreek, to be buried by his side in another. Upon the death of Numa, \nthe government once more devolved upon the Senate, till the people \nelected Tullus Hostilius for their king, in which choice the other part \nof the constitution concurred. He was the grandson of a noble Ro- \nman, but, unlike his predecessor, was entirely devoted to war. The \nAlbans, by committing some depredations on the Roman territories, \ngave him an opportunity of indulging his inclinations. Both armies \nmet about five miles from Rome, and the Alban general proposed to \ndecide the dispute by single combat. There were at that time three \ntwin brothers in each army, those of the Romans called Horatii, and \nthose of the Albans Curiatii; \xe2\x80\x94 all six remarkable for their courage, \nstrength, and activity ; and to these it was resolved to commit the man- \nagement of the combat. \n\nVictory, after being long doubtful, appeared to declare against the \nRomans ; they beheld two of their champions lying dead upon the \nplain, and the three Curiatii, who were wounded, slowly endeavouring \nto pursue the survivor, who seemed by flight to beg for mercy ; but \nhis flight was only pretended in order to separate his three antagonists, \nfor quickly after, stopping and turning upon the first, he laid him dead \nat his feet ; the second brother, who was coming up to assist, shared \nthe same fate; the last Curiatius, disabled by his wounds, advanced to \noffer an easy victory, the conqueror exclaiming, " Two have I already \nsacrificed to the manes of my brothers ; the third will I offer up to my \ncountry." The Alban army now consented to obey the Roman. The \n\nWhom did the senate choose for king ?\xe2\x80\x94 For what was Numa Pompilius remark- \nable ? \xe2\x80\x94 What temple did he build ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did he reign ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was chosen \nhis successor ?\xe2\x80\x94 What war broke out? \xe2\x80\x94 By what means was the contest decided? \n- Who were the victors ? \n\n\n\n184 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nvictorious youth, returning triumphant from the field, found his sister \nlamenting the loss of her lover, one of the Curiatii, to whom she had \nbeen betrothed. This so provoked him that in a rage he slew her. \nThe action displeased the Senate, and drew after it condemnation from \nthe magistrates ; but making his appeal to the people, he was pardoned. \nTullus having increased the power and wealth of Rome by repeated \nvictories, now demanded satisfaction of the Sabines for some insults \noffered to Roman citizens at the temple of the goddess Feronia, which \nwas common to both nations. A war ensued which lasted some years, \nand ended in the total overthrow of the Sabines. Hostilius died after \na reign of thirty-two years ; some say by lightning ; othte, with more \nprobability, by treason. \n\nCHAPTER 3. \n\nANCUS MARTIUS \xe2\x80\x94 LUCIUS TARQUINIUS PRISCUS \xe2\x80\x94 SERVIU& \nTULLUS. \n\nAfter an interregnum, as in the former case, Ancus Martius, ths \ngrandson of Numa, was elected king by the people, and confirmed by \nthe Senate. This monarch made Numa the great object of his imita- \ntion. He instituted the sacred ceremonies which were to precede war, \nbut took every occasion to advise his subjects to return to the arts of \nagriculture, and lay aside the less useful stratagems of war. These \ninstitutions were considered by the neighbouring powers as the effects \nof cowardice, and the Latins began to make incursions ; but they were \nconquered by Ancus, their cities were destroyed, and the inhabitants \nremoved to Rome. He quelled also an insurrection of the Veii, the \nFidenates, and the Volsci ; and over the Sabines he obtained a second \ntriumph. But his victories over the enemy were not comparable to his \nworks at home, in raising temples, fortifying the city, making a prison \nfor malefactors, and building a sea-port at the mouth of the Tiber, \ncalled Ostia, by which he secured the trade of that river, and that of \nthe salt-pits adjacent. Thus having enriched his subjects, and beauti- \nfied the city, he died after a reign of twenty-four years. \n\nLucius Tarquinius Priscus, who was appointed guardian to the sons \nof the late king, took his surname from the city of Tarquinia, (B. C. \n610,) the place of his previous residence. His father, a merchant of \nCorinth, in Greece, who had acquired considerable wealth by trade, \nsettled in Italy. His son Lucumon, married a woman of family in the \ncity of Tarquinia, and removed to Rome. His elegant address, his \nfrequent invitations, and the many benefits he conferred, gained him the \nesteem of the people. On his removal to Rome, say the historians, as \nhe approached the city gate, an eagle, stooping from above, took off his \nVat, and, flying round the chariot for some time, put it on again. This, \nnis wife Tanaquil, who it seems was skilled in augury, iG\'.erpreted as \n\nWhat occasioned a war with the Sabines ? \xe2\x80\x94 Ho w long did Tullus Hostilius \nreign ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was next elected ? \xe2\x80\x94 What remarkable works did Ancus effect ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nHow long did he reign ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who next obtained the kingdom ? \n\n\n\nSERVIUS TULLUS. 185 \n\na presage that he should one day wear the crown. Tarquin used all \nhis power and art to set aside the children of the late king, and to be \nelected in their stead. For this purpose he urged the benefits he had \ndone the city. It had the desired effect, and the people elected him for \ntheir sovereign. \n\nA kingdom thus obtained by intrigue was notwithstanding governed \nwith equity. In the beginning of his reign, in order to recompense his \nfriends, he added a hundred members more to the Senate, which made \nthem in all three hundred. But his peaceful endeavours were soon in- \nterrupted by the Latins, over whom he triumphed. He then turned his \narms against the Sabines, who had once more risen and had passed the \nTiber. He routed their army, and many who escaped the sword were \ndrowned in attempting to recross the river, while their bodies and \narmour floating down to Rome, brought the first news of the victory. \nTarquin having forced his enemies into subjection, perfected several \npublic works for the convenience and embellishment of the city. Pre- \nparations for erecting the Capitol were made by him. The city was \nfortified by additional stone walls, and the cloacae, or common sewers, \nwere constructed for carrying into the Tiber the rubbish and superfluous \nwaters of Rome. \n\nTarquin was not content with a kingdom without the ensigns of roy- \nalty. In imitation of the Lydian kings, he assumed a crown of gold, \nan ivory throne, a sceptre with an eagle on the top, and robes of purple. \nIt was perhaps the splendour of these royalties that first raised the \nenvy of the late king\'s sons, who had now for above thirty-seven years \nquietly submitted to his government. They resolved to destroy him, \nwhich they effected by hiring two ruffians. The sons of Ancus found \nsafety in flight. Thus fell Lucius Tarquinius, surnamed Priscus, to \ndistinguish him from one of his successors. He was eighty years of \nage, and had reigned thirty-eight years. \n\n(B. C. 573.) Servius Tullus, the son-in-law of the late king, by \nmarrying his daughter, came to the crown by the Senate\'s appointment, \nand without attempting to gain the suffrages of the people. Upon being \nacknowledged king, the chief object of his reign was to increase the \npower of the Senate, by depressing that of the people. The populace \nwho were unable to see into his designs, conferred upon him the full \npower of settling the taxes. Accordingly he insisted that they should \npay their taxes by centuries, and that by centuries they should give \ntheir votes in all public transactions. In former deliberations, each \ncitizen gave his suffrage singly, and the numbers of the poor always \ncarried it against the power of the rich ; but, by the regulation of Ser- \nvius, the Senate was made to consist of a greater number of centuries \nthan all the other classes put together. \n\nMention the victories and public works of Tarquin. \xe2\x80\x94 What distinction did Tar- \nquin assume? \xe2\x80\x94 Who procured his death ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did he reign ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who then \ncame to the throne ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was his chief object? \n\n1G* \n\n\n\n186 HISTORY OF R03IE. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER 4. \n\nLUCIUS TARQUINIUS SUPERBUS \xe2\x80\x94 END OF THE REGAL \nGOVERNMENT. \n\nServius instituted another regulation, called a lustrum.* By this \nall the citizens were to assemble in the Campus Martius, in complete \narmour and in their respective classes, and there to give an exact ac- \ncount of their families and fortune. Having enjoyed a long reign, spent \nin settling the domestic policy of the state, he had thoughts of laying \ndown his power, and, after having formed the kingdom into a republic, \nto retire into obscurity ; but so generous a design was frustrated ere it \ncould be put into execution. \n\nIn the beginning of his reign, he had married his two daughters to \nthe two sons of Tarquin. But Lucius placed his whole affections on \nhis brother\'s wife, who answered his passion with sympathetic ardour, \nand they both undertook to murder their respective consorts, and were \nsoon after married together. A first crime ever produces a second, and \nthey next proceeded to conspire the death of the king, which they \neffected, after he had spent a useful and prosperous reign of forty-four \nyears. \n\nLucius Tarquinius, afterwards called Superbus, or the Proud, having \nplaced himself on the throne, supported his dignity by violence, and \neven refused burial to the late king\'s body, under pretence of his being \nan usurper. Many looked upon his accession with detestation and \nhorror, and this act of cruelty served only to confirm their hatred. \n\nHis chief policy was to keep the people employed in wars or public \nworks, in order to divert their attention from his unlawful method of \ncoming to the crown. \n\nHe first marched against the Sabines, and reduced them to submis- \nsion. In the mean time many of the discontented patricians, abandon- \ning their native city, took refuge at Gabii, a city of Latium, about twelve \nmiles from Rome. To subdue that city he had recourse to stratagem ; \nhe caused his son Sextus to counterfeit desertion, and to seek refuge in \nGabii. When Sextus thought his authority established, he sent a con- \nfidential slave to his father for instructions. Tarquin made no answer, \nbut taking the messenger into the garden he cut down before him the \ntallest poppies. Sextus understood the meaning, and found means to \ndestroy or remove, one by one, the principal men of the city ; confisca- \nting their estates among the people. In the end they fell under the \npower of Tarquin, without his even striking a blow. \n\nTarquin undertook to build the Capitol, the foundation of which had \nbeen laid in a former reign ; but an extraordinary event contributed to \n* A space of five years. \n\n\n\nWhat design did Servius form? \xe2\x80\x94 What occasioned his death?\xe2\x80\x94 Who afterwards \nsucceeded ?\xe2\x80\x94 What was his policy ?\xe2\x80\x94 Relate the expedition of Tarquin against the \nSabines, and against -the city of Gabii. \xe2\x80\x94 What event happened to hasten the build- \ning of the Capitol ? \n\n\n\nDEATH OF LUGRETIA. 187 \n\nhasten the execution of it. A woman in strange attire came to the \nking, offering to sell nine books, said to be composed by herself. Not \nknowing the abilities of the seller, or that she was one of the celebrated \nSibyls, whose prophecies were never found to fail, Tarquin refused to \nbuy them. Upon this she departed, and burning three of her books \nreturned again, demanding the same price for the six remaining. Being \nonce more despised as an impostor, she again departed, and burning \nthree more returned with the remaining three, still asking the same \nprice as the first. The king, surprised at her behaviour, consulted the \naugurs, who advised him to purchase them; and the woman, having \nrecommended special attention to their contents, suddenly disappeared. \nTarquin chose proper persons to keep the books, which were deposited \nin a stone chest, and the newly-designed Capitol was thought the \nproperest place in which to secure them. \n\nTarquin upon some frivolous pretence proclaimed war against the \nRutuli, and he invested their chief city, Ardea, which lay about sixteen \nmiles from Rome. While the army was encamped before the place, \nthe king\'s son, Sextus Tarquinius, and Collatinus, a noble Roman, \nwith some others, sat drinking in a tent. The discourse turned upon \nwives, each man preferring the beauty and virtue of his own. Colla- \ntinus offered to decide the dispute by putting it to an immediate trial. \nBeing heated with wine, they posted to Rome. There they found the \nwife of Collatinus spinning in the midst of her maids, and portioning \nout their tasks. They unanimously gave her the preference, and Sextus \nbecame so much inflamed with love, that nothing but possession could \nsatisfy him. \n\nHe therefore visited her privately a few days after, and Lucretia, \nsuspecting nothing, ordered a chamber to be prepared for him. But he \nhaving found means to convey himself into her chamber at midnight, \nachieved what could not otherwise be obtained. In the morning the \nravisher returned to the camp ; and Lucretia, sending for her husband \nCollatinus, and Spurius her father, informed them of the indelible dis- \ngrace that had befallen the family, and after relating to them some \nparticulars and requesting them to avenge her cause, she drew a po- \nniard from beneath her robe, and plunging it into her own bosom, expired \nwithout a groan. \n\nJunius Brutus, whose father Tarquin had murdered, caused the body \nof Lucretia to be exposed to the people, calling upon the gods to wit- \nness that he would be her avenger. Their pity was soon changed into \nrage and revenge. A decree of the Senate banished Tarquin and his \nfamily for ever from Rome. Thus this monarch, who had now reigned \ntwenty-five years, being expelled the kingdom, took refuge with his \nfamily at Cira, a little city of Etruria. In the mean time the Roman \narmy made a truce with the enemy, and Brutus was proclaimed deliv- \nerer of the people. Thus ended with Tarquin, after a continuance of \n245 years, the regal state of Rome. \n\nAgainst whom did Tarquin proclaim war ? \xe2\x80\x94 What event happened in the camp \nwith Sextus, the king\'s son? \xe2\x80\x94 Relate the circumstance which procured the banish- \nment of Tarquin, and the elevation of Brutus. \xe2\x80\x94 How long had the regal state \nexisted ? \n\n\n\n188 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nCHAPTER 5. \nCONSULS. \n\nThe regal power being overthrown, a republican form of government \nwas sustituted. The Senate, however, reserved the greatest share of \nthe authority, and decorated their own body with the spoils of deposed \nmonarchy. The centuries of the people chose from among the Senators \ntwo annual magistrates, whom they called Consuls, with power equal \nto that of the regal ; and with the same privileges and ensigns of au- \nthority. Brutus, the deliverer of his country, and Collatinus the hus- \nband of Lucretia, were chosen the first consuls of Rome. \n\nBut a party was formed in favour of Tarquin, by some young men \nof the principal families of the state, and who had shared in the plea- \nsures and luxuries of the court. This party secretly increased, and what \nmay create surprise, the sons of Brutus and the nephews of Collatinus \nwere among the number. The conspiracy was discovered by a slave, \nand Brutus was placed as a judge upon the life and death of his own \nchildren, impelled by justice to condemn, and by nature to spare. Un- \nmoved by any motive but that in favour of what he deemed the public \ngood, he pronounced upon them the sentence of death, and by his of- \nfice was obliged to see it put in execution, while the multitude looked \non with mingled sensations of pity, astonishment, and horror. The \nlenity of Collatinus rendered him suspected, and he was deposed from \nthe consulship, and banished from Rome. Valerius Publicola was \nchosen in his stead. \n\nTarquin\'s hopes of an insurrection in his favour being thus frustrated, \nhe now resolved to force himself upon his former throne by foreign aid. \nHe prevailed upon the Veians to assist him, and with a considerable \narmy advanced towards Rome. The consuls were not remiss to oppose \nhim. Valerius commanded the foot, and Brutus, being appointed to \nhead the cavalry, went out to meet him on the Roman border. Aruns, \nthe son of Tarquin, who commanded the cavalry for his father, seeing \nBrutus at a distance, resolved by one great attempt to decide the fate \nof the day before the engagement of the armies, when spurring his \nhorse he flew to him with fury. Brutus perceived his approach, and \nthey met with such ungoverned rage that both fell dead on the field to- \ngether. A bloody battle ensued ; but the Romans, remaining in posses- \nsion of the field of battle, claimed the victory. \n\nTarquin next prevailed on Porsenna, one of the kings of Etruria, to \nespouse his cause. This prince, equally noted for his courage and con- \nduct, with a numerous army laid siege to Rome. The siege was car- \nried on with vigour ; the consuls opposed in vain, and were carried off \nwounded from the field. The Romans, flying in great consternation, \nwere pursued by the enemy to the bridge, over which both victors and \n\nWho were the first consuls, and what was their dignity? \xe2\x80\x94 Who formed a con- \nspiracy against the consulship, and what was the event? \xe2\x80\x94 Who were chosen \ninstead of Collatinus ? \xe2\x80\x94 Whose aid did Tarquin obtain against the consuls ? \n\n\n\nDEATH OF TARQUIN. 189 \n\nvanquished were about to enter the city in confusion. All now ap- \npeared lost, when Horatins Codes, who had been placed there as sen- \ntinel to defend it, opposed himself to the torrent of the enemy ; and, \nassisted only by two more, for some time sustained the whole fury of \nthe assault, till the bridge was broken down behind him. He then \nplunged into the Tiber and swam back victorious. \n\nStill, however, Porsenna carried on the siege ; the distress of the \nbesieged became insufferable, when another act of fierce bravery brought \nabout its safety and freedom. Mutius, a youth of undaunted courage, \nentered, disguised, into the camp of the enemy, resolving to die or to \nkill the king ; but mistaking the secretary for the king, stabbed him to \nthe heart. Upon Porsenna\'s demanding who he was, and the cause of \nso heinous an action, Mutius replied with such undaunted heroism as \namazed Porsenna. He therefore ordered him back to Rome, and offered \nthe besieged conditions of peace. These conditions were accepted, and \nne retired from the Roman territory. \n\nThe year after the departure of Porsenna, the Sabines invaded the \nRoman territories. The war that ensued was long and bloody; but at \nlength the Sabines were compelled to purchase a peace. Tarquin now, \nby means of his son-in-law, Manlius, stirred up the Latins to espouse \nhis interest, and took the most convenient opportunity, when the ple- \nbeians were at variance with the senators, concerning the payment of \ntheir debts. These refused to go to the war, unless their debts were \nremitted on their return. The consuls finding their authority insuffi- \ncient, offered the people to elect a temporary magistrate, who should \npossess absolute power, not only over all ranks of the state, but even \nover the laws themselves. \n\nTo this the plebeians readily consented, willing to give up their own \npower for the sake of abridging that of their superiors. Lartius, in \nconsequence, was created the first dictator, (B. C. 495,) and he, enter- \ning upon his office surrounded with lictors and all the ensigns of ancient \nroyalty, completed the levies without resistance. Then going forth to \noppose the enemy, he concluded a truce with them for a year, and re- \nturned with his army. In six months he laid down the dictatorship, \nwith the reputation of having exercised it with a blameless lenity. \n\nThe next year required another dictator, and Posthumius was invested \nwith the office. He gave the Latins a complete overthrow, and con- \ncluded an advantageous peace. About this time died Tarquin, at the \nadvanced age of ninety years, which put an end to all further contests \nfor the crown. But though for that time the people submitted to be led \nforth, they yet resolved to free themselves from their yoke; and, as \nthey could not obtain a redress of their grievances, they determined to \n<ly from those whom they could not move to compassion. They, there- \n.ore, under the conduct of a plebeian, named Sicinius Vellutus, retired \n\xe2\x80\x9eo a mountain, hence called Mons Sacer, within three miles of Rome. \n\nAnd what occasioned the death of Brutus? \xe2\x80\x94 Who next espoused the cause of \nTarquin ?\xe2\x80\x94 What did he effect?\xe2\x80\x94 What act of bravery delivered the city ?\xe2\x80\x94 What \nevent of consequence followed ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was the first dictator? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was next \ninvested with the office?\xe2\x80\x94 How old was Tarquin at his death?\xe2\x80\x94 Under whom did \nthe people retire from Rome ? \n\n\n\n190 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nUpon the news of this defection, the city was filled with consterna- \ntion. The Senate was not less agitated than the rest. At length it was \nresolved to send a messenger, entreating the people to return home, and \ndeclare their grievances, promising an oblivion of all that had passed, \nThis message not succeeding, Menenius Agrippa, one of the wisest \nand best of the senators, was of opinion that the demands of the peo- \nple were to be complied with, and ten commissioners were deputed. \nThe soldiers gave them a very respectful reception, and the conference \nbegan. The commissioners employed all their oratory, while Sicinius \nand Lucius Junius, who were speakers for the soldiery, aggravated \ntheir distresses. \n\nAt length Menenius Agrippa, originally a plebeian, a shrewd man, \nand who knew what kind of eloquence was likely to please, addressed \nthem with that celebrated fable which is so finely told by Livy \xe2\x80\x94 "In \ntimes of old when every part of the body could think for itself, they all \nresolved to revolt against the body. They knew no reason, they said, \nwhy they should toil from morning till night in its service, while the \nbody lay at its ease and grew fat upon their labours ; accordingly one \nand all agreed to befriend it no more. The feet vowed they would no \nlonger carry the load ; the hands vowed they would not feed it ; and \nthe teeth averred they would not chew its food. Thus resolved, they \nall for some time kept their word ; but at length found that, instead of \nmortifying the body, they only undid themselves ; they languished for \na while, and perceived, when too late, that it was owing to the body \nthat they had strength to work, or courage to mutiny." \n\nThis fable had an instantaneous effect upon the people. They cried \nout that Agrippa should lead them back to Rome ; but Junius Brutus \nrecommended that, as a safeguard against future resentments, certain \nofficers should be created to plead the cause of the people. The senate \nconsented that the new officers should be called Tribunes of the People.* \nThe Tribunes were at first five in number, but afterwards increased by \nfive more. They were annually elected by the people, and almost \nalways from their body. When they examined any decree, they an- \nnulled it by the word Veto, "I forbid it," or confirmed it by signing the \nletter T., which gave it validity. This new office being instituted, the \npeople, after sacrificing to the gods of the mountain, returned back once \nmore in triumph to Rome. \n\nCHAPTER 6. \n\nTRIBUNES CREATED, U. C. 260. \xe2\x80\x94 AGRARIAN LAW. \n\nDuring the late separation tillage had been neglected, and a famine, \nthe ensuing season, was the consequence. The people erroneously as- \ncribed the whole of their distress to the avarice of the patricians. But \nplenty soon after appeased them. A fleet of ships, laden with corn \n* So called because chosen by the tribes. \n\nFor what were commissioners appointed ?\xe2\x80\x94 What fable did Menenius Agrippa \nrelate ?\xe2\x80\x94 How did this affect the people ? \xe2\x80\x94 What new officers were created ? \n\n\n\nCOKIOLANUS 191 \n\nfrom Sicily, once more raised their spirits. But Coriolarms incurred \ntheir resentment by insisting that the corn should not be distributed til] \nthe grievances of the Senate were removed. For this the tribunes sum- \nmoned him to a trial before the people, and Coriolanus was condemned \nto perpetual exile. He returned home followed by the lamentations of \nthe most respectable senators and citizens, to take leave of his wife, his \nchildren, and his mother Veturia, and left the city to take refuge with \nTullus Attius, a man of great power among the Volsci. \n\nTullus provoked the Romans to a quarrel some time afterwards, and \nwar being declared on both sides, Coriolanus and Tullus were made \ngenerals of the Volsci, and accordingly invaded and ravaged the Roman \nterritories, and at length invested Rome itself, fully resolved to besiege \nit. It was then that deputies were sent to him with proposals for his \nrestoration in case he Would draw off his army. Coriolanus, with the \nsternness of a general, refused their offers. Another embassy was now \nsent conjuring him not to exact from his native city aught but what \nbecame Romans to grant; but Coriolanus still persisted, and granted \nthem only three days for deliberation. In this exigence a more solemn \ndeputation was sent, composed of pontiffs, priests and augurs, but in \nvain \xe2\x80\x94 they still found him severe and inflexible. \n\nOn their returning without success, the temples were filled with old \nmen and women, who, prostrate at the altars, put up their ardent prayers \nfor the preservation of their country. At length it was suggested that \nwhat could not be brought about by the adjuration of the priests might \nbe effected by the tears of a wife, or the commands of a mother ; and \nthe deputation was generally approved of by the Senate and the people. \nVeturia, the mother of Coriolanus, was accompanied by many of the \nprincipal matrons of Rome, with Volumnia, his wife, and his two chil- \ndren. Coriolanus, who at a distance discovered the mournful train of \nfemales, was resolved upon giving them a denial ; but when told that \nhis mother and his wife were among the number, he instantly came \ndown from his tribunal to meet and embrace them. \n\nAt first, the women\'s tears and embraces took away the power of words, \nand the rough soldier could not refrain from sharing in their distress. \nCoriolanus was much agitated by contending passions ; his mother \nseconded her words by the persuasive eloquence of tears; while his \nwife and children hung around him intreating for protection and pity. \nFor a moment he was silent, feeling the strong conflict between honour \nand inclination : at length, as if roused from a dream, he raised his \nmother, who had fallen at his feet, crying out, " Oh, my mother, thou \nhast saved Rome, but lost thy son." He accordingly gave orders to \ndraw off the army. Tullus, who had long envied Coriolanus, aggra- \nvated to the Volsci his lenity, and on their return Coriolanus is said to \nhave been slain by an insurrection of the people. \n\nGreat were the rejoicings of the people at Rome upon the retreat of \nthe Volscian army ; but they were clouded soon after by the intrigues \n\n\n\nWhat happened to Coriolanus ? \xe2\x80\x94 With whom did he take refuge ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who besieged \nRome ? \xe2\x80\x94 How did the Romans act in the exigency ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who were in the female em- \nbassy from Rome ? \xe2\x80\x94 What effect had it upon Coriolanus 1 \xe2\x80\x94 What was his fate ? \n\n\n\n192 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nof Spurius Cassius, who, wishing to make himself despotic, by means \nof the people, was found guilty of crimes tending towards an alteration \nof the constitution. He was thrown from the Tarpeian Rock, by those \nvery people whose interests he had endeavoured to extend. \n\nThe year following, the two consuls of the former year, Manlius and \nFabius, were cited to appear before the people. The Agrarian law, \nwlrich had been proposed sometime before, for equally dividing the \nlands of the commonwealth among the people, was the object invariably \npursued ; and they were accused of having made unjustifiable delays \nin putting it off. The Agrarian law was, however, a grant the Senate \ncould not think of making to the people. The consuls therefore made \nmany delays and excuses ; till at length they were once more obliged \nto have recourse to a dictator; and they fixed upon Quintus Cincinna- \ntus, a man who had for some time given up all views of ambition, and \nretired to his little farm ; where the deputies of the Senate found him \nholding the plough, and in the attire of a husbandman. \n\nHe appeared but little elevated with the addresses of ceremony, and \nthe pompous habits they brought him, and testified concern that his aid \nshould be wanted. On his leaving he said to his wife, " I fear, my At- \ntilia, that for this year our little fields must remain unsown." Then \ntaking a tender leave he departed for the city, where both parties were \nstrongly inflamed against each other. However, he sided with neither, \nbut instead of gaining the confidence of a faction, seized the esteem of \nall. By threats and well-timed submission he prevailed upon the tri- \nbunes to put off the law for a time. Having, by his wisdom, restored \ntranquillity, he gave up the splendours of ambition to enjoy it with a \ngreater relish in his little farm. \n\n(U. C. 295) Cincinnatus had not long retired from office, when a \nfresh exigence required his assistance; and the M qui and the Vol sci \nwere making new inroads into the territories of Rome. Minutius, one \nof the consuls, was sent to oppose them ; but his army was driven into \na defile between two mountains, from which, except through the enemy, \nthere was no egress. This, however, the iEqui had fortified ; and no- \nthing remained to the Roman army but famine or immediate death. \nThe Senate turned their eyes upon Cincinnatus, and the messengers \nfound him, as before, labouring in his field. On being made dictator \nhe appointed an unambitious soldier, named Tarquitus, to be master of \nthe horse. \n\nUpon entering the city the Dictator entreated all those who were \nable to bear arms to repair to the Campus Martius with arms and pro- \nvisions for five days. At the head of these he marched all night, and \narrived early the next morning within sight of the enemy. Upon his \napproach he ordered his soldiers to raise a loud shout, to apprise the \nconsul\'s army of the relief that was at hand. The iEqui were not a \nlittle amazed when they perceived that Cincinnatus approached, and \n\n_ What is said of Spurius Cassius ? \xe2\x80\x94 What compelled them to have recourse to a \ndictator ? \xe2\x80\x94 Whom did they choose ? \xe2\x80\x94 What effect had Cincinnatus on the factious \ncity ? \xe2\x80\x94 What happened after he had retired from office ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was made dictator ? \n\xe2\x80\x94Whither did he march with the army ? \n\n\n\nTHE DECEMVIRI. 193 \n\nwas making entrenchments beyond them to prevent their escape, and \ninclosing them as they had inclosed the consul. \n\nTo prevent this a furious combat ensued ; but the iEqui, being- \nattacked on both sides, and unable to resist or fly, begged a cessation \nof arms, offering to the dictator his own terms. He gave them their \nlives, and obliged them to pass under the yoke, which was two spears \nset upright, and another across, beneath which the vanquished were to \npass. The captains and generals he made prisoners of war, being \nreserved to adorn his triumph. The plunder of the enemy\'s camp he \ngave up entirely to his own soldiers. Thus having rescued a Roman \narmy, and defeated a powerful enemy, refusing any part of the spoil, \nhe resigned his dictatorship, after having enjoyed it fourteen days. \nThe Senate would have enriched him, but he declined their proffers ; \nretiring once more to his farm, content with competence and fame. \n\nBut the clamours for the Agrarian law were now resumed in the city, \nstill more fiercely, when Siccius Dentatus, a plebeian, advanced in \nyears, but of an admirable person and military deportment, came for- \nward to enumerate his hardships and his merits ; and his merits more \nthan supported his ostentation. He had served his country in the wars \nforty years ; he had been an officer thirty; he had fought one hundred \nand twenty battles ; he had obtained many civic, mural, and golden \ncrowns ; and had received forty-five wounds in front, and none be- \nhind. Yet he had never received any share of those lands which were \nwon from the enemy, but continued to drag on a life of poverty. A \ncase of so much hardship had an effect upon the multitude, and they \nunanimously demanded that the law might be passed, and that such \nmerit should not go unrewarded. But the resistance of the young pa- \ntricians prevailed, and their resolution, for the present, put off the Agra- \nrian law. \n\nCHAPTER 7. \n\nTHE CREATION OF THE DECEMVIRi, U. C. 302 \xe2\x80\x94 VIRGINIUS. \n\nThe citizens of every rank began to complain of the arbitrary deci- \nsions of the magistrates, and wished to be guided by a written body of \nlaws, which being known might prevent wrongs as well as punish them. \nIt was thereupon agreed that ambassadors should be sent to the Greek \ncities in Italy and to Athens, for such laws as experience had found \nequitable. For this purpose three senators were appointed ; and while \nthey were upon this commission abroad, a dreadful plague depopulated \nthe city at home. In about a year the ambassadors returned with a \nbody of laws, which were formed into ten tables. To these two more \nwere added, and formed that celebrated code called the Law of the \nTwelve Tables. \n\nTo digest these laws, ten of the principal senators were selected, who \nwere called Decemviri, whose power should be absolute and continue \n\nHow did the contest terminate? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did Cincinnatus enjoy the dictator- \nship? \xe2\x80\x94 Who enumerated his own hardships, and supported the clamour for tho \nAgrarian law? \xe2\x80\x94 For what purpose were commissioners appointed? \xe2\x80\x94 What code \nof laws was formed? \xe2\x80\x94 For what were the decemviri created ? \n17 \n\n\n\n194 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nfor a year. They agreed to take the reins of government by turns, each \nto administer justice for a day. The first year they performed well, \nand entreating of the Senate a continuance in office, the request was \ngranted. But their rapacity became excessive, and they ruled without \ncontrol, being guarded by the lictors, and a numerous crowd of clients \nand dependants. In this gloomy situation of the state, the iEqui and \nVolsci renewed their incursions, and advanced within about ten miles \nof Rome. \n\nThe decemviri divided their army into three parts: one continued with \nAppius to awe the city, one was led against the Volsci, and the other \nagainst the iEqui. The Roman soldiers had now adopted a method of \npunishing their generals, by suffering themselves to be vanquished in \nthe field ; and on this occasion they abandoned their camp on the ap- \nproach of the enemy. The generals were blamed at Rome for the \ntreachery of their men ; among the rest, old Siccins Dentatus spoke his \nsentiments with his usual openness, on account of which, he was marked \nby Appius for vengeance. He was appointed legate, and put at the \nhead of supplies sent from Rome to reinforce the army. The generals, \non his arrival, appointed him at the head of a hundred men to examine \na more commodious place for encampment. The soldiers were assas- \nsins appointed to murder him. Dentatus, on being attacked, determined \nto sell his life as dear as possible. He set his back against a rock, \nand killed no less than fifteen of the assailants, and wounded thirty. \nBut some, by throwing javelins upon him at a distance, and others by \npouring down stones upon him from above, at length despatched him. \n\nA transaction still more atrocious than the former inspired the citi- \nzens with resolution to break all measures of obedience, so as at last to \nrestore freedom. Appius one day saw a maiden of exquisite beauty, \naged about fifteen. Her charms caught his attention and fired his heart. \nHer name was Virginia ; she was the daughter of Virginius, a centu- \nrion, then with the army in the field. To obtain the object of his pas- \nsion, Appius fixed upon one Claudius, who had long been the minister \nof his pleasures, to assert that the beautiful maid was his slave. Clau- \ndius, acting according to his instructions, seized her, and led the weep- \ning virgin to the tribunal of Appius, who adjudged her to be delivered \ninto the custody and the care of Claudius. But this sentence was re- \nceived with loud clamours, particularly by the women ; and things now \nthreatened an open insurrection. \n\nAn account of the transaction was sent to Virginius, who, getting \npermission to leave the camp, hastened to Rome. The day following \nwas fixed for the trial. Claudius, the accuser, began by making the \ndemand ; Virginius replied, proving Virginia to be his daughter. The \npeople, satisfied of the cruelty of his case, raised an outcry ; but Ap- \npius confirmed the opinion of Claudius, and adjudged Virginia to him ; \nadding, " Go, therefore, lictors, disperse the multitude, and make room \nfor the master to repossess himself of his slave." Virginius, seeing \n\n\n\nWhat was their power? \xe2\x80\x94 What happened in the expedition against the Volsci \nand iEqui? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the fate of Dentatus? \xe2\x80\x94 What circumstance raised the \nindignation of the people against Appius? \xe2\x80\x94 How did Virginius act on this occasion? \n\n\n\nMILITARY TRIBUNES. 195 \n\nthat all was over, with the most poignant anguish, took his almost ex- \npiring daughter in his arms and tenderly embraced her. " My dearest \nlost child," said he, " thus alone is it in my power to preserve thy ho- \nnour and thy freedom." So saying, he plunged a weapon into her \nbreast. Then drawing it out reeking with blood, he called upon the \ncity to strike for freedom. On his return to the army, who were already \ndisposed to revolt by the murder of Dentatus and other acts of tyranny, \nthey shouted their approbation and decamped, leaving their generals \nbehind. They took their station on mount Aventine, whither they had \nretired about forty years before. \n\nAppius, in the mean time, did all he could to quell the disturbances \nin the city, by urging the punishment of deserters ; but the Senate, far \nfrom giving him the relief he sought, dispatched messengers to the \nincensed army, offering to restore their former mode of government. \nTo this proposal all the people joyfully acquiesced ; and the army \nreturned to the city, if not with the ensigns, at least with the pleasure \nof a triumphant entry. Appius died by his own hands in prison, the \nother decemvirs went into exile ; and Claudius, the pretended master \nof Virginia, was ignominiously banished. \n\n(U. C. 309.) The wars with the iEqui and the Volsci still continued, \nand they at last advanced so far as to make their incursions to the very \nwalls of Rome. The tribunes of the people now grew more turbulent; \nthey proposed two laws \xe2\x80\x94 one to permit plebeians to intermarry with \nthe patricians, and the other to permit them to be admitted to the con- \nsulship also. The senators received these proposals with indignation ; \nbut at last, finding their resistance only increased the commotions of \nthe state, they consented to pass that concerning marriages. With \nrespect to the consulship, after many debates, Claudius proposed an \nexpedient ; this was to create six or eight governors in the room of con- \nsuls, of which one half, at least, should be patricians. This project \nwas eagerly embraced by the people. These new magistrates were \ncalled Military Tribunes. They had the power and ensigns of consuls. \nThe first that were chosen, continued in office only about three months ; \nthe augurs having found something amiss in the ceremonies of their \nelection. \n\nThe military tribunes being deposed, the consuls once more came \ninto office ; and, to lighten the weight of business, a new office was \ncreated, \xe2\x80\x94 namely, that of Censors, who were to be chosen every fifth \nyear. Their business was to take an estimate of the number and \nestates of the people, to distribute them into proper classes, and to in- \nspect the lives and manners of their fellow-citizens, &c. The first cen- \nsors were Papirius and Sempronius \xe2\x80\x94 both patricians ; and from that \norder censors continued to be elected for nearly a hundred years. This \nnew creation served to restore peace for some time ; but a famine press- \ning hard upon the poor, the usual complaints against the rich were \nrenewed. \n\nWhat effect did it have on the army? \xe2\x80\x94 Who entered the city in triumph? \xe2\x80\x94 What \nwas the fate of Appius? \xe2\x80\x94 Why were the military tribunes created? \xe2\x80\x94 What wa.s \ntheir office? \xe2\x80\x94 What new officer was created after the military tribunes were \ndeposed ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was his office ? \n\n\n\nJ 96 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nSpurius Maelius, a rich knight, who had bought up all the corn of \nTuscany, inflamed with a desire of becoming powerful, distributed corn \nin great quantities among the poor each day. When he had gained a \nsufficient number of partisans, he procured large quantities of arms, \nand formed a conspiracy. Minutius soon discovered the plot to the \nSenate, who resolved to create a dictator, who should have the power \n<9f quelling the conspiracy without appealing to the people. Cincinna- \ntus, who was now eighty years old, was chosen once more to rescue \nhis country from impending danger. He began by summoning Maelius \nto appear, who refused to obey. He next sent Ahala, master of the \nhorse, to compel his attendance ; and, on his still refusing, Ahala killed \nhim on the spot. The tribunes of the people were much enraged at \nthe death of Maelius, and insisted upon restoring the military tribunes, \nand the Senate were obliged to comply. The next year, however, con- \nsuls were chosen. \n\nCHAPTER 8. \n\nVEIAN WAR \xe2\x80\x94 INVASION OF THE GAULS. \n\nThe Veians had long been the rivals of Rome, and it seemed now \ndetermined that the city of Veii, whatever it might cost, should fall ; \nand the Romans sat down regularly before it. The siege lasted ten \nyears. Various were the successes, and many were the commanders \nthat directed the siege. Furius Camillus was now created dictator, \nand to him was intrusted the management of the long-protracted war. \nCamillus had, without stratagem or intrigue, raised himself to the \nfirst eminence in the state. He had been made, some time before, one \nof the censors : he was afterwards a military tribune. His courage \nand abilities in the above offices, made him to be thought most worthy \nto serve his country on the present occasion. Upon his appointment \nnumbers flocked to his standard. Conscious that the city could not \nbe taken by storm, he opened a passage under ground, which led into \nthe midst of the citadel. Thus, like a second Troy, was the city of \nthe Veii taken, after a ten years\' siege ; and with its spoils enriched \nthe conquerors. Camillus triumphed after the manner of the kings of \nRome. \n\nCamillus\'s good fortune attended him in another expedition against \nthe Falisci, in which a schoolmaster found means to decoy his scholars \ninto the Roman camp, offering to put them into the hands of Camillus, \nas the surest means of inducing the citizens to surrender. The general, \nstruck with the treachery of the wretch, ordered him to be stript, his \nhands to be tied behind him, and to be whipped into the town by his own \nscholars. For this generous behaviour in Camillus, the magistrates \nsubmitted to the Senate, leaving to the general the conditions of th6 \nurrender. \n\n\n\nWhat is related of Spurius Maelius ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long was the war with the Veian* \nprotracted ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who took their city and marched in triumph to Rome ? \xe2\x80\x94 Against \nwhom did Camillus go with success ? \xe2\x80\x94 What generous act is recorded of him ? \n\n\n\nBRENNUS. 197 \n\nThe popularity of Camillus proved however but of short duration. \nHis demand of a tenth of the spoils to be consecrated to Apollo (accord- \ning to a vow he had made in the hour of danger), the extraordinary \ndisplay of pomp in which he entered the capital on the day of triumph, \nand the opposition he made to some popular measures, concurred to \nrender him an object of jealousy. His enemies charged him with em- \nbezzling the property of the state. Indignant at such groundless accu- \nsation, he retired from Rome before the day of trial, first embracing his \nwife and children. On leaving the city, he turned his face to the capi- \ntol, and entreated the gods that his country might be one day sensible \nof their injustice and ingratitude. So saying he took refuge at Ardea, \na town at a little distance from Rome. \n\nThe tribunes had soon reason to repent their injustice, and to wish \nfor his assistance. The Gauls, about two centuries before, had made \nan irruption from beyond the Alps, and settled in the northern parts of \nItaly. They had been invited over by the deliciousness of the wines, \nand the mildness of the climate. A body of these was now besieging \nClusium, and the inhabitants entreated the assistance of the Romans. \nAccordingly three young senators were chosen of the family of the \nFabii. Brennus, the king of the Gauls, received them with a degree \nof complaisance suited to his condition, but observed that the rights \nof valiant men lay in their swords. The three ardent youths became \nthe partisans of the Clusians, incited them to arms, and even headed \ntheir troops in an assault. This violation of honour induced Brennus \nto turn his arms against Rome, who had sanctioned the treachery of \ntheir ambassadors. \n\nHe marched with his numerous army through the lesser Italian States, \ntill he arrived at Alba, not far from the capital, where he completely \nrouted the Roman army. Rome now prepared for every extremity ; \nmost of the inhabitants fled to the neighbouring towns ; some were \nresolved to await the conqueror\'s fury ; and the gates were thrown open \nto receive him. But the senators and priests resolved to devote their \nlives to atone for the crimes of the people; and, habited in their robes \nof ceremony, placed themselves in the forum. Brennus was surprised \nto find the city gates open to receive him, and feared a stratagem ; after \nentering the city, he approached the forum, and beheld there the ancient \nsenators sitting in profound silence : their appearance awed the barbarous \nenemy into reverence. They mistook them for the tutelary deities of \nthe place. But one more forward than the rest stroked the beard of the \nPapyrius, who lifted up his ivory spear and struck the savage to the \nground. This proved to be the signal for general slaughter, and the \nwhole shared the like fate. The fierce invaders pursued their slaughter \nfor three days successively, sparing neither sex nor age, and then set \nfire to the city. \n\nAll the hopes of Rome were placed in the Capitol ; Brennus first \nsummoned it with threats, and then carried on the siege with vigour. \n\nWhat afterwards befel Camillus? \xe2\x80\x94 Who invaded the Roman territory? \xe2\x80\x94 What \nhappened to the city, the senators, and priests ? \xe2\x80\x94 With what success did Brennus \nHtorm the Capitol ? \n\n17* \n\n\n\n198 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nBut he was soon convinced of the futility of his expectations. He \nnext chose a body of men, to ascend the rock by which the Capitol \nmight be surprised. The men had even got upon the wall ; the Roman \nsentinel was asleep, their dogs gave no signal, and all seemed an easy \nvictory, when the gabbling of some sacred geese saved the Capitol. \nThe garrison became awakened, and each snatching a weapon, opposed \nthe assailants, and the walls were eleared of the enemy with a most \nincredible celerity. \n\nFrom this time, the hopes of the barbarians began to decline, and \nBrennus wished for an opportunity of raising the siege with credit; and \nat length the commanders on both sides came to an agreement that the \nGauls should immediately quit the city and territories, upon being paid \na thousand pounds\' weight of gold. .When the gold was brought to be \nweighed, the Gauls attempted fraudulently to kick the beam ; the Ro- \nmans complaining of this, Brennus insultingly cast his sword and belt \ninto the scale, crying out that the only portion of the vanquished was \nto suffer. While they were debating upon the payment, it was told \nthem that Camillus, their old general, was at the head of a large army, \nhastening to their relief, and entering the gates of Rome ; and when \nhe arrived soon after at the place of controversy, he demanded the cause \nof the contest, of which being informed, he ordered the gold to be car- \nried back to the Capitol, saying that his sword alone should purchase \npeace. Upon this a battle ensued ; and the Gauls were routed with \nsuch terrible slaughter, that the Roman territories were soon cleared of \ntheir formidable invaders. The city being one continued heap of ruins, \nexcept the Capitol, and many of its former inhabitants having fled for \nrefuge to Veii, the tribunes of the people asked for the removal of the \npoor remains of Rome to Veii. But, by the remonstrances of Camil- \nlus, the people went contentedly to work, and Rome soon began to rise \nfrom its ashes. \n\nThe people were not ungrateful to Manlius for his bravery in defend- \ning the Capitol. They built him a house near the place where his \nvalour was so conspicuous, and appointed him a public fund for his \nsupport. But his ambition aspired at the sovereignty of Rome. With \nthis view he laboured to ingratiate himself with the populace, paid \ntheir debts, and railed at the patricians, whom he called their oppres- \nsors. After the people had been filled with sedition and clamour on \nhis account, Manlius was brought to answer for his life. The place in \nwhich he was tried was near the Capitol, where, when he was accused \nof sedition and aspiring at sovereignty, he only turned his eyes, and \npointing thither, put them in mind of what he had there done for his \ncountry. At length he was condemned to be thrown headlong from the \nTarpeian rock ; and the place which had been the theatre of his glory \nbecame that of his punishment and infamy. Thus the Romans went \ngradually forward with a mixture of turbulence and superstition within \ntheir walls, and with successful enterprises without. \n\nHaving triumphed over the Sabines, the Etrurians, the Latins, the \n\n\n\nWho routed the enemy and delivered the city ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the fate of Camil- \nlus? \n\n\n\nWAR WITH THE LATINS. 199 \n\nHernici, the ^qui, and the Volsci, the Romans now began to look for \ngreater conquests. They accordingly turned their arms against the \nSamnites, a people descended from the Sabines. Valerius Corvus and \nCornelius were the two consuls, to whose care it first fell to manage \nthis dreadful contention between the rivals. Valerius was one of the \ngreatest commanders of his time ; and while his colleague led an army \nto Samnium, the enemy\'s capital, he marched to relieve Capua, the \ncapital of the Campanians. Though the Samnites were the bravest \nmen they had ever encountered, the Romans were eventually crowned \nwith success. Some time after this, a mutiny arose among the soldiers \nstationed at Capua, who marched with Quintius at their head till they \ncame within eight miles of the city. The Senate created Valerius dic- \ntator, and sent him forth with an army to oppose them ; who, by his \nmoderation and prudence, repaired this defection, which threatened \ndanger to Rome. \n\nCHAPTER 9. \n\nWAR WITH THE LATINS AND SAMNITES \xe2\x80\x94 PYRRHUS. \n\nA war between the Romans and the Latins followed soon after. _ As \ntheir habits, arms, and language were the same, the most exact disci- \npline was necessary to prevent confusion in the engagement. Orders, \ntherefore, were issued, that no soldier should leave his ranks, upon pain \nof death. With these injunctions both armies were drawn out and \nready, when Merius, the general of the enemy\'s cavalry, pushing for- \nward from his ranks, challenged any knight in the Roman army to sin- \ngle combat. A general pause ensued, no soldier daring to disobey the \norders, till Titus Manlius, son of the consul Manlius, boldly sallied \nforth against his adversary, and the two champions engaged : Manlius \nsucceeded in killing his antagonist, and returned in triumph to his \nfather\'s tent. When he was brought before the consul, his father or- \ndered him to be bound to suffer for disobeying his orders. At this \nunnatural mandate, the whole army was struck with horror; but when \nthey saw their young champion\'s head struck off, and his blood stream- \ning upon the ground", they could no longer contain their execrations and \ngroans. \n\nIn the mean time the battle was commenced with mutual fury; and \nas the two armies had often fought under the same leader, they com- \nbated with all the animosity of a civil war. The augurs had foretold \nthat whatever part of the Roman army should be distressed, the com- \nmander of that part should devote himself for his country, and die as a \nsacrifice to the immortal gods. Manlius commanded the right wing, \nand Decius the left; after a time the left wing began to give ground, \nand Decius resolved to devote himself for his country. After being \nclothed in a long robe and covering his head, he mounted his horse and \n\nRepeat the triumphs of the Romans.\xe2\x80\x94 Who quelled an insurrection in the army \xe2\x80\xa2 \n\xe2\x80\x94 Who disobeyed the consul\'s orders in the war with the Latins? \xe2\x80\x94 What was his \npunishment ? \xe2\x80\x94 What event insured the defeat of the Latins \'{ \n\n\n\n200 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\ndrove furiously into the midst of the enemy, till he fell covered with \nwounds. The Roman army considered this as an assurance of success ; \nnor was the superstition of the Latins less influenced. The Romans \npressed them on every side. A total rout ensued, and scarcely a fourth \npart of the enemy escaped the defeat. \n\n(U. C.431.) About this time the Roman army sustained a signal \ndisgrace from the Samnites; who, by a stratagem, led them into a de- \nfile, and surrounded them. The Romans were first obliged to pass \nunder the yoke, after having been stripped of all their under garments. \nThey were then marched into Capua disarmed, half naked, and burning \nwith a desire of retrieving their lost honour. But this calamity was \ntransitory ; the state had suffered a diminution of its glory, but not of \nits power. \n\nUnder the conduct of Papirius Cursor, repeated triumphs were gained. \nThe Samnites, being driven to extreme distress, had recourse to Pyrrhus, \nking of Epirus, in Greece, who arrived at Tarentum with a large army \nand twenty elephants. Lavinius was sent with a numerous force to \ninterrupt his progress. Pyrrhus previously sent an ambassador, pro- \nposing to mediate between the Romans and the Tarentines. Lavinius \nreplied that he neither esteemed him as a mediator, nor feared him as \nan enemy. \n\nIn consequence of this, both armies approaching, pitched their tents \nin sight of each other, upon the opposite banks of the river Lyris ; nor \nis it to this day determined, whether the Greek phalanx or the Roman \nlegion were preferable. The combat was long in suspense ; but when \nthe success seemed doubtful, Pyrrhus sent in his elephants and turned \nthe scale of victory ; for the Romans had never before encountered crea- \ntures of such magnitude. A dreadful slaughter of the Romans ensued. \nNight put an end to the combat ; and Pyrrhus, who had been wounded, \nwas heard to exclaim that another such a victory would ruin his whole \nv.rmy. \n\nThe next day, viewing the field of battle, he regarded with admira- \ntion the bodies of the Romans who were slain having all their wounds \nin front, and their countenances marked with a noble resolution; he \nwas heard to exclaim, " Had I the Romans for soldiers, with what ease \ncould a conquer the world !" After this victory, Pyrrhus was still will- \ning to negotiate a peace, and sent his friend Cineas, the orator; but, \nwith all his art, he found the Romans, with a haughtiness little ex- \npected, insisting that Pyrrhus should evacuate Italy, previous to a \ncommencement of a treaty of peace. \n\nCineas returned to his master, extolling the virtues and grandeur of \nthe Romans. The Senate, he said, appeared an assembly of demi- \ngods, and the city a temple for their reception. Notwithstanding the \nfailure of this embassy, Pyrrhus attempted to renew the negotiation, \nwhen Fabricius arrived at his camp, relative to an exchange of prison- \n\nWhat disgrace did the Roman army sustain ? \xe2\x80\x94 To whom did the Samnites apply \nfor help ? \xe2\x80\x94 What reply did Lavinius make to the ambassador of Pyrrhus ? \xe2\x80\x94 For \nwhom did victory decide in the engagement? \xe2\x80\x94 Whom did Pyrrhus send to treat \nwith the Romans ? \xe2\x80\x94 With what success ? \n\n\n\nPYKRHUS. 201 \n\ners. Pyrrhus received him with kindness, and offered him rich pre- \nsents, which the Roman refused. The king then tried the equality of \nhis temper, by the sudden appearance of an elephant from behind the \ntapestry. Fabrieius looked unmoved upon the danger, his fidelity was \nimpregnable ; Pyrrhus, pleased to find so much virtue in one he had \nconsidered as a barbarian, released the Roman prisoners to Fabrieius. \n\n(U. C. 474.) By this time the Roman army was recovered from its late \ndefeat, and Sulpitius and Decius, the consuls for the following year, \nwere placed at its head. Both armies met near the city of Asculum, \nand though the numbers were nearly equal, the Grecian discipline, aided \nby the elephants, prevailed. The next season brought fresh succours \nfrom Rome. While the two armies were approaching, a letter was \nbrought to Fabrieius, from the king\'s physician, importing that for a \nproper reward he would take off the king by poison. Fabrieius felt the \nindignity of the base proposal, and despatched letters to Pyrrhus by \nan Epirot prisoner informing him of the treachery. So deeply was the \nking impressed with the generosity of this act, that he is said to have \nexclaimed, " Admirable Fabrieius, it would be as easy to turn the sun \nfrom his course as thee from the path of honour." Not to be outdone \nin magnanimity, he sent to Rome all his prisoners without ransom, and \nagain desired to negotiate a peace ; but the Romans still refused upon \nany other conditions than had been offered before. \n\nAfter an interval of two years, Pyrrhus, having increased his army by \nnew levies, attempted to surprise the enemy by night ; but his men lost \ntheir way, and they fell in with the Roman camp. A general engage- \nment ensuing, Pyrrhus, finding the balance of the victory turning \nagainst him, had recourse to his elephants. But the Romans threw \nlights, made of balls composed of flax and rosin, against them, which \ndrove them back with terror and confusion upon their own army. Pyrr- \nhus not only lost twenty-three thousand of his best soldiers, but his \ncamp was also taken. This served as a new lesson to the Romans, and \nthey learned to model and intrench their camps after the Grecian ex- \nample. This signal victory was obtained by Curius Dentatus, and it \nobliged their renowned leader to return with precipitation, leaving only \na garrison for the defence of Tarentum. \n\nThus ended the war with Pyrrhus, after six years\' continuance. The \nTarentines, who were the promoters of the war, being oppressed both \nby the garrison and by the Romans who attacked them, applied to the \nCarthaginians who blocked up their port, and thus this people were \nnow contended for by three different armies. At length the Romans \nbrought over the garrison to their interest, and became masters of the \ncily,\xc2\xb0and thus was reduced the whole of the Italian peninsula. \n\nWhat happened to Fabrieius in Pyrrhus\'s camp? \xe2\x80\x94 On what occasion was the \nmagnanimity of Fabrieius. conspicuous ? \xe2\x80\x94 What signal victory had the Romans, \nand by whom obtained ?\xe2\x80\x94 Whom did it compel to retreat ?\xe2\x80\x94 How long had the war \nwith Pyrrhus continued ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who gained oossession of Tarentum ? \n\n\n\n202 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nCHAPTER 10. \nFIRST PUNIC WAR, B. C. 264. \n\nBeing free from all rival pretensions at home, the Romans began to \npant after foreign conquests. The Carthaginians at that time possessed \nthe greatest part of Sicily, and, like the Romans, only wanted an op- \nportunity of embroiling the natives, in order to become masters of the \nwhole island ; which opportunity at length offered. Hiero, king of \nSyracuse, entreated aid from Carthage against the Mamertines ; and \nthe latter, to save themselves from ruin, sought the protection of Rome. \nThe Romans, despising such an alliance, instead of professing to assist \nthem, boldly declared war against Carthage; alleging as a reason, the \nassistance which that state had lately sent to the southern parts of Italy \nagainst the Romans. Thus commenced the first Punic war. \n\nThe Romans had no fleet, or at least what deserved that title, which \nseemed to be an insurmountable obstacle to their ambition ; while the \nCarthaginians had the entire command at sea, and kept all the mari- \ntime towns under obedience. But a Carthaginian vessel, accidentally \ndriven on shore in a storm, served the Romans as a model, who applied \nthemselves diligently to maritime affairs, and built a considerable fleet \nwith great expedition. The consul Duillius first ventured to sea with \nhis newly-constructed armament, and he gained a naval victory over \nthe Carthaginians. In this engagement the Carthaginians lost fifty of \ntheir ships, and what they valued more, the undisturbed sovereignty of \nthe sea. \n\nBut the conquest of Sicily was to be obtained only by humbling the \npower of Carthage at home, and for that reason Regulus and Manlius \nwere sent with a fleet of three hundred sail to Africa to make the in- \nvasion. Regulus was reckoned the most consummate warrior that \nRome could then produce, and a professed example of frugal severity. \nHis patriotism was even greater than his temperance ; for all the pri- \nvate passions seemed extinguished in him, or swallowed up by one \ngreat ruling affection, the love of his country. \n\nThe two generals set sail with their fleet, which was the greatest \nthat had then left an Italian port, carrying a hundred and forty thousand \nmen. \n\nThey were met by the Carthaginians, with a fleet equally powerful, \nand men more used to naval affairs. An engagement ensued, in which \nthe Romans were victorious ; the enemy\'s fleet was dispersed, and fifty- \nfour of their vessels were taken. (B. C. 245.) The consequence of \nthis victory was an immediate descent upon the coast of Africa, and the \ncapture of the city Clupea, together with twenty thousand men, who \nwere made prisoners of war. The Senate, being informed of these \n\nWhat occasioned the first Punic war ?\xe2\x80\x94 What obstacles had the Romans to their \nambition ?\xe2\x80\x94 How did they surmount it ?\xe2\x80\x94 Who gained a naval victory ? \xe2\x80\x94 What \ngenerals were sent to invade Africa ? \xe2\x80\x94 What were the earliest results of the expe- \ndition ? \n\n\n\nPUNIC WAR. 203 \n\ngreat successes, commanded Manlius back to Italy, to superintend the \nSicilian war, and directed that Regulus should continue in Africa, to \nprosecute his victories there. \n\nIn another battle the Carthaginians were again defeated, and some \nof their best troops cut off. More than eighty of their towns had sub- \nmitted to the Romans. In this distress, the Carthaginians obtained \nfrom Laced semon a general named Xantippus, a man of great expe- \nrience. Under his command an engagement took place, in which, \nafter an obstinate resistance, the Romans were defeated with dreadful \nslaughter, and Regulus himself was taken prisoner. Several other dis- \ntresses of the Romans followed soon after this. They lost their fleet \nin a storm; and Agrigentum, their principal town in Sicily, was taken \nby Carthalo, the Carthaginian general. Another fleet, which they un- \ndertook to build, shared the fate of the former. \n\nThe Carthaginians, however, suffered losses in Sicily, which more \nthan counterbalanced their triumphs in Africa, and they were desirous \nof a new treaty for peace. Regulus, after having been kept prisoner for \nfour years, was sent with their ambassador to Rome, promising to return \nin case of being unsuccessful \xe2\x80\x94 and he was given to understand that his \nlife depended on his success. He was received with the acclamations \nof his friends ; but he refused to enter the gates. The Senate being \nassembled, Regulus opened his commission, and the Carthaginian am- \nbassadors seconded his proposals. The Senate were inclined for \npeace; but Regulus dissuaded them from it, and obstinately persisted \nin keeping his promise to return ; and, though apprised of the tortures \nthat awaited him, without bidding his friends or family farewell, he \ndeparted with the ambassadors. On his arrival at Carthage, his eye- \nlids were cut off and he was remanded to prison : whence, in a few \ndays, he was taken out and exposed to the burning sun. After this he \nwas put into a barrel stuck with spikes, in which he was kept till he \ndied. \n\nBoth sides renewed the war with greater animosity. And at length \nthe perseverance of the Romans was crowned with success, and the \nCarthaginians were obliged to sue for peace ; which Rome thought \nproper to grant. Among\xc2\xb0 other things it was stipulated that the Car- \nthaginians should pay down a thousand talents to defray the expenses \nof the war, and two thousand two hundred more within ten years ; that \nthey should quit Sicily and all the islands they possessed near it ; that \nthey should never make war against the allies of Rome, &c. Thus \nended the first Punic war, which had lasted twenty-four years. \n(B. C. 241.) \n\nThe war between Carthage and Rome being ended, a profound peace \nensued, and for six years after the temple of Janus was shut up for the \nsecond time since the building of the city. Being thus in friendship \nwith all nations, the Romans cultivated the arts of peace with diligence \nWhile they were thus engaged, war broke out between them and the \n\nWhat disasters did the Roman army meet with ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was sent to negotiate \nwith the Romans ?\xe2\x80\x94 What was the result ?\xe2\x80\x94 What was the end of Regulus?\xe2\x80\x94 How \n\xe2\x80\xa2lid this war terminate ? \xe2\x80\x94 What date ? \xe2\x80\x94 How did the Romans employ the peace ? \n\n\n\n204 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nIllyrians. The Romans were victorious, and the Illyrians were forced \nto conclude a peace upon advantageous terms for them. \n\nThe Gauls next incurred the displeasure of Rome. These barbarians \nchinking a time of peace, when the troops were disbanded, the propei \nseason for new irruptions, invited fresh forces from beyond the Alps, \nand entering Etruria wasted all with fire and sword, till they came \nwithin three days\' journey of Rome. By the superior skill of the Ro- \nman generals, the Gauls were surrounded, and a miserable slaughter \nensued, in which forty thousand were slain, and ten thousand taken \nprisoners. Another victory soon after gained by Marcellus over the \nGauls, and in which he killed their king, Viridomarus, compelled them \nto sue for peace, the conditions of which greatly enlarged the empire. \n\nCHAPTER 11. \nTHE SECOND PUNIC WAR. \n\nThe Carthaginians, having made peace solely because they were \nunable to continue the war, took the earliest opportunity of breaking \nthe treaty. They besieged Saguntum, a city of Spain, then in alliance \nwith the Romans. Consequently ambassadors were sent from Rome \nto Carthage, complaining of this infraction of their treaty ; and requi- \nring that "Hannibal, the Carthaginian general, who had advised this \nmeasure, should be delivered up to them. This being refused, both \nsides prepared for a second Punic war. The Carthaginians intrusted \nthe management of it to Hannibal, who had been made the sworn foe \nof Rome almost from his infancy. On his first appearance in the field, \nhe united in his person the most masterly method of commanding with \nthe most perfect obedience to his superiors. Thus he was equally be- \nloved by his generals, and by the troops he was appointed to command. \nHe was of an invincible spirit; was equally patient of heat and cold, \nand was esteemed the most skilful commander of antiquity. \n\nHaving overrun all Spain, he resolved to carry the war into Italy. \nFor this purpose, leaving Hanno with sufficient force to guard his con- \nquests in Spain, he set out for Italy, with an army of fifty thousand \nfoot, and nine thousand horse. After a march of ten days, attended \nwith extreme dangers, he arrived at the foot of the Alps ; and at the \nend of fifteen days more, spent in crossing the Alps, he found himself \nin the plains of Italy, with about half his army ; the other half had \ndied of the cold, or had been cut off by the natives. When the Ro- \nmans heard that Hannibal was crossing the Alps, the Senate sent \nScipio to oppose him ; but the Romans were defeated on the banks of \nthe Ticinus. Hannibal took the most prudent precautions to increase \nhis army, giving orders always to spare the possessions of the Gauls : \nand this so pleased that simple people, that they flocked to his stand \nard with alacrity. \n\nOver whom did they gain a conquest ?\xe2\x80\x94 What victory soon followed ?\xe2\x80\x94 How did \nthe Carthaginians break the treaty with the Romans ? \xe2\x80\x94 To whom did the Cartba \nginians entrust the war ? \xe2\x80\x94 What conquest had Hannibal already gained ? \n\n\n\nHANNIBAL. 205 \n\nA second battle was fought upon the banks of the river Trebia. The \nRomans were totally routed, with a loss of twenty-six thousand, who \nwere either slain by the enemy, or drowned in the river. The third \ndefeat the Romans sustained, was at the lake of Thrasymene. Han- \nnibal had disposed his troops on the hills that surround the lake, in a \ndisposition every way favourable for the Carthaginians. Flaminius, \nthe Roman general, led his men to attack him from the valley beneath. \nThe fortune of the day was such as might be expected, from the con- \nduct of the two generals. About fifteen thousand Romans, with Fla- \nminius himself, fell in the valley, and six thousand more were obliged \nto yield themselves prisoners of war. \n\nUpon the news of this defeat, after the general consternation was \nallayed, the Senate elected Fabius Maximus, as commander, with abso- \nlute authority. He was a man of great courage, with a happy mixture \nof caution, which enabled him to harass the Carthaginians without \nhazarding a battle. Indeed, he had at one time actually inclosed Han- \nnibal in the Casiline defile at the mountainous passes on the borders \nof Campania, where it was impossible to winter ; nor could he extri- \ncate his army without imminent danger. In this exigence he ordered \na number of small fagots and lighted torches to be tied to the horns of \ntwo thousand oxen, which should be driven towards the enemy. These \nadvancing up the mountains, seemed to fill the whole neighbouring \nforest with fire, which so terrified the sentinels, who were placed to \nguard the approaches of the mountains, that they fled in consternation. \nBy this stratagem Hannibal escaped with his army. Fabius being \nobliged to resign his office, was succeeded in the command by Teren- \ntius Varro, a man sprung from the dregs of the people ; and with him \nwas joined iEmilius Paulus, of a disposition entirely opposite to his \nplebeian colleague. \n\nThe Romans again resolved to meet Hannibal. A battle was fought \nnear the village of Cannae, in which the Romans, through the temerity \nof Varro, lost 50,000 men, and so many knights, that it is said Hanni- \nbal sent three bushels of the gold rings worn by those of this order to \nCarthage. (B. C. 203.) The brave ^Emilius also was slain in the \nengagement. By this victory Hannibal became complete master of the \nsouth of Italy, and some historians believe, that if he had advanced \nimmediately after the victory, Rome itself would have fallen. A short \ntime after, Varro arrived at the city, having left behind him the wretched \nremains of his army. As he had been the principal cause of the late \ncalamity, it was natural to suppose that the Senate would severely \nreprimand the rashness of his conduct. But far otherwise ! The Ro- \nmans flocked out to meet him, and the Senate returned him thanks that \nhe had not despaired of the safety of Rome. Fabius and Marcellus \nwere appointed to lead the armies ; and though Hannibal again offered \nthem peace, they refused it, except upon condition that he should quit \nItaly. \n\nWhat victories did he gain over the Romans ? \xe2\x80\x94 With what success did Fabius \nMaximus oppose Hannibal ? \xe2\x80\x94 What stratagem did the Carthaginians use ? \xe2\x80\x94 What \nwas tne result of the battle of Cannae ? \n\n18 \n\n\n\n206 HISTORY OP ROME. \n\nHannibal, either finding it impossible to march directly to Rome, or \nwilling to give his forces rest after his victory, led them to Capua. \xe2\x80\x94 \nThis city had long been considered as the nurse of luxury, and the cor- \nrupter of all military virtue. Here a new scene of pleasure opened to \nhis barbarian troops, who, from being hardy veterans, became debauched \nrioters. The senators of Carthage, envious of the glory that Hannibal \nhad acquired, refused to send him the reinforcements necessary to secure \nhis conquests. And now fortune seemed turned against him. His first \nloss was at the siege of Nola, where Marcellus, the Prsetor, made a \nsuccessful sally, and soon after he induced a large body of Numidian \nand Spanish cavalry to desert to the Romans. \n\nFor years after, Hannibal fought with various success ; Marcellus, \nhis opponent, sometimes gaining and sometimes losing the advantage, \nwithout coming to any decisive engagement. The Senate of Carthage \nsent his brother Asdrubal to his assistance, with a body of forces drawn \nout of Spain. But he was intercepted in. his march by the consuls \nLivius and Nero, and both he and his whole army were cut off. Nero \nordered Asdrubal\'s head to be thrown into his brother Hannibal\'s camp, \nwho was impatiently waiting the arrival of these succours. The Car- \nthaginian general now began to perceive the downfall of Carthage, and \nhe observed with a sigh, that fortune seemed fatigued with granting her \nfavours. Success now attended the Roman arms in other parts. . Mar- \ncellus took the city of Syracuse and put the inhabitants to the sword. \n\nScipio Africanus, returning from the conquests of Spain, in which \ncountry he had been pro-consul, was made consul at the age of twenty- \nnine. He resolved to carry the war into Africa, and while the Cartha- \nginians kept an army near Rome, to make them tremble for their own \ncapital. Scipio was not long in Africa without employment ; Hanno \nopposed him, but was defeated and slain. Syphax, the usurper of \nNumidia, led up a large army against him, and in an engagement lost \n40,000 killed, and 6,000 taken prisoners. The Carthaginians, terrified \nat their repeated defeats, sent a deputation to Hannibal, with a positive \ncommand for him to return and oppose the Roman general, who at that \ntime threatened Carthage with a siege. \n\nHannibal obeyed the orders of his infatuated country with the sub- \nmission of the meanest soldier, and arrived in Africa to meet Scipio. \xe2\x80\x94 \nAn engagement soon took place between the two armies, in which the \nCarthaginians were totally routed, having 20,000 killed, and as many \ntaken prisoners. Hannibal, who had done all that a great and an un- \ndaunted general could perform, fled with a small body of horse to Adri- \nmetum ; fortune seeming to delight in confounding his ability, his \nvalour and experience. This victory brought on a peace. By Hanni- \nbal\'s advice, the Carthaginians submitted to the conditions which the \nRomans dictated, not as rivals, but as sovereigns ; and thus ended the \nsecond Punic war, seventeen years after it had begun. (B. C. 188.) \n\nIn what city did Hannibal rest his troops ? \xe2\x80\x94 What disasters followed ? \xe2\x80\x94 What \nhappened to Hannibal\'s brother ? \xe2\x80\x94 What city did the Romans take ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who com- \nmanded the Romans in Africa, and threatened Carthage with a siege ? \xe2\x80\x94 How did \nthis war terminate ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long had it lasted ? \n\n\n\nDEATH OF HANNIBAL. 207 \n\nCHAPTER 12. \nWAR WITH PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON. \n\nWhile the Romans were engaged with Hannibal, they carried on \nalso a vigorous war against Philip, king of Macedonia, who, after \nseveral defeats and considerable losses, was obliged to beg a peace, \nupon condition of paying a thousand talents. Antiochus, king of Syria, \nwas next brought to submit to the Roman arms ; after embassies on the \none side and the other, war was declared against him, five years after \nthe conclusion of the Macedonian war. In a battle near Magnesia, in \nLesser Asia, Scipio gave him a complete overthrow ; and being re- \nduced to the last extremity, he was glad to procure peace from the \nRomans upon their own terms, which were to pay 15,000 talents, to \nquit his possessions in Europe, and in Asia on the hither side of Mount \nTaurus, \xe2\x80\x94 to give twenty hostages as pledges of his fidelity, and to \ndeliver up Hannibal, the inveterate enemy of Rome, who had taken \nrefuge at his court. \n\nHannibal, whose destruction was one of the articles of this extorted \ntreaty, being sure of finding no safety or protection with Antiochus, \ndeparted by stealth, and took refuge at the court of Prusias, king of \nBithynia. The Romans, with a vindictive spirit utterly unworthy of \nthem, sent iEmilius, one of their most celebrated generals, to demand \nhim of this king, who, fearing the resentment of Rome, and willing to \nconciliate their friendship by this breach of hospitality, placed a guard \nover Hannibal with an intent to deliver him up. The poor old general, \nthus implacably persecuted from one country to another, finding every \nmethod of safety cut off", destroyed himself by poison, which he carried \nabout with him secreted in the hollow of a ring. \n\nA second Macedonian war was soon after proclaimed against Per- \nseus, the son of Philip, (B. C. 170,) who had been obliged to beg \npeace of the Romans. During the course of this war, which continued \nabout three years, opportunities were offered him of cutting off the \nRoman army ; but being ignorant how to take advantage of their rash- \nness, he spent the time in empty overtures for peace. At length JEmi- \nlius gave him a decisive overthrow. He fled into Crete, but he was \nobliged to surrender himself, and to grace the splendid triumph of the \nRoman general. \n\nAbout this time, Masinissa, the Numidian, made some incursions \ninto a territory claimed by the Carthaginians, who attempted to repel \nthe invasion. This brought on a war between them and that monarch ; \nwhile the Romans, who pretended to consider this conduct of theirs as \nan infraction of the treaty, sent Cato the Censor, with some other depu- \nties, to make a complaint. Through the influence of these ambassa- \ndors, war was declared between Rome and Carthage ; and the consuls \nset out with a thorough resolution utterly to demolish Carthage. \n\n\n\nHow did the war with Philip end ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the deplorable end of Hannibal ? \n\xc2\xbb\xe2\x80\x94 Relate the war with Perseus. \xe2\x80\x94 What caused another rupture with Caithage f \n\n\n\n208 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nTlie wretched Carthaginians attempted to soften the victors by sub- \nmission ; but they received orders to leave the city, which was to bo \nlevelled to the ground. They implored with tears and lamentations for \na respite from such a hard sentence ; but finding the consuls inexorable, \nthey prepared to suffer the utmost extremities, and to fight to the last \nfor their seat of empire. Asdrubal, who had been lately condemned \nfor opposing the Romans, was now taken from prison to head their \narmy ; and such preparations were made, that when the consuls came \nbefore the city, they met with such resistance as quite dispirited their \nforces. Several engagements were fought before the walls with disad- \nvantage to the assailants ; but at length Himilco Pharneas, the master \nof the Carthaginian horse, deserted to the Romans, and the unhappy \ntownsmen saw the enemy approach ; the walls which led to the haven \nwere soon demolished, and the forum itself was taken, and the most \ndreadful carnage ensued. The citadel soon after surrendered at dis- \ncretion. \n\nAll was now subdued but the temple, which was defended by \ndeserters from the Roman army, and those who had been most forward \nto undertake the war. These expecting no mercy, set fire to the build- \ning, and voluntarily perished in the flames. (B. C. 146.) This was the \nend of one of the most renowned cities in the world, after it had rival- \nled Rome above one hundred years. This conquest of Carthage was \nsoon followed by that of Corinth, one of the noblest cities of Greece, \nwhich city was taken and burned by the consul Mummius. Scipio also \nlaid siege to Numantia, the strongest city of Spain, and the wretched \ninhabitants, to avoid falling into the hands of the enemy, set fire to the \ncity, and perished in the flames.* \n\n(B. C. 132.) The Romans being now left without a rival, the \ntriumphs and spoils of Asia introduced a taste of splendid expense, \nand this produced avarice and inverted ambition. The two Gracchi \nwere the first who saw this strange corruption among the great, and \nresolved to repress it by renewing the Licinian law, which had enacted, \nthat no person in the state should rent more than 500 acres of the pub- \nlic land. The above law, though at first carried on with proper mode- \nration, greatly disgusted the rich, who endeavoured to persuade the \npeople that the proposer aimed only at disturbing the government and \nhrowing all things into confusion. But Tiberius Gracchus, the elder \nof the two, who was a man of the greatest eloquence of his time, \neasily removed these impressions from the minds of the people ; and \nat length the law was passed. \n\nOn the death of Attalus, king of Pergamus, who had made the Ro- \nmans his heirs, Gracchus proposed, that the money so left should be \ndivided among the poor. This caused still greater disturbances than \nbefore. The Senate assembled upon the occasion. While Gracchus \n\n* See engraving at the beginning of the History of Rome. \n\nHow did the Carthaginians act on the occasion ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who defended the temple ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWhat other cities were taken ? \xe2\x80\x94 What effect had this prosperous peace on the \nRomans? \xe2\x80\x94 Who renewed the Licinian law? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the end of Tiberius \nGracchus ? \n\n\n\nDEATH OF CAIUS GRACCHUS. 209 \n\nwas debating- before the people in the Capitol, he found his speech en- \ntirely interrupted by the clamour raised by the clients of the great on \none side, and by that of the favourers of the law on the other. He \nraised his hand to his head, to intimate that his life was in danger, and \nin endeavouring- to escape he was killed by Saturnius, one of his col- \nleagues in the tribuneship. (B. C. 130.) The persons of the tribunes \nwere held sacred, and therefore the murderer was obliged to quit Rome \nto avoid the reproaches and vengeance of the people. The stings of \nconscience scon broke down his health, and he died in all the horTors \nof despair. \n\nSoon after the murder of Tiberius Gracchus, the Romans were \nalarmed by a formidable insurrection of the slaves in Sicily, who \nseized the city of Enna, and chose Eunus, one of their number, for their \nking. For six years the new monarch maintained a fierce and desperate \nwar against superior forces, but at length he was taken and cruelly put \nto death. Caius Gracchus was but twenty-one at the death of his \nbrother Tiberius. For some time he lived in retirement, unseen and \nforgotten, employing his solitude in the study of eloquence. When he \nthought himself qualified to serve his country, he obtained the quaestor- \nship to the army in Sardinia, and soon after the tribuneship ; he cited \nbefore the people, Popilius, his brother\'s most inveterate enemy, who, \nrather than stand the event of the trial, chose to go into banishment. \nHe next procured an edict, granting the freedom of the city to the in- \nhabitants of Latium, and soon after to all the people on the hither side \nof the Alps. He then proceeded to an inspection into the late corrup- \ntions of the Senate ; and the whole of that body being convicted of \nbribery, extortion, and the sale of offices, a law was made, transferring \nthe power of judging corrupt magistrates from the Senate to the \nknights. \n\nGracchus, being grown by these means, not only powerful, but \npopular, was the object at which the Senate aimed all their resentment ; \nfor standing a third time for the tribuneship, he was rejected. And soon \nafter one of his lictors, at a controversy, calling some of the opposite \nparty " factious citizens," was instantly murdered. Gracchus, who saw \nthe consequences that were likely to ensue, reprimanded his party for \ntheir rashness, and led his followers to Mount Avenline; but being de- \nserted by many of his friends, and hotly pursued by his enemies, and \nseeing no way of escape, he prevailed upon an attendant to despatch \nhim. The pursuers coming up, cut off his head and placed it for a \nwhile, as a trophy, on a spear. \n\nThus died Caius Gracchus. He is usually impeached by historians \nas guilty of sedition ; but from what we see of his character, the dis- \nturbance of public tranquillity was rather owing to his opposers, and to \nthe injustice of the Senate, than to him. Indeed this body, once so \nvenerable, was now to be distinguished from the rest of the people only \nby their superior luxury ; and ruled the commonwealth by an authority \n\n\n\nWhat happened in Sicily to alarm the Romans ? \xe2\x80\x94 In what manner did Caius \nGracchus gain popularity ? \xe2\x80\x94 Mention the disastrous end of Caius Graechu\xc2\xbb. \xe2\x80\x94 How \ndo historians speak of Gracchus ? \n\n18* \n\n\n\n210 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\ngained from riches and mercenary dependencies. In short, the empire \nat this period came under the government of a hateful aristocracy, and \nnothing can be more dreadful to a thinking mind, than the government \nof Rome from this period till it found refuge under the protection of \nAugustus. \n\nCHAPTER 13. \n\nJUGURTHIAN WAR\xe2\x80\x94 MARIUS \xe2\x80\x94 SYLLA. \n\n(B.C. 119.) While the Romans were in this state of deplorable \ncorruption at home, they were successful in their transactions with \nforeign powers. Among other victories, Jugurtha, king of Numidia, \nhad been entirely overthrown. He was the illegitimate grandson of \nMasinissa, who sided against Hannibal with Rome. He was educated \nwith the two young princes, who were left to inherit the kingdom, and \nbeing superior in abilities to bo*th, and greatly in favour with the people, \nhe murdered Hiempsal, the elder son, and made the same attempt on \nAdherbal, the younger, who escaped and fled to the Romans for succour. \nJugurtha, sensible how much avarice and injustice had crept into the \nSenate, sent his ambassadors to Rome with large presents, which so \nsuccessfully prevailed, that the Senate decreed him half the kingdom, \nthus acquired by murder and usurpation. But Jugurtha resolved to \npossess himself of the whole, and he succeeded in murdering Adherbal. \n\nThe Roman people who had still some generosity remaining, unani- \nmously complained of his treachery, and procured a decree that Jugur- \ntha should be summoned in person before them to give an account of \nall such as had accepted bribes. Jugurtha made no great difficulty in \nthrowing himself upon the clemency of Rome, but not giving the peo- \nple satisfaction, he had orders to depart from the city, and Albanus the \nconsul was sent with an army to follow him ; who giving up the direc- \ntion of it to Aulus, his brother, the Romans were compelled to hazard \na battle, and the whole army, to avoid being cut to pieces, was obliged \nto pass under the yoke. \n\nIn this condition Metellus, the succeeding consul, found affairs upon \nhis arrival in Numidia; officers without confidence \xe2\x80\x94 an army without \ndiscipline \xe2\x80\x94 and an enemy ever watchful and intriguing. However, \nby his great attention to business, and by his integrity, which shudder- \ned at corruption, Jugurtha, in the space of two years, was overthrown \nin several battles, forced out of his own dominions, and constrained to \nbeg a peace. But Metellus was frustrated in his expectations of an \neasy and certain victory, by the intrigues of Caius Marius, his lieuten- \nant, who came in to reap that harvest of glory which the other\'s industry \nhad sown. Caius Marius was born in a village near Arpinum, of poor \nparents, and he was a man of extraordinary stature, incomparable \nstrength, and undaunted bravery. When Metellus was obliged to solicit \nat Rome for a continuance of his command, Marius resolved to stand \n\nWhat was ihe state of Rome at this time ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is told of Jugurtha, king of \nNumidia ? \xe2\x80\x94 What disgrace did the Roman army sustain ? \xe2\x80\x94 What advantages did \nMetellus gain ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who next obtained the consulship ? \n\n\n\nMARIUS. 211 \n\nfor it himself, and contrary to the expectation and interest of the nobles, \nhe obtained it. \n\nMarius quickly made himself master of the cities which Jugurtha had \nstill remaining in Numidia. This unfortunate prince then had recourse \nfor assistance to Bocchus, king of Mauritania. But after several signal \ndefeats, in one of which not less than ninety thousand of the Moorish \narmy were slain, Bocchus, not thinking it expedient to hazard his own \ncrown to protect that of his ally, sent ambassadors to Rome imploring \nprotection. The senate granted the suppliant, not their friendship, but \ntheir pardon. However, he was given to understand, some time after, \nthat the delivering up of Jugurtha to the Romans would in some measure \nconciliate their favour and soften their resentment. Accordingly, by \nhis treachery, Jugurtha was made prisoner, and carried by Marius to \nRome, loaded with chains. He did not long survive his overthrow, \nbeing condemned by the Senate to be starved to death in prison. \n\nBy this and two succeeding victories over the Gauls, who had invaded \nItaly, Marius, having rendered himself very formidable to distant \nnations in war, became soon after much more dangerous to his fellow \ncitizens in peace ; the strength which he had given the popular party \nevery day grew more conspicuous. The Italians being frustrated in \ntheir aims of gaining the freedom of Rome by the intrigues of the \nsenate, resolved upon gaining it by force. (B. C. 90.) This gave rise to \nthe Social War, which having raged with doubtful success for two \nyears, the Senate began to reflect that, whether conquered or conquerors, \nthe power of the Romans was in danger of being destroyed. But by \ngiving the right of citizenship to such of the Italian states as had not \nrevolted, and soon after offering it to those who would lay down their \narms, peace was restored. But the states not being empowered to vote \ntill all the other tribes had given their suffrages, had but little weight \nin the constitution. \n\nThe Roman arms were next turned against Mithridates, the most \npowerful and warlike monarch of the East. Sylla was appointed to \ncommand the expedition, but Marius succeeded in getting the appoint- \nment reversed, and the command of the army appointed to oppose \nMithridates was transferred from Sylla to Marius. The officers sent \nfrom Rome by Marius, to take command in his name, were slain ; and \nthe soldiers, with Sylla at their head, marched to the city, and entered \nit sword in hand, as into a place taken by storm. Marius and Sulpi- \ncius, at the head of a tumultuary body of partisans, attempted to oppose \ntheir entrance, but they were forced to flee with precipitation, and to \nleave Sylla master of the city, who began by new-modelling the laws, \nso as to favour his outrages. \n\nMarius, at the age of seventy, was driven from Rome and declared \na public enemy. After wandering some time in the most deplorable \ncondition, he concealed himself in the marshes of Minturnae, where he \ncontinued a whole night in a quagmire. At break of day, he made \n\nWho implored the protection of Rome ? \xe2\x80\x94 What misfortune befel Jugurtha ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWhat occasioned the Social War, and what put an end to it ? \xe2\x80\x94 What did Sylla at \nthe head of the army ? \xe2\x80\x94 What befel Marius ? \n\n\n\n212 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\ntowards the sea side, in hopes of finding a ship to facilitate his escape ; \nbut being discovered, he was conducted to a neighbouring town with a \nhalter round his neck; and without clothes, and covered with mud, \nwas sent to prison. \n\nThe governor soon after sent a Cimbrian slave to despatch him ; but \nthe barbarian no sooner entered the dungeon for this purpose than he \nstopped short, intimidated by the dreadful visage and awful voice of the \nfallen general. The slave threw down the sword, and rushing from \nthe prison, <*ried out that he found it impossible to kill him. The go- \nvernor, considering the fear of the slave as an omen in the unhappy \nexile\'s favour, once more gave him his liberty. After wandering about \nfrom place to place for some time, he was joined by his son ; and they \nwere informed that Cinna, one of their party, who had remained at \nRome, had put himself at the head of a large army. \n\nIt was not long before they joined their forces at the gates of Rome. \nMarius entered the city at the head of his guards, and massacred all \nwho had been obnoxious to him, without remorse or pity, and then \nmade himself consul with Cinna. After committing the most dreadful \ncruelties, he died soon after. These accounts being brought to Sylla, \nhe concluded a peace with Mithridates, and returned home to take ven- \ngeance of his enemies at Rome. Cinna, by his ill-timed severity, pro- \nduced a tumult and mutiny through his army ; and while endeavouring \nto appease it he was run through the body. \n\nScipio, the consul who commanded against Sylla, was soon after \nallured by proposals for coming to a treaty ; but a suspension of arms \nbeing agreed upon, Sylla\'s soldiers went into the opposite camp, dis- \nplaying those riches which they had acquired in their expeditions, and \noffering to participate with their fellow-citizens, in case they changed \ntheir party ; consequently the whole army declared for Sylla. Thus \nboth factions, exasperated to madness, and expecting no mercy on \neither part, gave vent to their fury in several engagements. The forces \non the side of young Marius, who now succeeded his father in command, \nwere more numerous, but those of Sylla better disciplined. Carbo, \nwho commanded for Marius, soon after engaged Metellus ; but was \ndefeated with the loss of ten thousand slain, and six thousand taken \nprisoners. \n\nSylla now entered Rome at the head of his army, and became undis- \nputed master of the country. Happy had he supported in peace the \nglory which he had acquired in war, or had he ceased to live when he \nceased to conquer. He ordered eight thousand men, who had escaped \nthe general carnage, to be slain. The next day he proscribed forty \nsenators, and sixteen hundred knights ; and two days after, forty sena- \ntors more, with an infinite number of the richest citizens. He next \ntook upon himself the dictatorship ; and after having held it nearly three \nyears he resigned it. After this he retired into the country, where he \nwas seized with a horrible distemper, and died a loathsome and mor- \ntifying object. \n\nHow did he regain his liberty ? \xe2\x80\x94 Mention the other particulars concerning him. \n\xe2\x80\x94 What factions now appeared ? \xe2\x80\x94 How did Sylla behave after his triumph ? \n\n\n\ncatiline\'s conspiracy. 213 \n\nCHAPTER 14. \nCATILINE\'S CONSPIRACY \xe2\x80\x94 CAESAR CROSSES THE RUBICON. \n\n(B. C. 73.) Upon the death of Sylla, the jealousies of Pompey and \nCrassus began to excite fresh dissensions. They were both conquer- \nors, but Pompey was the most beloved general of the age. Each \nstrove to be foremost in obtaining the favour of the people. Pompey \ngained the superiority, and Manilius, one of the tribunes of the people, \nprocured a law that all the armies of the empire, with the government \nof all Asia, together with the war which was to be renewed against \nMithridates, should be committed to Pompey. On his appointment, \nPompey departed for Asia against Mithridates, and soon effected an \neasy conquest, adding a large extent of dominion to the Roman empire, \nand returned to Rome at the head of his conquering army. \n\nBut the victories of Pompey rather served to heighten the glory than \nto increase the power of Rome; for, even while he was pursuing his \nconquests abroad, the city was at the verge of ruin from a conspiracy \nat home, projected and carried on by one Sergius Catiline, a patrician \nby birth, who resolved to build his own power on the downfall of his \ncountry. He was possessed of courage equal to the most deperate at- \ntempts, and of eloquence to give a colour to his ambition ; ruined in his \nfortunes, profligate in his manners, and vigilant in pursuing his aims, \nhe was insatiable after wealth, only with a view of lavishing it on his \nguilty pleasures. Having assembled about thirty of his debauched \nassociates, and informed them of his settled plan of operations, it was \nresolved that a general insurrection should be raised throughout Italy ; \nthat Rome should be fired in several places at once ; and that Catiline \nshould, in the general confusion, possess himself of the city, and mas- \nsacre all the senators. But Cicero, by the intrigues of a woman named \nFulvia, gained over Curius her lover, and one of the conspirators, to \nsend him a punctual account of all their deliberations, and he made \nthem known to the Senate. Upon considerable rewards for further dis- \ncoveries being offered, Catiline left Rome by night, and Lentulus, Ce- \nthegus, Cassius, and several other conspirators, were soon after stran- \ngled in prison. \n\nWhile his associates were put to death in the city, Catiline had \nraised an army of twelve thousand men; and being informed of the \nfate of his confederates, he endeavoured to escape over the Apennines \ninto Gaul. But he was hemmed in on every side by an army superior \nto his own ; and in a fierce and bloody battle, his whole army was \ndestroyed. Pompey was now returned in triumph from conquering the \nEast. Crassus was the richest man in Rome; and, next to Pompey, \nhe possessed the greatest authority. They had long been disunited by \nan opposition of interests and of characters. Julius Caesar had returned \nwith great riches and glory from being praetor in Spain ; and he resolved \n\n\n\nWhat victory did Pompey achieve ? \xe2\x80\x94 What conspiracy threatened the ruin of \nRome ? - What befel Catiline ? \n\n\n\n214 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nto convert their mutual jealousies to his own advantage. This cele- \nbrated man espoused the side of the people, and shortly after the death \nof Sylla, he procured those whom Sylla had banished to be recalled. \nHe quickly obtained the confidence and protection of Pompey. \n\nCrassus was disposed to become still more nearly his friend. At \nlength, finding neither of them averse from a union of interests, Csesar \nhad art enough to persuade them to forget former animosities. A com- \nbination was thus formed, by which they agreed that nothing should \nbe done in the commonwealth but what received their mutual approba- \ntion. This was called the First Triumvirate. (B. C. 60.) Csesar \noffered himself for the consulship ; and though the Senate were obliged \nto concur in choosing him, yet they gave him for a colleague Bibulus, \nwho, after a slight attempt in favour of the Senate, remained inactive. \nCaesar shared the foreign provinces of the empire with his confederates. \nPompey chose Spain, Crassus Syria, and to Csesar were left the pro- \nvinces of Gaul for five years. \n\nCaesar fought many battles and subdued numerous nations in his \nexpedition into Gaul and Britain, which continued eight years. He \novercame the Helvetians, the Germans, the Belgse, the Nervii, and the \nCeltic Gauls ; after them, the Suevi, the Menapii, and all the nations \nfrom the Mediterranean to the British Sea. He next crossed over into \nBritain, (B. C. 54,) upon pretence that the natives had furnished his ene- \nmies with continual supplies. The Britons, being terrified at Caesar\'s \npower, after they had been routed several times, sent to desire a peace, \nwhich Caesar granted, and then returned to the continent. Pompey, \nw T ho remained in Rome, steadily co-operated with Csesar\'s ambition, \nand advanced his interests, while he vainly supposed he w r as forward- \ning his own, and by his means Caesar was continued five years longer \nin Gaul. Nor was Pompey roused from his lethargy, till the fame of \nthat great commander\'s valour, riches and humanity, made him suspect \nthey would soon eclipse his own. The death of Julia, Pompey\'s wife, \nand the destruction of Crassus, tended greatly to hasten the separation. \n\nCaesar, who now became sensible of the jealousy of Pompey, soli- \ncited for the consulship, together with a prolongation of his govern- \nment in Gaul. In this affair Pompey seemed to be quite inactive ; but \nat the same time he privately employed two of his- creatures, who \nalleged in the Senate, that the laws did not permit a person that was \nabsent to offer himself as a candidate for that high office. The Senate, \nwhich was devoted to Pompey, ordered home two legions belonging \nto him, which were in Caesar\'s army. Caesar having previously \nattached the officers to himself by benefits, and the soldiers by boun- \nties, sent them. The next step of the Senate was to recal Caesar from \nhis government, as his time was very near expiring. \n\nCurio, his friend in the Senate, proposed that Caesar should not leave \nhis army till Pompey had set him the example. Csesar, who was \ninstructed in all that passed, though he was still in Gaul, was willing \nto lay down his employment when Pompey should do the same. But \n\nWho obtained the confidence of Pompey? \xe2\x80\x94 Who composed the Triumviiate? \xe2\x80\x94 \nRepeat the conquests of Julius Caesar.- -What did Caesar solicit? \xe2\x80\x94 Was it granted ? \n\n\n\nJULIUS CAESAR. 215 \n\nthe Senate rejected his propositions, blindly confident of their power, \nand relying on the assurances of Pompey. Caesar, (B. C. 49,) finding \nall attempts at an accommodation fruitless, and conscious, if not of the \ngoodness of his cause, at least of the goodness of his troops, marched \nhis army to the Rubicon, a little river which separates Italy from Cisal- \npine Gaul, and which terminated the limits of his command. The \nRomans had ever been taught to consider this river as the sacred bound- \nary of their domestic empire. Caesar, therefore, stopped short on the \nbank, pondering a while, as if impressed with terror at the greatness \nof his enterprise. " If I pass this river," he exclaimed, " what mise- \nries shall I bring upon my country ! and if I now stop short, I am \nundone. Let us go where the gods and the injustice of our enemies \ncall us." Saying this, he plunged into the river, and his soldiers \nquickly followed him. Having crossed the Rubicon, they soon arrived \nat Ariminum, and made themselves masters of the place. (See Fron- \ntispiece.) \n\nThis unexpected enterprise excited the utmost terrors in Rome, every \none imagining that Caesar was leading his army to lay the city in ruins. \nIn this universal confusion, Pompey felt all that repentance and self- \ncondemnation which must necessarily arise from the remembrance of \nhaving advanced his rival to his present pitch of power. Many of his \nformer friends were ready to tax him with his supineness, and sarcas- \ntically to reproach his ill-grounded presumption. Being at length wea- \nried with these reproaches, he endeavoured to encourage and confirm \nhis followers. He told them that his two lieutenants were at the head \nof a very considerable army in Spain, composed of veteran troops that \nhad made a conquest of the East; besides these there were numerous \nother resources. This, in some measure, revived the hopes of the con- \nfederacy. \n\nBeing in no capacity to resist Caesar at Rome, Pompey led his forces \nto Capua ; and Caesar, not being able to bring him to an accommoda- \ntion, pursued him, and marched on to take possession of the cities that \nlay between him and his rival, not regarding Rome, which he knew \nwould fall to the conqueror. Corfinium was the first city that endea- \nvoured to stop his march. Caesar quickly invested it; and Domitius, \nwho defended it, was obliged to endeavour to escape privately. His \nintentions being divulged, the garrison resolved to consult their own \nsafety, by delivering him up to the besiegers. Caesar readily accepted \ntheir offers ; and when Lentulus the consul, one of the besieged, im- \nplored forgiveness for himself and his confederates, reminding him of \ntheir ancient friendship, Caesar generously replied, that he came into \nItaly, not to injure the liberties of Rome and its- citizens, but to restore \nthem. This humane reply being known in the city, the senators and \nthe knights, with their children, and some officers of the garrison, came \nout to claim the conqueror\'s protection ; and he gave them their liberty. \n\n\n\nWhat step did Cassar take? \xe2\x80\x94 Did Pompey wait his approach with courage?-\' \nWhat success had Cassar at Corfinium ? \n\n\n\n216 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nCHAPTER 15. \nBATTLE OF PHARS ALIA \xe2\x80\x94 DEATH OF POMPEY. \n\nPompey, being unable to continue in Rome, when he knew what had \npassed on this occasion, retreated to Brundusium, where he resolved to \nstand a siege ; and after having employed Caesar for some time before \nthe place, he privately carried his forces over to Dyrrhachium, where \nthe consul had levied a body of troops for his assistance. Caesar, being \nunable to follow him for want of shipping, returned to Rome, and took \npossession of the public treasury, from which he took three thousand \npounds weight of gold, and an immense quantity of silver. He then \nmarched his army to meet Pompey\'s two lieutenants in Spain, at the \nhead of a veteran army, which had ever been victorious. Caesar soon \nobliged them to yield at discretion; and in the space of about forty \ndays, he became master of all Spain. He returned victorious to Rome ; \nand was received by the citizens with fresh demonstrations of joy. He \nwas created dictator and consul ; but the former office he laid down \nwhen he had held it eleven days. \n\nPompey in the mean time was actively making preparations in Epirus \nand Greece ; and all the East had declared in his favour, and had sent \nhim large supplies. He was master of nine effective Italian legions, \nand had a fleet of five hundred ships, under the conduct of Bibulus, an \nexperienced commander. He had attacked and defeated Antony and \nDolabella, who commanded for Caesar, the latter of whom was taken \nprisoner. He was joined by crowds of the most distinguished citizens \nand nobles of Rome ; and he had, at one time, above two hundred \nsenators in his camp, among whom were Cicero and Cato. Notwith- \nstanding these preparations, Caesar shipped part of his forces at Brun- \ndusium. The first place where the two armies came in sight of each \nother, was on the opposite banks of the river Apsus. But neither of \nthe generals was willing to hazard a battle upon this occasion. \n\nPompey, being compelled to retreat, led his forces to Asparagium, \nand pitched his camp upon a tongue of land which jutted into the sea, \nwhere was a small shelter for his ships. In this advantageous situa- \ntion he began to entrench his camp, which Caesar perceiving, began \nalso to entrench behind him, hoping, by a blockade, to force his oppo- \nnent to a battle, which he ardently desired, and which the other with \nequal industry declined. At length the two armies engaged. The \nconflict was for some time carried on with great ardour, and with equal \nfortune ; but Caesar\'s army, being entangled in some old entrenchments, \nbegan to fall into disorder, and great numbers of them perished. Pom- \npey pursued his successes to the very camp of Caesar, but fearing an \nambuscade, he withdrew his troops into his own camp. \n\nAfter this defeat, which was by no means decisive, Caesar united all \nhis forces into one body, and soon possessed himself of nearly all \n\nWhat other victories did Caesar obtain ? \xe2\x80\x94 Where did the two armies come in sight \nof each other ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the event of the battle ? \n\n\n\nBATTLE OF PHARSALIA. 217 \n\nThessaly. In the mean time, Pompey\'s officers continually soliciting \ntheir commander to come to a battle, he marched into Thessaly, and \ndrew down upon the plains of Pharsalia, where he was joined by \nScipio, his lieutenant, and the troops under his command. Thither \nCaesar advanced to meet the enemy. The approach of these two \narmies, composed of the best and bravest troops in the world, together \nwith the greatness of the prize for which they contended, filled every \nmind with anxiety. Pompey\'s army, being more numerous than tha \nof his antagonist, turned all their thoughts to the enjoyments of the \nvictory ; Caesar\'s, with better aim, considered only the means of obtain- \ning it. \n\nAfter a short delay, Caesar drew up his troops in order, and advanced \nto the place of battle. His forces did not amount to above half those \nof Pompey. The army of the one was about forty-five thousand foot, \nand seven thousand horse ; that of the other not exceeding twenty-two \nthousand foot, and about a thousand horse. (B. C. 43.) \n\nWhen the signal for battle was given, a terrible pause ensued, in \nwhich both armies continued to gaze upon each other with mutual \nterror and dreadful serenity ; at length the engagement began with great \nfury. Pompey\'s cavalry were totally routed in a short time, and fled \nto the neighbouring mountains ; but his infantry withstood the charge \nof the enemy for some time with great bravery. At length they gave \nway, and Caesar marched with his victorious troops to the enemy\'s \ncamp, where he met with a formidable resistance from the cohorts \nwhich were left to defend the camp ; but nothing could resist the ardour \nof -Caesar\'s victorious army; the enemy were driven from the trenches, \nand all fled to the mountains. \n\nCaesar, seeing the field and camp strewed with his fallen countrymen, \nwas strongly affected at the melancholy prospect, and cried out, " they \nwould have it so." Upon entering the camp every object presented \nfresh instances of the blind presumption and madness of his adver- \nsaries. On all sides were to be seen tents adorned with ivy and myrtle, \ncouches covered with purple, and sideboards loaded with plate. Every \nthing gave proofs of the highest luxury, and seemed rather the prepara- \ntives for a banquet, or the rejoicings for a victory, than the dispositions \nfor a battle. A camp so richly furnished might have been able to en- \ngage the attention of any troops but Caesar\'s ; but he permitted them \nnot to pursue any other object than their enemies. A considerable body \nof Pompey\'s army having retired to the adjacent mountains, Caesar pre- \nvailed on his soldiers to join him in pursuing these ; and the greater \npart surrendered themselves to him. \n\nThus Caesar gained the most complete victory that had ever been \nobtained ; and by his great clemency after the battle seems to have \ndeserved it. His loss amounted only to two hundred men; and that \nof Pompey to fifteen thousand. Twenty-four thousand men surrendered \n\n\n\nWhat was the conduct of the two generals after the battle 1 \xe2\x80\x94 In what place \nwere the forces drawn together ? \xe2\x80\x94 What number of forces had each general ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nFor whom did victory decide ? \xe2\x80\x94 What were Caesar\'s feelings on viewing the field \nof battle ? \n\n19 \n\n\n\n218 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nthemselves prisoners of war ; and the greater part of these entered into \nCaesar\'s army. To the senators and Roman knights who fell into his \nhands he generously gave liberty to retire wherever they thought pro- \nper ; and all the letters which Pompey had received from those who \nwished to be thought neutral, Caesar burned unread, as Pompey had \ndone upon a former occasion. Thus, having performed all the duties \nof a general and a statesman, he set out on his march, and the same day \narrived at Larissa. \n\nAs for Pompey, when he saw his cavalry, on which he placed his \nsole dependence, flee in disorder, he returned to the camp, and in his \ntent waited the issue of the battle; and when he was told that the camp \nwas attacked, he fled on horseback to Larissa ; thence, perceiving that \nhe was not pursued, he slackened his pace, giving way to all the ago- \nnizing reflections which his situation must naturally suggest. Finding \nhis affairs desperate, he embarked in a vessel and steered for Lesbos, \nto take with him his wife Cornelia, whom he had left there, at a dis- \ntance from the dangers and distress of war. She, who had long flat- \ntered herself with the hopes of victory, now felt the agonizing reverse \nof fortune. Pompey, taking her under his protection* determined upon \napplying to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, to whose father he had been a \nconsiderable benefactor. Ptolemy was yet a minor, and had not the \ngovernment in his own hands, but was under the direction of an admi- \nnistration. His council insidiously contrived that Pompey should be \ninvited on shore, and murdered before he could come into the king\'s \npresence. Achillas, commander of the forces, and Septimus, a Roman, \nwho had formerly been a centurion in Pompey\'s army, undertook to \ncarry the treacherous design into execution. Attended by three or four \nmore, they put off in a little bark, and rowed to Pompey\'s ship that lay \na mile from the shore. \n\nHaving returned to shore with Pompey, Septimus stabbed him in the \nback, and Achillas instantly seconded the blow. Pompey, perceiving \nhis death inevitable, calmly disposed himself to meet it with decency ; \nand, covering his face with his robe, without a word resigned himself \nto his fate. At this horrid sight, Cornelia and her attendants, who \nremained in the vessel, and were still in sight, shrieked so as to be \nheard to the shore. But the danger they were in allowing no time to \nlook on, they immediately set sail, and the wind proving favourable, \nfortunately escaped the pursuit, of the Egyptian galleys. \n\nIn the mean time Pompey\'s murderers having cut off his head, em \nbalmed it for a present to Caesar; while the body was thrown naked \non the strand, and exposed to the view of those whose curiosity was to \nbe satisfied. However, Philip, his faithful freedman, and an old Ro- \nman soldier, who had served under Pompey in his youth, burned the \ncorpse, and carefully collecting the ashes, carried them to Cornelia, \nwho deposited them at his villa, near Alba, in Italy. The Egyptians \nafterwards erected a monument to him, on the spot on which his fune- \nral pile had been raised, with an inscription to this purpose, " How \n\nHow did he behave to the vanquished ? \xe2\x80\x94 Relate the unhappy fate of Pompey. \xe2\x80\x94 \nDid his wife see him murdered? \xe2\x80\x94 Was Pompey interred with funeral honours ? \n\n\n\nCESAR IN EGYPT. 219 \n\npoor a tomb covers the man who once had temples erected to his ho- \nnour !" From Pompey\'s death we date the extinction of the republic. \nFrom this period the Senate was dispossessed of its power, and Rome \nhenceforward was never without a master. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER 16. \nCAESAR IN EGYPT \xe2\x80\x94 CATO IN UTICA. \n\nCesar (B. C. 47,) has been much celebrated for his good fortune, but \nhis abilities seem equal to the highest success. He possessed shining \nqualities with the intermixture only of ambition. He resolved to pur- \nsue Pompey to whatever country he had retired. Accordingly he ar- \nrived at Alexandria with, about four thousand men. The first accounts \nhe received were of Pompey\'s miserable end ; and soon after one of the \nmurderers came with his head and his ring, as a most grateful present \nto the conqueror. But Caesar had too much humanity to be pleased \nwith so horrid a spectacle, and turning from it in disgust, he gave vent \nto his pity in a flood of tears. He ordered the head to be burned with \nthe most costly perfumes, and placed the ashes in a temple dedicated \nto the goddess Nemesis, the avenger of cruel and inhuman deeds. \n\nThere were at that time two pretenders to the crown of Egypt; Pto- \nlemy, the acknowledged king, and the celebrated Cleopatra, his sister, \nto whom, by the custom of the country, he was married, and who, by \nhis father\'s will, shared jointly in the succession. Still she aimed at \ngoverning alone ; but being opposed in her views by the Roman Senate, \nshe was banished into Syria, with Arsinoe, her younger sister. Caesar \ngave her new hopes of aspiring to the kingdom, and sent for her and \nher younger brother to plead their cause before him. Pothinus, the \nyoung king\'s guardian, disdaining to accept this proposal, backed his \nrefusal by sending an army of twenty thousand men, under the com- \nmand of Achillas, to besiege Caesar in Alexandria. \n\nCaesar bravely repulsed the enemy ; and soon after possessed him- \nself of the isle of Pharos, and there determined to withstand the united \nforce of the Egyptians. \n\nIn the mean time, Cleopatra, having heard of the present turn in her \nfavour, resolved to depend on Caesar\'s favour for gaining the govern- \nment, rather than on her own forces. But no arts, as she justly con- \nceived, were so likely to influence Caesar as the charms of her person, \nwhich were irresistible. She was then in the bloom of youth and \nbeauty, while every feature borrowed grace from the lively turn of her \ntemper. To the most enchanting address she joined the most harmo- \nnious voice. She possessed a great share of the learning of the times, \nand could give audience to the ambassadors of seven different nations \nwithout an interpreter. She was privately conveyed to Caesar, who \n\nWhat were Caesar\'s feelings when he was informed of his rival\'s death? \xe2\x80\x94 Was \nhe pleased when the murderer presented Pompey\'s head ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who were the rivals \nto the crown of Egypt ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who besieged Csesar in Alexandria ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was pri- \nvately conveyed to Caesar? \n\n\n\n220 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nwas captivated by her beauty, and he was soon brought to second hei \nclaims. \n\nWhile Cleopatra was thus employed in forwarding her own views, \nher sister Arsinoe was also strenuously engaged in the camp in pursu- \ning a separate interest. She had found means, by the assistance of \nGanymede, her confidant, to make a large division in the Egyptian \narmy in her favour ; and soon after she caused Achillas to be murdered, \nand Ganymede to take the command in his stead, and to carry on the \nsiege with greater vigour than before. In a short time he made him- \nself master of a bridge which joined the isle of Pharos to the conti- \nnent, from which post Caesar was resolved to dislodge him. In the \nheat of the action, some mariners, partly through curiosity, and partly \nthrough ambition, joined the combatants ; but, being seized with a \npanic, instantly fled, and spread a general terror through the army. All \nCaBsar\'s efforts to rally his forces were ineffectual ; and great numbers \nwere drowned or put to the sword in attempting to escape. \n\nThe Alexandrians, finding themselves unable to take the palace, \nwhich Caesar had defended, endeavoured to get their king out of \nCaesar\'s power, as he had previously seized upon his person. For this \npurpose they professed the utmost desire for peace, and only wanting \nthe presence of their lawful prince to give a sanction to the treaty. \nCaesar, though he was sensible of their dissimulation and perfidy, gave \nthem their king. Ptolemy, however, instead of promoting the peace, \nmade every effort to give vigour to his hostilities. Caesar was at last \nrelieved from this mortifying situation by Mithridates Pergamenus, one \nof his most faithful partisans, who came with an army to his assistance. \nThey attacked the camp of the Egyptians, and slew many of the \nenemy. Ptolemy attempting to make his escape on board a vessel, \nwas drowned, by the ship\'s sinking. Caesar being thus master of all \nEgypt, appointed Cleopatra, w T ith her younger brother, joint governors, \naccording to the intent of their father\'s will, and banished Arsinoe and \nGanymede. \n\nHaving thus subdued all Egypt, instead of quitting that country to \ngo and quell the remains of Pompey\'s party, he abandoned himself to \nhis pleasures, passing whole nights in feasting, and in all the excesses \nof high-wrought luxury, with the young queen. Being at length roused \nfrom his lethargy by the reprehensions of those brave veterans who had \nfollowed his fortune, he left Cleopatra, by whom he had a son, who \nwas named Csesario, to oppose Pharnaces, the king of Bosphorus, who \nhad made some inroads upon the dominions of Rome in the East. This \nprince, who had cruelly deposed his father, the great Mithridates, being \ndesirous of reconquering these dominions, seized upon Armenia and \nColchis. Caesar conquered him with so much ease, that, in writing to \na friend at Rome, he expressed the rapidity of his victory in these \nwords, " Veni, vidi, vici .\xe2\x80\xa2" " I came, I saw, I conquered." \n\nCaesar having settled affairs in this part of the empire, embarked for \n\n\n\nWhat is said of Arsinoe? \xe2\x80\x94 What defeat did Caesar sustain? \xe2\x80\x94 Did Caesar gain pos- \nsession of Egypt? \xe2\x80\x94 Whom did he appoint to reign? \xe2\x80\x94 How did Caesar pass his lime \nafter the conquest? \xe2\x80\x94 Whom did he afterwards conquer? \n\n\n\nCATO IN UTICA. 221 \n\njtaly, where he arrived sooner than his enemies could expect, but not \noefbre his presence there was absolutely required. During his absence \nne had been created consul for five years, dictator for one, and tribune \nof the people for life. But Antony, who in the mean time governed for \nhim in Rome, had filled the city with riot and debauchery, and many \ncommotions ensued, which nothing but the arrival of Caesar could ap- \npease. Having restored his authority at home, he prepared to march \ninto Africa, where Pompey\'s party had rallied under Scipio and Cato, \nassisted by Juba, king of Mauritania. Scipio soon after received a \ncomplete and final overthrow, with little or no loss to the victor. Juba \nand Petreius, his general, killed each other in despair, and Scipio was \nslain in attempting to effect his escape into Spain. \n\nCato was now in the city of Utica, which he had been left to defend. \nThe enthusiasm for liberty subsiding among his followers, he was re- \nsolved no longer to force men to be free who seemed naturally prone to \nslavery, and with fierce resolution killed himself. The war in Africa \nbeing ended, Coesar returned in such triumph to Rome, as if he had \nabridged all his former triumphs only to increase the splendour of this. \nThe citizens were astonished at the magnificence of the procession, and \nat the number of the countries he had subdued. It lasted four days ; \nthe first was for Gaul, the second for Egypt, the third for his victories \nin Asia, and the fourth for that over Juba in Africa. \n\nThe people, intoxicated with the allurements of pleasure, thought \ntheir freedom too small a return for such benefits. They seemed eager \nonly to find out new modes of homage, and unusual epithets of adula- \ntion. He was created Magister Morum, or Master of the Morals of the \nPeople ; and he received the title of Emperor and Father of his country. \nHis person was declared sacred ; and upon him alone were devolved \nfor life all the great dignities of the state. It must be owned that so \nmuch power could never have been intrusted to better keeping. He \nimmediately began his empire by repressing vice and encouraging virtue. \nHe committed the power of judicature to the senators and the knights \nalone, and by many sumptuary laws restrained the scandalous luxuries \nof the rich. He took the most prudent methods of repeopling the city, \nwhich had been exhausted in the late commotions. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER 17. \n\nDEATH OF CiESAR\xe2\x80\x94 THE TRIUMVIRATE. \n\nCesar, having thus restored prosperity once more to Rome, again \nfound himself under a necessity of going into Spain, to oppose an army \nwhich had been raised there under the two sons of Pompey, and also \nLabienus, his former general. (B. C.40.) He proceeded in this expe- \ndition with his usual celerity, and arrived in Spain before the enemy \n\nIn what state did Caesar find Rome at his return? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the end of Cato ? \n- In what mannner did Caesar triumph at Rome ? \xe2\x80\x94 What power did the people \n\xe2\x96\xa0ntrust him with? \xe2\x80\x94 Was he worthy of it? \xe2\x80\x94 With whom did Caesar contend ic \nSpain ? \n\n19* \n\n\n\n222 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nthought him yet departed from Rome. Cneius Pompey, and Sextus, \nPompey\'s sons, profiting by their unhappy father\'s example, resolved \nto protract the war as much as possible. However, Caesar, after taking \nmany cities, and pursuing the enemy with unwearied diligence, com- \npelled them to come to a battle upon the plain of Munda. In tnis en- \ngagement Cneius Pompey was totally routed ; thirty thousand of his \nmen were killed, and among them Labienus, whom Caesar ordered to \nbe buried with the funeral honours of a general officer. Pompey escaped \nwith a few horsemen to the seaside ; but finding his passage intercepted \nby Caesar\'s lieutenant, he sought for a retreat in an obscure cavern. He \nwas quickly discovered by Caesar\'s troops, who presently cut off his \nTiead, and brought it to the conqueror. Sextus, however, concealed him- \nself so well that he escaped all pursuit, and afterward, from his pira- \ncies, he became formidable to the people of Rome. \n\nBy this last blow, Caesar subdued all his avowed enemies, and the \nrest of his life was employed for the advantage of the state. He com- \nmenced the erection of several magnificent buildings ; he rebuilt Car- \nthage and Corinth; he undertook to level several mountains in Italy; \nto drain the Pontine marshes near Rome ; and he designed to cut \nthrough the isthmus of Peloponnesus. But the greatest of all his \nmighty projects was his intended expedition against the Parthians; by \nwhich he designed to revenge the death of Crassus, whom they had \nput to a cruel death, by pouring molten gold down his throat, as a pun- \nishment for his former avarice. But the jealousy of a few individuals \nput an end to Caesar\'s aims of ambition. \n\nHaving been made perpetual dictator, and receiving from the Senate \naccumulated honours, it began to be rumoured that he intended to make \nhimself king. In fact he was already possessed of the power ; but \nthe people, who had an aversion to the name, could not bear the title. \nA deep conspiracy was therefore laid against him, composed of no less \nthan sixty senators ; and at the head of it were Brutus, whose life \nCaesar had spared after the battle of Pharsalia, and Cassius, who was \npardoned soon after, both praetors for the present year. Brutus prided \nhimself on having descended from that Brutus who first gave liberty to \nRome. The passion for freedom seemed to have been transmitted to \nhim with the blood of his ancestors. But though he detested tyranny, \nhe could not forbear loving the tyrant from whom he had received the \nmost signal benefits. When Caesar was advised to beware of Brutus, \nin whom he had for some time reposed the greatest confidence, he \nopened his breast, all scarred with wounds, saying, " Can you think \nBrutus cares for such poor pillage as this?" And, to convince the \nworld how little he apprehended from his enemies, he disbanded his \nSpanish guards, and thus facilitated the enterprise against his life. \n\nThe conspirators, to give a colour of justice to their proceedings, put \noff the execution of their design till the ides of March, the day on \nwhich Caesar was to be offered the crown. The augurs are said to have \nforetold that this day would be fatal to him. This, with several omens \n\nWhat was the result? \xe2\x80\x94 What public works did Caesar engage himself in? \xe2\x80\x94 Who \nformed a conspiracy against Ceesar? \xe2\x80\x94 What day was fixci for executing the plot? \n\n\n\n( 224 ) \n\n\n\n\nDEATH OF CESAR. 225 \n\nwhich occurred at that time, together with a dream of his wife\'s, in \nsome measure began to change his intention of going to the Senate ; \nbut one of the conspirators, by rallying his superstition, and telling \nhim of the preparations that were made for his appearance, prevailed \nupon him to keep his resolution. As he went along to the Senate, a \nslave attempted to inform him of the conspiracy, but was prevented \nfrom coming near him by the crowd. Artemidorus, a Greek philoso- \npher, who had discovered the whole plot, delivered him a memorial \ncontaining the heads of his information ; but Csesar gave it, with other \npapers, to one of his secretaries without reading. \n\nAs soon as Csesar had taken his place in the Senate, he was attacked \nby the conspirators ; and Casca, one of their number, stabbed him in \nthe shoulder. Caesar sprang round, and with the stylus of his tablet \nwounded him in the arm. He defended himself with great vigour, \nrushing among them, and throwing down such as opposed him, till he \nsaw Brutus among the conspirators, who struck his dagger into his \nthigh. From that moment he thought no more of defending himself, \nbut looking on Brutus he exclaimed, " And you, too, my son !" Then \ncovering his head, and spreading his robe before him, he sunk down at \nthe base of Pompey\'s statue, after having received three-and-twenty \nwounds, in his fifty-sixth year, and about fourteen years after he began \nthe conquest of the world. (B. C. 43). \n\nAs soon as the conspirators had despatched Caesar, they retired to the \nCapitol, and guarded its access by a body of gladiators which Brutus \nhad in pay. The friends of the late dictator soon perceived that this \nwas the time for coming into greater power than before, and for satis- \nfying their ambition under the veil of promoting justice. Of this \nnumber was Antony, the consul for that year, and Lepidus, a man fond \nof commotions, and who, like Antony, w T as ambitious to gain that power \nwhich Csesar had died for usurping. \n\nThey first possessed themselves of Caesar\'s papers and money; and \nthen convened the Senate to determine whether Caesar had been a legal \nmagistrate or a tyrannical usurper ; and whether those who killed him \nmerited rewards or punishments. Many of the senators had received \nall their promotions from Caesar, and acquired large fortunes in conse- \nquence of his appointments : to vote him a usurper, therefore, would \nbe to endanger their property, and yet to vote him innocent might \nendanger the state. In this dilemma they seemed willing to reconcile \nextremes, by approving all the acts of Caesar, yet, at the same time, \ngranting a general pardon to the conspirators. \n\nThis decree was far from giving Antony satisfaction, as it granted \nsecurity to a number of men who were the avowed enemies of tyranny, \nand who would be foremost in opposing his schemes for restoring abso- \nlute power. As the Senate had ratified all Caesar\'s acts without dis- \ntinction, Antony, being possessed of Caesar\'s books of accounts, so far \ngained upon his secretary as to make him insert whatever he thought \n\n\n\nRepeat the account of Caesar\'s murder. \xe2\x80\x94 Who were among Caesar\'s friends ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWhat was the decree of the senate? \xe2\x80\x94 Did the decree satisfy Antony ? \xe2\x80\x94 How did \nhe proceed ? \n\n\n\n226 HISTORY OV ROME. \n\noroper. By these means, great sums of money were there distributed \namong the people, and every man who had any seditious designs against \nthe government was there sure to find a gratuity. Antony next de- \nmanded of the Senate that Caesar\'s funeral obsequies should be per- \nformed. This being granted, the body was brought forth with great \nsolemnity, and Antony first read Caesar\'s will, in which he had made \nOctavius, his sister\'s grandson, his heir; and to the Roman people \nwere left the gardens which he possessed on the other side of the Tiber ; \nand to every citizen, three hundred sesterces. Unfolding Caesar\'s \nbloody robe, pierced by the daggers of the conspirators, he observed to \nthem the number of stabs in it. This so inflamed the minds of the \npeople, that they unanimously cried out for revenge; and the conspira- \ntors, perceiving the general rage of the populace, thought it safer to \nretire from the city. \n\nAntony, who had excited this flame, resolved to make the most of \nthe occasion ; but he found Octavius, afterwards Augustus, a formida- \nble obstacle to his ambition. A third competitor for power appeared \nin Lepidus, a man of some authority and great riches. At first the \nambition of these three seemed to threaten fatal consequences to each \nother; but uniting in the common cause, they resolved to revenge the \ndeath of Caesar; and, dividing their power, formed what is called the \nsecond triumvirate. The meeting of these three usurpers of their coun- \ntry\'s freedom was upon a little island of the river Parnarus.* Their \nconference lasted for three days, and in this period they fixed a division \nof government, and determined upon the fate of thousands. \n\nThe result of this was, that the supreme authority should be lodged \nin their hands, under the title of the triumvirate, for the space of five \nyears : that Antony should have Gaul ; Lepidus, Spain ; and Augustus, \nAfrica and the Mediterranean Islands. Italy and the eastern provinces \nwere to remain in common, till the general enemy should be subdued. \nIt was also agreed that all their enemies should be destroyed, of whom \neach presented a list ; in which were comprised not only the enemies, \nbut also the friends of the triumvirate, since the partisans of the one \nwere often found among the opposers of the other. Thus Lepidus gave \nup his brother Paulus; Antony, Lucius; and Augustus, the celebrated \nCicero, who was assassinated soon after by Antony\'s command. Bru- \ntus and Cassius, the principal of the conspirators against Caesar, being \ncompelled to quit Rome, went into Greece, wiiere they persuaded the \nRoman students at Athens to declare in the cause of freedom ; then \nparting, the former raised a powerful army in Macedonia, while the \nlatter went into Syria, where he soon became master of twelve legions. \nIn short, having quitted Italy like distressed exiles, without having one \nsoldier or one town that owned their command, they soon found them- \nselves at the head of a flourishing army, and in a condition to support \na contest, on the event of which the empire of the world depended. \n\n* Now the Rheno, which runs through Bologna, and falls into the Po. \n\n\n\nWhat was Caesar\'s will ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who formed the second triumvirate ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the \nresult of their conference ? \xe2\x80\x94 What became of Brutus and Cassius ? \n\n\n\nBATTLE OF PHILIPPI. 227 \n\nTheir first expedition was to reduce the Rhodians and Lyciacs, who \nnad refused their usual contributions. By this means extraordinary \ncontributions were raised ; the Rhodians having scarcely any thing left \nthem but their lives. The Lycians suffered still more severely, for \nhaving shut themselves up in their capital town, Xanthus, they de- \nfended the place against "Brutus with so much fury that neither his arts \nnor entreaties could prevail on them to surrender. At length, the town \nbeing set on fire by their attempting to burn the works of the Romans, \nthe citizens, instead of attempting to extinguish the fire, with desperate \nobstinacy, resolved to perish in the flames, and the whole soon became \na heap of undistinguishable ruins. \n\nCHAPTER 18. \nBATTLE OF PHILIPPI \xe2\x80\x94 DEATH OF BRUTUS. \n\nBrutus and Cassius met once more at Sardis, where they had a pri- \nvate conference together ; after which, it was alleged that Brutus saw a \nspectre in his tent. It was in the dead of the night that Brutus, read- \ning by a lamp that was just expiring, thought he heard a noise as if \nsome one was approaching. Looking up, a gigantic figure of frightful \naspect stood before him, and continued to gaze upon him with silent \nseverity. Brutus is reported to have asked, " Art thou a demon or a \nmortal ? And why comest thou to me ?" " Brutus," answered the \nphantom, " I am thy evil genius \xe2\x80\x94 thou shalt see me again at Philippi." \n"Well, then," replied Brutus, without being discomposed, " we shall \nmeet again." Upon this the phantom was supposed to vanish. Struck \nwith so strange an occurrence, Brutus mentioned it to Cassius, who \nrightly ascribed it to the effect of an imagination too much excited by \nvigilance and anxiety. \n\nIn the mean time Augustus and Antony had marched with forty \nlegions to oppose Brutus and Cassius, and had drawn up their forces \nnear to Philippi, whither the enemy followed them. The republican \narmy consisted of eighty thousand foot, and twenty thousand horse ; \nthat of the triumviri, of a hundred thousand foot, and thirteen thousand \nhorse. Mankind now began to regard the approaching armies with \nterror and suspense. The empire of the world depended upon the fate \nof a battle. Brutus was the only man who looked upon these great \nevents with calmness and tranquillity. " If I am victorious," said he, \n" I shall restore liberty to my country ; if not, by dying I shall myself \nbe delivered from slavery. My condition is fixed ; I run no hazard." \n\nNear the town of Philippi were two little hills, about a mile distant \nfrom each other; upon these hills Brutus and Cassius fixed their \ncamps. In this commodious situation they could act as they thought \nproper, and give battle when it was thought to their advantage to \nengage. Behind was the sea, which furnished them with all kinds of \nprovision ; and the island of Thasos, twelve miles distant, served them \n\n\n\nWhat conquests did they make ?\xe2\x80\x94 What is told of Brutus and his evil genius ? \xe2\x96\xa0 \nWhat was the number of each army ? \xe2\x80\x94 Where did they meet? \n\n\n\n228 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nfor a general magazine. The triumviri, on the other hand, were \nencamped on the plain below, and were obliged to bring provisions from \nfifteen leagues distant ; so that it was their interest to forward a battle \nas soon as possible. They offered battle several times, drawing out \ntheir men from the camp, and provoking the enemy to engage. \n\nCassius, sensible of his advantage, and knowing that to postpone the \nbattle was the only chance the republicans had for victory, resolved to \nharass rather than engage the enemy. But Brutus, who began to sus- \npect the fidelity of some of his officers, used all his influence to per- \nsuade Cassius to change his resolution. " I am impatient," said he, \n" to put an end to the miseries of mankind ; and in this I hope to suc- \nceed, whether I conquer or fall." \n\nAt length, both armies, in attempting to possess themselves of a road \nwhich communicated with the island of Thasos, resolved to come to a \ngeneral engagement. Brutus having expressed his resolution of kill- \ning himself, in case of being unfortunate, Cassius exclaimed, " My \nfriend, now may we venture to face the enemy ; for either we shall be \nthe conquerors, or we shall have no cause to fear those that are so." \nAugustus being sick, the forces of the triumviri were commanded by \nAntony alone, who began the engagement by a vigorous attack upon \nthe lines of Cassius, which he soon broke, and put his cavalry to \nflight. Cassius exerted himself to the utmost to make his infantry \nstand ; stopping those that fled, and himself seizing the colours to rally \nthem. \n\nBut the valour of an individual was insufficient to inspire a timorous \narmy, and at length despairing of success, he retired to his tent and \nkilled himself. In the mean time Brutus had broken through the army \nof Augustus, and had penetrated as far as the camp, and having \nslaughtered those who were left to defend it, his troops immediately \nbegan to plunder. He was soon informed of the defeat and death of \nCassius, whom he greatly lamented. (B. C. 35.) \n\nBrutus now became sole general, and having assembled the dispersed \ntroops of Cassius, he animated them with fresh hopes of victory. After \na respite of twenty days, he was obliged, by the frequent solicitations \nof his army, to try the fate of battle. The republicans were routed, \nand Brutus, after fighting long with amazing valour, was obliged to \nflee. The whole body of the enemy were intent on the person of \nBrutus alone, and his capture seemed inevitable ; but he escaped from \nthem by the fidelity of Lucillus his friend, who, throwing himself \nbetween his general and his pursuers, said that he was Brutus. When \nhe was taken before Antony, he boldly confessed the fraud : the con- \nqueror, struck with his fidelity, generously pardoned him and honoured \nhim with his friendship. Brtitus finding his affairs desperate, escaped \nthe hands of the enemy by a voluntary death, in the forty-third year \nof his age. A. U. 711. \n\nWho offered battle several times? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the opinion of Cassius? \xe2\x80\x94 What \nof Brutus ? \xe2\x80\x94 How did the battle commence ? \xe2\x80\x94 Did Brutus intend to destroy him- \nself if beaten ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the fate of Cassius ? \xe2\x80\x94 Did Brutus gain any advantage ? \n\xe2\x80\x94 What was the event of the next engagement? \xe2\x80\x94 How did Brutus escape the \nhands of the enemy ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was his end ? \n\n\n\nANTONY IN EGYPT. 229 \n\nCHAPTER 19. \nANTONY IN EGYPT. \n\nFrom the moment of Brutus\'s death, the triumviri began to act as \nsovereigns, and to divide the Roman dominions among themselves, as \ntheir own by right of conquest. Their earliest care was to punish those \nwhom they had formerly marked for vengeance. But the people chiefly \nlamented to see the head of Brutus sent to Rome to be thrown at the \nfoot of Caesar\'s statue. It is observed, that of all those who had a hand \nin murdering Caesar, not one died a natural death. \n\nThe power of the triumviri being thus established upon the ruin of \nthe commonwealth, they began to think of enjoying that homage to \nwhich they had aspired. Antony went into Greece to receive the flat- \ntery of that refined people. Thence he passed over into Asia, where \nall the monarchs of the East who acknowledged the Roman power, \ncame to pay him their obedience. In this manner he proceeded from \nkingdom to kingdom, exacting contributions, distributing favours, and \ngiving away crowns with capricious insolence. \n\nBut among all the sovereigns of the east, Cleopatra, the celebrated \nqueen of Egypt, was the most conspicuous. For having received \norders from Antony to clear herself of an imputation of infidelity to his \ntuase, she resolved to attend his court in person, and Antony soon be- \ncame captivated with her beauty. When Cleopatra returned to Egypt, \nAntony, quitting every other object, presently flew after her, and there \nhe continued in all that ease and softness to which his vicious heart \nwas prone. \n\nWhile Antony remained thus idle in Egypt, Augustus, who took \nupon him to lead back the veteran troops, and settle them in Italy, was \nassiduously employed in providing for their subsistence. He had pre- \nmised them lands at home, as a recompense for their past services, but \nthey could not receive their new grants without turning out the former \ninhabitants. In consequence of this, multitudes of women with chil- \ndren in their arms daily filled the temples and the streets with their \ndistresses. Numbers of husbandmen and shepherds came to deprecate \nthe conqueror\'s intention, or to obtain a habitation in some other part \nof the world. \n\nAmong this number was Virgil the poet, who, in an humble manner, \nbegged permission to retain his patrimonial farm. Virgil obtained his \nrequest, but the rest of his countrymen of Mantua and Cremona were \nturned out without mercy. A dispute arising between Antony and \nAugustus about the distribution of lands, Antony left Egypt to oppose \nAugustus. However, a reconciliation was effected ; all offences and \naffronts were mutually forgiven, and to cement the union, a marriage \nwas concluded between Antony and Octavia, the sister of Augustus \n\n\n\nWhat is observed of Caesar\'s murderers ? \xe2\x80\x94 Into what countries did Antony tra- \nvel? \xe2\x80\x94 Who received his particular attention ? \xe2\x80\x94 What did Augustus promise the \nveteran troops? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the consequence 1\xe2\x80\x94 What is told, of the poet Virgil ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nDid he gain his request? \n\n20 \n\n\n\n230 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nA new division of the Roman empire was made between them ; Au- \ngustus was to have the command of the West; Antony, of the East; \nwhile Lepidus was obliged to content himself with the provinces in \nAfrica. \n\nAugustus having dispossessed Lepidus, the only obstacle that re- \nmained to his ambition was Antony, whom he resolved to remove. In \nfact, Antony\'s conduct did not a little contribute to promote the en- \ndeavours of his ambitious partner. He seemed alive only to pleasure, \nand totally disregarding the business of the state, he spent his whole \ntime in the company of Cleopatra, who studied every art to increase \nhis passion and vary his entertainments. By resolving to repudiate his \nwife Octavia and to marry Cleopatra, he exasperated the people of \nRome still more against him. \n\nThis gave Augustus a sufficient pretext for declaring war, and he in- \nformed the Senate of his intentions. Preparations were made on both \nsides, but the delays of Antony at Samos, and afterwards at Athens, \nwhither he had carried Cleopatra to receive new honours, were ex- \ntremely favourable to his opponent, who was at first scarcely in a dis- \nEosition to oppose him had he gone into Italy ; but Augustus soon put \nimself in a condition for carrying on the war, and shortly after declared \nit against him in form. The one was followed by all the forces of the \nEast, the other by those of the West. \n\nThe great decisive engagement, which was a naval one, was fought \nnear Actium, a city of Epirus, at the entrance of the gulf of Ambracia. \nAntony ranged his ships before the mouth of the gulf, and Augustus \ndrew up his fleet in opposition. The two land armies remained on oppo- \nsite sides of the gulf only as spectators of the engagement, and en- \ncouraged the fleets by their shouts to engage. They fought with great \nvigour, without advantage on either side, till the conduct of Cleopatra \ndetermined the fortune of the day. Wearied with expectation, and \nstruck with fear, she suddenly tacked about in the heat of the engage- \nment, and fled towards the Peloponnesus with her sixty sail, and An- \ntony quickly followed, leaving his fleet at the mercy of the enemy \xe2\x80\x94 \nThey submitted to the conqueror, and the army on land, being abandoned \nby their general, presently did the same. \n\nAugustus resolved to pursue Antony into Egypt, and while his gene- \nral, Cornelius Gallus, took possession of Paretonium, himself advanced \nwith another army before Pelusium, which, by its strong situation, \nmight have retarded his progress for some time. But the governor of \nthe city, either wanting courage to defend it, or previously instructed \nby Cleopatra to give it up, permitted him to take possession, so that \nAugustus had now no obstacle in his way to Alexandria, whither he \nmarched with all expedition. Antony, upon his arrival, sallied out to \noppose him, fighting with desperation, and putting the enemy\'s cavalry \n\xe2\x80\xa2to flight. This slight advantage once more revived his declining hopes ; \n\nWhat was the "onduct of Augustus and Antony? \xe2\x80\x94 Who prepared for war? \xe2\x80\x94 Did \nAntony march with haste? \xe2\x80\x94 Where was the decisive engagement fought ? \xe2\x80\x94 How \nwas the scale of victory turned ? \xe2\x80\x94 What city did Augustus take ? \xe2\x80\x94 Whither did he \npursue Antony ? \n\n\n\nDEATH OF CLEOPATRA. 231 \n\nand he resolved to make a bold and decisive effort both by sea and land, \npreviously offering to fight his adversary in single combat. To this \nproposal Augustus coolly replied, " Antony has ways enough to die \nbeside single combat." \n\nThe day after, Antony posted the few troops he had remaining upon \na rising ground near the city, whence he sent orders for his galleys to \nengage the enemy. There he waited to behold the combat, and at first \nhe had the satisfaction to see them advance in good order ; but his joy \nwas soon turned into rage when he beheld his ships only saluting those \nof Augustus, and both fleets, uniting together, sailed back into the har- \nbour, and at the same time his cavalry deserted him. He tried, how- \never, to lead on his infantry ; but these were easily vanquished\xc2\xbb and \nhe himself compelled to return into the town. His fury was now un- \ngovernable, and he cried out that he was betrayed by Cleopatra, and \ndelivered up to those who for her sake alone were his enemies. In \nthese suspicions he was not deceived, for it was by secret orders from \nthe queen that the fleet had passed over to the enemy. \n\nCleopatra had for a long while dreaded the effects of Antony\'s jea- \nlousy, and she had some time before prepared a method of obviating \nany sudden sallies it might produce. Near the temple of Isis she had \nerected a building which was seemingly designed for a sepulchre. \nInto this building she retired from the fury of Antony, and gave orders \nto have it reported that she was dead. This report soon reached An- \ntony, who now lamented her death with the same violence that he had \njust before seemed to desire it. He called to him one of his freedmen, \nnamed Eros, whom he had engaged by oath to kill him whenever for- \ntune should drive him to his last resource, and commanded him to per- \nform his promise. Eros drew his sword as if going instantly to strike \nthe blow, when, turning his face, he plunged it into his own bosom, \nand dropped at his master\'s feet. Antony for awhile hung over his \nfaithful servant, admiring his fidelity; then snatching up the sword, he \nstabbed himself in the belly, and expired soon after in the fifty-third \nyear of his age. \n\nIn a short time Augustus made his entry into Alexandria, and granted \nhis pardon to the citizens. Soon after he honoured Cleopatra with a \nvisit, who made use of every art to propitiate the conqueror. She tried \napologies, entreaties, and allurements, to obtain his favour, and soften \nhis resentment. When Augustus departed he assured her that in every \nthing she should be indulged to the height of her expectations. But \nbeing secretly informed that Augustus intended to send her and her \nchildren to Rome to grace his triumphant entry, she contrived to have \nan asp conveyed to her in a basket of fruit. She then wrote to the con- \nqueror to inform him of her fatal purpose, desiring to be buried in the \nsame tomb with Antony. Upon receiving the letter, Augustus instantly \ndespatched messengers in hopes to stop her intentions ; but they ar- \nrived too late. Upon entering the chamber, they beheld Cleopatra \nlying dead on her couch, arrayed in her royal robes. \n\nWhat was the result of another engagement ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the miserable end of \nAntony ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is told of Cleopatra\'s death ? \n\n\n\n232 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nCHAPTER 20. \n\nCONSOLIDATION OF THE IMPERIAL POWER BY AUGUSTUS. \n\nBy the death of Antony, (B. C.28,) Augustus became master of thfl \nRoman empire. He returned to Rome in triumph, where by feasts and \nmagnificent shows, he began to obliterate the impressions of his former \nsruelty, and thenceforward resolved to secure by his clemency a throne, \nthe foundations of which were laid in blood. He was now at the head \nof the most extensive empire mankind had ever beheld. The city was \ninhabited by a concourse from all the countries of the world ; and being \nconsequently divested of all patriotic principle, perhaps a monarchy \nwas the best form of government that could be found to unite its \nmembers. The first care of Augustus was to assure himself of the \nfriends of Antony, to which end he publicly reported that he had burned \nall Antony\'s letters and papers without reading them, convinced that \nwhile any thought themselves suspected, they would be fearful of even \noffering him their friendship. \n\nHe had gained the kingdom by his army, but he resolved to govern \nit by the Senate. This body, though greatly fallen from its ancient \nsplendour, he knew to be the best constituted and most capable of \nwisdom and justice. To the Senate therefore he gave the chief power \nin the administration of his government, while he kept the people and \nthe army steadfast to himself by donations and acts of favour. By \nthese means the odium of justice fell upon the Senate, and the popu- \nlarity of pardon was solely his own. Thus restoring splendour to the \nSenate, and discountenancing corruption, he pretended to reserve to \nhimself only an absolute power to compel all ranks of the state to do \ntheir duty ; and the misguided people began to look upon his modera- \ntion with astonishment. \n\nHe considered a long time whether he should keep the empire, or \nrestore the people to their ancient liberty. But he adopted the advice \nof Meceenas, which was to continue in power ; and he was afterwards \nswayed by him on every occasion. By the advice of that minister he \nbecame gentle, affable, and humane ; he encouraged men of learning, \nand gave them much of his time and friendship. These in their turn \nrelieved his most anxious hours, and circulated his praises through the \nempire. \n\nAugustus resolved upon impressing the people with an idea of his \nmagnanimity by making a show of resigning his authority. To this \nend he avowed his intentions to the Senate in a studied speech import- \ning the difficulty of governing so extensive an empire ; but the majority \nreceived his proposal with pretended indignation. These unanimously \nYesought him not to resign the administration ; and upon his continu- \niig to decline their request, they in a manner compelled him to comply. \n\n\n\nWhat power did Augustus now assume ? \xe2\x80\x94 How did he commence his govern- \nment? \xe2\x80\x94 How did he conduct himself towards his subjects ? \xe2\x80\x94 By what means did \nhe secure the kingdom ? \n\n\n\nAUGUSTUS. 233 \n\nHowever, he assumed the government for ten years only; but he \nlaid his measures so well that his power was renewed every ten years \nto his death. This show of resignation only served to confirm him in \nihe empire and in the hearts of the people. He was now first called \nAugustus, a name we have hitherto used as that by which he is best \nknown in history. A laurel was ordered to be planted at his gates ; \nwherever he made his abode, that house was called the palace, he was \nconfirmed in the title of father of his country, and his person declared \nsacred and inviolable. \n\n(B. C.23.) When he entered into his tenth consulship, the Senate, \nby oath, approved of all his acts ; set him wholly above the power of \nthe laws ; and soon after offered to swear, not only to all the laws he \nhad made, but also to such as he should make for the future. An ac- \ncumulation of titles and employments did not in the least diminish his \nassiduity in filling the duties of each. By his command several very \nwholesome edicts were passed, tending to suppress corruption in the \nSenate and licentiousness in the people. He ordained that none \nshould exhibit a show of gladiators without an order from the Senate, \nand then not oftener than twice a year. \n\nIt had been usual also with the knights and women of the first \ndistinction to exhibit themselves as dancers upon the theatre ; he order- \ned that not only these but their children and grandchildren should be \nrestrained from such exercise for the future. He enacted that the sena- \ntors should be held in great reverence, adding to their dignity what he \nhad taken from their power. He appointed new rules and limits to the \nmanumission of slaves, and was himself very strict in the observance \nof them. These and other laws, all tending to extirpate vice or deter \nfrom crimes, gave the manner of the people another complexion, and \nthe rough character of the Romans was now softened into that of the \nrefined citizen. \n\nIndeed his own example a good deal tended to humanize his fellow- \ncitizens ; for being placed above all equality, he had nothing to fear \nfrom condescension. He was familiar with all, and suffered himself to \nbe reprimanded with the most patient humility. When one of his vete- \nran soldiers entreated his protection, Augustus bid him apply to an \nadvocate. " Ah !" replied the soldier, " it was not by proxy that I \nserved you at the battle of Actium." Augustus was so pleased with \nthis reply, that he pleaded his cause and gained it for him. One day a \npetition was presented to him with so much awe as to displease him. \n" Friend," cried he, " you seem as if you were offering something to \nan elephant rather than to a man \xe2\x80\x94 be bolder." Cornelius Cinna, Pom- \npey\'s grandson, had entered into a conspiracy against Augustus ; he \nsent for the rest of the conspirators, reprimanded them, and dismissed \nthem. But resolving to mortify Cinna by the greatness of his gene- \nrosity \xe2\x80\x94 "I have twice," said he, "given you your life \xe2\x80\x94 as an enemy \nand as a conspirator ; I now give you the consulship ; let us therefore \n\n\n\nHow did the senate approve of his proceedings? \xe2\x80\x94 What wholesome laws did he \nenact? \xe2\x80\x94 What is told of his personal virtues? \n\n20* \n\n\n\n234 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\noe friends for the future ; let us only contend in showing whether my \nconfidence or your fidelity shall be victorious." \n\nAugustus had married Livid, the wife of Tiberius Nero, by the con- \nsent of her husband ; she had two sons, Tiberius, the elder, and Drusus. \nwho was born three months after she had been married to Augustus, \nand who was thought to be his own son. Tiberius, whom he after- \nwards adopted, gave him great trouble ; for he w T as obliged to send him \ninto exile for five years to the island of Rhodes. But his greatest \naffliction was the conduct of his daughter Julia, whom he had by Scri- \nbonia, his former wife, and who set no bounds to her lewdness. Au- \ngustus at first had thoughts of putting her to death ; but he banished \nher to Pandataria, and sent her mother to bear her company. \n\nAugustus at length retired from the fatigues of the state, and in some \nmeasure constituted Tiberius his successor. (A. D. 9.) He died soon \nafter, in the seventy-sixth year of his age, and the forty-first of his \nreign. He was studious of serving his country to the last, and the sor- \nrow of the people seemed equal to his assiduity. It was decreed that \nall the women should mourn for him a whole year. Temples were \nerected to him; divine honours were allowed him ; and one Numericus \nAtticus received a large sum of money for swearing that he saw him \nascending into heaven. \n\nSuch were the honours paid to Augustus, whose power began in the \nslaughter, and terminated in the happiness of his subjects ; so that it \nwas said of him, " that it would have been good for mankind if he had \nnever been born, or if he had never died." It is possible that the cru- \nelties exercised in his triumvirate were suggested by his colleagues. \nIn the case of Caesar\'s death, he might think that revenge was virtue. \nCertain it is that severities were necessary to restore public tranquillity ; \nfor until the Roman spirit should be eradicated, no monarchy could be \nsecure. During his reign, our Saviour was born in Judea. \n\nCHAPTER 21. \n\nTIBERIUS \xe2\x80\x94 CALIGULA. \n\n(A. D. 10.) Tiberius was fifty-six years old when he took upon him \nthe government of the Roman empire. He had lived in a state of pro- \nfound dissimulation under Augustus, and in the beginning of his reign \nnothing appeared but prudence, generosity and clemency. Germanicus, \nson of his brother Drusus, soon became an object of jealousy to Tibe- \nrius on account of his success over the Germans. Tiberius, therefore, \nrecalled him home; and he was soon after appointed to a new dignity. \nHe departed from Rome to an eastern expedition ; but he soon after \nmet his death through the machinations of Cneius Piso, governor of \nSyria, who had been instructed by Tiberius to oppose Germanicus upon \n\nWhat domestic troubles did Augustus experience? \xe2\x80\x94 What age did he attain? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWhom did he appoint his successor? \xe2\x80\x94 What has been said of Augustus? \xe2\x80\x94 What \nparticular personage was born during his reign? \xe2\x80\x94 How did Tiberius commence hia \nreigu ? \n\n\n\nDEATH OF TIBERIUS. 235 \n\nevery occasion, and even to procure his death. Nothing could exceed \nthe distress of the whole empire upon hearing of the fate of Germani- \ncus ; but the people of Rome seemed to put no bounds to it : Piso was \nmarked for destruction, and, to avoid the public, fury, he put an end to \nhis life in his own house. \n\nTiberius, having now no object of jealousy to keep him in awe, \nbegan to pull off the mask, and to appear in his natural character. In \nthe beginning of his cruelties he took into his confidence Sejanus, a \nRoman knight, who gained his affections by the most refined degree of \ndissimulation. Sejanus used all his address to persuade Tiberius to \nretire to some agreeable retreat remote from Rome. From this he \nexpected many advantages, since there could be no access to the empe- \nror but through him. Tiberius soon after withdrew himself into the \nbeautiful island of Capraea. Buried in this retreat, he gave himself up \nto abandoned pleasures, regardless of the miseries of his subjects. \n\nDrusus and Nero, the children of Germanicus, being declared ene- \nmies to the state, were starved to death in prison, while Agrippina, \ntheir mother, was sent into banishment. In this manner Sejanus pro- \nceeded, removing all who stood between him and the empire, and every \nday increasing in confidence with Tiberius, and in influence with the \nSenate. The number of his statues exceeded even those of the em- \nperor ; people swore by his fortune, in the same manner as they would \nhave done had he been upon the throne, and he was more dreaded than \nthe tyrant who actually enjoyed the empire. But the rapidity of his \nrise seemed only preparatory to the greatness of his fall. He was ac- \ncused to the emperor of treason ; and soon after he was strangled by \nthe order of the Senate. His innocent family, after being subjected to \nthe most barbarous outrages, shared his fate. \n\nThe death of Sejanus only lighted up the emperor\'s rage for further \nseverities. He began to grow weary of single executions, and gave \norders that all the accused should be put to death together, without \nfurther examination ; and thus the whole city was filled with slaughter \nand mourning. In this manner he lived, odious to the world, and trou- \nblesome to himself; an enemy to the lives of others, a tormentor of \nhis own. At length, in the twenty-second year of his reign, he began \nto feel the approaches of his dissolution, and he fixed upon Caligula as \nhis successor. He left his favourite island ; went upon the continent; \nand at last fixed at the promontory of Misenum. \n\nIt was there that he fell into faintings, which all believed to be fatal. \nBut it being reported that he was likely to recover, Marcia ordered that \nthe dying emperor should be despatched, by smothering him with pil- \nlows, or as some will have it, by poison. Thus died Tiberius, in the \nseventy-eighth year of his age, and in the twenty-second of his reign. \n(A. D. 37.) \n\nIt was in the eighteenth year of this emperor\'s reign that Christ was \ncrucified ; as if the universal depravity of mankind wanted no less a \n\nWhat did Sejanus persuade the emperor to do ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the fate of Sejanus? \n\xe2\x80\x94 In what manner did Tiberius spend his life ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is reported of his death ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWhat happened in the eighteenth year of his reign ? \n\n\n\nM6b HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nj*^rifice to reclaim them. Pilate sent to Tiberius an account of Christ\'s \npassion, resurrection, and miracles : the emperor made a report of the \nwhole to the Senate, desiring that Christ might be accounted a God by \nthe Romans. But the Senate, displeased that the proposal had not come \nfirst from themselves, refused to allow of his apotheosis ; and they even \nwent so far as to command by an edict, that all Christians should leave \nthe city ; but Tiberius, by another edict, threatened death to such as \nshould accuse them ; by which means they continued unmolested during \nhis reign. \n\nThe enormities of Caligula were concealed in the beginning of his \nreign ; but, in less than eight months, every appearance of moderation \nand clemency vanished ; while furious passions, unexampled avarice, \nand capricious cruelty, began to take their turn in his mind. His pride \nfirst appeared in his assuming to himself the title of ruler, which was \nusually granted only to kings. Not long after he claimed divine honours, \nand gave himself the names of such divinities as he thought most \nagreeable to his nature. For this purpose, he caused the heads of the \nstatues of Jupiter and some other gods to be struck off, and his own to \nbe put in their place. \n\nHe frequently seated himself between Castor and Pollux, and ordered \nthat all who came to their temple to worship should pay their adoration \nonly to himself. Such was the extravagant inconsistency of this unac- \ncountable idiot, that he changed his divinity as often as he changed his \nclothes, being at one time a male deity, at another a female. He even \nbuilt and dedicated a temple to his own divinity, and he had numbers \nof priests. He admitted his wife and his horse to that dignity; and, \nto give a finishing stroke to his absurdities, he became a priest to him- \nself. \n\nOf all his vices, prodigality was the most remarkable. The luxuries \nof former emperors were simplicity itself when compared with those \nwhich he practised. He sometimes had services of pure gold presented \nbefore his guests instead of meat, observing that a man should be an \neconomist or an emperor. He built a stable of marble, and a manger \nof ivory, for his horse Incitatus. He appointed the animal a house, \nfurniture, and kitchen, in order to treat all its visitors with proper \nrespect; and, it is said, he would have raised it to the consulship had \nnot his death prevented. \n\nHis impiety was but subordinate to his cruelties. He slew many \nof the Senate, and afterwards cited them to appear, as if they had killed \nthemselves. He cast numbers of old and infirm men to wild beasts, to \nfree the state from such unserviceable citizens. He usually fed his \nwild beasts with the bodies of those wretches whom he condemned ; \nand every tenth day sent off numbers of them to be thus devoured, \nwhich he jocosely called clearing his accounts. Upon one occasion he \nwished that all the Roman people had but one neck, that he might des- \npatch them at a single blow. Such insupportable and capricious bar \n\n\n\nWhat extravagances marked Caligula\'s reign? \xe2\x80\x94 What divinity did he assume? \n- to whom did he build a temple ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is told of his prodigality ?-~Of his horse? \n- What other barbarities was he guilty of? \n\n\n\nCLAUDIUS. 237 \n\nbarities produced many secret conspiracies against him ; but these were \nfor a while deferred upon account of his intended expedition against \nthe Germans a\xc2\xabnd Britons. \n\n(A. D. 41.) For this purpose he caused numerous levies to be made, \nand talked with so much resolution, that it was universally believed \nhe would conquer all before him. His march perfectly indicated the \ninequality of his temper ; sometimes it was so rapid that the cohorts \nwere obliged to leave their standards behind them ; at other times it \nwas so slow that it more resembled a pompous procession than a mili- \ntary expedition. However, all these mighty preparations ended in \nnothing. Instead of conquering Britain, he gave refuge to one of its \nbanished princes ; and this he described in his letter to the Senate, as \ntaking possession of the whole island. Instead of conquering Ger- \nmany, he drew up his forces in order of battle, on the sea-shore of \nBatavia, and going on board his galley, he commanded his trumpets to \nsound, and the signal to be given, as if for an engagement. \n\nHis men, having had previous orders, immediately fell to gathering \nthe shells that lay upon the shore into their helmets, as the spoils of \nthe conquered ocean. After this, calling his army together, like a gene- \nral after a victory, he harangued them in a pompous manner,- \xe2\x80\x94 highly \nextolling their achievements ; and then distributing money among \nthem, dismissed them with orders to be joyful, congratulating them \nupon their riches. At length the world was freed from this tyrant ; for \nhe was assassinated by Cassius Cherea, tribune of the praetorian bands, \nwho, with some other persons of*distinction, had formed a conspiracy \nagainst him, in the twenty-ninth year of his age, and the fourth of his \nreign. \n\nCHAPTER 22. \nCLAUDIUS \xe2\x80\x94 EXPEDITION TO BRITAIN. \n\n(A. D. 42.) As soon as the death of Caligula was made public, it \nproduced the greatest confusion. The conspirators, who only aimed at \ndestroying the tyrant, without attending to a successor, had all retired \nto private places for safety. Some soldiers happening to run about the \npalace, discovered Claudius, Caligula\'s uncle, lurking in a secret \nplace, where he had hid himself. Of this personage, who had hitherto \nbeen despised for his imbecility, they resolved to make an emperor ; \naccordingly, they carried him to the camp, where they proclaimed him, \nat a time he expected nothing but death. Claudius was now fifty years \nold. The complicated diseases of his infancy had in some measure \naffected all the faculties of his mind as well as body. He seemed in \nevery part of life incapable of conducting himself. \n\nThe beginning of his reign, however, gave the most promising hopes. \nHe showed himself more moderate than his predecessors, with regard \nto titles and honours. He was assiduous in hearing and examining \n\n\n\nOn what expedition did he set out? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the result? \xe2\x80\x94 By what means \ndid he die ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was next proclaimed ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was his character ? \xe2\x80\x94 What dis \ntinsuished the commencement of his reign ? \n\n\n\n38 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\ncomplaints ; and frequently administered justice in person with great \nmildness. He even undertook to gratify the people by foreign conquest. \nThe Britons, who had for nearly a hundred years been left in sole pos- \nsession of their island, sought the mediation of Rome to quell their \nintestine commotions. Accordingly, Plautius, the prsetor, commanded \nthe expedition ; and the Britons, who were conducted by their king \nCynobelin, were several times overthrown. \n\n(A. D. 46.) These successes induced Claudius to go into Britain in \nperson ; but the time he continued on the island, which was about six- \nteen days, was taken up more in receiving homage than extending his \nconquests. He returned to Rome in triumph ; triumphal arches were \nerected for his honour; and annual games were instituted to comme- \nmorate his victories. The war was vigorously prosecuted by Plautius, \nand his lieutenant Vespasian, who fought thirty battles, and reduced a \npart of the island into the form of a Roman province. (A. D. 51.) \n\nThis war broke out afresh under the government of Ostorius, who \nsucceeded Plautius. The Iceni, the Cangi, and the Brigantes, made a \npowerful resistance, though they were at length overcome ; but the \nSilures, or inhabitants of South Wales, under their brave king Carac- \ntacus, made a gallant defence, and for nine years kept the Romans in \ncontinual alarm. At length Caractacus was taken prisoner, and led \ncaptive to Rome. The emperor being struck with his magnanimity, \ngenerously pardoned him, and Ostorius was decreed a triumph. \n\nClaudius, in the beginning of his reign, gave the highest hopes of a \nhappy continuance; but he soon committed to his favourites all the \nconcerns of the empire. One of his instructors was his wife Messalina, \nwhose name is become a common appellation for women of abandoned \ncharacters. By her Claudius was urged on to commit cruelties which \nhe considered only as wholesome severities, while her debaucheries \nbecame every day more notorious, and exceeded what had ever been in \nRome. For her crimes and enormities, however, she, together with her \nparamour, Caius Silius, suffered that death they both had so justly \ndeserved. \n\nClaudius took for his second wife, Agrippina, the daughter of his \nbrother Germanicus, a woman of a cruel and ambitious spirit, whose \nonly aim was to procure the succession for Nero, her son by a former \nmarriage. She therefore caused a poison to be given to the emperor \namong mushrooms. Shortly after having eaten, he dropped down in- \nsensible ; but this caused no alarm, as it was usual with him to eat till \nhe had stupified his faculties, and was obliged to be carried off to his \nbed from the table. His constitution seeming to overcome the potion, \nAgrippina directed a wretch of a physician, her creature, to introduce a \npoisoned feather into his throat, under pretence of making him vomit, \nand thus to dispatch him. \n\nWhat expedition did he undertake ? \xe2\x80\x94 What king was taken prisoner to Rome ?\xe2\x80\x94 \nWhat effect had the wife of Claudius on his government? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the end of \nClaudius / \n\n\n\nNERO. 239 \n\nCHAPTER 23. \nNERO \xe2\x80\x94 G ALBA. \n\n(A. D. 55.) Nero, though but seventeen years old, began his reiam \nwith the general approbation of mankind. He appeared just, liberal, \nand humane. But as he increased in years his wickedness increased \nin proportion. The execution of his mother, Agrippina, (A. D. 60,) \nwas the first alarming instance he gave of his cruelty. There was a \nsort of odd contrast in his disposition, \xe2\x80\x94 for while he practised cruelties \nsufficient to make the mind shudder with horror, he was fond of those \namusing arts which soften and refine the heart. He was particularly \naddicted to music, and was not totally ignorant of poetry ; and chariot \ndriving was his favourite pursuit. \n\nBut his cruelty exceeded all his other extravagances. A great part \nof the city of Rome was consumed by fire in his time, (A. D. 64,) and \nto him most historians ascribe the conflagration. It is said that he \nstood upon a high tower, during the continuance of the flames, enjoying \nthe sight, and singing in a theatrical manner verses upon the burning \nof Troy. He used every art to throw the odium of so detestable an \naction from himself, and to fix it upon the Christians, against whom a \nmost dreadful persecution was raised. Some were crucified, and others \nburned alive. In this persecution St. Paul was beheaded, and St. Peter \nwas crucified with his head downwards. \n\nA conspiracy formed against Nero by Piso, a man of great power \nand integrity, which was prematurely discovered, opened a new train \nof suspicions that destroyed many of the principal families of Rome. \nSuspecting Seneca, the philosopher, as an accomplice, he sent him or- \nders to die. Seneca seemed no way discomposed at the command ; \nand he caused the veins of his arms and legs to be opened, and soon \nafter expired. Lucan the poet, and nephew to Seneca, met the same \nfate. He died while he was repeating that beautiful passage in his \nPharsalia, descriptive of a person dying in similar circumstances, which \nbegins thus, \xe2\x80\x94 \n\n" Nee, sicut vutnere, sanguis \n\nEmiouit lentus: ruptis cadit undique venis," &c. \n\nC. Petronius was accused of being privy to Piso\'s conspiracy, and \nwas committed to prison. Petronius, who could not endure the anxiety \nof suspense, resolved upon putting himself to death, by causing his \nveins to be opened and closed again from time to time. Shortly after \nhim, Numicius Thermus, Bareas Soranus, and Peetus Thraseas were \nput to death. Nor did the empress Poppaea escape. At length human \nnature grew weary of bearing her persecutor ; and the whole world \nseemed to rouse, as if by common consent, to rid the earth of a monster. \n\nSergius Galba, governor of Spain, who was remarkable for his \n\nWhat atrocities are told of Nero ? \xe2\x80\x94 Did he set fire to Rome ? \xe2\x80\x94 On whom did he \nfix the odium? \xe2\x80\x94 Who suffered martyrdom 1-^ What conspiracy was formed against \nhim ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who perished through it ? \n\n\n\n240 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nwisdom in peace, and courage in war, accepted an invitation from Vin* \ndex to march with an army towards Rome. From the moment he de- \nclared against Nero, the tyrant considered himself as fallen, and cried \nout, " that he was utterly undone." The revolt becoming general, he \nwas driven to a state of desperation, and desired that one of his fa- \nvourite gladiators might despatch him; but even with this request no \none would comply. \n\nIn this distress, Phaon, one of his freedmen, offered him his country- \nnouse, about four miles distant, where he might for some time remain \nconcealed. Nero accepted the offer, and arrived at the house with four \nof his domestics, after a journey crowded with dangers and adventures. \nThe Senate, finding the praetorian guards had taken part with Galba, \ndeclared him emperor, and condemned Nero to die. When he was told \nof the resolution of the Senate, by the assistance of Epaphroditus, his \nfreedman and secretary, he gave himself a mortal wound with a dagger \nand expired, after he had reigned thirteen years, seven months, and \ntwenty-eight days, and in the thirty-second year of his age. \n\n(A. D. 69.) Galba was seventy-two years old when he. was de- \nclared emperor, and was then in Spain with his legions. He soon found \nthat being raised to the throne was but an inlet to new disquietudes. \nHe seemed to have three objects in view : to curb the insolence of the \nsoldiers; to punish those vices which had risen to an enormous height \nin the last reign ; and to replenish the exchequer, which had been \ndrained by the prodigality of his predecessors. But, permitting him- \nself to be governed by favourites, he at one time showed himself severe \nand frugal, at another, remiss and prodigal ; condemning some illus- \ntrious persons without any hearing, and pardoning others though \nguilty. \n\nIn consequence of this, seditions were kindled and factions promoted. \nGalba was sensible that, beside his age, he was less respected for want \nof an heir. He resolved, therefore, to adopt a person whose virtues \nmight deserve such advancement, and protect his declining age from \ndanger. He chose Piso Lucinianus, whose conduct showed that he \nwas highly deserving this distinction. The adoption of Piso, however, \nwas coldly received by the army and the Senate, who had been so long \nused to bribery and corruption, that they could now bear no emperor \nwho was not in a capacity for satisfying their avarice. \n\nCHAPTER 24. \n\nOTHO \xe2\x80\x94 VITELLIUS \xe2\x80\x94 VESPASIAN. \n\nOtho, who had long been a favourite of Galba, and hoped to be \nadopted as successor in the empire, finding himself disappointed, re- \nsolved upon obtaining the empire by force, and publicly avowed his in- \ntention of dethroning Galba. The soldiers seconded his views, and \n\n\n\nWho marched against Nero? \xe2\x80\x94 By what means did Nero die ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long had \nhe reigned ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who succeeded ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was his character ? \xe2\x80\x94 Whom did he adopt \nfor his successor ? \n\n\n\nVESPASIAN. 241 \n\nimmediately proclaimed him emperor. Soon after, finding Galba in \nsome measure deserted by his adherents, the soldiers rushed in upon \nhim, and struck oft* his head, which they presented to Otho, who ordered \nit to be contemptuously carried round the camp. His short reign of \nseven months was as illustrious by his own virtues as it was contami- \nnated by the vices of his favourites. \n\nOtho, who was now elected emperor, began his reign by a signal \ninstance of clemency, in pardoning Marius Celsus, who had been highly \nfavoured by Galba; and also advanced him to the highest honours, \nasserting that " fidelity deserved every reward." In the mean time, \nthe legions in Lower Germany, having been purchased by the large \ngifts and specious promises of Vitellius their general, were induced to \nproclaim him emperor. Otho departed from Rome with all haste to \ngive Vitellius battle. The army of Vitellius, which consisted of se- \nventy thousand men, was commanded by his generals Valens and Ce- \ncina, he himself remaining in Gaul in order to bring up the rest of his \nforces. In a general engagement, Otho\'s forces were totally overthrown, \nand himself killed shortly after, having reigned three months and five \ndays. \n\nVitellius was declared emperor by the Senate, (A. D. 70,) and \nreceived the marks of distinction which were now accustomed to follow \nthe appointments of the strongest side. Upon his arrival at Rome, he \nentered the city, not as a place he came to govern with justice, but as \na town that was become his own by the laws of conquest. He soon \ngave himself up to all kinds of luxury and profuseness ; but gluttony \nwas so much his favourite vice, that he brought himself to a habit of \nvomiting, in order to be able to renew his meals at pleasure. By his \nvices and enormous cruelties, he became a burden to himself and odious \nto all mankind ; and having become insupportable to the inhabitants of \nRome, the legions of the east unanimously resolved to make Vespasian \nemperor. \n\nVitellius, though buried in sloth and luxury, was resolved to make \nan effort to defend the empire. His two commanders, Valens and Ce- \ncina, were ordered to make all possible preparations to resist the invad- \ners. The first army that entered Italy with a hostile intention was \nunder the command of Antonius Primus, Vespasian\'s commander, who \nsoon arrived before the walls of the city ; but the forces of Vitellius \nresolved upon defending it to the utmost extremity. It was attacked \nwith fury ; while the army within, sallying upon the besiegers, de- \nfended it with equal obstinacy ; but at length the besieged were driven \ninto the city, and a dreadful slaughter made of them in the streets, \nwhich they vainly attempted to defend. Vitellius was put to death by \nthe conquering soldiers, who, after dragging the dead body through the \nstreets with a hook, threw it, with all possible ignominy, into the river \nTiber. \n\nVespasian (A. D. 70,) was declared emperor by the unanimous con- \n\n\n\nWhat is remarkable of Galba\'s short reign ?\xe2\x80\x94 Who procured his death ?\xe2\x80\x94 -What \ndistinguished the reign of Otho ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was his rival ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did he reign ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWhat is the character of Vitellius ? \n21 \n\n\n\n242 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nsent both of the Senate and the army. He was now in Egypt; but \ngiving his son Titus the command of the army that was to lay siege to \nJerusalem, he set out for Rome, and was met many miles from the city \nby the Senate and the inhabitants, who gave the sincerest testimony of \ntheir joy, in having an emperor of such great and experienced virtue. \nNor did he in the least disappoint their expectations ; being equally \nassiduous in rewarding merit, and pardoning his adversaries. In the \nmean time Titus carried on the war against the Jews with vigour, and \nafter a siege of six months, their city was entirely rased by the plough, \nso that, according to our Saviour\'s prophecy, not one stone remained \nupon another. The greatest part of the populace were put to the sword ; \nthose who perished in this siege amounted to above a million ; and the \ncaptives to a hundred thousand, at the least. \n\nThe return of. Titus to Rome in triumph with Vespasian, his father, \nwas marked with all the magnificence and joy in the power of man to \nexpress. This was the first time that Rome saw the father and the son \ntriumph together. A triumphal arch was erected upon this occasion, \non which were described all the victories of Titus over the Jews, and \nit remains almost entire to this day. Few emperors have received a \nbetter character from historians than Vespasian ; yet his numerous \nacts of generosity and magnificence could not preserve him from the \nimputation of rapacity and avarice ; but even this may in some degree \nbe excused by the deplorable state of the finances, the extravagances \nof former conquerors having quite exhausted the treasury. \n\nHaving reigned ten years, beloved by his subjects, and deserving \ntheir affection, he was surprised with an indisposition at Campania, \nwhich he declared would be fatal. Perceiving his end approaching, as \nhe was just expiring he exerted himself, and cried out, " An emperor \nshould die standing," whereupon, raising himself upon his feet, he \nexpired in the arms of those who sustained him. \n\nCHAPTER 25. \n\nTITUS \xe2\x80\x94 DOMITIAN. \n\nTitus was joyfully received as emperor, and began his reign with \nthe practice of every virtue that became a sovereign and a man. Dur- \ning the life of his father there had been many imputations against him, \nboth for cruelty, lust, and prodigality ; but, on his exaltation to the \nthrone, he seemed to have taken leave of his former vices. His first \nstep was the moderation of his passions, and the bridling of his incli- \nnations. He had long loved Berenice, sister and wife of Agrippa, \nking of Judea, a woman of great beauty and refined allurements ; \nbut knowing that the connexion was disagreeable to the people of Rome, \nhe gained the victory over his affections, and sent her away, notwith \n\nWhere was Vespasian when he was declared emperor? \xe2\x80\x94 Did the people approve \nof Vespasian\'s accession? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the result of the Jewish war? \xe2\x80\x94 What is the \ngeneral character of Vespasian ? \xe2\x80\x94 What expression did he use before his death ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nIlow long did he reign ? \xe2\x80\x94 What characterizes the beginning of Titus\'s reign ? \n\n\n\nDOMITIAN. 243 \n\nstanding their mutual passion. He next discarded those who had been \nthe ministers of his pleasures. This moderation, added to his justice \nand generosity, procured him the appellation of The delight of mankind. \n\nHis courtesy and readiness to do good have been celebrated even by \nChristian writers ; his principal rule being not to send away a person \nvlissatisfied. One night recollecting that he had done nothing benefi- \ncial to mankind during the day, he cried out " I have lost a day." In \n.he first year of his reign an eruption of Mount Vesuvius overwhelmed \nmany towns, particularly those of Pompeii and Herculaneum ; throw- \ning the ashes into countries more than a hundred miles distant : upon \nthis occasion Pliny the naturalist lost his life ; being impelled by curi- \nosity to observe the eruption, he was suffocated in the flames. This \nand other disasters were in some measure counterbalanced by the suc- \ncesses in Britain, under Agricola. This excellent general having been \nsent into Britain towards the end of Vespasian\'s reign, showed himself \nequally skilful in quelling the refractory and civilizing those that had \nsubmitted to the Roman power. \n\nThe Ordovices, or inhabitants of North Wales, with the isle of An- \nglesey, were the first that were subdued. He introduced the Roman \nmode of dress and living. He caused the sons of the nobility to be \ninstructed in the liberal arts, and to be taught the Latin language. He \ninduced them to build temples, theatres, and stately houses. Thus, by \ndegrees, this barbarous people began to assume the manners of their \nconquerors. Upon account of these successes in Britain, Titus was \nsaluted Imperator for the fifteenth time ; but lie did not long survive \nthis honour, being seized with a violent fever, a little distance from \nRome. He expired shortly after, but not without suspicion of treachery \nfrom his brother Domitian, in the forty-first year of his age, having \nreigned two years, two months, and twenty days. A. D.81. \n\nThe beginning of Domitian\'s reign was equally remarkable for his \nclemency, liberality and justice. But he soon began to show the natu- \nral deformity of his mind. He neglected all kinds of study, addicting \nhimself to meaner pursuits, such as archery and gaming. He instituted \ncontests in music, horsemanship, and wrestling ; but banished philoso- \nphers and mathematicians from Rome. The meanness of his occupa- \ntion in solitude was a contrast to these exhibitions; he spent his hours \nin catching flies and piercing them with a bodkin. Of his natural \nmalevolence, his ungrateful treatment of Agricola afforded a convincing \nproof; being jealous of his military honours acquired in Britain, he \nwas recalled, and ended his days in retirement. \n\nDomitian ordered his statues to be made only of gold or silver. He \nassumed to himself divine honours, requiring to be addressed by the \nsame appellation which they gave to the divinity. He caused num- \nbers of the most illustrious senators to be put to death upon the most \ntrifling pretences, and often threatened to extirpate their whole body \nentirely. Lucius Antonius, governor of Upper Germany, knowing how \n\nWhat eruption happened in this reign ? \xe2\x80\x94 What successes did his general gain \nin Britain ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did Titus reign? \xe2\x80\x94 Describe the character of Domitian. - \nWhat honour did he assume ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who contended against him ? \n\n\n\n244 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nmuch the emperor was detested, resolved upon striking for the throne, \nat the head of a formidable army. His success was for some time \ndoubtful, but he was at length totally routed. \n\nBut a period was soon to be put to this monster\'s cruelties. Among \nthose whom he had suspected was his wife Domitia. It was the \ntyrant\'s method to put down the names of such as he meant to destroy \nin his tablets, which he kept about him. Domitia, fortunately happen- \ning to get a sight of them, was struck at finding her own name in the \ncatalogue. Roused both by her fears and her resentments, she com- \nmunicated the fact to several senators and officers of the household, \nwho, like herself, were proscribed. A conspiracy was entered into, \nand the assassination of the tyrant was effected in the forty-fifth year \nof his age, and the sixteenth of his iniquitous reign. It was in this \nreign that John, the beloved Apostle, was banished to the isle of Pat- \nmos. Domitian was the last of the emperors commonly called the \ntwelve Caesars, among whom only three, Augustus, Vespasian, and \nTitus, have any claims upon the respect of posterity. \n\nCHAPTER 26. \nNERVA \xe2\x80\x94 TRAJAN \xe2\x80\x94 ADRIAN. \n\nThe Senate loaded the memory of Domitian with every reproach. \nHis statues were taken down, his inscriptions erased, and his funeral \nobsequies omitted. But.the soldiers, whom he had loaded with favours, \nsincerely regretted their benefactor. The Senate chose Cocceius Nerva \nas his successor. He is said to have been of an illustrious family, \neither of Spain or of Crete (now Candia), and above sixty-five years \nold when called to the throne ; an elevation which he owed solely to \nhis virtues, moderation, respect to the laws, and the blameless tenor of \nhis life. The people, long accustomed to tyranny, regarded Nerva\'s \ngentle reign with rapture. He made a vow that no senator of Rome \nshould be put to death by his command, during his reign. \n\nA sovereign of such generosity and mildness was, however, not with- \nout his enemies. Vigilius Rufus, who opposed his accession, was not \nonly pardoned, but made his colleague in the consulship. Calpurnius \nCrassus, with some others who formed a conspiracy against him, he \nbanished. But the most dangerous insurrection was that of the praeto- \nrian bands, of which it was difficult to stop the progress. So disagree- \nable a constraint upon the emperor\'s inclinations was attended with the \nmost happy effects, as it caused the adoption of Trajan to succeed him. \nAbout three months afterwards, while in a violent passion with one \nRegulus, a senator, he was seized with a fever, of which he died, after \na reign of one year, four months, and nine days. He was the first \nforeigner that had reigned in Rome. \n\nOn the death of Nerva, Trajan quitted Germany, where he had been \n\n\n\nAnd with what success? \xe2\x80\x94 Repeat the particulars of his death. \xe2\x80\x94 What race ended \nin Domitian ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who succeeded ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was Nerva\'s character ? \xe2\x80\x94 Whom did lie \nadopt ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did Nerva reign ? \n\n\n\nTRAJAN. 245 \n\ngovernor ; and when he arrived at Rome, he received a letter from Plu- \ntarch,* the philosopher, who had the honour of being his tutor, con- \ngratulating him on his elevation, and, after some excellent suggestions, \nadding, "if you follow these instructions, then shall I glory in having \n\n{(resumed to give them ; if you neglect what I advise, then will this \netter be my testimony that you have not erred through the counsel of \nPlutarch." \n\nThis good monarch\'s application to business, his moderation towards \nhis enemies, his modesty in exaltation, his liberality to the deserving, \nhis frugal management of the resources of the state, were the subjects \nof panegyric among his contemporaries, and continue to be the admira- \ntion of posterity. The first war he was engaged in after coming to the \nthrone was with the Dacians, who, after a severe struggle, were routed \nwith great slaughter, and Decebalus, their king, compelled to acknow- \nledge himself a vassal to the Roman empire. The Roman soldiers in \nthe above battle, wanting linen to bind up their wounds, the emperor \ntore his own robes to supply them. \n\nThe Dacians a second time renewed hostilities ; and Trajan, to facili- \ntate his conquest, built a stupendous bridge of twenty-two arches across \nthe Danube. Then pursuing the war with vigour, he subdued the whole, \nand added it to the empire. On his return, he entered Rome in triumph. \nHaving given peace and prosperity to the empire, he was loved, honoured, \nand almost adored. He adorned the city with public buildings, he freed \nit from such as lived by their vices, he entertained persons of merit \nwith familiarity, and so little did he fear his enemies, that he could \nscarcely be induced to believe that he had any. \n\nIt would have been happy for Trajan\'s memory had he shown equal \nclemency to the Christians ; but, about the ninth year of his reign, he \nlooked upon them with a suspicious eye, and numbers of them were \nput to death. But, on finding that the Christians were an innocent and \ninoffensive people, he suspended their punishments. \n\nDuring this reign, there was a dreadful insurrection of the Jews in \nmost parts of the empire. This infatuated people, ever expecting some \nsignal deliverance, took advantage of Trajan\'s expedition to the east, \nto massacre all the Greeks and Romans whom they could get into their \npower. The rebellion began at Cyrene, in Africa ; from thence the \nflame extended to Egypt, and next to the isle of Cyprus. Shocking \nwere the barbarities exercised on the unoffending inhabitants. How- \never, the governors of the respective provinces opposed the tumultuous \nfury, and retaliated with much severity the cruelties of the Jews. \n\nTrajan, on his return to Rome from his conquests in the east, died \nof an apoplexy, in the city of Seleucia, in the sixty-third year of his \nage, after a reign of nineteen years, six months, and fifteen days. \n(A. D. 117.) \n\n* A native of Greece, who wrote the lives of illustrious men, &c. \n\nWho wrote to Trajan at his elevation? \xe2\x80\x94 What is recorded of his character? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWhat conquest did he make ? \xe2\x80\x94 Was he beloved by his people ? \xe2\x80\x94 Did he reward \nmerit ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is a stain on Trajan\'s character ? \xe2\x80\x94 What shocking barbarities were \nperpetrated by the Jews? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did Trajan reign? \n\n21* \n\n\n\n246 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nAdrian, the nephew of Trajan, was chosen to succeed him. He \nbegan his reign by pursuing a course opposite to that of his predeces- \nsor, taking every method of declining war, and promoting the arts of \npeace. He made peace with the Parthians, and, satisfied with preserv- \ning the ancient limits of the empire, he seemed no way ambitious of \nextensive conquest. Adrian was one of the most remarkable of the \nRoman emperors for the variety of his endowments. He was highly \ngifted in all the accomplishments both of the body and mind. He com- \nposed with great beauty, both in prose and verse ; he pleaded at the \nbar, and was one of the best orators of his time. \n\nNor were his virtues fewer than his accomplishments. His mode- \nration and clemency appeared by pardoning the injuries he received \nwhen he was yet but a private man. One day meeting a person who \nhad been his inveterate enemy, "my good friend," said he, "you have \nescaped, for I am made emperor." He was affable to his friends, and \ngentle to persons of meaner stations. It being his maxim, that he had \nbeen elected emperor, not for his own good, but for the benefit of man- \nkind. These virtues were, however, contrasted by vices of consider- \nable magnitude ; or rather, he wanted strength of mind to preserve his \nrectitude of character without deviation. \n\nCHAPTER 27. \nADRIAN\'S EXPEDITION \xe2\x80\x94 ANTONINUS PIUS \xe2\x80\x94 MARCUS AURELIUS. \n\nHe was scarcely settled on the throne, when several of the northern \nbarbarians began to be truly formidable to Rome. Adrian broke down \nthe bridge over the Danube, which his predecessor had built, sensible \nthat the same passage which was open to him was equally convenient \nto the incursions of his barbarous neighbours. Having first seen that \nall things were regulated at Rome for the safety of the public, he com- \nmenced his progress through the empire. It was one of his maxims \nthat an emperor should, like the sun, diffuse vigour over all parts of the \nearth. \n\nHe therefore, w r ith a splendid court, entered Gaul. From Gaul he went \ninto Germany, thence to Holland, and he afterwards passed over into \nBritain, where, reforming many abuses, he built, for the security of the \nsouthern parts of the kingdom, a wall of wood and earth, extending \nfrom the river Eden, in Cumberland, to the Tyne, in Northumberland. \nFrom Britain, returning through Gaul, he went to Spain, his native \ncountry, where he was received with great joy. Returning to Rome, \nafter continuing some time, he prepared for his journey to the east, \nwhich was hastened by a new invasion of the Parthians. He then \nvisited the famous city of Athens, where, making a considerable stay, \nhe was initiated into the Eleusinian mysteries,* which were accounted \n\n* These were instituted in honour of Ceres. \n\nWhat course did Adrian pursue ? \xe2\x80\x94 What virtues did he possess? \xe2\x80\x94 Had he any \nvices ? \xe2\x80\x94 What incursions were made by the barbarians? \xe2\x80\x94 Relate Adrian\'s travels \n\n\n\nANTONINUS PIUS. 247 \n\nthe most sacred in the Pagan mythology. In this place, he remitted \nthe severity of the Christian persecution. He was even so far recon- \nciled to this sect as to think of introducing Christ among the number \nof the gods. \n\nFrom thence he crossed to Africa, and spent much time in reforming \nabuses and erecting magnificent buildings. Among the rest he ordered \nCarthage, in Africa proper, to be rebuilt ; and Adrianople, the second \ncity of European Turkey, to be repaired. After returning to Rome, \nhe travelled a second time into .Greece ; passed over into Asia Minor, \nSyria and Palestine, Arabia and Egypt, where he ordered Pompey\'s \ntomb to be repaired and beautified. He gave orders for the rebuilding \nof Jerusalem, which was performed with great expedition, by the \nassistance of the Jews, who now began to conceive hopes of being \nrestored to their long-lost kingdom. These expectations only served \nto aggravate their calamities ; for being incensed at the Pagan and \nChristian worshippers, they fell upon them with merciless cruelty. \nThe Jews were retaliated upon by the Romans, with the demolition of \ntheir best towns, and the loss of many thousands who fell in battle. \n\nHaving spent thirteen years in travelling and reforming the abuses \nof the empire, Adrian resolved to end his days at Rome; and nothing \ncould be more grateful to the people than this resolution. Though he \nnow began to grow old and unwieldy, he remitted not his former assi- \nduity to the public welfare. His chief amusement was in conversing \nwith the most celebrated men in every art and science. He extended \nthe protection of the law to slaves, forbidding masters to kill them, as \nhad been before allowed. At length finding his strength declining, he \nadopted Antoninus as his successor. \n\nHis bodiJy infirmities became at last so insupportable, that he desired \nsome of his attendants to despatch him. Antoninus, however, would \nby no means permit any of his domestics to be guilty of so great an \nimpiety, but used all the arts in his power to reconcile the emperor to \nsustain life. He was frequently heard to cry out, " how miserable a \nthing is it to seek death and not to find it." At length the moment \narrived which terminated his mortal sufferings. He expired while \nrepeating the stanzas so well known,* in the sixty-second year of his \nage, after a prosperous reign of twenty-one years and eleven months. \n\nTitus Antoninus, (A. D. 183,) at the time he succeeded to the throne, \nwas above fifty years old, and had passed through the most important \noffices of the state with great integrity and application. His virtues in \n\n* Animula, vagula, blandula, Oh fleeting spirit, wandering fire, \n\nHospes, comesque, corporis ; That long hast warmed my tender breast ; \n\nQ,ufe nunc abibis in loca ? Wilt thou no more my frame inspire 1 \n\nPallidula, rigida, nudula, No more a pleasing, cheerful guest ? \n\nNee, ut soles, dabis jocos. Whither, ah whither art thou flying ? \n\nTo what dark undiscovered shore 1 \nThou seem\'st all trembling, shivering, dying, \nAnd wit and humour are no more. \n\nPope. \n\nDid he order Carthage to be rebuilt? \xe2\x80\x94 What disaster happened to the Jews? \xe2\x80\x94 \nHow long did the emperor Adrian spend in travelling ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did he reign ? \n\xe2\x80\x94 What was his age ? \n\n\n\n248 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nprivate life were no way impaired by exaltation, as he showed himself \none of the most excellent princes for justice, clemency, and modera- \ntion. He was surnamed the Pious, both for his tenderness to his pre- \ndecessor, Adrian, when dying, and for his attachment to the religion \nof his country. He was an eminent rewarder of learned men, to whom \nhe gave large pensions and great honours ; drawing them from all parts \nof the world. He sent for Apollonius, the famous Stoic philosopher, \nto instruct his adopted son, Marcus Aurelius. But while the good \nemperor was thus employed in making mankind happy ; in directing \ntheir conduct by his own example ; or reproving their follies with the \nkeenness of rebuke, he was seized with a violent fever. In the pre- \nsence of his friends and principal officers, he confirmed the adoption \nof Aurelius, and expired in the seventy-fifth year of his age, after a \nprosperous reign of twenty-two years and almost eight months. \n\nMarcus Aurelius, (A. D. 161,) though left sole successor, took \nLucius Verus as his associate and equal in the government. Aurelius \nwas as remarkable for his virtues and accomplishments as Verus was \nfor his ungovernable passions and debauched morals. The one was an \nexample of the greatest goodness and wisdom; the other of ignorance, \nsloth, and extravagance. Shortly after the two emperors were settled \non the throne, the empire was attacked on every side by the barbarous \nnations which surrounded it. The Catti invaded Germany and Rhaetia, \nbut were repelled by Victorinus. The Britons likewise revolted, but \nwere repressed by Callifurnius. The Parthians, under their king Volo- \ngeses, made an irruption more dreadful than either of the former, \ndestroying the Roman legions in Armenia, then entering Syria, driving \nout the Roman governor, and filling the whole country with terror and \nconfusion. Verus marched in person to oppose these barbarians ; but \nupon entering Antioch, he gave an indulgence to every appetite, leaving \nall the glory of the field to his lieutenants, who fought against the \ninvaders with great success. \n\nIn four years the Romans entered far into Parthia, and subdued it ; \nbut on their return, more than half their army perished by pestilence \nand famine. However, Verus resolved to enjoy the honours of a \ntriumph, so hardly earned by others, and he returned to Rome, to par- \ntake of one with Aurelius, which was solemnized with great pomp and \nsplendour. But his return seemed fatal to the empire ; for his army \ncarried the plague from Parthia, and disseminated the infection into the \nprovinces through which it passed. \n\nNothing could exceed the miserable state of the empire upon the \nreturn of Verus. He himself, unawed by example or the calamities \nsurrounding him, was giving way to unheard-of debaucheries ; a raging \npestilence was spreading terror and desolation through all parts of the \nwestern world ; the barbarous nations around the empire were making \ntheir irruptions even into Italy itself; a violent persecution raged \n\nWhat was the character of Antoninus ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did he reign ? \xe2\x80\x94 Whom did \nhe adopt ? \xe2\x80\x94 Did Aurelius reign alone ? \xe2\x80\x94 What were the characteristics of the two \nemperors ? \xe2\x80\x94 What eruptions were made ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was the success of the Parthian \nexpedition ? \xe2\x80\x94 In what state was the empire at the return of Verus ? \n\n\n\nMARCUS AURELIUS. 249 \n\nagainst the Christians in all parts of the empire ; and Justin Martyr, \nPolycarp, and a prodigious number, suffered martyrdom. In this scene \nof universal tumult, desolation, and distress, there was nothing left but \nthe virtues and the wisdom of one man to restore tranquillity, and bring \nback happiness to the empire. Aurelius began his endeavours by \nmarching against the Marcomanni and Quadi, taking Verus with him. \nThey came up with the Marcomanni, near the city of Aquileia, and, \nafter a furious engagement, routed their whole army. Verus was seized \nwith an apoplexy on his return to Rome, and expired, after he had \nreigned, in conjunction with Aurelius, nine years, at the age of thirty- \nnine. (A. D. 171.) \n\nAurelius, who had hitherto sustained the fatigues of governing not \nonly an empire, but his colleague, began to act with greater diligence \nand more vigour than ever. After subduing the Marcomanni he re- \nturned to Rome, where he resumed his endeavours to benefit and im- \nprove mankind. This good emperor, having detected Avidius in a \nconspiracy against him, generously granted him his pardon. Some who \nwere near his person took the liberty to blame his conduct, saying, that \nAvidius would not have been so generous had he been conqueror; to \nthis the emperor sublimely replied, " I never served the gods so ill, or \nreigned so irregularly, as to fear Avidius could be conqueror." \n\nHaving restored prosperity to his subjects and peace to mankind, he \nwas informed that the Scythians, and other barbarous nations of the \nnorth, were invading the empire. He once more resolved to expose \nhis aged person in the defence of his country, and made speedy prepa- \nrations to oppose them. He spent three days in giving the people lec- \ntures on regulating their lives ; and then departed upon his expedition, \namidst the prayers and lamentations of his subjects. Upon going to \nopen his third campaign, he was seized at Vienna with the plague, \nwhich stopped the progress of his success. His fears for the youth \nand unpromising disposition of Commodus, his son and successor, \nseemed to give him great uneasiness. He therefore addressed his \nfriends and the principal officers that were gathered round his bed, that, \nas his son was now losing one father, he hoped he would find many in \nthem : he expired soon after, in the fifty-ninth year of his age, having \nreigned nineteen years ; and with him seemed to die the glory and pros- \nperity of the empire. \n\nCHAPTER 28. - \n\nCOMMODUS\xe2\x80\x94 PERTINAX\xe2\x80\x94 SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS. \n\nThe merits of Aurelius procured Commodus an easy accession to the \nthrone. Great care had been taken of his education ; and though it \nwas notorious that weakness of intellect had made him the slave of \nunworthy favourites, it was hoped that the bright example of his father \nwould lead him to reject the counsellors of his youth and the compa- \n\nHow long did Verus reign ? \xe2\x80\x94 What conduct did Aurelius pursue after the death \nof Verus ? \xe2\x80\x94 Where did Aurelius die ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long had he reigned ? \n\n\n\n250 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nnions of his follies, when he came to direct an empire. But his whole \nreign was a tissue of wantonness and folly, cruelty and injustice, rapa- \ncity and corruption. He went with his associates to brothels ; spent \nthe day in feasting, and the night in the most abominable debaucheries. \nHe would sometimes go about the markets, in a frolic, with small wares, \nas a petty chapman ; sometimes he affected to be a horse-courser ; at \nother times he drove his own chariot in a slave\'s habit. \n\nIt was his method, like that of Domitian, to set down in a roll the \nnames of such as he intended to put to death. Marcia, his concubine, \naccidentally obtained a sight of this roll, and was alarmed at seeing her \nown name in it, and also those of Leetus, his general, and Electus, his \nchamberlain. She immediately revealed her terrors to Lsetus and Elec- \ntus, who, perceiving their dangerous situation, instantly resolved upon \nthe tyrant\'s death, and they succeeded in strangling him, in the thirty- \nfirst year of his age, after an impious reign of twelve years and nine \nmonths. (A. D. 192.) \n\nHelvius Pertinax, whose virtues and courage rendered him worthy \nof the most exalted station, and who had been previously fixed upon to \nsucceed, was carried to the camp by the conspirators, and proclaimed \nemperor, in the sixty-eighth year of his age ; and, soon after, the crti- \nzens and senate acknowledged him. Nothing could exceed the justice \nand wisdom of this monarch\'s short reign. But the praetorian soldiers, \nwhose manners he had attempted to reform, having been long corrupted \nby the indulgence and profusion of their former monarch, resolved to \ndethrone him ; and, marching through the streets in a tumultuous man- \nner, they entered his palace, without opposition, where a Tungrian sol- \ndier struck him dead with a blow of a lance, after he had reigned but \nthree months. \n\n(A. D. 201.) The soldiers made proclamation that they would sell \nthe empire to him that would give the most. Two bidders were found, \nSulpician and Didius ; the former, a consular person, prefect of the city, \nand son-in-law to the late emperor Pertinax ; the latter, a consular \nperson likewise, and the wealthiest man in the city. The offers of \nDidius, who produced immense sums of money, prevailed. The sol- \ndiers instantly swore to obey him as emperor ; and being conducted to \nthe senate-house, he addressed the few that were present in a laconic \nspeech : " Fathers, you want an emperor, and I am the fittest person \nyou can choose." The choice of the soldiers was confirmed by the \nSenate, and Didius was acknowledged emperor in the fifty-seventh year \nof his age. He gave himself up to ease and inactivity, utterly regard- \nless of the duties of his station. He was mild and gentle, indeed, but \nthat avarice, by which he became opulent, still followed him in his ex- \naltation, and it soon made the army detest him. The people also, against \nwhose consent he was chosen, were not less his enemies. \n\nSoon after, Septimius Severus, an African by birth, being proclaimed \n\nHow did Commodus conduct himself? \xe2\x80\x94 What occasioned his death? \xe2\x80\x94 What \ndate ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did Helvetius Pertinax reign ? \xe2\x80\x94 How was the kingdom then dis- \nposed of? \xe2\x80\x94 Did Didius give satisfaction ? \xe2\x80\x94 What was his particular vice ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who \nwas Severus ? \n\n\n\nSEVERUS, CARACALLA AND GETA. 251 \n\nby his army, began by promising to revenge the death of Pertinax. \xe2\x80\x94 \nDidius, upon being informed of his approach towards Rome, sent am- \nbassadors, offering to make him a partner in the empire. But Severus \nrejected his offer ; and the Senate, perceiving the weakness and timidity \nof their present master, abandoned him. Didius was despatched soon \nafter by order of the Senate, and Severus was proclaimed in his stead. \n\nSeverus having overcome Niger and Albinus, who were his com- \npetitors for the empire, assumed the reins of government, uniting great \nvigour with the most refined policy ; yet his African cunning was con- \nsidered as a singular defect in him. He is celebrated for his wit, learn- \ning, and prudence, but execrated for his perfidy and cruelty. In short, \nhe seemed equally capable of the greatest acts of virtue and the most \nbloody severities. Having previously confided the government, out of \ndomestic policy, to one Plautian, a favourite, to whose daughter he \nmarried his son Caracalla, he set out against the Parthians, (A. D. 198,) \nwho were then invading the frontiers of the empire. He prosecuted the \nwar with his usual expedition and success, and at length returned to \nRome in triumph. \n\nDuring this interval, Plautian, who had been left to direct the affairs \nof Rome, began to think of aspiring to the empire himself. Upon the \nemperor\'s return, he employed a tribune of the praetorian cohorts to as- \nsassinate both him and his son Caracalla. The tribune informed Seve- \nrus of his favourite\'s treachery, and Caracalla shortly after despatched \nhim with his sword. \n\nSeverus afterwards undertook an expedition into Britain, (A. D. 208,) \nwhere the Romans were in danger of being destroyed, or compelled to \nflee the province. After appointing his two sons, Caracalla and Geta, \njoint successors in the empire, he landed with them in Britain ; and \nleaving Geta in the southern parts of the province, which had continued \nin obedience, he marched, with Caracalla, against the Caledonians. \xe2\x80\x94 \nHe prosecuted his successes with such vigour, that he compelled the \nenemy to sue for peace. For the better security of that province, he \nbuilt that famous wall which still goes by his name, extending from \nSolway Frith on the west, to the German ocean on the east. He did \nnot long survive his successes here, but died at York, in the sixty-sixth \nyear of his age, after an active, though cruel reign, of about eighteen \nyears. \n\nCHAPTER 29. \n\nCARACALLA AND GETA \xe2\x80\x94 ALEXANDER SEVERUS \xe2\x80\x94 MAXIMIN \xe2\x80\x94 \nPHILIP \xe2\x80\x94 DECIUS \xe2\x80\x94 GALLUS. \n\nCaracalla and Geta, (A. D. 211,) being acknowledged emperors \nby the army, began to show a mutual hatred to each other, even before \ntheir arrival at Rome. But Caracalla, being resolved to govern alone, \n\nHow did he gain the throne ? \xe2\x80\x94 In what manner did he govern ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is he \ncelebrated for ? \xe2\x80\x94 What conspiracy was formed against Severus ? \xe2\x80\x94 Relate his expe- \ndition into Britain ?\xe2\x80\x94 What wall did he build?\xe2\x80\x94 Where did he die ?\xe2\x80\x94 How long kau \nhe reigned ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who succeeded ? \n\n\n\n252 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nfuriously entered Geta\'s apartment, and followed by ruffians, slew him \nin his mother\'s arms. The barbarities of this monster exceeded what- \never was done by Domitian or Nero. His tyrannies at length excited \nthe resentment of Macrinus, the commander of the forces in Mesopo- \ntamia, who employed one Martial, a centurion of the guards, to despatch \nhim, sfter a cruel reign of six years. \n\nThe soldiers, after a suspense of two days, fixed upon Macrinus to \nsucceed, (A. D. 217,) who took all possible methods to conceal his being \nprivy to Caracalla\'s murder. The Senate confirmed their choice shortly \nafter, and permitted him to take his son, Diadumenianus, as a partner \nin the empire. Macrinus was fifty-three years old when he entered \nupon the government of the empire. He was of obscure parentage, \nsome say by birth a Moor, who, by the mere rotation of office, being \nmade first prefect of the praetorian bands, was now by treason and ac- \ncident called to fill the throne. He, together with his son, Diadume- \nnianus, was assassinated, after a reign of one year and two months. \n\nThe Senate and citizens of Rome being obliged to submit to the ap- \npointment of the army, Heliogabalus, (A. D. 218,) son of Caracalla, \nascended the throne at the age of fourteen. His short life was a mix- \nture of effeminacy, lust, and extravagance. In the small space of four \nyears, he married six wives, and divorced them all. He built a senate- \nhouse for women, of which his mother was made president. To his \nother follies he added cruelty and boundless prodigality. But his sol- \ndiers mutinying, as was now usual with them, they dragged him through \nthe streets with the most bitter invectives, and having despatched him, \nthey threw his body into the Tiber, with heavy weights affixed to it, \nthat none might afterwards find or give it burial. This was the igno- \nminious death of Heliogabalus, in the eighteenth year of his age, after \na detestable reign of four years. \n\n(A. D. 222.) Alexander Severus, his cousin-german, succeeded \nHeliogabalus, and was declared emperor without opposition. To the \nmost rigid justice he added the greatest humanity. He loved the good, \nand was a severe reprover of the lewd and infamous. Such were his \ntalents, and such the solidity of his judgment, that, though but sixteen \nyears of age, he was considered as having acquired the wisdom of ex- \nperience. About the thirteenth year of his reign, the Upper Germans, \nand other northern nations, passed the Rhine and the Danube with such \nfury that all Italy was thrown into the most extreme consternation.\xe2\x80\x94 \nThe emperor made what levies he could, and went in person to stem the \ntorrent, which he speedily effected". It was in the course of his suc- \neesses against the enemy that he was cut off by a mutiny among his \nown soldiers, in the twenty-ninth year of his age, after a prosperous \nreign of thirteen years and nine days. \n\nMaximin, (A. D. 235,) who had been the chief promoter of the se- \ndition against Alexander, was chosen to succeed. He was born of ob- \nscure parentage, being the son of a poor herdsman of Thrace. He had \n\nWhat was his end ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who next ascended the throne ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did he reign 1 \n\xe2\x80\x94What is the character of Heliogabalus ? \xe2\x80\x94 How did Alexander govern ? \xe2\x80\x94 How \nlong did he reign ? \n\n\n\nPHILIP, DECIUS, GALLUS. 253 \n\nenlisted into the Roman army, where he soon became remarkable for \nhis great strength and courage. This gigantic man, we are told, was \neight feet and a half high ; and his strength was so great that he was \nable to draw a carriage which two oxen could not move. He had been \nequally remarkable for his simplicity, discipline, and virtue ; but upon \ncoming to the empire, he showed himself one of the greatest monsters \nof cruelty that had ever disgraced power ; fearful of nothing himself, \nhe seemed to sport with the terrors of all mankind. \n\nHowever, his cruelties did not retard his military operations. He \noverthrew the Germans in several battles, and wasted a great extent of \ntheir country with fire and sword. In every duty of the camp, he him- \nself took as much pains as the meanest sentinel, showing incredible \ncourage and assiduity. This remarkable man was assassinated by the \narmy, after a usurpation of about three years, in the sixty-fifth year of \nhis age. Pupienus (A. D. 238,) and Balbinus succeeded, and continued \nemperors for some time, but the praetorian soldiers at length slew them \nboth, and proclaimed Gordian, the grandson of him who was slain in \nAfrica. He was but sixteen years old when he began to reign ; but \nhis virtues seemed to compensate for his want of experience. He was \nkilled, after a successful reign of nearly six years, by the order of \nPhilip, an Arabian, whom he had appointed to succeed him. \n\nPhilip, having thus murdered his benefactor, was acknowledged \nemperor by the army. He associated his son, a boy of six years old, \nas his partner in the empire. Philip commanded in Mesopotamia, and, \nin order to secure his power, made peace with the Persians, and march- \ned his army towards Rome. However the army revolting in favour of \nDecius his general, he was murdered by one of his sentinels, after a \nreign of about five years. He died in the forty-fifth year of his reign. \n\nDecius was universally acknowledged his successor. His activity \nand wisdom seemed in some measure to retard the hastening decline of \nthe Roman empire. The Senate deemed him not inferior to Trajan, \nand indeed he appeared to consult the dignity and the benefit of the \nempire, if we except his cruel persecution of the Christians. But the \ndisputes between the Pagans and the Christians, within the empire, \nand the irruptions of barbarous nations from without, enfeebled it \nbeyond the power of remedy. He was killed in an ambuscade of the \nenemy, in the fiftieth year of his age, after a short reign of two years. \n\nGallus, who had betrayed the Roman army, had address enough to \nget himself declared emperor, (A. D.251). He was the first who \nbought a dishonourable peace from the enemies of the state ; paying a \ntribute to the Goths, whom he ought to have repressed. He was lost \nin debauchery and sensuality. The Pagans were allowed the power \nof persecuting the Christians through all parts of the state. \n\nThese calamities were succeeded by a pestilence from heaven, which \nwidely extended for several years ; and also by a civil war, which \nfollowed between Gallus and JEmilianus, who, having gained a victory \n\n\n\nHow did Maximin conduct himself? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did he reign ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who succeeded ? \n-By what means did Philip gain the empire ? \xe2\x80\x94 How was he killed ? \xe2\x80\x94 What age ? \n-Relate the particulars of the reign of Decius. \xe2\x80\x94 What was the conduct of Gallus? \n22 \n\n\n\n254 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nover the Goths, was declared emperor by his conquering army. Both \nGallus and his son were slain by iEmilianus, in a battle fought in \nMoesia. He died in the forty-seventh year of his age, after an unhappy \nreign of two years and four months, in which the empire suffered inex- \npressible calamities. (A. D. 253.) The Senate refused to acknowledge \nthe claims of iEmilianus, and he was slain by his own troops, after a \nshort reign of three or four months. \n\n\n\nCHAPTER 30. \nVALERIAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS. \n\nValerian was chosen by the army to succeed to the throne. He \nseemed to set about reforming the state with a good and vigorous mind ; \nbut reformation was grown almost impracticable. In a war with the \nPersians, their king Sapor took him prisoner, and the indignities and \ncruelties practised upon this unhappy monarch are almost incredible. \nSapor used him as a footstool for mounting his horse, observing that it \nwas the best attitude for a statue to be erected to his memory. After \na seven years, sufferance of such horrid indignities, the cruel Persians \ncommanded the prisoner\'s eyes to be plucked out, and afterwards caused \nhim to be flayed, his skin dressed, dyed red, and exposed as a monu- \nment of the Persian monarch\'s triumph. \n\nWhen Valerian was taken prisoner, Gallienus, his son, promising to \nrevenge the insult, was chosen emperor. (A. D. 259.) But it was soon \ndiscovered that he sought rather the splendors than the toils of empire, \nand he gave himself up to ease and luxury. At this time no fewer \nthan thirty pretenders, who are commonly known by the mame of the \nthirty tyrants, were contending for the crown. After supporting their \nclaims for a short time, by force of arms, they returned to their original \nobscurity. Gallienus having been killed by his own soldiers, when \nengaged in the siege of Milan, was succeeded, (A. D. 268,) by Flavius \nClaudius. \n\nClaudius, was joyfully accepted by all orders of the state. He was \na man of great valour and conduct, whose reign was chiefly occupied \nin repelling the attacks of the Gothic invaders, who had long continued \nto make irruptions into the empire. After a great victory obtained over \nthem, he was seized with a pestilential fever in Pannonia, which termi- \nnated a reign of little more than two years ; to the great regret of his \nsubjects, and the irreparable loss of the Roman empire. \n\nAurelian was next chosen by the army on account of his military \ntalents, and acknowledged by all the states of the empire. This active \nmonarch was of obscure parentage, and had passed through all the \ngradations of military duty. He was of unshaken courage and amaz- \ning strength. In one engagement he killed forty of the enemy with \n\n\n\nHow was Gallus slain? \xe2\x80\x94 What date? \xe2\x80\x94 Was iEmilianus acknowledged emperor? \n\xe2\x80\x94 What was the unhappy fate of Valerian? \xe2\x80\x94 Did any pretenders contend with \nGallienus for the crown? \xe2\x80\x94 What are the principal events in the reign of Claudius ? \n\xe2\x80\x94 What was remarkable in Aurelian ? \n\n\n\nTACITUS, CARUS, DIOCLETIAN. 255 \n\nhis own hand, and at different times above nine hundred. In valour \nand expedition he was compared to Julius Caesar, and only wanted \nmildness and clemency to be his equal. \n\nAmong those who were compelled to submit to his power was the \nfamous Zenobia, queen of Palmyra. He subdued her country and \ntook her prisoner, and she was reserved to grace his triumph. Sue was \nafterwards allowed such an income as maintained her in almost her \nformer splendour. But the emperor\'s severities were the cause of his \ndestruction : his secretary, having been threatened by him for some \nfault, formed a conspiracy against him, and slew him as he was travel- \nling in Thrace towards Byzantium, in the sixtieth year of his age, after \na very active reign of almost five years. \n\nAfter an interregnum of about eight months, the Senate made choice \nof Tacitus, a man of great merit, but by no means ambitious of the \nhonour, being at that time seventy-five years old. His measures were \nwise, his habits temperate, and his disposition amiable. After enjoy- \ning the empire about six months, he died of a fever, in his march to \noppose the Persians and Scythians. \n\nUpon the death of Tacitus, his half-brother took upon himself the \ntitle of emperor, in Cilicia ; but being defeated by Probus, the army, \nas if by common consent, exclaimed that Probus should be emperor. \xe2\x80\x94 \nHe had been early distinguished for his discipline and valour, nor were \nhis activity and courage less apparent when elected to the empire. \nEvery year produced fresh irruptions, which threatened universal deso- \nlation. \n\nPerhaps, at this time, no abilities, except those of Probus, were ca- \npable of opposing such united invasions. He was slain by some of \nhis soldiers, whom he had offended by employing them in draining a \nfen, after an active reign of six years and four months. He was suc- \nceeded by Carus. The reign of Carus, and that of his two sons, Ca- \nrinus and Numerian, were short and destitute of interest. Carus was \nkilled by lightning in his tent. Numerian was assassinated by his \nfather-in-law, Aper, who aspired to the crown, but was defeated by \nDiocletian, who slew the murderer, and ascended the throne with the \napprobation of the army and Senate. \n\nDiocletian was a person of mean birth ; he received his name from \nthe town in which he was born, (A. D. 284.) He owed his exaltation \nto his merit, having passed through all the gradations of office with \nsagacity, courage, and success. In his time the northern hive, as it was \ncalled, the Scythians, Goths, Sarmatians, Alani, &c, poured down its \nswarms of barbarians upon the southern empire. On account of the \nnumerous enemies which Diocletian had to oppose, he made Maximian \nhis associate ; and afterward took two other colleagues, whom they \ntermed Caesars \xe2\x80\x94 Constantius Chlorus, and Galerius. In 303, Diocletian \nbegan to persecute the Christians with great cruelty. \n\n\n\nWhat occasioned his death? \xe2\x80\x94 How old was he? \xe2\x80\x94 Who was next chosen? \xe2\x80\x94 \nHow long did he reign? \xe2\x80\x94 Who succeeded Tacitus? \xe2\x80\x94 What was he distinguished \nfor ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did Probus reign ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who succeeded ? \xe2\x80\x94 What happened in the \n.eign of Diocletian? \xe2\x80\x94 Whom did he take as partner? \xe2\x80\x94 Did he persecute the \n\nChristians ? \n\n\n\n256 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nAfter gaining many victories over the barbarians, and in the midst \nof his triumphs, Diocletian and Maximian (his partner in the empire,) \nsurprised the world by resigning their dignities on the same day \xe2\x80\x94 1st \nMay, A. D. 304, and both retiring to private stations. Diocletian\'s reign \nof twenty years was active and vigorous. His authority, though tinc- \ntured with severity, was supposed to be adapted to the depraved state \nof morals at that time. \n\nUpon the resignation of the two emperors, the two Caesars, whom \nthey had before chosen, were universally acknowledged as their suc- \ncessors. Constantius was virtuous, valiant, and merciful ; Galerius \nwas brave, but brutal, incontinent, and cruel. On coming into power \nthey readily agreed to divide the empire; Constantine was appointed \nto govern the western parts, and died at York, in Britain, A. D. 306, \nappointing Constantine, his son, as his successor. Galerius was seized \nwith a disorder, which baffled the skill of his physicians, and carried \nhim off. \n\nCHAPTER 31. \n\nCONSTANTINE. \n\nConstantine, afterwards surnamed the Great, had some competitors \nat first for the throne. Among the rest was Maxentius, who was at \nthat time in possession of Rome, and a steady asserter of Paganism. \nIt was in Constantine\'s march against that usurper, Ave are told, that \nhe was converted to Christianity, by a very extraordinary appearance. \nOne evening, the army being on its march towards Rome, Constantine, \nsensible of the dangers of his expedition, sent up his ejaculations to \nheaven to direct him in the path he should pursue. As the sun was \ndeclining there suddenly appeared a pillar of light in the heavens, in \nthe fashion of a cross, with this inscription \xe2\x80\x94 TOTT& NIKA, In this \novercome. \n\nAn appearance so extraordinary created astonishment, both in the \nemperor and his whole army. The account goes on to say, that the \nemperor was further encouraged by visions the same night ; and that \nthe day following, he caused a royal standard, like that which he had \nseen in the heavens, to be carried before him in his wars, as an ensign \nof victory and celestial protection. After this he consulted with the \nprincipal teachers of Christianity, and made a public avowal of that \nholy religion. \n\nConstantine, having thus attached his soldiers to his interest, who \nwere mostly of the Christian persuasion, entered Italy with ninety \nthousand foot, and eight thousand horse, and advanced almost to the \ngates of Rome. Maxentius advanced from the city with a large army. \nThe engagement was fierce and bloody ; but victory declared in favour \njf Constantine. Maxentius was drowned in his flight, by the breaking \n\n\n\nDid they resign their government ? \xe2\x80\x94 What date ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who divided the empire ? \xe2\x80\x94 \nWhere did Constantine die ? \xe2\x80\x94 What date ? \xe2\x80\x94 What is told of Constantine the Great\'s \nconversion? \xe2\x80\x94 Did he publicly avow Christianity? \xe2\x80\x94 Did Constantine overcome his \nrival for the crown ? \n\n\n\nCONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 257 \n\ndown of the bridge as he attempted to cross the Tiber. Constantine, \non entering the city, caused the cross to be placed at the right of all \nhis statues. Edicts were soon after issued, declaring that the Chris- \ntians should be eased of all their grievances, and received into places \nof trust and authority. \n\nThings continued in this state for some time, Constantine contribut- \ning to the interests of religion and the revival of learning. But in the \nmidst of these assiduities the empire was again disturbed by the pre- \nparations of Maximin, who governed in the east, and who seemed desi- \nrous to resume his power. A general engagement ensued between him \nand Licinius (whom Constantine had associated with him in the gov- \nernment), in which Maximin suffered a total defeat. He was preparing \nhowever another army, when his death prevented the conflict. As he \ndied by a very extraordinary kind of madness, the Christians ascribed \nit to the judgment of heaven. But this was an age in which false \nopinions and false miracles made up the bulk of every history. \n\nConstantine and Licinius thus remaining undisputed possessors of \nthe empire, a rupture soon occurred between them, and both sides exert- \ned their power to gain the ascendency ; and at the head of very formida- \nble armies came to an engagement near Cybalis, in Pannonia. Con- \nstantine, previous to the battle, in the midst of his Christian bishops, \nbegged the assistance of heaven ; while, Licinius, with equal zeal, \ncalled upon the Pagan priests to intercede with the gods in their favour. \nConstantine was victorious ; and in a second engagement Licinius was \nentirely defeated, and rendered himself up to the victor, who, for his \nrebellion, some time afterwards, put him to death. \n\nConstantine, thus becoming sole monarch, resolved to establish \nChristianity on a sure basis. He commanded, that in all the provinces \nof the empire, the orders of the bishops should be implicitly obeyed. \nHe called, also, a general council at Nice, to repress the heresies that \nhad already crept into the church. But, though he restored tranquillity \nto his dominions, he could not ward off calamities at home. Histori- \nans are much at variance as to the motives which induced him to put \nhis wife Fausta, and his son Crispus, to death. The most plausible \naccount is, that Fausta, the empress, \xe2\x80\x94 a woman of great beauty, but \nof extravagant desires, had long, though secretly loved Crispus, Con- \nstantine\'s son by a former wife. She attempted in vain to inspire this \nyouth with a mutual passion. This produced an explanation, which \nproved fatal to both. Constantine, fired at once with jealousy and rage, \ncondemned both to death. \n\nConstantine now found leisure to execute his design of removing \nthe seat of government from Rome to Byzantium, a more central part \nof the empire, which he enlarged, and named from himself Constanti- \nnople, (A. D. 330). The city he beautified with magnificent edifices, \nand dedicated it to the God of Martyrs ; and in two years after repaired \nthither with his whole court. \n\n\n\nWhat is told of Maximin? \xe2\x80\x94 What was told of his death ? \xe2\x80\x94 Did Constantine con- \ntend with Licinius ? \xe2\x80\x94 What domestic troubles did Constantine encounter? \xe2\x80\x94 Whither \ndid he remove the seat of government? \n\n22* \n\n\n\n258 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nThis removal produced no immediate change in the government of \nthe empire. The inhabitants of Rome, though reluctant, submitted to \nthe change, nor was there for two or three years any disturbance in the \nstate ; until at length the Goths, finding that the Romans had with- \ndrawn all their garrisons along the Danube, renewed their inroads, and \nravaged the country with unheard-of cruelty. Constantine, however, \nsoon repressed their incursions. \n\nA great error ascribed to Constantine, is the dividing the empire \namong his sons. Constantine, the eldest, commanded in Gaul, and the \nwestern provinces: Constantius, the second, governed Africa and Illy- \nricum: and Constans, the youngest, ruled in Italy. This division of \nthe empire further contributed to its downfall : for the united strength \nof the state being no longer brought to repress invasions, the barba- \nrians, though often defeated, conquered at last. When Constantine \nwas above sixty years old, and had reigned above thirty, he found his \nhealth decline. His disorder, which was an ague, increasing, he went \nto Nicomedia, where, finding himself without hopes of a recovery, he \ncaused himself to be baptized. He soon after received the sacrament \nand expired. \n\nCHAPTER 32. \nSUCCESSORS OF CONSTANTINE\xe2\x80\x94 JULIAN. \n\nThe character of Constantine has been as extravagantly lauded by \nhis friends as it has been unjustly depreciated by his enemies; but in \ntruth his conduct varied with his circumstances, and the hero, whom \nadversity could not subdue, degenerated into a cruel and dissolute tyrant, \nunder the influence of uninterrupted prosperity. The private assassi- \nnation of his son Crispus, and the murder of his nephew, and of a \ngreat number of the most respectable imperial officers, affix an indelible \nstain on the character of Constantine, which is aggravated by the know- \nledge, that in the midst of these cruel executions, the imperial court \nwas the theatre of the most degrading licentiousness and profligate de- \nbauchery. Christian writers have been too eager to extenuate the vices \nand palliate the crimes of the first Christian emperor; as if the cha- \nracter of a great religious revolution was to be estimated by the de- \nmerits of "the instrument by which it was effected ; but they should re- \nmember that God has, in many instances, made even the vices of men \nsubservient to the great designs of his moral government. \n\nOn the death of Constantine, his three sons, Constantine, Constan- \ntius, and Constans, succeeded to the empire. Though they had been \ncarefully educated, they resembled each other as much in their vices as \ntheir names. They planned a conspiracy for the judicial murder of \ntheir nearest relation ; and a forged scroll, purporting to be the will of \nthe late emperor, was produced by the Bishop of Nicomedia, who had \n\n\n\nWhat is said of the Goths at this time ? \xe2\x80\x94 Were they successful? \xe2\x80\x94 How did Con- \nstantine divide the kingdom ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did he reign ? \xe2\x80\x94 How old was he at his \ndeath? \xe2\x80\x94 What character do historians give to Constantine? \xe2\x80\x94 What course did his \nsons pursue on coming to the throne ? \n\n\n\nSUCCESSORS OF CONSTANTINE. -259 \n\nbeen bribed for the purpose, in which Constantine was made to declare \nthat he had been poisoned by his brothers, and represented as suppli- \ncating his children for vengeance. Under this pretext the whole of the \nFlavian family was menaced with destruction, and it was with diffi- \nculty that Gallus and Julian, the youngest children of Julius Constan- \ntius, were saved from the hands of the assassins. \n\nThis was followed by a partition of the empire among the three \nbrothers. Constantine, the elder, received titular supremacy, and the \npossession of the capital ; Thrace, and the Asiatic provinces, were as- \nsigned to Constantius ; while Constans was acknowledged master of \nItaly, Africa, and Illyricum. \n\nConstantius was soon involved in a long and dangerous war for the \ndefence of his new dominions against Sapor, king of Persia. After a \nseries of campaigns, in which the provinces were greatly devastated, \nthe war was concluded by treaty, after it had lasted twelve years. \xe2\x80\x94 \nThree years had scarcely elapsed since the partition of the empire, when \nConstantine fell in a civil war with his brother Constans, (A. D. 350,) \nwhose subsequent administration of ten years completely alienated the \naffections of the soldiers and the people. The general discontent in- \nduced Magnentius, a soldier of fortune, to raise the standard of revoltin \nGaul, and Constans, before he had time to escape, was taken and slain. \nImmediately after, the Illyrian regions saluted their general Vetranio \nemperor, and his rebellion was sanctioned by the princess Constantia. \nHowever, Constantius, on his return from Syria, easily seduced the \nsimple Vetranio into a treaty, and reduced him to a private station. \nWar was then declared against Magnentius, who received a decisive \noverthrow at Mursa, in Pannonia, and soon after he slew himself in \ndespair. \n\nGallus, who, with his brother Julian, had escaped the ruin of the \nFlavian family, had been released from prison by Constantius, associ- \nated in the government with the title of Cassar, and united in marriage \nto the princess Constantia. But the latter circumstance proved his \nruin : stimulated by his wife, an ambitious and depraved woman, he \nprovoked the jealousy of Constantius by outraging his authority, and \nafter a mock examination, he was put to death like the meanest cri- \nminal. \n\nBesides the reigning emperor, Julian was now the only surviving \nmember of the Flavian family, and he owed his safety to the generous \ninterference of the empress Eusebia. Educated in the philosophical \nschools in Athens, he had been induced to reject the pure doctrines of \nChristianity for the delusive dreams of Pagan philosophy, and thus \nearned the title of the Apostate. He was raised to the dangerous ele- \nvation his brother had enjoyed, and invested with the dignity of a \nCaesar. \n\nHe was sent to defend the province of Gaul, then devastated by the \nGerman barbarians, and showed by his conduct that the cultivation of \n\nHow was the empire divided? \xe2\x80\x94 What country had each? \xe2\x80\x94 What struggles dis- \nturbed the empire ? \xe2\x80\x94 Relate what happened to Gallus. \xe2\x80\x94 Who was the cause of it \n\xe2\x80\x94 - Who was Julian ? \xe2\x80\x94 What title did he obtain ? \n\n\n\n260 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\npolite literature is not incompatible with the wisdom of a statesman \nthe skill of a general, or the courage of a hero. His soldiers had re- \nsolved to proclaim him emperor ; and a civil war was on the point of \ncommencing, when it was prevented by the death of Constantius, who, \n(A. D. 361,) notwithstanding his rebellion, named Julian as his suc- \ncessor. \n\nThe news of Julian\'s accession was hailed by the philosophers and \nthe adherents to the old heathen system with extravagant pleasure, but \nit filled the hearts of the Christians with suspicion and dismay. The \nprinciples of enlightened toleration formed no part of his philosophy ; \nrewards were proffered to all who would apostatize to the imperial creed, \nand penal disqualifications imposed on those who adhered to the pure \nreligion of the gospel. It is said, indeed, that Julian did not persecute \nthe Christians, and it is true that he made no martyrs ; but it were idle \nto deny that penal and disqualifying laws are as much instruments of \npersecution as the torture of the rack, or the axe of the executioner. \nThe condition of the Jews, so directly in accordance with the prophecy \nof Christ, was a standing proof of Christianity, too decisive to escape \nthe notice of its crafty adversary. To remove its effects, Julian re- \nsolved to rebuild the temple of Jerusalem ; but the workmen were mi- \nraculously dispersed, and the attempt was not repeated. \n\nJulian led a powerful army against the Persians, and for some time \nenjoyed uninterrupted success. But at length he was mortally wounded \nin a skirmish with the Persian troops. \n\nJovian, one of the imperial domestics, was chosen by the army, and \nthe first act of his reign was to conclude a dishonourable peace with \nSapor. He then made a public profession of the Christian faith, and \nissued an edict for the establishment of universal toleration ; but on \nhis way to Constantinople, he unfortunately was suffocated by the me- \nphitic vapours of a room freshly plastered, after a short reign of eight \nmonths. \n\nCHAPTER 33. \n\nVALENTINIAN \xe2\x80\x94 VALENS \xe2\x80\x94 GRATIAN \xe2\x80\x94 THEODOSIUS. \n\nAfter an interregnum of ten days, Valentinian, the son of a Panno- \nnian nobleman, was elected to fill the vacant throne. He shared his \nauthority with his brother Valens, to whom he entrusted Constantinople \nand the eastern provinces ; the western dominions he reserved for him- \nself, and made Milan the seat of his government. Thus were the Ro- \nman territories divided into the Eastern and Western empires. (A. D. \n364.) \n\nThe empire of Valens was disturbed by the revolt of Procopius, \nwhose only merit was his relationship to the emperor Julian ; and after \nhis defeat by the bitter persecution of the Catholic Christians, whom \n\nWhom did Constantine name as his successor ? \xe2\x80\x94 How did Julian behave towards \nthe Christians ?\xe2\x80\x94 Did he succeed in building the temple at Jerusalem ?\xe2\x80\x94 How did \nJulian come by his death? \xe2\x80\x94 What are the particular events of Jovian\'s reign ?\xe2\x80\x94 \nWho next enjoyed the empire ?\xe2\x80\x94 How was it divided ?\xe2\x80\x94 What was the state of each \nempire ? \n\n\n\nGRATIAN, THEODOSIUS. 261 \n\nValens, a zealous professor of the Arian heresy, determined to destroy. \nValentinian, on the contrary, established perfect toleration in his do- \nminions, and studiously discouraged all persecution on account of re- \nligious opinions. \n\nBut the barbarous nations on the northern frontiers of the empire \nbegan now to threaten the calamities that they subsequently inflicted. \nThe Gothic and Sarmatic nations could no longer be confined by the \nline of the Danube ; a formidable coalition of the German tribes called \nthe Allemanni, menaced Gaul ; and Southern Britain was invaded by \nthe Picts and Scots. To the latter province the emperor sent Theodo- \nsius, the bravest and most popular of the imperial generals ; while he \nhimself hasted to meet the barbarians of the Rhine and Upper Danube. \nIn Britain, Theodosius not only repelled the invaders, but extended the \nboundaries of the Roman province. Nor was the emperor\'s success \nless decided, and he drove his enemies to sue for peace. When the \nambassadors came into the presence of Valentinian, he upbraided them \nin the most bitter terms, and worked himself into such a convulsion of \npassion, that he burst a blood-vessel, and expired in a few moments in \nthe arms of his attendants. \n\nGratian succeeded his father ; but was forced to associate with \nhimself in the empire his brother Valentinian II., as yet an infant. \nScarcely had he assumed the government, when he received pressing \nsolicitations from his uncle Valens to aid in the defence of the eastern \nempire which the insurrection of the Goths menaced with destruction. \nThese Goths, being driven from their native soil by the Huns, had sup- \nplicated the emperor Valens to locate them in some part of his domin- \nions. He readily assigned to them the waste lands of Thrace, but \nneglecting to provide for their immediate support, hunger drove them \nto rebellion, and they now seemed on the point of destroying the em- \npire that had afforded them protection. \n\nGratian readily prepared to aid his uncle; but was delayed by a new \nwar with the Allemanni till Valens had been forced to an engagement \nnear Adrianople, in which he perished with the greater part of his army. \nWhen Gratian received the fatal news, he was on his march ; but it \nwas too late to save his uncle. Being too sensible of the dangers that \nthreatened the western empire, to distract himself with the affairs of \nthe eastern, he chose as his colleague, Theodosius, the son of the con- \nqueror of Britain, and invested him with the imperial purple. Theo- \ndosius soon restored the sinking fortunes of the eastern empire, and \ncompelled the Goths to submit. \n\nHitherto the conduct of Gratian had merited and obtained the ap- \nplause of his subjects; but from a variety of causes, his popularity \nbegan rapidly to decline. This induced Maximus, who commanded \nin Britain, to make an attempt for empire, and passing over to Gaul, he \nwas joined by the legions quartered in that country. Gratian, after \n\nWhat inroads were now made by the barbarians ? \xe2\x80\x94 Did Valentinian suppress the \ninsurrection ?\xe2\x80\x94 What was the cause of his death ?\xe2\x80\x94 Who succeeded ?\xe2\x80\x94 What hap- \npened in the empire of Valens ?\xe2\x80\x94 What was the fate of Valens ?\xe2\x80\x94 Whom did Gra- \ntian appoint to his uncle\'s kingdom ? \n\n\n\n-262 HISTORY OF ROME. \n\nvainly endeavouring to revive the loyalty of his soldiers, fled from \nParis, where he resided ; but he was treacherously betrayed at Lyons \nto his pursuers, and instantly murdered. \n\nTheodosius thought it prudent to enter into an alliance with Maxi- \nmus, stipulating that Italy should be secured to Valentinian II., then \nat Milan. But the perfidious usurper soon after led an army across the \nAlps, and Valentinian fled with his mother Justinian, to Thedosius for \nsafety. Theodosius prepared an army to chastise the perfidy of Maxi- \nmus. The success of the war was equal to its justness. Maximus \nwas slain ; and Valentinian was restored ; but he was assassinated \nsoon after by Arbogastes, one of his generals, who procured the \nelevation of the rhetorician Eugenius to the throne of the western \nempire. \n\nTheodosius once more proceeded to Italy, as the punisher of usurpa- \ntion ; on this occasion he found his enemies waiting his approach \nbeyond the Alps, and so strongly posted that, but for the disaffection of \none of the hostile bodies, he must have been irretrievably ruined. In \nthe battle that ensued the two usurpers were slain, and the eastern and \nwestern empires were once more united under one head. But the health \nof the emperor, already weakened by military toils, was quite unable \nto sustain the festivities that celebrated his triumphs. He died, uni- \nversally lamented by all classes of his subjects, after a glorious reign \nof sixteen years. \n\nCHAPTER 34. \n\nTHE BARBAROUS NATIONS WHO SUBVERTED THE ROMAN \nEMPIRE \xe2\x80\x94 FALL OF THE EMPIRE. \n\nThe Barbarous Nations that contributed to the overthrow of the \nRoman Empire, were the Vandals and Alans, the Goths, the Huns, the \nJillemanni and the Suevic Tribes, the Franks, the Angles and Saxons, \nthe Normans, the Bulgarians and Avars, the Saracens or Arabs, and the \nTurks. \n\nDuring the later reign of the Caesars, the ancient military glory of the \nRomans disappeared, and their armies were recruited from among the \ndistant provinces, and when those mercenary tribes returned home, \nthey made known to their countrymen the riches and the weakness of \nthe empire. It was about the beginning of the fifth century that the \nVandals, the Suevi and the Alans poured their hordes into the empire. \nThe Franks, Saxons, Allemanni, &c, laid waste the countries about \nthe Rhine, and the Persians made dreadful incursions on the provinces \nof the east. \n\n\n\nRelate Gratian\'s unhappy death. \xe2\x80\x94 Where was he killed ? \xe2\x80\x94 Did the usurper long \nenjoy his power ?\xe2\x80\x94 What was the end of Valentinian II. ?\xe2\x80\x94 Who succeeded ?\xe2\x80\x94 With \nwhat success did Theodosius march against the usurpers ? \xe2\x80\x94 How long did he reign ? \n\xe2\x80\x94 Name the barbarous nations that contributed to the overthrow of the Roman \nempire. \xe2\x80\x94 What discovered the riches of the Romans to the barbarians ? \n\n\n\nTHE BARBAROUS NATIONS. 263 \n\nThe Vandals issued from Scandinavia (now Sweden) and occupied \nthe northern part of Germany, between the Elbe and the Vistula, and \nformed a part of the great Suevic nation. They extended themselves \ntowards the lower Danube, and came in contact with the Jllans, a Scy- \nthian race from the chain of Mount Caucasus, that had previously made \nincursions into southern Asia. Another portion or tribe of these Van- \ndals overran Gaul ; and from thence entered Spain ; and one of the \nprovinces, Vandalusia (now Andalusia) retains the memory of their \nconquests. From Spain they passed, (A. D. 429,) into Africa, under \nthe command of king Genseric and his successors. Their dominion \nlasted for a century, when they were totally subdued, and their name \nobliterated from Africa, by Belisarius, the general of the eastern em- \nperor, Justinian. \n\nThe Goths are said to have been originally from Scandinavia ; but \nthe first historical accounts introduce them north of the lower Danube, \nbetween the Vistula and the Don. Those eastward of the Boristhenes \nor Dnieper, were termed Ostrogoths ; and those to the west of the Bo- \nristhenes were named Visigoths. Both were the most civilized of the \nbarbarous tribes, and the first that embraced Christianity. After being \nprovoked by the emperors, they twice ravaged Italy, and plundered \nRome, and they erected new states in Gaul and Spain, which attained \nconsiderable distinction. The Thuringians, who appear to have been \na branch of the Goths, established a kingdom in the centre of Ger- \nmany. \n\nThe Huns appear, from the accounts of the ancient historians, to have \nbelonged to the race of the Mongolian Tartars. On their entering Eu- \nrope, they drove before them the Goths, and other nations, down upon \nItaly. In the year 391, they entered Mcesia and Thrace. Attila, the \nleader of the Huns, who, for his cruelty, was called " the scourge of \nGod" was defeated by iEtius and Theodoric, the king of the Visigoths. \nThey lost their chief in Italy, and with his death their power terminated. \nThe nation was broken by their petty chiefs into small septs, and the \nconquests of Charlemagne, about the year 800, A. D., blotted the name \nof the Huns from the list of nations. \n\nThe Allemanni and the Suevic tribes \xe2\x80\x94 The Allemanni were a con- \nfederacy of several tribes in northern Germany ; they possessed them- \nselves of those parts which border on the Rhine, and from thence Ger- \nmany is at present called Allemagne, \n\nThe Burgundians originally inhabited the banks of the Vistula (now \nPrussia.) In 245, they were driven by the Gepidce beyond the Kibe. \nAbout the year 275, they approached the Rhine, which they crossed, \nand took numerous towns, which they were soon, by the emperor Pro- \n\n__ i \n\nMention the origin and incursions of the Vandals. \xe2\x80\x94 Of the Goths. \xe2\x80\x94 What is the \nhistory of the Huns ? \xe2\x80\x94 Their origin ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who conquered them ? \xe2\x80\x94 Who were the \nAllemanni ?\xe2\x80\x94 What country did they possess ?\xe2\x80\x94 What country did the Burgundians \n\n\n\n264 \n\n\n\nHISTORY OF ROME. \n\n\n\nbus, compelled to yield. They some time afterwards overran Alsace, \nand advanced to Geneva. The seat of their government was next re- \nmoved to Vienne, in Dauphine, and lastly to Burgundy ; since which \nit has formed a province of France. \n\nThe Suevic tribes occupied the space between the Vistula and the \nElbe ; and in language and race appear to be closely connected with the \nScandinavians. One portion of them settled in the southwestern part \nof Germany, and gave the name Swabia to that duchy. They accom- \npanied the Vandals into Spain, and received the province of Galicia for \ntheir share. \n\nTwo Scandinavian tribes, the Gepid^e and the Heruli, forced the \nBurgundians to quit their habitations. The Heruli, after having given \na king to Italy, were soon lost among the other tribes. \n\nThe Lombards, more properly Longobardi, or the long-bearded-na- \ntion, were the last of the Suevic tribes that emigrated. They entered \nItaly after the destruction of the Gothic kingdom, and erected a state \nin 563, called Lombardy, in the northern part of that country, which \nlasted till 774, when it fell under tbe dominion of Charlemagne. \n\nThe Franks, or Freemen, had at one time the whole country, from \nthe Rhine to the Elbe, under their control. In the third and fourth \ncenturies they possessed themselves of Gaul, to which they gave the \nname of France. \n\nThe Angles and Saxons inhabited the provinces about Holstein, and \nwere as conspicuous for their expeditions by sea, as their incursions by \nland. The Britons, to protect themselves against the Picts and Scots, \nentreated the aid of these pirates. They landed in Kent, about A. D. \n449. But they soon became masters of the country which they came \nto protect. They founded the seven kingdoms called the Heptarchy, \nand changed its name to Angle-land, since corrupted to England. \n\nThe Normans, or North-men, did not appear till after the former \ntribes had nearly settled themselves in their new habitations. They \ncame from Norway and Denmark, and their piratical excursions, not \nonly on the coasts of the Atlantic, but in the Mediterranean, filled I^u- \nrope with dismay. They made frequent settlements on the north of \nFr?nce, and wrested Normandy from the French monarchs. Their de- \nscendants, under the guidance of William the Conqueror, made them- \nselves masters of England. \n\nThe BulcxArians and Avars. The Bulgarians were probably from \nSouthern Tartary. They appeared on the banks of the Volga towards \nthe middle of the seventh century. In their farther progress a part of \nthem penetrated to Benevento in Italy, where their descendants may \nbe distinguished to this day. A still larger portion formed the province \nof Bulgaria, in the Greek empire. The Avars came to the same \n\n\n\nRepeat the history of the Suevi and Scandinavians. \xe2\x80\x94 What is told of the Lorn- \nbards! \xe2\x80\x94 What of the Franks? \xe2\x80\x94 What is the history of the Angles and Saxu/is t \xe2\x80\x94 \nWho were the Normans? \xe2\x80\x94 The Bulgarians and the Avars? \n\n\n\nBOUNDARIES OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 265 \n\ncountry as the Bulgarians, and soon after their appearance, merged in \nthat people. \n\nThe Saracens, or Arabs, and the Turks. \xe2\x80\x94 In the early part of the \nseventh century, Mahomet, a native of Mecca, in Arabia, proclaimed \nhimself an inspired Apostle, and in a few ran, he 1" came the leader \nof a host of converts. The natives of Africa were called Saracens \n(which signifies Easterns). Their habits are predatory, and they have \nbeen always formidable to tin ir neighbours, but when united under a \npopular leader their prowess wai invincible, especially whentlv \nempire and Persian kingdom were in the lowest state of degradation. \nWithin a century from the flight of Mahomet, the Saracens had wrested \nfrom the Byzantine EmperOTI of Constantinople, their fairest Asiatic \nprovinces. tn< v subjugated Persia, made themselTee masters of Egypt \nand North Africa, and founded a kingdom to Spain. But success \nproved the rain of the empire. The different tribes divided and \nwarred against each other, and thus made way fur snother powerful \npeople to exalt t: open th< ir ruins, about the ninth and tenth \n\ncenturies, \xe2\x80\x94 these were the Turks. \n\nlite Tusks were a Tartaric horde, from the eastern borders of the \nCaspian, who were first employed as meroensrii mm, around \n\nhis throne at Bagdad, and who finally became no mpire. \n\nCHAPTER 3ft. \n\nBOUNDARIES OF Till: ROMAN EMPIHK. \n\nTin: boondariee of the Roman Empire, at test < atent, were \n\nin Europe, \xe2\x80\x94 the Rhine and the Danube; in Asia \xe2\x80\x94 the Euphrates and \nSyrian desert j and in Africa, \xe2\x80\x94 the sandy r , In Europe, besides \n\nItaly, the Romans possess \n\nPunroHU - - - - Hungary* \n\n- Bulgaria and St rvia, \n\n[LLTBICUH Croatia. \n\n\n\nHlSPAJOA S \n\nl.i >i ia.m.v - - - - Portugal* \n\nC Minorca, \n\n\n\n1 n - 1 I \n\nLKAi \n\n\n\n< Ma, \n\nC and I \n\nGallia I \n\nHELVETIA ... Switzerland. \n\nBelgium - - - - Belgium, \n\n\\ imu i.k i a - - - - Swabia, \n\nRHOBTIA - - - - The T;/r<u. \n\nNoeicusj - - - - - Austria. \n\n\n\nTim \'. \n\nI M.V. \n\nEpuu \n\ni \n\nAnd the Greek Islands. \nAll the inlands in the Mediterrane- \nan, and part of Britain. \n\nIn Asia, the empire extended on r Asis Minor, Syria, Phoenicia; and \nPah -tine. \xe2\x80\x94 In the reign of Trajan, Armenia and Mesopotamia \nreduced to provinces, but they were abandoned by his successor, Adrian. \n\n\n\nWho was Ihfl distinguished leader of the Saracens t \xe2\x80\x94 What conquests did they \n\n- What date! \xe2\x80\x94 Who were the Turks! \xe2\x80\x94 What empire did they obtain ? \n\nWhat were the possessions of the Romans in Europe \'\xe2\x80\x94 What was their empire in \n\n29 \n\n\n\n266 HISIORY OF ROME. \n\nThe African Provinces were \xe2\x80\x94 \n\n\n\nCyrenaica - - - - Tripoli. \n\nC The Jllserine \nAfrica proper \xc2\xa3 territor *. \n\n\n\nEgypt \nNumidia - \nMauritania \n\n\n\n- - - Barbary, \n\nFez and Morocco \n\n\n\nThe most remarkable states not subject to the Romans were the \nnorthern Germanic tribes, \xe2\x80\x94 the Scythian barbarians (now the Russian \nEmpire). In Asia the Parthian Empire and the Arabic tribes. They \nhad heard of Taprobana (Ceylon), of the Chersonesus aurea (Malacca), \nand of the still more remote region inhabited by the Seres (Chinese). \n\n\n\nWhat were the most remarkable states not subject to the Romans ? \n\n\n\nTHE END. \n\n\n\nAPALACHIAN SERIES \n\nOF \n\nSOUTHERN SCHOOL BOOKS. \n\n\n\nLINDSAY AND BLAKISTON, \n\nPHILADELPHIA, \n\nAND \n\nBENJAMIN F. GRIFFIN, \n\nMACON, GA., \n\nPUBLISH THE FOLLOWING HIGHLY VALUABLE \nSOUTHERN SCHOOL BOOKS. \n\nApalachian Primer, consisting of Progressive Lessons, in \nWords of one and two Syllables.\xe2\x80\x94 By Mrs. S. L. Griffin. \n\nApalachian Reader, No. 1, consisting of Easy Lessons in \nReading, and Exercises in Spelling. \xe2\x80\x94 By Mrs. S. L. Griffin. \n\nApalachian Reader, No. 2, embracing Easy Lessons in Read- \ning, with Questions, and Exercises in Spelling. \xe2\x80\x94 By Mrs. S. L. \nGriffin. \n\nApalachian Reader, No. 3, containing appropriate Lessons in \nEnunciation, Pause, Inflection, Emphasis, and Reading, Spelling \nExercises, with Definitions and Pronunciation, <fcc. \xe2\x80\x94 By Mrs. S. \nL. Griffin. \n\nApalachian Reader, No. 4, embracing the Principles of \nRhetoric, and appropriate Reading Lessons, carefully selected \nand arranged. \xe2\x80\x94 By Mrs. S. L. Griffin. \n\nA History of the United States, from the discovery of \nAmerica to the present time, including the Early History of \nLouisiana and Texas. \xe2\x80\x94 By B. F. Griffin. \n\nThe Southern Orator, consisting of Elements of Elocution, \nand Selections, suitable for Declamation and Recitation, from \neminent Southern Orators and Writers. \xe2\x80\x94 By B. F. Griffin. \n\n\n\n" It is high time that we had thrown off our inglorious dependence \nupon others for School Books\xe2\x80\x94 especially that class of them destined to \nwield so radical an influence over moral and political sentiments." \xe2\x80\x94 Kcv. \nO. F. Pierce. \n\n"Southern people ought to support Southern manufactures, or oease \ntheir complaints of dependence." \xe2\x80\x94 Rev. G. F. Pierce. \n\n" One of our wants at the South has heen the lack of good Southern \nSchool Books, inculcating sound views on the question of slavery, and or- \nthodox and elevated religious sentiment. This want has heen supplied by \nthe recent publication of a series of Southern School Books." \xe2\x80\x94 Southern \nChristian Advocate. \n\n\n\nA NEW AND IMPORTANT EDUCATIONAL WORK. \n\n\n\nWILLIMENT\'S CATECHISM OF FAMILIAR THINGS: \n\nTHEIR HISTORY, AND THE EVENTS "WHICH LED TO THEIR \n\nDISCOVERY; WITH A SHORT EXPLANATION OF \n\nSOME OP THE PRINCIPAL \n\nNATURAL PHENOMENA. \n\nFOR THE USE OP SCHOOLS AND FAMILIES. \n\nBY EMILY ELIZABETH WILLEMENT. \n\nCAREFULLY REVISED BY AN AMERICAN TEACHER. \n\n\n\nExtract from the Preface. \n"I wish especially to direct the attention of parents and teachers to the ne- \ncessity of possessing a work calculated to save them much fatigue in the respon- \nsible office of education. The subjects contained in it may seem in themselves \nunimportant or insignificant. But do not children often ask a variety of ques- \ntions on those very subjects at times when the parent or teacher is not at leisure \nto answer them properly T \xe2\x80\x94 questions on the most simple subjects, asked in \nsuch a manner as to puzzle the cleverest. Besides, is there one thing used by \nus in the daily business of life without its historical interest? Decidedly not; \nalthough, from their commonness, many are passed by as unimportant. I con- \nsider that to trace them to their source is not only amusing, but highly instruc- \ntive ; for there is scarcely one which is not connected with some epoch import- \nant in the history of the world." \n\nOPINIONS OF THE PRESS. \n\nThis very neat little book contains a mass of valuable information, condensed \nIn the form of questions and answers, relating to familiar things, about which \nchildren, and even grown persons, need to be instructed \xe2\x80\x94 the history of \nfamiliar things and the events which led to their discovery, with explanations \nof natural phenomena, &c. &c. For example : there are chapters explanatory \nof Dew, Rain, Atmosphere, Lightning, Twilight, Aurora, &c. <kc. : of the pro- \nductions of the earth, such as Corn, Barley, Oats, Potatoes, <kc. ; of manufac- \ntures, as Calico, Cloth, Baize, Linen, Stockings, Shoes, Glass, Mirrors, Specta- \ncles, Mariners\' Compass, Magnetic Telegraph, <kc. <kc. : of Metals, Precious \nStones, Architecture, and kindred arts : Music, Painting, and the Arts and Sci- \nences generally. It is just such a book as every parent should have to instruct \nhis child from, and as could be used in a school with great advantage and plea- \nsure to the pupils. \xe2\x80\x94 Traveller. \n\nThis volume comprises a large amount of information in regard to everything \nthat man eats, drinks, breathes, wears, uses for building, for ornament or luxury. \nIt is a kind of encyclopedia, defining the name, and often the mode of procuring \nor manufacturing, almost every thing used in common life ; and can readily be \nconsulted.\xe2\x80\x94 Christian Mirror. \n\nThe varied phenomena of earth and air, fire and water, with most of the im- \nportant elements in uature and art, that constitute the globe a fitting habitation \nfor our race, are set forth in this volume, in a condensed, pleasant, and instruc- \ntive form. \xe2\x80\x94 Episcopal Recorder. \n\nA novel and very useful peculiarity of this catechistic compendium is the in- \nsertion of the meaning of the most difficult words or terms occurring in each \nanswer at the end of it. The work, without these derivative explanations, is \ncopious, accurate, explicit, and well calculated to blend in the youthful mind \nentertainment which shall be impressive, with instruction which shall be per- \nmanent.\xe2\x80\x94 Hood\'s Magazine. \n\n\n\nwillement\'s catechism of familiar things. \n\nOpinions of the Press. \n\nThis is one of the most valuable encyclopaedias for the use of children, we \nhave ever seen. It contains many subjects of great importance to the rising \ngeneration, and is written in a plain style, divested as far as possible of all tech- \nnicalities, treating, in a small space, of the various phenomena of nature, the \ngeneral history of the mineral, vegetable, and animal kingdoms, and an outline \nof the arts and sciences. Parents, get it for your children, and by so doing add \nto their knowledge, and save yourselves considerable trouble.\xe2\x80\x94 Penn. Telegraph. \n\nWe can very highly recommend this book. It contains a large amount of \ninformation that immediately concerns every human being. For family reading \nit is especially attractive, and will well repay perusal. It treats of the various \nphenomena of nature, the leading chameteristics and general history of the ob- \njects of the animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdoms, and the fundamental \ntruths of the arts and sciences. The language of the writer is simple and per- \nspicuous, and will therefore interest juvenile readers. \xe2\x80\x94 City Item. \n\nThis is a work of very deep interest, and of great value. The mineral, the \nanimal, and the vegetable kingdoms, all pass under review, and are treated in \na manner to develop and impress the great facts, connected with each, on the \nmind of the student. The arts and sciences also come in for a place, and are \ntreated in a similar manner. Children, youth, and families, as a whole, may \ngather much instruction by this book, on the important topics alluded to.\xe2\x80\x94 \nChristian Chronicle. \n\nWe have here a great mass of information condensed within very narrow \nlimits, touching almost every thing that we have to do with in common life. \nThere is hardly any thing connected with our food or raiment, our dwellings, \nour occupations, or our amusements, but what is here very intelligently and \nagreeably discoursed upon, even to the comprehension of a child. If children \nstudy it well, there is a great chance that they will be wiser in some things \nthan their parents.\xe2\x80\x94 Puritan Recorder. \n\nThe work is just such an one as we have long thought would be very accept- \nable to the public, and especially to school teachers. It or something as near \nlike it as possible should be in every school in the land.\xe2\x80\x94 Courier. \n\nIt is designed for use in schools and families, and furnishes a most excellent \nand agreeable method of imparting useful knowledge on all familiar subjects, \ntheir history, their character, &c. \xe2\x80\x94 Bulletin. \n\nThis little work well deserves extensive circulation; for truly it contains \n"muitum in parvo" of such information as is most likely to arrest the attention \nof youthful minds. The style is easy and pleasant, all technical phrases care- \nfully omitted, and the book well adapted to its purpose of providing " an impor- \ntant auxiliary in the dissemination of useful and entertaining knowledge." \xe2\x80\x94 \nSartain\'s Magazine. \n\nThis book presents a mass of information, in a condenseJ form, on all kinds \nof things which enter into the every-day concerns of life ; the air we breathe, \nthe food we eat, the raiment we are clothed with, the habitations we dwell in, \nthe constitution of our mortal frame, arts, commerce and manufactures, are \ncleverly t)\xc2\xabeated of by Question and Answer, and form a mine of useful informa- \ntion. We recommend it to the attention of parents and tutors. \xe2\x80\x94 Essex Standard. \n\nA vast quantity of information is so admirably condensed, and so much really \nuseful knowledge is conveyed in so pleasing and intelligible a style, that we can \nhonestly award praise. We congratulate Mrs. Willement upon having success- \nfully accomplished her task, and heartily recommend her meritorious and un- \npretending work.\xe2\x80\x94 Norfolk Chronicle. \n\nA useful contribution to the cause of Learning made easy.\xe2\x80\x94 Athenaum. \n\nA compact and well-printed edition of a most useful book for children ; and \nIndeed, a book of reference for all.\xe2\x80\x94 J err old\'s Weekly Newspaper. \n\nWe confidently recommend it to all who are intrusted with the education of \nchildren.\xe2\x80\x94 Ipswich Express. \n\n\n\nLINDSAY & BLAKISTON \n\nPUBLISH \n\nMY LITTLE GEOGRAPHY, \n\nFOR \n\nPRIMARY SCHOOLS ANDFOR BEGINNERS. \n\nWITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS. \nEDITED BY MRS. L. O. TUTHILL. \n\n\n\nREO OMMEND ATIONS. \nFrom Mrs. E. W Phelps, Principal of the Female Seminary, Shepherdstown, Jefferson County, Ta. \nMessrs. Lindsay <$\xe2\x96\xa0 Blakiston: \xe2\x80\x94 "My Little Geography" is the favourite volume of my younger pu \npils, who have been charmed with the chapters they have studied, and delighted at finding they could \ncommit the sprightly little verses to memory. Such an elementary treatise was quite a deside- \nratum, and I am pleased that the idea suggested itself to a person capable of carrying it out, m a \nityle so peculiarly adapted to instruct and interest the young. \n\nVery respect fully yours, \n\nE. W. PHELPS. \n\n\n\nFrom J. E. Love.ll, Principal of the Lancasterian School, New Haven, Conn. \nI have examined a little work, by Mrs. L. C. Tuthill, entitled "My Little Geography." It is by no \nmeans an easy task to write well for young children, but this performance is, I think, highly success- \nful. Its language is simple and chaste ; its sentences concise, and its topics so treated that the \nyoungest pupil will easily understand them. Several books for beginners in Geography\xe2\x80\x94 excellent in \nmost respects\xe2\x80\x94 have been published within a few years ; but they are, without an exception, so fai \nas my knowledge extends, too comprehensive, and above the capacities of those for whose particular use \nthey were intended. Mrs. Tuthill\'s little work maybe used as introductory to either of them, with \ngreat advantage ; it will do its own part well, and open the way for the better accomplishment of \nthat which belongs to its successors. I hope it may have an extensive circulation. \n\nJ. \xc2\xa3. LOVELL. \n\nOPINIONS OF THE PRESS. \nThis is the title of a captivating little book for children, by which they are led, almost insensibly, into \na knowledge of geographical terms.\xe2\x80\x94 Commercial Advertiser. \n\n\n\nThan this unpretending little work we have never seen a more useful or appropriate school-book, \nor one more admirably calculated for beginners in geography; we can recommend it, without \nfear of responsibility, to our seminaries, as well deserving a trial. \xe2\x80\x94 Southern Patr.ot. \n\n\n\nWe welcome, with particular pleasure, this little work ; the author has succeeded admiraoly in pro- \nducing a book which must prove a valuable auxiliary to parents and teachers, as well as a delight- \nful and instructive companion for children. \xe2\x80\x94 Saturday Courier. \n\n\n\nThis is an attractive, we must add, entertaining book ; as a first Geography for children, it is ad- \nmirably suited to their capacities, and its embellishments cannot fail to interest them. \xe2\x80\x94 Christian \nObserver. \n\n\n\nThis is a most admirable wcrk for young beginners in Geography ; it should be introduced into fami- \nlies and sckools.\xe2\x80\x94 Intelligence nd Journal \n\n\n\nTHE CURIOSITIES OF THE MICROSCOPE ; \n\nOR, \n\nILLUSTRATIONS OF MINUTE PARTS OF CREATION. \n\nWITH \n\nBY THE REV. JOSEPH H. WYTHES, M.D. \n\nAUTHOR OP "THE MICROSCOPIST," ETC., ETC. \n\n"Every grain of sand is an immensity\xe2\x80\x94 every leaf a world."\xe2\x80\x94 Lavateb. \nA neat 16mo. volume. Cloth, gilt, $1 00. \n\n\n\n" This is a heautiful little hook \xe2\x80\x94 heautiful in its printing, its colored plates, and \nits whole getting up, and is well adapted to instruct and amuse those for whom it is \nintended. There are twelve plates, containing numerous figures, drawn with much \ncare, even to minute details. The spirit of the work is excellent, and we wish it in \nthe hands of all the children of the land."\xe2\x80\x94 Sillimarts Journal. \n\n"It communicates substantial knowledge in the most entertaining way, and opens \nto the young intellect the whole subject of natural philosophy. The colored en- \ngravings greatly illustrate these instructions. We have seen no book written for \nyoung people that we can more cordially recommend." \xe2\x80\x94 Christian Advocate and \nJournal. \n\n"The revelations of the microscope are truly astonishing; and the effort to unveil \nthe minute parts of creation visible to youthful eyes by its amazing power, is worthy \nof praise. The style of this volume is adapted to the class for which it is prepared\' \nand the numerous illustrations, beautifully colored, not only add to its beauty, but \nalso to its usefulness." \xe2\x80\x94 Recorder. \n\n" The style of the book is simple, yet comprehensive ; and there are few men and \nwomen who will not, as well as the young, find pleasure and instruction in its pages. \nThe colored plates, showing the appearance of a variety of things, animate and in- \nanimate, as they appear when subjected to the microscope, are well executed, and \nform not the least attractive feature in the volume."\xe2\x80\x94 Home Gazette. \n\n" For children who have any germs of a taste for scientific investigations, this little \nbook would be highly attractive, and would encourage in all whom curiosity might \ntempt to its perusal, that love of Nature which forms one of the purest and richest \nsources of pleasure through life." \xe2\x80\x94 Saturday Post. \n\nu No more beautiful present can be given to our children, nor one better calculated to \nenlarge their views of the wonders of creation. It will also furnish much knowledge \nto children of a larger growth."\xe2\x80\x94 State Banner. \n\nLINDSAY & BLAKISTON, \n\nPublishers. \n\n\n\nDeacidified using the Bookkeeper proces \nNeutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide \nTreatment Date: . ,. ,- , 20C \n\nPreservationTechnologie \n\nA WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERVATIC \n\n111 Thomson Park Drive \nCranberry Township. PA 16066 \n\n\n\n'